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COLLECTIONS

OP THI

MASSACHUSETTS

HISTORICAL SOCIETY.

VOL. I.

•

OP TUI THIRD SERIES.

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PRINTBP VDCCGXXV.

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REPRINTED
CHARLES C. LITTLE AND JAMES BROVTN.

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117778

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IV CONTEEVTS.

Artirle Pafo

XXXV. Committee for contribution to Church of England . 84 '

XXXVI. Andros's Account of Forces 85

XXXVII. Indian Attack on Cocheco 87

XXXVIII. Letter of Benjamin Church to Gov. Bradstreet . 91

XXXIX. Account of New England, 1689 93

XL. DeclarationofS. Davis about his Captivity 101

XLI. Treaty of Peace with Eastern Indians 112

'XLII. Gov. De Menual*s Complaint against Gov. Phips . . 114

XLIIL Letter of John Cotton 117

XLIV. Petition to the King 120

XLV. Reasons against sending a Governour to New England 121

XL VI. Proposals to and from Capt. Kidd 122

XLVII. Examination of Witches 124

XLVIII. Political Fables of New England ...... 126

XLIX. Ministers' Proposal for Mission to Eastern Indians 133

L. Letter of John Nelson 134

LI. Letter of Cotton Mather 137

LII. Letter of Jeremiah Dummer 139

LIII. Letter of Secretary Willard to Whitefield 147

LIV. Letter of Gov. Pownall to Gov. Hutchinson .... 148

LV. Letter of Gideon Hawley to Gov. Hutchinson .... 150

LVI. Account of Boston, 1742 152

LVII. Churches and Ministers in New Hampshire .... 153

LVIII. Instances of Longevity in New Hampshire . . . 155

LIX. Seven Letters of Roger Williams 159

LX. Two Letters of Hugh Peter 179

LXI. Letter of William Hooke to Gov. Winthrop of Conn. 181

LXII. Letter of John Maidstone to same 185

LXIII. Plymouth Company Accounts 199

LXIV. Memoir of Gamaliel Bradford 202

LXV. Narrative of Narraganset Country 209

LXVI. Letter of Gov. Haynes to Gov. Winthrop .... 229

LXVII. Memorial of Jeremiah Dummer about Canada . . 231
LXVIII. Three Letters of Hen. Jacie to Gov. Winthrop of Conn. 235

LXIX. Condolence of Gov. Talcott of Conn 246

LXX. Charlestown Church Affairs, 1678 248

LXXI. Memoir of William Jones Spooner 265

LXII. Branch Bank of the United States at Boston . . . 271

LXXIII. Boston Bills of Mortality, 1818—24 278

LXXIV. Lists of Resident and Corresp. Members of Hist. Soc. 287

LXXV. List of Officers 292

LXXVI. Acknowledgment of Donations 295

COLLECTIONS, Sec

HUTCHmSON PAPERS.

[The publication of the series of docunienis, begun in our last
Tolume, under lliis title, is now continued. It seemed best lo
follow, in general, the chronological order, and to give the modem
orthography. Of the first article now printed, the dale is earlier
than that *>f the last in the preceding volume ; but as it relates to
the unhappy quarrel with Gorton and his companions, the con-
nection with other papers in the same controversy may render thia
a more jiroper place for its insertion. In reading the history of
Winthrop, a dtssatisfaction has always been felt for want of
justificatory documents on this transaction, one of the most dan-
gerous, with which the wisdom of our fathers was tried, and in
which they seem to have laid aside their usual mildness. Per-
haps the readiness felt by our friends in Rhode Island to denounce
the proceedings of the Massachusetts Colony towards the planters
of Warwick, which were indeed arbitrary in no small degree, [See
Vols. VII. 80, VIII. 68, and IX. 199, of our Second Series,] may
be somewhat blunted by this address, that proves the complaint
against Gorton and his associates to have been first preferred from

The iibel of Holden is so briefly referred to by Winthrop, that we
■hall do some service by printing it, though it will not indeed ex-
cuse the extremity to which the Governour and Council of tfaii
colony carried their measures.

From ibe letter of Downing, Governour Winthrop's brother-in-law,
who lived at Salem, which town he represented in the General
Coun, 1639, we shall observe the temper of even those who were
not parlies in the controversy, and that the spirit of the age in-
flamed the best men to bigotry. Ed.]

*OL. I. THIRD BEKIEB. 1

Hutchin

; Paper

PoriDENCE, thU ntk of November, Anno 1641.

To the Honoured Gavemour of Massachusetl, together
tvith the f-Vorshijiful Assistants, and our tovuig Aeig^
hours there.

We, the iDhabilants of the town abovesaid, having fair
occasion, counted it meet and necessary to give you
true intelligence of the insolent and riotous carriages of
Samuel Gorton and his company, which came from the
island of Acquednick, which continue still as sojourners
amongst us, together with John Green and Francia
Weston, two which have this long time stood in opposi-
tion against us, and against the fairci^t and most just'
and honest ways of proceeding in order and govern-
ment that we could rightly and truly use, for the peace-
able preservation and quiet suhsisltence of ourselves^
and families, or any that gtiouid have fair occasion to go
out or come in amongst us; also six or seven of out
townsmen which were in peaceable covenants with as,
which now by their declamations do cut themselves off.
from us, and jointly under their hands liave openly pro-
claimed to take party with the aforenamed companies,
and so intend, for ought we can gather, to have no man-
ner of honest order or government either over them or
amongst them, as their writings, words and actions do
most plainly show. It would be tedious to relate the
numberless number of their upbraiding taunts, assaults
and threats, and violent kind of carriage daily practised
against all that either with care or counsel seek to pre-
vent or withstand their lewd licentious courses. Yet in
brief to commit some few of them to your moderate
judgments, lest we ourselves should be deemed some
way blinded in the occurrences of things, here is a true
copy of their writing enclosed, which Francis Westoa
gave us the 13th of this present month; they having
idso set up a copy of the same on a tree in the street,
instead of satisfaction for fil\een pounds, which by way

Htiichinson Papers.

of arbitration of eight men orderly chosen, and all
causes and reasona tliat could be found, duly and truly
examined and considered jointly together, and he the
said Francis Weston was found hable to pay, or make
satisfactioD in cattle or commodities. But on the 15th
day of l/iis present month, when we went orderly, open-
ly, and in warrantable way to attach some of the said
Francis Weston's cattle, to drive them to the pound, to
make hiiu, it it were possible, to make satisfaction, which
Samuel Gorton and his company, getting notice of, came
aod quarreled with us in tlie street, and made a tumultu-
ous hubbub, and although for our parts we had before-
haod most principally armed ourselves with patience
peaceably to suffer as much injury as could possibly be
borne, to avoid all shedding of blood, yet some few drops
of blood were shed on either side ; and after the tumult
was partly appeased, and that we went on orderly into
the cornfield to drive the said cattle, the said Francis
Weston came furiously running with a flail in his hand,
and cried out, Help, sirs, help, sirs, they are going to
steal my cattle ; and so continued crying, till Randall
Houlden, John Greene and some others, came runtiing,
and made a great outcry and hallooing, and crying,
Thieves, thieves, stealing cattle, stealing cattle ; and so
the whole number of their desperate company came riot-
ously running, and so with much striving in driving,
hurried away the cattle, and then presumptuously an-
swered tliey had made a rescue, and that such should be
their practice, if any men, at any time, in any case, at-
tach any thing that is theirs. And fully to relate the
least part of their such like words and actions, the time
and paper would scarce be profitably spent; neither
need we to advise your discretions, what is likely to fae
the sad events of these disorders, if their bloody currents
be not either stopped, or turned some other way. For
it is plain to us, that if men should continue to resist all
manner of order and orderly answering one of another
m different causes, they will suddenly practise not only
cunningly to detain things one from another, but openly

4 Hutchinson Papers.

in publick, justly or unjustly, according to their own
wills, disorderly take what they can come by, first
pleading necessity, or to maintain wiTe and family, but
afterwards boldly to maintain licentious lust, like savage
brute beasts, tliey will put no manner of difference
between houses, goods, lands, wives, lives, blood nor any
thing will be precious in their eyes. If it may therefore
please you, of gentle courtesy and for the preservation of
humanity and mankind, to consider our condition, and
lend us a neighbour-like helping hand, and send us such
assistance, our necessity urges us to be troublesome unto
you to help us to bring them to satisfaction, and ease ub
of our burden of them, at your discretion, we shall ever-
more own it as a deed of great charity, and take it very
thankfully, and diligently labour in the best measure we
can, and constantly practise to requite your loving kind-
ness, if you should have occasion to command us or any
of us in any lawful design. And if it shall please you lo
send us any speedy answer, we shall take it very kindly,
and be ready and willing to satisfy the messenger, and
ever remain your loving neighbours and respective
friends,

WILUAM FEILD,
WILLTAM HAaaiS.
WILLIAM CARI'ENTRR,
WTLLIAM W!CKKNDP:N.
WILLIAM REINOLDS,
THOMAS HARRIS.
THOMAS 4- HOPKINS'

HUGH BE WITT,
JOSIJA WINSOR,
BENEDICT ARNOLD,
WILLIAM MAN,
WILLIAM W. HUNKINGES,
ROBERT R. WEST.

To thf. much Uonourcd Govemoarl
of Matiachuseit Patent, and lo the 1
rest of the tVorihipfut AuislanU V
therey these be delivered, care/tdly I
we pray. )

[The handwriting is thnt of Benedict Arnold. Ed.]

Hutchinson Papers.

From our Ntck : Curo : Sfpteml'cr IbCh, 1643.

^ To the Great and Honoured Idol General, now

set up in the Massachusetts, whose pretended equity in
distribution of justice unto the souls and bodies of meoy
is notliing else but a mere device of man, according to
the ancient custom and sleights of Satan, transforming
himself into an angel of light, to subject and make
slaves of that species or kind, that God hath honoured
with his own image : Read Dan. 3 chap, wherein (if
it be not like Lot's door unto the Sodomites) you may
see the visage or countenance of your state ; for we
know the sound of all your musick, from the highest
note of wind instruments, sounding and set up by the
breath or voices of men, (to have dominion and rule aa
though there were no God in heaven or in earth but
they, to do right unto the sons of men) unto the lowest
tunes of your stringed instniments, subjecting themselves
to hand or skill of the devised ministrations of men, as
though God made man to be a vassal to his own species
or kind, for he may as well be a slave to his belly, and
make it his God, as to any thing that man can bring
forth ; yea, even in his bo?t perfection, who can lajr
claim to no title or term of honour but what the dust,
rottenness and putrefaction can afford ; for that of right
belongeth solely to our Lord Christ. Wo therefore
onto the world, because of the idols thereof, for idols
must needs be set up ; but wo unto them by whom
they are erected.

Out of these abovesaid principles, which is the king-
dom of darkness and of the devil, you have writ anotlier
note unto us, to add to your former pride and folly,
telling us again, you have taken Pumhom, with othera,
into your jurisdiction and government; and that upon
good grounds (as you say.) You might have done well,
to have proved yourselves Christians, before you had
mingled yourselves with the heathen, that so your
children might hare known how to put a distinction
1*

6 HtUchinson Papers.

betwixt you and them in after times; but we perceive
that to be too hard a work for yourselves to perform,
even in time present. But if you will communicate
justice and government with that Indian, we advise you
to keep him amongst yourselves, where lie and you may
perform that worthy work. Yet upon a better ground,
we can inform you, that he may not expect former cour-
tesies from us, for now by your note we are resolved of
his breach of covenant with us in this his seeking and
Buhjection unto you, which formerly he hath always
denied. Let him and you know, therefore, that he is to
make other provision for his planting of corn hereafter
than upon Mshawomet \ for we will not harbour amongst
us any such fawning, lying, and cadaverous person as
he is, after knowledge of him, as now in part you have
given unto us, only he shall have liberty sutficient to
take away his corn,"habitation, or any of his implements,
so be it he pass away in peace and quiet, which might
in no case be admitted, if it were so that we lived by
blood as you do, either through incision of the nose,
division of the car from the head, stigmaties upon the
back, suffocation of the veins, through extremity of cold,
by your banishments in the winter, or strangled in the
flesh with a halter. But we know our course, professing
the kingdom of God and his righteousness, renouncing
that of darkness and the devil, wherein you delight to
trust ; for without the practice of these things, you can-
not kiss your hand, bless your idol, nor profess your
vows and offerings to be paid and performed. Oh ye
generation of vipers, who bath forewarned you or fore-
stalled your minds with this, (but Satan himself) that
the practice of these things is to fly from the wrath to
come? Whetoas the very exercise and performance of
them, is notliing else but the vengeance and wrath of
God upon you already, in that mankind so harmoni-
cally made in the image of God, is in the exercise of
your kingdom, become the torturer and tormentor, yea,
the executioner of itself, whilst those of you tliat are of
the same stock and stem, work out, yea, and that cu-

Hutchinson Papers. 7

riously, through the law of your minds, the death and
destruction of oue aoother, when as in the mean time,
the same nature, or subsistence in the way of our Lord
Jesus, saves both itself and others.

Vou tell us of complaints made by the Indians, of
UDJust dealings and injuries done unto them ; why do
they not make them known lo us ? they never complain-
ed to U3 of any thing done unto this day, but they had
satisfaction to the full, according to their own mind, for
oft we know in what they express unto us, although our
wrongs insu6'erable, done by them, lie still in the dark:
For we know very well, we have plenty of causeless
adversaries, wanting no malice that Satan can inject;
therefore we suffer much, that in the perfection and
height of their plots, they may receive the greater
rebuke and shame for their baseness, in the eyes of
all the world.

To which end, we have not only committed our con-
dition unto writings, but them also into the hands and
custody of such friends, from whom they shall not be
taken by any, or by all the governments of this country
as formerly tliey have been, that so our wrongs might
not appear. Therefore, never pick a quarrel against
us in these thin^, for we know all your sleights and
devices, that being you now want, such aa old malicious
Arnold, one of your low stringed instruments to exer-
cise his fiddle amongst us, and we are void of your bene-
diction also, sprung out of the same stock, to make rents
and divisions for you to enter, to gain honour unto your-
selves in having patients to heal, though they lie never so
long under your hands, your chirurgery must be thought
never the worse. Wanting these, or such like of the
English to betray the liberties God hath given us into
your hands, now you work by your coadjutors, these
accursed Indians.

But you are deceived in us; we are not a cup fitted
for your so eager appetite ; no otherwise, than if you
take it down, it shall prove unto you a cup of trembling,
either making you vomit out your own eternal shame,

8 Hutchinson Papers.

or else to burst in sunder witli your fellow confessor
for hire, Judas Iscariot. For Mr. Wintlirop and his
copartner Parker may not tliink to lay our purchased
plantation to their island, so near adjoining; for the^
come too late in that point; though Benedict hath re-
ported, that Miantenomie, one of tlie sachems of whom
wo bouglit it, should loso his head for selling his right
thereof to us. As al^o a minister aflirmed, thnt Mr«
Winthrop should soy to liim, that we should either bo
subjected unto you, or else removed hence, though it
should cost blood. Know therefore, that our lives are set
apart already, for the case we have in hand, so we will
lose nothing but what is put apart aforehand. Bethink
yourselves, therefore, what you should gain by fetching
of them, in case it were in your power, for our losH
should he nothing at all.

For wo are resolved, that according as you put forth
yourselves towards us, so shall you find us transformed
to answer you. If you put forth your hand to us as
countrymen, ours are in readiness for you ; — if you ex-
ercise your pen, accordingly do we become a ready
writer ; -~ if your sword be drawn, ours is girt upon our
thigh; — if you present a gun, make haste to give the
first fire, for wo are come to put firo upon the earth,'
and it is our desire to have it speedily kindled.

For your pursuit of us, still, to come to your courts,
to receive your parcels of justice, undoubtedly either
God hath blinded your eyes, that you see not our an-
swer formerly given in that point, or else you ore most
audacious to urge it upon us again ; also you may take
notice, that we take in more disdain than you could do,
in case we should importune you, (yea) the chief among
you, to come up to us and be employed according to our
pleasure in such works as we thought good to set you
about ; and for your grant of freedom unto us, to come
down to you and return in safety, we cannot sufficiently
vilify this your verbal and perfunctory otTer, knowing
very well, according to the verdict of your own con-
science, that what wrongs soever are passed amongst

Hutchinson Papers. 9

as since our coming into this country, you have heen the
rioieot agents, and we the patients. To fear therefore
to come amongst you as such as have done wrong, the
case vanisheth in us, so must the effect also. And to
fear to come unto you as tyrants, which your grant
must necessarily imply, that we cannot, knowing tliai he
that is with us is stronger than he that is in you. Also,
the earth is the Lord's and the fulness thereof; and
when and where he shall call we will go, but not at the
will and lust of sorry man, to play their parts wiili ua
at their pleasure, as formerly they have done, and as it
13 apparent you desire to do; for if your lusts prevailed
not over you in that kind, you might well think, that we
have better employments than to trot to the Massachu-
setts, upon the report of a lying Indian, or English,
either as your factors and ordinary liackneys do. But
know this (oh ye) that so long as we behave ourselves
as men, walking in the name of our God, wherever we
have occasion to come, if any mortal man whose breath
is in his nostrils, dares to call us into question, we dare to
give answer to him, or them ; nor shall we fail, through
God, to give testimony even in his conscience, of the
hope that is in us, whether his question may concern the
rise or succession either of priest or peer. In the mean
time, we sit in safety under the cloudy pillar, while the
nations roar and make a noise ahout us ; and though you
may look upon us with the unopened eye of Elias's
servant, thinking us as nothing to those that are against
US, yet wherever the cloud rests, we know the Lord's
return to the many thousands of Israel, In that you
say our freedom granted to come unto you takes away
all excuse from us, we freely retort it upon yourselves
to make excuses, whose laws and proceedings with the
souls and bodies of men, is nothing else but a continued
act, (like the horse in the mill) of accusing and excusing,
which you do by circumstances and conjectures, as all
your fathers have done before you, the diviners and
necromancers of the world, who are gone to their own
place, and have their reward. But for the true nature,

Hutchinson Papers.

rise and distributioD of things, as they are indeed, and
shall remain and abide as a law firm and stable forever,
we say and can make it good, you know nothing at
all. Therefore, such as can delight therasclvea in preach-
ing, professing, and executing of such things aa must
I end as the brute beasts do ; nay, take them away for
present, and they have lost their honour, religion, as
also their God, let such, we say, know themselves to be
[ that beast and false prophet, no man of God at all. In
' the mean time, we look not on the tilings that are seen,
but on the things that are not seen, knowing the one
are temporary, the other eternal. Nor do we tliink the
better of any man for being invested into places, or
things tiiat will in time wax old as doth a garment;
I ifeither judge we the worse of any man for the want of
t Ihem ; for if we should, we must condemn the Lord
I Christ, as so many do at this day.

We demand when we may expect some of you to

[ come up to us, to answer and give satisfaction for some

of those foul and inhuman wrongs you have done not

■ to the Indians, but to us your countrymen ; not to bring

I ID a catalogue as we might, take this one particular

above, you are now acting, in that you abet and back

' these base Indians to abuse us. Indeed, Pumhom is an

I aspiring person, as becomes a prince of his profession,

I for having crept into one of our neighbor's houses in

I the absence of the people, and feloniously rifled the

iftme, he wag taken coming out again at the chimney

^ top. Socconanocco also halh entered in like manner

I into one of our houses, with divers of his companions,

and breaking open a chest, did steal out divers parcels

of goods, some part whereof, as some of his companions

[ have affirmed, are in his custody at this time. Yet we

} rtnnd still, to see to what good issue you will bring your

I proceedings with these persons, by whom you are so hon-

' ourahly attended in the Court general, as you call it,

I and would honour us also to come three or four score

miles to stand by you and ihem ; we could tell you also,

that it is nothing with these fellows, to send our cattle

fftOehinson Papen.

out of the woods with arrows in their sides, as at this
present it appears, in one even now so come home ; and
it is well they come home at all ■ for sometimes their
wigwams can receive them, and we have nothing of
them at all. Yea, they can domineer over our wives and
children in our houses, when we are abroad about our
necessary occasions ; sometimes throwing stones, to the
enrfangering of their lives ; and sometimes violently tak-
ing our goods, making us to run for it if we will have
it ; and if we speak to them to amend their manners, they
can presently vaunt it out, that the Massachusetts is all
Doe with them, let the viliany they do be what it will ;
they think themselves secure, for they look to be upheld
by you in whatever they do, if you be stronger tlian
them which they have to deal withal. And they look
willi the same eye yourselves do, thinking the multitude
will bear down all, and persuade themselves (as well
they may) that as you tolerate and maintain them, m
other of their daily practices, as lying, Sabbath breaking,
taking of many wives, grops whoredoms and foruica-
tioDs; so you will do also in their stealing, abusing of
our children, and the like ; for you have your diligent
ledgers here among them that inculcate daily upon this,
how hateful we are unto you, calling us by other names
of their own devising, bearing them in hand, we are not
Enghshmen, and therefore the object of envy of all that
are about us; and that if we have any thing to do with
you, the very naming of our persons shall cast our case,
be it what it will ; as it is too evident, by the case de-
pending between William Arnold and John Warner,
that no sooner was ttie name of Mr. Gorton mentioned
amongst you, but Mr. Dudley disdainfully asking, Is
this one joined to Gorton? and Mr. Winthrop, unjustly,
upon the same speech, refused the oath of the witness,
calliog him knight of the post. Are these the ways and
persons you trade by towards us ? are these the people
you honour yourselves withal? the Lord shall lay such
honour in the dust, and bow down your backs with
shame and sorrow to the grave, and declare such to be

Hutchinson Papers.

apoatatizers from the trulli, and falsifiers of the word of
God, only to please men and serve their own lusts ; that
can give thanks in their publick congregations, for their
unity with such gross abominations as these. We must
needs ask you another question from a sermon now
preached amongst us, namely, how that blood relislieth
you have formerly sucked from us, by casting us upon
straits above our strength, that have not been exer-
cised in such kind of labours, no more than the best of
you in former times ; in removing us from our former
conveniences, to the taking away of the lives of some of
us ; when you are about your diahcd-up dainties, having
turned the juice of a poor silly grape, that perisheth in
the use of it, into the blood of our Lord Jesus, by the
cunning skill of your magicians, which doth make mad
and drunk so many in the world, and yet a little sleep
makes them their own men again ; so can it beal and
pacify your consciences at present ; but the least hand
of God returns your fears and terrors again. Let our
blood, wc say, present itself together herewith. You
hypocritcH, when will you answer such cases as these ?
and wc do hereby promise unto you, that we will never
look man in the face, if you have not a fairer hearing
than ever we had amongst you, or can ever expect.
And be it known to you all, that we are your own coun-
trymen, whatever you report of us, though the Lord
hath taught us a language you never spoke, neither can
you hoar it ; and that is the cause of your alienation from
Uft, For an you have mouths and speak not, so have
ye oar« and hear not. So we leave you to the judgment
and arraignment of God Almighty. The joint act, not of
till) ('ourt General, but of the peculiar fellowship now
abiding upon Mslmwomet.

KANUALL IIOLDEN.

Post Scriptum. ^

Wo need not nut a seal unto this our warrant, do
more than you did to yours. The Lord hath added one

Hutchinson Pt^xrs.

to our hands in tlie very conclusion of it, in that effusion
of blood and horrible massacres now made at the Dutch
plantation of our loving countrymen, women and chil-
dren, which is nothing else but the complete figure, in a
short epitome, of what we have writ, summed up in one
entire act ; and lest you should make it a part of your
justification, as you do all such like acts, provided they
be not upon your own backs, concluding them to be
greater sinners than yourselves ; we tell yo, nay, but
except you repent, you shall likewise perish. For we
ask you who was tlie cause of Mrs. Hutchinson, her
departure from amongst you? was it voluntary? No;
she changed her phrases according to the dictates of
your tutors, and confessed her mistakes, that so she
might give you content to abide amongst you ; yet did
you expose her, and cast her away. No less are you
the original of her removal from Aquethneck ; for when
she saw her children could not come down among you,
no, not to confer with you in your own way of brother-
hood, but be clapt up and detained by so long imprison-
ment ; rumours also being noised about, that the island
should be brought under your government, which if it
should, they were fearful of their lives, or else to act
against the plain verdict of their own consciences,
having had so great and apparent proof of your dealings
before ; as also the island being at such divisions within
itself, some earneslly desiring it should be delivered into
your hands, professing their unity with you ; others de-
nied it, professing their dissent and division from you ;
tliough for what, themselves know not, but only their
abominable pride to exercise the like tyranny.

From these and such like workings, having their
original in you, she gathered unto herself, and took np
this fiction, (with the rest of her friends) that the Dutch
plantation was the city of refuge, as she had gathered
like things from your doctrines before, when she seemed
to hold out some certain glimpses or glances of light
more than appeared elsewhere, whilst there was such to
approve it, in whom there might be some hope to exalt

Hutchinson Papers.

the instruments thereof higher than could be expected-
from others. But you know very well, you could never
rest, nor be at quiet, till you had put it under a bushel,
id est, bounded and measured, the in&nite and immense
word of God, according to your own shallow, human
and carnal capacities, which, -however it may get the
highest scats in your synagogues, synods and Jcwiabi
sanhedrims, yet shall it never enter into the kingdom of
God to be a door keeper there. Do not therelore be-
guile yourselves, in crying out against the errours of thos6
so miserably fallen, for they are no other things which
thoy hold, but the branches of the same root yourselvea
80 stoutly stand upon. But know this, that now the
axe is laid to the root of the tree, whereof you are'
a part, and every tree that bringeth not forth good fruit,
according to the law of that good thing, which the
Father knows how to give to those that ask it, shall be
cut down and cast into the fire. Neither do you fill up
your speeches or tales, (we mean your sermons.) But
that we affect not the idolizers of words, no more than
of persons or places ; for yourselves know the word is
no more but a bruit or talk, as you know also your great
and terrible word magistrate is no more in its origi-
nal, tiian masterly or masterless, which liath no great
lustre in our ordinary acceptation. Therefore, we look
to find and enjoy the substance, and let the ceremony of
these things, like vapour, vanish away, though they
gather themselves into clouds without any water at all
in them. 'Die Lord is in the mean time a dew unto
Israel, and makes him to grow like a lily, casting out his
roots and branches as Lebanon. We say fill not up
your talk as your manner is, crying that she went out
without ordinances, for God can raise up out of that
stone which you have already rejected, (as children) so
also ministers and ordinances unto Abraham. You
may remember also, that every people and poor plan-
tation formerly fleeced by you, cannot reach unlo the
hire of one of your tenets, nor letch in one such dove as

HtitekinsoH Pajmv. IS

joa send abroad into our native country, to carry and
bring you news.

Nor can you charge them in that point, for it was for
protection or government they went ; and however
hire in other respects, yet the price of a wife and
safely of his own life adjoined, carried a minister along
with them of the same rise and breeding, together with
your own. To add unto the blood so savagely and
causelessly spilt, with which a company of such as you
lake pleasure to protect; for they are all of one spirit,
if they have not hands in the same act. We say their
death is causeless; for we have heard them affirm, that
they would never heave up a hand, no, nor move a
tongue against any that persecuted or trotibled them,
but only endeavour to save themselves by flight, not
perceiving the nature and end of persecution ; neither
of that antichristian opposition and tyranny, the issue
whereof declares itself in this so dreadful and lamentable
asportation.
^■b WITTICUM VALE.

^^^B [Two or three of the last words are indistinct. Eo.]

8ii,

For my cousin Dcane's business, I see no let
nor hindrance but that may proceed with as much expe-
dition as you please, without any further delay than
modesty requireth in such occasions; the portion, as I
understand, is about £200. If you be content therewith,
I suppose the quality and person of the maid will not
give cause of dislike. I shall bo willing to hasten the
despatch thereof, in hope the sooner to enjoy your com-
pany hers. 1 am glad my sister will have so good an
errand to Groton, for she is hke, with God's blessing, to
return with a modest, quiet and discreet wife for her
SOD, and one in whom there is good hope of grace.
I suppose my cousin Stephen carried back the ac-

16 Hutchinson Papers.

counts, for I cannot yet find them ; if they come to
hand, I shall return them safe unto you.

I fear the Lord is offended for sparing the lives of
Gorton and his companions, for if they all be as busy as
this at Sulcm, there will be much evil seed sown in the
, country. 1 hope some of them will be broutrht to trial
next Court for breach of their order ; and if yet you
shall spare them, I shall fear a curse upon the land.
The good Lord direct herein to do what shall be pleas-
ing in his si^ht. So with my love and service to
yourself and all yours, 1 rest your loving brother, 'i

EM. DOWNINGE.
6. 12. 43.

To his trtr Honoured Brother, John Winthbop, Esq. i
Govemour. j

I [The Colony Records inform us, that the prisoner confined
Salem was Rsndalt Ilolden. Eu.]

A Note of the Charges for ihc Magistrates and attendants
at a Quarter Court,' the 1th of the \st month, 1643.

7th day. At dinner, persons 7, 10 6

Attendants, do. 8, 5 4

At Supper, do. 9, 13 6

Attendants, do. 6, 4 0

For beer and bread and fires, .... 26

8th day. At dinner, persons 8, 12 0

Attendants, do. 7, 4 8

At supper, do. 8, 12 0

Attendants, do. 5, 3 4

For beer and bread and fires, .... 2 10

9th day. At dinner, persons 11, 16 6

Attendants, do. 6, 4 0

At supper, do. 9, 13 6

Attendants, do. 4, 2 8

For beer and bread and fires, .... 2 10

Hutchinson Papers.

lOtb day. At dinoer, persons, 8,

Attendants, do. 6,

At supper, do. 9,

Attendants, do. 6,

^^ For bread and beer and fires.

12 0
4 0

Sum is £7 6

If all be paid, due is £3 12 for IG actions entered,
whereof 10 were witlidrawn.

A Note of the Cfiargesfor tfie Grand Jury at the Quarter
Court, 1th of the \st month, 1643.

7th day. At dinner, persons 18,

At supper, do. 12,

For beer and bread and fires,
8th day. At dinner, persons 17,

At supper, do. 15,

For beer and bread and fires,
9th day. At dinner, persons 16,

At supper, do. 14,

For beer and bread and fires,
lOtb day. Morning, for beer and bread, and
lodgings 3 nights,

Sum

16 0
14 0

late of the Charges for Ike Magistrates and attendants
at a Particular Court, 27th 2d month, 16-13.

27th day. At dinner, persons 1 1,
Attendants, do. 5,

At supper, do. 8,

Attendants, do. 5,

For beer and fires, . . .

28th day. At dinner, persons 6,
Attendants, do. 6,

16 e

3 4

12 0

3 4
1 0
9 0

4 0

Hutchinson Papers.

At supper, persons 8,
Attendants do. 6,

A Note of the Charges for the Magistrates and attendants
at a Quarter Court, the 6/A of the 4^ motUk, 1643.

6th day. At dinner, persona 10,

Attendants, do. 4,

At supper, do. 10,

Attendants, do. 4,

For bread and beer, . . .
7th day. At dinner, persons 13,

Attendants, do. 6,

At supper, do. U,

Attendants, do. 7,

For beer and bread, . . .
8th day. At dinner, persons 10,

Attendants, do. 6,

At supper, do. 10,

Attendants, do. 6,

For beer and bread, . . .

£6 2 9

A Note of the Charges for the Magistrates and attendants
at a Particular Court, 27lh of Ike Slh month, 1643.

27th day. At dinner, persons 5,
Attendants, do. 2,

At supper, do. 6,

Attendants, do. 2,

For beer and fires, . . .

28th day. At dinner, persons 10,
Attendants, do. 5,

At supper, do. 9,

For beer and bread, . . .

IS
3

13
0

Hutchinson Papers.

29th day. At dinner, persons 5,
^K Attendants, do. 4,

7 6
2 8

£3 1 6

TV bfhdayofOie Hh month, 1645, nf a Quarter Court,
at llie Magistrates'' Table.

5lh day. At dinner, persons 12, .... 16 0
Attendants, do. 4, .... 28

At supper, do. 15, ... 1 0 0

Attendants, do. 4, .... 28

6tb day. At dinner, persons 15, ... 126
Attendants, do. 5, .... 34

At supper, do. 13 19 6

Attendants, do. 4, .... 28

jei 9 4

A Note of the Charges for the Grand Jury, at the Quar-
ter Court, the 5lh of ike 1th month, 16-13.

5th' day. At dinner, persons 19, 19 0

At supper, do. 12, 12 0

For beer and bread, and suppers for 3 ) 9 q

the night before \

6th day. At dinner, persons 20, .... 100

At supper, do. 10, 10 0

^b For beer and bread, 2 0

£3 5 9

4th raoDth, 13, 1643. For a dinner for the
Governour and Magistrates, and some
Deputies and Strangers, persons 16,

.\tlendanls, persons 5, and 10 of the French
thai dined with the attendants, . . .

22d day. For a dinner for the Magistrates
and Elders, and some of the Deputies,

1 11 6

Baldmam P^tn,

kdnv Fora£aaerlbriheMagiilniea

andaoBeoriheDraotieaBp- 1
of the Dtiicb Govcnow (

rcntwr |

For a £nDer for tke
BoftfaeDefWDes,
PAh ■Mifc.lbe haer end. For a ifinaer

ferdw MacMtmes ud tiro Depoiies,
\ Ml ■ootfa, ^ dajr. For a dinaer for the
MapMiatei aad EUers, andKHDe of the

Depotm,

I And oiDoen for the atteodants and mesen- )
gen that canie, ooc- from Coonecticot, and >
one from Captaia Cooke* . . . . )
More for diet and beer for the Indiant at two
or three aereral times thai bare come
upon pablick service,

18 £
10 6

Sum is £7 15 6

Right WoTBhipful Sir,

HAvinti received so many favours of suDdry sorta
from you, which from time to time you have been pleased
to beKtow upon me and mine so freely, as also your kind
and good a^istance in ray so comfortable a voyage, I
thought it my duty, as primarily to praise the Lord, so in
a due measure to be thankful to your worship, whose
testimonial hath been a means to procure mc the more
favourable acceptance in the sight of sundry gentlemen.
I have not yet made trial of my invention concerning
lonuiludo before artists, but a time is appointed for it.
If tlie Lord prosper me therein, I hope I shall express
more thankfulness to your kindest self, sir. So desiring
to enjoy the benefit of your prayers, and that tlie Lord

Hutchinson Papers.

would make you every way prosperous, I remain youre
in humble sort at command,

BENJAMIN HUBBARD.

Lo\DON, 35fA l-2tk, 1644.

, miieh Honoured and Worshipful J
■ Fncitd, Mr. JoDN WlNTMRup, Dfputy f

Gorcrnoiir in Matfarhasetts Bay, i
prtftnt thi%. }

iln RoTTERUAM in Holland,
the 5tk January, 1645.

7TW fVorshipful Mr. John tVinlhrop.

My loving and due respects remembered unto
you, and having so convenient means of sending per Mr.
Graves, whose going hence is much sooner and sudden
to me than I expected, ahhough I have hardly time now
to write, through other occasions, thought fit to certify
you that I received yours of the year 1643, but too late
the last year to return answer before the ships might be
gone from London ; and whereas you seem to conceive
little hope of receiving satisfaction from the partners of
Plymouth for me, until Mr. SherleyandMr. Bechamp and
myself do agree, of which I conceive less if any hope, by
reason of the partners and Mr. Sherley subtly plotted end,
if not Mr, Becharap's head or hand was there also, oi
which I formerly informed you, and several other the
partners' unfair and unjust dealings with me by my late
former letters, the which might the more plainly appear
by the copies of two of Mr. Ed. Winslow's letters sent
therewith, of which or any others I cannot now mention
particulars, but their dealings with me for several
years seem so apparently unjust and unfair unto me io
Kveral particulars, that if they have not given the
better satisfaction for me before the next opportunity I

onj bare of leDdiiig, I prar be pleased to certify

that tliey must not take it ill, if 1 call tbea pnUickljr to

account for serenl their dealings towards me, which are

very much uahefte^miDg fair dealing men, who make

\ act BO mocb proresioo to walk according to the rale of

V the ^pel as ibe^, and yet aosarer oot thie name, in aot

f dealing with others as thejr would that others should

'"J with them. I hope twice seven years time is long

ugh to keep ray money before itiey return the

r'ncipal, and that if cither law or conscience bear sway
New England, they shall not be suffered to keep my
Vnooey remaining in their hands more years upon both
I'fiJse and frivdous pretences, and be accounted men
I ftnswering their profession. I did once before entreat
I Tour worabip to certify Mr. £d. Winslow and the rest
\ m private, of some evil dealings I conceived 6t to call
I Home of them to account for, the which 1 hare yet
l forborne, of which I would wish them to consider,
' whether I have not now just cause to call them to ac-
count how far they can free themselves of my then
charge to some other in regard of what remaineth due
to me from them, and if there have not been the like
endeavours Ihcreiti, or for part thereof, and let not the
partners by longer unjust delays aggravate their unjust
and unfair dealings, Icat it come heavily on tlicm at the
last, i did order Mr. Ed. Winslow, several years since,
to deliver your worship my stock of four cows and two
calves, with half their increase, to be disposed among
the poor of your pliintution, but have not heard eitlicr
from liim or yourself what is done therein ; wherefore
having some occasion of writing to Mr. William Pin-
chon, I entreated him to inquire and to certify me, and
to be assistant to your worships in tlie prosecution of
the partners for the satisfying of what remains due on
my account, because I conceive your worships have so
many other occasions that it may be some ease to you
therein. I have been here at Kotterdam almost one year
and a half, since 1 last came hither, and it may be may
not 80e oilher Mr. Sliorley or Mr. Bechamp in several

Hutchinson PaperM. 3S

veare more ; but if I did, will not so end as to make
myself seem guilty with them of doing the partnerssuch
iDJuries 83 tlicy complain of, that Mr. Shcrley and
Mr. Bechainp may seem the less guilty therein, which
seems to me to be one main end in regard of them two
in the endeavoured plotted end, yet the partners may
have several other ends to themselves therein likewise.
Time calls me away, and 1 must end and rest your
toring friend,

RICHARD ANDREWES.

To Ike yVorship/ul Mr. John Winthrrp, )
at Boston, these deliver New England. )

[Thanks were foied to this Mr. Andrews by our General Court this
;ear for his benefaciion of il500. Ed.]

Ir what lately came to my ears bear any truth,
Veee the mains genius of the country verifies the old
adage, regium est quum bene feceris male audire. And
though I cannot but share in your sufferings, yet my
coofidencc in your integrity bids me boldly to encourage
you with an hope of a good issue to this as other your
temptations. You are not alone in this lot, ct ferre
quam sortem paliunlur omnes nemo recuset. Our great
Master was a man of sorrows, and his men may not
think to be men of joys in this world. His precaution
contradicts that omen, John 16, last. The righteous
E^all be as the sun when he goes forth in his strength,
Judges 5, last. Every counsel of the Holy Ghost is of
infinite depth and founded upon strength of reason.
Yea, we have all need of patience, and let me beg it
may have its perfect work. We know what works it,
Romans, 5. 3, and what it works, verse 4, 6. As tribu-
lation hammers this piece of spiritual armour out for a
diirt of mail and armour of proof to the saints, so it is
accompanied with experience sweet and manifold, both
of God, selves and others; and both work up another

Butehinson Papffi.

piece, hope, and it makes not ashamed. Christ sees a
necessity of scandals coming. Oh that we could make
improvement of thetn, and learn of him to advance our
spiritual stock of obedience upon every thing we suffer
here! Hcb. 5. 8. Now as hnite and infinite bear do
more proportion than something and nothing, so nor
any nor all our aufTerings to that excessively exceeding
weight of glory which shall be revealed in us. Nay,
they add to our glories, and therefore give me leave,
air, to put home God's charge to you, as one of his
Joshuas in these parts, Joshua, 1. 7, 8. Tu ne cede
maiia, sed contra audentior ito. God halli given you,
as him, yea as all the saints, a sure promise, not to leave
nor forsake you. Let us all repass the same to his
majesty in haec verba. And cast all your cares on him
that careth for you, and hath carried them and tliat
talent of lead, all the saints' sins, as the scape goat into
the wilderness, yea into the bottom of tlic sea. But I
hold a wax candle before heaven's lamp. My tender
respects to your soul transports me. If it be an errour,
His amoris. Dear sir, look up above these dusty mists,
which each carman's cart-wheel cao raise. * Made my
due respects, I beseech you, to your dear yokefellow
and all yours. Now the God of patience fill your soula
with all hope and joy in believing. So prays he who
needs more your prayers and consolations.

Verlt Folium. ^

Sm, — I am sorry the former good news holds not,
but sadder instead bears truth. The Lord give N. E.
hearts to humble and timely look to their ways.
Yours in all humble observance,

THO. PETERS.

SEABRooK,3do/4fA, 1645.

{Sopetacribed by Qovernour Winthrnp, Mr. Fenwick and Mr. Peter,
o&OTiI ny trouble, (4) 45. J

BvtdUnson Papers.

Yours by Mr. Long well received, and am
heartily glad to understand of your health and welfare,
which God continue to you and yours, since which time
Mr. JohD Harbert is lately arrived from the Leeward
Islands, and have according to my business interested to
him, given me a first account of the proceeds of my
goods, which I no ways suspect ; yet for the goods I
directed hira in return, have as yet received no satisfac-
tion, being sold and lefl in the hands of one Mr. Edward
Ting, to be sent according to directions (as he informs
me) and Mr. Ting his letter infers so much to me sent
by Mr. Nathaniel Long, expect them in Mr. John Parris,
vfho (as yet) is not arrived. But it is somewhat strange
to me, that Mr. Ting should give directions to Mr. Long
to require I should hear the adventure of my goods,
being not shipped according to order of Mr. Harbert,
wherein I have lost the opportunity of a market, yet will

i though Mr. Parris come unseasonably) give a receipt
or so much received. I have been credibly informed
by some who have been lately in your parts, that cotton
wools did yield a better price at that time mine were
Tended ; but the excuse is, that being sold in gross,
were less worth than by relail. I know assuredly, my
parcel was much better than what was then transport-
ed, and could have advanced more, if sent into other
parts ; but notwithstanding, shall no ways discourage
me (if it may stand with conveniency) to be furnished
with such commodities as may be beneficial for this
place, to adventure once and again (if God permit) for
your parts, wherein I humbly crave your assistance.
And you shall ever find me ready and willing to serve
you in the like or any occasion wherein I may, and
ever remain yours to be commanded.

WM. PEAD.

Barbadus, 31 ifarlii, 1646,

arlhif and much respectfd Friend, )

WiNTHROP, Esq. thcst per Mr. (
Job.-* Harbf.bt, ipAoih God Almigkly t
direct. J

VOL. I. THIRD SERIES. 3

Hutchinson Papers.

Honoured Sir,

The occasion of my writing is a letter, which I
received out of Kngland J'rom our brotlicr Welde, who
hath desired me to commend some things to the Court
and yourself on bis behalf, as

]st. That he, having given a full account of all
things received and diabursed about this colony, he
may have an universal acc]uittance from you to testify
all receijits ; and tliose in one paper to be specified ;
and for his discharge and credits, he may shew it to alt,
that are concerned therein.

2d. That the monies may be speedily sent to him,
for which ho is bound in behalf of tliis country ; and
among the rest, £1 10, with the interest, for which he is
bound to Mr. Sherly.

3d. He humbly and earnestly desires, that every
thing may be disposed to the right end, for which it was

r'ven. Whatsoever is meet to be done in these cases,
hope your pious care hath already done, or deter-
mined, so that there shall be no need of my earnest so-
Kciting the same. For your present meeting about
publick affairs, I could have desired some speech with
yourself, when I was lately at the Bay ; but being urged
to hasten my return, 1 could not attain it. And now it
may happily be too lute, the time being so much spent.
I Therefore I forbear particulars ; only in general, I pray
God so to guide you all, lliat with sweet consent you
' inay express your confidence and courage against all
! malignant spirit'*, and your tender care to give all due
content to all godly and quiet persons, though some
have unwarily been troubled and stirred by the subliky
of malcontents. Thus with ray service I commit you to
God, resting yours in him to command.

EZ. ROGERS.

RowLv, 8 0/9,47.

Intend not these sudden and short tines any further
than to yourself; only entreating that the tilings may be
commended to our Honoured Court.

Hutchinson Papers.

rSiR, — Since the writing of this, 1 thought myself

bound lo acquaint you, that there is not a httic discourse
raised, and by some offence taken at the late divorce
granted by the Court. How weighty a business that
is, as I need not tell you, so I would humbly desire,
tliat some course may be taken so to clear the Court's
proceeding, as that rumours might be stopped, and let-
ters of mistake into England prevented. For myself, f
am altogether ignorant of the manner of your proceed-
ing about it, and therefore can say nothing to it.

Tti /*.• Right Worshipfvl aur llonourtd 1
Goermaur, John Wintiihop, Esq. >
tkrit jHVsent. i

^ This writing indented, witnesseth lliat John
Winthrop, Governour of the Massachusetts, in New
Cogland, by and with the order and consent of Mrs.
Susanna Winslow, wife of Mr. Edward Winslow of
Marahfield, and his agent in this time of his absence
in England, for good and valuable consideration
had and received from Mr. John Mainford of the
Island of Barbados, merchant, have put off and sold
unto the said John Mainford, one Indian man, called
Hope, servant to the said Mr. Winslow, to have and to
hold to him the said John Mainford, his executors and
assigns, being Englishmen and no other, according to
the orders and customs of English servants in the said
Island, both for maintenance and other recompense, for
and during the full term of ten years from the day of the
date hereof. In witness whereof, the parties to these
presents interchangeably have put their hands and
seals. Dated this 12(11) 1647.

• JNO. MAINFFORT. [seal.]

^^'ffUness, George Maning.

[The draft is in the GoFernnur's hand ivritini;: but the original
signature of the purchiiser is very plain. This Indian was probably
1 child, taken ten years before in the war against the Pequots. Ed.J

Hvidumtem Papen.

Got> hariog someirhal abore a year mocio tm
[ yoo okaj bare nodenlood, dispoeed of by death, .Mods.
t d'Aanajr of happy memorf, my most hooonred lord and
■luubaiid, 1 was left under uucomfortable displeasure,
1 taw no means in the worid lo mitigate ray grief in
ill a troublesome state; bat the king, oat of his boooty,
r casting bu eyea upon my family, was pleased to consider
me and my children in the peraon of Moos, de Chami-
say, fatiier of the deceased Moos. dWunay, and to
gratify us with his letters patents of confirmation in the
propriety and government of all the Acady aad islands
adjacent : lo this purpose promising us his royal pro-
tection, nnd the succour of his power, as already it doth
appear by the notable assistance of victuals and racD,
which are come unto us under tlie conduct of Sicur tie
St. Mas, our lieutenant I beliefed, sirs, ibat [as you,
under the relation of good neighbours and aitianccd,
would have taken part with me in ray desolation) it was
jOBt that I should give you to understand the favours
wbich I receive from God and his majesty, and this is
the only occasion of this present and of the message
which I send unto you by Sieur de Bel Isle, a man of
quality and desert, in whom I do confide, who will as-
sure you of the good intentions which I have to do you
service, and of my purpose to maintain that good in-
lelligencc which was between us in the time of Mons.
d'Aunay. Thus praying God to preserve you, I rest.
Sirs, your moat affectionate nnd good friend,
JANE MOTIN,

Willow or \\ir dtrovil Hoot, d'Annir.

From Pout Rotai,, tkUTith May, 1C5I. ^m

To Ikt Otntlrnun, Gopemours and 3fagittratf> \ ^^B

of New Eagtnnil, at Boston. ( ^^B

[And further rniloraed. Madam U Dony Ittler]

[The signature only of tliia letter is in the handwriting of d' AuIubj's
wife ; and in that his name is spelt d'Auaaj. Mons. de Charnizay,
hia father, spells the name d' Aunty.

Did Bel ble derive its name from Mona. de Bel Irieabove-mentionedT]

Maltliewes' Defence.

Ire first charge here mentioned, — I do believe
and profess, tliat all sins, of all persons, both under the
law and under the gospel, are to be reproved, both in
uobeJievers and others.

And if any words, at any time, in any place, among
ojiv persons, have fallen from my lips, or pen, which in
the judgment of any seem to sound otherwise, I do not
own them as my judgment.

To the second charge here, — If the works of the law
could be performed according to the true meaning of
the law, they would not be damning evils, but ways of
life, but the contempt or dependence of or upon the
works of the law or of the gospel for justification, I
do beheve are to be accounted damning evils. If any
words of mine sound otherwise, I approve them not.

To the third charge, concerning loving the things
that are in the world, — When 1 said that there is no love
due to the things of the world, I spake from the words
of John, 1 John, 2. 15, whence I conceive the Spirit of
God doth mean the honours, pleasures and profits of
the world, and that he doth nowhere forbid any to love
persons according to Ihc relations wherein they may
stand to them, either conjugal, parental, filial, fraternal
or Christian.

To the fourth charge here mentioned, — The apostle
saith, that no other foundation can any man lay than
Jesus Christ (that is to say, for justification or salvation)
1 Cor. 3. 1 1 . And as for the Scriptures, I acknowledge
no Christ but such a one as is revealed in the Scriptures.
And as for believing unto justification, I acknowledge
no other faith (in men of years) than such as resteth on
Christ declared in the word of grace by the Scriptures.
When we read, that the churches arc built upon the
foondations of the prophets and apostles, I do conceive
(under favour) that they are called foundations, in that
they laid Christ for the foundation. If any word of mine

30 UuUhinson Papers.

may seem to sound otiicrwise, I would be understood
according to these expressions.

To the last charge, concerning variety of righteous-
nesses,— When I said, that saints have more variety of
righteousnesses than Christ hath, it was in the explica-
tion of the word in Isaiah 4j. 24, wliich, in the original,
is in the plural number, righteousnesses. Surely in tlie
Lord have I righteousnesses and strength ; not that
they have more variety of righteousnesses than he hath to
give ; but because they have from Lim, beside inherent
righteousness and moral righteousness, imputative right-
eousness also, which he needed not for himself.

Such are the conceptions and confessions of

MARMADLIKK MATTHEWES.

Boston, 17th 'ith m. 1651. — Upon serious considera-
tion of the charges brought in against Mr. Matthewes,
together with the answers to them by himself given, aa
also upon conference with himself concerning the same,
we, the committee, yet remain much unsatisfied, finding
several particulars weak, unsafe and unsound, and not|,
retracted by him, some whereof are contained in thu»
paper, with his last deliberate answer thereunto.
SIMON BRADSTREET,
WILLIAM HATIIORNE,
RICHARD BROWN,
EDW. JOHNSON,
JOHN GLOVER.
ELEAZER. LUSHER,
HUMPHREY ATHERTON.

15th 8th, 51. — Being by providence absent, when
the committee examined Mr. Mathewes' case, being
personally present before them, 1 cannot speak but only
to what appeareth by the writings, and having, with the
committee, perused them, I do fully agree with what
they have returned lo the Court.

SAMUEL SYMONDS.

Hutchinson Papers.

A Note oj some Particulars of the Accusations brought
agaiitst Mr. Malkewes, being delivered by him as fol-
loiceth, and owned by himself in his Anstcer.

\st Charge. For my part I do reprove do sin in per-
sons under the gospel, but unbelief, because all sins are
included Id unbelief, nor persuade to any duty but to
faitb, because lie that will believe, will obey.

Mr. Malhewes his Answer. I mean all sins of all men
ought to be reproved, both of believers and others, but
I do justify the words to be truth, as the extent of faith
was then opened.

Charge. The works of the law are a damning evil.

Ans. I do justify the words with the explanation,
which I then delivered, that the works of the law are a
damning evil, if contemned, or depended upon.

Charge. There is no love due to the things of the
world.

Ans. T meant of conjugal love, excepting persons,
meaning things only.

Charge. The gospel of grace and the sacred Scrip-
tures are a false foundation of faith to build our justifi-
cation upon.

Ans. The Scriptures are the foundation of dogmati-
cal and historical faith, but not of saving faith.

Charge. The saints have more variety of righteoas-
ness than Christ hath.

To the Honoured Court,

^^^^Brmadiike Matlhewes humbly shewcih.

That through mercy I am in some measure
sensible of my great insufficiency to declare the counsel
of God unto his people, (as I ought to do) and how
(through the darkness and ignorance that is in me) 1
am very apt to let fall some expressions tliat are weak

Hutchinson Papers.

and inconvenient ; and I do acknowledge, that in several
of those expressions, referred to the examination of the
honoured committee, I might (had the Lord seen it
BO good) have expressed and dcHvered myself in terms
more free from exception ; and it is my desire (the
Lord strengthening) as much as in me heth, to avoid
all appearances of evil therein for time to come, as in all
other respects whatsoever ; which, that I may do, I
humbly desire your hearty prayers to God for me, and
in special, that I may take heed to the ministry cooi-
mltted to me, that I may fulfil it to the praise of Ga"
and profit of his people.

Your humble servant in any service of Christ,

MARMADUKE MATTHEWES. ,

28. 8. 1651.

This is to let you understand, that we have done
nothing at all in any of our business we went about, but
are delayed from time to time. The Parliament sitteth
but four hours in a day, and four days in a week, and
they do nothing at all that concerns the publick good.
Their publick faith, that they took up money upon at
the beginning of the Parliament, is now not regarded.
Now every man is for himself, but none for tlie publick
good ; not a publick spirit amongst them. They do
nothing now but give lands and livings one to another,
and to officers of the army, to stop their mouths that
they should not stir. Maasey is broke out of the Tower,
and the rest that were taken at Worcester fight re-
main in prison still ; and it is thought they dare not try
them, for fear lest themselves should be discovered, tliey

Hutchinson Papers.

being all thought to be tardy in one kind or another.
If so be the Lord do not stir up the soldiery to purge the
House again, or to get a new representative, there wit
never beany thing done by this PaHiaiuentthatis good.
They make themselves rich, and that is all they do.
King's lands, and Bishops', Deans' and delinquents'
lands sold, and debts not paid, but very few, tior heavy
banJeos taken off. I could write a great deal more to
you of tile carriage of things, but I dare not. Those that
vent to Holland in the Bishops' days, as Thomas Good-
win, Nye, and Simson, &.c. will prove as great persecu-
tors as the Bishops. A word to the wise is sufficient

There is little news to you at this time, only we
hear that there was five ships came from the East In-
dies, and be gone into Plimouth, and Sir George Askew
and his fleet with them, and tliere is eighty sail of Hol-
landers followed them into the harbour, and hath block-
ed them up there, and General Blake is gone after Van
Trump I know not whither. It is feared, there is still
some treachery on foot. Massey could not get out of
the Tower, without tlie consent of some. Many do
fear, there will be a turn of things. All people are
mightily discontented, and well they may. The Pres-
byterians are continually plotting of mischief one way,
and the Independents another ; but both against Christ
and his kingdom. Their master Christ's condition, and
the apostles', will not serve their turn. It is too mean a
condition for them. It seems they deserve more than
they did. No less than 500 or 700 pound a year will
serve tliem. And rather than they will part with this,
and submit themselves to a mean condition, they will
plead and do for Baal again, and set up that again,
which formerly they threw down, and all for their
honour and the filling of their bellies. But let them
alone, God will search them out in the end, without a
candle. They had so daubed our churches witli un-
tempered mortar by their flattery, that when we came
to London, they began all to be corrupted, and to be in
a lukewarm condition, ready to be rent to pieces. But

Hatekiruim j

bjr Mr. CUrk'B means, umler God, tbef are pretty wd
LMCorered again. Mr. Clark in conference or dbpnte
fw loo hard for tbem all : iMith Anal>8pti^, iDdepctuleDta
1 Presbyterians ; there a none of them dare to meddle
(with htm DOW. If it hail not been for him. they bad
ide the chorchefl of Chrifit and the world all one
I wain, through their cunning; but be hath so foiled
ItDem, Uiat they begin to be ashamed of themselr<
I Be u a preciotu man, one of a thousand. He is a
y free for dii^pute apon any point, whatK>ever it he.
id I am to t^ down into tne country very ahorily to
Dtc the points of freewill, and unireraU redemptiao/|
I iwd spiritual baptbtm, and seeking, and some other

C)ints. The good Lord go along with os, tliat out]
hour and travel may not be in vain. Let us hear fr
SHI as often as you can, either one way or nnother*'
ood news from you to us will be as showers of rain
I upon the new-mown grast. I am partly promised a
I place in the Tower of .1'50 per annum, but had we
t Kberty of conscience with you, I had rather be there
I vitti X20 per annum. Uut the will of the Lord be done.
1 F'rom the Golden Taylor's Shears in the upper end
\ of Shoe Lfine, near Holborn, this 7 of 7ber, 1652.

Your loving father-in-law, |

NATHANIEL BRISCOE. «

There is a book newly put out against Mr. Petem/

riud another against the .Indges, and lawyers, and courtv

flatting out their unjust dealings and proceedings m^

L men ; all being stark naught, worse for the subject thsW

lit was in the King's days, excepting only that we enjoyt

r the liberty of our consciences, to practise what we coiht

kceive to be truth for the present. How long it wUI

[Continue, I know not. 4

Remember mc to all my friends, to Mr. Clark, tb*

r chirurgeon, and to Mr. Iluson, and to your cousin, and*

to all other whatsoever. I pray will you remcmbal

Nathaniel to forward him, and help him what you canJ

Remember me to your wife, and to all the rest of youf

Hutdunson Papers.

brelhreD and sisters. Send me word how all the chil-
dren do. There are some shipg now come in from Bar-
bado€s, but I have not yet spoken with Mr. Cole, whether
there be any letters come to me, yea or no.

Tell your wife my uncle Richard Briscoe is dead,
about a ibrtnight since, here.

Loving son, my loving respects remembered unto you,
hoping that both you and all yours, and all that are re-
lated to me with you, are in health, as I myself am at
' V present, blessed he God for it.

Ait vrry toeing fon-in-lntr, 1

■■. TnouAe BBoroiiTON, at >

koMte in Boston, tkne. }

Tins, as it ja iaierliaed and margined, is a true copy verbs-
lim of ibtt letter of Nathaniel Briscoe to Mr. Thomas Brongh-
lon as it nrns presented to ihe council here in N. E. and by
their order sent by Edward Rawson, Secretary, to the Speaker
cT tbe Parliament of England, the llunourable Wm. Lenthall,
u do witness, upon due and acrious examination and comparing
of this with the originnl, once and again, by us both together,
rbe llth of March, 1652—3.

JOHN WILSON.

EDWARD RAWSON, Secrtlary.

Which w

EDWARD RAWSON, Secretary.

Honcnired Sir,

We received your letter bearing date the 15th
of April, 1652, written in the behalf of Mr. William Pin-
lieon, who is one that we did all love and respect. But
his book and the doctrine therein contained we cannot
bat abhor as pernicious and dangerous ; and are
much grieved, that such an erroneous pamphlet was
penned by any New England man, especially a Magis-
trate amongst us, wherein he takcih upon him to con-
liemn the judgment of most, if not of all, both ancient and

Hutchinson Papers.

modero divines, who were learned, orthodox and godly;
ia a point of so great weight and concernment, as tends
to the salvation of God's elect, and the contrary which
he maintains to the destruction of such as follow iL
Neither have we ever heard of any one godly orthodox
divine, that ever held what he hath written ; nor do we
know any one of our ministers in all the four jurisdictions,
that doth approve of the same, hut do all judge it as
erroneous and heretical. And to the end that we might
give satisfaction to all the world of our just proceedingi
against him, and for the avoiding of any just offence to
be taken against us, wc caused Mr. John Norton, teacher
of the church of Ipswich, to answer his book fully, which,
if it bo printed, we hope it will give your honoured self
and all indilTcrcnt men full satisfaction.

Mr. Pinchcon might have kept his judgment to him-
self, as it seems he did above thirty years, most of which
time he hath lived amongst us with honour, much respect,
and love. But when God left him to himself in the pub-
lishingand spreading of his erroneous books here amongX'
us, to the endangering of the faith of such as might com*
to read them, (as the like ell'ects have followed tlie read-
ing of other erroneous books brought over into these
parts,) we held it our duty, and believe we were called,
of God, to proceed against him accordingly. And this
we can further say, and that truly, that we used all law-
ful Christian means with as much tenderness, respect and
love as he could expect, which, we think, he himself will
acknowledge. For we desired divers of our elders,
such as he himself liked, to confer with him privately,
lovingly, and meekly, to see if they could prevail with
him by arguments from the Scriptures, which accordingly
was done ; and ho was then thereby so far convinced,
that he seemed to yield for substance tlie case in contro-
versy, signed with his own hand. And for the better
confirming of him in the truth of God, Mr. Norton left
with him a copy of the book he writ in answer to him ;
and the Court gave him divers months to consider, both
of the book, and what had been spoken unto him by the

Hutchinson Pt^rs.

elders. But in the ioterim (as it is reported) lie receiv-
ed letters from England which encouraged him in his
erroure, to the great grief of us all, and of divers others of
the people of God amongst us. We therefore leave the
author, together with the fautors and maintainers of
such opinions, to the great Judge of all the earth, who
judseth righteouply and is no respecter of persons.
Touching that which your honoured self doth advise us
onto, viz. not to censure any persons for matters of a
religious nature or concernment, we desire to follow any
good advice or counsel from you, or any of the people
of God, according to the rule of Giod's word. Yet
we conceive, with submission still to better light, that
we have not acted in Mr, Pincheon's case, either for
substance or circumstance, as far as we can discern,
otherwise than according unto rule, and as we believe
in conscience to God's command we were bound to do.
All which, we hope, will so far satisfy you, as that we
shall not need to make any further defence touching this
subject. The God of peace and truth lead you into
all faith, and guide your heart aright in these dan-
gerous and apostatizing times, wherein many are fallen
from tlie faith, giving heed to errours, and make you
an instrument (in the place God hath called you
unto) of his praise, to stand for his truth against all
opposers thereof, which will bring you peace and com-
fort in the saddest hours, which are the prayers of, sir,
Your unworthy servants,

JOHN FNDECOT, Oar'r.
20OctobeT, 1652. THO. DUDLEY, 7>f;/(y.

Pm b* Ibe Council. RICH. BELLINGHAM.

IINCREAS NOWELL.
SIMON BRADSTREET.
WM. HIBBINS.
SAM. SIMONDS.
ROBT. BRIDGES.
JOHN GLOVER.

ttndoreed i

the same clerical hand. The copy of a IcUcr to i
Henry Vane.']

_TBL. I. THIKD c

Hutchinson Papers.

To the honoured General Court held at Boston.

We, the humble petitioners of the church and town
of Woburn, willi eucli wliose names are under writ, do
ahow : thai wliereas God, the only wise and sovereign
Disposer of all things, liaving cast the hnes of our habi-
tations under the enjoyment of so great privileges of so
happy a government, wherein the clear administration
of justice doth run in its native channel, with an impar-
tial distribution in all faithfulness to all, whereby our
tranquillity is much promoted, and we sit witli our
families under our vines and lig trees in peace, that im-
partial mercy of these days : as also considering the
great care of religion, which we gladly acknowledge
well-hceecming Christian magistrates, being God's minis-
ters, ought to respect God's interest, that his sacred
Word and ordinances be not profanely viliBed by the
contumacy of pernicious spirits, to God's great dishonour
and the endangering the precious soul of man ; and now
that God should dignify us to share in those privileges,
wherein is seen the favourable face of God to this com-
monweal, and each true-hearted member of the same ;
the which privilege of godly government is given of God
through Christ as one of his great blessings, carrying
alway a treasure of mercy and blessing in it ; tlie which
I that it should be our portion we desire now and at all
t times to acknowledge it with all thankfulness, to God,
' the great efficient, and to you all, the blessed instruments,
I the lathers of our country, preservers of our lives, liber-
ties and interest. Nevertheless, the wise God is oft-
times pleased to admit some mixture to be intermingled
with our sweetest and dearest contents, writing with
his own divine hand imperfection on the greatest suffi-
ciencies of this sublunary world, even among his own
saints in their purest societies and actions, to humble the
creature, that they may know themselves and their nced-n
of daily assistance from him, and to long the more adei^

Hutchinson Papers.

our Father's mansions, where only all imperfection
shall be done away.

Wherefore, much honoured, we most humbly crave
hberty, with a spirit of meekness, to express a few dif-
feiiDg thoughts touching an order that of late hath past
the vote among you, to sohcit your wisdoms against the
same, professing ourselves sorry that we are necessitated
hereuDto; which, if we could have pacified our con-
ficiences and preserved our hopes of our future enjoy-
ment of our liberties, we should most gladly have rested
in silence rather than have busied ourselves and troubled
your patience on this wise : especially considering the
evil of these days, wherein so many belch forth their
venom against government, and the proneness of many
to be murmuring, especially on every little occasion,
against their superiors, so adding hard measure to the
burden of the magistracy by their evil acceptance ; or
do we desire to manifest a spirit of harshness or perti-
nacy, but rather with meekness, as briefly as we may,
entreating you as fathers, who ought not to provoke
children, that your wisdoms would be pleased of your
clemency to review the said order touching such as shall
be called forth to preach publickly and constantly in
places, as also what is expressed, under correction, by
your humble petitioners as grounds of our dislike. The
order seems to us to yield a full and fair sense in itself,
and for any to tell us it only respects new plantations,
the calling of private persons to constant and publick
preaching and not church officers, the advice of ciders in
a way of communion of churches, &c. the order seems
clearly to us to render these things over scant to reach
forth any covering of satisfaction in the case. The pre-
face indeed specifies plantations at their beginning, yet
even then they may be churcli if not churches. Is it
not as correspondent to tlie rule for such as exercise at
such beginnings to be brethren approved by the church
of which they are members, who best knows their abili-
ties? Yet the order saith expressly, that no person
within this jurisdiction shall undertake any constant

Hutchinson Papers.

course of publick preaching or prophesying without the
approbation of the elders of four the next churches, ot
of the county court; whereby it is evident to us that
whatever church within this jurisdiction shall call any
person to the work of pubhck and constant teaching, to
Buch is the order directed : and for some to say it is
BUch as undertake the work, and not such as accept of
a call, surely no man can accept of a call but he must
undertake the work to which he is called. And for the
counsel of elders in a way of communion oi churches,
surely we cannot disallow of advice in difficult cases;
but if this be the right of it we humbly crave help to see
it: for here is not the counsels of churches but appro-
bation of elders : again, not of elder absolute but of the
county court. By virtue hereof churclies need not go
to elders for advice in a way of communion of churches,
but if they will to the county court. Again, wo see not
that there is always necessarily so much difficulty in the
case as to need the counsel of other churches. Further-
more, we conceive this is not so much a counsel declara-
tive, binding only from the authority of Christ's rule ;
for so they bind no further than they can make it fasten
by convicting demonstration : but an approbation injunc-
tive, and so isauperiorative, binding from their authority
from whence it doth proceed ; forasfnuch as it is that
which must be heard and must [be] set down as an ab-
solute positive injunction by virtue hereof on penalty of
civil prohibition or censure, without any nrbitracy or
indifferency in it. And whereas some say preachers are
not hereby thrust upon churches, yet may they be cosily
thrust from churches against their wills ; and in a sense
upon churches, for they must take such as others approve
of or none : and if a church, by being hereby interrupted
as she may think unduly, sit still in discouragement, what
must then be done ?

Wherefore we humbly crave liberty lo urge a few
reasons for what wc express, as in our weak sense we
we able. With submission [to] better judgments we
thus conceive :

Hutchinson Papers. 41

First It tends to the circumvention of the liberty of
llie church of Christ in interrupting the free course of
election and ordination of teaching officers : for though
it say oo person shall ; yet the same stroke that hits the
person called smites also the persons calling : for, no
undertaking any such course of teaching by any person
in this jurisdiction without said approbation — then no
election or ordination to that work but with the said ap-
probation. And this we cannot but conceive to be a
uking the free course of church liberty into the hand of
ciril authority and whom they shall be pleased .to bestow
it upon. And for the civil magistrate to meddle here-
with, or (vork any interruption in the free course of the
said liberty, before a church discover any variation from
a rule in her action by leaving her liberty and com-
mitting any practical or fundamental errour of evil con-
sequence : let the pretence be wliat it will, we cannot
but humbly show our fears, entreating our boldness may
be without offence : we cannot but conceive it to be a
crossing the Unes of their authority, and a coming in to
intermeddle before Christ call them hereunto.

Again, whatever liberty may fall in a due proportion
with this, may by the same rule of proportion and con-
sequence be interrupted. And we see nothing but all
the liberty of the brotherhood in exercising their privi-
lege in the church, or their gift, publickly or privately
either, may, by the same rule of proportion and conse-
quence, be interrupted : provided that for number and
manner it may be rendered publick and constant in their
apprehension that may be in place to judge of it. And
though the Court may intend no such thing, yet if it
may l>e screwed up to such a thing or fair beginning
toward it, tliough persons now in place be godly and
may act more regular and moderately in it, yet never
let us live to follow engages that which posterity may
rue when men of worse conceits may be in place : but
seeing the first age of our church and government may
probably be exemplary, God grant for good and no
fature danger.

Hutchinson Paper$.

idge- ■
rsc^n
clo6«fl

2. We see not any ground in God's word for any
such power of the civil authority to call ecclesiasticah
cases to trial before the word of Ciod sentence tbemi^
and whatever is acted this way by the civil inagiBtrataj
to prevent errour, or in what pretence soever, if it be no^
warranted by God's word, it will not be !<auctitied b|3
bis Spirit for good : but tm all bounds have their ai
tipathics, the more violent from the enmity of contn
principles, so tliose will never hold that have not gc
foundation, but rather cause a greater inundation tliai
any good effect.

3. It seems to us to vary from a rule of Christ, feat
if the church have free liberty of election and ordinaw
lion, as God's word is most clear, then sure of approba-
tion, according to the rule also ; and sure the apostle,
1 Cor. 14, tells us who should judge ; Let, saith he, the
prophets prophesy one by one, and the rest judge-.
They tjiat hear can best judge of doctrine and perse
and the cimrcb can best discern whom they can cli

, withal as ministers of food to their souls.

4. We see not tliat in reason in it to answer the end
L ^opounded by it. Tor bow can elders of other
h churches perform this work? Say tlie next; yet may
i »ome, it may be, be twenty mile or more remote. The
L man perhaps they never saw, his voice they never heard ;
I yet must they be they that must approve. Again, sup-
rpose elders and magistrates grow corrupt, where shall

We be then ? Surely churches have the promise of per-
•everance also. And what is it some men may call
heresy ? Surely we will never credit all heresygraphera
' for his sake who inserts Chereas into his catalogue for
I apostolical prelacy. If to stand for church's liberty
' Ugainst classical usurpation, come to be accounted here-
«y, surely after the ways such men call heresy, so wor-
\ wip we God, believing all things written in his word.
6. It seems to us to give a supremacy where Christ
gives none. For who is supreme but such as must be
Bought to, and who is inferiour but they that must prosti-
tute themselves thus to seek unto. Touching mutual

Hutchinson Papers.

approbation, wc conceive churches are to come to the
rule in their action ; and so is the magistrate, and so in
their mutual approbation, to hear witness each witli
other that their walking is with a right foot, as becomes
the gospel: if tliey find any gone from the rule, with a
spirit of meekness to help them to it again. But now
for a church to perform an act proportionable to a rule,
as in calling a teacher qualified in measure answering a
rule, for, who is sufficient for these things — and to carry
forth the act to civil approbation is not, as we conceive,
(o meet at the rule, hut to carry forth tlie rule and act
performed hereby to die Judgment and auUiority of man.
Surely the power of Christ in his church is most
supreme. It is the throne of his presence, where he
is more immediately present than in the purest civil
throne on earth. The civil throne is subservient to hia
throne ; and whilst churches keep to the rule, they keep
to their power and privilege. Our civil power, they
must not touch them. If they forsake the rule, they lose
their power, then tbe civil power may help them to it
again : and for men of bold and erroneous spirits, if any
such eet ap themselves (or be set up by others) as can
neither skilfully nor soundly divide the word of truth,
who esteem pernicious prating their greatest eminency ;
such we judge the very plague of God on many frothy
professors of these days, and the presence of heaven go
with the endeavours of all civil magistrates against such
creatures and beasts of prey. But till churches swerve
from the truth in their action, wo cannot see why their
proceeding should be brought lo trial to be pronounced
upon without any accusation. Thus, honoured fathers,
wc humbly crave a redress, or that our ignorance may
be helpt by clearing the order from a rule, and satisfying
the reasons propounded ; and that you would be pleased
to pardon our boldness in exercising so much of your
charity and patience, and wherein we have overshot
ourselves to impute our errour rather to our ignorance
than any .stubbornness of ours, who desire no more than
what we believe to be tbe truth of Christ : the which

Hutchinson Papers.

ttuth that it may bo defended by your authority we hopi
through the help of Christ to be ever ready to dcfew
!■ the same to our power. In the mean time, we rendei
. praise to God for your zeal and courage, and hie pre<
L ence with you and blessing upon your godly endeavourff
hitherto, humbly craving his further blessings upon you,
and that you and we may be so assisted with the same,
I BS that you in governing and we in subjecting, may glo-
I rify God by doing the work of our generation ; that none
' of U3 may outlive their perseverance, but all of us bring
fortli more fruit in our age ; that in the end of our days
we may receive that joyful approbation, Well done, good
and faithful servant, enter thou into the joy of thy Lord.
And thus we rest, commending of you and all your
affairs, publick and domestick, to the guidance and ac-
ceptance of God omnipotent. So prays your humble
petitioners,

[Signed]

JOHN KNIGHT.
JAMES CONVERS.
AJ.LIN CONVliRS.
JOSIAH CONVERS,
ROBERT PEARCE.
JOSEl'II KNIGHT.
MILES NUT.
RALPH HILL,
JOHN TID.
JOHN RUSSELL,"

• [Tliii 1* iliB person, ni U believed, who becnm* Bflerward* a

Ihe Baptiit (lenominaiLon. Tbo pHociplai developeil ii

lowhicb h[a iiamc li bi ' ■ . . ■

ifpocially, who, on ihni ,

. fimnded Ibe ooiony of Rhodo IslnuJ, TbeH pcinoiplei wete avciwod Id
' ChuJeslowo by a few, who were aoon ironted with vory coDiIdurnble *«Terily.

One of Iheir nombor writci lu H!70, " TUo Lord bntb given «t nnoihrr f Idw,
I One Jobn Ruucll, u>nior. a gracious, wise and holy man iliai livsi bi Woburn,
I ybere we have Ave breihten moro ihoi can moei wilb him, and ibey meet lo-

rllber B first days when ibey cannot come lo U(, [at Noddle'i Uland,) nod
hear there are aoma mors there looking that way with tbcm.*' Mr. RumcII
mppeari lo have removed lo Cbarleslown and thencr to Boston, where ho
"- I, December 21. 1«80, having been ordained only Ibo precpil"

9Sih of July. Hii " giAi and graces were not sinall,' says

of the BapIiaiB, "_and bis mcmofy is precious." He publishci. .

live," DOW very scarce. Batkv; Hiit. Bap. vol. i. p. Wi, &c. Ed ]

ic hiiiorian
a " Narrn-

Hutchinson Papers.

JAMES TOMSON.
BARTHOLOMEW PERSON,
JOHN SEER.
JOHN MOCSALL.
DANIEL BARON.
FRANCIS KENDELL.
JOHN WVHAN.
HENRY TOTENHAM.
JOHN PARKER.
ISAAC LARNIT.
JAMES BRITAN.
JAMES PARKER.
RICHARD SNOW.
THOMAS FULLER.
ABRAM PARKER.
THOMAS CHAMBERLEN.
JOHN PEARCE.
GEORGE FARLO.
SYMON TOMSON.

m^Augvft 30, 1653.

[Subscribed]
%e cominiiiee conceive ihe thing petitioned for is \a aglta-

tioa In the Court, and therefore leave the answer uoio iLeir
determiaBtion.

^^_ DANIEL GOOKIN.

^^K THOMAS CLARKE.

^^V THOMAS LOWTHROPP.

To the Honoured Governour and Magistrates.

Michael Powell, your liunible servant, desires you
of your clemeacy to read Uiese few lines.

When the providence of the Almighty settled roe in
Boston, I intended to join with that church ; but finding
that myself and wife did give oflence in crowding into

Hutchinson Papers.

their seats tliat were former inhabitants, I endeavoured
by the elders to be directed where wo might sit without
offence; but they not finding any spare room, and the
new meeting house being built, and myself being invited
to join with others to gather a church, which was done
by the advice and approbation of the lleverend Mr.
Cotton and Mr. Wilson ; we all not doubling but Mr.
Samuel Mather would have joined in office with us, as
he pretended ; but he failing us, we were not wanting to
seek for supply elsewhere, as your worships know.
Meanwhile, finding that it was burtliensome to tlte elders
constantly to supply the place, and oft the place was not
Bupphed, myself ("unworthy) being called of the brethren,
thought I was called of God, to improve my one talent —
with this promise to the church, that I would supply tlie
place but when or till we could not [be] better supplied
otherwise, which we still endeavoured. Now, honoured
in the Lord, I finding a^isistance and acceptation far be-
yond deserts or expectation, went on ; my chief encour-
agement being some fruit that some professed they reap-
ed by ray poor labours. Now the brethren being out of
other hopes, motioned calling me to office — a strange
motion to me. So they gave me a call. I desired time
to consider of it, meanwhile seeking for guidance from
tlie Lord. I did think there was a finger of God in it,
which I durst not deny, though weak and unworthy,

fet knowing who had alt power. I accepted of the call,
say, with much fear and trembling, upon these terms,
that if the magistrates and elders did approve and con-
sent thereunto. Now finding that the then honoured
Genera! Court did advise us to forbear, we were satisfied,
and fully resolved to follow that advice. I not forward
to take auch a charge upon me, hence the injunction of
the County Court was sad unto mo. Now, honoured in
the Lord, 1 hearing that some reports are come to your
ears, diat we intend to proceed, notwithstanding court
or county ; it is no small sadness to my spirit that it
should be so thought or spoken. Such a thing never J

Hutchinson Papers. 47

yet entered into my thoughts, nor words into my ears ;
if any such words have dropt from any, 'tis more than
I know. God forbid i should be cause of any disturb-
ance in the country. I have not so learned Christ. By
help from God I will study peace and follow it 1 had
rather be followed to my grave tiian unto that which
crosses the rule of Christ, or disturbs the peace of the
cbarcJies.

Honoured fathers of this commonwealth, my humble
request is that you would not have such hard tlioughts
of me, tliat I would consent to be ordained to office
without your concurrence ; nor that our poor church
would attempt such a thing without your approbation ;
bat that under you we may still (as we have) live a quiet
life io godliness and honesty. Thus desiring your fa-
vourable aspect, humbly desiring pardon of my boldness,
de^ring the Lord to guide you and prosper all your
pious endeavours for the peace of this commonweal
and for our poor orphan church, I shall ever be at your
worships' command in the Lord.

MICHAEL POWELL.

Rutiofd 6 Sfptember. 1653.

Worlhj tnd Honoured in ihe Lord,

I UNDERSTANDING by our Deputy of a motion
propounded in the Court in the behalf of Mrs. Nowell,
[>eing glad also that God hatti put it into the hearts of
any to take into consideration the estates and posterities
of those that have been useful in the country, (it being
bat equal, that those who have spent tliemselves fqr the
country's good, should also partake of some benefit
(hereby,) I do seriously desire the motion already pro-
pounded may find favour in your eyes and in the eyes
of all ; — and withal do further entreat you would please,
both of you, to take into consideration the condition of
Mn. Flint, the widow of worthy Mr. Flint deceased.

Hvichitwm Paptn.

who served id the same office of mngistrate many yei

and never received of tbe country any recompense, be
^djing iromediately before the late allowaoce wai^ granted
1 1^ the Court. And whatsoever considerations may
f move for the behalf of her who is now propounded, the
I lame are available lor the other ai:Mj. And some things
I there are which may persuade on this side more efiectu-
I ally, Itoth in regard of a great family of children, and

the great decay of his estate which he brought into this
f country, (being about .£2000,) which now is come to
I fery little in comparison of what it was. Other things
I there are which I could mention, but I will spare, leaving
I the consideration thereof to your godly wisdoms, desir-
' iDg (iotl, the Judge of all, for to guide you in all your

judgments betwixt man and man, that both in this and
\ all other your occasions, you may do that which is just
I and right in his sight. And so, taking leave, 1 rest' |

your worships' in any service for Christ,

PET. BULKELEY.
November 9, 1 655.

[In Che margin.]
Reraembr liiti example, of whom il was saJd, lie did i
leave ofT lo shew kindncM la the living and to (he dead^
Ruth ii. '^0.

Since my writing of that before, there have beea*
BOme with me compiaining of the rudeness and disobedi-
[ encc of their servants, and concerning some children
I also tliat live under their parents' government, and yet
they take liberty to be abroad in the nighfa, and run in-
to othpr einful miscarriages, not to be suffered under a
L Christian government. And because some say that one
I particular magistrate cannot punish such disorder in a
Iprivate town, unless complaint be first made to the
' Court, (which I did think had been otherwise,) this is
now to desire you would please to take these things
into consideration, and to make some order (if it be not

Hutchinson Papers. 49

done already) whereby every magistrate may have au-
(liority to correct such offences, in the parent or master
that suffers any under lliem to be abroad at unseasona-
ble times, by laying a fine or pecuniary mulct upon
tbem, and in the younger sort which do break forth
into the disorder, by whipping, or otherwise, as the wis-
dora of the Court shall think meet. It is time to begin
with more severity than hatli been, unless we will see
a confusion and ruin coming upon all. I make bold
thus to present my mind unto you. 1 trust you will
favourably accept my good intentions therein.

P. B.

^^^^b tke Right Worshipful Mr. Endicott. \
^^^^Kjt^Mimiottr, and Mr. Bellinuham, Deputy >
^^^^ECmcmoMr, give these. }

P^PwE, whose names are hereunto subscribed, being by
I -Vider of tlie General Court appointed a Committee to in-
qaire concerning the maintenance of the ministers of the
churches in the county of Suffolk, having attended there-
unto, do make our return accordinglyt as followeth, viz.
We being met at Braintree, 22d of July, 1657,
were informed by the deacon of the church of Hingham,
that the church allow unto Mr. Hubbert i:90 per an-
num, paid one third part in wheat, and one third part in
pease, and one other third part in Indian corn and rye,
geoeraliy cleared in payment once in the year, Mr.
Hubbert's family being about twelve persons, he neither
sow nor plant, the famihes in this town being about one
hundred.

By die deacon of Weymouth informed, that Mr.
Thatcher is allowed £100 per annum, paid in all sorts
of corn, and for the most part cleared once in the year,
his family consisting of about seven persons, he neither
plant nor sow, the town being about sixty families.

Ifuichinson Papers.

By the deacons of Braintree informed, that Mr. Flint
and Mr. Tliompson are each of them allowed £55 per
annutn, paid generally in auch things as themselves take
up and accept of from the inhabitants, paid ordinarily
yearly or within the year, the town being about eighty
families, Mr. Thompson's family being three persons,
Mr. Flint's family being about seven or eight persons.
These elders depend generally upon piiblick contribu-
tion.

Being again met at Boston, 24th of the 7th month,
1657, by the deacon of Dorchester informed, that Mr.
Mather is allowed X'100 per annum, paid generally at
the end of the year in corn and part in work, as he
need or have use. He hove six or seven persons in his
family, and have a competent stock of cattle and good
accommodation in land for corn and hay, the town be-
ing about one hundred and twenty families.

By the deacon of Roxbury informed, that Mr. Elliot
and Mr. Danfortli are each of tliem allowed £60 per
annum, paid generally in corn, or otherwise to their
content, cleared in accounts ordinarily once in the year,
Mr. Danlbrth's family being six persons, Mr. Elliot
eight in his family. They both have estate in corn and
cattle, the town consisting of about eighty families.

liy the deacon of Uedham informed, that Mr. Allin ia

allowed XGO per annum in corn, or some in work when

be need, generally paid in the year, his family being

I seven persons, the town being about one hundred and

' flxty-si.x families. Mr. Allin hath a good stock of cattle,

and a gooil accommodation in corn-land and meadow.

By the deacon ofMedfield informed, that Mr. Wilson

} allowed £50 per annum, paid generally in corn, and

I the accounts cleared ordinarily in the year. He hath

' six persons in his family, and hath cattle and corn and

' accommodation for each, the town being about forty

I fiimilies.

Further, informed by the brethren of the new church
in Boston, allowed to Mr. Mayhew and Mr. Powell, each
£65 per annum, besides what helps they receive from

[The te[>ort is in llic handwriting of tlie first sigoi

Ed.J

Hutchinson Papers.

friends, which is not settled, the families of one being
six and of the other seven persons.

Hull allow their minister £iO per annum, the families
being twenty.

K THOMAS SAVAGE.

ELEAZER LUSHliR.
JOHN JOHNSON.
■

Riglit HonouraUe,

These are to give your honour nn account not
onJy of the receipt of your honour's letter bearing
date t5th February, 1660, and the enclosed copy of his
majesty and council's order in reference to the business
of merchants trading into New England, but also of
my actings thereupon. Having ordered our secretary,
Mr. Edward Rawson, a person of known fidelity to
his majesty, to pursue the directions therein required,
I doubt not but he will give your honour a satisfac-
tory account in his returns. At the same time that I
received your honour's letter and order, I also re-
ceived from the secretary of state. Sir William Mor-
ricc, his majesty's most gracious letter in answer to
our humble address to his majesty, with his majesty's
order for the searching after and apprrhending of Col.
Whalley and Goffe, and sending them over in order
to their trial for having a hand in the most horrid
marther of our late sovereign, Charles the First, of
glorious memory, both which 1 caused to be printed
here tor the better furtherance of his majesty's service.
What our council did in order to the colonels' appre-
hension before his majesty's order came to hand, with
what zea] and fidelity the Lord enabled me to act in
sending meet messengers, persons of known fidelity to
his majesty, with instructions and true copies of his

62 Hutchinson Papers.

majesty's letter and order for their apprehension to the
several governours of the other colonies, or chief magis-
trates there, for the better accomplishment of his ma-
jesty's just commands — an account thereof I have trans-
mitted to the honourable secretaries of state, Sir Ed-
ward Nicholas and Sir WiUiam Morrice, that so his
majesty might understand the sincerity of my endea-
vours to serve him. Our council since, having also made
a proclamation that whosoever shall be found to have a
hand in concealing the said colonels, or either of them,
shall answer for the same as an offence of the highest
nature, and caused our secretary to write unto the
governour of New Haven, in our names, to press him
to the discharge of his duty, (in whose jurisdiction they
were lately seen, and as we are credibly informed by a
report given out, that they came to surrender them-
selves, only desired a little time to be in private by
themselves, before which pretended time was expired,
they were by a youth met creeping through a field of
corn [and] made their escape.) Yet [we] are not with-
out hope that double diligence will be used by them of
New Haven to regain his majesty's favour, and that
his majesty therein may have full satisfaction, which 1
shall not be wanting to endeavour. Since the arrival
of the last ship from England, understanding by several,
that however we thought our address to his majesty
had been a sufficient proclamation of his majesty, and
manifestation of our due allegiance, yet that it was ex-
pected from his majesty's privy council that we should
formally proclaim his majesty here ; whereupon calling
our General Court to make a return of their deep sense
of the unspeakable mercy of God manifested in his
majesty's gracious promise not only to protect and de-
fend us in the liberties formerly granted us by his
royal father of glorious memory, but to confirm them to
us, and not be behind his royal predecessors, which
engageth this poor people on all occasions to manifest
their due obedience, and continually to be petitioners at
the throne of grace for his majesty's long and prosper-

Hutchinson Papers.

ous reign on earth, and that an eternal crown of glory
may be his portion in heaven when this life shall cease ;
the court ordered also his majesty to be proclaimed
here, which was done the next day by our secretary, in
the best form we were capable of, to the great rejoicing
of the people, expressed in their loud acclamations, God
saTC the king ! which was no sooner ended, but a troop
of borse, four foot companies, then in arms, expressed
their joy in their peals ; our torts and all the ships in
oor harbour discharged, our castle concluding with
****** all thundered out their joy.

Right honourable, I am the bolder to give yoor
honour the trouble of this short account, tliat so, if
your honour see cause, as occasions may present, your
hoDour may be pleased to inform his majesty, and
appear in our behalf to improve your interest with his
majesty, that no complaints may make impression in his
royal heart against us, nor any alteration imposed on
U8 till we understand the said complaints, and be heard
to speak for ourselves, which we doubt not will be
to bis luajesty'a satisfaction, of which your honour's
fairoar I hope your honour will have no cause to re-
pent. Myself and the people here, as in duty we are
bound, shall become suitors to the throne of grace, that
the Lord would be pleased to endne your honour with
nisdom and suitable abilities to serve him and his
majesty in your generation, and pour on your head and
heart a rich recompense of reward ; which ia the prayer
of him that is,

Right honourable.
Your honour's most humble servant,

JO. ENDECOTT.

fHiis letter vna probably addressed to Lord ClateDdon, or the
Earl of Mancheaier. Ed.]

Hutchinson Papers

Ne-

IT, Ikr Qlh of ^'ove^alltr, 16G1. _

Honoured Sir,

The last night there came a letter to my hand
directed to myself and court of commissioners; aoi
there hcing not any court of commissioners till Maj.
next, I did not intend to have opened it, till the court
did meet ; hut not knowing the necessity of an answer
I did open the letter, and finding it to be from die t
corder, in the name and by the authority of the court, 1
concerning a certain parcel of land, that was conijucredt I
and taken from the requits: Sir, at our last court of
commissioners, there v/aa a petition put up by some of
our inhabitants for a certain parcel of land to the south-
ward, wbicli parcel of land is now in dilference. Sir, in
that particular, I acted not in the least witii them ; but
since, notwithstanding, they have proceeded, and much
trouble halh been betwixt thcni and some of yours.
Sir, if tlie land appear to be in our patent, I liave a
share in it, though not owned by ours; and in case it
be the conquered land, 1 have some interest in it, for my
money went with oUicrs' to bear the charges. But it
seems by boUi sides I am defeated ; yet witti me peace
is better than land, and my endeavour shall be forpeacA* i
what in me lies. Sir, our people that do possess i'
land, do inform me, that it is no part of the conquered
land, but land tliat doth belong to our colony, and th^
say they have bought it of llic right owners. If it he so.
I hope none of yours will molest them. Sir, the Lorn
cause us all to strive for peace in a just way. This,
with my service, presented to your honour, I take leave^
and remain your servant in any office of love,

WILLIAM BRENTON. :

To the Wonhipful John Endecott, Esq. 1
Qovrrnour of Boston, thesr prtsrnt. J

Hutchinson Papers.

London, August, 1663. At a meeting of Adven-
turers about Cape Fayre.

London, Tkanday, AaguU the Gth, IG63.

Btiog of several persons, who have, with
Sers of New England, subscribed themselves
as adventurers for the carrying on a plantation in Charles
Hirer on the coast of Florida.

1. Whereas a paper in the name of the right
honourable, the Earl of Clarendon, lord high chan-
cellor of England, George Duke of Albemarle, and
di?ers other right honourable persons, to whom the
whole coast of Florida hath been lately granted by his
most excellent majesty, hath been sent down to the
said adventurers, referring to certain proposals tendered
to their said lordships, as the proper act and desires of
the said adventurers, and being an answer to the said
[HOpoeals ; tlic said adventurers upon diligent inquiry,
not being able to find out who should be the author of
the said paper, do judge it their duty, in all humbleness,
to acquaint their lordships, tliat they are altogether
strangers to it, and know nothing of the delivery of it.

2. That upon consideration, nevertheless, of their
k>rdships' said paper, and of several concessions, privi-
leges and immunities therein freely oflered by their
lotdships for the encouragement of the said adven-
turerSf and for the further promoting of the said planta-
tioQ of Charles River; the said adventurers cannot
but ackoowledge the greatness of the favour and conde-
scension of tlieir said lordships to them, upon the con-
fidence and assurance of which, they crave leave further
to represent to their lordships,

3. That as they were invited at first to be subscribers
to the said plantation of Charles Hiver, by several per-
sons of New England ; so the great motive that did
l^ncipally induce them to the said subscription, was the

Hutchinson Papers.

liquid and clear assurance tliat was given them, that the
said New Englandera had an equitable title to tlio har-
bour and soil of the said river, together with the lands ad-
jacent ; and that though many others of quality had long
before indeed sailed upon the coast of Florida, and had
settled and taken possession of some other part of that
large and vast country ; yet that the said New Kng-
1 landers, and they only, were the first that did ever, bona
I fide, set foot in that particular harbour, and that did 6nd
out the entrance and discovery of the said river.

Which thing, as it hath been confidently represented
from these of New England unto the said adventurers
I here ; so, upon the very ground of that as a truth, as also
of the general custom in that and otlier plantations, (as
well Dutch, Frencii, as English,) that all that buy
lands of tlie chief kings in those places, (who only
' challenge to thenl3clvc^)thc having a right to the sale of
' them,) shall enjoy the absolute benefit and property of
them against all persons, English or others; the said
I New Englandera having purchased the said river and
Boil, and lands adjacent, of the said kings, did so far
presume upon the interest of the said purchase, together
with the said discovery, as to give directions to several
of their friends here immediately to apply to his majes-
ty for a patent for the said river and soil, as belongiag
(according to their apprehension) of right to them, and
OS no way doubting the obtaining thereof, as may apM
pear by the copy of their said letter hither. 4

4. The said adventurers further humbly represent,'
That as upon these grounds, and these only, they
became invited to share in the adventures of those in
I New England, and to cast in at first a small sum for an
I assistauce or supply to the said undertaking ; so, foras-
much as the said adventurers here do act but as a minor
part of those other adventurers there, and as wholly
intrusted also from those there, they find not themselves

aualified or enabled to do any thing therefore here,
lat may prejudice or conclude the other adventurers
there, in that which may be their just pretension or

8U[>posiUOD of a riglit, how weak or hotv much mistaken
soever the ground of that right may possibly appear,
nbicb they determine not.

The said adventurers further humbly represent,

6. That there cannot be any easy encouragement
for ^e planting of the lands of the said Charles Hiver
imiDetiiately from hence, by reason of (he excessive and
insupportable charge that would attend such an under-
taking of transporting and supplying all things neces-
sary for the said plantation, at so great and so extra-
ordinary a distance ; that as the undertaking, therefore,
of the said plantation, and vigorous prosecution of it
with men, cattle, and all other provisions as shall be
judged necessary for the accomplishing ami com-
pleling so great an engagement and action, must ra-
tioDally be begun in, and set forth from, some other of
the plantations abroad ; so none is humbly conceived to
be so fit to supply all those necessaries in abundance at
first, and to do it at so easy a rale, aa tliat of New Eng-
land is.

Bat forasmuch as all the English living in the several
colonies of New England have ever held and enjoyed
the benefits granted to other corporations, and have
erer had, as well as some other plantations, full liberty to
choose their own govenours among themselves ; to
make and confirm laws with themselves; with immunity
also wholly from all taxes, charges and impositions
whatsoever, more than what is laid upon themselves by
themselves ; it is therefore the humble opinion of ttie
said adventurers, and (as what they fear) is humbly
teodered to the considerations of their lordships,

That (he said several adventurers in New England,
who have some of them considerable interests and es-
tates there, how much soever they have declared their
willingness, forwardness and resolution to transport and
remove themselves and their respective families unto
the said Charles River, and to settle there, will never-
theless decline the said resolution again ; and wilt not,
by any arguments that may be used by the said ad-

58 Hutchinson Papers.

Tenturers here, be induced to unsettle themselves, and
to run all the hazards that must be considered in such
doubtful undertakings ; nor, if wilUng, will be able to
persuade others to join with them there, if they shall
hear, or be acquainted beforehand, that no one of the
said privileges before mentioned, and which have hith-
erto always been enjoyed by them, are hke to be allow-
ed or preserved entire to them.

The said adventurers do further represent, that at
the present, the undertaking of the plantation of the
said Charles River lieth under some obloquy, that
hath given a check to it; some that were sent from
New England thither, in order to the carrying on the
said settlement, being come back again without so much
as sitting down upon it ; and for the better justification
of themselves in their return, have spread a reproach both
upon the harbour and upon the soil of the river itself ;
which check, if now also seconded with a discour-
agement from hence, in reference to their government,
or with an intimation that they may not expect in the
same river the same usual and accustomed privileges,
that all the said colonies of New England, with other
colonies, have ever had, it is humbly feared that all
thoughts of further proceeding in the said river will be
wholly laid aside by them.

Wherefore, inasmuch as the said adventurers here
have only power to return back to those of New Eng-
land what they shall receive, as the pleasure of those
right honourable persons that are the lords paten-
tees ; forasmuch, also, as from the several discourses
had and favours already received, the said adventurers
here cannot but have a strong confidence of their lord-
ship's inclination and propenseness to give all just and
possible encouragement to undertakings so publick as
all things of this nature are ; the said adventurers
could not find any way better how to discharge the
faithfulness of that duty and respect which becomes
them to demonstrate towards their lordships, than thus
candidly and sincerely to state to their lordships the

i Papers.

nature of their adventure, partnership and subscription
with others, the nature also of their dependence on
others, as being but a minor part to them of New
England, and as having their discretions here intrust-
ed, at furthest, no further than for the obtaining and
securing such things too, for them of New England, as
are pursuant to the directions sent hither from them,
and as tliey here shall judge may most tend to a. satis-
factory and lasting encouragement to them.

^ l/i€ Committee. Proposed in reference to lite man-
ner of proceeding with the Petitioners,

Bat the Court may be pleased to call them to their
rer singly, one by one, and that their answers be
taken in writing.

Questiotis to I

•■ proposed, if they oivn tlieir hands to this
Petition.

1. Who is the party you intend, that so irresistibly
carry on a design of dangerous consequence ?

2. What is that design you intend, that is of so dan-
gerous consequence P

3. When will it be seasonable and ripe for you to
declare to the world ?

4. UTiat is the reason that you reproach the Court
with disloyalty f

6. Do you judge it a thing reasonable or consistent
ffith oar political being, for the Court, or any other
peisons, frooi time to time, to pass three thousand mites,
iearing their families and callings, upon the complaint of
dicconteoted persons, whose estates may not be able to
make satisfaction P

60 Hutchinson Papers.

6. Either it is the Court, or some other party, that
are carrying on a dangerous design ; and if it be another
party, why have not you out of conscience, according to
your oath of fidelity, discovered the same ? If it be the
Court, it shall be considered of.

7. Wherein is it that, in your apprehension, the
Court <lie with our prince, or divest him of his sove-
reignty ?

8. Who was the inditer or framer of these petitions,
and what arguments were used to draw or fear men to
subscribe ?

Further it is proposed, that the Court may be pleased
to hear all their answers, before any answers or sen-
tence be declared ; and that some meet person or per-
sons be deputed in the behalf of the Court to implead
the petitioners, and that so many of them as do inge-
nuously acknowledge their errour, that the Court would
be pleased to exercise so much moderation towards
them as the honour and safety of the Court and country
may admit.

I2th Smo. 1666.

[This seems to be a drafl of proceedings, intended for a censure of
those gentlemen, who presented the petitions to the General
Court, given in our VIII. Vol. Sec. Series, pp. 103 and seq. Ed.]

Letter to Goffe, the Regicide^ from his Wife.

As for news we have little that is good ; only
the people of God have much liberty, and meetings are
very full, and they sing psalms in many places, and the
king is very favourable to many of the fanaticks, and to
some of them that he was highly displeased with. In
the summer, there was one Blood and two more that

Hutchinson Papers.

did attempt to steal the crown out of the tower, and
brake through several guards notwithstanding they
opposed him : but at last ihcy were too hard for Iiim,
and took him and had hira before the king, and he car-
ried it so stoutly and subtly, that the king did not only
pardon him, but he is become a great I'avourite ■ and
through his means, as is reported, Desboroiigli and
Maggarborn and Lewson of Yarmouth is come out of
Holland and Keisi and have llieir pardon from the king,
aod liberty to live quietly, no ojilh being imposed on
them. It is reported tliat Whally and Go9' and Ludlow
13 sent for; but I think they will have more wit than
to trust them, for it is to be feared that after this sun-
shine there will be a thick darkness ; for the sins of the
nation calls for it, and I fear the sins of his own people
are very great. The Lord humble us and help us all to
put our mouths in the dust, if yet there may be hope for
OS. Sir G. Downing was put in the tower because lie
came out of Holland without llie king's order, he being
a messenger of state there.

This Blood was in the Parliament's army, and was
and is a Presbyterian, and what he would a clone with
the crown none knows but himself, that I can hear.

There is great preparation for war. The ships are
most of them to go out to help the French against the
Dutch ; and what (he issue of it will be the Lord only
knows. It locks very sadly ; for there is already a
great cry of the decay of trade; many men failing in
their estates. The Lord help us to lay up treasure in
heaven, where no power can reach it, that so where our
treasure is our hearts may be. The Lord help ua to
hold fast the faith we have received.

I do t^uppose you will hear of these things by a better
hand, but that 1 thought you would take it unkindly if
I did not write something of affairs here.

Capt. Blackwell is come from Ireland. He being a
widower is going to marry my Lord Lambert's second
danghter. He hath seven children and no great estate.
vnu I. Tauu> skbies. 6

62 Hutchinson Papers.

I forgot this in my letter which toakes me send tiliis
piece of paper. I hope the Lord will bring it safe to
thee.

[The foregoiDgy found amoDg the Hutchinson papers, labelled bj
the late Governour H. in his own hand, '* From Colonel Goffers
wife to her husband/' is probably a copy, not an original. As
there are no marks to denote pauses in the sense, punctuation is
supplied by conjecture; and perhaps some would prefer to add
the three first words of the second sentence to the first. The
spelling is so bad, that some uncertainty may be suspected in the
meaning of some passages : it is possible that Maggarborn should be
Major Bourne. It bears no date, but was written in the latter part
of 1671, or beginning of 1672, certainly before the war with Hol-
land, which was declared 17th March of the latter year, and after
Blood's attempt on the crown, which was in the former. Perhqis
the pecuniary embarrassments and *' decay of trade'' may bring it
near to 2d January, the day when the Exchequer was closed. Ed.]

London, 1 May, 1675.
Sir, and ever-honoured Friend,

It is a trouble to me when I think of this scrib-
ble, if it do not arrive at your hand, how troublesome it
may be to your eyes ; but I can write no better. All
the intelligence which we have here is scarce worth your
knowledge, but I have written to Mr. Rawson that you
may see it. As for your College, though a sentence of
death for the present seems to be written upon it, yet I
have a great confidence it shall have a resurrection in
God's due time. That which follows as to the concern-
ments of it will give some light into them.

We received near four-score pounds of Mr. Loveringe,
for the gift of Mr. Dodridge, which is ten pounds per
annum for ever. Send me word whether you have his
will. 1 am sure it was left so from him that the over-
seers might dispose of it as they pleased. I am so bad
an accountant, that I cannot do it of myself, but sudden-

Hutchinson Papers.

]f yoa sbalt have it. I have sent betwixt forty and fifty -
pouDds for the College's use in several sorts of nails and
locks and glass and lead and soder ; part of it is with
C^tain Spraige, and part with Captain Wolley ; the
freight is to be paid by you. The chests they are put
in, and marked 1. K. but I hope to send bills of lading
by Mr. Spraige. I have sent also a copy of Mr. Pen-
Doyer's will, who hath given you £14 a year to the
College forever, one of the best gifts you have. Mr.
Saltonstall offers his mills at Ipswitch for it, but I think
the College hath no power to sell it. Mr. Gookin of
Cambridge left the College in debt here £20 to oue
Mr. Burgiss, (I think his name is so.) I have several
specialties for that debt under Mr. Gookin's hand.
Your trustees here did pay this £20 to him, that draper
and partner with young Mr. Sallonstall ; we judging it
to be unrighteous and shameful that a college should
owe money so long. Colleges must be honest, as well
as men. There is £20 due to the College of the
old debt, if you will sue for it and send money, but we
judge it in vain ; for before the slating of the gift by a
long law suit Mr. Dodridge's gift was in three hands ;
and your adversaries say they will not pay it. Shortly
you shali have a particular account of all and that which
they gave me, which is about £9 and odd money for my
charges and pains. Here is ten pounds more due to
you, which young Mr. Loveringe offers to pay me for
jfou upon demand. Send me word what you would
have bought with it, and it shall be sent with some
more. 1 think Mr Pennoyer's gift will be readily paid,
as all the land is holden up in your name ; we must pay
some money upon the alienation, but i think not much,
and therefore hope some money by it. Alderman Ash-
urst hath about fifty books of history for the College
from Mr. Baxter. I hope he will send them by one of
dtese ships. I desire that you keep up a good corres-
pondency with Mr. Baxter; he is a true friend to the
College. Let somebody write to him ; he will hold it
well. The Lord furnish your church with a new officer

Hutchinson Papers.

^^M in Mr. Oxenbridge's place. Sir, one word in your ear :

^^V Keep off from being over sudden in the choice of any,

^H for a reason I know of. Forget not my service to your

^H good wife. The Lord strengthen your heart and hand

^H \a your place. Moses must lack for bricks in the wilder-

^H Qcss. Thus, with my dearest respects unto you, and

^H prayers lor you, I commend you to the blessings of God

^H in Christ Jesu^.

^H Sir, your faithful friend and servant,

H JOHN KNOWLES.

Whilst I am writing, some of the bills of lading are
come to me, the rest promised.

Theu for John LEvrnniT. Esq. |
Goptrnour of the Mtithrihufr.Us >
Bay, at Boiion, in A'rwi Englanii. )

QuFi

:, 25iA May, KfTJJ.

Messrs.

As soon as I did Icurn the insult which had been
done to Monsieur Chimible, governour of Accadia, and
that after the taking of the Fort Penobscot he was con-
ducted prisoner in Boston, and I did despatch away twO'
several ways to let you understand in what surprtsal i <
was under, (that notwithstanding the good correspoQ-'l
dency in which the king my master hath commanded me '
to live with you, and the orders which you ought to have
received from the king of F.ngland upon the same sub-
ject) that pirates and people without commission should
find entertainment with you, and also to prevail with
you, at the same lime, to procure of them the hherty of
the said Chanible, having in the hand of the same per-
son per whom I sent the letters, bills of exchange i
for to pay the ransom whicli they covenanted with them '1

Hiackinson Papers 65

Nerertbeless, although I had given him order to come
back again to me over the snows with all possible dili-
^nce, 1 see the winter past and the season very forward,
without any news from them ; neither have 1 heard any
thing what is become of said Chambley.

That is the occasion that obligeth me, gentlemen, to
send the third time Mr. de Normanville, accompanied with
one of my lifeguard, to reiterate the same request to you,
and to entreat you to clear ail difficulties which concern
the liberty both of Monsieur Chambley and other per-
sons which are with him, if perhaps they were yet pri-
soners. I myself was very glad that that gave me occasion
to give you new assurance of the good union and intelli-
gence, which I desire to continue wilJi you, hoping that
you will correspond with the same frankness, as you
have assured me by your letters. Wherefore you may
please to give full credence to what Monsieur Norman-
ville shall acquaint you on my behalf; and believe me
most certainly,

• Gentlemen,

bur most humble and most obedient servant,
FRONTENAC.

[There is no direction upon this letter, which was probably in an
earelope, addressed to the Governour and Council of our colo-

^^^.]

London, 15th August, 1675.
Gfer-bonoured and dear Sir,

I RECEIVED yours of July the last month before
this. I hope what was sent you is received before this
come to your hand. I hope to hear of the prosperity of
the College. We dare scarce speak to any friend for it,
so long as the honour of it lies in the rubbish, though
the new building be going up. As yet your land is not
taken up in Norfolk, but the executors tell me it will be
doDe at Michaelmas, as they call it. No news since my

66 Hutchinson Papers.

last, but things seem to go worse and worse of the Turk
side. I would you do not proceed with all severities
against the Indians that rise up against you. It may be
the Lord your God loving may have some further end in
it then yet appears. Sir John Robinson, lieutenant of
the tower, is put out I hear this day, and the Earl of
Northampton is made constable of it. There hath been
some trouble in the city by the silk weavers, but I think
all is quiet again. Thus, with my service to yourself
and Mrs. Leveritt, and love to your children, I commend
you all to God's blessing in Christ Jesus.

Sir, your faitliful friend and servant,

JO. KNOWLES.

These for the Honoured John Leveritt, Esq. \
Governour of the Malhechusetls Bay^ at his >
House in Boston, New England, )

Instructions Jor J. W. Commander in Chief of the Forces
raised or to he raised in the United Colonies^ to he
improved against the Enemy in your present Expedi-
tion.

In confidence of your wisdom, prudence and faith-
fulness in this trust committed to you for the honour of
God, the good of his people, and the security of the
interest of Christ in his churches, expecting and praying
that you may be helped in a daily dependence upon
him for all that supply of grace that may be requisite
for your carrying an end therein, we must leave much
to his direction and guidance as providences and oppor-
tunities may present, from time to time, in places of
action : Yet we commend to you these following instruc-
tions, which we expect and require you to attend, so far
as the state of matters with you will admit.

Hutchinson Papers.

Vou are at the time appointed to inarch with all con-
renient speed with the forces under your command to
the Narriganset country, or to the place where the head
quarters or chief rendezvous of tlie enemy is known to
be. And having acquainted your officers and soldiers
with your commission and power, you shall require
their obedience thereunto ; and see that they be governed
according to rules military, that all profaneness and dis-
order in your camp and quarters be avoided as much as
in you iieth, and impartially punish the breaking forth
thereof in any.

You are to see that the worship of God be kept up
and duly attended in the army, by daily prayer and in-
vocation of his name, and preaching of his word as you
have opportunity, and the Sabbath be not profaned, but
ihat, as much as in you lies, and the emergency of your
service will admit, you take care it be duly sanctified,
and your ministers respect it.

You shall, by all means possible, endeavour to secure
any of our English plantations, of any of the colonies,
that may be pressed and endangered by the enemy, and
improve your uttermost care, courage, and diligence,
by policy and force, to discover, pureue, encounter, and
by the help of God, to vanquish and subdue the cruel,
barbarous and treacherous enemy, whether Philip
Sachem and his Wampanooucks, or the Narriganseta
bis undoubted allies, or any other their friends and
abettors.

In pursuance hereof, we also advise and order, that
you bo very careful in your marches in or near tlie
eoeiny's country, by keeping out scouts and forlorns be-
fore the army, to prevent and avoid tlie ambuscadoes of
the enemy ; that sentinels be at all limes careful of
their duty, and all soldiers be made constantly to keep
their arms very fix and clean fit for service.

And that you endeavour as silently and suddenly to
surprise the enemy as you can, and if possible draw or
force them to engagement, and therein to do valiantly
for the honour of God and of our nation, and the interest

68 Huichimon Papers.

of the country ; and you encourage valour in any, and
severely punish cowardice.

That if the enemy offer treaty, you trust them not to
the loss of any promising advantage ; nor take their
words, or subscription to any engagement, without fur-
ther assurance of arms, good hostages, &c.

You shall consult those commanders and gentlemen
appointed to be of your council in matters of moment,
when opportunity permits, for the well management of
the design.

You shall diligently improve your time for the speedy
effecting of this expedition, and use all means possible to
cut off and hinder supplies of provision to the enemy
and to secure your own.

That you order the commissaries for provision and
stores to be careful there be no waste nor embezzlement
therein, nor want of what is meet to any.

And you are, from time to time, to give us full and
particular intelligence of your proceedings, and how the
Lord shall please to deal with you in this expedition.

[This commission was to Josiah Winslow, Esq. Governour of
Plymouth Colony, from the Commissioners of the United Colonies,
November, 1675. Ed.]

Hadley, March 16M, 1675—6.
Honoured Sirs,

Yours of the 1 1th instant I received, and accord-
ing to your order have sent down to Major Pinchon
and informed him that I was ordered to take his advice
about provisions for the army ; but, because of the
hazard of the way, fear I shall not have a speedy return.
I have spoken with some people of these towns, who
say they can supplv us with provisions for a week or
more for our march. I have improved our time since
we came hither in sending forth scouts to see what may
[be] discovered, but as yet can make no certain discovery

Httiehinson Papers. 69

of any of the enemy's place of abode, but conceive
tbey bave dispersed themselves abroad to the Koglish
(owns, because on die dtti instant tliey made an assault
on Bome at Westfield and wounded a man and carried
away five bushels of meal; on the l4th instant, about
break of the day, the enemy fiercely assaulted North
Hampton in three places at once, and forced v^iUiin
their line or palisadoes, and burnt five houses and five
barns, and killed four men and one woman, and wound-
ed BIX men more ; but being beaten off marched towards
Hatfield, and were seen in several places about the
town in considerable companies. 1 presently sent an-
other company to strengthen that town, but no attempt
was made tliat night. This morning, about two of the
clock, we were alarmed again from North Hampton,
which was occasioned by some Indians being seen on
two sides of the town. The towns both of Springfield
and Westfield are in very great fear of the enemy as
well as these here. Major Pinchon and Captain Cooke
have wrote earnestly to me lor assistance, which 1 can-
not send them without your orders. Gentlemen, the
work which here presents seems to call for greater
strength than we have here to manage it with. Major
Treate is returned with those he had here before, and
signifies that llieir council is not willing to increase their
number, apprehending that you have not fully com-
pleted yours ; neither is there any from Plymouth ;
hintJDg also as if they have occasion at home to employ
their forces, and I perceive are willing to take an oppor-
tunity to march that way. Gentlemen, I humbly pro-
pose to your honours, whether this way of following the
enemy up and down in the woods will best reach your
end at this season of the year, in which they have no
certain fixed station, but can take advantages against us
and avoid us when tliey please, as our experience in this
march hath shewed, by their burning tlieir wigwama
and marching away before us, they discovering us when
we cannot see them. We perceive, as near as we can
gather, that their aim is at these towns on this river to

70 Hutchinson Papers.

destroy them, that so they may plant and fish on Bome
part of the river with the less molestation, which they
may do in case our forces were drawn off into the
wooda. Gentlemen, I crave pardon for my boldness in
fainting these things. It's out of die desire I have that
your ends may he attained with as little charge as
may be, the country being at a great charge by these
forces. I have not further to add, but to desire the
good Lord to be your all in all, and to subscribe myself
Your honour's humble servant,

THOMAS SAVAGE.

Gentlemen, — There is quartered at North Hampton
Major Treato with two small companies, and Captain
Turner ; at Hatfield Captain Mosely and one Connecti-
cut company ; and here Captain Whiple and Captain
Gillam, and one small company of Connecticut. They
are distributed as near as can be alike according to the
bigness of tlie towns.

To thf Himourablr JoH^ Levkbet, tSovrrn-
our, with tht rcfl of Council of the Ma*-

ituhufctts Colony, prcsenl in Boston

JItute, poit hastt.

Received I8ih.

Pkovidence, 16, 8, 76, (u( vuig
Sir,

With ray humble and loving respects to yoursetf
and other honoured friends, &c. I thought fit to tell you
what the providence of the Most High hath brought to
my hand the evening before yesterday. Two Indian
children were brought to me by one Thomas Clements,
who had his house burnt on the other side of the river.
He was in his orchard, and two Indian children carae
boldly to him, the boy being about seven or eight, and

Hutchinson Papen.

Ihe girl (his sister) three or four years old. The boy
tells me that a youth, one Mittonan, brought them to
the sight of Thomas Clements, and bid them go to that
man and he would give them bread. He saith his fa-
ther and mother were taken by the Pequts and Mon-
higgios about ten weeks ago, as they were clamming
^with many more Indians) at Cowwesit ; that their
awelling was and is at a place called Mittaubscut ; that
it is upon a branch of Pawtuxet River, to Cowwesit
(their nearest salt water) about seven or eight mile ;
Uiat there is about twenty houses. 1 cannot learn of him
that there is above twenty men beside women and chil-
dren ; that they live on ground-nuts, &:c. and deer ; that
Aawaysewuukit is their sachem ; and twelve days ago
he sent his son Wunnawmeneeskat to Onkus with a pre-
sent of B basket or two of wompum. I know this sa-
chem is much related to PlymoutJi, to whom he is said to
subject, but, he said, (as all of them do,) [he] deposited his
land. I know what bargains he made with the Browns
and VVillets and Rhode Island and Providence men, and
the controversies between the Nahigonsiks and them
about those lands. I know the talk abroad of the right
of the three United Colonies (by conquest) to this land,
and the plea of Rhode Island by the charter, and
commissioners. I humbly desire that this party may be
brought in ; the country improved (if God in mercy bo
please ;) Ihe English not differ about it and complaints
ran to the king (to unknown trouble, charge and ha-
zard, &:c.) and therefore I humbly beg of God that a
committee from the four colonies may (by way of
prudent and godly wisdom) prevent many inconve-
niences and mischiefs. I write the sum of this to the
governours of Connecticut and Rhode Island, and hum-
bly beg of the Father of mercies to guide you in mercy
for his mercy sake.

Sir, your unworthy

R. W.

'jcuse ray want of paper.

Hutchinson Papers.

This boy saith lliere is another town to the north-
east of them, with more houses than twenty, who 'tis
like correspond to the eastward.

To tlu much Honourtd the Governour \
Lrvbrbt at Boston, or the Oovernour \
WiNsLow of Ptymouth, present. )

Letter from King Charles II. to the Governour ami
Company ofllie Massachusetts Bay. ^3

CHARLES R. '^

Trusty and well-beloved, we greet you wefl.
There having been long depending before us the peti-
tion and complaint of our trusty and well-beloved sub-
ject, Robert Mason, Est), representing the great hard-
ships and injuries he has for many years suffered, by
being opposed in the prosecution of his right by our
corporation of the Massachusetts Bay, and by them
wrongfully kept out of possession of a tract of land ly-
ing between the rivers of Naumkeck and Merrimack,
and throe miles northward thereof, granted unto him by
virtue of letters patents from our royal grandfather of
blessed memory : And whereas we have received the
opinion of our attorney and solicitor general, that the
said llobert Mason, who is grandson and heir of John
Mason, has a good and legal title to the lands conveyed
to him by the name of the province of New Hampshire :
Whereupon we were pleased to refer the matters in dif-
ference, between our said corporation and the complain-
ant, unto the lords chief justices our courts of King's
fionch and Common Pleas, who have presented us with
' their report, setting forth, that all parties appearing
before them, William Stoughton and Peter Buckley,
Esquires, your messengers and agents, had disclaimed
title to the lands claimed by the petitioner: And that
appearing to them that the said lands were then in the
possession of several other persons not before them, bo

Hutchinson Papers.

they esteemed it most proper to direct tiie parlies to
hare recourse to the judicature settled upon llie place,
for the decision of any question of property, until it
should appear that there is just cause of complaint against
our courla of justice tliere for injustice or grievance.
To the end, ttierefore, that justice may be administered
with ibe most case and the least cxpcn.se to all the
said parties, who shall see cause to defend their respec-
tire titles, we have thought fit hereby to signify our
pleasure unto you, that the said Robert Mason be
/brthwith admitted to prosecute his right before tlie
courts of judicature established within the limits of
that our corporation ; and that in all cases wherein
the said Roliert Mason shall claim any interest in lands,
and that the present possessor shall dispute his right,
a trial at law may be appointed and allowed, where-
io no person who has any lands in the possession of
himself, his servants, or tenants under him, depending
upoD the same title upon which such person shall be
BO impleaded, shall sit as judge or be of tlie jury ;
atid that if it shall so happen that the dispensation of
juBlice, hereby directed, shall be delayed by you, or
such judgment given wherein the said Robert Ma-
800 shall not acquiesce, he may then appeal unto us
Id our privy council, and that all persons concerned
be obliged to answer such appeal within the term of
six months after the same shall be so made. And
forasmuch as your said messengers have in your name
disclaimed before the lords chief justices as aforesaid
all title to the lands claimed by the said Robert Ma-
son, our further will and pleasure is, that in case
the said Robert Mason shall lay claim to any parcel
of lands situate within the bounds aforesaid, which are
not improved or actually possessed by any particular
person or tenant in his own right, you do thereupon
proceed to put the said Robert Mason into the pos-
sessioo of those lands, and cause his title to he re-
eorded, so that he may not receive any further disturb-
ance thereupon. And in case you shall refuse so to

Hutchinson Papern.

do, and ehall not shew good cause to the contrary, with-
in the space of six months after demand of possession so
to he made by the said Robert Mason, we shall tlien,
without further delay, take the whole cause of the said
Robert Mason into our consideration, in our privy coun-
cil, with the damages sustained by liim by reason there-
of, and shall give judgment upon the whole matter as
in a case where justice has been denied. And to the
end the said Robert Mason may not be any ways hin-
dered in the prosecution of his right, we do strictly
charge and command you to secure liim, his servanU
and agents, from all arrests and molestations whatsoever,
during his or their abode within the limits of your ju-
risdiction ; we having granted him our royal protec-
tion until the matters complained of by him shall be
fully determined. And so, expecting your ready obe-
dience to our commands hereby signified unto you, we
bid you farewell.

Given at our Court at Whitehall, the 23d day of
Judo, 1682, in the four-and-thirtieth year of our reigmj
By his Majesty's command.

L.JENKINS. '

i^-]

To our trufly nnd mll-belovtd, Ikt
Onvfrnovr and Company nf our
Colong oftht Maiiackutftts Bay
in Nete England.

Not received till Oclober Coiirl n
7lh February, 82.

Arguments against relinquishing the Charter.

Question. Whether the government of the Mai
chusetts Colony in New England ought to make a fuH"
submission nnd entire resignation to the pleasure of the

Hutchinson Papen.

Court, as to alterations, called regulations, of their
charter ?

Ansicer. Neg- They ought not to do thus; as may
be concluded from the following arguments ;

Argument 1. For the government of Uie Massachu-
setts to consent unto proposals or alterations, called
regulations, which will be destructive to the interest of
religion, and of Christ's kingdom in that colony, cannot
be done without sin and great offence to the majesty of
bearen. But so it will be, if they make a full submission
and entire resignation to the pleasure of the Court;
for such a submission and resignation cannot be declar-
ed without an intimation of consent ; and the people in
New England, being Non-Conformists, have no rea-
son to believe that their religion and the C(mrl''s pleasure
will consist together ; especially considering there is not
one word about rehgion mentioned in the king's declara-
tioD.

Arg. 2. If the government of the Massachusetts have
no sufficient reason to think that they shall gain by a
full submission and entire resignation to the pleasure
of the Court, as to alterations in their charter, then they
ought not to do thus. But they will gain nothing there-
by. The consequence will be granted by every one.
The truth of the assumption that they have no reason
10 think that they shall gain by such a submission and

resignation, appears from three reasons. Reason 1.

If the intended alterations, called regulations, of their
charter, will be destructive to the essentials thereof,
then they have no reason to think they shall gain there-
by. But tliat the designed alterations will be destruc-
tive to the hfe and being of their charter, is manifest
from this reason ; If they must have no governour but
what the Court shall please, and this governour have
power to put out and put in what magistrates he (with
the Court's approbation) shall please, without the con-
sent of the people in that jurisdiction ; that is an essen-
tial alteration, and destructive to the vitals of the char-
ter. That this is intended, is clear ; for it is designed

Hutekinion Papers.

to reduco matters in Now England lo tlic ennio state
tliat London charter ia reduced unto ; llicrefore tliey that
Iiave issued out a ipio warranto against the charter,
have caused a copy of the proceedings and alterations,
called regulations, of the charter of the city of London,
to be sent to New England. Also, the miniiiters of
State did sonic of them expressly declare to the agents
of the Massachusetts Colony, that this was intended.
This will be a destructive alteration, and no better than a

condemnation of the charter. Heason2. If they that

have already made a full submission and entire resigna-
tion to the pleasure of the Court, have gained nothing
by it, there is no reason lor New England to think that
they shall advantage themselves thereby. But all those
corporations in England who have submitted lo the
Court's pleasure, have gained nothing thereby, but are
in as bad a case as those that have stood a suit in law,
and have been condemned. Moreover, in New Eng-
land they have an instance before their eyea, enough to
convince them, v'xz, thai in the eastern parts, who, if
they had not submitted so soon, might have lived longer.

Reason 3. If the people of the Maasnchuaetts will,

by a resignation, make themselves uncapable of recover-
ing their charter again, then they will gain nothing
tliereby. 13ut so it will be. Whereas, if they maintain
a suit, though they should be condemned, they may
bring the matter to Chancery or to a Parliament, and
BO may possibly in time recover all again. It appears
then, that they will rather lose than gain by a resigna-
tion, supposing a non- resignation should issue in the
condemnation of their charter.

Arg. 3. For the government of the Mnssachusetta
now to act contrary unto that way wherein God hath
owned tlieir worthy predecessors, ought not to be-
But if they make such a full submission and entire resig-
nation as is urged, they will do so. For when, in the
year lGd8, there was a quo warranto against the char-
ter, their worthy predecessors neither did nor durst
tbey make such a submission and resignation as was

Hutchijison Papers.

then expected from ihem. And wheo, in the year 1664,
il was the Court's pleasure to impose commissioners
upoD the government of tile Massachusetts, they did not
submit to them. God lias owned those worthy prede-
cessors, in their heing firm and faithful in asserting and
standing by tlieir civil and religious liberties. There-
fore tlieir successors should walk iu their steps, and so
trust in the God of their fathers, that they shall see hie
sal ration.

Jrg. 4. For the government of tlie Massachusetts to
do that which will gratify tlieir adversaries, and grieve
their friends, is evil. But such a submission and resig-
nation as is urged will do so. Hoc Ifhacvs velil. They
may perceive by the chief instrument of their trouble,
that he, and others, as good friends to New England as
himself, had much rather the Massachusetts should re-
sign than that they should make a defence in law. Is
tbal likely to be for the good of the colony, which such
enemies do so importunately desire f They know that
it will sound ill in the world for them to take away the
liberties of a poor people of God in a wilderness : There-
fore they had rather that that people should give them
up themselves, tlian that they should by main force be
wrested out of their hands. They know that a resigna-
lloD will bring slavery upon them sooner than otherwise
would be. And as tliis will gratify adversaries, so
it will grieve their friends, both in other colonies and
in England also, whose eyes are now upon New Eng-
land, expecting that the people there will not, through
fear and diffidence, give a pernicious example unto
others. y.

Arg. 5. The government of the Massachusetts ought /

not to yield bhnd obedience to the pleasure of the Court. ^

But if they make such a full submission and entire re-
signation as is urged, they will yield blind ohedience ;
for they do not know what all those regulations are.
There is nothing said in the king's declaration concern-
ing the religious liberties of the people in New England ;
and how, if popish councils should influence so far, as

Hutchinson Papers.

that one regulation must be conformity, in matters of
worship, with the establislierf church government in Kng-
land. Inasmuch as it was olijected by a principal minis-
ter of state to tltc agents of the Massachusetts, that in
their commission there was that clause, tftat they should
not coiiseiit to any thing titat tcould be inconsistent rcilU the
main end of their coming to New England, tliere is reason
to fear that part of the design in alterations (called re-
gulations) is to introduce and iin(»ose that which will be
idconKistent with the main end of their fathers' coming
to New England. And therefore for them to submit
Julhj to tilings called rcguhitiona, according to the Court's
pleasure, cannot be without great sin and incurring the
iiigli displeasure of the King of kings.

Arg. 6. If the government of the Massachusetts Co-
lony in New England should act contrary unto that which
has been the unanimous advice of the ministers of Christ
there, they have cause to suspect they shall miss it in so
doing. But if, for fear of bad events, they shall make a
full submission and entire resignation of their char-
ter, to be altered or regulated according to the Court'fl
pleasure, they wilt act contrary unto that which has
been the unanimous advice of the ministers in that colo-
ny. For on the 4th of January, 1G80, the ministers
having then a case of conscieiice before them, returned
answer in these words ; " We conceive that this honour-
ed Court ought to use utmost care and caution that
no Rgenfci of ours pliall net, or shall have power to act,
any thing that may have the least tendency towards
yielding up or weakening this government ns by patent
established. It is our undoubted duty to abide by what
rights and privileges the Lord our God in his merciful
providence hath bestowed on us. And wliatever the
event may bo, the Lord forbid we should be any way
active in parting witli them." This advice was given
after a solemn day of prayer; and all the ministers then
present (who were the greatest part of what are in the
colony) concurred in it. Now, if in the year 16G0 it
were an undoubted duty to abide by the privileges

Hutchinson Papers.

which the Lord hath bestowed on U3, it cannot but be a
sin in the year 1683 to submit and resign them all to
the Court's pleasure. And it is to be lioped, that the
minislers of God in New England have more of the
spirit of John Baptist in them, than, now, when a storm
bath overtaken them, to be reeds shaken with the wind.
The priests were to be the first that set their foot in
the waters, and there to stand till the danger was past.
Of all oieD, they should be an example to the Lord's
people, of faith, courage and constancy. Unquestiona-
bly, if blessed Mr. Cotton, Hooker, Davenport, Mather,
Sbepard, Mitchel, were now living, they would (as is
evident from some passages in tlic printed books of
divers of them) say, Do not sin in giving away the in-
heritaoce of your fathers.

ji/g. 7. For the government to submit and resign to
the pleasure of the Court, without the consent of the
body of the people, ought not to be. But the generah-
ty of the freemen and church members tliroughout New
England will never consent hereunto. Therefore the
goTemment may not do it.

Objeelion 1. There is no such thing as a resignation
of the charter intended ; it is only a submission to al-
terations in some circumstances, in order to preserving
the substance of the charter entire.

Answer I. The example of London set before New
England as a copy for them to write after, does most
clearly prove the contrary unto this opinion. — 2. Incase
the government of the Massachusetts return their an-
swer in such general terms as the Court in England
shall take to be an entire resignation to their pleasure,
and wlien the regulations appear to be destructive to
the vitals of their charter, the Massachusetts should
refuse to comply therewith, it will be said they have
deah deceitfully and untruly. — 3. In case the govern-
ment plainly signify that they submit to regulations
only as to circumstances, and with a proviso that the
hfe of their charter may be preserved, they will incur
as much displeasure as if they maintain their right as

80 Butchinson Papers.

far as law and equity will defend tliem. Yen, ihen

prosecution of the quo warranto will aa certainly go oi
I Obj. 2. They liave legally forfeited their chartr
I and therefore may without sin resign.

Ans. 1. If by legal forfeiting of their charter be
I meant, that according to some corrupt and unrighteous
I laws they have done so, notwithstanding that, they may
I not without, sin resign. — 2. It is not to be believed
r that they have forfeited their charter, according to the
I laws of righteousness and equity ; for then they that
f take away all their privileges from them will do them
I no wrong; nor shall they that condemn their charter,
p be themselves condemned for that action by the Lord

the righteous Judge. He that acknowleilgeth this, doth>

New England more wrong than a little. And if

charter be not forfeited in the sight of God, and accori
[ iDg to the rules of his word, it is a sin to submit or coi

Bent that the Court should alter it according to Uii

pleasure.
I Obj. 3. The Lord's people were bid to go out to the
I king of Babylon, and the emperours of Babylon and
I Persia had dominion over the bodies and cattle of (he
[ Jews at their pleasure, Neh. 9. 37. Therefore, New

Englatid ought to submit to the pleasure of the Court.

Jns. He scarce deserves the name of an English-

[ man that shall thus argue. Because those nionarclis

' were absolute, must Englishmen, who are under a lim-

i ited monarchy, consent to be in that misery and slavery

which the captive Jews were in ? By this argument,
I no man may defend his legal right, if the king, or any

commissioned by him, shall sue him. And suppose
I some one obtaining a commission at Court, should bid

this objector yield up his house and farm, would he say

it is my duty so to do ? For the emperours of old had
I dominion over the bodies and cattle and estates of
I their subjects at their pleasure.

Obj. 4. But what Scripture is there against this full

submission and entire resignmcnt ?

Hutekinson Paper». 81

u. Tliere is tlie sixth comraandineDt. Men may
not' destroy tlicir political any more than their natural
hvea. All Judicious casuists say, It is unlawful for a
man to kill himself when he is in danger, for fear he
shall fall mto the hands of his enemies, who will put
him to a worse death, Sam. 31. 4. There is also that
Scripture against it, Judges II. 24, 27; and that
1 Kings, 21. 3. The cicil liberties of the people in New
England are part of the inheritance of their fathers ;
and sliall Ihey give that inheritance away ?

Obj. 5. They will he exposed to great suITeriDgs
if they do it not.

Atvt. Better suffer than sin, Heh. 11.26,27. Let
them put their trust in the God of their fathers, which is
better than to put confidence iu princes. And if they
suffer because they dare not comply with the wills of
men against the will of Cod, they suffer in a good
cause, and will be accounted martyrs in the next geoe-
ratioo, and at the great day.

[This paper, so chnracleristick of the early habils of resislance to y
tfrannr in New England, was probablj written in Novem|ier, 1G83. ^
See 1 Hulchiuwn. Eo.J

iMltr from Walter Clark to Edward Randolph, Esq^

k^htbeiiMdii

UNDERSTANDl^G by the blessing of God of thy
landing at Boston the 13th instant, hold myself obliged
to congratulate thy safe arrival once more into these
American parts, and to assure thee that as I stand con-
stituted in my present capacity, shall be glad to serve
thee in any office of love to my power, which ! presume
is the miiitls of all my well-beloved friends, and hope our
practice will demonstrate the same if time and opportu-
nity offer, having a true regard to ail such whom his

82 Hutchinson Papers.

majesty, in tiis princely wisdom, thinks meet to employ
in his weighty concerns, is all at present, and with dwrj
respects to all so immediately concerned,
Remain thy assured friend,

WALTER CLARKE.

Newport, on Knoue Islano, (Aii 15 day lAe 3 mo. 1686.

Fbr hii tttttmrd Ed. RAXDOLre, Eai). t
in Boftm, tkrie. )

At Pmoisrat.
St. Casti.** and Renne his servant.

At Agtmogin Rcath.

Charles St Robin's son.

La Flower and wife, St. Robin^s daughter.

Peltit PUsmee by Mount Daart.

Lowrey, wife and child.

Hind's wife and four children — English.

In Wlntcheage Bag, on the eastern side of Mount DefOrt.

Cadolick and wife.

At Maekias.

Martell, who pretends grant for the river from Qt»
beck.

Jno. BretooD, wife and child, of Jersey, > bis
Latin, wife and three children — Englisli, | Borvanti

At Pesiimaquoiiy , near St. Croiz.

St. Robin, wife and son, with like grant from Qiu
I beck.

Letrell, Jno. Minn's wifo and four children — Lamb<
and Jolly Cure his servants.

R Papen.

Zorzy, and Lena his servant. Grant from Quebeck.

[The foregoing paper is thus labelled : " Mtk May, 1688. Names
of Inhabitanti bclioecn the Rivrr Penobscot and St. Croix." Il
wu Andrus's desigu lo exclude all French selUers. Eu.J

Sir Edmund Andros, Knight, ^c.

Rev. Mr. WiLLfAM Hubbard. ...Greeting.
Whereas the Presidency or Rectorship of Har-
vard College in Cambridge, within this his majesty's
territory and dominion of New England, is now vacant,
I do therefore, with the advice of the council, by these
presents, constitute, authorize and appoint you, the said
WilHam Hubbard, to exercise and officiate as President
of the said College at the next Commencement to be
bad for the same, in as full and ample manner as any
former President or Rector hath or ought to have en-
joyed.

Given under my hand and seal, at Boston, the 2d day
of June, in the fourtli year of his majesty's reign, atinoque
Domini, 1688.

SuJ. ss N. England.

Whereas it is by statute enjoined upon all the king's
subjects, that in all churches and chapels throughout his
dominions the 30th day of January shall be kept as
an anniversary day of fasting and humiliation; and to
the end the same may be duly observed and none plead
ignorance therein ; This thererore, in his majesty's name
is to charge and require you to give notice to the inhabi-

Hulchmson Papers.

tants of the town of Boston, that they forbear the use of
their daily employments and trade on Wednesday next,
being the 3Dth day of January, as aforesaid, and apply
themselves to tlie due observance of said day; and that
you give the like notice to the respective ministers in
said town, that they may discharge their duty as said
statute doth direct; and if any shall refuse compliance
thereto, to make due return of the same to us the sub-
scribers ; for which this shall be your warrant.

Dated in Boston, this 25th day of January, 1688,
annoq. RR. Jac. 2di. 4.

GHARI.ES LTDGET.
BEN. BULLIVANT.
ANTHO. HAYWOOO. J
FRA. FOXCROFT.

To the Shrrifeflhe Coutiti/ ofSiiJofk, \
er anil and rivry of the Cmutahlti in >
tht 'J'uten of liostan. }

By his Excellency.

Pursuant to a resolve in council, I do hereby appoint
and authorize you, Capt. Anthony Howard, Capt. Wil-
liam White, and Mr. Thaddeus Mackerty, to ask and
receive the free and voluntary contribution of any the
inhabitants in the town of Boston, towards the building
and erecting of a house or place for the service of the
Church of England ; and in the doing thereof to desire
the assistance of such persons, of either congregation or
neighbourhood, as may be proper to accompany you
therein ; and of what you shall so receive to keep a dis-
tinct account, to be disposed of by you to that use ac-
cordingly ; for which this shall be your warrant.

Dated in Boston, the 24th day o'f March, 1688.
By his Excellency's command.

Account of tjie Forces raised in New England for De-
fence of Vie Country against ike Indians, fi-c. in the year
1688 disposed into ten Companies ofsixty Men each

I: setrrai Forts built, and hoii) tite said Forces loere
sted at the Time oftlieir Ma''" Officers and subversion
the Goternmenl there in April, 1689.
Pe my quill, Meu.

SETTLED garrison commanded by Capt. An- "]
iho. Brockholes and Lieut. James Wecms of the

standing forces, 36

A new company commanded by Capt. Ting, 60
Another by Capt. George Minot, ... 60

Upon llie insurrection, ihe forces being withdrawn,
and only 19 of the standing compnnies lefl in ijarrison,
tbe fort is since taken by the Indians and Frencli, and
the coualry destroyed.

Srw Dartmouth, i. e. New Castlf, Sfc,

A fort commanded by Lieut. John Jordane of ^

tbe standing forces, 24 >

^^■& company of Capt. Withington's, . . 60 )
^^^H Alost of (he men drawn oS, and others debauched, they
^^^^■ned ibeir oJficer and carried iiim prisoner lo Boston, and
^^^^preupon the forC was deserted.

A Redoubt on Vamorasrotly Rinrr.

elieved every week from New Dartmouth.

Tbe nieo drawn oS and place deserted.

Sacoi!e/ioek, Nrwlown, Fort Anne, Pijcpicol.
These several forts in Kennebeck River ~|
werecommandedbyLieut-CoLMacgregory I . .
and Major Thomas Savage, for which they j
had their own and Capt. Manning's company, J

The major and most of ilie olTicers of the new forces
revolted, seized their lieutenant-colonel, drew off the
forces, and thereby deserted the several forl3 and river

VOL. r. THIBD SERIES. 8

8^ Hutchinson Papers.

Falmiiulh.

A fort in Casco Bay, commanded by Capt. >
George Lockhart with his company, ... J
Tbe commander seized and forces withdrawn.

Saco Rivtr.

A fort commanded by Capt. John Lloyd with 5
his company, and a detachment of 28 men from >
Major HenchmaD and Capt. Bull, 5

A fort commanded by Lieut. Puddington, but to
be reheved from Saco.

A fort relieved likewise from Saco.

TiiG oflicers and soldiers at Saco all deserted, as did
others afterwards.

Mrrrymake River.
A company at the Upper PlantatioDB, com- >
mandod by Major John Henchman, .... J
As also all the militia of that river.
The ofnccrs and soldiers debauched and quilted their

Connect ir at ( River.

A company commanded by Capt. Jonathan "l
Bull at the Upper Settlement thereof, which, !
and all the militia, was under the comraand of (

Col. Robert Treatc, J

The ollicers and soldiers deserted iheir posts.

Besides 40 men more of the standing com- i
panics, detached at first and constantly employed >
in that service in several parts, )

Hutchinson Papers.

lie several vessels employed for tlie security of the
coast and fishery at that time were,

His majesty's sloop Mary, John Alden commander ;

The brigantine Samuel, Jolin VVi3ewell master ;

His majesty's new sloop Speedwell, John Cooke com-
mander, finished and ready to take in stores and pro-
visions for the eastward.

There were four standing companies in New England
— two at Boston and eastern parts upon establishment
io England — two at New York and Albany upon estab-
lishment there — all dispersed except that at Albany.

There was also, at the time of the subversion of the
government, provisions in the respective places or prin-
cipal garrisons sufficed to supply tlie forces for above
three montlis, and all stores and implements of war
necessary for that service.

Besides, at the stores in Boston and in the castle was

fifty-four barrels of powder, and about two hundred

spare fuzees and snap h. muskets, byonets, and great and

amall shot, hand-gr£tnadoes and all other utensils of war.

^K E. ANDROS.

^^PjcsT now came ashore here from Cocheca, John
nam and his wife, who went hence last night home-
ward, (they living within a mile of Major Waldron,)
and about break of the day going up the river in a
canoe, they heard guns fired, but notwithstanding, pro-
ceeded to land at Major Waldron's landing place, by
which time it began to be light, and then they saw about
twenty Indians near Mr. Coffin's garrison, shooting and
shouting, as many more about Richard Otis's and

<vnt of an Attack by the Indians upon Cocheca.

Hutchinson Papen^

Thomas Pain's but saw their way clear to Major Wal-
dron's, where they intended immediately to secure
themselves ; but coming to the gate, and calhng and
knocking, could receive no answer, yet saw a light in
one of the chambers, and one of them say (looking
through a crack of the gate) lliat he saw sundry Indians
within the garrison, which supposed had murthcred
Major Waldron and his family ; and thereupon they be-
took themselves to make an escape, which they did, and
met with one of Otis's sons, who also escaped from his
father's garrison, informing that his father nniJ the rest
of the family were killed. Quickly after, they set sun-
dry houses afire. This is all the account we have al
present, which, being given in a surprise, may admit of
some alteration ; but doubtless the most of those fami-
lies at or about Cocheca are destroyed.
The above account was related to me,

RICHARD WM.DRON, Jun.

PoKTSMotTii, 28M Junr, 16l*!>.
Major RoflERT Pikf.,
Uonoured Sir,

Herewith send you an account of the Indians
surprising Cocheca this morning, which we pray you
immediately to post away to the honourable tlie gover-
nour and council in Boston, and forward our present
assistance, wherein the whole country is immediately
concerned.

We are, sir, your most humble servants,
RiCKAHD MARTYN.
VVM, VAtJGUAN.
RICHARD WALDRON, ivs.
TIIO. GRAFTON.
SAM. WENTWORTH.
BEN. Hl'LL.

*'J^ the ITonoiirahte Major RonnuT Pike, I
'■■ at SaHtburjf Hasle. poft hatte. \

Hutchinson Papers.

Salisburv, Jun,: 28, 1689, about noon,
tfacit Honoured,

After due respect, these are only to give your
honouis the sad account of tlie last night's providence
at Cocbeca, as by the enclosed, the particulars whereof
are awful. The only wise God, who is the Keeper that
neither slunibereth nor sleepeth, is pleased to permit
what is done. Possibly it may be eitlicr better or worse
than this account renders it. As soon as I can get more
inteJligence shall, God willing, speed it to your hoaours,
praying your speedy order or advice in so solemn a case.
I have despatched the intelligence to other towns, witli
advice to look to yourselves. ShaJl not be wanting to
serve in what I may. Should have waited on your
honours ere now, had I been well. Shall not now
come, except by you commanded, till this bustle be
abated. That the ooly wise God may direct all your
weighty affairs, is the prayer of
^^ Your honours' most humble servant,

^L ROBERT PIKE.

arh Ilonotircd Svmon Bradstreet, Esq.
wGorrrtumr, and Iht Honoured Counrtl now
L ting at Boston, these present with all speed.
I Baste, post haste.

Keived about 12 al nighr, upon Friday the 38lh June.

Boston, 29fA Junt, 1689.
Geatiemen,

The sad account given by yourselves of the
awful hand of God, in permitting the heathen to make
SDcb desolations upon Cocheca, and destruction of the
inhabitants thereof, being forwarded by tlie hand of
Major Robert Pike, arrived the last night about twelve
(mock ; notice whereof was immediately despatched to

Hutchinson Papers.

our out towns, that so they may provide for their se-
curity and defence ; and the narrative you give of the
matter was laid before the whole Convention this morn-
ing, who are concerned for you as friends and neigh-
bours, and look at the whole to be involved in this un-
happy conjuncture and trouble given by the heathen,
and are very ready to yield you all assistance as they
may be capable, and do think it necessary that (if it be
not done already) you would fall into some form or
constitution for the exercise of government, so far as
may be necessarj' for yotir own safety and convenience
of your peace, and to intend such farther acta as the
present emergencies require — this convention not think-
ing it meet, under their present circumstances, to exert
any authority within your province. Praying God to
direct in all the Arduous nfi'aira the poor people of this
country have at present to engage in, and to rebuke all
our enemies, desiring you would give us advice from
time to time of ttie occurrencies with you,

Gentlemen, your humble servant,

ISAAC ADDINGTON, Sec'ry.

Pei order of the Convention.

Dated as abovesaid.

Voted by ihe Rejiresenlalives in llie Bflirmaiivc.
Attai,

EBE^EZER PROUT, CUri.

Consented to by the Governour and Council, 29tli June,
I6S9.

ISAAC ADDINGTON, &cVy.

^,J'(w Messrs. Richard Mahtvx, Wh. 1
VArnirAN, Ririr*HD Walbrhn, ^v. >
at Poritrntmlk, fheic mth all spttd. J

Despniclied upon Saturdny, ihe 29il! of June, '89, at 12
o'clock, at noon.

Hutchinson Papers. 91

Gentlemen,

We have read yours, informing God's severe
hambling hand, sufTcring the enemy, with so much
violence and rcge, to destroy and lay waste before
them on so sudden a surprisal. We must all say,
the Lord is righteous; we have sinned. It is nol, as
you well know, in our power to direct in your uiattcrs
aathoritatirely, but as friends, and under our prince, are
ready, to our utmost, to yield our assistance in helping
you with ammunition or any thing in our power, men or
moneys. It remains with yourselves to meet and consider
your own circumstances, and put yourselves into such
a way (if not so at present) as may accommodate the
present emergency in the best manner ye may, and
theo let us know what you desire, and we sliall serve
you to our power. Our present circumstances do not
advantage us to impress men, or levy money, but must
do as we can. God help us all to humble ourselves
under God'a mighty hands.

Jrom Major Benjamin Church to the Governoitr
and Council of the Massachusetts.

To the Honourable the GoTernoui and Council at Boston.

These may inform your honours, that we have
been ranging the woods divers times since we had our
engagement, but have not discovered much more of the
enemy than what we gave you account of; only our
scout yesterday, upon our march, discovered a small
party of the enemy, and some guns were fired on both
sides, but we know not of any damage done. We
find that our Indian soldiers are very much discouraged
with what they met with in our last engagement, they
finding the enemy more furnished with courage and
resolution than they did expect, and likewise many
more of them in number than they thought to have

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met together, which gives me reason to think that our
design will not be prosecuted to effect until more
forces comes to our relief; and by reason of a party
of the enemy that have done some damage lately at
• Blue Point Garrison, in taking two lads, and burning
I some houses thereabouts, and a small vessel, wliich
I makes me think that a party of the enemy keep there-
about, that makes me unwilling to draw oltany of those
forces from those parts to help us, and therefore I much
desire that Connecticut forces may be sent away to us
I with all expedition, whose coming we hope will much
[ encourage our soldiers and enable us to do service ; and
r therefore I desire that it may not be omitted, and that
I iJI those things that we have sent for may bo speedily
I conveyed to us, and that those guides that we sent for
I iDay be sent to us without fail, which, if tliey come not,
our design will be frustrated. We know not yet what
damage we did to the enemy in our last engagement, but
several things that they Icli behind them on their flight
we found yesterday, which was gun-cases and stockings
and other things of some value, together with other
signs that makes us tliink that we did tliem considerable
damage. So, desiring that God may guide both you and
US to do those things that are suitable and convenient ifc"
this undertaking, ] rest

Your friend and humble servant,

BENJAMIN CHURCH.

I'almoi'TH i\ Casco, SfptemhfT^lth, 1(>89,

To thr Jlonourrd Simok Brodestrcetc, Esi|. 1

of thf 3/nsiarhHftttfi, in Bestun, dtlivtr J

JPor thfir Majestiii' aervirt. J

Received Sd October, 1389.

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fTiTK Ibllovring account of New England was found i
Kinoiig Governour Hulchinson's papers. The outlioi
It appears to hare been uritlen in London, in 1G60, in
icuet (rf>fiiend. En,]

ie/Iieiation of (lie Plnntutton of Neir England, from
' •ftmnditig of that Plantation lo the Year 1689.

1 HAVE received yours, wherein you desire me
to give you a brief account of the past and present
state of \ew England, which, in as few worda as I can,
and 08 straits of time will permit me, I shall endeavour
your satisfaction in.

New England contains that tract of land, which is
between forty and forty-five degrees of northern lati-
tnde. It was for some time known by the name of the
Northern Plantation, but King Charles the First (then
Prince of Wales) gave it the name of New England.
The first settlement of the English there, was in the
year 1620, viz. at New I'hjmovih. New England diflers
from other foreign plantations in respect of the ground
and motives inducing the first planters to remove into
that American desert. Other plantations were built
upon worldly interests; New England upon that which
is purely religious. For altlioiigb they did and do agree
(bb is evident from their printed confession of faith)
with all other Protestant reformed churches, and more
especially with England, in matters of doctrine, and in
all fundamental points of faith ; yet as to the liturgy,
ceremonigs and church government by bishops, they
were and are NoJtK'onfor mists. It were grievous to
ibem to think of living in continual difference with their
Protestant brethren in England ; upon which account
4ey resolved on a peaceable secession into a corner of
the world. And being desirous to be under the pro-
tection of England, about twenty worthy gentlemen
obtained a charter from King Charles the First, bearing

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date from the year 1628, which giveth tliem right to
the soil, for they hold their title of lands, as of the ma-
nor of East Greenwich in Kent and in common soc-
cage; which, notwithstanding, they purchased their
lands of the Indians, who were tlie native proprietors.
By their mentioned charter, they are empowered yearly
^ to elect their own governour and deputy-go vernour and
y/magistrates, as here in London, and in other towns corpo-
rate, the freemen choose the lord mayor and aldermen.
y' They have also power to make such laws as shall be
most proper and suitable for the plantation.

Nevertheless, as an acknowledgment of their dejKnd-
ence on England, by their charters they are obliged
not to make any laws which shall bo repugnant to the
laws in England ; also the fifth part of all ore of gold
or silver, found in that territory, belongs to the crown
of England.

The report of this charter did encourage many very
deserving persons to transplant themselves and their
families into New England. Gentlemen and ministers of
the gospel, then of great fame here in England, trades-
men and planters, to the number of about four thousand,
did in twelve years time go thither. The hazards
which they ran, and the difficulties which they encoun-
tered with, in subduing a wilderness, cannot easily be
expressed. But the Almighty God, by a wonderful
providence, carried them through all. in the year
1637, they were in imminent danger of being cut olfby
the barbarous heathen. But when it came to a war,
mighty numbers of the Indians were slain by a few of
the English, which caused a terror of God to fall upon
all the heathen round about ; so that after the Petjnod
Indians were subdued, there was peace in the land for
thirty-eight years together ; and being settled under
a good and easy government, the plantation prospered
wondrously ; yea, so as cannot be paralleled in any
history. Never was place brought to such considera-
bleness in so short a time. That which was not long
since an howling wilderness, in a few years time became

Hutchinson Papers. 95

a pleasant land, wherein was abundance of all things,
both for soul and body, which can bo imputed to notiiing
else but to their religion, the gospel bringing a fulness
of blessings along with it. Some have observed, that
since the year 1640 more persons have ren[ioved out of
A>io England than have gone thither. Nevertheless,
the four thousand who did, between that and the year
1620, transplant themselves into New England, are so
marvellously increased, as that (if the computation fail
Dot) they are now become not less tiian two hundred
thousand souls.

There are towns and villages on tlie sea coast, frotn
Long Island to Boston, which is three hundred miles,
and from Boston to Pcmaquid, which is two hundred
miles.

In tlie year 1662, Connecticot colony, as also Boad
Island, with the plantations thereto belonging, had
charters granted to them by King Charles tlie Second,
(being much-what the same with the patent of the
Massachusetts) whereby tliey were made distinct govern-
ments.

Anno 1675, the Indians began a second war with the
English, the issue of which was, that whole nations of
them were destroyed.

Never did men shew greater courage and bravery
in their encounters with barbarous heathen than they
did ; and yet it must be acknowledged, that the Indians'
advantages were puch as that they could not have been
overcome, if God had not fought against them by send-
ing the evil arrows of famine and mortal diseases among
Uiem. I have often thought of the expression of an
Indian there : fVe (said he) coidd easily be too hard/or
(Ac English, btd, (striking on his breast) the Englishmen\i
God makes us afraid here.

As long as they enjoyed their first government, no
enemies couid stand before them ; but since that, they
hare not been able to subdue the Indians, who did the
last year commit some outrages amongst them, having
been (as I am informed) provoked thereunto by some

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iDJuries done unto them by those then id power, design-
ing the ruin of the English, and advancement of the
French interest in that territory.

As for tlie inquiry, by wliat means they came to be
deprived of their charters' hberties, please to understand,
tliat in the ycur 16B3, a quo warranto was i:3sucd out
agnin>«t them, and witii the notification thereof by the
then king's order, tliere wa?i a declaration pubhslied,
enjoining tliosc few particular persons mentioned in tiie
^ito warranto, to make their defence at tlieir own parti-
cular charge, without any help by a publick stock. By
this it was easy to see, that some persons were resolved
to have the charter condemned quo jure quuque injuriS.
Nevertheless, the governour and company ajioiuted an
attorney to appear and answer to ihe quo nmrunto in
the Court of King's Bench. The prosecutors not being
able to make any thing of it there, a new suit was begun
by a scire facias in the Court of Chancery. They had
not sufficient time given tliem for their defence, yet
judgment was entered against them for default in not
appearing, when it was impossible, considering tiie re-
moteness of Neio England from IVeslminsier, that tliey
should appear in the time allowed.
/ Thus illegally was the charter of the Massachusetts
colony wrested from them. As for the colonies ol
Plymouth, Conmcticot and Road lsland,lherc was never
any judgment against tliem, nor any surrender, but by
a mere rape, anno 1686, ihcir charters and privileges
were violently taken from them. Since that time, the
country has gone to ruin every day, not being now like
the place it was but five years ago, which is not much to
be wondered at, considering the intolerable oppressions
they have been labouring under since their charters
were ravished from them. In tlie year 1606, Sir Ed-
mund Aadros was sent by the late King James to New
England, with a commission absolutely destructive to
the fundnmentalsofthe English government, empowering
him witli four men (none of them cliosen by tlie people)
to levy moneys, and to make loans, nay, and to send as

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many of the inhabitants as he would two thousand
miles out of the country. This commission being ille-
gal, and so in itself void, the people did this last spring
assert their English liberties, and declare/or llie Prince
of Orange and ihc Parliament of England. It is greatly
to be observed, that as long as New England enjoyed
their charters, for more tlian fifty years together, they
nerer put the crown to a penny charge, (which is more
thao can be said of other foreign plantations;) but since ^'
they have been under a government, not by charters, i
but by commimons, the country has been chargeable ^
and le^ beneficial to tlie king's revenue, than in former
times.

It has indeed been objected, that in Aeto England
they did many yeeus ago transgress the act of naviga-
tioH. But the transgression of some few particular per- ]
sons were not tlie fault of the government there, who J
did in the year )6G3 make a law that the act of naviga- /
tion should be strictly observed, and their governours '
are sworn to see that law executed, and have been to the
uttermost of their power careful about it.

Many other things have been suggested against New
England, the most of which have no footsteps of truth in
them, but are the mahcious inventions of the Tobiahs and
SanbeiUais of this age. Not but tliat the people there
have bad their failings as well as otlier men in all places
of the world. The only thing, (so far as I understand,)
yhicfa-^an_gith any truth be justly reflected on them as
a fault, -is that, m soinc" matrgrBrelating to conscience
and ditference of opinion, they have been more rigid
and serere tbea the primitive Christians, or the gospel
doth -allow- oil Vet this is to be said in their hehall^ that
dringff are reported itorgc than indeed they were ; and
that now many leading men, and the generality of the
people, are of a more Ifl&dcrate temper. 1 know some
that have a great interest there do abhor the spirit of
persecution as much as any men in the world.

It is certainly for the interest of England, that New
England should be encouraged. And those ill men who

TOL. I. THERD SERIES.

9«

Htttckinson Papers.

give other advice (notwithstanding their vain pretences
to the contrary) prejudice the interest of the crown
more than tliey arc able to make amends for, which I
evince by these arguments :

1. The king's revenue, all things considered, is as
much or more augmented by Netc England than by any
other of the foreign plantations. Thia will seem to
some a strange assertion ; but consider what I say, and
then judge if it be not true. The other American planta-
, tioiis cannot well subsist without A'ctP England, which
; by a thousand leagues nearer to them (ban eitlier
England or Ireland ; so that they are supplied with pro-
visions, beef, pork, meal, fish, Sic, also with the lumber
trade, deal boards, pipe staves, &c. chiefly from New
England. Also the Caribbec Islands have their horses
from thence. It is then, in a great part, by means of
New England, that the other plantations are made
propperous and beneficial. They pay customs in the

Slantations for the goods they export from thence into
few England, and when those goods are brought into
England, they pay the same again a second time, by
I which means not a little is contributed to the crown.

Some manufactures there are amongst them, but not
t'h twentieth part of what the country has need of.
F'Most of their clothing, both as to woollen and linei^
[ ttey have from England. They make returns in beavd
moose and deer skins, oil and iron, all which commot"
I ties the country affords ; also by sugars and tobaco
■which their own vessels fetch from other plantationi
I (and transport to England.

2. I know not whether there be a better place I

I jtoipping in the world ; nor can I say how many hu^

f iflreds of vessels of their own building do belong to tli|i_

t Country. They yearly build many good ships, some of '

I which are sold here at London. TTie country abounds

f with pine trees, and also with excellent cedars and oak

for building of vessels. Masts do yearly come from

thence for the use of the king's navy. And it has been

said by some, who understand affairs of this nature, that

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(rbenever the king of England shall please, he may at
the most easy rates build navies there for the benefit of
the natioo ; especially considering tliat ship timber is
generaUy wanting in England and in Ireland, and the
east-land oak is so very spongy.

3. The people tliere are apt for martial employ-
meotSr having not only a natural courage, but being
well instructed in military discipline.

AH the inhabitants, from sixteen to sixty years, in each
toH-D, are by tlie law and custom of the country to bear
arms if occasion shiill so require ; and that they may
be 6t to do so, they have in each town and village their
traimog days eiglit times every year, wherein they are
exercised in military discipline, that so they may be ex-
pert Id war whenever his present majesty shall see
cause to commissionate them thereunto. They are able
(by the blessing of God) to enlarge his dominions, and
to bring their French neighbours into a subjection to
the crown of England. From this consideration it was,
that the French ministers (who, all the world knows,
had a mighty ascendant over Whitehall in tlic two late
kings' reigns) caused some articles to be agreed on,
where it is determined tliat, in case of war between
England and France, there shall be a neutrality in the
plaatatioos ; for they saw, that if the king of England
ebould arm his subjects in Neic England, the Frenchmen
in these parts could not stand before tliem.

Id CromweWs time they did, by order from England,
take several forts from the French, which by King
Charles the Second were restored to them again, no
ways to the honour or interest of tlie English nation.

I might have added, that the people of Xew England
hare merited encouragement by tlie great service which
ihey have done for J^ing William (whom God grant
that be may long hve and reign) and for the English
nation, in securing that nation (which wa-s done April
I8th, 1689,) for his present majesty against King
Lewis and the abdicated King James.

100

Hutekinson Papers.

New England is the key of America. If the FrenclTi
king had got that into his possession, he would soon
have been master of America ; and this in all probability
would have been done this summer, if the Neic Etig-
landers about Boston, perceiving what designs were
MTrying on, had not risen as one man and seized Sir
TyJSdmund Andros (who is as of a French extract, so in
the French interests, being sent to New England by the
late King James with an illegal and arbitrary commis-
sion) and on those few ill men who joined with him in
his tyranny. All men acknowledge that those brave
souls at Londonderry, who have secured that place, and
we hope saved Ireland by declaring for King Wiltiam^
deserve great acknowledgments. ^J

The like is to be said of the Protestants in New Et^f^
fland, especially considering that they did this ino earlyil
( before ever they knew that the Prince of Orange was
king of England ; only they heard that he was landed
I here with a design to entleavour to dcUvec tlje English
nation from popery and from arbitrary power, which
they could not but look upon as an heroick undertaking,
and accounted it their duty lo embark themselves in the
aame cause, before they knew what the issue of things
would be. Can any deny but that this people have
deserved respect and countenance from the king and
from the whole nation ?

Let me say that New England has, on the best
counts which can be mentioned, outdone all America.
For there they have erected an University, which began
anno 164.2, and wherein things are managed pro more
Academiarum in Anglid. Several persons of more than
ordinary learning, yea, and many scores of able minis-
ters of the gospel, have been there educated. By the
statutes of the College, none are to be admitted before
he can write Latin in a pure style, and translate any
ordinary Greek author. It is customary with them,
every morning in the College Ilall, to read a chapter
out of Hebrew, and at night a chapter out of the Greek
original. The tutors there instruct their pupils in

("con

Hutchinson Papers.

101

Ugickj tuUvral and moral philosophy, metaphi/siclcs, geog-
raphy, astronomy, arilhiiielick and geometry, ^-c.

Id Aew England tlie whole Bible has been translated
ioto Uie Indian language, and there also printed. Nay,
1 will be bold to say, that Neic England has outdone
the whole world. For among the Indians, who awhile
sinc« were mere heatliens, there are not only many con-
gregatiotis of them, who are converted to the Christian
Htith and the Protestant (which is the only true) reli-
gioo, but DO less than four-and- twenty of these heathen
are now Dot only Christians, but preachers of the gospel
of Jesu9 Christ And 1 challenge tlic whole world to
produce the like instance. Undoubtedly, then, they are
no good Protestants who are enemies to the welfare of
such a people, whom the God of heaven bath delighted
so signally to own and to bless.

TSe declaration of Sulvanus Davis, Inlutbiianl of the
Toicn of Falmouth m the province of Maine, in New
England, concerning the cruel, treacherous and bar-
barous Management of a IVar against tlie English in
the eastern Paris of New England, by the cruel In-
dians, being, as I doubt not, and as the Circumstances
will appear, set upon tluir bloody Design by the French
and their Abettors.

Having the liberty of walking the town of Que-
beck, and having opportunity of conferring with the
gentlemen of the place, many were tlie outrages and
iosultings of tlie Indians upon the English (whilst Sir
Edmond Andrcss was governour) at Nortli Yarmouth,
and other places at tlie eastward. The Indians killed
Euodry cattle, came into houses and tlireatened to knock
the people on the head, and at several times gave out
reports, tiiat they would make war upon the English ;

lOS

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[ and that they were aaimated so to do by the French, the
J Indians behaving themselves so insulting, gave just cause
of great suspicion. In order for the finding out the
' tnitn, and to endeavour the preventing a war, one
t Captain Blackman, a justice of pence, with some of the
neigliboiirhood of Saco River, seized several Indians that
had been bloody, murderous rogues in the first Indian
L war, being the chief ringleaders and most fittest and
I capable to do mischief. Said Blackman seized to the
I number of between sixteen and twenty, in order for their
[ examination, and to bring in the rest to a treaty. Said
Blackman soon sent the said Indiana with a guard to
I Falmouth in Casco Bay, there to be secured until orders
■ could come from Boston concerning them ; and in the
mean time the said Indians were well provided with
provisions and suitable necessaries. The rest of the
Indians robbed the English, and took some English
I prisoners. Whereupon post was sent to Boston. Sir
! Edmond Andross being at New V'ork, the gentlemen of
Boston sent to Falmouth some soldiers for the defence
of the country, and also the worshipful Mr. Stoughton,
with others, to treat with the Indians, in order for the
Bettling a peace and getting in of our English captives.
As soon as the said gentlemen arrived at the eastward,
they sent away one of the Indian prisoners to the rest
of the Indians, to summon them to bring in the English
they had taken, and also that their sachems should come
in to treat with the English in order that just satisfaction
should be made on both sides. The gentlemen waited
the return of the Indian messenger, and when he return-
ed he brought answer, that they would meet our Eng-
lish at a place called Maquoite, and there they would
bring in the English captives, and treat with the English.
Although the place appointed by the Indians for the
meeting was some leagues distant from Falmouth, yet
our English gentlemen did condescend to it in hopes of
getting in our captives, and put a ?top to further trou-
bles. They despatched away to the place, and carried the
Indian prisoners with them, and staid at the place ap-

Hutchinson Papers.

103

pointed, expecting the coming of the Indians that had
promised a meeting, but they, Uke false, perfidious
rogues, did not appear. Without doubt, tliey had been
counselled what to do by the French and their abettors,
aa the Indians did declare afterwards that they were
near the place, and to our English that was to treat
with tbera, but would not show themselves, but did en-
deaFOur to take an opportunity to destroy our English
that was to treat with them. Such hath been and was
their treachery. Our gentlemen staid days to wait their
coming, but seeing they did not appear at the place ap-
pointed, they returned to Falmouth, and brought the
Indian prisoners, expecting that the other Indians would
have sent down some reason why they did not appear
at the place appointed, and to make some excuse for
themselves; but instead of any compliances, they fell
DpOD North Varmouth, and there killed several of our
English, whereupon the eastern parts was ordered to
get into garrisons, and to be upon their guard until
farther orders from Sir Edmond Andross, and that the
Indian prisoners should be sent to Boston, which was
done with great care, not one of them hurt, and care
took daily for them for provisions. When they arrived
at Boston, the gentlemen there can give an account of
their usage ; hut Sir Edmond Andross, returning from
New York, he set them all at liberty, not so much as
taking care to redeem those of our English for tliem
diat was in their hands. I had kept one at Falmouth a
ntsoner, and to be a guide into the woods for our
English to find out the haunts of our heathen enemies;
but Sir Edmond Andross sends an express unto me, that
opon my utmost peril I should set Uie said Indian at lib-
erty, and take care that all the arms that was taken from
him, and all the rest of those Captain Blackman had
seized, should be delivered up to them without any
orders to receive the like of ours from them, which was
very strange that a governour should be so careless of
his majesty's subjects and interest. The names of those
Indians that were in custody, that Sir Edmond Andross

104

Jhitchinson Papers.

released, were, Hopehood, the Higuers, the Doncy< _
and others, all heiog cruel, murderous rogues Id ibtt
Lfirst Indian war, and so proved all along in thiis last
rwars, being often passing through the country unto the
iFrcnch. Tho Indiana daily making destruction upon
[■our English, Sir Kdmond Andross raieed forces and
marched through the country to ttie eastward. In hie
[ aaarch he did rebuke the officers because they did get
[ together Into garrisons to del'end themselves. How he
managed his aflaira, and what measures he did take with
Jib instruments to impoverish tliis country, and with
[ other nations to bring us to our wooden shoes, 1 leave
I to the information of those that took a more particular
[ account ; but it pleased God, upon tlic happy change in
England, llic liearls of God's people was stirred up to
I jiidventurc for the like change amongst us, and seized the
I instruments of our miseries, taking tlic government into
I 4heir hands, and accordingly did endeavour to their
I ^Wer for tiie defence of the country against the com-
mon enemy, the heathen, and French, wlio joined with
I tiiem in cruel, barbarous manner, burning our towi
1 destroying their majesties' subjects witli tire and swoi
I and all cruelty imaginable. Myt^clf having command
Y% garrison in Falmoutli for the defence of the same, a
T party of French from Canada, joined with a company of
I Indians, to tho number of betwixt four or 6ve hundred
French and Indians, set upon our fort. The IGth of May
I 1G90, about dawning, began our fight; the 20ih, about
I ■S o'clock, afternoon, we were taken. They fought ua
I five days and four nights, in which time they killed and
I wounded the greatest part of our men, burned all the
L houses, and at last we were forced to have a parley with
I diem, in order for a surrender. We not knowing that
I there was any French among them, we set up a flag of
1 truce in order for a parley. VVe demanded if there vv'ere
[■ Any French amongst tliem, and if they would give us
[ jquarter. They answered, that they were Frenchmen,
uid that they would give us good quarter. Upon this
answer, we sent out to them again, to know fn

lofl

oaJ

fJutchinson Papers.

705

whence they came, and if they would give us good
quarter, both for our men, women and children, both
wouDded and sound, and that we should have liberty to
march to the next English town, and have a guard for
our defence and safety unto tlie next English town — then
we would surrender ; and also that the governour of
the French should hold up his hand, and swear by the
great and ever-living God, that the several articles
should be performed. All which he did solemnly swear
to perform ; but as soon as they had us in their custody,
they broke their articles, suffered our women and chil-
dren and our men to be made captives in the hands of
the heathen, to be cruelly murdered and destroyed,
many of them, and especially our wounded men ; only
the French kept myself and three or four more, and car-
ried us over land ibr Canada. I did desire the French,
that seeing they would make us captives, that they
would carry us all for Canada, or keep us together, and
that I might have the liberty to send to Boston to the
governour and council, in order that care might be taken
for our ransom ; hut they would not hear to any such
terms, but told me that we were all rebels, and also Bos-
ton, against our king, in that we had proclaimed William
and Mary king and queen, and that they were usurpers
to the crown ; and that they did fight for King James, as
being under protection of the French king. About
twenty-four days we were marching through the coun-
try for Quebeck in Canada, by land and water, carrying
our canoes with U3. The chief of the Indians that came
against us was those Indians that we had in hold, that
Sir Edmond Andross ordered to be cleared, Sieur
Castine and Madockawando, with their eastern forces.
The French that took us came from Canada, in Februa-
ry last past, designed for the destruction of Falmouth,
by order from the governour there, the Earl of Fronte-
oack. The commander's name was Monsieur Burniffe ;
his lieutenant's name Monsieur Corte de March, who was
at the taking of Schenectade. They brought several In-
dians with them from Canada, and made up the rest of

106

HiUckinsott Papers-

their forces as they raarclied through the woods from Caai>
ada. But I must say, they were kind to me in my traveli'
through the country. Our provisions was very short-—
Imliaii corn and acorns — Imnger made it very good, aoj'
God gave it strength to nourish. 1 arrived at Quebeok;
the 14th of June, 1690, wlicre 1 was civilly treated faf
the gentry, and was soon carried to the fort before tlw
governour, the Earl of Frontenack. He received iDf

civilly, and discoursed with mc, viz lie told Die Ui4t

our new English at Now York was liie cause of the
io thLs country betwixt the French and English ; for

fovernour of New York had hired the New York lo*
ians to come over land, took and killed their peopliQ|[
and destroyed their country ; and they were willing It
pass it by, rather than to make a war witli the Englisbi
but still they did continue, and hired the Indians to bui
several of their people, that they had taken, which Wl
B most cruel tiling for one Christian to do to anotbeBi
Uld that they would do no such cruel practice. I toU
rtbcm that New York and Boston was two distioet
f governments, and that the governour of New York

I must give a particular account to our king for his ao
Itions, each for himself. He said we were one natioi

I I told him it was true, but two distinct governmeiil
I Also I told him, that the last Indian war we had a friendjj
I Ijf commerce with the French, and for ought I know il

I might have been so still, had not they joined with ^k^

.Indians and come over into our country, destroying ouj'

I 'towns and people ; and that the governour of Boston had

E only raised forts to defend their majesties' subjects and

r interest against the heathen, and had not moved out our

I pwn bounds, hut being forced thereunto by their joint

ring with the Indians for the destruction of our countrn

Be said we were all rebels against our king, in ]>rocIatnip

!■ ing the Prince of Orange to be our king, and he wae

i but an usurper; and that King James was our king, and

the king of France was his protector. In brief, they toM

me if the government had not been changed, and that

Sir Edmond Andross had continued governour, we

Hutchinson Papers. 107

should have had no wars betwixt us, but we should
have been all as one people, which 1 do believe there
was a popish design against Ihe Protestant interest in
New England, as in other parts of the world. I told
him that the condition was with us, viz. We were upon
our guard in our towns, for the defence of our
wires and children and country, and that little estate
that God had given us, against a heathen, barbarous
enemy, and they that had joined with them. And I said
that they were like robbers that meet with honest men
upon the highway, who fight to save their money, and
when they are not able to defend tlieniselves any longer,
they beg for quarter, and gladly deliver their purse to
preserve Iheir Uves, which is promised ; but as soon as
the purse is delivered, the robbers cut the poor men's
throats. This is our condition ; for we were promised
good quarter, and a guide to conduct us to our English ;
but now we are made captives, slaves and prisoners in
the hands of the heathen. I thought I had to do with
Christians, that would have been careful of their en-
pigemenls, and not to violate and break their oaths.
Whereupon the governour shaked his head, and, as I
was told, was very angry with liurnifie. The governour
bid me be corag'd — I should be used well. I thanked
him, and told him I did not value for myself, but did
grieve for the rest of the captives that wore in the
hands of the Indians. He said he would take care
that all that was taken wiih me should be got out of the
hands of the Indians ; for they did look upon us under
another circumstance than those that had been stirring
up the Indians against them. I was very kindly used
whilst ray abode was at Quebeck ; and also several
captives tliat was taken with me, that the Indians brought
in, the French bought them and were kind to them. 1
was at Quebeck four months, and was exchanged for
a Frenchman Sir William Phips had taken the 13th of
October, 1690. — Whilst my abode was at Quebeck, I
did endeavour to acquaint myself with the strength of
the place, and the measures they take for the manage-

Hutchinson Paper*.

108

ment of their war, viz 1 find tlicy will not be wanting

by all means possible to have the possession of all New
England, where our English are settled. In order there-
unto, they do endeavour, by presents and sending their
people through the country, with their friars by theif
delusions, to bring all Indians to be at their comman4
for war. They commonly pass by land into the North-
west Bay, where our English factory is, to set the Id-
diana against the English. There they have taken a|'
our English factory, except Port Nelson, which they do
intend to take this winter. In order tliereunto, tiiey
have sent two ships they took in the North-west from
Captain Bond and Captain John Outstire and others of
our English, whom they keep in prison at Quebect
The said two ships sailed from Quebeck in June Ia4

fast for the North-West ; and they have sent a party of
'rench over land to join with Indians and the said
two ships for the destroying all our English factory
there. They have commerce also with the Indians six
or seven hundred leagues through the country, toward
the rivers of Mexico ; and designed, if possible, 1^

riresents and other means, to bring the Maquis, and tliost
ndians that arc at friendship with our English, to be OB
their side, that they may have them also to join with
them. The Jesuits and friars will spare no cost to bring
their cruel treacheries about ; which if they can accomr
plish, they will be in a fair way to subdue New England.
They had designed to send out several parties of their
French that can and do livo in the woods as the IndiaoB^
which great part of their people can do, in some partiei
through the land in the winter, to join with the Indiaoi
to ruin our frontier towns in New England ; but it may
be .Sir William Phips hath put a stop to that design at
present. But I know they will use all means possible
to endeavour the destruction of their majesties' interest
in New England and New York ; and if so, they will
not stop there, but they will aim at all their majesties'
interest in America, (I give my thoughts and upon
good grounds,) if there is not care to prevent them ; and

Hutchinson Papers.

109

1 humbly conceive the only way to prevent them from
their bloody design is, to subdue their country, remove
them off, and settle it with English before there be a
peace settled betwixt the two nations ; for if a peace be,
ihey will strengthen themselves and secure the favours
of all Indians, and hght us in time of peace with Indians,
and upoD the first breach of a peace, fall upon the
English vtrith all their forces, and abo all Indians on their
sides, as they are at present judged. They cannot
make in Canada above six or seven thousand fighting men,
8od they are dispersed at several small towns at great
distance. Their living is most by the Indian trade,
which is of a mighty value yearly, besides what they
have from the North-west, since they have taken our
English factory. Their land is very fertile, but they
have not made such large improvements as our English
have in New England ; for 1 find the trade with the
Indians brings them in sufficient profit. There is good
land and good limber if well improved \ and they say,
at Morial, a town about sixty leagues up the river from
the southward to Quebeck, all fruits will grow there as
well as in France ; and that way they design their great
farming, and so will settle through the country further
and further upon tlie backs of the English ; but I hope
God will prevent their Jesuitical, bloody designs. They
say their king doth maintain fifteen hundred or two thou-
sand soldiers, and sends over supply and pay for them year-
ly, forthe defence of the country \ and that all fortifications,
with stores, ammunition, and all publick work, are done
upon their king's account, and not by the inhabitants. Also
they say, the French king sends over money yearly to
defray other publick charges that may arise ; and there
is DO publick duties paid but by the companies of the
peltry, which makes me judge the incomes is great,
where such publick charges is expended. The gentry
at Qubeck are very courteous and civil, and hve very
splendid only by their trade ; but they have abundance
of poor among them ; for, betwixt the churchmen and
gentry, they are oppressed, but in such a subtile way that
10

VOL. I. THIRD SERIES.

110

Hutckh

> Papers.

the poor people are not sensible of the cauae of their

misery, neither dare they complain if they were. The

l-French, when they take any Indiana or Maquis, that are

T their enemies, tliey do not kill them, but keep them very

I safe, give them clotlies and victuals, and give them their

I liberty. Such measures tlicy take to bring all Indians to

' be their friends. They have carried some Maquis, and

other Indians that they have taken, for France, to see

the state there ; and have brought them back to Quc-

beck, clotlied them, gave them their liberty to live

amongst them or go to their own country, to shew

I them their friends how kindly the French have used them.

I —Report of an army of English and Indians being at or

I near Morial, caused the governour, with what forces

I -could be raised at Quebcck, to embark for Morial, up-

lon July 12, 1690, and left in Quobeck about two hun-

I ilred men, gentlemen, merchants and tradesmen, to

I guard the town. There was sixty a night upon the

guard, so that all the men in the town came upon the

guard once in three nights, and their doubting that our

j English and Indians would be about them, they wrought

I every day to fortify the town round, which is with stock-

ladoesinthc ground, and a bank breast high cost up

I against it, and upon every angle flankers of good stone

' mnd lime, tliat will entertain eight or ten men to fight in

each flanker. There came often news from Morial of

our army, which put the country in great fear. —

Aug. 10. News came to town that our English had

taken six French ships at the Isle of Percy, which

I «et the greatest part at their wit's end what to do,

I 'doubting that our English were coming by land and

1 water. News was carried to Morial, but the gover-

I Hour could not come down from thence ; they had

' their hands full. — Aug. 18. News from Morial, that

English and Indians had met with some of their French,

and had slain about three men. — Sept. 3. News from

Morial, that the Maqucs only had slain thirty French

men, women and children. News that our ships was

gone from the Isle of Percy, which much rejoiced tlie

Hutchinson .

'opera.

Ill

people. — Sept. 19. News from Mortal that the Maques
liad slain one of the king's captains, and about seventeen
soldiers, and three or four inhabitants, which put all
in great fear, bewailing their friends at Morial, and
also their own danger. — Sept. 21. News that two French
men of war had met with five of our English ships
upon the coast or Acadia, which made the very bells joy-
ful.— Sept. 24. This day certain news brought to town
of oar English fleet being in tlie river. Now the joy
of our ships being taken was drowned with grief, to
think what would become of their ships that tbcy did
expect from France. Yet they were in some hopes that
it might have been a French fleet ; but news came to
town that our English had been ashore and was beaten
off. The certain news put all in very great fears. They
sent up to Morial to the governour for relief. All the
country people near to Quebeck, which was not many,
came in ; their number being up at Morial. Several of
the inhabitants of Quebeck did speak of surrendering
ap to the English \ and I do judge they would have
done so, if the Lord had gave opportunity for our fleet
to get up to the town before their strength of soldiers
had come down from Morial. The governour had sent
out several parties to discover the motion of the Maquis ;
his party returned with certain news that they were
gone back over the lake, and that there was no enemies
by land ; whereupon the governour ordered the forces
from Morial and other places for Quebeck. — Oct. I.
The several troops began to come to town, and some
Indians, which were despatched out to go down the
river to discover the ships, and keep our men from
landing at the Dishop's and the Isle of Orleans and
elsewhere. — Oct. 4. The governour arrived with several
troops of men, — Oct. 5. There arrived troops of men
Hith what was in the town before about two thousand
seven hundred, besides a party upon Orleans. —
Oct. 6. Monday morning our English fleet were riding
before the town, and then there was in the town about
two tboDsand seven hundred brisk men, well armed ;

112 Hutchinson Papers.

and this day there came betwixt three or four hui
dred more by land. In the time of our fleet lying a(
Quebeck, provisions were very scarce ; very httle bread
or corn, and very little meat ; only a parcel of cattle
drove into town, which they did kill for to supply their
I Boidiers. If it had pleased God that the land army, as
' were supposed to be above, had staid longer about
Morial, or our ships had come sooner, or weather had
been such that they might have staid longer, without
doubt we should have been masters of Canada. I hope
the Lord will find out a way for the subduing those
blood-thirsty rebels, that have joined with the cruel
lieathen to butcher so many poor innocent souls, whose
blood is crying out, How long. Lord, how long, Holy
and True, dost thou not judge and avenge our blood ottj
them : file.

Per me,

SYLVANUS DAVIS

Saoatahock, Xoeember OS,
At a Treaty of Peace witli the eastward Indian Enemy

Capt. John Alden, Sen. and divers other gentlemaW
receiving orders from the governour and council at Bos-'
I ton in New FZngland to treat with the said eastward
■agamores in order to a truce, &c. at the place
abovesaid, which accordingly was attended ; where the
eastward sagamores came and delivered up ten of our
English captives, which were all that they had there
with them at that time. The Indians also had eight of
their captives delivered up to them at the same time.
And further the said sagamores, viz. Edgaremet,
Walumbe, John Hawkins, Watombamet, Toquelmut,
and Watumbomt, do hereby covenant, promise and agree,

Hutchinson Papers. 113

for themscli'es, their heirs, aod all the eastward Indians
now iQ open hostility with the English, from Pennecook,
Winnepisseockeege, Ossepe, Pigwocket, AmoBcongen,
Pechepscut, Kennebeck River, and all other places
adjacent, within the territory and dominions of the
above-named sagamores, that neither themselves nor
any other Indians belonging to the said places, shall do
any harm, wrong or injury unto the persons nor estates
of any of the English, who are their majesties' subjects,
inhabiting, or that may inhabit, in the provinces of INew
Hampshire and Maine, or that belong unto any of their
majesties^ territories and dominion of New England, from
the day of the date hereof until the first day of May
next ensuing; at which time all the above-named saga-
mores do covenant, promise and agree to meet at the
garrison-house of Lieut. Joseph Storer, at IVells, in
the province of Maine, witli the gentleman that the said
governour and council shall send to said Wells, and
draw up, sign and seal articles and peace between the
said English and Indians ; at which time also the said
sagamores do promise to bring to said Wells all the
English captives that are in their hands, or that they can
procure by that time, and surrender them up to the
Enghsh ; and in the mean time, during the whole term
of the abovesaid truce, if any others, either French or
enemylndians, shall entice them, or any of them, to harm
the English, or plot or contrive any harm against the
said English— that then they, the said sagamores, will
timely discover the same to some English garrison, or
seize and secure them, and bring them to the English ;
and if at any time the said sagamores, or any of them,
shall have occasion to speak with any English within
the term of this truce, they coming with a flag of truce
to tlie garrison of Lieut. Joseph Storer aforesaid,
and not above tliree men at one time, of whicli one of
said sagamores must be one, they shall then have free
iiberty to come and call at a distance to said garrison,
and have access thereto. And the aforesaid Capt. John
Alden and the rest of the gentlemen do promise, for the
10*

114

Hittckinson Papers.

gOTCrnour and couDci), and the English in the afore-
named provinces, that in case the aforementioned arti-
cles be firmly kept and observed fay the sagamores
and Indians aforesaid — that then the said English shall
not harm any of them during the term of the abovesaid
truce. And further it is agreed by the sagamores afore-
said, that if the said governour and council vrill send for
their captives to Casco sooner than the time abovesaid,
and establish a peace there — that then the said saga-
mores, having timely notice of it, they shall and will
attend it. In testimony whereof, the said parties have
interchangeably set to their hands and seals, the day
and year already specified.

EDGAREMET. Mark nnd Seal.

TOaUELMlJT. Mark and Seal.

WATUMBOMT. f Mark and SoBl."

WATOHBAMET.*

WALUMBE.

JOHN HAWKINS,
Witness,

[Mnrk] DEWANDO.
NED iMn,V.] HIGON.
JOHN ALDEN, Jew.
NATHANIEL ALDEN.

Signed and sealed interchangeably, upon the water, in
canoes, at Sackatehock, when the wind blew.

To the Govcrnour of Boston and of New England,
and to the GetUlemen of his Council.

Seeing that Mr. Phips and madam his wife have
circulated a report, that every thing that was taken
from me at Port Royal has been restored to me, and
that I am quite satisfied ; I have thought it was necessa-
ry to shew the contrary to the govcrnour of Boston and

ler of ihii cbiellaia. '"

Hutchinson Papers.

115

of New England, and to the gentlemen of his council, in
order that they may have the goodness to have justice
done me as regards my fair rights, such as I demand
them according to the present memoir, upon which I
pray them to let me be heard before them in full council,
by the means of a good and faithful interpreter, offering
to prove by his writing and by good English witnesses,
that he made a capitulation with me, which it is just
diouJd be observed, in default of which 1 protest for all
damages and interest, who has done or caused to be done
all the wrongs mentioned here below, which he is obhged
to repair, in strict justice, and according to the laws
of war and of reason.

Account of the Sihtr and Effects, which Mr. Pktpa keepi back
fiom Air. de Meneuat, Govemour of Acadia ^ artd which he hat
not Tutored to him.

First. — Four hundred and four pistoles, the balance
of five hundred and four pistoles, which I confidentially
put into his hands.

Six silver spoons.

Six silver forks.

Two large silver tumblers.

One silver cup in the shape of a gondola.

One silver-mounted sword.

A small silver flask.

»Two pair of silver shoe-buckles.
A scarf of gold and silver tissue.
A very handsome musket, entirely new.
A pair of pistols.
A box.

A large leather trunk.
A dress of green cloth.

Two dressing gowns of linen, trimmed with lace.
A grey vest, entirely new.
Three new wigs.
J Three pair of new shoes.

116

Hutchinson Papers.

Two sword belts.

Two mirrors.

Two pair of stout winter stockings, new

One pair of fine summer stockings, new.

Four pair of silk garters.

Two under waistcoats of Dutch linen, trimmed with
lace.

Two dozen of shirts.

Four pair of linen drawers.

Six vesta of dimity.

One grey and one black hat.

Two dozen of books, French, Italian and Spaoisli.

Twelve cravats of lace.

Four pair of lace rufRes.

Three kerchiefs of lace.

Four nightcaps, with lace edgings.

Fifteen pocket handkerchiefs, three without lace.

Twelve cravats, three without lacc.

Eight nightcaps, without lace.

Twelve pair of new socks.

One case containing three razors and a hone.

And a quantity of other things, suc'h as gloves, new
ribbons in the piece, of various colours, &c.

Two woollen mattresses from my bed.

Four blankets, two large and two small.

Two large pair of fine sheets.

All ray table linen, with the exception of two clotlis
and six napkins, which he has returned to me.

All my kitchen linen.

All ray table service of fioe tin.

All my kitchen utensils.

One piece of French linen, new.

One small piece of cambrick.

Two chests of my servants, with their eflTects ; not
counting those of my cook, which he has given up.

One large blanket and four pair of sheets of my
servants.

Two hogsheads of French wine.

One half pipe of French brandy.

Hutchinson Papers. 117

ine barrel containing fifty pounds of white sugar.
"hree barrels of flour and other provisions.

Further, he ought to render an account of the silver
and effects and merchandize in the warehouse of Mr.
Perrot, who as a citizen could not be pillaged, accord-
ing to the capitulation :

The efiects, money and cattle of the inhabitants,
which have been pillaged contrary to the promise given :

The money and effects of the soldiers, that have
been taken from them :

The sacred vessels and ornaments of the church, and
every thing that has been broken, and the money and
effects of the priests.

All which things I demand should be restored, in virtue
of my capitulation ; also, as is just, that their arms and
liberty should be given to the soldiers of my garrison,
and their passage to Quebeck or France, as he promis-
ed me to do.

I certify all the foregoing to be true, in faith of which
I have made and signed the present memoir at Boston,
this 4th day of December, 1690.

DE MENEUAL,

Govcrnour of Acadia.

I -...^

This is my third epistle to you this week. I

hope all may fetch from you what news Mr. R

hath in his letters, and what is in Mr. Wiswall's last to
the govcrnour by Mr. Prince. Pray speak to Mr. Rus-
sell and the governour, if you see them at lecture next
week, and let them give their judgment what answer to
give to that clause in Mr. Dummer's letter, concerning
the ordering of the contribution to each town. I sup-

118

Hutchinson Papers.

pose an equal divisioa betwixt tlie two towns may gii
best satisfactioa. After that lecture hasten those lettei
to me, lor others need to see them. J. llowland and J.
NeUon carried your mother briskly to Boston on iVIoQ<
day ; they were at Roxbury by sunset. On Tuesday^
John Allyn and a son of Capt. Bradbury's brought wM
a letter from son Allyn, signifying all (especially BetqrJ
were well on Monday morning, waiting and longing KM
her coming. Their horses they left at Winnesimmim
Thursday morning they designed thence to Ipswich*
and this day to Salisbury, and the weather is very com-
fortable for their purpose. They brought news, that
just before their coming from home they heard that
(the particular place J. H. and J. N. who returned
hither on Wednesday, cannot tell) there were seen
tracks of snow-shoes of some hundreds of Indians,
which hath occasioned those eastern parts already to
run into garrisons. They say, Boston town hath not
been so healthful these divers years as just now it is.
Old Capt. and Deacon Capen died of the small pox at
Dorchester this week. Mr. Stoughton hath £600
from the corporation ; we may no doubt easily to have
our salaries now. I have written to him by J. Morton,
who yet waits for a fair wind. William Bret hatli sent
you 15 pounds of hay-seed, and a letter with it, for
16 shillings : if you will order its conveyance to you,
you may have it: we received it but yesterday. I had
another letter from Boston, part of which i transcribe,
because I expect not to see you quickly.

" I think i wrote you lately an easy word or tw(
about a New England gentleman, lately returned to u
from the other side of the water. My design (as well
as the design of the gentleman in England, who enabled
me so to write) was to prevent some intemperances,
which I feared among ourselves ; but I wish the word
unwritten, for I can assure you, the curse, Let him thai
is unjust, be unjust stUl, is dreadfully upon that person,
and poor Now England owes nothing to liim bat
prayers to be delivered from his machinations : Nt

utchinson Papers.

would have I you too far trust the character I give
of * * for it may be said about the men of hia way,
The best qftkem is a briar.

" If you will take my opioion about your affairs, it will
be useless to send your good governour to England.
Sir Henry Ashurst (not to mention any body else) will
be more able to bring noble persons into your interests,
than any one that can go from hence ; and half the money
necessary to bear the charges of an agent from hence,
iroald make Sir Henry capable of doing ten times the
sernce for you. Besides, it will be a desperate thing
for the old gentleman to run the liazard of being carried
into France. The king had ordered our charter to be
drawn up, which was done accordingly, and he used so
particular a conduct for the diverting of the intrigues
our enemies might use to defeat his kind purposes for
us, that we have all the assurance in the world, nothing
but a miraculous and prodigious dispensation of the
sovereign God can cause us to miss of it. Mr. D. never
had opportunity to know what steps were taken for us,
and the stories he tells about these things are but a
branch of his designs to distract, enfeeble and affrighten
his country, whom, I doubt, he has not yet forgiven.
My father obtained an order from the king to Sir G.
Treby, the attorney general, and Sir J. Somers, the solici-
tor general, and another eminent lawyer, to pass their
judgment upon the validity of Connecticut charter, and
they gave it in, That the charier was as good as ever it
was, anrf ifie government there should proceed ujwn it.
This is the instrument now sent over to them, and I
bare newly transmitted it. If the lories won't be quiet,
they shall quickly see some things in print, which they
will be ashamed of. As soon as my newspapers all come
into my hands. 1 hope to send you a large parcel of
them : " Hiec ille.

Did I not repose great confidence in you, I would not
thus write to you ; but what you impart you will do it
wisely, and not expose me or my intimate friend. The
Lord bless you in your work, and make you grow daily

120 Hutchinson Papers.

more and more like J. A. Prepare a choice letter to
thank your cousin Mather. I have sent to him by J.
Morton, for your great book. His wife is abroad;
his child hath had the small pox and is almost well.
Your sister and brother salute you ; my love to you, etc.

I am your loving father,

JOHN COTTON.

[In the Margin.]

Your brother John hath preached two or three Sabbaths
at the Bank. Your mother so writes to me, aud no more but
he and his are all well.

These for Mr. Rowland Cotton, \
PrecLcher of the Oospel at Sand- >
wich, )

[1690 or 1691. — This Petition to the king was got up in London by
the agents opposed to Increase Mather. Probablj the handwriting
of the Reasons is Cooke's. Ed.]

To the Ktng^s most excellent Majesty^

The humble petition of several persons having coa.-
siderable interest in New England and the Jersies

MOST HUMBLY SHEWETH,

That your majesty having directed the right honoura-
ble the Earl of Shrewsbury, upon inquiry, with those
persons who have the most considerable interests in New
England, New York and the Jersies, to present to your
majesty the names of such persons as may be thought
fit at this time to be governour and lieutenant governour
of those parts ; whereof we receiving notice crave leave
most humbly to represent to your majesty, that the in-
habitants and proprietors of the colonies of New Eng-
land and the Jersies have always had, by virtue of their

Hutchinson Papers.

121

tbarteis and grants, a power to choose their respective
govemours; and the honourable House of Conamons
haviDg voted the prosecution against, and taking away
such charters and franchises, to be illegal, and a griev-
ance, and that they be restored and confirmed — it is
humbly conceived, that the appointing of a governour
by your majesty over the colonies of New England and
the Jersies, is inconsistent with the said charters and
grants, (against one of which only judgment hath past,)
and with the votes aforesaid, and will be a great disap-
pointment to the hopes of your subjects there and here,
grounded upon your majesty's most gracious declara-
tions.

Your petitioners therefore most humbly pray, that
your majesty would be graciously pleased, that tlie re-
spective charters, grants, rights and liberties of the said
colonies of New England and tlie Jersies may be restor-
ed and confirmed accordingly.

And your petitioners shall ever pray.

Reasons against sending a Governour lo iSew England.

1. The people there have by their charters power to
choose their own governours, and all other officers ; and
all their charters are in force still, excepting one, there
having been no judgments passed against them, nor any
Borrenders ; and as for that one, against which judgment
has been entered, it proceeded by a scire facias, he. ille-
gally managed.

2. They that are concerned for New England do con-
fidently affirm, that there is not one in an hundred, nay,
Dot one in a thousand, of the inhabitants there, who does
not desire that their government by charter might be
continued to them. If the king shall please to gratify
iheir desires therein, they will cheerfully expose them-
eekes, and all that is dear to them in this world, to serve

TQL. I. THUU> BBBIEB. 11

122 Hutchinson Papers.

his majesty. But if their former rights and privileges be
withheld from them, it will cause an universal dissatisfac-
tion and discouragement amongst the inhabitants. Nor
can any thing be thought of that will more endanger
their being ruined by the French or other enemies near
them, except taking from them their charter rights, as is
manifest in that when they enjoyed their charter, they
easily subdued their enemies, but since that it has been
otherwise.

By the Crovernour and Council.

Proposers offered to Capt. Kid and Capt. Walkington to
encourage their going forth on their majesties^ Service^
to suppress an enemy Privateer now upon this Coast.

That they have liberty to beat up drums for forty
men a-piece, to go forth on this present expedition, not
taking any children or servants without their parents
or masters' consent. A list of the names of such as go
in the said vessels to be presented to the governour be-
fore their departure.

That they cruise upon the coast for the space of ten
or fifteen days in search of the said privateer, and then
come in again and land the men supplied them from
hence.

That what provisions shall be expended within the
said time, for so many men as are in both the said vessels,
be made good to them at their return, in case they take
no purchase ; but if they shall take the privateer, or
any other vessels, then only a proportion of provisions
for so many men as they take in here.

If any of our men happen to be wounded in the en-
gagement with the privateer, that they be cured at the
publick charge.

That the men supplied from hence be proportionable

Hutchinson Papers.

sharers with other the men belonging to said vessels, of
all purchase that shall be taken.

Besides the promise of a gratuity to the captains,
tweDtv pounds a-piece in money.

ron.Junretk, 1691.
Propositions of Capt. Kid,

Imprimis. To have forty men, with their arms, provi-
sions and ammunition.

2dly. All the men that shall be wounded, which have
been put in by the country, shall be put on shore, and
the country to take care of them. And if so fortunate
as to take the pirate and her prizes, then to bring them
iato Boston.

3dly. For myself to have one hundred pounds in
money ; thirty pounds thereof to be paid down, the
rest upon my return to Boston : and if we bring in said
ship and her prizes, then the same to be divided amongst
our men.

4thly. The provisions to be put on board me must
be, ten barrels pork and beef, ten barrels of flour, two
hogsheads of peas, and one barrel of gunpowder for the
great guns.

Sthly. That I will cruise on the coast for ten days'
time ; and if so that he is gone off the coast, that 1 cannot
hear of him, I will then, at my return, take care and set
what men on shore that 1 have had, and are wilting to
leave me or the ship.

Capt. Walkington is also willing to serve the country
on the same terms, that is to say, to have so many men,
arms, provisions and ammunition, and same care for the
wounded men, and for so much money, and so much in
hand, and the same quantity of provisions to be put on
boird.

Hutchinson Papers.

The Examination of Elizabeth Johnson, taken before me, I
Dudley Bradstreet, one of their Majesties^ Justices of the ]
Peace for Essex, this \Olh of August, 1692.

Elizabeth Johnson, being accused of witchcraft,
confessed aa followeth :

That Goody Carrier brought a book to her, and that
she set her hand to it.

That Goody Carrier baptized her, when she baptized
her daughter Sarah. And that Goody Carrier told ber
she should be saved if she would be a witch.

That she had been at Salem village with Goody Car-
rier, and that she had been at the mock sacrament there,
and saw Mr. Borroughs there. ,

She confessed also, that slie had aiHicled several per-r
sons. That the first she afflicted was Lawrence Lacy,
And that she and Thomas Carrier afflicted Sarah Phelps,
and Maxy Walcutt, and Ann Putman, the 9lh instant,
and that she afflicted them this day as she came to towo.

And Uiat she hath afflicted a child of Ephraim Davis,
the 9th instant and this day, by pinching it. And th^
she afflicted Ann Putman with a spear.

That she and Goody Carrier afflicted Benjamin
Abbott.

That Goody Toothaker and two of her children were
with her the last night, when she afflicted the children.

.She also confessed that one Daniel Eimes, of Boxford,
was with her on the 8th and 9th instant, at night ; and
he afflicted Sarah Phelps, and told her he had been a
witch ever since he ran away.

And that she had a hand in afflicting Timothy Swan*
DUDLEY BRADSTREET, Justice Peace.

The Examination of Thomas Carrier, taken the day above-
said before me, Dudley Bradstreet, ^c.

Thomas Carrier, being accused of witchcraft,
confessed that he was guilty of witchcraft, and that he

Hutchinson Papers.

125

had been a witch a week, and that his mother taught
him witchcraft.

That a yellow bird had appeared to him and spoke to
him ; at which he being afTrighted, his motlier appeared
to him and brought him a book, and bid him set his band
to it, telling him it would do him good if he did so, and
that she would tear him in pieces if he would not.

That bis mother baptized him in Shaw-shin River,
pulled off his clothes and put him into the river, and that
his mother then told him, he was her's for ever.

ITjat his mother bid him atilict Maxy Walcutt, Ann
Putmao and Sarah Phelps. And that he went, the
9th instant, at night, to John Chandler's ; that there
were ten in company with him, who rid upon two poles ;
that there were three men in the company, and two of
the women belonged to Ipswich, whose names were
Mary and Sarah ; and that he saw Betty Johnson in the
company.

And confessed that he did, the 9th instant, at night,
afiict Stirah Phelps and Ann Putman by pinching them.
DUDLEY BRADSTREET, Justice Peace.

The Examination of Sarah Carrier, taken before me,
l^p Dudley Bradstreet aforesaid, the day aforesaid.

^^H^ Sarah Carrier confessed, being accused of witch-
cHR, as followeth :

That she hath been a witch ever since she was six
years old. That her mother brought a red book to her,
and she touched it.

That her mother baptized her in Andrew Foster's
paature, the day before she went to prison. And that
her mother promised her she should not be hanged.

That her mother taught her how to afflict folks by
pinching them or sitting on them. That she began to
afflict Sarah Phelps last Saturday, and Betty Johnson
was with her.

]S6 Hutchinson Papers.

That her mother gave her a spear last night, and that
she pricked Ann Putraan and Sarah Phelps with it.
DUDLEY BRADSTREET, Justice of Peace.

[This unhappy child, betweftti seven and eight jears old, was again
eiamined, the next day, by other magistratea, and confessed more
impoaaibilitiea. See 11. Hutch. 47. Ed.]

Gentlemen,

I THOUGHT it meet to give you this broken ac-
count, hoping it may be of some service. I am wholly
unacquainted with affairs of this nature, neither have the
benefit of books for forms, &.c. ; but being unadvisedly
entered upon service I am wholly unfit for, beg that my
ignorance and failings may be as much covered as con-
Teniently may be ; which will be ever acknowledged by
Your poor and unworthy servant,

DUDLEY BRADSTREET.

I know not whether to mako any returns. Bonds I
have taken. The custos rotulorum I know not, he.

To Ihr linaourrd B.*ttTHoi.nHP.w Gp.unev, J
John Hathohne, Esq. or any of tkcir \,
Majeatiri' Justicts of the Peace in Salem, i
these humbly present. J

I. The New Settlement of the Birds in New England.

1 . The birds had maintained good order among thorn-
selves for several years, under the shelter of charters by
Jupiter granted to several flacks among them : But hea-
ven, to chastise many faults too observable in its birds,
loft them to be deprived of their ancient settlements.
There were birds of all sorts in tlieir several flocks ; for
some catched fish, some lived upon grains; the wood-
peckers also made a great figure among them ; some of
them scraped for their living with their claws ; and many
supplied their nests from beyond sea. Geese you may

Hutchinson Papers. 127

be sure there were good store, as there are everywhere.
Moreover, when they had lost their charters, those po-
etical birds called harpies became really existent, and
visited these flocks, not so much that tliey might build
nests of their own, as plunder and pull down the nests
of others.

2. There were many endeavours used by an eagle
and a goldfinch, afterwards accompanied with two more,
— DO less deserving the love of all tlie flocks, than desir-
ous to serve their interest, — tliat flew into Jupiter's palace,
for the resettlement of good government among llie birds.
These endeavours did for awhile prosper no furtlier than
to stop the inroads of harpies or locusts ; but at length
Japiter^s court was willing that Jupiter's grace, which \
would have denied notliing for tlie advantage of them,
whose wings had carried them a thousand leagues to
serve his empire, should not be hindered from giving
them a comfortable settlement, though not exactly ip
their old forms.

3. Upon this there grew a difference of opinion be-
tween some that were concerned for the welfare of the
l)irds. Some were of opinion, that if Jupiter would not
reinstate the birds in all their ancient circumstances, they
had better accept of just nothing at all, but let all things
be left for the harpies to commit as much rapine as they
were doing when they were ejecting every poor bird out
of his nest, that would not, at an excessive rate, produce
a patent for it ; and when Canary birds domineered over
all the flocks. Others were of opinion, that the birds
ought rather thankfully to accept the oflers of Jupiter ;
and if any thing were yet grievous, they might shortly
see a fitter season to ask further favours, especially con-
adering that Jupiter made them oflers of such things as
all the other American birds would part with more than
half the feathers on their backs to purchase. He offer-
ed that the birds might be everlastingly confirmed in
their titles to their nests and fields. He offered that not
so much as a twig should be plucked from any tree the
birds would roost upon, without their own consent. He

138

Hutchinson Papers.

offered that the birds might constantly make their own
laws, and annually choose their own rulers. He offered
I that ail strange birds might be made uncapable of a seat
^ in their council. He offered that it should be made im-
I possible for any to disturb the birds in singing of their
, songs to the praise of their Maker, for which they had
I Bought liberty in the wilderness. Finally, ho offered
[ that the king's-fisher should have his commission to be
their governour until they hiwi settle<l what good orders
I among tliem tliey pleased ; and that he should be more
concerned than ever now to defend them from the
I French kites that were abroad. The king's-fisher indeed
was to have his negative upon the birds, but the birds
I were to have a negative too upon the king's-fisher; and
I this was a privilege beyond what was enjoyed by the
I birds in any of the plantations, or even in Ireland itself.
4. The birds, not being agreed in their opinion, re-
solved that they would refer it to reasonable creatures
to advise them upon this question — which of these was
to be chosen ; but when the reasonable creatures heard
the question, they all declared none that had any rei
could make any question of it.

II. The Elephant's Case a little stated.

iamaJ

1. When Jupiter had honoured the elephant witli a
' commission to be governour over the wilderness, there
' Were certain beasts that began to quarrel with him for
I accepting that commission. The chief matter of mutter
among themselves was to this purpose : They had no-
' thing to say against the elephant ; he was as good as he
I Was great ; he loved his king and country better than
I himself, and was as universally beloved. But (tliey said)
they feared he was but a shoeing-horn ; in a year or
I two either Isgrim the wolf, or Bruin the bear, would suc-
ceed him. Jupiter's commissions may come into such
hands as will most cruelly oppres.s those, whom Jupita
most graciously designs to protect.

Hutchinson Papers.

129

^^^ The elephant understood these growlings, and as-
sembliDg the malecontents, ho laid these charms upon
them : " My countrymen, 'tia I that have kept off the
shoe, whereof ye are so afraid. I had refused the com-
mi&^on for your government, if I had not seen that you
had certainly come into Isgrim'sor Bruin's hands upon my
refusal. My desire is, that Jupiter may have the satia-
factioo of seeing you saved from the dangers of perishing
either by division among yourselves, or by invasion from
abroad, was what caused me to accept my commission.
Besides, Jupiter hath now favoured you with such cir-
cutnstances, that if Isgrim or Bruin themselves should
come, they could not hurt you without your own consent.
They might not raise one tax, or make one law, or con-
stitute one civil office, or send one soldier out of the
province, without your concurrence. And if, after all
that I have done for you, not only employing of my
purse, but also venturing my hfe to serve you, you have
DO better name for me than a shoeing-horn, yet 1 have
at least obtained this for you, that you have time to shape
your foot, so as, whatever shoe comes, it shall sit eEtsy
upon you."

3. Upon this the whole forest, with grateful and
cheerful hearts, gave thanks unto the elephant ; and they
aspired to such an exercise of reason, in this as well as
in other cases, that they might not be condemned to
graze under Nebuchadnezer's belly.

III. Mercury's Negotiation.

I. Mercury had been long diverted from his desired
employment of carrying messages between earth and
heaven, by his agency in Jupiter's palace on the behalf
of Uie ^eep, for whom he was witling to do the kindness
of a shepherd. It grieved his heart within him to see
the beasts of prey breaking in upon the sheep, after their
*""s had been by the foxes broken down.

He laboured with an assiduous diligence to get

130 Hutchinson Papers.

the sheep accommodated in all their expectations : But
after long waiting and seeking to get their folds rebuilt
after the old fashion, he found it necessary to comply
with such directions as Jupiter, by the advice of Janus,
had given for the new shaping of the folds ; otherwise
he saw the poor sheep had been left without any folds
at all ; and he could not but confess, the new modelling
of the folds would more effectually defend them, in these
days of common danger, from the wolves, though some
inconveniences in it had caused him always to use all
means for the sheep's better satisfaction.

3. When Mercury returned to the sheep, he found
them strangely metamorphosed from what they were,
and miserably discontented. Qe found that such things
as the sheep would have given three quarters of the
fleece on their backs to have purchased, when he first
went from them, they were now scarce willing to accept
of. He found that there were, (though a few,) which
had the skins of sheep on them, and yet, by their claws
and growls, were indeed, he knew not what. He was
ready to inquire, whether no mad dogs had let fall their
slaver upon the honest sheep, since he found here and
there one begun to bark like them, and he feared
whether these distempers might not hinder their ever
being folded more.

4. Orpheus had an harp, which sometimes formerly
had reduced the beasts unto a temper little short of
reason, and being jealous lest the hard censures bleated
out against Mercury (as if he had been the cause of their
new forms now brought upon the folds) might produce
ill effects, he improved his harp upon this occasion. I
don't remember the rhythm of his notes, but the reason
was to this purpose : " Pray, all you friends, which of
Mercury's administrations is it whereat you are so much
offended ? Are you angry because he evidently ventured
the ruin of his person and family by the circumstances of
his first appearance in Saturn's palace for you ? Are yoa
angry because, for divers years together, he did, with
an industry indefatigable to a prodigy, solicit for the

^^,ja*m,^aamm»i

son Fop

ifuon Fapert.

181

restoration of your old folds ; but with a vexation like
that of Sysiphus, who was to roll a great stone up an
high hill, from whence he was presently kicked down,
so that the labour was all to begin again ? Are you an-
gry becaase he has employed all the interest which God
has wonderfully given him with persons of the greatest
quality, to increase the number of your powerful friends ;
addressing the king and queen, the nobility, the conven-
tion and the parliaments, until the resettling of your old
folds was most favourably voted for you ? Is your anger
because the signal hand of heaven overruled all these
eodeavours ? Or is your displeasure that he hath cost you
a litUe money to support his negotiations? I am to tell
you, that he spent two hundred pounds of his own personal
estate in your service — never like to be repaid. He made
over all bis own American estate, that he might borrow
more to serve you. At length he has obtained in boon for
your college, and in the bounty, which he lately begged
of the royal Juno, (a bounty worth more than fourteen
or sixteen hundred pounds steriing,) got more for you
than he has yet expended for your agency. Had you
not starved your own cause, you had never missed so
much as you say you have of your own expectations.
Besides, bow came you to have your title to all your
lands and properties confirmed for ever? Not one of
you doth own one foot of land, but what you are now
beholden to Mercury for your being undisturbed in it.
Are you displeased because you have not a reversion of
the judgment against your folds ? It was none of his
lault; and had such a thing happened, you had then
been far more miserable than you are now like to be :
Llfeboth Plymouth and the eastern provinces had been
^Ejrt certainly put under a commission government ; so
[j^nri^e had Hampshire ; and if they should have a
BrelHn, yet his government would have reached as far
south as Salem itself. How finely had your flock been
deprived of your trade by this, and squeezed into an
atom! Nor could you have proceeded again, as former-
ly, upon your charter, without being quo-warrautoed.

132 Hutchinson Papers.

Are you displeased because he did accept of Jupiter's
offers ? I say he did not accept, and the way is left open
for you to recover all the liberties you would have, when
you see a time to move in a legal way for it. Yea, he
did absolutely reject as many of the offers as he could,
and procured them to be altered. The rest he did not
refuse, because yon had infaUibly been left open to a
western condition, if he had gone on to protest. More-
over, you yourselves had forbidden him to refuse. Are
you troubled because your liberties, whether as Chris-
tians or as Englishmen, are fully secured? Are you
troubled because you have privileges above any part of
the English nation whatsoever, either abroad or at home ?
Are you troubled that your officers are to be for ever
your own ; so that, if you please, you may always have
your judges as at the first, and the counsellors as at the be-
ginning ? Is it your trouble that, by being without your
charter, you are put into a condition to do greater and
better things for yourselves than the charter did contain,
or could have done ? Did any man living more zealously
oppose those one or two things that you account unde-
sirable, than this faithful Mercury, at whom you fret for
those things ? Or must very much good be frowardly
thrown away, because 'tis not all ? If you would have
more, don't blame your Mercury that you have so
much." — So sang Orpheus, and, for the better harmony
of the musick, eleven more of the celestial choristers
joined with him in it.

6. The sound of those things caused the sheep to be
a little better satisfied ; but Mercury was not much con-
corned whether they were or no, for he looked elsewhere
for all the reward of bis charitable undertakings ; and
ho knows, he that would do froward sheep a kindness
must do it them against their wills ; only he wished the
shoop would have a care of all snakes in the grass, who
(lid iniscliicf by insinuating, and employed their hisses to
HOW discord.

Ht^ekituon Papers.

fV. An eiddUionai Story of the Dogs and the Wolves, the
Substance of which was used, an hundred andjijiy Years
ago, 6y Metancthon, to unite the Protestants.

1. The wolves and the dogs were going to meet
each other in a battle, upon a certain old quarrel that
was between them ; and the wolves, that they might
know the strength of the dogs aforehand, sent forth a
scout

2. The scout returned, and informed the wolves that
the dogs were more numerous than they. Nevertheless,
he bid them not be discouraged ; for the dogs were not
only divided into three or four several bodies, which had
little disposition to help one another, but also they were
very quarrelsome among themselves. One party was
for having the army formed one way, and another party
aoother. Some were not satisfied in their commanders ;
and the commanders themselves had their emulations.
Nor did there want those among them, that accounted
it more necessary to lie down where they were, and
hunt and kill flees, than march forth to subdue wolves
abroad. Id short, there was little among them but
snapping and snarling at one another; And therefore,
said be, monsieurs, let's have at them : we shall easily
play the wolf upon them that have played the dog upon
one another.

3. This is a story so old, that, as the good man said,
I hope it is not true.

To his Excellency and Council.

INASMUCH as the peace, by the good hand of God

lately restored in the eastern parts of this province,
afibms a return of the opportunity to gospehze the In-

VOL. I. TBIKD BEKIEB.

HutcJiinson Papert.

dians io those parts ; the former neglects whereof, 'tis to
be feared, have been chastised iu the sore disasters,
whicli the late wars with the salvages have brought
upon us :

We do now humbly sohcit your excellency and coun-
cil, by all fit methods, to encourage a design of propa-
mting the Cliristian faith among those miserable people :
That so we may answer our profession, in the first set-
tlement of this country, as well as the direction of our
{>resent charter : And that the French essays to prose-
yte the heathen unto popish idolatry, may not exceed
our endeavours to engage tJiem unto the evangelical
woship of our Lord Jesus Christ ; And tliat we may
the more comfortably hope for the blessing of God on
our trade in those parts, wlien we seek first the interests
of his kingdom there : Which is the concurrent desire
and prayer of,

Your excellency's and hoaours'

Most sincere servants,

Cambridor,

Octobtr 3, 1693.

INCREASE MATHER.
CHARLES MORTON.
JAMES ALLEN.
SAMUEL WILLARD.
COTTON MATHER.
NEHEMIAH WALTER.
JONATHAN I'lERPONT. ]

Paris, January 26, 1609. 4
May it plense your Lordships,

Havinc, some time before my coming from EaJ_
land to this place, laid before your honours a certam
memorial relating to tlie 8th article in tlie treaty of peace
concluded between his majesty and the French king,
which as you then did approve of, so likewise were
pleased to lay your commands for further informntioo of

Hutchinson Papers.

any thing that might happen or occur to my knowledge
by my being in France, and by my acquaintance with
those here, who are more particularly interested in those
conntrics, wherein 1 have not been wanting, to sound
their intentions as far as opportunity has permitted, and
am thereby the more confirmed of tlie necessity in as-
eerting and maintaining our right in the fisliery, and
hariog them especially inserted by articles, conformable
to my memorial as aforesaid. What I have now further
to add for your lordships' information is, That the French
will endeavour — and accordingly instructions will be
given unto their commissioners — to endeavour to extend
their limits unto the River of Kennebeck, making that
the boundary between us on the eastern parts of New
England, under the plausible pretence that, that river
being more noted, and of the largest extent of any in
those ports, crossing through the land almost onto the
great river of Canada, they thereby shall bo able to
withhold the Indians under such a noted boundary from
any farther excursions upon us on the western side. But
presuming that it will not be disagreeable unto your
lordships that I give my sentiments herein — which I the
rather do to prevent any surprise or mistake, which may
arise from any their specious pretences — I shall tlierefore
expose before your honours the nature, consequences
and value of such a concession, which in a short time
may be as fatal and irreparable unto the interest of the
crown and the prosperity of those countries, as the late
surrender of Nova Scotia by the treaty of Breda has

proved As, first, I cannot see any further security con-

ce'rning the Indians; but on the contrary, those Indians
of that river, being our greatest enemies, will rather be
encouraged than otherwise, seeing their country deliver-
ed up unto the French, which those barbarous nations
will rather interpret to be for want of power to keep,
than any voluntary resignation ; so that we shall thereby
become the object of their scorn and contempt, and
which will rather encourage than restrain them in their

Hutchinson Papers.

insolences and enterprizes upon U3 : whereas, if tl

French will truly endeavour to maintain and promote

t the publick peace and tranquillity, nothing is more easy

k'than to restrain them under the limits they were formerly

I bounded in, which is the River of St. George, about five

J leagues to the eastward of Pemaquid, and was always

ftKbe ancient boundary in my late uncle Sir Thomas Tem-

T-ple's patent, further than which they have no manner of

I pretence or claim : but the consequence to us, on the

LiContrary, will be of utmost moment; as, first, we shall

■'hereby be deprived of four or five of our best fishing

■harbours; secondly, the river being of much larger ex-

■itent than Piscataqua, will be a perpetual supply of masts,

\ timber, deal boards, when the others will fail, many parts

of it being already exhausted by the continual exporta-

jition that has been made; thirdly, the goodness of the

Lland, and its convenient situation, renders it advantage^

I.ous to be re-established, by which and a prudent mi

Vagement of things with the natives, I do not hold it i

I possible nor improbable to reduce them to their ancient

[■jamity with us; for it will manifestly be their interest so

I .to do, by reason of their being amongst us, and that we

J can, and always do supply them cheaper, and give better

I -prices for their peltry, than the French ; for it was not

f.'through hatred to us, but by the mismanagement of

rAome amongst us, of which the French took advantage,

I insinuating things wholly suppositious, whereby ihey at

I last have influenced them to break out into war as at

j present ; — I say, notwithstanding which they are to be

I regained, being a people that love their own interest,

md do know and study it as much as others, &c. Aa to

I our fishery on the coast of Cape Sables, I find they will

obstruct us if they can, and that nothing but a vigorous

asserting of our uninterrupted right and custom will

preserve us herein ; But having in my former memorial

said what is necessary on this and other subjects, I shall

not now further detain your lordships, hoping that about

three weeks hence I may be in London, where if in any

Hutchinson Papers.

137

thing I may yet be serviceable, I shall at all times be
ready to obey your lordships' commandsj S:c.
I am, witli all profound respect,

Your lordships' most humble
and most obedient servant,

JOHN NELSON.
Read November 17, 1693.

LfUar Jrcm Rev. Colion Mather to flon. John Sajin.

19 d. 5 m. 1710.
Honoured Sir,

You win give me leave to proceed in offering my
poor advice upon your distressing affairs.

I am informed, that M. Saffin is inviting you to take
yoor quarters where she has hers, and enjoy the best
aesistaoces her person and estate can give, to render
your old age honourable and comfortable.

My humble opinion is, that you will do well to accept
this offer, and spend the rest of your very little time in
as easy and as pious a manner as 'tis possible.

'Tia my opinion, that your acceptance of this offer
aboutd be attended with two agreeable circumstances.

The one is, (as 1 have heretofore taken the leave to
tell you,) that al\ former and crooked things must be buried.
There must be no repeating of matters, which never
can be exactly rectified. This would be an endless and
useless embroilment. It can have no tendency to any
good in the world. There is a Scotch proverb that you
must keep to — By-gones be by-goncs, and fair play for
the time to come. That must be an ample satisfaction
for all that is past. This must not be called a palliative
care, when the case admits no other. It ie one of the
most observable infirmities of old age, an inculcation of
matters that have been often enough already spoken to.
And allow me to be so pleasant as to say, you, sir, are

138

Hutchinson Papers.

not ambitious, I hope, to discover many of those in6rni-
ities. As to your controversies with Mr, George, let there
be no disputation between you and madam about them.
Say to the gentleman Iiimself, what you have to say. If
madam study to make your condition easy, certainly yoa
will make your conversation with her forever so. It is,
you know, sir, better than I, the true spirit of a gentle-
man, to make his conversation easy to every one, espe-
cially to such a companion as madam will be to you.

The second is, that you do the part of a gestlemait,
in securing madam's interest from any future destruction
or detriment, while she is devoting it, as far as may be,
unto your present service. You have known what it is
to treat a wife as becomes a gentleman ; and you have
told mc, that in your former conduct towards this gen-
tlewoman, you have not forgotten the laws of complai-
sance and of tenderness. Good sir, hold to them. And
take it not amiss, if there should be made to you such
overtures, as judicious and indifferent friends may ap-
prove on this occasion.

My opinion for your coming into such a cohabitation
has a thousand reasons.

If you decline it, it will be improved vastly to your
disreputation. It will cause them to forsake you, thai
are now desirous to assist you. If you were furnished
with stores enough to carry on the wars, yet your age
forbids it. You must cheerfully entertain the reputable
character of a miles emeritus. There is nothing more
decent than for old men to be aforehand in such a sense
of themselves. You have llie honour of an age, wherein
the men who have done worthily in their day must haye
done with Itie world, and especially with the wars of it.:
I have an hundred times assumed the liberty to tell you,:
Repose is tlie milk of old age. I hope your piety will
render it no ungrateful message to you, that you ar»
just arrived unto this period of your days. Doubtlen
you are so wise, as to live in a daily expectation of yoori
|i4issotution. It will be the worst thing imaginable fon
■Km now, sir, to be vexing yourself with business of A4

Hutchinson Papers.

139

wrangling importance. No, dear sir ; you must now be
wholly swallowed up in praying, in reading, in assiduous
meditations on the heavenly world. The aSairs of your
husbandry at Bristol, methinks, you should rejoice in an
opportunity to cast them off. No more EAllTH now,
sir, b\U all for HEAVEN.' I add, you are just going
before the eternal God ; you must lay aside all bitterness.
And the more bravely you forgive all real or supposed
injuries, the more sweetly you will he prepared for the
coDSoIations of your own forgiveness. Good sir, throw
all embitterments into a grave, before you go into your
own.

Vou will ask, what assurances you shall have, that
madam will do you good, and not evil, all tlie rest of the
days of your life. My answer is, we must all be gua-
rantees ; that is to say, if there be any point, in which
you think yourself unkindly dealt withal, we must, any
of us, on the least intimation, readily offer to madam our
sentiments ; and we persuade ourselves, that she will
readily hearken to us.

Dear sir, compose your mind ; and by a generous
casting yourself into the hands of the most suitable nurse
in the world, put yourself into the most proper condition
to wait for the time of your falling asleep in the arras of
your great Saviour.

Pardon this freedom of,

Sir,
Your faithful friend and servant,

CO. MATHER.

[Saffin died at Bristol ten da|s after ibc dale of this letter. See
Hulcb. IJ. 172. Ed. 3. Ed.]

I RECEIVED the General Court's instructions, by which
Ihave the happiness to understand, that the Court was
leased to approve my conduct in their affairs the last
year. The 6rst thing I did after coming to town, was

140

Hutchinson Papers.

delivering your address to the kiag, which his majesty
received with his wonted grace niid fuvour. But the
ministers of state have been so deeply engaged in nego-
tiating a general peace, besides the hurry of parhament-
ary and other affairs at home, that I'm afraid they han't-™
' had time to consider it. M

The Virginia merchants, who petitioned the parliamoriH
I last year for the free importation of iron from the pian*-^
I tations, have done the same this session. They hove
I indeed made a show of putting other naval stores, as
1 timber, hemp and Bax, in their petition ■ but the princi-
l pal thing they aim at is iron, notwitlistanding they know
[ tfie parliament will not encourage the making that ore
among us without discouraging at the same time our iron
! manufactures. Tlio moment 1 had inlclligence of what
[ these gentlemen were contriving, I went to them and
I used all the arguments 1 could, and even the most pas-
f nonate entreaties, to dissuade them from their purpose.
r I represented to them tlie inevitable destruction they
[ would bring upon all the colonies, if the commons should
[ pass the same bill they did before, and I should not have
I 'the same success I then had to got it flung out by the
lords. Cut ail arguments were in vain. Tliere was no
piercing the ears that wore deafened by interest. Those
merchants think tliey shall get money by importing pig
iron from Virginia, which consideration is so prevalent,
that they care not what distresses they bring upon the
poor inhabitants of the country. Thoy would be well
enough content to see us reduced to the servile condition
of the Jews, when under the tyranny of the Philistines,
who were not permitted to have a smith throughout all
their land. I determined, therefore, to act against these
people upon a separate bottom, and endeavour to get
the article of iron loft out, and to have the bill, with
timber, hemp aud flax in it, go on. I considered, if I
could accomplish this, it would be better than to get the
whole bill thrown out, as 1 did the last session, because
the taking off the duty on timber will certainly
great service to the province. You'll see, by comparii^

Hutchinson Papers. 141

the enclosed votes, that I liave hitlierto succeeded. In
the votes of the 25th of February, the first tiling iu the
petition is pig iron, and in the votes of the 22d of March,
when leave is given to bring in the bill, iron is omitted ;
and in the votes of the 28th of tlie same month, when
the bill is brought in and received, 'tis actually left out.
The traders to Virginia, finding themselves frustrated in
what they mainly, and 1 may say only, intended, are at
work with their friends in the house of commons, to
more that it may be an instruction to tlie committee, to
receive a clause for the free importation of iron. I shall
oppose this clause all 1 can, for fear of the consequences
of it ; and if 1 an't able to carry my point, then 1 shall
endeavour to prevent the laying any prohibition upon our
working iron ; and if I fail in this too, then I must do as
I did the last session — desire to be heard at the lords' bar
before the bill pass. I shall be sorry to come to this last
remedy, but if 1 must, 1 hope it will be effectual, seeing
the reasons against the hill are the same they were, and
my diligence shan't be less than it was, but, if possible,
greater.

You have covered in this packet, a copy of my memo-
rial addressed to the lords commissioners for trade and
plantations, praying that our right to gather salt at Ter-
tndas may be owned and confirmed, and a liberty to cut
wood at Campcache and Hundoras be granted us at
the ensuing treaty of peace. If Gibraltar should be
given up to Spain — as the nation generally fears it will —
our ministers have declared in parliament, that the king
wilt insist upon an equivalent ; and in that case these
particulars will make a part of it. This 1 am assured
of. But then, on the other hand, if we can and do keep
Gibraltar, which Spain earnestly desires, and claims our
promise to surrender it, 1 believe the ministers will think
themselves well off without demanding any new advan-
tages from that crown, other than what shall be neces-
sary for the Soutli Sea Company to maintain their assi-
ento, and commerce to the Spanish West Indies.
Sir Alexander Cairnes and his associates are at present

Hutchinson Papers.

142

quiet as to their petition for lands in Nova Scotia. Now
they see they can't carry their project to monopolize
the fishing ground, and lay an indult upon ail New Eng-
land iish that is cured tiiere, they seem inchned to drop
the patent \ which evidently demonstrates, that their
true intention v/aa not to settle towns, and plantations,
and iinprovo the fishery themselves, as they speciously
pretended ; but to sit lazily at the receipt of custom, to
gather in their toll, and grow rich at our expense-
Mr. Coram has been also inactive this winter, but is

, now renewing his eflbrts, and gives out that he is sure
of carrying his point. He has lately been at Ilaarburgh,

f acity on the Elbe belonging to his majesty, which having
a "good harbour, and being well situated over against
Hamburgh, he proposed to the governour and magis-
trates there the getting an act of parliament for importing
fir timber and deal boards from thence into Great Britain ;
by which means their city was to become the magazine of
all tiie timber in Germany, and the mart for its sale and
exportation. The governour and magistrates, pleased
with this scheme, gave hicn commendatory letters to the
German ministers at our court, under whoso favour and
influence a bill was brouglit into the house of commons
for tliis purpose, but could not bo carried for Ilaarburgh
exclusively, though great interest was made for it, but
extends indifferently to all the ports in Germany. How-
ever, Mr. Coram takes great merit to himself from what
he has done, and fancies he has thereby secured a suffi-
cient interest at court to carry hia favourite design on our
eastern lands, upon which he has fixed his views, and
indefatigably laboured for so many years. I sent to hira
■evcral times to lot him know, that if he and his friends
will bo content to make Penobscot their western bounds,
I'll give him no opposition, but assist him in getting his
patent, and do hira all the service in my power, liut he
IS a man of that obstinate, persevering temper, as never
to desist from his first enterprise, whatever obstacles lie
in his way. So that I expect a good deal more trouble
and expense, though 1 don't doubt of continuing to de-
feat him.

Hutchinson Papers.

143

' the bill passes for taking off the duty on plantation
timber, as I hope it will, we shall receive no detriment
in that trade by the liberty given to import it from Ger-
maoy. For it must pay the same duty coming from
Gennaay as from Sweden ; and though the Kibe be
nearer the Thames tlian the Baltick, yet the British
carriage, by which it must be brought hither, is so much
dearer than tbat of the Swedes, that it's very probable
there never will bo one sbip-load of wood imported from
any of the German dominions.

i hear nothing lately of Mr. Usher's proceedings.
Sir Matthew Dudley, who ia his patron, was seized with
an apoplexy some months ago, and has been confined to
his house ever since ; for which reason, I suppose, Mr.
Usher has not been able to get forward in his business.
Mr. Andross, the nephew and executor of Sir Edmund,
is at present in Guernsey, but soon expected here, when,
'tis beheved, he'll make some new motion at the council
board for the pretended arrears due to liim as executor
to bis uncle. If he should stir any further, 1 shall ob-
serve the instructions of the Court upon that head.

I present the Assembly with a book writ by Sir

HovendoQ Walker, and published this winter under the

title of a Journal of the Expedition to Canada, in which

there are so many things relating to New England, that

I think it more proper to send over the treatise itself

than to extract any passages from it. He imputes the

fatal miscarriage of that enterprise to the ignorance of

our pilots, and an unaccountable backwardness in the

people to despatch the fleet. But though he calls this

pretended backwardness of the people unaccountable,

yot he afterwards pretends to account for it, and that in

» extraordinary a manner, as leaves it hard to say

wbeUier it be more villanous or ridiculous. He relates

a story of one Monsieur Ronde Denie, who was sent

from the governour of Placentia with a private commis-

ntra to the government of New England to dissuade

Ihem from joining with the arras of England against

Canada ; and then, though he is not so rash as to affirm

Hutchinson Papers.

144

that. we were influenced by this negotiation, agaiost the
duty of our allegiance and the apparent interest of the
province, yet he very plainly suggests it, and leaves the
reader at full liberty to believe it. When this book first
came out I intended to answer it, and for that end ap-
plied at the secretary of state's office for the pilot's affi-
davits, which I lodged there in the queens's reign, but
there have been so many changes since in that oiHce,
that nobody knew any thing of them. I went afterwards
to Col. Nicholson, imagining he might have duplicates,
but he either had none or would not produce them. I
think these affidavits are so essential to the country's
justification in the accusation about the pilots, that it
can't be undertaken widiout them. In the mean while it
is some satisfaction, that Sir Hovendon's book is a very
weak performance, and so little taken notice of, that it
can't do U3 mucli, if any harm. And, indeed, I don't
know whether it is not better to let it remain in its pre-
sent obscurity, tlian to give it credit and make it consi-
derable by answering it. However, if the General
Court think it deserves an answer, and will enjoin me
the task, I shall do my best, and think my pen can't be
BO well employed as in defence of the honour of my
country. But in this case I must desire to have the affi-
davits above-mentioned, and any otiier materials that
may be thought proper.

I have a good while had it in my thoughts to mention
something in my publick letter about your custom ot
printing the Journals of the Assembly's votes and pro-
ceedings every session. It is with great satisfaction that
I read there frequent accounts of your laying out new
townships, settling ministers and schools, enlarging your
college, regulating trade and manufactures, and doing
many other things, which show the growing state of the
province, and the good order of the government. But
that which gives mc pleasure, gives others pain. People
here are very apt to read these things with jealous eyes ;
and when they find in the same journals, that all business
is transacted in the Council and Assembly, and confe-

Hutchinson Papers,

145

» managed between tlie two houses with the same
decency and solemnity as in the parliament of Great
Britaio, they fancy ua to be a little kind of sovereign
state, and conclude for certain that we shall be so in
lime to come, and that the crown will not be able to
reduce us at so great a distance from the throne. Now,
though these fancies are the most absurd and unreason-
able in the world, yet when men have once taken them
into their heads, it's hard to get them out again. I have
therefore ever found, since I have had (he honour of
serving the province, that our greatest prudence is to
lie quiet and as unobserved as we can ; and that the less
show we make to the world, the safer we are from the
stroke of publick as well as private envy. I would then,
sir, with all submission, propose it to the wisdom of the
General Court to consider what advantage the printing
of their journals brin^ to the province, and whether
that advantage, whatever it he, will balance the incon-
venience I have mentioned. I know the clerk of the
house will be a loser, if this practice should bo discon-
tinued; but I suppose that is not a consideration of any
great moment, being easy to be made up some other
way ; besides, I have had so long e.\perience of that
gentleman's disinterested love and zeal for his country,
that I am sure he would cheerfully resign any perquisite
or profit accruing lo himself, if it were judged to be in-
consistent with the publick prosperity. If what I have
said on this subject be thought too officious, as not being
within my instructions, I hope it will be excused for my
gcx>d meaning.

I had almost forgot to mention my poor crazy coun-
trywoman, Mrs. Watts, though I have memorandums
enough not to forget her, for she still gives me trouble
and charge about her mad lawsuit. She preferred, this
winter, a petition in the court of chancery against the
commissioners of sequestration, who discharged the New
England ships last year, for taking a bribe, and against
me for giving it. She has now got a new set of com-
missioners, who are a pack of hungry fellows, ready for
13

TOL. t. THIRD SBRIES.

146

Hutchinson Papers.

any dirty work, if they can get a penoy by it. And
these fellows are to sequester the ships that are now
ready to sail, if I don't prevent them by throwing a little
dust in their eyes. There's no other way of proceeding
than this, unless 1 would appear in court, and take on me
tiie defence of the suit, which I shall never do without
your positive commands, because it would subject the •
province to a trial where the cause ought not to be
heard, and would be a dangerous precedent in cases that
may hereafter happen. If Col. I3urgess had well con-
sidered what he did, when he put in an appearance for
the province, 'tis probable he would not have done it.
But it's too late to look back to that mistake. 'Tis to
be hoped that Dr. Morton, who has hitherto supported
tiiis mad woman with money, will at lengtli see his owa
madness in doing it, and then the suit must have an end.

I can't tinisli my letter without mentioning the death
of the Honourable Sir William Ashhurst, by which the
province sustains a great and irreparable loss. He was
a hearty lover of our civil and religious liberties, and
stood faithful to all our interests in the various changes
of the court and ministry here. I can say, from my own
ten years' experience, that I never asked his assistance
for New England, but he was both ready and pleased
to give it; and though he had an extreme aversion to a
court, and the tedious ceremonies of attendance there,
yet he always went with alacrity when there was a
prospect of doing us service. Such generous and disin-
terested friends arc at all times scarce and valuable, but
were never more wanted by New England than now.
1 hope iherelbre the Assembly will pardon me, that I
pay this little tribute of respect to the memory of their
departed friend, Sir William Ashhurst.

1 have nothing further to add, hut that you'll please
to present my humble duty and service to the (jeneral ■
Court. ,

I am, sir,

Your very humble servant,

JER. DUMMER.

London, Sth April, ITSO.

ffutchinson Papers.

Letter from Secretary WiUard to Mr. iVhitejield 1744.

Dear Sir,

1 SUPPOSE you have heard, before this time, of
the many papers that have been published since your
leaving the town, to set you in an ill light, and to per-
suade the people into a bad opinion of you. I canU
uoderstand that these things have made any impression
to your disadvantage on tlie minds of those ministers in
this town, who have before shewn themselves well af-
fected to you. And as it is the opinion of all your
frieods that I have lately discoursed with, that it seems
necessary for the honour of religion, and your future
usefulness in this [and ?] the neighbouring provinces, that
you should publish something in answer to these re-
proaches ; and as this is a matter of great imporlance ; I
am desired by some of your dear friends, and prompted,
I trust, by an earnest desire to promote the kingdom of
Christ among us, as well as by a cordial afi'eclion to you,
to entreat you to consult with the ministers of this town
above-mentioned, in what manner to act in this momen-
tous business, so that, by the blessing of God [on r] your
endeavours, honest and well-minded people, that are
misled, (as I doubt not but that there are many such,) may
be undeceived, and those that act upon bad principles
may be confuted and silenced, or at least disabled from
making any further ill impressions upon those who are
friends to the cause of religion, — You will excuse me
that 1 so often urge your advising with your bretlircn in
the ministry upon ^ese weighty matters, wherein the
glory of God and the good of souls is so deeply concern-
ed, f think I am not without the authority of scripture
to justify me. It is almost the whole scope of the 12th
chapter of the first epistle to the Corinthians, to shew the
mutual dependence Christians have on one another by
reason of the various dispensation of tlie gifts and graces
of the Holy Spirit, for the edification of the body of
Christ ; so tliat it is evident there is no monopoly in this

140

Hutchinson Papers.

case, tr I am mistaken in this matter, your candour, 1
doubt not, will excuse me. 1 am sensible, that if I have
any true spiritual light, it is very dim and obscure. It
is my daily prayer (wherein I doubt not but I have your
concurrence with me) that the true light, which lighteth
every man that comes into the world, would guide mo
in the ways of truth and righteousness.

Letler from Gov. PownaJl to Gov. Hutchinson.

I^NDON, Sfplfntbtr 9, 1767.
Sir,

The dissipation botli of the business and what

' Are called the pleasures of London, take up more time

than real business, so that I find myself more in arrears

in the correspondent with my friends, than I used to do

when I had much more business.

I am now in town in my way to Lincolnshire. Yes-
terday I met your kind present of the second part of
your History of the Massachusetts, wliicli I am much

obliged to . 1 have by me some old papers relative

to the history of tlic Massachusetts, which you gave me,
I believe, collected and stitched together by Mr. Cotton.
If they shall be of any use to you, I will send them by
the first opportunity that I know they are so. I have
as yet received no letter from you, so fear that must
have mi-scarried. — Without your knowledge or applica-
tion, I took the liberty, upon the establishment of the
Board of Revenue in America, to apply to have you
named as one, and, as 1 wrote you in my last, I thought
it was decided that you was to be named, and to be first.
I did not, indeed, totally rely on it, as you will have seen
by my last ; and the Duke of Grafton's letler decides
that point. However, I may venture to explain to you
the first part of his letter. It is meant that you shall
have a handsome salary fixed as chief justice, as soon as

Htiidtinson Papers.

the American reveDue shall create a fund. I think on
that occasion it would be right to solicit a patent from
the crown for that place. If all on this last ground suc-
ceeds as meant, I think 'twill be much better for you,
and what you will like better.

If the people of the province would be advised, one
might serve them and the colonies in general. The
point of being exempt from being taxed by parhament,
they never will carry, but will every time lose some-
thing by the struggle. The point of having representa-
tives, if pursued prudently, and in the right line, I am
sore they might and ought to carry. And whatever
they may think of keeping the power of taxing them-
selves by their own legislatures in general matters, ex-
clusive of parliament, they will be disappointed, and by
aiming at ihe shadow lose the substance. Now, from
principle of opinion, thinking it best both for Great Bri-
tain and the colonies, on the plan of a general union of
the parts, I shall alway support the doctrine of the co-
lonies sending representatives to parUament. I have
done and shall do it as long as I am in parhament, both
in parliament and out of the liouse. From principle of
affection and gratitude, I shall ever support and djefend
the people of the Massachusetts Bay, as I did last ses-
sions, when some people were for extending the censure
laid on New York to the Massachusetts.

People come in and interrupt me ; so I must conclude
with assuring you how much
1 am,

Dear sir,
Your real friend and servant,

T. POWNALL.

fill you be so good to show Capt. Hallowell my let-
ter and the duke's answer, that he may see that I re-
commended him ? though the duke in his answer has
jDot mentioned his name.
13»

Hutchinson Papers.

Mabiipee, December 31, 1770.
Honoured Sir,

I PRESENT your honour my humble duty and
gratitude for your many favours to me and my people,
and beg leave to transmit you the following account of
the longevity of some of my Indians ; nltliough none of
them have arrived to the age of the Nipmug, who visited
Boston in the voar 1723, whom your honour has men-
tioned in your History. 1 need not observe to you, that
the only way to determine the ages of Indians, is by
comparing them with the ages of their cotemporaries
among the English, or some remarkable era in history.

I will first mention the family of Popmunnucli, who
appeared in the year 1648 h3 chief sachem to this tribe,
and left two sons, whose names are preserved, viz.
Simon and Caleb, and another, whose name 1 am not
able at present to ascertain.

Simon succeeded Mr. Richard Bourn as pastor to
this church, and lived to a great age. He had three
children living when I came here, viz. Isaac, ExperiencOi
and .losiah.

Isaac was a deacon of this church, and for many
years an Indian magistrate of great reputation. He
died April, 1758, aged about fourscore.

Experience, his sister, lived till November, 1761,
when she was fourscore and five years, and had been
blind many years. I have seen her spin linen yarn wheB
she could scarcely discern the day from night.

Josiah, her brother, died this present year, aged about
eighty-five years. He had been a schoolmaster here till
he was too old for the service. It was remarkable that,
after he was confined to his house, he could eat very heart-
ily of fish, such as eels and bace, without any apparent
injury to his health. He seemed to sleep away a year
or two [ofj his life without much sensibility.

Caleb, brother to Simon, was for many years an In-
dian magistrate of great rcpulalion, and died with ex-
treme age. He had one son that I knew, and who died

Hutchinson Papers. 161

in my neighbourhood in January, 1767, not so properly
of age as by reason of the severity of a storm, against
which he was not suitably defended. He lived till he
was ninety years old, being born, as he told me — and I
have reason to think he did not misinform me — a year
or two after the conclusion of Philip's war. This In-
dian for many years had been called Old Zephaniah.

There are two of tlie Popmunnuck family now living,
who are both not much less than fourscore years. How-
ever, they have not all lived to this great age. My good
deacon, a steady, industrious, sober man, who constantly
attended the publick worship, and was one of my great
friends, and the only man of my people that I could fully
rely upon, died October last, in the fifty-first year of his
age. This deacon descended from a Popmunnuck, who
was brother to Simon and Caleb.

I have a few more instances of longevity, that I will
only mention, viz. Mercy Richards, who died in 1759,
about ninety. Her sister, Elizabeth Zachary, who died
1761, was about seventy-eight. Her brother, Josias
Peter, who was very forward for my setdement here,
died 1762, when he was about seventy-six. And they
left a sister, who is now living, and upward of fourscore.

The widow Peage died in 1763, and the widow Ab-
salom in 1765, being by estimation about ninety at their
deaths.

I have found no such instances of longevity among the
western Indians. At Onohoquaga none of their men,
after I knew them, arrived to sixty. Among Johnson's
Mohawks, Abraham and Hondrick were the oldest of
their tribe, when they died ; and neither of them were
seTcnty at their deaths. 1 saw a sister of theirs in 1 765,
who appeared to be several years above seventy. At
Stockbridge, Capt. Kunkapot was for many years the
oldest man in his tribe. I have not heard how old he
was at his deatt), but am persuaded that he did not
an-ive to eighty.

As I have given your honour an account of several
iostances of longevity, I beg leave to conclude with a

Population of Boston.

162

BiDgular instance of matrimoDy in advanced life, which I
attended among my people the week before last, when
I married Timothy Right, who is not less llian fourscore
and five years, to a woman under fifty. Timothy has
not been remarkable for his temperance.
I can only add, that

I am,

With very great respect.

Honoured sir,

Your honour'B most obliged humble servant,

GIDEON HAWLEY.i

Mil Honour the Lirut. Governoiir, )

[HCTCHINBON.] )

An Account of the Town of Boston, taken
CEHBER U, 1742.

W«d..

Souli.

Hook*.

WRIob.

»—

Horiei.

Com.

No. 1.

1028

106

1483

147

1266

127

105

1135

110

1328

132

109

1363

142

115

1204

127

124

1216

146

' 1.15

1264

139

166

10.

1857

195

167

11.

1365

138

115

12.

1884

208

134

16382

1717

166

1374

418

141

1 10 persons in the Alms House.
36 in the Work House.
1200 widows, and 1000 of them poor.

Chtcr^es and Mmsters in N. H. 153

BITRCHE3 AND MINISTERS IN NeW HaHPSHIRK.

Continaed from Vol. X. Second Series, p. 50.

HOPKINTON.

\. HE Congregational church in Hopkinton was or-
ganized 23 November, 1757. Rev. James Scales, who
graduated at Harvard College in 1733, was the first
minister, and was ordained the same day the churcli
was formed. The church records say, in reference to
this event, that "there was yet no house for tlie publick
worship of God in the place, because the place being
the outmost settlement, and much exposed in time of
war: therefore the ordination was solemnized in Put-
ney's Fort, so called, and the numerous spectators at-
tended the solemnity abroad in the open air, the weather
being very warm, calm and pleasant for the season."
Re?. Mr. Scales was dismissed 4 July, 1770, and was
succeeded by Rev. Elijah Fletcher, who was ordained
27 January, 1773. He was son of Timodiy Fletcher of
Westford, Mass., and graduated at Harvard College in
1769. He died 8 April, 178G, in the 39th year of his
age, and of five ministers settled in that town, is the
only one who has died there. Rev. Jacob Cram, who
graduated at Dartmouth College in 1782, succeeded
Mr. Fletcher, 25 February, 1789, and was dismissed
6 January, 1792. Mr. Cram was succeeded by Rev.
Ethan Smith, who graduated at Dartmouth College in
1790. He was installed 12 March, 1800, having been
jnevioasly settled in the ministry at Haverhill, N. H.,
and was dismissed 16 December, 1817. Ho is author
of a Dissertation on the Prophecies, a View of the He-
brews, and several other religious publications. Rev.
Roger C. Hatch succeeded Mr. Smith, and was ordained
21 October, 1818. He was graduated at Vale College
to 1815.

Churches and Ministers in N. H.

Tho Congregational church in Concord is the oldei
in the county of Merrimack. It was organized 1 8 No- *
veraber, 1730. The first minister was Rev. Timothy
Walker, from Woburn, Massachusetts, who graduated
at Harvard College in 1725. He was ordained 18
November, 1730. The sermon at his ordination was
delivered by Rev. John Barnard of Andover, from Prov.
ix. 1 , 2, and was printed. Rev. Mr. Walker died 2 Sep-
tember, 1782. lie was chosen agent for the town to
defend their lawsuits with the proprietors of Bow, and
for this purpose made three voyages to England, where
he became acquainted with Sir William Murray, after-
wards Lord Chief .Fustice Mansfield, who was his coun-
sellor and advocate in the first cause." Rev. Israel
Evans, born in Pennsylvania in 1747, who graduated at
Princeton College in 1772, succeeded Mr. Walker, and
was installed 1 July, 1789. The sermon was preached
by Rev. Joseph Eckley of Boston, from 2 Cor. iv. 7. Rev.
Mr, Evans resigned tho pastoral charge 1 July, 1797,
and died at Concord, 9 March, 1 807, aged 60. He was
I a chaplain in the revolutionary army ; was at Quebecfc
' with Montgomery; at the capture of Burgoyne ; ac-
companied General Sullivan on his Indian expedition,
and was present at the surrender of Cornwallis, at
Yorktown. Mr. Evans was succeeded, 7 March, 1798,
by Rev. Asa Mac Farland, D. D. from Worcester, Mass.
who graduated at Dartmouth College in 1793. The
sermon at his ordination was delivered by Rev. Professor
John Smith of Dartmouth College. The degree of
D, D. was conferred on him by Yale College in 1809.
He is author of a View of Heresies, an Election Sermon,
and various other occasional discourses.

Instances of Longevity in N. H.

HILLSBOROUGH.

Congregational church in Hillsborough was
_ hered 12 October, 1 769. Rev. Jonathan Barns, who
graduated at Harvard College in 1770, was ordained
25 November, 1772, dismissed 20 October, 1803, and
died 3 August, 1805. He published one sermon after
his dismission. Rev. Stephen Chapin, (now D. D.) who
graduated at Harvard College in 1804, was ordain-
ed 19 June, 1805; sermon by Rev. Nathaniel Em-
mons, D. D. of Franklin, from ActsTx. 21. Mr. Chapin
was dismissed 12 May, 1808, and was afterwards settled
at Mont Vernon, where he espoused the sentiments of
the Baptists, which occasioned his dismission. Rev.
Stephen Chapin was succeeded by Rev. Seth Chapin,
a graduate of Brown University in 1808. He was or-
dained 1 January, 1812 — sermon by Rev. Ephraim P.
Bradford of New Boston, from Luke ii. 34 — and dis-
missed 26 June, 1816. Rev. Seth Chapin was suc-
ceeded by Rev. John Lawton, from Vermont, who was
installed 7 November, 1821, who continues in the
ministry.

Cm<ord, N. H. 27 Starch, 18-24.

ISSTANCES OF LONGEVITY IN NeW HAMPSHIRE.

Conlinusd (roin Vol. X. SeconJ Series, p. 181-

TiiM of

Nama,.

Ge^idrnce.

.Kp>.

1796,

Benjamin Richards,

Atkinson,

1798,

Elizabeth Wells,

Portsmouth,

1798,

Ann Langdon,

Portsmouth,

1800,

Solomon Emerson,

Madbury,

1801,

Mary Caswell,

Isle of Shoals,

rmtances of Longevity

m M ff.

^H of

Names.

llciidiMicc.

John Banfill,

Portsmoutli,

Stephon Burnham,

Milford,

^^^^ 1801,

Hannah lluae.

Portsmoutli,

^^^H 1803,

Deborah Alien,

Deerfield,

^^^H 1807,

Isaac Smith,*

Moot Vernon,

^^^H 1807,

Widow Prescott,

. Deerfield,

^^^B 1807,

Thomas Livingston,

Henniker,

^^^H 1808,

Samuel Allen,

Wakefield,

^^^V 1809,

Abigail Jones,

^^P

Esther Scott,

Hollis,

9-1

Deacon Abraham True,

, Deerfield,

^^^^ 1815,

Dorothy Hnll,t

Winchester,

^^^H 1815,

Jonathan Lampson,

Mont Vernon,

^^^H 1815,

Widow Wilkinson,

Deerfield,

^^^H 1815,

Widow Grifhn,

Deerfield,

^^^H 18IG,

Josiah Batchelder,

Deerfield,

^^^H 181G,

Samuel Cate,

Loudon,

^^^V 18IG,

Widow of Uea. True,

Deerfield,

Abigail Greely,

Nottingham-west, 95

Jane Woodward,

Greenfield,

llobert Starkweather,

Westmoreland,

^H 1819,

Hannah Bradford,!

Milford,

Mary Cavis,

Bow,

Phobe Lord,

Surry,

Daniel Emerson, ||

New Cheater,

Benjamin Hopkins,

Milford,

^H 1820,

Widow Webster,

Deerfield,

^H 1820,

Thomas Wheat,

Groton,

^H 1820,

Patience Sibley,^

Poplin,

101

Nathaniel Danforth,

Salisbury,

Ephraim Gile,

Sutton,

Inserlea hwbbs those of uncertain tint

to iti the rotmrt list.

^^1

ihP formt-r li«.

Inenrtod iti the forniet liel among thoio of uncoiliUn ilala.

^^^H II EnoDeouilf inaerted in iKe last volum

10 BS Mri. Emusou

^H.

■

hstmces of Loi^enty in N. M.

is^^^^B

Tiffle of

Hunes.

A|o. H

1821,

Sarah White,

Walpole,

91 ■

1821,

Lucy Place,

Rochester,

93 M

^ I8K,

Lieut. Temple Kendall,

, Dunstable,

^^fl

1822,

Elizabeth Ham,

Rochester,

97 ^^M

1822,

Hannah Bay ley,*

Chesterfield,

104 ^^H

1822,

Daniel Jones,

Southampton,

92 ^^B

1822,

John Durgin,

Northwood,

96 ■

1822,

John Brown,

Pittsfieid,

90 ■

1822,

David Flanders,

Plaistow,

94 M

1822,

Mary Ham,t

Deerfield,

94 ■

1822,

Lieut. Joseph Kimball,

Plainfield,

18^

Susanna Thompson,

Lee,

91 ^^H

IS2S,

Martha Batchelder,

Loudon,

^^H

1822,

Daniel Albert,

Dublin,

96 ^^H

1822,

Benjamin Davis,

Amherst,

98 ^^B

1822,

Abigail Watts,

Alstead,

91 1

1822,

Experience Barrus,

Richmond,

92 M

1822,

Dorcas Clark,

Keene,

95 ^^H

1823,

Samuel Badger,

Amherst,

^^H

1823,

Kezia Morse,

Marlborough,

90 ^^H

1823,

John Abbot,

Loudon,

95 ^"

1823,

Lucy Ames,

Lempster,

1823,

Samuel Eatabrook,

Lebanon,

1823,

John Eaton,

Hopkinton,

1823,

Elizabeth Tyler,

Claremont,

1823,

Moses Foster,

Pembroke,

1828,

Sarah Wheat,

GrotoD,

1823,

Deacon John Locke,

Sullivan,

1823,

Hod. John Duncan,

Antrim,

1823,

Hannah Parker,

Pembroke,

1823,

Lydia Bean,

Weare,

• loferted

u Mm, CeDhna. smonit Ibe Ii'oi

ne, wlien lUe former

Ii,[ W8.

10 Of hot

iJ.r,. (iio.

■. Ifiaa, iiged 104 years and 3 m

□ DLbg,} was willow of Joiiah ■

Barley, Tom

lerly or Lunenburg, Muss.

■

1 Sl>e mu

1 filter of Mis. Pilmiin, menlioncd in Ihe formei lUt, '

wbo died H

in tS17, Kged 100.

. THUD SERISa.

^H 158

/nrfflrtcej of Longenty in N. H.

^^H Time

Komcs. Residence.

^H 1823,

Sarali Messer, New London,

^M 1823,

.loanna Pool, Plainfield,

^H 1823,

Samuel Welch,* Bow,

112

^H 1823,

Abigail Uobcrts, Durham,

104

^H 1823,

Sarah Blancliard, Deering,

^M 1823,

Capt. Nath'l Woodbury, Amherst,

^H 1823,

Widow Elizabetli Prioce, Amherst,

^H 1823,

Mary Butler, Pelham,

^H 1823,

Lieut. Riciiard Herbert, Concord,

^H 182^},

Robert Davis, Concord,

^M 1823,

John Kennedy, Unity,

^K 1823,

Beulah Philbrick, Weare,

^H 1823,

Thomas Woolson, Amherst,

^H 1823,

Sarah Moulton, Gilmanton,

^^^^ 1823,

Perry Hixon, Straflbrd,

^^^^K 1823,

Nathaniel Bacon, Chesterfield,

^^^B 1823,

Daniel Hawkins, Esq. Winchester,

^^^^K 1823,

Sarah Dame, Newington,

101

^V 1823,

David Hale, New Boston,

^■_ 1823,

Simeon Wiggin, Esq. Stratham,

^^^^ 1823,

Madam Mary Barnard.t Amherst,

l^I

^^^^^^B

. JV. H. 4 November, 1823.

^^F * The ve

iieinlile Sahoil W«lch, the olden iittUvo of New H

^^■^ «bi> ever died in Ibo iMie, departed ibii life at Bow. April S, 1B33,

agrdlU

^^^H feari.

>>> d«atb,

^^^^^^B the wtllet 0

r ibi» note, iu eoropni)/ with Mr. Jacob B. Moofc, visited hitn «i

^^^^^^K ki( reiiJence, To the qacwtion, " How old are you, Mf. Welch 1 " hi

^^^^^H If

' An bnnilred and iwelvo yeiii and n half." Tliougli fi

»bls ■ad

^^^^^^H MTjr iaficm.

3ii deaili

^^^^^^^H ootteipondeil with hta Uf*— Jl wsa oalro and tnaquil.

^ t Mentio.

■ molber

^^H or Rb'. Jer

orainU Barnard of that town, and waf born in MuucI

>UMlle in

^^^^ ApiU, 1T3S.

Seven Letters of Roger Williams.

these letters of Ro^er Williams was probably written,
.ugust, 1636, before Endecot'a cxpedilion, or in October
le sectind 30 August, 1637 ; the lliird 28 October, 1637;
probably, in June, 1638; the fifih about August, 1636 ;
nxtb about September, 1638 — all addressed to Qo?emour
ittarop; the serenlh, to hia eldest son, has a full date. Ed.]

, iliiaSd of llie week.

X HE latter end of the last week I gave notice to our
neighbour princes of your intentions and preparations
against the common enemy, tlie Pequts. At my 6rst
coming to them, Caunounicus (morosus a;que ac barba-
ms senex) was very sour, and accused the English and
myself for sending the plague amongst them, and threat-
ening to kill him especially.

Such tidings (it seems) were lately brought to his ears
by some of his flatterers and our ill-willers. I discerned
cause of bestirring myself, and staid the longer, and at
last (through the mercy of the Most High) I not only
sweetened his spirit, but posscst him, that the plague
and other sicknesses were alone in the hand of the one
God, who made him and us, who being displeased with
the English for lying, stealing, idleness and uncleanness,
(the natives' epidemical sins,) emote many thousands of
us ourselves with general and late mortalities.

MiantuDDomu kept his barbarous court lately at my
house, and with him I have far better dealing. He takes
some pleasure to visit me, and sent nie word of his com-
ing over again some eight days hence.

They pass not a week witliout some skirmishes, though
lulherto little loss on either side. They were glad of
your preparations, and in much conference with them-
selves and others, (fishing de industria for instructions

160

Letters of Roger iViUiams.

from them,) I gathered these observations, which you
may please (as cause may be) to consider and take
notice of;

1. They conceive that to do execution to purpose on
the Pequts, will require not two or three days and away,
but a riding by it and following of the work to and
again the space of tliree weeks or a month, tliat there
be a falling off and a retreat, as if you were departed,
and a falling on again within three or four days, when
they are returned again to their houses securely from
their flight.

2. That if any pinnaces come in ken, they presently
prepare for flight, women and old men and children, to
a Bwamp some three or four miles on the back of them,
a marveflous great and secure swamp, which they called
Ohomowauke, which signifies owl's nest, and by another
name, Cuppacommock, which signifies a refuge or hiding
place, as I conceive.

3. That therefore Nayantaquit (which is Miantunno-
mue's place of rendezvous) be thought on for the riding
and retiring to of vessel or vessels, which place ia faith-
ful to the Nanhiggonticks and at present enmity with the
Pequts.

4. They also conceive it easy for the English, that the
provisions and munition first arrive at Aquednetick, call-
ed by us Kode-lsland, at the Nanhiggontick's mouth,
and then a messenger may bo despatched hither, and so
to the bay, for the soldiers to march up by land to the
vessels, who otherwise might spend long time about the
cape and fill more vessels than needs,

5. That the assault would bo in the night, when they
are commonly more secure and at home, by which ad-
vantage the Knglish, being armed, may enter the houses
and do what execution they please.

6. That before the assault be given, an ambush bft
laid behind them, between them and the swamp, to pro4
vent their flight, &c. m

7. That to that purpose such guides as shall be best '
liked of be taken along to direct, especially two Pequts,

Letters of Roger fVtlHatns. 161

viz. Wequash and Wuttackquiackommin, valiant men,
especially the latter, who have Uved these three or four
years with tlie Nanhiggon licks, and know every pass
and passage amongst them, who desire armour to enter
their bouses.

8. That it would he pleasing to all natives, that women
and children be spared, &.c.

9. That if there be any more land travel to Qunnih-
ticntt, some course would also be taken with the Wun-
hoiratuckoogs, who are confederates with and a refuge
to the Pequts.

Sir, if any thing be sent to the princes, I find that Ca-
nounicus would gladly accept of a box of eight or ten
pouods of sugar, and indeed he told me he would thauk
Mr. Govemour for a box full.

Sir, you may please to take notice of a rude view, how
the Pequts lie :

O A /art of Iht fCayayytatjuit mm, eor\fedtrale irilh the Ptqutt-

Makifmie

m*rr. I . ,

Wtin \J thatila, wAn-i Ohom \\\' otBauke, Ihi su'amp,

SoMatotti lAt chitf Sachim it. lUrr* or four milci from

Mu O tick, mhtrt U Mamoko, awtbir chit/ lathim.

Kim. "'—' ""'"^

Jf«famla O {■>■'> »&crt ti Wtpiltamnock and our frittidi.

Thus, with my beet salutes to your worthy selves and
loving friends with you, and daily cries to the Father of
mercies for a merciful issue to all these enterprises, I rest
Your worship's unfeignedly respective

ROGER WILLIAMS.

Fvr his murh honoured Mr. Got^tmour,
ami Mr. Wi.nthkop, Drputi, Govern-
<mr ef tkt Mastachusttts, these.

162

Letters of Roger Williams.

New Pbovidencb, 20lh of the filh. ^
Much lionourcd Sir,

Yours by Yotaash (Mianlunnomue'a brother)
Ideceived, I accompanied him to the Nanhiggonticks, and
' having got Canounicus and MJantunnomu with their
council together, I acquainted them faithfully with the
contents of your letter, both grievances and ihreatenings ;
and to demonstrate, I produced the copy of the league,
(which Mr. Vane sent me,) and with breaking of a straw
ID two or three places, I showed them what they had
done.

In sum their answer was, that they thought they
should prove themselves honest and faithful, when
Mr. Governour understood their answers ; and that
(although they would not contend with their friends) yet
they could relate many particulars, wherein the Engheb
had broken (since these wars) their promises, &c.

First then, concerning the Pequt squaws, Canounicus
answered, that he never saw any, but heard of some that
came into these parts, and he bad carry ihem back to
Mr. Governour, but since he never heard of them till I
came, and now he would have the country searched for
them. Miantunnomu answered, that he never heard of
but six, and four he saw which were brought to him, at
which ho was angry, and asked why they did not carry
them to me, that 1 might convey them home again.
Then he bid the natives that brought them to carry
them to me, who departing brought him word, that the
squaws were lame, and they could not travel. Where-
upon he sent me word, that I should send for them.
This I must acknowledge, that this message I received
from him, and sent him word, that we were but few
here, and could not fetch them, nor convey them, and
therefore desired him to send men with them, and to
seek out the rest. Then, saith he, we were busy ten or
twelve days together, aa indeed they were in a strange

Letters of Roger WUliams. 163

kind of solemnity, wherein the sacliims eat nothing but
at night, and all the natives round about the country
were feasted. In which time, saith he, 1 wished some
to look to them, which notwithstanding, in this time,
they scaped ; and now he would employ men instantly
to search all places for them, and within two or three
days to convey them home. Besides he profcst that lie
desired them not, and was sorry the governour should
thtak he did. I objected, that he sent to beg one. He
answered, that Sassamun, being sent by the governour
with letters to Pequt, fell lame, and, lying at his house,
told him of a squaw he saw, which was a sachim's daugh-
ter, who while he Uved was his, Miantunnomue's, great
friend. He tlierefore desired, in kindness to his dead
frieod, to beg her, or redeem her.

Concerning his departure from the English, and
leaving them without guides, he answered, first, tliat
they had been faithful, many hundreds of them, (though
ihcy were solicited to the contrary,) that they stuck to
the English in life or death, without which they were
persuaded that Okace and the Mohiganeucks had proved
false, (as he fears they will yet,} as also that tliey never
had found a Pequt, and therefore, saith he, sure there
was some cause. I desired to know it. He replied in
these words, Chenock eiuse wetompatimucks ? that is.
Did ever friends deal so with friends ? I urging wherein,
he told me this tale ; that his brother, Yolaash, had
seized upon Puttaquppuunck, Quame and twenty Pequts
and three-score squaws, they killed three and bound the
rest, Thatching them all night, and sending for the Eng-
lish, delivered them to them in the morning. Miantun-
nomu (who according to promise came by land with two
hundred men, killing ten Pequts in their march) was
derarous to see the great sachim, whom his brother had
taken, being now in the English houses, but (saith he) I
was thrust at with a pike many times, that I durst not
cwne near tlie door. I objected, he was not known.
He and others affirmed, he was, and asked, if they should
kfe dealt so with Mr. Governour. I still denied, that

164

Letters of Eager Williams.

he was known, &c. Upon this, he saith, all my compa-
ny were disheartened, and they all and Cutahamoquene
desired to be gone ; and yet, saith he, two of my raen
(Wagonckwhut and Maunamoli) were tlieir guides to
Sesquankit from the river's mouth.

Sir, I dare not stir coals, but I saw tliem to [be ?] much
disregarded by many, wliich their ignorance imputed to
all, and thence came the misprision, and blessed be the
Lord, things were not worse.

I objected, ihey received Pequts and wampom without
Mr. Governour's consent. Cuunounicus replied, that
although he and Miantunnomu had paid many hundred
fathom of wampom to their soldiers, as I\Ir. Governour
did, yet he had not received one yard of beads nor a
Pequt. Nor, saith Miantunnomu, did I but one small
present from four women of Long Island, which were
no Pequts, but of tliat isle, being afraid, desired to put
themselves under my protection.

By the next 1 shall add something more of conse-
quence, and which must cause our loving friends at
Qunniliticut to be very watchful, as also, if you please,
their grievances, which 1 have laboured already to an-
swer, to preserve the English name ; but now end ab-
ruptly with best salutes and earnest prayers for your
feace with the God of peace and all men. So praying,
rest

Your worship's unfeigned

ROGER WILLIAMS.

All loving respects to Airs. Winthrop and yours, i
also to Mr. Deputy, Mr. Bellingliam, theirs, and ,'*
Wilson, ice.

For hit miic/i honoured Mr. Gueermmr, \
tktst. \

/etters of laager fVtlUams.

The last of the week, I think the -2Slh of the 8th.

This bearer, Miantunnomu, resolving to go on
his visit, I am bold to request a word of advice i'rom
yon concerning a proposition made by Caunounicus and
himself to me some half year since, Caunounicus gave
an island in this bay to Mr. Oldam, by name Chiba-
chuwese, upon condition, as it should seem, that he
would dwell there near unto them. The Lord (in
whose hands all hearts are) turning their affections to-
wards myself, they desired me to remove thither and
dwell nearer to them, I have answered once and again,
that for present I mind not to remove ; but if I have it
from them, I would give them satisfaction for it, and
build a little house and put in some swine, as under-
standing the place to have store of fish and good feeding
for swine. Of late I have heard, that Mr. Gibbons, upon
occofion, motioned your desire and his own of putting
Bwne swine on some of these islands, which hath made
me since more desire to obtain it, because I might there-
by not only benefit myself, but also pleasure yourself
whom I more desire to pleasure and honour. 1 spake
of it now to this sachim, and he tells me, that because
of the store of fish, Caunounicus desires that I would
accept half, (it being spectacle-wise, and between a mile
or two in circuit, as I guess,) and he would reserve the
other ; but I think, if I go over, I shall obtain the whole.
Your loving counsel, how far it may be inoffensive, be-
cause it was once (upon a condition not kept) Mr.
Oldam's. So, with respective salutes to your kind self
and Mrs. Winthrop, I rest

Your worship's unfeigned, in all I may,

RO. WILLIAMS.

Far kit much honoured Sir. Goveriiour, )
these. i

166

Letters of Hoger Williams.

I PERCEIVE by these your last thoughts, that you

have received many accusations and hard conceits of

this poor native Miantunnomu, wherein I sec the vain

, and empty puff of all terrene promotions, his harbarous

birth or greatness being much honoured, confirmed and

I augmented (in his own conceit) by the solemnity of his

I league with tlie English and his more tlinn ordinary

r ODtertainment, SiC. now all dashed in a moment in the

f frowns of such in whose friendsliip and love lay his chief

advancement.

Sir, of the particulars, some concern him only, some
Caunounicus and the rest of the sachims, some all the
Dativea, some myself.

For the sachims, I shall go over speedily, and ac-
quaint them with particulars. At present, let me still
find this favour in your eyes, as to obtain an hearing, for
I that your love hath never denied me, which way soever
your judgment hath been (I hope and 1 know you will
one day see it) and been carried.

Sir, let this barbarian be proud and angry and covet-
I oua and filthy, haling and hateful, (as we ourselves have
been till kindness from heaven pitied us, Stc.) yet let me
humbly beg relief, that for myself, I am not yet turned
lodian, to believe all barbarians tell me, nor so basely
presumptuous as to trouble the eyes and hands of such
(and so honoured and dear) with shadows and fables.
I commonly guess shrewdly at what a native utters, and,
to my remembrance, never wrote particular, but either
I know the bottom of it, or else I am bold to give a hial
of my suspense.

Sir, therefore in some tilings at present (begging your
wonted gentleness toward my folly) give me leave to
show you how 1 clear myself from such a lightness.

I wrote lately (for that you please to begin with) that
some Pequls, (and some of them actual murderers of

art of Roger WiUianis.

167

the English, and that also aRer the fort cut oS) were
now in your hands. Not only love, but conscience,
forced me to send, and speedily, on purpose, by a na-
tive, mine own servant. I saw not, spake not with
MiantuQDomu, nor any from him. 1 write before the
All-seemg Eye. But thus it was. A Nanhiggontick
roan (Awedpirao) coming from the bay with cloth, turn-
ed in (as they use to do) to me for lodging. I quea-
dooed of Indian passages, &:c. He tells me Okace was
come with near upon forty natives. I asked what pres-
ent he brought. He told me, that Cutshamoquene had
ftwr fathom and odd of him, and forty was for Mr.
Govemour. I asked him, how many Pequts. He told
me six. ( asked him, if they were known. He said
Okace denied that there were any Pequts, and said they
were Monahiggens all. I asked, if himself knew any
of them. He answered, he did, and so did otiier In-
dians of Nanhiggontick. I asked, if the murderer of
whom I wrote, Pametesick, were tliere. He answered,
he was, and (I further inquiring) he was confident it
wad he, for he knew him as well as me, &.c.

All this news (by this providence) I knew before
ever it came to Nanhiggontick. Upon this 1 sent, in-
deed fearing guilt to mine own soul, both against the
Lord and my countrymen. But see a stranger hand of
the Most and Only Wise. Two days after, Okace
passeth by within a mile of me (though he should have
been kindly welcome.) One of his company (Wequau-
nmgs) having hurt his foot, and disabled from travel,
turns in to me ; whom lodging, I question, and find him
by father a Nanhiggontick, by mother a Monaliiggon,
and so freely entertained by both. I further inquiring,
he told mo he went from Monnhiggon to the bay with
Okace. He told me how he had presented forty
fathom (to my remembrance) to Mr. Governour, (four
and upwards to Cutshamoquene,) who would not receive
them, but asked twice for Pequts. At last, at New-
town, M. Governour received them, and was wiUing

168

Letters of Roger Williams.

that the Pequts should live, such as were at Monahig-
goo, subject to the English sachima at Qutinihticut, to
whom they should carry tribute, and such Pequts as
were at Nanhiggontick to Mr. Governour, and all the
runaways at Monahigganick to be sent back. 1 asked
him, how many Pequts were at Nanhiggontick. He
said, but two, who wore Miantunnomue's captives, and
that at Nayantaquit with Wequash Cook were about three
score. 1 asked, why he said the Indians at Nanhiggon-
tick were to be the governour's subjects. He said, be-
cause Nayantaquit was sometimes so called, although
there hath been of late no coming ofNauhiggontick men
thither. I asked him, it' he heard all this. He said, that
himself and the body of the company staid about Cut-
shamoquene's. I asked, how many Pequts were amongst
tl]em. He said six. 1 dctiiired him to name them, which
he did thus : Pametesick, Weeaugoahick, (another of
those murderers) Makunnetc, Kishkontuckqua, Sausaw-
pona, Qussaumpowan, which names I presently wrote
down, and (pace vestra dixerim) I am as confident of
the truth, as that I breathe. Again, (not to be too bold
in all the particulars at this time,) what a gross and
monstrous untruth is that concerning myself, which
your love and wisdom to myself a little espy, and I hope
see meJice and falsehood (far from the fear of God)
whispering together? I have long held it will-worship
to doff and don to the Most High in worship ; and I <
wish also that, in civil worship, others were as far from '
such a vanity, though I hold it not utterly unlawful in
some places. Yet surely, amongst the barbarians, (the
highest in the world,] I would rather lose my head thaa
80 practise, because I judge it my duty to set them bet-
ter copies, and should sin against mine own persuasions
and resolutions.

Sir, concerning tlie islands Prudence and (Patmos, if
some had not hindered) A(]uedenick, be pleased to un-
derstand your great mistake : neither of them were sold
properly, for a thousand fathom would not have bought

Letters of R<^er ffUliams.

either, by strangers. The truth is, not a penny was
demanded for either, and what was paid was only
gratuity, tliough I chose, for better assurance and form,
to call it sale.

And, alas ! (though 1 cannot conceive you can aim at
the sachims) they have ever conceived, that myself and
Mr. CoddingtoQ (whom they knew so many years a
sachim at Boston) were far from being rejected by
yoursejves, as you please to write, for if the Lord had
not hid it from their eyes, I am sure you had not been
thus troubled by myself at present. Yet the earth is
the Lord's and the fulness thereof. His infinite wisdom
and pity be pleased to help you all, and all that desire
to fear bis name and tremble at his word in this country,
to remember that we all are rejected of our native soil,
and more to mind the many strong bands, with which we
are all tied, than any particular distastes each against
other, and to remember that excellent precept, Prov. 25,
If thine enemy hunger, feed him, &c. ; for thou shalt heap
coals of fire upon his head, and Jehovah shall reward
thee ; unto whose mercy and tender compassions 1 daily
commend you, desirous to be more and ever

Your worship's unfeigned and faithful

ROGER WILLIAMS.

Sir, mine own and wife's respective salutes to your
dear companion and all yours ; as qlso to Mr. Deputy,
Mr. Bellingham, and other loving friends.

1 am bold to enclose this paper, although the passages
may not be new, yet they may refresh your memories
in these English-Scotch distractions, &c.

Ftrr his much honoured and beloved \
Mr. GotrrnoMT af Massachusttts, >

Letters of Roger If'illiams.

Thp. bearer lodging with me, I am bold to write
an hasty advertisement concerning late pa^ageei. For
himself, it seems lie was fearful to go farther tlian forlj
miles about us, especially considering that no natives ara
willing to accompany him to I'equat or Monahiganick)
being told by two Pequots (the all of Miantunnomue's
captives wliicti are not run from him) what be tnigbl
expect, 8ic.

Sir, Capt. Mason and Thomas Stanton landing at
Nanhiggonticlc, and at Miantunnomue's denouncing war
within six days against Juancmo, for they say that
Miantunnonm lialh been fair in all the pacisagea witk
them, Juanenio sent two messengers to myself, request-
ing counsel. I advised him to go over with beads to
satisfy, &c.

lie sent lour Indians, liy tliem Mr. ilaynes writes
me, that they confest ^fteen fathom there received at
Long Island. Thereabout they confest to me, (four
being taken of Pequts by force, and restored again,)
as also that the islanders say fifty-one fathom, which
sum he demanded, as also that the Nayantaquit messen-
gers laid down twenty-six fathom and a half, which was
received in part, with declaration that Juanemo should
within ten day^ bring the rest himself, or else they were
resolved for war, &.c. I have therefore sent once and
again to Janemo, to persuade himself to venture, &a.|
Caunounicus sent a principal man last night to me, in
haste and secrecy, relating that Wequash had sent word
that, if Juanemo went over, he should be killed, but I
assure them the contrary, and persuade Caunounicus to
importune and hasten Juanemo within his time, ten days,
withal hoping and writing back persuasions of better
things to Mr. Haynes, proflering myself (in case that
Juanemo tlirough fear or folly fail) to take a journey

Letters of Roger Williams.

171

and negotiate their business, and save blood, whether
the natives' or my countr3nnen's.

Sir, there hath been great hubbub in nil these parts,
as a genera! persuasion that the time was come of a
general slaughter of natives, by reason of a murther
coniinined upon a native within twelve miles of us, four
days since, by four desperate English. I presume par-
ticulars have scarce as yet been presented to your
hand. The last 5th day, toward evening, a native, pass-
ing through us, brought me word, that at Pawatuckqut,
a river four miles from us toward the bay, four English-
men were almost famished. I sent instantly provisions
and strong water, with invitation, &c. The messengers
brought word, that they were one Arthur Pench of
Plymouth, an Irishman, John Barnes, his man, and two
others come from Fascataquack, travelling to Qunnihti-
cnt ; that they had been tost five days, and fell into our
pfflth but six mile?. Whereas they were importuned to
come home, &c. they pleaded soreness in travelling, and
therefore their desire to rest there.

TTie next morning they came to me by break of day,
relating that the old man at Pawatuckqut had put them
forth the last night, because that some Indians said, that
they had hurt an Englishmiin, and therefore that they
lav between us and Pawatuckqut.

I was busy in writing letters and getting them a
gnide to Qunnihticut, and inquired no more, they having
told me, that they came from Plymouth on the last of
the week in the evening, and lay still in the woods the
Lord^ day, and then lost their way to Weymouth, from
whence tliey lost their way again towards us, and came
in again six miles off Pawatuckqut.

After Aey were gone, an old native comes to me, and
telb me ; that the natives round about us were fled, re-
lating that those four had slain a native, who had carried
three beaver skins and beads for Caunounicus' son, and
came home with five fathom and three coats ; that three
natives which came after him found him groaning in the
path \ that he told them that four Englishmen had slain

172

Letters of Roger fVilliams.

him. Tliey came to Pawaluckqut, and inquired after
the English, which when Arlliur and his compan)' heard,
they got on hose and shoes and departed in llie night.

I sent after them to Nanhigganlick, and went myself
with two or three more to the wounded in tlie woods.
The natives at first were shy of ua, conceiving a general'
slaugliter, but (through the Lord's mercy) 1 assured
them that Mr. Governour knew nothing, &c. and that I<
had sent to apprehend the men. So we found that ho<
had been run tlirough the leg and the belly with ona'
thrust. We drest bim and got him to town next day,,
where Mr. James and Mr. Greene endeavoured, all they
could, his life ; but his wound in the belly, and blood
lost, and fever following, cut his life's thread.

Before he died, he told me that tlic four English had
slain him, and that {being faint and not able to speak)
he had related tlie truth to the natives who first came to
him, viz. that they, viz. the English, saw him in the bay,
and his beads ; that sitting in the side of a swamp a little
way out of the path, (1 went to see the place, fit for ao
evil purpose,) Arthur called him tn drink tobacco, who
coming and taking the pipe of Arthur, Arthur run him
through the leg into the belly, when, springing back, he,
Arthur, made the second thrust, but mist him ; that
another of them struck at him, but mist him, and his
weapon run into the ground; that getting from them a
little way into the swamp, they pursued him, till he fell
down, wlien they mist him, and getting up again, when
he heard them close by him, he run to and again in the
swamp, till be fell down again, when they lost him quite ;
afterwards, towards night, ho came and lay in tlie path,
that some passenger might help him aa aforesaid.

Whereas they said, they wandered Plymouth way,
Arthur knew the path, having gone it twice ; and beside,
Mr. Throckmorton met them about Naponset River ia
the path, who, riding roundly upon a sudden by them,-
was glad he bad past tliem, suspecting them. They
denied that they met Mr. Throckmorton.

The messenger that I sent to Nanliiggontick, pursuing

; of Roger fPilliams. 173

after them, returned the next day, declaring that they
showed Miantunnomu letters to Aqnedenick, (which
were mine to Qunnihtiqut,) and so to Aquedenick they
past, whither I sent information of them, and so they
were taken. Their sudden examination they sent me, a
copy of which 1 am hold to send your worship enclosed.

The islanders (Mr. Coddington being absent) resolv-
ed to send them to us, some thought, by us to Plymouth,
from whence they came. Sir, I shall humbly crave your
judgment, whether they ought not to be tried where
they are taken. If they be sent any way, whether not
lo Plymouth. In case Plymouth refuse, and the island-
era send them to us, what answers we may give, if
others unjustly shift them unto us. I know that every
man, quatenus man, and son of Adam, is his brother's
keeper or avenger ; but I desire to do bonum bene, &:c.

Thus, beseeching the God of heaven, most holy and
only wise, to make the interpretation of his own holy
meaning in all occurrences, to bring us all by these
bloody passages to an higher price of the blood of the
Son of God, yea of God, by which the chosen are re-
deemed, with all due respects to your dear self and dear
companion, I cease.

Your worship's most unworthy

ROGER WILLIAMS.

This native, Will, my servant, shall attend your wor-

!dup for answer.
y due respect to Mr. Deputy, Mr. Bellingham, &.c.
]

VI.

[eh faooonred Sir,

Through the mercy of the Most High, I am
nwly returned from a double journey to Qunnihticut
aod Plymouth. I shall presume on your wonted love and
gentleness to present you with a short relation of what
15"

174

IjCUers of Roger fVilliams.

issue it pleased the Lord to produce out of tbem, espe-
cially since your worship's name was some way engaged
in both.

1 went up to Qunnihticut with Miantunnomu, who had
a guard of upwards of 150 men, and many gachini:^, and
his wife and cliildreti, with him. By the way (lodging
from hisliousG three nights in the woodii) we met divers
Nanhiggontick men complaining of robbery and violence,
which tJiey had sustained from the Pcquts and Mooa-
higgins in their travel from Qunnihticut; as also some
of the Wunnashowatuckoogs {subject to Canounicus)
came to ua and advertised, that two days before, about
600 and 60 Pequts, Monahiggins and tlicir confederates,
had robbed them, and spoiled about twenty-three fields
of corn, and rifled four Nanhiggontick men amon^
them ; as also that they lay in way and wait to stop Mi-
antunnonme^g passage to Qunnihticut, and divers of
them threatened to boil him in the kettle.

This tidings being many ways confirmed, my compa-
ny, Mr. Scott {a Suffolk man) and Mr. Cope, advised
our stop and return back ; unto which I also advised
the whole company, to prevent bloodshed, resolving to
get up to Qunnihticut by water, hoping there to stop
such courses. But Miantuunomu and hia council re-
solved (being then about fifty miles, half way, on our
journey) that not a man should turn back, resolving
rather all to die, keeping strict watch by night, and io
dangerous places a guard by day about the 8achim8»
Miantunncmu and his wife, who kept the path, myself
and company always first, and on either side of the path
forty or fifty men to prevent sudden eurprisals. This
was their Indian march.

But it pleased the Father of mercies, that (as we
since heard) we came not by till two days after the
time given out by Miantunnomu, (by reason of staying
for me until the Lord's day was over,) as also the Lord
sent a rumour of great numbers of the English, in com-
pany with the Nanhiggonticks, so that we came safe to
Qunnihticut.

Letters of Roger Williams.

175

Being arrived, Okace had sent messengers that be
was lame, and could not come. Mr. Haynes said, it waa
a lame excuse, and sent earnestly for him, who at last
came, and being charged by Mr. Haynes with tlie late
outrages, one of his company said, they were but an
100 men. lie said, he was with them, but did not see
all was done, and that they did but roast corn, Sic. So
there being affirmations and negations concerning the
oambers of men and liie spod, not having eye-witnesses
of our own, that fell, as also many other mutual cora-
piaiots of rifling each other, which were heard at targe
to give vent and breathing to Iwath parts.

At last we drew them to shake bands, Miantunnomu
and Okace ; and Miantunnomu invited (twice earnestly)
Okace to sup and dine with him, he and all his company
(his men having killed some venison ;) but lie would not
yield, although the magistrates persuaded him also to it.
Inaprivate conference, Miantunnomu, from Caunoun-
icus and himself, gave in the names of all the Pcquts sa-
cbims and murderers of the English. The names of
ttie sachims were acknowledged by Okace, as also the
places, which only 1 shall he bold to set down :

I ^x. Nausipouck, Puttaquappuonckquame bis son, now on

HHKong Island.

^^^LiNanasquiouwut, Puttaquappuonckquame bis brother,

^^B| Monahiganick.

^^H Puppompogs, Sasacous his brother, at Monahiganick.

^^^^Mausaumpous, at Nayantaquit.

^^^bKithansh, at Monahiganick.

^^^V'Attayakitch, at Fequat or Monahiganick.

^^^P These, with the murderers, the magistrates desired to
cut oir, the rest to divide, and to abolish their names.
An inquisition waa made ; and it was affirmed from
Caunounicus, that he had not one. Miantunnomu gave
in the names of ten or eleven, which were the remain-
ders of near seventy, which at the first subjected them-
selves, of which I advertised your worship, but all again
departed, or never came to him ; so that two or three

176 Letters rf lUger WiUiams.

of these he had with him ; the rest were at Monahiga-
nick and Peqat.

Okace was desired to give in the names of his. He
answered, that he knew not their names. He said there
was forty on Lon^ Island ; and that Juan^mo and three
Nayantaqnit sadums had Pequts, and that he himself
had but twenty. Thomas Stanton told him and the
magistrates, that he dealt very falsely; and it was
affirmed by others, that he fetched thirty or forty from
Long Island at one time. Then he acknowledged, that
he wA thirty, but the names he could not give. It
pleased the magistrates to request me to send to Nayan-
taquit, that the names of their Pequts might be sent to
Qunticut ; as also to give Okace ten days to bring in
the number and names of his Pequts and their runaways,
Mr. Haynes threatening also (in case of failing) to fetch
them.

Sir, at Plymouth, it pleased the Lord to force the
prisoners to confess, that they all complotted and in-
tended murder ; and th^ were, three of them, (the fourth
having escaped, by a pinnace, from Aquedenick,) exe-
cuted in the presence of the natives who went with me.
Our friends confessed, that they received much quicken-
ing from your own hand. O that they might also in a
case more weighty, wherein they need much, viz. the
standing to their present government and liberties, to
which I find them weakly resolved.

They have requested me to inquire out a murder five
years since committed upon a Plymouth man (as they
now hear) by two Narriganset Indians, between Ply-
mouth and Sowwaros. 1 hope (if true) the Lord will
discover it.

Sir, I understand there- hath been some Englishman
of late come over, who hath told much to Cutshamo-
quene's Indians (I think Auhaudin) of a great sachim in
England (using the king's name) to whom all the sa-
chims in this land are and shall be nothing, and where
his ships ere long shall land ; and this is much news at
present amongst natives. I hope to inquire out the man.

Letters of Roger fViUiams.

177

Vane hath also written to Mr. Coddington and
on the island ol" late, to remove from Boston as
speedily as they might, because some evil was ripening,
he. The most holy and mighty One blast all mischie-
vous buds and blossoms, and prepare us for tears in the
valley of tears, help you and us to trample on die dung-
liill of this present world, and to set afiections and cast
anchor above these heavens and earth, which are re-
served for burning.

Sir, I hear, that two malicious persons, (one I was
bokl to trouble your worship with not long since,) Joshua
Venn, and anoliier yet with us, WiUiam Arnold, have
most falsely and slanderously (as 1 hope it shall appear)
complottcd together (even as Gardiner did against your-
selves) many odious accusations in writing. It may be,
they niay some way come to your loving hand. I pre-
sume the end is, to render me odious both to the king's
majesty, as also to yourselves. I shall request humbly
your wonted love and gentleness (if it come to your
worship's hand) to help me with the sight of it, and I
am con6dcnt yourself shall be the judge of the notorious
wickedness and malicious falsehoods therein, and that
there hath not past aught from me, either concerning
tlie maintaining of our liberties in this land, or any dif-
ference with yourselves, which shall not manifest loyal-
ty's reverence, modesty and tender affection.

The Lord Jesus, the Son of righteously,* shine
brightly and eternally on you and yours, and all that
seek him that was cruciSed. In him I desire ever to be
Your worship's most unfeigned

ROGER WILLIAMS.

All respective salutations to kind Mrs. Winthropt
Mr. Deputy, Mr. Bellingham, and theirs.

Letters of Roger Williams.

VII.

CAvcAiiMsttiiTTiicH, 1 1. 7. 4!4 (go Called.)
Dear and worthy Sir,

Best salutations to you botU and loving sister
premised, wishing you eternal peace in the only Prince
ol' it, 1 have longed to hear I'rom you, and to send to>
you, since this storm arose. The report was (as most
commonly all Indian reports arc) absolutely false, of my
removing my goods, or the least rag, &c. A fortnigt*
since I heard of the Mauquawogs coming to Paucom-
tuckqut, their rendezvous; that they were provoked bj'
Onkas wronging and robbing some Paucomluck Indian*'
the last year, and that he hud dared the Mauquawogs,
threatening, if they came, to set his ground with gobbet*
of their Hesli ; that our iieiglibours had given them play,.
(as they do every year ;) yet withal 1 heard they were^
divided, some resolved to proceed, others pleaded their
hunting season. We have here one Waupinhommin, a
proud, desperate abuser of us, and a firebrand to stir up
the natives against us, who makes it all his trade to run
between the Mauquawogs and these, and (being a cap-
tain also himsell) renders the Mauquawogs more terrible!
and powerful than the English. Between him and thot
chief Rachims hath been great consultations, and to ray
knowledge he liath persuaded them to desert their
country and become one rebellious body or rout with the
Mauquawogs, and so to defy the English, &.c. I have
sent also what 1 can inform to the commissioners. At
present (through mercy) we arc in peace. Sir, I de-
sire to be ever

Yours in Christ Jesus,

UOGER WILLIAMS.

The letter I have sent by Warwick, twenty miles |
Dearer tlian about by Secunck.

For his mufh honourtd kind Friend \
Mr. JoiiN WiNTitaoP, at his Uouif \
tn Nanuag, thete. )

Letters of Hugh Peter.

119

Two Letters of IIuch Pbteh.

[TiiK two following ieltera of ihe celebrated Hugh Peier, ihotigh of j
liule imporUDce for the direct information conlained, arc curious
enouefa (or publicnlion. The; are copied from the Suffolk Regi^
U7«f Deeds,Lib.S.fol.ll. Kd.]

De» Sir,
1 FEAU you are angry because you do not hear from
Die nor I from you. 1 have by Mr. Gotl ordered yoa
what I have in New Eugland word.* ! ever loved you
and youra, and am truly sensible of all your cares. No-
thing under heaven halh more troubled mc, than tliat
you had not my company into New England with you.
I have sent you by this bearer a loadstone, which I
pray keep for nie if I come; if not, it is yours. O that I
were. My old malady the spleen. ...and never had heart '
or lime to attend any cure.. ..that now I give my life
gone, and shall outlive my ports, I fear. My heart is
wilb my God, and desire after him ; in whom I am

I Yours ever,

K or April, -oi. HUGH PETER'S.

:
OOi
ivii

r ao o/* April, '54.

[SoperecriliediJ
tT» John Winthrop, Junior, Esq. 1
thfte....mth a Tokm in a Paper, j

r Mj dear Friend,

1 HAD yours, and truly do love you heartily,
ough I have been sometimes troubled at my business
aviog no returns, and you selling my house for .£20,
and lending out my books and things, and sending home
nothing to mc, but only what Spencer sent, and arose of
a colt and three sheep, &c. though I am no way angry

180 Letters of Hugh Peter.

with you, for I love you heartily ; but great payments
have gone forth, you write, and truly I know no debts,
but such as Mr. Paine made upon me. My mind is,
that Mr. John Winthrop might be spoke with about
what I have, to whom I assigned it long since upon some
conditions, though I profess nothing but want of health
(I think) could detain me from New England, such is
my love to the place, and lovely it will yet be. I pray
do but for me as I would do for you. Mr. Downing
owed me £1 80. Nobody would seize the house he made
over to me, and now he is here wish her to make haste
after him. Salute your good wife, pay yourself what
charge I put you to, and love

Yours,

HU. PETER'S.

[Superscribed^

ood Friend Mr.
at Salem, now at Wenham.

JFor my good Friend Mr. Gott, Deacon \

Upon the request of John Winthrop, Esq. this is to certify
whomsoever it may concern, that we, whose names are here-
under subscribed, have seen two letters, dated as appears to us,
one directed to Charles Gott, deacon of Salem, and the other
to John Winthrop, Esq. Junior, about what Mr. Hugh Peter's
then had in New England, which letters we do undoubtedly
believe and know them to be the hand-writino: of him the said
Hugh Peter's, as far as may be known by a man's writing not
seen to write them. The date is, of the one, the 3d day of the
first month, the other is the 30th of April, 1654.

SAMUEL SIMONDS.

Wm. HATHORNE.

THOMAS LATHROP.

The gentlemen above-subscribed made oath to what is
above-written this 24th of October, 1672, before us,

JOHN LEVERETT, Dep'y Gov.
JOHN PYNCHON, Assistant.

Entered and recorded, October 25, 1672.

LeOer of Wiliiam Hodee.

1.ETTBB OF William Hoose to John Winthrop.

HoDouied Sir,
1 HUMBLY salute you, together with Mrs. Winthrop
and your sons and daughters, with the remerahrance of
my entire respects to you and yours. I received the
letter, which you sent aboard to me newly after my de-
parture from Boston, it being no less a trouble to me
than to yourself, that I was so hurried away that I could
not see you once again, and solemnly lake my leave of
you, to whom 1 reckon myself very much engaged for
your love and care of me and mine. The Lord was
pleased to afford us a very comfortable and speedy pas-
sage from land to land in the space of five weeks, our
sea exercises being no other than ordinary. After our
ianding we were all held with colds and coughs, and 1
am scarce free to this day. — We found the parliament
sitting when we came, whose greatest work hath been,
to raise the present government to that which is kingly,
this of kingly being now voted by the far major part,
though not ^e mehor, as I understand, yet some godly
persons joining therein. It is apprehended, that settle-
ment is not obtainable in the present way. The churches
throughout the land, that are Congregational, and like-
ffiae particular godly persons, are, mostly, averse to this
clrange, and sundry churches, from several counties, have
petitioned to the protector against it. In his first meet-
ing with the parliament, he desired time of consideration ;
io his second he expressed himself negatively ; in his
third he did not speak, as it is said, so perspicuously and
expressly; in his fourth the parliament delivered their
reasons for this change ; and now, the fifth hasting, it is
expected that he should deliver his reasons for refusal,
ot accept what is tendered. 1 suppose his spirit inclin-
cthto refusal, as the case is circumstanced ; but he is put
upon straits through the importunities of such as urge

J82 Letter of William Hooke.

the necessity of this change, knowing also that the pai
lianient may, and perhaps will, disown him in the SpaniA '
wars, and withdraw their help, and also in many other
things rehnquish or oppose him, and render the present
arbitrary sword-power odious and tyrannical, and, when
he shall die, choose a king, whose little finger may be
very heavy upon the people of God ; whereas now (if he
accept of the present oner) he shall have the power of
nominating his successor, etc. fiut, on the other side, a
design is feared, the promoters being not men (for the
most part) of a desirable gang, many of them not very,
good wcll'Willers, perhaps, to the better party ; and Hi^fM
hand of the lawyers is chief in these things, to settia^l
their forms (it is thought) no less than the state of the
land. Likewise, former professions and protestations
against kingly power arc alleged and much insisted upon,
as made sometimes by the army ; ttiougti I have heard
several officers of the army, godly men, and not of mean
lank, utterly denying any such engagomcnLs or protes-
tations. Some fear, also, lest things sliould revert to
their 6rst principles, in the issue, and our gains by all
these bloody wars lie, at last, in a narrow compass, etc.
Tlie protector is urged utrinque and (1 am ready to
think) willing enough to betake himself to a private life,
if it might be. He is a godly man, much in prayer and
good discourses, delighting in good men and good minis-
ters, self-denying, and ready to promote any good work
for Christ.

As touching myself, 1 am not, as yet, settled, the pro-
tector having engaged me to Him, not long after my
landing, who hitherto hath well provided for me. His
desire is, that a church may be gathered in his family, to
which purpose I have had speech with him several
times ; but though the thing be most desirable, yet 1
foresee great dimculties in sundry respects. 1 think to
proceed aa far as 1 may, by any rule of God, and am
altogether unwilling that this motion should fall in his
heart. But my own weakness is discouragement cnoug"
were there nothing else.

Utm of fi^ltHim ffooke.

16^

Wont letters were delivered, Mr. Peter undertaking
fer two of them. For Sir Kenelme Digby is in France,
and wlien he will return I hear not. Mr. Peter is not
yet thoroughly recovered out of his late eclipse, but 1
hear better of his preaching than was formerly spoken
of it. He hath been loving to me, and hath {I hope)
receired benefit by the things have lately befallen him.
The steward of the house and I speak often of you.
His oame is Mr. Maydestone, who (as he saith) sucked
the same milk with you. He is a godly wise man, and
one to whom I am much bound for his love. The land
is as full of wickedness as ever it was, excepting that
there is a remnant professing the pure ways of God
with more clearness, liberty and boldness, than hereto-
fore ; and here are many good churches in city and
country, far and near, and many able ministers.

There have been two conspiracies discovered since
my arrival — one of the levellers, many of whom were
engaged by some great enemy to take away the life of
the protector, and scarce three or four of them known
one lo another, that if any of them should be discovered,
tbey might not discover very many others, but the plot
stiU go oo in the hands of other men. One Sunder-
combe was a chief man in this design, a very stout man,
who, with one Cecill, was apprehended, and he condemn-
ed to die, who, the night before the time appointed for
his execution, poisoned himself. He was a very atheist,
not holding the immortality of the soul. One of the
life-guard had his hand also in the conspiracy, and had
recraved a reward to act in it, who, fearing a discovery,
to save his life, detected Sundercombe, made known the
business, and prevented the burning of Whitehall, when
the match in the basket, full of the most combustible
and furious materials, was lighted, and placed in the
midst of the chapel in a seat, etc. — The other conspira-
cy was discovered the last week. It was carried on by
tumultuous, outrageous, discontented men, pretending to
fifth monarchy, but discovering in their declaration (which

184

Letter of William Hooke.

is in print) a bloody Bpirit, though UDder a specious
shew. Some of them were lately apprehended as they
were praying, ready to set forward in an hostile maimer,
to gather together !□ a body, having accordingly fur-
nished themselves. In this design, one Vennour, not
long since dwelhng in your Boston, a wine cooper, is a
principal actor, who being brought before tlie protector,
Bpoke and behaved himself with as great impudence,
insolence, pride and railing, as (I think) you ever heard
of. It is thought also, that Major General Harrison,
Col. Rich, Carey, Danvers, Col. Okey, Sir Henry Vane,
are engaged in this plot. I suppose some of them are
secured, or sent for so to be. We hang hero upon
ticklish points, and scarce know what to think, only the
people of God are still looking up to him. Mr. Hopkins
and Mr. Fenwick are gone to God, within two or three
days one of tlie other, in a time wherein we have very
great need of the presence and prayers of such roeo.
Sir, 1 would not tire you ; I have very great need of
the help of your prayers : I am still also vatetudinarious,
and should rejoice to do God any acceptable service be-
fore my great change cometh. I have spoken again and
again to Mr. Peter to remember your sister Lake ;
what he will do I know not ; I pray remember my re-
spects to her also, and to Mr. Blinman. The Father of
our Lord Jesus Christ be with you and all yours, pros-
pering your endeavours to his glory and the good of
many. To his grace I heartily commend you, and rest
Yours very much bound to you,

WILLIAM HOOKE.i

April 13, 1657.

For the mut.h honoured Mr.
at hit House in Prgvot, i

Letter of John Maidston.

Letter of John Maidston to John Winthrop,
governour of connecticut.

[Tub ori^nal curious letier frotn Joho Maidaton, of which a copy
fbUom, Htbe last article in the 19th volume of Trmnhull MSS. It
wu !■ ihe possession of John Winthrop, Esq. grandson of the
gortiaoai of Connecticut, to whom it was addressed ; anc] he fur-
aiibed a transcript for Birch's great collection of Thurloe's Slate
Papers, where it is printed. Vol. I. p. 763 — 8. Probably the era-
rare of half a line was made when that copy was given. Some
errours, of which two or three are of importance, wilt he found in
the Eofflish copy. This letter hae been often referred to by slu-
denta of the character of Cromwell, desirous of learning what one
of bis intimate friends thought of him. As nearly a hundred and
Mvenly years have elapsed since his death, some agreement in
opinion may now he formed, in spile of the calculating toryism of
Hume, and the eager fanaticism of Mrs. Macauley. The hypocrisy
of Cromwell was almost unavoidable in the unhappy times, when
he achieved his greatness, and his perfidy to the republicans was
first expedient, and afterwards defensive. Ed.]

Sir,

Your kind remembrance of me in Mr. Hooke'a letter
covered me with no small shame, that I have neglected
a person of so signal worth as all reports (I meet with)
present you in ; especially when it is attended with the
consideration of the obligations your father's memory
bath left upon me. Yet may I not be so injurious to
myself as to acknowledge, that the long omission of
writing to you proceeded from forgetfulness. The fre-
quent discourses I have made of yourself and honoured
father have created testimony sufficient to vindicate me
from such ingratitude : But the perpetual hurry of dis-
tressing affairs, wherein for some years I have been
exercised, deprived me of gaining a 6t opportunity of
oonreying letters : And this is, briefly and truly, the
cause of so long an intermission.

For me now to present you with a relation of the un-
beaid-^ dealings of God towards hts people in these

Letter of John Maidston.

186

DBtions, ia not my design ; partly because (I believe)
you have heard much of it, but principally because such
a vrork would better become a voluminous chronicle than
a short epistle. For it would weary the wings of an
eagle to measure out the ways, wherein God hath walked,
with all the turnings and intricacies that are found
in them. The quarrel, at first commenced betwi.vt king
and parliament, was grounded upon a civil foundation ;
the king accusing them of invading his prerogative, and
the houses charging him with the breach of their privi-
leges, and consequently the invassallaging the people
represented by them. When this argument had (for
Bomc time) been agitated by as hot and bloody war as
this latter age hath seen, it fell at lost to be managed
(on the parliament's side) by instruments religiously
principled, in whose hand it received so many evident
testimonies of God's extraordinary presence and conduct,
that in conclusion a period was put to it, the king made
a prisoner, and all his expectation of rescue utterly de-
feated and cut off. While the matter stood in this pos-
ture, great debates, solicitous consultations and cabala
are held in order to settlement. For these transactions
(according to the constant product of all such things)
had created factions and divisions betwixt persons of
equal worth in point of parts, and (as themselves thought)
of balancing merit, to receive the reward of so great and
hazardous an undertaking as diey had gone through.
These parties instantly divided themselves (or rather
did appear divided, for they had been so before) under
■ the heads of Presbytery and Independency. The for-
mer had the advantage in number, the ministry general-
ly adhering to them ; the latter in having been the ac-
tive instruments, by whose valour and conduct the king
was brought from a palace to a prison, and therebv
were possessed of the military power of the nation ; by
help whereof, and having many friends in the house of
commons, against the mind of the major part, they first
secluded them, and then set aside the house of lords ;
and by a co-operation with the house of commons then

Letter of John Maidston.

J 87

sitting, (whom they owned as the supreme power of the
nation,) the king was brought to trial before an high
court of justice, (consisting of members of paHiament,
officers of the army and others,) and proceeded against
to execution.* This act was highly displeasing to many,
who, with equal zeal and forwardness, had assisted
in the war ; insomuch that the difference which the
king's party put between them that fought with him,
and those that took away his hfe, they expressed in this

ftForerb, that Presbyterians held him by the hair, till
odependents cut off his liead. Yet have the former
straggled hard, ever since, to do something that might
render them under a better character as to their cove-
nant and loyalty to the king.

The peace of the nation being thus settled, and
the king's family and offspring departed into foreign
places, his eldest son, the prince of Wales, travelled
into the Netherlands, where (after some short time)
application was made to him by the most serious
and prudent party of Scotland, (amongst whom I
know some to be as choice men as most I have been
acquainted with, for wisdom and true holiness, for so
it becomes me to judge,) who presented to him the
consideration of the stupendous judgments of God upon
him and his father's house, and pressed upon him the
sense of it, endeavouring to reduce him to Scotland, in
order to restore him to his dominion, upon hope that
he might be instrumental to honour God, and re-estab-
lish pubhck peace. To this he gave very fair returns,
and in a short time shipped himself for Scotland, and
arrired there ; where he was honourably entertained by
that which is called the kirk party, and is indeed the
religions party of that nation. By them he was crown-
ed king of Scotland, and so brought into a capacity of ac-
tion. The kirk party had now the command of him
and the nation. But another party had a greater room
ip his heart, having been constant to his father, when the
r had raised war against him. These divided under

188 Letter of John Maidslon.

two heads, called Rcsolutioners and Protesters.* TiM
parliament of England by this time grew awakened, forfrf
seeing that tliis whole action was calculated to the per*
feet capacity of Scotland's imposing a king upon Ens'
land, of which they were evinced by more than probabW
arguments ; to obviate which, they resolved to send i
potent army, under the command of General Cromwel|f.
(die Lord Fairfax refusing that service upon the infla*
ence of Presbyterians, as was said,) that Scotland mighS
be rendered the seat of war, and so made less able ttt
annoy England. This accordingly was done; an invsM
sion made from England. Scotland put into arms to rcstol
it, whereby they wearied and wasted the English armjy
and forced it (in a miserable condition) to retreat fol
England, had tney not at Dunbar, out of pure necessity,'
enforced an engagement to their own destruction : Fol'
the defeat then given the Scotch army was as signal aft
any thing in the whole war. The advantage of number/
and men fit for fight, was very great. But that which W
most observable, is the quality of the persons ; Fof
Presbytery being the golden ball that day, I am credit
informed, that thousands lost tlicir lives tor it (afti
many meetings, debates and appeals to God betwixt ou
English officers and them) of as holy praying people a
this island or the world aflbrds. The Lord Genen
Cromwell was a person of too great activity and sagaci
ty, to lose the advantage of such a victory, and thereforw
marched his army to Edinburg, and possessed himseU
of that place, laid siege to the strong castle in it, anv
distressed it, till it submitted, being so situated as not to
be entered by onslaught, nor undermined, by reason of
the rock on which it is built. There he spent the
winter, but was not idle, for in that time nmny stroDg
places became subject to him. By this means the
young king had opportunity to fall in with his beloved

* Hesoloiionen w«e of [bo moro dlscoiuw Kirl of people— Pro tcf ten k
precise patiy, cnlleil, foimcil/, Puriiarn. .^i ihis lirac ihey published a
, and therefore were indeBiutal]' called Protatleta or Rmimr-

Itter of John MaiiMit^'

party, called the Resolutioners ; his interest likewise
wrought here in England, carried on by the Presbyte-
riao party ; and in this quarrel honest Mr. Love, who
doubtless was a godly man, though indiscreet, lost his
head, and maoyofhis brethren were endangered, being
detmoed prisoners, till General Cromwell came home
and procured their release. But before that, his con-
tinuance in Scotland was a time of great action, wherein
be so distressed the king, as he enforced him to march,
with all the force he could make, for England ; but be-
ing close pursued by the English horse, under the com-
maod of General Lambert, (a prudent, valiant com-
mander, and a man of gallant conduct,) and resisted by
forces raised in England, he was compelled to make a
halt at Worcester city, till the lord general, with the
body of the army, advanced thither, and after a short
tiute, totally defeated his army, himself escaping very
hardly, and afterwards (with great difficulty) conveyed
hiniiKir beyond the seas.

Tile idea of the stock of honour, which General
Cromwell came invested with to London, after this
crowning victory, (superadded to what God had
before clothed him with, not only by his achievements
in England, but those in Ireland,*) (which I preter-
mitted, because being grounded on those barbarous
massacres, the habitable world sounded with the
Doise of them,) will in my silence present itself to
your imagination. He bad not long continued here, be-
fore it was strongly impressed upon him by those to
whom he had no reason to be utterly incredulous, and
strengthened by his own observation, that the persons
then ruled the parliament of the commonwealth of
England, etc., from whom he had derived his au-
thority, and by virtue whereof ho had fought so ma-
ny holy men in Scotland into their graves, were not
such as were spirited to carry the good interest an
eod, wherein he and tliey had jeopardized all that

[The LondoD copy abtnirdly gives Scotland. Ed,]

190

Letter of John Maidston.

wu of concern to them in this world. And I tviafc
cordially tliat tliere had not been too great
ground for those allegations. The result of then^
after many debates betwixt the members then sittia
and the general, with some who joined with him, wai
the dissolution of that parliament by mihtary forcfl
since called by a softer word, Interruption. Great ditf
satisfaction sprang from this action, and such as is not y
forgotten amongst good men. For let the reasons ai
end be never so good, upon which the general acted ihl
part, yet, say they, 'Twas high breach of trust in him t
overthrow tliat authority in defence of whicli God hai
appeared, and made him so significant an instrumeof
Yet factum valet, say others, who were not well satll
fied neither ; and now care is used to settle fluctuatio
Britain ; in order to which, the lord general, by I
authority, (which was but military,) summons one huD
dred persons out of all parts of the nation, (with coitf
petent indifferency and equality) to represent the nri
tion, and invests them with legislative authority. The
meet and accept it, assume the title of parliament, an
sit in the bouse of commons, and enact sundry lawa
but in a short time made it appear to all considerin
and unprejudiced men, that they were huic negotl
impares, non obstante their godliness; of which I*
more judicious of them being sensible, contrived 1
I matter so as to dissolve themselves by an act of then
own, and revolve" their authority whence they first i
\ lived it, viz. upon the general. It was not long befoj
' he was advised to assume the government of this naliol
\ in his single capacity, limited with such restrictions i
*ere drawn up in an instrument of government, frame
to that purpose. This he accepted of, and (being by
with due ceremony in Westminster Hall inaugurated, h«
I iBBumed it accordingly. According to one of the arti-
, eles in it, he summoned a house of commons at West-
•rflunster the September following, of which house I had

• [Londoa copy hu rttiUt. EdJ

Letter <^ John Maidston.

the hoDoar to be a member. The house, consisting ot
many disobliged persons, (some upon tbe king's account)
and others upon pretence of a rigbl to sit upon tbe for-
mer foundation, as not being legally, llmugh forcibly,
dissolved, and others judging that the powers given by
the instrument of government to the protector, were too
large^ professing that, though they were willing to trust
him, yet they would not trust his successors, with so
large a jurisdiction,) fell into high Etnimosities, and after
fire months spent in framing another instrument instead
of the former, (which they said they could not swallow
vithout chewing,) they were by tbe protector dissolved.

This was ungrateful to English spirits, who deify
their representatives. But tbe protector's parts and
interest enabled him to stem this tide. Yet the weight
of government incumbiug too heavily upon him, before
many years pzissed, he summoned another parliament,
and bis experience guided him to concur with them in a
new instrument to govern by. In it they would have
changed his title, and made him king, and 1 think he
had closed with them in it, not out of lust to tliat title,
(I am persuaded,) but out of an apprehension that it
would have secured (in a belter way) tlie nation's settle-
ment. But the party to whom the protector ever pro-
fessed to owe himself (being the generality of his stand-
ing friends) rose so high in opposition to it, (by reason
of the scandal that thereby would fall upon his person
aod profession,) as it diverted him, and occasioned him
to take investhure in his government, though from
tbem, yet under his former title of protector. As in
fonner cases, this found acceptance with many, but was
dissatisfactory to a greater number.

The instrument of government made in this parUa-
ment, and to which the protector took his oath, was
called, The liumble Petition and Advice. In it provision
was made for another house of parliament, instead of
the old lords, that this might be a screen or balance
betwixt the protector and commons, as the former lords
had been betwixt the king and them. These to consist of

192 Letter of John Maidston.

seventy persons, all at first to be nominated by the protec-
tor, and after, as any one died, a new one to be nominated
by him or his successors, and assented to by themselves,
or without that consent not to sit : Twenty of them was
a quorum. It was no small task for the protector to
find idoneous men for this place, because the future se-
curity of the honest interest seemed (under God^ to be
laid up in them : For by a moral* generation, (if they
were well chosen at first,) like foundationals in the
gathering of a church, they would propagate their own
kind, when the single person could not, and the com-
mons (who represented the nation) would not, having
in them, for the most part, the spirit of those they repre-
sent, which hath little affinity with, or respect to the
cause of God. And indeed, to speak freely, so barren
was this island of persons of quality spirited for such
a service, as they were not to be found ; according to
that of the apostle, 1 Cor. 1 . 26, Ye see your calling,
not many wise, nor noble, etc. This forced him to make
it up of men of meaner rank, and consequently of less
interest, and upon trial too light for a balance, too thin
for a screen, and upon the point inefiectual to answer
the design, being made a scorn by the nobility and
gentry, and generality of the people; the house of
commons continually spurning at their power, and
spending large debates in controverting their title, till at
length the protector (finding the distempers which grew
in his government, and the dangers of the publick peace
thereby) dissolved the parliament, and so silenced that
controversy for that time. And that was the last which
sat during his life, he being compelled to wrestle with
the difficulties of his place so well as he could, without
parliamentary assistance ; and in it met with so great a
burthen, as (I doubt not to say, it drank up his spirits, oi
which his natural constitution yielded a vast stock)t and
brought hinfi to his grave ; his interment being the seeA-
time of his glory and England's calamity.

* [London copy mortal. Ed.]
f [The parenthesis seems to be out of place in the original. £d.]

Letter of Jchn Maidston. 19S

efore I pass furtlier, pardon me in troubling you with
t&e character of his person, which, by reason of my near-
ness to him, I had opportunity well to observe. His body
was well compact, and strong ; his stature under six feet,
(1 believe about two inches ;) his head so shaped as you
might see it a store-house and shop both of a vast
treasury of natural parts. His temper exceeding fiery,
as I have known ; but the flame of it kept down for the
most part, or soon allayed with those moral endowments
he had. He was naturally compassionate towards ob-
jects in distress, even to an eHeminate measure : though
God had made him a heart, wherein was left little room
for any fear, but what was due to himself, of which there
was a large proportion ; yet did he exceed in tenderness
toward sufferers. A larger soul, 1 tliink, hath seldom
dwelt in a house of clay than his was. I do believe, if
his story were impartially transmitted, and the unpreju-
diced world well possessed with it, she would add him
to her nine worthies, and make that number a decem-
viri. He hved and died in comfortable communion with
God, as judicious persons near him well observed. He
was that Mordecai, that sought the welfare of his peo-
ple, aiid spake peace to his seed : Vet were his tempta-
tions such, as it appeared frequently, that he that hath
grace enough for many men, may have too little for
himself; the treasure he had being but in an eartlien
vessel, and that equally defiled with original sin as any
other man's nature is.

He lell successor in the protectorship his eldest
son, a worthy person indeed, of an obliging nature,
and religious disposition, giving great respect to tlie
beat of persons, both ministers and others, and having
to his lady a prudent, godly, practical Christian. His
entrance into the government was with general satis-
faction, having acceptation with all sorts of people,
and addresses from them importing so much. It was
an amazing consideration to me, (who, out of the expe-
rience I had of the spirits of people, did fear Confusion
would be famous Oliver's successor,) to see my fears so

194

Letter of John Maidslon.

confuted; though, alas! theBinofEDglandsoonshewei
that they were not vain fears. For in a short lira
some actings in the army appeared tending to divest iJ
protector of the power of it. This bred some jealoun
and unkindness betwixt him and the officers of it, butU
was allayed, and things looked fair again.

About this time, writs were sent out to summons a pai
liament, which accordingly sat down in March following. '
The power of the protector, and that of the other house,
was instantly controverted in the house of commons,
which house consisted of a tripartite interest, viz. — the
protector's, the commonwealth's, (as it was bo called
by some, though groundlessly enough,) and Charles's,
the king of Scots. Each party striving to carry an end
their own design, siding one while with one, another
while with another, obstructed settlement, and acted
nothing but what tended to leave religion and sobriety
naked of protection. The vigilant army observe this,
and dispose themselves to prevent this growing evil ;
in order to it, keep general councils, publish remon-
strances, and make addresses. The parliament, fearing
the co-ordinary (at least) of a military power with the
civil, forbid the meetings of the army. The army resent
this so ill, as by a violent impression they prevail with
the protector to dissolve the parliament. This he did,
animo tarn reluclanti, that ho could not conceal his re-
pentance of it, but it brake out upon all occasions. The
army, observing it, redacted on hitn as a person true to
the civil interest, and not fixed to them ; and the officers
keeping general councils, in a few days resolve to
depose liim, and restore the members of the parliameot
dissolved by the first protector in the year ^53, to the
exercise of their government again, in order (as they
ridiculously styled it) to the settling of a common-
wealth. The nation resented this act of the army ex-
ceeding ill ; the godly party being generally much dis-
satisfied with it, in regard the persons brought together
were, for the most part, disobliging to any thing of reaaa
80D or sobriety, so that they enslaved the people to t'

hdUr of Jdin Maidsion.

19S

lusts of a few men, as it soon appeared. From these the
officers of the army and all in civil power derived their
authority ; and ihey seemed to have brought all under
perfect eubjection. But their deportment waxed loo
swelling for Ihe army to bear long. For upon an in-
surrectioQ raised in the west by Sir George Booth, a
secluded member, in behalf of a free parliament, forces
were sent against him under General Lambert, by whom
Sir George Was soon reduced and made a prisoner.
This 90 elevated the rilling men in parliament, as they
began to increase the thickness of their fingers. The
army, fearing they would not rest till they had brought
them to Rehoboam's scantling, make complaint to them
by way of remonstrance, out of which egg a bird sprang,
that made new division, or rather renewed the old be-
twixt them, till it came to another Lntekruption. This
put us into so great distemper, as one regiment marched
against another, some lor the parliament, others against
them, and drew up near Westminster Hall, even to push
of pike ; but God in mercy kept them from engaging, so
that no blood was spilt.

The house, thus disturbed, used its interest to
redintegrate its power. Members meet in private
cabals about it. They send into Scotland to General
Monke, who was placed there by the old protector,
commander in chief of the forces of that nation. To
him they complain of the breach of trust by the army
here, and by them of the violence offered to par-
liament. This Monke resents ill, and declares for
the parliament against the army. The army in Eng-
land meet in council. They choose the Lord Fleet-
wood captain general of all the forces in England, Scot-
land and Ireland ; send letters to Monke for accommo-
dation ; appoint a committee of .=afety for the publick
peace, made up of many chief officers of the army, and
others of the best quality they could get ; declare a
resolution to call a parliament ; appoint a committee to
draw a platform of government for the three nations.

While this was acting, the nations grew into a flame,
greatly hating any government introduced by the sword.

Letler of John Maidston.

So the officers of the

army.

and

com mi
in a

ttee or safety, an

lemj

her-"
i in
zed

LoQ^V
■ouW"

I this
teot-
vioy

ail, began to draw heavily, and in a few weeks, by the
[ revolt of the soldiery (which began first at Portsmouth,
■ was second by the tlcet, and generally fallen in with by
the private soldiers,) their wheels fell off and \c\\ tlien
on the ground; the members of parliament return :
sit; all the ofhcers that were looked upon as having
hand in their interruption, set aside, though to other
things indemnified. Thus far was Jotham's parable in
the case of Abimelech and the men of Shechem realized
in tliis matter also.

General Monke advances now to London, and
there honourably entertained. lie is invited into L<
don, courted and caressed there, upon hope he would*
introduce the king of Scots, whose interest grew ail this
while, and the generality of the people expressed intent-
ness upon it, abuse the parliament, and affront (to vi-
lence) the speaker at hia lodgings, and the membt
walking in the streets.

In this interim, the house dismisses Sir Henry Vane
from sitting in it, as a person that had not been constant
to parliament privileges, and Major Saloway, a person
of great parts and Sir Henry Vane's second in most
things, with some others who acted in the committee of
safety. Yet were they greatly pressed by declarations
from the people, who, though they were pleased with
the dishonour put on Sir H. Vane, (he being unhappy in
lying under the most calkoHck prejudice of any man I
know,) yet partly dissatisfied with the seclusion of the
members of '48, and partly thirsting after their liber-
ties in free parliament, were restless and impetuous.

Genera! Monke is now earnestly applied lo by th»'
greatest of the citizens of London, and the members
parliament who were secluded in the year '41), to r
store them to the exercise of their trust in that capacity.
Alter some debate with some of the then sitting mem-
bers concerning this matter, without further consent ob-
tained from the then sitting members, and without their
privity, they were by the general brought into the
house. They sat not Uiree weeks, before they, by act

thff'J

' of John Maidston.

197

of parliament, dissolved themselves, and made provision
for a succeeding parliament, which is to sit down the
25th day of the next month. In this time they made
sundry acts ; one about the ministry, to the advantage
of the Presbytery ; another, in which they settled a
mihba distinct from that of the army, put into such
com'**"' hands, for the most part, as are for the king's
intefesl. They hkewise settled a council of state, con-
sisting of one-and-thirty very prudent, sober men, and of
good interest as to civil concernments.

Bat to draw to a period, and trouble you no longer
with this discourse. The interest of rehgion lies dread-
fijJly iD • the dust ; for the eminent professors of it, having
achieved formerly great victories in the war, and there-
by great power in the army, made use of it to make
variety of changes in government, and every of those
changes hazardous, pernicious and dissatisfactory in one
considerable respect or other. These were all charged
upon the principles of the authors of them, who, being
Congregational men, have not only made men of that
persuasion cheap, but rendered them odious to the
generality of the nation ; and that the rather, because
General Fleetwood, who married the protector's daugh-
ter, and the Lord Desborow, who married his sister,
were principal instruments (as is apprehended, though I
think not truly of Fleetwood) in overthrowing the
family, from which they had their preferment and so
many signal kindnesses. It is not to be exprest what
leproach is brought upon profession of religion by this
means, and what a foundation laid to persecute it out
of England, if that party prevails, [an erasure of a more
modern date than that of the letter.] For demonstra-
tion is made by experience, that professors were not
I nore troublesome and factious in times of peace, before
' the wars of England began, and the great instruments
of them, than tliey have been imperious, self-seeking,
trust-breaking and covenant-violating, since they were
invested with power. And whether this scandal will
go, or what the effects of it will be, the Lord knows.

!?•

* [London copf on- En.] .

198

Letter of John Maidston.

But to be sure, as Solomon says, He that breaketh

hedge, a serpent will bite him. And this is fulfilled upi
r Aein, who have been the greatest liedgc-breakcrs thi

[ have known. And as there is a wo pronounced to
I World by our Saviour, because of offences, so is there
i redundant wo to them by whom tliose offences come.
I I have cause to believe, that you have met with mi
lof what I have here communicated to you, in a betl
p dress, from some other hand. I f so, I entreat the pard<
1 of your stomach for my crambo bis coctum. I al
r entreat your advice, by the ne.xt opportunity, concerning
I friends here, what encouragement persons may have, if
I times press them, to transport their families into New
[ England, with some general directions of so doing to the

best advantage. <J

I do promise myself this fruit of my writing, that as iH
kiaay renew our intercourse, and kindle the former coals
I of love, 80 it will provoke you with greatest fervency to
r Jay the sad state of our affairs here before the Lord,
J whose name is greatly engaged in them. For the rage
L'Of the enemy is swelled to an intolerable height, and his
L mouth set against the heavens. God hath great cause
f now to fear the enemy and the avenger. And this is
Li our last refuge ; for we have forfeited all to the utmost.
\.l pray present me to my cousin, your wife, under the

character of a person ready, though unable, to serve

her ; and accept of the like tender from,
Sir,
Your real servant and unworthy kin.sman,

JO. MAIDSTON.

Westminrter, March^i, 1659.

If you shall give yourself the trouble, at any time, o^
i faoDouring me with a letter, you may please to direct i."*
I to Pond House, at Boxted in Esse.\, where my fatlu
f Kved. It is three miles from Colchester.

Thesrfor his honourable Friind and Kinsman, i
John Winthrope, Esq. Govcrnour of Ihe >
Colony of Connecticut in Nob England. J

Piymouth Convpany Accounts.

199

Plymouth Company Accounts.

1628. T/ie Company of PlemoiUk in New England are
Debitors as foil. viz.

J.0 so much paid for Mr. Rogers' pas-
sage, 20s. his diet 1 1 weeks at 45. 8rf. . 3 1] 4
Paid for Constant Sother's passage, 20s. and

diet 1 1 weeks at 4s. 8// 3 114

John Gibbs, for freight of beaver and other

skins, 30s. charges at custom house, . 1 13 0
To Mr. Elbridg for freight of 3 hogsheads, 3 0 0
For primage of the said 3 hogsheads, . . 10 0

For custom thereof at Bristowe, .... 800
To the boatswain, by Mr. Winsiowe's order, 2 5 0
For briogitig the beaver from Bristowe, . 1 15 0
Paid to Mr. Elbridg for ]25£. taken up at

50£. p. c 187 10 0

Paid to John Pocock for 20£. taken up at

30£. p. c. for 2 years, 32 0 0

Paid to Edward Basse for 5£. taken up at

6s. p. £. for 2 years, 8 0 0

Paid to Timothy Hatherley for lO^E. taken

up at Gs. p. £. for 2 years, 16 0 0

Paid to Wm. Thomas for 10£. taken up at

6s. p. £. for 2 years, 16 0 0

Paid to Mr. Linge for 5£. at 6s. p. £. for 2

years, 800

Paid, being the first year's payment towards

the purchase, 200 0 0

Paid to Mrs. Armstrongs in full for her debt,

which now belongeth to the Company, 2 0 0

To Mr. Viner about tlie patent, and spent

1 thereabouts, 39 15 0

I More since laid out by Mr. Hatherley, as io

^K 200 Plymouth Company AccourUs.

^H To so much paid for custom and charges by

^H Mr. Brand for the goods out of Mr. Wm.

^H Feetcrs,

7 12 *

541 10 Q

^H So here you are indebted to the Company

^H which 1 set hero to balaoce, ....
^^L But now I find in your letter of the 7th and

118 6 11

669 16 11.

^H 12th of December, 1 628, that you have

^^H laid out for the Company as foUoweth,

^^B besides what you know belongeth unto

^H them, and that I have not taken out of

^H the account betwixt you and me :

^H Paid for shoes and leather, . 30 0 0

^H Paid for cloth, 40 0 0

^H Irish stockings and cloth of all

^M sorts, 40 0 0

^H Pitch, tar, ropes and twine, 5 0 0

^M Knives, scissors, and the piece

^H ofrowie, 18 0 0

^1 Rudge of divers sorts, ... 14 0 0

^H Lead, shot and powder ... 25 0 0

^H Hatchets, hoes, axes, scythes,

^H reap-hooks, shovels, spades,

^H saws, files, nails, iron pots.

^B drugs and spices, .... 60 0 0

^H All these I tind you put down,

^R which amount to .... 232 0 0

^H Besides many other I imagine

^B you omit, and the charge of

.^^^

^H your servants. So now I

^^^^^1

^^M find the Company are in your

-^H

^M debt (the 118 : 6 : U above

^^B

^H being set off) the sum of 113 13 1

LEY. 1

^^^^g^ JAMES SHER

Plymouth Company Aceouni*. 201

The Company of Plemoulh in New England are
Creditors/or Goods sent by ihem, and sold herct as/oU.

Rec. out of ihe Marmaduck, by John Gibba,
220 otters' with mincks' and quash skins,
sold at 78 12 0

Rec. out of the Whitt Angell, by Christopher
Burkett, 494 lb. 8 d. beaver, sold at 155.
6d. amounts to 38S 14 3

Rec. out of the Pleasure, Wm.
Pecters master, 209 lb. 12 d.
beaver, at }6s. Ad. . . .171 5 11

40 otters' skins sold together, 29 0 0

200 6 n
Rebated, because they were
exceeding wet, and doubtful
some mistake in the weight,
the sum of 2 15 3

So tbey yielded, to be put to
^■pcouot, 197 10 8-197 10 8

JAMES SHERLEY.

^B^emorandum. The Company stand indebted unto these
^^^tj^jeralmen following, for principal moneys borrowed of
^^Bleni, as foil.

To John Beauchampe, p. bond bearing date
the 18lh day of November, 1628, payable
on the 25th day of October, 1629, being
priDcipal money only, the sum of . . . 160 0 0

To James Sheriey, p. bond dated the 18th
of November, 1628, payable on the 25th

202 Memoir of Gamaliel Bradford, Esq.

of October, 1629, being principal money

only, 80

To Richard Anilrewes, p. bond dated tlie
ISthofNovember, 1628, payable the 15th
of October, 1629, being principal money, 40

280 0 0

Memoir of Gamaliel Bradford, Esq.

OOME biographical notice of members of the Histori-
I cal Society has been always given on their decease.
[ In compliance with this invariable practice, and by par-
I ticular request of the Society, at its last meeting, ihtm
I following sketch of the life of Gamaliel Bradford, Ef
I vho died March 7th, 1824, has been prepared. I
was born at Du\bury, November, 1763, and was of the
fifth generation from William Bradford, many years
governour of Plymouth colony. Gov. Bradford had
uiree sons, the second of whom bore his name ; was major
of militia; judgeof probate ; one of the council of war;
a commissioner of the four United Colonies of New
England ; deputy governour of Plymouth colony ; and
one of the council of Massachusetts, after the union of
these two colonies in 1692. This IVilliam had nine
sons, by three wives ; one of whom was Samuel, who
lived in the south part of Duxbury, and possessed an
extensive tract of land, which he inherited from his
father : He was an active man, and largely concerned in
trade. His eldest son was graduated at Harvard Col-
lege, 1713. His youngest son was Gamaliel, and suc-
ceeded to the landed estate of his father. He was a
colonel of the militia; judge of the county court; a
representative from Duxbury to the General Court for
several years ; and also a member of the council from'
1764 to 1770. His second son, Gamaliel, lived also il

Memoir of Ctamaliet .

■d, Esq.

Duxbury. lie was a captain in the war of 1756 — 8 ;
afterwards colonel of the mihtia ; and colonel in the
continental array from 1776 to 1783. He was also,
several years, a representative for Duxbury, and a
magistrate of the county of Plymouth. The subject
of this article was his second son. His maternal grand-
lather was Samuel Alderi, ^andson of J. Alden, one of
the first settlers at Plymouth in 1620. He received his
eatiy education at a grammar school in his native town,
kept successively, by Hon. G. Partridge and others, all
graduates of Harvard College. In youth he was re-
markable for activity and decision, as well as for a can-
did and generous spirit ; traits of character, for which he
was distinguished through life. In 1776, when scarcely
tbirleea years old, he accompanied his father to the
American camp ; and continued connected with the army
till the autumn of 1783. In 1779, at the age of sixteen,
he received a commission as ensign ; and in 1780 was
advanced to a lieutenancy. He had the reputation of a
resolute and brave officer.

For several months after he left the army, he was
hesitating as to his future pursuits of life. He was at
one tirae desirous of a publick education in the Univer-
sity; but did not pursue it, as he could not think of
being behind his cotemporaries in any respect — (a feel-
ing of pride, perhaps, not to be entirely justified.) He
was DOW about twenty-one, and those of his age would
have a standing several years before him. He was not
long, however, in a state of indecision. A life of indo-
lence is irksome to an active mind, nor can a man of
good principles forget his obligations to be useful in
society. He soon decided in favour of a sea-faring
life, and in 1784 made a voyage to France, where he
remained for some months for the purpose of acquiring
a thorough knowledge of the language, in the study of
which he had already been engaged. He wrote and
spoke the French language with correctness and facility.
Afterwards he acquired a knowledge of the Latin,
£^unish and Italian ; and the best English poets, the

204 Memoir of GamoGel Bradford, Esq.

most eminent writers in belles lettres, ethicks and hia
ly, were familiar to tiim. In bis leisure hours be read '
and wrote much. His style was pure and copious. iJis
letters to his friends, from London, Paris, Naples, Cadiz
and Venice, indicate an inquisitive and discriminating
mind, and give evidence of extensive reading and obser-
vation. The intclhgent editor of the paper, in which
BOme of his letters were published, observed, "that they
were written by a gentleman, whose gallant conduct
and misfortune were well known ; that they partook of
the ease and spirit of epistolary writing, and discovered!
the intelUgence and accuracy of a well-informed travdfl
ler." ^

His description of Mount Vesuvius, and of his descent
I into the crater 250 yards, at a time when it was in a
I comparatively quiet state, was published in 18UI, and
f afforded much entertainment to those wlio are fond of
I daring adventures, or desirous of minute details respect-
y iog that wonderful volcano. His account of the aa-
' tiquitics of Rome and its vicinity, and of the remaining
works of tile celebrated sculptors of early times, was
1 Tcry interesting — especially as we had then few state-
I ments from native Americans — and may justify os in
giving him the humble character of an amateur. He
[ was at Venice when Napoleon entered that city, in
1807, in all the pride and pomp of imperial power,
and his representation of the scene, published in the
Boston Anthology, was read with great avidity and

In the course of his maritime career, he encountered
' many and severe hazards. When commander of a large
ihip of four hundred tons, in 1799, at the tinio our
merchantmen were allowed to arm on account of
French privateers, he was attacked by four of those
marauders at once, in the Mediterranean Sea ; but he
made a brave and successful resistance, to the great
chagrin of the enemy, and much to the grati6cation of hia
fnends. The generous owners of the ship, citizens of
BoBtOQ, bore honourable testimony to his skill and

Memoir of Gamaliel Bradford, Esq. 205

courage, by presenting him a valuable piece of plate, to
perpetuate the renicinbrance of the transaction. The
next year, in a like situation, and on his return from
Naples, he was attacked by two large French armed
vessels, near the coast of Spain, and in this rencounter
he received a wound in his thigh, which occasioned the
loss of a leg. This was a severe privation to one of his
activity and enterprise. But he bore up under the mis-
fortune with great resolution and fortitude.

After tliis unfortunate event, he was several years en-
gaged in mercantile pursuits on land. But the employ-
meot was not congenial to his active habits, and he
again entered on the sea-faring life, in which he continu-
ed four or five years. One less enterprising would
have found an excuse for declining such a course, in the
loss of a limb, which must have subjected him lo pecu-
liar inconveniences on the ocean. When he finally left
the employment of a shipmaster, in 1808, he resumed
the business of a merchant, but in a way which required
less labour and attention than the ordinary concerns of
the profession demand. About this time, on the forma-
tion of a Society in Boston for the moral Improvement
of Seamen, he was elected president, and continued an
efficient member for several years. While an officer of
the society, he wrote several pamphlets, of a moral and
religious cast, with a view to distribution among sailors,
for tlieir improvement ; and they were considered hap-
pily calculated for the object. When the captain of a
merchantman, he was very attentive to the mora! con-
duct of his crew, and usually read prayers to them,
when at sea.

Iq 1707, a regiment was raised in this state, by
order of the Continental Congress. This was done by
request of the rulers of Massachusetts, on account of an
insurrection in the western parts of the state. It had
been suppressed, indeed, by the firm policy of Gov.
Bowdoin, by the aid of the military under command of
Gen. Lincoln : but fears were entertained of further op-
position to government. Mr. Bradford had an appoint-

roi„ I. THIRD SBBIEH. 18

206 Memoir of Gamaliet Bradford, Esq.

ment as lieutenaot in Uiis corps. And in 1798, when
Mr. Adams was president of tlic United States, and a
naval force was prepared to defend the country, he was
proffered the command of the Boston frigate. Both
these commissions lie declined. When (ho lirst was
tendered him, he had but just engaged ou a new course
of business, for tlie purpose of obtaining a hving ; and 'm
tlie other case, though he declined the honour with
Bome reluctance, — for the prospect was flattering to hb
ambition, and consonant to his patriotick feelings, — be
believed his duty to a numerous family was paramouDt
to all other considerations.

In 1813 he was appointed warden, or chief executive
officer of the State Prison, and he continued in Uiis sta-
tion until his death. The proper government of such
an institution must be extremely difficult. It requires
great judgment and tirmness, and a due mixture of se-
verity and compassion. Few men are well quali6ed for
such a command. Mr. Bradford gave very general satis-
faction in his management of the convicts. A leading
trait of his character was pity for the wretched. He
was generous and humane in his feelings ; at tlic (>ame
time he knew Uie importance of subordination, and the
necessity of entire submission on the part of the unhappy
iprisonera. During the first year of his being in office,
he was supposed by some to be too lenient in his treat-
ment of the convicts ; and there is reason to believe,
that he was too much inclined to listen to their stories of
misforlune and of pretended innocence. His generous
feelings led him to pity, and sotnetimes almost to excuse
them, and to plead for their release. But more experi-
ence of the depraved and hardened character of many
of them, induced him to alter, in some measure, his
former views. He found it ncccssarv to maintain a rigid
execution of the regulations of the prison, requiring con-
stant labour and absolute submission. The discipline be
maintained in the latter part of his command, was by
some thought severe. Those who knew but little of
the arts and depravity of many of the convicts were

jtfenoiV ^ Gtmalid Bradford, Esq. 307

Inble to imposition, and were rcndy to accuse tlie war-
den of inhumanity and want of feeling. But he was al-
wajrs Careful to discriminate ; and while he used his au-
thority to discipline most strictly the hardened, whom
notbiDg but fear could restrain, he was always rcasonbly
indulgent and compassionate toward those, who regret-
ted their faults and were disposed to submission. He
felt much concern in maintaining the discipline, which he
considered necessary, and in having the institution pro-
ductire of good, according to one great design of its
establishment, as a penitentiary. Perhaps there was
some personal ambition enlisted in behalf of this object.
Mr. Bradford was always anxious to discharge his duty ;
Dor was he insensible to the praise bestowed upon those
who do well and are useful.

As he had tlie chief concern in the immediate regula-
tion and government of the State Prison, he considered
bb own character identitied, in some measure, with its
repotatioD. He opened a correspondence with the prin-
cipal officers of other similar establishments in this coun-
try, and read the history of those in England, to learn
tlteir modes of discipline, and the general results attend-
ing confinement to labour, instead of corporal punish-
ment, for crimes, either as a preventive or as the means
of reformation. He gave his views to the publick on
tbis subject, in a pamphlet, about four years ago, which
was noticed with approbation both in the United States
and England. Occasional religious instruction and ad-
mooitioD, classification, and constant employment, were
found to be very important, and even indispensable ; but
iaeffectual, in most cases. Solitary confinement, there-
fore, when the convicts were not at labour, was, in liia
opinion, absolutely necessary to produce contrition and
reformation. A degree of lenity, also, towards those
any ingenuousness of disposition, so far aa
stent with the execution of the laws of the insti-
, and their entire submission to discipline and or-
v, he found eventually favourable. He wished to
cherish in the mind of the convict a hope of biB res-

208 Memoir of Gamaliel Bradford, Esq.

toration to a reputable standing in the world, upon
uniforra good conduct in future. He would not only'
restrain the hardened offender, through fear of greater
or continued punishment; but he would encourage the
penitent, industrious and obedient, to expect good
k treatment) and a degree of confidence even, from their
I fellow-men in society, lie endeavoured to impress oo
[ those, who left the prison, and who had discovered
I some hopeful symptoms of reformation, that their case
Was not desperate ; that they would find some sympathy
[ from the world, upon their being sober and industri-
I OD8 ; and that, therefore, they had much to hope from a
' regular and moral course of life ; and he exerted him-
self to find some honest employment for such, when
they were dismissed from confinement. In this respect,
perhaps, publick opinion, or rather the general con-
duct of men, may be changed, with happy eflfects up-
on those, who have once erred, but are disposed to
reform. There is need of much caution and judg-
ment in these cases, no doubt. Yet a mild and en-
couraging deportment towards an unfortunate wander-
er, evidently resolved to amend, must have a salutary
ioflueDce in giving strength to his good purposes, and
[ Berve to inspire liope, without which there is no rea-
I Bon to look for reformation. When one is shunned
I snd deserted by his fellow-men, as unworthy of all
confidence, he will soon become desperate, and aban-
don himself, without shame, to every species ot crime.
I When the government of the Massachusetts General
I Hospital was formed, he was elected one of the trns-
I tees, and he was chosen to this place for several years,
until his feeble health and other duties induced him
to resign it. In 1820, he received the honorary de-
[ gree of Master of Arts in Harvard University — a proof
I of the reputation he sustained for literary acquire-
ments, and of the respectability of his general cha-
racter.

It would not bo doing justice to the character of
Mr. Bradford, were we to omit noticing his faithful

History of the Narraganset Country.

209

and wortby condact as a parent. His chief happiness
was in bis own family circle. He was a kind and at*
leDtive husband ; and to the moral and literary im-
provement of his children, he was anxiously devoted.
He spared no expense for their education ; and it was
his greatest pleasure to join them in reading useful
books, and in free discussions on literary subjecta. To
his friends, he was generous, and to all, with whom he
had intercourse, just and honourable. As a soldier
and as a sailor, he was brave, resolute and enterprising.
No obstacles discouraged him, and no dangers appalled
Inm. He was generally accustomed to command ; but
he manifested no insolence towards his inferiours ; nor
was he desirous of exerting authority to display official
superiority. He was truly republican, as well aa hon-
ourable, in his feelings. Every one, who did his duty,
be considered as entitled to esteem and commendation ;
and when he saw those, who were clothed with power,
employ it with partiality, or to oppress and mortify their
fellow-men, he was sometimes excited to expressions of
indignation, which might be construed into an opposition
to lawful authority. His principles, and generally his
feelings, were correct. He had a high sense of honour :
he thought little of wealth cw place. In his view, true
worth consisted entirely in the discharge of duty, in
awarding justice and impartiality to all, and in compas-
aon and benevolence towards tiie unfortunate and the
wretched.

He was chosen a member of this Society in 1794,
and always took a lively interest in its usefulness and
proif>erity.

A BRIEF NaHRATIVE OF THAT PaRT OF New EnglAND
CALLED THE NaNHIGANSET CoUNTRY.

It is an undoubted truth, and known to many persons
still living, that Cononicus was the sole and chief govern-

210 History of the Narraganset Country.

ouroraachemof tbeNanhiganset country; which might
also be diatinguished by particular appellationa, as Co-

I wesett country, Niantuck country, and many more not

I commonly known, but in general terms passed under
the denomination of the Nanhiganset country, whose
bounds and limits may and is supposed, by the best

' evidences of sundry ancient English and Indians, to be
confined, as the northerly bounds of the Narraganset

' country, by Pantuckit Kiver, Quenebage and Nipmuck
countries; westerly by a brook called Wequapaug, not
far from Paquatuck River ; southerly by the sea, or main
ocean ; and easterly by the Nanhiganset Bay, wherein
lieth many islands, by deeds bought of the Nanhiganset
sachems, which, by deeds [of] conveyance and many
memorials will shew, the above bounds doth include the
whole dominions and territories belonging unto the
aforesaid Cononicus and other the Nanhiganset sachems,
hereafter named, (viz-) Miantinomy, Cussusquencb, alias
Paticus, alias Mossup — for the Indians change their
names — and Conjanaquond, all being the sons of Cono-
nicus his brother and Niniclade his sister's son. Meika
was the son of Cononicus, and, after his father's death,
was the chief sachem, wtio married with Matantuck,
sbtcr to Ninaclad, who had two sons, named Scuttup
and Qucquaquenuct, alias Gedcon, who died young, a
daughter, Quinemiquet, who also died young. Matan-
tuck, the mother of those last above-named, was a wo-
man of great power, and called the Old Queen, and was
killed in the Indian wars. Quanopin was the son of
Cojonoqiiond, and wa.s shot to death in Newport. Mi-
antinomy, aforesaid, was taken prisoner by the Mohegaa
Indians, a nation in war with tlicm, and by them put to
death. Cussusquencb, before-named, was killed by the
Moqui in the wilderness, about twenty miles above Pis-
cataqua, in bis travel eastward in the time of tlie Indian
wars, and other Indians with him, and were buried by
order of Major Waldron of Piscataway. Cononocus,
being the sole governour or chief sachem, employed his
Dephcw, Miantinomy, to manage his warlike affairs,

Biitonf of the Narraganset Cauntrjf. 21 1

as general of bis anny, and in bis declining years took
him as a partner in bis government for assistance ; it be-
ing a custom amongst the Indians, that all persons of
the blood royal did, by some measure, bear sway in the
government ; and each sachem had his particular place
for residence, and a kind of bounds between them, but
not positively certain or determinate ; and each sachem
had his particular men, or subjects, who submitted unto
him, or had a chief. Under these sachems are many
petty sachems, or captains, wh6 bear some rule or com-
mand amongst the people, but subordinate to the chief
sacheais, whose commands are absolute and without
control, yet much ruled by their council, who are
chosen for their wisdom and ability. To these sachems
belong the power of disposal of lands, to which the peo-
ple subject themselves as a power due to them, some
gratuity being usual first bestowed on the possessors
by the purchasers, to make them more free to remove
and depart. Matters being thus stated, the next thing
requisite, is to shew the gradual purchasers and settle-
ments of the English in the country.

Firstly, Mr. Roger Williams bought of Cononocus
aod Miantinomy a tract of land, about the year 1634.
chiefly situated between two rivers called Patuckit and
Paotujut, above five miles in distance, twenty miles in
length, and with some other persons settled a town,
called it Providence, and though its beginning was
small, yet is now considerable, having many inhabitants.
The next tract of land southward, c^led Warwick, was
purchased of Miantinomy by twelve persons, whose
names are all mentioned in the deed, dated January
12th, 1642, and are all since dead, and their titles very
weak. About this time, or rather before, Mr. Richard
Smith, sen. went further southward into the Narragan-
M country, about twelve miles, and, by the sachem's
leave, erected a house for trade near a place called by
the nativea Cacumqunssut, and afterwards bought the
W and there remained amongst his Indian neighbours
far aeveral years, adjudged by Mr. Richard Smith, jun.

212 History of the Narrnganset Country.

to thirty thousand inhabitants, young and old, until Mr.
Roger Wiliiama, afore-mentioned, about seven or eight
years after, came thither and built another house for
trade, not far from the former, who in a few years
grew weary of his new settlement, and sold it to Mr.
Richard Smith, and departed, (who again remained
alone, being courteous to all strangers passing that way,
till the year 1639,) and after the conquest of the Petjuid
wars, the Narraganset sachems, being friendly to the
English, did capitulate and agree with the United Colo-
nies upon sundry articles and conclusions, and did then
submit themselves and people unto his majesty's govern-
ment, and to be tried by the English laws, in case of
difference, as by said articles may be seen.

Afterwards, June 22d, 1643, I'unham and Sacano-
cho put themselves under the government of the Maca-
chusetts, by a writing signed, and was interpreted to
them by Mr. Benedict Arnold.

And in March 7tli, 1644, Wassamegun, Nashawanon,
Cutshamacke, Massanomell and squa sachem, made
their voluntary submissions to the Masaachusetts colo-
ny, and on llie I9th of April, 1644, Pessicus and Cononi-
cus submitted themselves and people to the care, pro-
tection and government of his majesty, as may appear
in print.

These settlements of the Narragansett, above-men-
tioned, by the English, together with Rhode Island,
which lieth eastward in the Nanbigansctt Bay, being
then without government but what they set up by con-
Bcnt amongst themselves, the colony of the Massachu-
setts procured a charter for government of the Nara-
ganselt country from some lords in England, dated
December 10th, 1643. Afterwards, Mr. Williams, be-
fore-mentioned, procured another charter for the same
tract of land, from the same lords, dated March 1st,
1644, being both invalid in themselves, and the power,
fac. granted them, condemned afterwards. So they fell
of themselves.

History of the Narraganset Country.

But to proceed to further Bettlemont in the Narragan-
sett country to the soutliward and northward of Mr.
Smith's house. Mr. John Hull and company purchased
some lands, about the year 1658, at or about Foiot
Judah, as [by] their deeds appears.

Another purchase was then also made by Mr. John
Winthrop, Major Humphrey Atherton, and others joined
with them, of lands of Cojonoquond for a tract of
land lying to the northward of Mr. Smith's house, called
Acquedneseth, as [by] the deed bearing date June 1 1th,
1659.

Again the same men purchased another tract of land
of Cojonoquond, lying to the southward of Mr. Smith's
hoDse, called Naomuck Neck, now called Boston Neck,
and a further tract without the neck, adjoining to it,
and bounded with certain bounds, as appears by their
deed, dated July 1 1th, 1659. For confirmation of
these two purchases, Scuttop, the grandson of Cononi-
cus, ratifies and confirms the sale thereof, by deed
dated August 5th 1659. Cusimquch, Scuttop and
Quequaquomet, also, confirms the sale of the two tracts
above-mentioned, by their deeds dated June Htli, 1660.
About this time, Capt. Hutchinson, who waa one of the
purchasers of Ehode Island, on the behalf of himself
and company, came to Rhode Island and made a tender
to the inhabitants thereof, to be equal concerned with
him and them all in purchases made in the Narragansett
country ; but, upon much debate, the people saw cause
not to accept of his and their tender.

The Narragansett Indians, having done some damage
about Mohegin in a hostile manner, and being called to
account for the same to make satisfaction, the Nanhigan-
set sachems agreed with the commissioners of the United
Colonies, to pay them six hundred fathom of wampom-
peage, or thereabouts ; and for performance did mort-
gage and make over their whole country to the said
commissioners, by their deeds dated September, 1660;
but not having the peage in lime, they applied them-
selves to Major Atherton and bis associates, desiring

21>t BUtory of the Narroganset Cottnlrp.

tbeiR to pay the obligation, and would assign oror the
said mortgage to them ; whereupon a new mortgagvi
was made to Major Alhcrton and his associates of tbff
land, and a longer day allowed them for payment, witlv
all necessary charges arising thereon, aa per deed, date<L
October 13th, 1660, appears, and signed by Cussura-
quinch, Niniclad, Scuttop and Quoquamutt, the formef^_
principal sachems of the country. According to tfaii'
agreement. Major Atherton and his associates pays lai
Mr. John Winlhrop, governour of Connecticut, in behalfc
of the United Colonies, seven hundred and thirty-fiTei
fathom of wampompeage, as per his receipt appears,
dated November 16th, 1660; and giving the said so*i
chem further time of payment, and from time to time^i,
and no payment made, they, about or ucar two yeam
atler, surrendered up the said land by turf and twig, tw
the presence of two or three hundred witneasos, botlfit
English and Indians, four of which English witnesaesr
have given their oaths to the truth thereof, m may ap-'
pear by their testimonies, dated September 22d, lC62f
and furtlier, in the year 1664, upon gratuities given, ond^
twenty pounds in money paid, Scuttop acknowledged
full satisfaction received of all debts and demands what^
ever for lands of the whole Nanhiganset country. Mat^
tantuck, relict of Misca, called the Old Queen, confiro
what her son did, as by her deed, October 1st, 1668.

Scuttop and his sister confirms the aforesaid grai
and the possession given, and desires to be under tt
English government, as per their deeds, duled Decen
ber 28th, 1 664, may be seen.

Quonopin, son of Cajanoquond, confirms and ratifit
what his father had done, as per his deed, dated Octobi
24th, 167'2. Lastly, the sachems, in their articles >
peace, on July 15tli, 1675, in the seventh article, roJ
newed to the company aforesaid, and then confirms
unto the English, all their former grants and conveyanc<
of said lands sold them ; and also largely confirms ■
former articles with the confederate colonies.

JMstary of the Narraganset Countfy. 215

Now, by what is written, appears the legal pi ogress
and the true purchases bought, bona fide, and xiue con-
sideration ipaid for these lands to the native princes, the
trae owners and proprietors of said country, from whom
all odier the .purchases in this bay were had, as Provi-
dence Idand, Rhode Island, Quonanaquot, and the rest
of the islands and tracts of lands ; and my Lord Vaughan,
in bis Reports, saith, without leave and permission of the
first occupants of any land, no person can have a legal
title thereto* One purchase more I have heard of, which
was made to a tract of land lying to the southward of
Mr. Smith's house, bought of the sachems by Mr. Sam-
ael Gorton and Mr. Randall Houldon, and was long
smoe the year 1644, the pretended year of the sachenm'
nrrender of themselves and lands, and by these men,
who often plead surrender, and most of whicih tract of
land Bfr* Smith bought of them and their assigns, all
which tracte of land here above-mentioned was pur-
chased before any government was here settled by his
majesty ; -and^his majesty in his charter afterwards ap-
pmved ; -and I cannot understand what reason any per-
son can render, why one purchase in this tract should be
counted good, and another, bought of the same persons,
and have the money paid and charges great, be con-
demned; and yet most abominable have been the prac-
tice of some on such concerns, whose title from >the
Datives aie nothing so firm ; andfufther, the purchasers
ofRhode Island, Providence, Warwick and Quononoqut,
and all the other purchases in the Narragansett country,
came all from the same sachems and their successors.
Perhaps some interested orprejudic^d persons -may en-
deavour to weaken these titles by means of Pessicus
and Canonicus their subjection to his majesty in the
year 1644 ; and the Indians did the same thing present-
\j after the Pequid wars, and Pumham and Seconocke
Ad the Uke in the year 1643, and another surrender
was made before any purchase was made in the Narra-
gansett country. Providence excepted ; yet these 'sa-
chems never intended thereby, that they bad given away

216 History of the Narraganset Country.

their particular rights, or the power of the disposition
these lands; neither did his majesty intend thereby to
deprive them of their native right, which they had
ab origine, as appears afterwards by the several charters
granted by his majesty, where he approves of the ■
several purchases, and as a motive to induce his majes^,
to grant the said charters, he said therein is the bring-
ing the heathen to the sincere profession and due obe-
dience of the Christian faith, wliich the depriving theQ
of their lawful rights and hberties could never ba
thought effective to accomplish, but would rather deter
them ; and for any thing done by them, called a sur-
render, they still concluded they were as much sacheme
as before, nor lost no right nor power, but were
strengthened ; and if their power of government was
gone thereby, they ought to have the privilege of their
fellow subjects to dispose of their own without contrd,
and by their subjection they became not villains. There
is a great disparity between a throne and a slave, and
those that thought to injure them in sucli a way, de-
serves the name of infamy, for abusing them on such &
cause they were wholly ignorant of, as may be seen by
all the procecdals since.

And whereas there is a great noise of the Indi:
tendering the wampompeagc at the day prefixed to
redeem their land, that also will be found false ; for
their is oaths to prove the contrary ; and if there
a stratagem contrived by some men to endeavour to
get the land out of said Atherton and company's hands
for themselves, this they can prove; and for a further
vindicating Atherton and company's right against the
false assertions, the payment was due in April, i66\,
and the sachems delivered possession of the land freely
and willingly in the year I6G2, which they would never
have done, had their peage been once tendered, as by
some falsely said. And Scuttop, in IGGi, gives a re-
ceipt in full of all demands concerning tlie premises, and
acknowledges full satisfaction ; and again, the same ycarp
he with his sister owns the possession delivered bjij

History of the Narraganset Country. 217

turf and twig; and when the king's commissioners was
here, in 1664, there was no such complaint made to
them, that the peage was tendered, but rather to the
contrary, by their following orders, that they should pay
it by such a time, which the I ndians never did, and after
the instigation of some ill spirits to the commisBioners,
tbey passed a severe sentence, that the English should
quit their habitations ; and yet that act could not be of
aoy force, for without Col. Nicolls being one, they
could do nothing; afterwards. Col. Nicolls passes
an act, an order, and wholly disannulled that former
act, and made it of no force. And after this, to shew
these fellows' actings and false reports, Mattantuck
confirming her sons' grants in the year 1668, and in the
year 1672 Quonopin confirms what his father had done ;
and in the year 1675, in their articles of peace, there
makes a full acknowledgment of their satisfaction in aU
that concerns of lands, and ratifies their former acts.

Yet there may be some room for a mistake, which

may not be impertinent to insert. Catonomy, an Indian,

told land to some Warwick men, and took peagc for it :

his faUicr, disliking his son should sell land whilst he

was living, carried the peage to Warwick, and tendered

A to them before Sir Robert Carr ; but it not being

Kcepted, Sir Robert Carr, as it is said, took it ; and tbis,

1 Eoppose, may be the peage so much talked of.

Thus, having shewed the conveyance from the natives,

I UKtliing shall be said of the gradual progress of his

I Bajesty's subjects ; and as nothing could have due set-

I talent without a method and rule and government, so

I ■DK was looked legal of any government that was given

1 bf ifaem, who, by a strong hand, kept his majesty from

\ m crowD ; and at his return, many petitions were pre-

"1 ■■!«], some for charters of corptorations, others for

■J coBfirmation of former grants ; but his majesty, to grati-

m ^ ^^ mbjects' requests, first grants a r.harter to his

'T ■tfLLtsof Connecticut, the eastern bound being therein

■ationed was the Narragansctt Bay, or river ; thereby

aw claim the whole Narragansctt country ; the ex-

»<»L I, THUD SCKIBS. 19

218 History of the Narraganset Country.

tent of wliicli chiirter proving prejudicial to the coloii|'

of Rhode Island and Providence Plaiitalion, who re-'

I quested the fiiiiiic grant of the Narragansett country,

I and declared that Connecticut grant was surreptiliorisly

I gotten ; and to comprise the difference on that concern,

I ttie two agents, viz. the Connecticut agent and Rhode

[' jUland agent, put the debate thereof to ?oine worthy

gentlemen in England, to give a result and a composure

of said differences; and they, after debate, on the alle-

fations of both agents, draw up their results in four
cadfi, and signed them ; to the which both agents also
eign the said articles interchangeable, and was looked
as an approved composure of the differences. The
articles are as follows : — That, firstly, Paugatuck River
should bo the bounds between the two colonies; and
that for the future that river shall be called Narragao-
Bctt River. The second was conccrnicig Quenibou*
purchases; and the third, that the proprietors and !■
habitants of that land now settled about Mr. Sniithfl
trading house, claimed or purchased by Major Atherton"'
and company, should have free liberty to sell and
choose to which of these colonics tliey will belong.
And, fourthly, they do declare, that property should notl
bo altered nor destroyed, but carefully mainfainaj
through the said colonics. — And upon these articles, !
charter of incorporation was granted to Rhode Islam
and Providence Plantation ; aod long before Connecti-
cut charter was sent over into this country, many gentle-
men, concerned in the property of the Narraganset^
country, some belonging to all the three colonies, hqj
made purchase and settlements, viz. the colony of B04
ton, Plymouth and Connecticut ; and they, finding maoy
turbulent spirits belonging,' to the present government of
Rhode Island and Proviiicnce Plantation, who never
had any concern with them as to government, they
therefore, according to his majesty's grant to Connecti-
cut, submitted, and were settled under said charter
government ; and the grants and deeds of their IniJ
were enrolled in the records of said colony at Hartforc"

nag

thq

■ton
and
ing.
notH

anj"^

!cli-

itle-

History of the Narraganset Country.

and all manner of officers, as justice of peace, fcc. were
chosen of the people settled there by Connecticut, and
the people peaceably remained under that government;
all part of that Narraganselt country, (\Varwick and
Provideuce exxepled.)

And after some time, the men lliat set forth the
new-modelled story of the Indians' subjection in the
year 1614, began a stir to destroy the good settle-
nient of the country. And now begins some men to
strike at all Major Alhcrton and company's pur-
chases, and also all the southern purchases in that
country, and soutli the several islands since settled
in Uie Narragansett Bay, and with the most prodigious
misapplication of things, without considering what
might tend to their own Tuin; also, in one of their
addresses, they declare to his majesty, that there is no
soch river known as Paugatuck, alias Narragansett
River. This, 1 suppose, was through some inadvert-
eocy ; and diflerences arising, the purchasers, with
Major Atherton, address themselves to his majesty
for relief: whereupon his majesty recommends the
care and protection of them to the United Colonics in
New England, by his letter dated January the 21st,
1663; and better to compose all differences arising be-
tureen colony and colony, his majesty grants a commis-
sion to Col. Richard Ntcolls, Sir Robert Carr, Knight, ■
George Cartwright and Samuel Maverick, Esquires,
aod constitutes them commissioners, or the survivors
of them, of whom Col. Richard Nicolls, during his life,
lo.be always one, to examine and determine all differ-
ences, OS by their commission, dated April 25lh in
the siiteenth year of his reign. Sir Robert Carr, Mr.
Cartwright and Mr. Maverick, sitting at Petequomscut,
orders, upon complaint made unto them of difference,
that the Narragansett country, for the future, should be
called the King's Province, and that no person of that
colony presume to exercise jurisdiction there, but such
as receive authority from tliem under their hands and
seals, untU his majesty's pleasure should be further
known, and did then declare the purchases of Mr.

220 History of the Nairaganset Country.

Atherton to i>e void, and did order tlie inhaUitanta
thereon to quit their liabitaiiona by Michaelmas follow*
ing, as may be seen by their order, Marcli 20tb, lti64i
Now here take notice, liere waf an act void as soon a
made, for Col. Nicolla had not assented to it, ani
tlierelbre no act.

And in order to the settling a government in the
King's Province, after they had taken it from all the cole
nies, they grant the government of it the same day t
fourteen persons, part whereof was before officers in th
government of Rhode Island, and part private persona
Thus tlio magistrates or government ding away part c
the land supposed to be in their charter governmenl
complying with them, that of themselves had no powe
to act, as 1 have m\d, without Col. NicoUs, and thca
commissioners, as ahovesaid, they make justices of th<
peace of part of them, and the others, before beinfl"
magistrates, they order that any seven of tlicm, whoreol
tlic governour or deputy governour should be onC)
should hold a court, to dctcrniine any difference in thei)
created province, and that the deputy governour sliouU
bo a magistrate when the governour was present; and
on the 8th of April, 16G3, the said commissioners put an*
end to that commission, and further ordered, that the
governour, deputy governour and assistants of said
colony, for the time being, to be and exercise only tha
authority of justices of the peace, and to do what ihej
think fit for the peace and safety of tlie province, and a
near as they can to the Englisli laws, until liis majesty'
pleasure should be further known. Thus, yon may aee»
they took the whole government of the Narragnnsell
from Connecticut and Rhode Island, and gave tbo i
government of it to some particular men only, (hor
there is no colony nor assembly to be,) and to exercia
that authority and power, but made a particular goven
mont, and most of these men since dead.

Rut, upon complaint of Col. Nicolls aforesaid,
during his life, always nmst be one, he, with Sir Ro
Carr and Mr. Maverick, reverses part of the aforeM
order, in these words following : —

tha^

History of the Narraganset Country.

221

*' Whereas, by a former order, bearing date March
20th, 1664., at Petequomscut, it was then ordered, that
all the inhabitants within the King's Province of Nan-
higansctt should quit their habitations and plantations in
the month of September following, we have, upon serious
consideration, thought fit to order and appoint, and by
these presents do order and appoint, that the said for-
nier orders siiall not remain in force ; that the inhabitants
of the King's Province of Naniiigansett shall remain in
quiet and full and peaceable possession of all their lands
and houses and appurtenances, until his majesty's
pleasure be further known, any order before made or
granted to the contrary notwithstanding. Given under
our bands and seals, the 15th of September, 1665.

RICHARD NICOLLS.

ROBERT CARR.

SAMCEL MAVERICK."

And was directed to the justices of the peace antf
magistrates of Rhode Island, appointed by his niajes-
ly's commissions to regulate and govern the King's
Profince, until his majesty's pleasure be further known.
Here is no directions to the government of Rhode
Island, but to the justices of their own appointment;
and there was two orders more from the same com-
mission to the same purport, one in August, 1665,
the other in November following, one whereof more
pRTlicuIarly speaks to the matter, that Col. Nicolls
disliked the removal of any families settled in Nanht-
gansctt, which may be seen by his letter and protest*
against those that molested the heirs of Mr. Ilaincs, and
an Indian called llermon Garrott, in their possessions,
and directed to the justice of peace, &c. And then
our people, to help the matter, and to shew the cer-
tain bounds of the King's Province, the govcrnour and
council of Rhode Island, in the year 1669, states the
bounds to be northerly on tlie south line of Warwick,
from west to cast to the sea or hay, commonly called
Cowsell Bay, and from thence round about to the south-

19'

222 History of the Narraganaet Country.

ward and westward, confined by the salt water, to the
mouth ofPagatiicfc, alius Nanhiganaett River, whore the
said river Tallcth into the sea, and ho northerly to the
middle of a ford in the said river, next above Thomas
Shnw's house, and thence upon a diie north line ex-
tending towards tlic southerly line of the Massachusetts
colony, and until it comes in latitude of the south line
of Warwick, which alrave-written bounds was after-
wards went to Mr. Edward Randolph, to he communi-
cated to ihe honourable president, Joseph Dudley, Esq.
and by Major John Green, of Warwick, July liith,
l6f!G. And for a further confirmation of Major Alh-
ertnn's and associates' their rights and titles to the
land above-mentioned, the general assembly of the co-
lony of Rhode Island and Providence Plantation passed
an act, in the court held October 20th, 1672, and con-
firmed their deed or deeds, grant or grants, and declare
tliose deeds or grants shall be a good and lawful estate
and title to them to possess and enjoy forever. And
whereas it is commonly reported, that the land called
the mortgage land is not concerned in this act, their
mistake or errour may easily be corrected, not only by
some of the assembly now living, who have given evi-
dences that there was a full debate of (he matter, and
also the petitioners, whoso interest lay therein and not
elsewhere in the country.

Now comes to view another act of the general assem-
bly, made six years after, in the year 1G78, sitting by
adjournment, being repugnant to the former act in 1672,
and the king's commissioners' act in IGGl ; and thereby
alt persons whatever were prohibited to settle in the
Narragansett without their leave and approbation, and
that the government and disposition of those lands be-
long to them; and the next year, July 9th, 1679, they
passed an act, [which] contradicts their former act in
167II, and declares the government to be as the king's
commissioners had ordered it.

Thus is declared the original settlements of the Nar-
ragansett country, and the several purchases and govern-

History of the Nanagansel Country. 223

ments to the year 1679, tlie several acts and contests
and orders and confirmations and prohibitions from
time to time. But now, at last, conies the king's pleasure
to be known, for tlie issuing the long contests and dif-
ferences about tins litigious country of Narragansetl, the
occasion arising about difference between Mr. William
Harris of Pawtuxet and tlie town of Warwick, about
certain lands claimed by both parties. To the issuing
thereof, Capt. Houlden and Capt. Greene, deputies from
the (own of Warwick, prefers a petition to his late
majesty, in or about the year 1670, and in their petition
makes a digression from their lands, and steps into the
Narragansott country, giving his majesty an account
thereof not pertinent to their deputation, which gives
an occasion to the lords of the committee lor trade and
plantations to notify a petition, presented by Major
nichard Smith, concerning the Narragnnsett country,
towhich petition the said Greene and Houlden answered
readily; but his majesty, finding their reports various,
and the differences great, takes the readiest way to
issue them ; and therefore, by his letters to the several
colonies in New England, dated February 12th, 1670 — 9,
L acquaints them, that Capt. Houlden and Capt. Greene,
I deputies for the town of Warwick, had certified to his
I pmy council, of their certain knowledge, as having
' ifihabited for above forty years, that never any legal
purchase had been n^adc thereof from the Indians by
the Massachusetts or any others; that the Indian sachems
had submitted themselves and people unto the govern-
men! of King Charles; and thus these inagislrales con-
cludes by their assertion, that the absolute sovereignty
L and particular property is invested in him, and therefore
L. Ittictly wills and requires, that all things relating to the
^P JQpg's Province, or the Narragansott, should remain in
P^' Aesame condition as now they are, or lately have been in,
w M to the possession and government ; and to put a stop
I (oany other contests here, commands all persons, who
1 pretend any right or title to the soil or government ol
said lands, that they forthwith send over persons suffi-

224 history of the Narraganset Country.

ciently empowered and entrusted to make their rigl
and titles appear before Iiis majesty ; and for want then
of, iiis majesty's will proceeds, &:c.

Now hereby you may understand, that his majesty^
upoii information given him, as before rehearsed, assert
his right to both soil and government of the NarragaW
sett country, and hereby lie nulls and makes void the aM
of the assembly, August, 1678, which said the govern- '
ment and disposition of the lands belongs to them ; but
his majesty, by their report, concludes the lands are his;
and to have a more and true understanding of his buIhj
jccts' rights and claim, he requests them to como boS
fore him, his majesty being desirous all his subjcclH
should enjoy their rights ; neither did Capt. Houtden '
and Greene's assertion gain credit with his majesty, for
then his majesty would immediately have settled the
government and disposed of the lands; but he con-
cludes his subjects had a right, and therefore commands
them to make their right appear before him ; and the
purchasers, with Major Athcrton, knowing their pur-
chases to be good and valid as any Indian purchase are
or can be for the lands in this colony possessed by
others, and much more legally drawn by deeds than
many others, and tliat both Providence and Warwick
have legal rights derived from the true proprietors and
first occupants thereon. — But, to proceed, after his
majesty, in the year 1678 — 9, had ordered that all rights
should he made before him, the colony of Rhode Island
made their application to his majesty in the first place,
as by their address dated August 1st, 1679, signed by
the govcrnour, wherein they bog of his majesty the
lands they have formerly legally purchased of th*
natives Indians, whicli positively contradicts the foriTW^fl
assertion, that there were no legal purchases mado^
and also Iiumhiy beseeches his majesty, tliat he woulfl
bestow upon them the unsettled and vacant lands, as they
term them, on them before any other. In this application
they turn beggars, and would beg other rights ; and
his majesty's commands was for them to make their right

History of lli€ Narraganset Country. 225

and titles nppear; 8o tlicy having none to the hind,
ihcy would a-bcgged it. Gut lie never intended to
take the right of soil of otliers and give it to them, but
to con6rDi it on them tliat had right ; for no rational
man can imagine, that his majesty will dispose of his
subjects* rig'"! of If^nd they have purchased, posso?scd
nnd improved to a great value, and now for about forty
years, and give it to others of his subjects, that lay no
claim to it, nor have any thereto, nor expen<icd their
moneys, unless to molest their neighbours of their just
rights and settlements j for we are all the king's sub-
jects, and his majesty takes C(iual care of all his sub-
jects, ohhough diverse governments. Thus maybe seen,
tJie colony of Rhode Ishind makes no claim to this soil
according to his majesty's command ; hut, like the man
ibat would a-begged the ship of war, to which the king
made that reply, it was not his to give — for though
it was called the king's ship, the subjects' money paid
for it — so the king never intended to give away any
one subjects' right to another, because he did not live
in the same colony where his lands was.

And afterwards, in the year IG82, the assembly of
Rhode Island declares they will not meddle with the
title or propriety of tliose lands in the Nnrragansclt
country in dilTerence, and commands obedience to be
given to hia majesty's letter in the year 1678 — 9. The
second address was by Connecticut, who sent their
agent, Mr. William Harris, fully empowered and in-
structed to present their rights of claims ; hut the said
Harris, being by the Algcrines taken and carried in
Algiers, lost all his papers and writings, and was de-
prived of bis liberty to make ap|)]ication to his majesty
on their behalf that employed him ; which being known
at Whitehall, there was a stop put to any further
proceedings ior some time, as per Mr. Blaitbwait's
letter to the government of Uhodc Island, dated June,
I6S0. appears. Lastly, Major Athcrton's partners and
asBOciates made their humble addresses to his majesty,
declaring their rights to great part of the soil of the

22G History of tlie Nanaganset Country. V

country, and therein answers some objections, nnd reDM
dered many reasons for their assertions, and was prtfH
sentcd in 16!)I. No other address being made aiWfl
presented to his majesty for claim ol' soil, and theifl
app)ication being made according to his majesty's cooifl
mand, his majesty, to cause impartial justice to be donjB
amongst his subjects here inhabiting, which could iHlM
be so well understood at a distance, it being so great t(f
bring all their claims, caused a commission to be drawn
and sent to Mr. Edward Cranfield, Mr. William Stoiigh-
ton, Mr. Edward Randolph, Mr. Nathaniel Saltonstall,
and others, empowering them to examine and inquire
into the several titles nnd pretensions, as well of his
majesty, as of all other persons whatever, to the juris-
diction, government and propriety of the soil, of or
within the King's Province, so called, or the Narragansett
country, as may be seen and appear by their commission
at large — a copy of whicli commission was presented at
Newport by the said Cranfield to some in government
then, and before several still living witnesses thereof — and
printed briefs, dispersed throughout all the colonics, to
let all people be acquainted of their power, and (he day
thoy appointed for a meeting in the Narraganselt coun-
try, according to their commission; which publick
declaration in print was dated July l!>th, 1683, and
therein the place and day appointed. Upon convening
at Mr. Richard Smith's house at Norragansett, and
receiving such information as was presented them, and
claims of land before them, by them at that lime ad-
journed to Boston from thence, and sent forth a strict
summons to Major John Green, and Capt. Holden to
give in evidence pursuant to their information given his
majesty in council at Whitehall, but they never appear-
ed. Thus, after tliey had perused all instrument of
claims and petitions of right of particular persons, where
also was presented to thcni a printed book, containing
a deed, bearing date April 19lli, 1614, being the sub-
jection of two sachems, Pissacus and Cononicus, of tliem
selves and lands to the king, to the care, protection an

BiBtory of the

Narraganset Country.

governrnent of King Charles the First, of blessed memo
ly. Whereupon, hearing the whole matter that was
presented to tlicni, the commissioners made a report
to his majesty in favour of the purcliases, and partners
wilh Major Atherton, to the soil of the said country, as
may be seen by their report at large, dated October 20th,
1683, and was sent home and presented to his majesty.
His majesty, having seen and heard the report, he then
declares and makes known his pleasure concerning the
gorernment and sctthng the province, and puts a final
iasuo and determination to the tetnporary orders of his
commissioners, and in 1664 [?] grants a commission to
President Joseph Dudley, dated October, 1685, to take
possession of the government of the Massachusetts,
Maine, New Hampshire and the King's Province of the
Nurragansett, and in the commission fully empowered to
settle all titles and all controversies, both relating to
both Uie king and subjects. Whereupon President Dud-
ley look possession of the several governments above
expressed, and in particular came into the Narragansett
country or King's Province, established officers and
courts of judicature, as may be seen by the records
thereof; and did choose a committee to examine the
rights, titles and pretensions of the partners of Mr.
Alherton to the soil of the said land, and, upon report of
the said committee, allowed and confirmed their grants,
deeds and purchases ; and these things may be seen in
iho book of records per Edward Randolph, being
secretary by commission, all persons then concerned
yielding obedience ; and the colony of Rhode Island and
Protidence plantations empowered Major John Cogge-
sliflll and Mr. Walter Ncwbery to see llie president's
/Micer, who not only had a sight thereof, but had a
copy also. Whereupon Major John Green sent the
secretary a copy of the bounds of the King's Province,
as himself and others of the government of Rhode
/sland had slated it, Anno 1669; but what power
ha bad so to do, I know not, without it was to give
away a part of our colony ; for the charier never gave

628 fllstonj of the Natragansct Country.

them a

!uch I

;itlicr did tlie kir

I commii
Bioncrs, in I(iG^, give any power or yoveriirnenl to the
[■ AsociiiLply or to the governour and council, but did order
I fcrKl np|ioint tlio governour, deputy governour and
IIBsisfaiits to be justices of the peace througiiout the
p King's Province. And llius did tlicy run into confusion,
rmt minding, if they break one limb of our charter, the
i'ttther part may continue Innic till it Itops away also.
T jftftcr this, many of tiic inhiibilnnta of Greenwich, ahna
J Dcpeford, make their application to Major Sniilh, he
llieinir a justice of the peace, for the settletnent of them
f ill their lands, as by their letter and petition, dated
rWovembcr, I(J86, stilt to be seen. Whereupon there
I Was an agreement compounded on Iiotweon them ; and
llfHin, soon aficr, came Sir Edmund Andross, and took
rflle government under liim, and the country remained
■tinder his government some years; and since Hhodo
Vlaland have asRumcd the government of said country,
fand now within these few years, the government have
Ptet several villains and notorious fellows, who have fled,
1 iomo of them, from other colonies, to settle on the lands,
[being some of ihcm that hath fled from the hand of
[Ustico, and the true owners and proprietors thereof
have threatened the jail, for only claiming their
right, and endeavouring to persuade them in the govern-
ment to observe the law, and lot equal justice bo done,
is a small part of the trouble, that many have
traded through by the means of some persons that have
'teen, and now arc in government, whose opinion and
Fjirinciples arc, that men may do what they will in this
rworld, it is no sin against God.

[The writer of ihis Irnel ii ntihttnun. It is prcFcrverf by TroW I
rhtill ill (lie ISili vol. of his MSS. hut eviricnily apjifni* a mtMla«J
■ flop}' by a hantl noi much skilled in (irihi)gr[i|>lif. Eu ]

Letter of John Haynes.

Letter of John Haynes to John Winthrop.

^^kIjETTER c

^^Hffonb; Sir,

I WAS righ

WAS right glad of any opportunity of hearing from
you in this silent time of winter. The messenger
you sent by only left your letter at Agawam, or
Springfield, from whence it came to my hands; hut
the party himself was not yet with mc, but if he repairs
to me, I shall follow your advice in that thing you men-
lioDed concerning Anogamey ; for he is not any con-
federate friend of ours. That the express, that Onkus
should take wanipham of the Narragansetts for Myan-
tooimo's ransom, (which I have understood also from
Mr. Eaton,) I cannot but concur with you, if really it
appears so, equity and justice calls for no less ; but this
I must needs say, that this very thing was cast abroad
by some Indians of the Narragansett party, and myself
coQiing to understand it somewhat before Myantonimo
his death, both myself and Capt. Mason strictly examined
Onkus concerning the matter, acquainting him with
what we hoard. He utterly denied, that he had taken
wampham or any other thing upon any such terms.
He confessed, indeed, he had wampham and other things
given him and his brother freely; and he as freely
promised to bring him to the English, which he said he
bad performed ; and this I also know, that the same day
that Myantonimo was delivered into our hands and
inprisoned, that Onkus and his brother, with many of
4leir men, were at that place where he was committed,
wyself and Capt. Mason then present also. Onkus
desired him to speak before us ail ; and this Myantoni-
mo did then utter and confess, that the Mohegan sa-
chems had dealt nobly with him in sparing his life, when
(hey took him, and performing their promise in bringing
him to the English, (a thing the like he never knew or

230

Letter of John Haynes.

heard of, that so great a sachem should be so dei
withal,) nithougb he himself pressed it upon them, agail
and again, (as they all could witness,) to slay him ; butthei
said, No, but you shall be carried to the English ; whic
therefore, if it should prove other upon due trial, I shoul
marvel much ; for his own confession, I should thiol
goes far in the case ; but I leave it to farther considei
tion and better judgments. I have not since spoke wil
him since I received that from you, but I shall by tk
first opportunity. The Narragansetts, I fear, notwit^'
standing their fair promises and pretences, will not sit
down quiet, as you suppose. (Mr. Pinclieon thinks the
same also with me,) from whom I lately heard.

The evidence to the contrary are these two, which '
manifestly known. First ; they have sent a very gre
present to the Mowhawkcs. Secondly; those Pequot^j
that were under the Niantick and Narragansett sachei
have lately slain a sachem squa tliat belonged
Onkus. lie sent lately a messenger to us to signify the
same, desiring he may have the aid of the English
against them, as conceiving, by what was read to him,
that was agreed upon and sent for that purpose from
the commissioners, gave him hope of aid, if the Narra-
gansetts should fall upon him again ; whicli he desired
yourself and the rest of the English sachems should be
made acfjuftinted withal, that he might UTidcrsland their
pleasure. You may be pleased to return your answer,
for I promised to acquaint you with it.

There is late news by a vessel that came to tbe
Dutch, and from them to New Haven, by Mr. Allortoit
The substance this; that there hath been a great battle
betwi.xt the king's and parliament's forces, (since that <rf
Newbery,)at Ailsborow in Buckinghamshire, wherein the
parliament forces prevailed, pursuing their victory with
very great slaughter of the adverse party. Also, that
the fleet is again out under that noble Earl of Warwick,
who came lately into the harbour of some great towa
held by the contrary party full sail witli hia fleet, both
by block-houses and castles, and lands his men, takes

Memorial of Jeremiah Dummer.

S31

the town, sets many prisoners at iiberty. (The town's
name I heard not.) I leave the truth of tlie report to be
judged of by you, only latest letters give some probable
conjectures of the possibihty thereof. It was said, there
was much sadness in Holland about it ; but wc received
no letters from thence. I am sorry to hear of Mr.
Dadley his cause of sorrow and heaviness. I shall add
no more, only due respect to yourself; mine with my
wife's to Mrs. Winthrop ; desiring to be remembered also
to Mr. Dudley, Mr. Cotton, Mr. Wilson, I rest yours,
lo his power,

JO. HAYNES.

Haetmsd, tkf i'th 11, '43.

Id the catalogue sent to Mr. Eaton, Stc. some of those
things Myantonimo confessed he freely gave him ; other
he took with him, when he apprehended him as due
prize. For the remainder, we shall hear what Onkus
can say to it, &c.

To Ihr Right Worshipful, his muck honoured ^
fyitnd, John Winthrop, Esq, Gooemour of t
iJu Jurisdietioii of the Mattaiuittls, these C

[Th!s letter of Gov. John Haynes, besides Us tntrinstck impor-
tance, seemed to have a claim on the Editors for publlcaiion, as
being the only known composiiion of ihai disiinguished man. The
onginal Is preserved in tiie I9ih volume of Trumbull MSS. Ed.]

A MEMORtAI., SHEWING THAT THE FrENCH POSSESSIONS

ON THE River of Canada do originally and of

RIGHT BELONG TO THE CbOWN OF GrEAT BrITAIN,
AKD FOR OTHER IMPORTANT REASONS OUGHT TO BE
RESTORED TO THE SAID CrOWN ON A TrEATY OF

Peace.

IHE whole tract of land, situate on cither side of
the River of Canada, called Nova Francia and L'Acadie,
vu first discovered by Sebastian Cabot and his son in

232 Memorial of Jeremiah Dummer.

the reign of Henry the Seventh, king of England, wliicha
discovery waa prior to that of Johannes Verrazanus, i
Florentine, under Francis the First of France, and accord
ingly was under the power and jurisdiction of the crow
of England until the year 1600, when some of til
French, invited by the traffick on the River of St. Law
rence. seized first on the north side of the river call*
Canada or Nova Francia, and afterwards, in 1606,
possess themselves of the south side, L'Acadia.

In the year 1621, King James, looking upon Ih^
possessions as an invasion of his territories, did, by letters
patent, grant unto Sir William Alexander (afterwards
carl of Sterling) L'Acadie, by the name of Nova Scotia,
who, in 1622 — 23, subdued the French inhabifanta
carried them prisoners to Virginia, planted a colon
there himself, and held possession of it a two yeart
when, upon the marriage oi King Charles llic Firi
with the lady Henrietta Maria, the said Nova Scotii
was, by order of the king, returned into the handa i
the French.

Afterwards, a war rising between the kings of Eng
land and France, Sir David Kirk, with his frienda, did,^
in 1627 — 28, by virtue of a commission obtained from
his majesty, send to sea, at their own charge, nine ships,
fitted with warlike stores, to expel the Frcncli from
both sides of said River of Canada ; in which enterprise
they had success, so that, after bringing off the French
inhabitants and traders into England, they took pos-
session of all Nova Francia, or Canada, and L'Acadie,
the former of which fell to Sir David Kirk, who was
governour of Quebeck, and set up the king of England's
arms in all places of publick resort in tlic city; the
latter fell to Sir William Alexander; 1

In 1632, a peace being concluded between the two '
crowns, it was agreed, that the forts on the said French
settlement should be delivered to the subjects of France,
the French king, on his part, stipulating to pay, in lieu
thereof, to Sir David Kirk, five thousand pounds
ling, which sum does nevertheless remain unpaid t

Memorial of Jeremiah Dummer.

day, although the forts were delivered up, as per
agreement.

In 1633 King Charles, considering he had only sur-
rendered the tbrts, but had not debarred his subjects
from planting and trading there, did grant a commission
to Sir Lewis Kirk and company to trade and settle
there, which accordingly they attempted, but were
plundered and made prisoners by tlie French.

In 1654 Cromwell, weighing the premises, and in
consideration that the articles were not performed on the
French king's part, sent one Sedgwick, who assaulted
and subdued the French on that settlement, and restored
the country into the hands of tlio English ; and although
a peace between the two nations was settled in 1655,
and llie French ambassadour made pressing instances for
the restoration of that country, yet it was not delivered
up, but remained under the jurisdiction of England.

Vet, after the restoration, ('tis not easy to say how, or
on what account,) the Frencli were permitted to re-enter,
and do yet hold the unjust possession of it.

From the premises it seems manifest, that the French
territories on that part of the continent of America do
originally and of right belong to the crown of Great
Britain, which is however submitted to better judgments.
Id the mean lime it is humbly remonstrated, —

That the French, by their unwearied industry, and
many urtful methods, gain ground continually, by
making new alliances with the Indian nations,* on the
back side of New York and Virginia, so in a little time
they will become formidable to the English settlements :

That by intermarrying with the natives; by having
always a great number of Jesuits and priests with fhem ;
and by instructing them, that the Saviour of the world
was a Frenchman and murdered by the English ; they
are excited to commit all manner of cruelties upon the
Engliah as meritorious ; — and particularly about twelve
months since, the French and savages made a descent

• Vij! ihe Hut
kUe'i Toyagei.

I and Illinc

Q by Mon>i.

234

Memoriat of Jeremiah Dummer.

upon a considerable town in the province of the Masga*
chusetts, and there barbarously killed the colonel of tlu
militia, and minister of the town, with many others of'
lesser note, notwithstanding the extraordinary precai
tions, which his excellency, Col. Dudley, had taken
prevent it :

That, by means hereof, the best part of New Englani
the Eastern Country, is entirely abandoned and lei
desolate :

That the whole trade of New England, out and homi
is very n;iiich awed and dampt, especially by L'Acadi)
the capital of that place (Port Royal) being a nest
privateers and a Dunkirk to New England :

That the mast trade ia endangered, many persoi
having been surprised and murdered whilst cuttin|
masts for the supply of the town ;

Lastly, that this country they possess is very proper
and apt to yield all naval stores, and has the best fishery
in the world on its coasts; so that the French king ma]
resign up all Newfoundland, and we not obtain our en/
whilst li'Acadie is left them, which will supply Fran)
and the Straits with fish notwithstanding.

Upon the whole, it is humbly moved, that this country
may be demanded at the next treaty of peace, at least
the south side of the river, which, being New Scotland,
and adjoining to New England, may be united to it by
the name of New Britain, after the great example of
England and Scotland, that the Union may, in all parts,
be complete and entire in her present majesty's mat
happy and glorious reign. "*

LuNDON, September lOth, 1709,

This memorial is humbly laid before the governmeol j
by JEREMIAH DUMMER. ,|

This is a copy of what I delivered to my Lord Trei
surer at Windsor, and to my Lord Halifax and my Loij
Sunderland, &c.

J. D.J

iry

Letters of Henrt Jacie to John Wintbbop, Jon.

[The three lelters followini; are from a celebrated Puritan miniRler,
menttoiied by Wood Jn his Aihenae, and by Croeby in his Ilittory
of the Baptists, who have mistaken the spelling of the aitihur's
name, while they preserve io Gound. See Vol. I. IC5, 168, or our
Second Series. They afford 3 representation of the treatment
received from the bishops not less graphical ihnn interesting ; and,
referring to some who were driven to New England, have been
ihotight worth transcription from the originals. En.]

Kind Sir,

1 HUMBLY salute you and yours in the Lorti.

We eagerly covet to hear of your safe arrival, yours
with your good company, for we liave good hope, that
we shall hear well when it shall be, (it may be before
your receipt hereof,) both in regard you were guarded
witli so many prayers and so many angels, (as, if you
had heard and seen, would much have rejoiced you, and
80 may do in greatest perplexities you have been, are,
or may be in ;) and also we hear tliis day from Mr.
RuisoD, (at London stone,) that some that came lately
from your coasts saw your ship com'd within three days'
sail of your desired haven. It would be very acceptable
to this house, if you writ to some of them, and if you
pleased to send over also some of your Indian creatures
alWe, when you may best, as one brought over a squirrel
to Bures, another some other creature, one a rattlesnake
skin with the rattle.

I hnve herewith sent Io John Sanford a note of the
irinds ever since fyou] went till after your arrival in
New England, the pattern wliereof I sent before your
going to John Sanford, desiring his noting also. I pray
you desire him to send back a copy of his, that so we
may compare (for I have a copy of this) how they agree
or disagree. 1 have not time now to write to him, no
Dot to your worthy father the governour, nor Io Mrs.

236 Letters of Henry Jacit.

Winthrop, nor others, to whom I would gladly. I pray
you excuse me lo them.

The affairs beyond sea in Germany are almost be-
yond credit, how so weak a king as Sweden should go
on and prosper and subdue still so much against the
mighty emperour and Spain's forces, maugre all their
malice and tlieir holy father's curses. Our affairs at
home are almost as lamentable, as I have writ (and want
time to rehearse) to goodman Firmin and goodraan
Child. The plague having been lately at Colchester, the
bishop's visit was propria persona at Keldon, where
with much gravity and severity he inveighed against the
pride in the ministry, that they must have their plush and
satin, and their silken cassocks, and their bandstrings
with knops ; if every knot had a bell at it, it would be a
goodly show; saying, if any would inform him of abuses
m the ministry by drinking, &c. he would severely cen-
sure them. Mr. Cook there being commanded to attend
him in his chamber, got a black riband to his ruff, which
he so played upon, O what a show it would make, if it
were of carnation or purple, &c. He was very pleasant
thus sometimes. By l>oth which he drew the most peo-
ple to admire him, und applaud his proceedings. There
he excommunicated Mr. Weld, who had been suspended
I above a month ; and requiring Mr. Rogers of Dedham
to subscribe there, (no law nor canon so requires, 1 take
it,) he refused. He told how he had borne with him,
and showed how he must needs suspend him, and so
proceed, if he reformed not, to do all according to canoa
— after a month lo excommunicate him, and then after
a month to deprive him of the ministry, (so lying open
also to a writ of excnmmunicnto capiendo,) as was read
in the canon. Mr. Rogers said, if he would rather now
put him by for altogether. He said, no, he would pro-
ceed according to law. So suspended him. Mr. Shep-
herd he charged to bo gone out of his diocoss, as one
that kept conventicles.

Colchester men would have had his admission of Mr.
Bridges of Emanuel for their lecturer in Mr. Maiden's

Letters of Henry Jade.

237

stead. He was angry, and said, When you want one,
you must go first to Dr. Gouge and to Dr. Sibs, and
dien you coine to me ; I scorn lo be so used ; I'll never
hare him to lecture in my diocess, that will spew in the
pulpit: (it seems, he had preached on this — 1 will spew
thee out of my mouth.)

At Braintree (whither he went thence) Mr. Whar-
tOD, Mr. Marshall and Mr. Bruer and others were spoke
to, after the bishop had looked in his book, opening it
belbre them. He first commended them for parts, and
pains, and their lives, and then charged them with non-
conforaiity. All denied it. Mr. Marshall said, he was
misinformed. Aye, but, said he, do you conform always ?
He answered, he did sometimes, but not always ; he was
much employed in preaching and in catechising the
youth. The bishop answered, Your preaching I like
well, and your catechising wondrous well ; but I mis-
like your answers, (which he spake angerly.) You wear
the stirpHce sometimes, and then you lay it aside from
you for a long time, and what say your people then ?

These good men cannot abide these ceremonies ; and,
if (hey might, ihey would never use them. But to avoid
the persecution of these bishops, that would fetch them
np to the High Commission, therefore these good men
are fain to sloop to them sometimes. Thus they will
say, &c. So, enjoining them to conform, and seek the
peace of the church, they escaped. Mr. Car of Twin-
steed heing called, Mr. Allen stood up and said, (trem-
bling as he spake, as he did ot Bury, when he informed
against his .Sudbury people, silting with heels as high as
their head,) that many of his people of Sudbury were
entertained by him, &c. The bishop took him up there-
fore sharply, if he admitted any to the coninninion not
I of his own parish ; or if any such came lo hear him, and
he forbad them not, he would take a course with him.
He said he hoped to join with his brother of Norwich
I fee reformation there also. Now York being dead (on
^^^fe^ tomb he appointed should be indelibly engraven,
^^^p jacet Samuclis Harsnet, quondam vi.\it indignus

288 Letters of Henry Jacie.

£piscopus Cesistrensis, indignior Norvicensis, indignissi-
mus Eboracensis, in liis wilt, therein protesting against
the Genevensians) Winchester Dr. Neile to York, Dur-
ham to Winchester, Coventry and LitchSeld, Dr. Morton
to Durham, Rochester Dr. Bowies to Coventry, our
Norwich Dr. While to Ely, who is dead, Oxford Dr.
Corbet to Norwich, that Kev. Dr. Linse) to Rochester
' or Oxford.

The king's attorney, Sir Ro. Heath, is removed ; Mr.
Noy is put by the king into his place, who is very just

in it. 'Tis said W for his book laid him down

about five or seven or eight pieces. He asked what he
meant; 20^. was due, and would no more. Some used
to pay £5, 1 think. And hearing his man scraping witb
his foot at the door, he came and asked what he g&nH
hira. He told, a piece. He answered, 25. was his duaj^
he should have no more.

But I forget myself; 'tis near one o'clock ; I must bid

fou a good night. Yet a word more with you, before
take my leave; for I know not when I shall talk with
Jou thus again. Where I left before. Mr. Nat. Ward
eing called, whose silencing was expected, and charged
with rejecting the ceremonies and common prayer bodt, i
he answered, (as 'tis said,) There is one thing, 1 coB»fl
fess, [ stick at — how I may say, for any that die in suiia

AND CERTAIN HOPE ; Or that, WE WITH THIS OUR BROTtIB%'l

&c. upon this the bishop, to resolve him, made u
large explication, and so he escaped then. Mr. We)d(il
after excommunication, coming into a church where the
bishop was visiting, the bishop spied him and called hitn
and asked him, if he were on this side New England,
and then if he were not excommunicated. He said. Yes.
And why here, then ? He hoped he had not ofTended.
But he would make him an example to all such. Take
him, pursuivant. The pursuivant called Mr. Shepherd,
and said be would rather have Shepherd ; but lie es-
caped, and Mr. Weld by a bond of one hundred mnrkg
^-others bound with him — and so fled to Bergen.

jCtters of Henry Jacie. 239

Either he or Mr. Hooker was abated £\0 io the forfei-
ture.

Mr. Bruer the last term had twenty-two articles
again&t him, and six or seven additionals — these devised
by Ja. Allen, as Mr. Bruer's late sexton confeaselh in
angotsh of conscience. I would write more, as I could
write too much, such as I joy not in writing; but you
more safely hear, than I write it.

I beseech you, Sir, consider our condition, and pro-
roke others to it, some in the genera], for some would
make the worst of things, to your disparagement, though
'tis more their own shame. Accept of what I have
writ, in scribblhig after midnight ; haste, and let me hear
of your receipt hereof, and of your welfare, and yours
and all your liking of the country, as you may. The
Lord, our good God and gracious Fatlier, be with you
alt, as be will be with all his in Christ, in whose arms
and sweet embracings, though tost in afflictions, I leave
you, resting, at your service, to be used in him,

HEN. JACIE.

Junary 9, t631.

My brother Thomas desires to hear, whether Mr.
Winthrop the govt-rnour have employment for him ; he
eyet willing to come, if he may do him service. He
Bahoot well, and is content to endure what he can,
ito work, &c. if it may be for his bettering in outward
Methinks I repent I have writ aught about
I, for I would not have him to cumber you. John
ford knows my mind about him. 1 pray you desire
B to write to me, with the note of winds.
If I can, I will send you herewith a book of the
Morhiho Star, 'lis called, of that great star, 1572, in
the north, (in 63 of latitude, and, I think, 53 of longi-
tude, which is Finland, of which Sweden is the great
prince,) which Tycho Brahe, in his spiritual book on
that star, page 800 and so forward, shows not to be an
ordinary comet, but a nf.w star, the forerunner of happy
changes to the churches, especially beginning about

Letters of Henry Jaete.

1632, as he calculates, from one that should come fro

such a place of longitude and latitude, applying it to "

the king of Sweden.

In this hook ho stands not so on the anarrram, Gusta-

vus, Augustus, nor that saying, that, 'tis said, uppaU the
I .emperour's wise men, Te debellavit adversus deu3 ;
' why or how Dens, 'tis said Sued, and relates maDy

passages of ilie late victories.

To his ('fry worlhy and mitih mprrttd Friend,

Mr, John Wintiihop, Jun. Son to tht /-ight teor-

thy Oovemour of Nrw England, at Boston,

thfre these bt tfd. le/fh a Book.

heave theft leilh Mr. Huison,* at London Stone,

whom I desire to convey safely.

Received b? Mr. Wilson.

Good Sir,

I SALUTE you in the Lord.
Hearing'tliat as yet the ship towards New England
is not yet set forth, I adventure, this third week, to send
I Bonie thither, having scat one letter to you, and aDotb^ j
I with a packet to the worthy governour, the two laflti
I weeks, to be conveyed by Mr. Huson.*

Since my last week's letters we hear it's question
whether Cologne have yielded to pay £300,000, y«
Whether it have yielded; though we hear it confirm«i_
that Mentz hath, (I mean to that renowned instrumenitl
of God, the king of Sweden,) and Oppenhcim audi
Worms and Creutznach ; and also that he hath taken T
Frankendel, where is a strong castle, and it was strong-
ly fortified. We hear he lost about four thousand men
tiiereby.

We hear, the Spanisli ambassadour, being at Rome,

affirmed that the king of France had assisted the king ol

' Sweden, which, though the French ambassadour there

• [Thai

ii spell both ways by iliii

Letters of Henry Jade.

denied that he knew any such thing, the cardinaJa
would needs have the pope excommunicate the French
king. But he would not, till he might see it further
proved, and that king answer for himself. Hereupon,
'tis said, was a great faction Uiere ; insomuch that the
pope fled to a strong hold in France. 'Tis said so.

A book of the Northern Star (by Dr. Goad) was sent
you lo go herewith. There are now added to that book
in print verses in Latin, (two or three leaves,) dedicated
lo our kiog, by Mr. Gill, jun. in London, bachelor in di-
vioity, in commendation of the king of Sweden^s pro-
ceedings, relating part, and encouraging our king in
assisting that way. We have heard of some exploit
done by the Marquis Hamilton. Magdenburgh, that
was craelly used by Tilly's forces, and a great part of
it burnt, (for which we hear was solemn procession in
Huogaria by the Jesuits' procurement, and casting the
pictures of Luther, Calvin and Beza into a pit with fire,
which they called hell, when suddenly God sent such
thunder and lightning, that killed three or four hundred
that day or the next, as we heard,) we hear it's now
besieged by the Duke of Saxony's forces, who joined
with Sweden, about September 6, near Leipsick. Bo-
hemia and Moravia is subdued by them for the most
part, (many countrymen revolting from the eroperour to
tbem.) Mr. Harrison of Sudbury molested by means of
Mr. Allen, Mr. Warren, Mr. Smith of Caundish, and
Mr. Steward (the most favourable) sate in commission
about him, and now, by his conforming more than ever
he did, he yet preaclieth at Sudbury.

Sir Arthur Merries of Essex was buried about the
8th of January instant, for whom Dr. Aylot made many
EDgtish verses, which are much applauded, expressing
Ilia life beyond sea and here, his two wives and twelve
children, his faithfulness to the country and king, ilic.
Mr. Hudson of Capel is departed, and his brother is in
bis stead, as 1 have writ. I pray you, good Sir, let me
have exchange of news from you, of your commodities
and discoveries, &:c.

VOL. 1. TBIBD BEKIES. 31

sie

Your good co^MUif i» mBembered ai ibi
driokinif. oft io a week, beads* oior* mIoi
bear jrou do not drink ooe to aeoclier ; ifacrd
IM : Irat rcmf-'caber w ia a aiore aenaus MCt.

ber IM stiD, for tlm laad and coraer I

The grace oT oor God be wttb 50a aH.
Ya«n n hii

Amtmttttm, J^mnm-f 33, IStl.

H. J.J

TV At( wortktfgtMd Prifd, Mr. Job* Wisnvaar. Jvo. I

The Lord make bis &ce sfaine apoo yoa, and
gracious to you and to tbe wfaofe plaoiatioa, and
yoa peace in Christ Jeans.

Kind Sir,

I REcciTED yonr loting letter, bearing date Ji
4, 1632, by goodmao Braiee of Boiford, (irbo cai
flefely from your coasxa to our«, he said, m three wi
and three days.) I humbly thank you for your so tar]
relatiotts of yoor affair* therein. Wbereae both youai
that right worthy goremoar bad wadied my faitber*
ance to boys and yoaog maids of good fiowardnesB, fbr
yoiir Mrrtce, i hare inqoired, and foaod oat eome few.
Hut they deinriag some knowledge of their maiDieDance,
and i^'xid conveyance. Ice I spake to Mr. Goshng, who
could nay nothing in it, but would inqnire of Mr. Down-
mg : nml afterward be said Mr. Downing would under-
take for no more but a boy and a maid or two for Mr.
(ioyernonr, hot no more. I pray you therefore, good
8ir, write over to either of them, that there may be good
Mtisfimtion in thcjw) foitowing particulars, and I shal] not
he wantinu in endeavours for your best furtherance, viz.
What nhiili lie tlio niont of their employment tliei
whether dairy, washing, &.c. and what should bo thetf

Letters o/" Hewry Jade.

S48

wages, and for liow many years tied, whether apparel
foond, who sliould provide for their shipping over, their
journey thither, their diet while they stay for the wind
or ship's setting forth, and provision in tlie ship, besides
ship diet, (for, 'tis said, Uiat must be, or it will go very
ill with ihem.)

She that was Mary Bird, of late the wife of goodman
Bigsby of Hadleigh, now a good widow, being poor,
(whom Mr. Governour knows,) desires, if she could, to
come to you herself, and she would gladly have her
two daughters, the one about sixteen years old, wel!
disposed, I hear, the other younger, to serve Mrs. Win-
throp the elder, or you. So a maid or two about
AsGiDgton, and some others. Goodman Cheat with his
wife, and goodman Bowhan, (such a name,) an honest,
simple, poor man, a locksmith of Sudbury, and goodman
Bacon, with his good wife, of Boxford, (having divers
young children,) desire to have their service humbly re-
nembered to Mr. Governour, and desire his kind remem-
brance of them, to pity their poor condition here, and,
when he can, to send for them, as it pleased him to say
be would. They are filled with the contempt of the
proud, and their spirits are ready to sink and fail in
thena.

I send you herewith a note of the judgment of a
goldsmith in Norwich, my gootl friend, concerning that
Utile thick piece, which is in it, and another less piece,
which he returned to me. (I having had them of one
that had them from N. E. and thought them better
metal than he judges,) with other glassy pieces of that
which he counts to be of the same metal, whereby you
may better judge of the same ore, if you see the like,
and not count it better than it is.

I have now received another letter from you. I thank
you kindly for it. In it you mention your readiness to
have observed that eclipse, that I (with Mr. Milburne)
writ about, but the cloudiness hindered. But you have
writ the calculation of another, about which, as soon as
f can, I shall send to the said Mr. Milburne, that you

244

Letters of Henry Jacie.

ly have his cnlciilntions also, and judgment

ne. I wns gone down to Yorkshire, when yt

I letter came to Suffolk, being writ lo and desired to come

\ to a place there, about nine miles S. S. E. from York.

I It's called Aughton, where a godly minister was lately

for about twelve or fourteen years; and I conceive, as

[ jny Christian friends do also, that God hath called me

f to go thitlier, where now I am, but not certain how long

I shall have freedom to be here. Arminianism doth

[ much spread, especially in York. (Bishop Neale is now

f their archbishop, and Dr. Cousins, dean.) Command

given in York, 'lis said, from the king's majesty,

[ that the chancels be kept neat and comely ; therefore

the seats to be removed thence into tiie body of the

church (as it'a enjoined at Hull and Beverley by "

[ Cousins.) Much renewing old customs, setting tab]

aitarwise, genuflexiones ad nomen Jesu, solemn pro
I cessions, (as 'tia called,) observing Wednesday and
I Friday prayers, and other such tilings, that are counted
most for order and decency, and keeping unity in con-
j fbrmity in all such things in the church. Popery much
I increaseth. In many places in Yorkshire are swarms of
I Papists. In Durham county and Northumberland many
I are known to go as openly to a mass, (where such and
■uch are famed to be priests,) as otliers to a sermon.
' Many Papists grow very insolent to boast over Protes-
tants thereabouts. O pray for us, that God would root
' out all idolatry and superstition, and every plant that
; he hath not planted, and that he would uphold his gOB-
I pel in the power and purity of it, notwithstanding our
[ sins, as he yet doth in divers places. I often think I
I ihall yet see you again before I die. The Lord direct
Our king, in his progress toward Scotland, to be
'■, crowned there, (and establish conformity, 'tis said, in a
parliament,) came safely to York on Friday, May 24.
, He is exceeding greatly commended and extolled for
I his courtesy and affablcness, and his piety. It was a very
rainy day, so that he came into York in a coach, and
sent word afore, he was sorry he could not so come io,

Letters of Henry Jade.

2A6

that those, that desired to see him, might all Bee him ;
and after forbad those, that would keep people from
crowding to see him and come near him, looking still
OD them with a smiling countenance, and received all
the petitions were put up to him. After his lighting out
of his coach, his first work was to go to the minister (the
bishops of London and York being nearest bim) Lo give
God thanks, and to pray, &c. As soon as they began
prayers, he set himself very devoutly to it. He went
from York on Tuesday, and came to Durham on Satur-
day, June 1, on Monday to Newcastle, (for he always
rests the Lord's day,) intending to be, the next Lord's
day, (being our Whitsunday,) at Edinburgh, viz. June 9.
I pray you, dear Sir, be not otfended, that you had
no letter from me of so long a time ; (the like I desire
of the worthy governour and others with you ;) for,
though I began this letter to you soon after my receipt
of yours dated July 4, yet have I been hindered till now
from finishing it by manifold urgent occasions. The
Lord be with you, and prosper you and all your good
designs in that so hopeful plantation. Thus, desiring
ibe remembrance of my best respect and Christian ser-
rice and duty of love to that much honoured governour
aod his dearest helper, and to your worship witli yours
and your two sisters, and to Mr. and Mrs. Wilson, and
Mr. and Mrs. Weld, and Mr. Phillips, also to Mr. Dil-
lingham of Rocksbury, and Mr. Coddington, to Ephraim
Ctuld, John Firmin, &c. desiring all your prayers to
him, that holds the stars in his right hand, and is the
SuD and Shield of bis people, I humbly commend you
all to him, remaining

Your constant friend and co-petitioner
at tlie throne of grace,

HEN. JACIE.

Adohtok, in Yorkshirt, June 12, 1633.

Although I be removed, yet I entreat you, and other
Mf friends with you, to write back to me, and direct

246 Connecticut Address of Condolence.

your letters thus: To H. Jacie, minister at Aughton :
Yorkshire. Leave them with Mr. Downing, to be giv(
to Mr. Overton, stationer, to send by York carriers
Mr. Hodshon, mercer, in Ousegate, to be dehvered \
aforeaaid. So it may be safe.

To thr Right Worshipful his much rrsprrttd
good Friend, Mr. John Wintbbop, Juh. Esq.
Son to the right worthy Govemour of New
England, these.

SDBE93 or Condolence to Got. Talcott of Co
HEcrrcoT, AND HIS Answer.

[We have extracted from the 19lh volume of Trumbull Papers i
address of condolence to Gov. Talcott on the deoth of his wi
with his answer, which doecgual honour to both parties. Eo.]

Ma; it please your Honour,

I W E, the representatives of the colony of Connecticut,
j ID general court assembled, humbly take leave, with
one heart and mind, to address your honour under the
[ sore and awful rebuke of the Almighty, who has, by bis
r boly and wise providence, removed from you that dear-
est part of yourself, the desire of your eyes and the
1 greatest comfort of your life, by a sudden and uncxpect-
[ ed death, and to let your honour know, that we esteem
ourselves sharers in your loss, and afflicted by your
affliction, and that we do affectionately condole your
honour's lonely and widowed state, and desire, with
, your honour, to lake notice of the divine rebuke, and to
, quiet ourselves with the consideration, that the Almighty
I Ijord of HostSy all whose works are done in truth, hath
done it, and would not complain of, but mourn under a
sense of the heavy stroke of his holy hand ; especially
when we consider the subject of our present mournful
meditations in the relation of a worthy consort to your
honour, or that of a mother, a mistress, a Christian

jri

ConnecliciU Address of Condolence. 247'

friend or neighbour, in all which we should fall short of
doing justice to her memory, if we should fail of pro-
nouncing her to be virtuous, affable, tender, kind, pious,
charitable and beneficent.

And, considering the removal of a person so truly
great and amiable, so near to your honour, and by so
sudden and surprising a stroke, we cannot wonder to see
your honour so covered with sorrow, and so tenderly
bewailing a loss so truly great, nor censure ourselves,
that we have mingled our tears with your honour's on
flo solemn and mournful an occasion ; but rather admire
that greatness and presence of mind, which your hbnour
discovered, when you appeared at the council board, at
the head of this legislature, managing the important
affairs of this colony, in so few hours after so heavy a
stroke, which has so manifestly discovered, not only that
your honour's heart and hopes were supported from
views above the best enjoyments here, but also that the
special presence of the Great Governour of the universe
was then afforded, of which we most thankfully take
notice.

And as we are sharers with your honour under the
weight of your sorrows and burthens, so we take leave
to assure your honour, that we willingly bear our parte
thereof, and should, with the greatest sincerity, rejoice to
be any ways instrumental in alleviating the same.

We look on it our duty, and shall endeavour to make
oar addresses to the tlirojie of the Almighty Repairer of
breaches, that he would sanctify to your honour, your
family, and to the people under your government, this
cup of trembling and astonishment ; that he would Uft
on your honour the light of his countenance, and send in
all needful supplies of his grace ; that your life, which is
so valuable and precious to us, may be rendered, in every
respect, comfortable to yourself; that your honour's
stability and presence of mind, notwithstanding your
present afflictions, may be preserved and increased, that
the great affairs of your government, under their present
critical circumstances, may be conducted by you with

248 CharkatowH Church Affairs.

ease, satisfaction and success; that God Tvould length*
out your lionour^s life as a lasting blessing to your pcople.-

To Mr. Speaker md Gentlemen Represcntativei :

As every spark adds to the fire, so every freali
mention made to mo of my departed companion is |j
fresh wound to my bleeding heart ; and upon the sigh(
of your address in condolence in the loss of her makei
such impressions on me, that I cannot express myseli
nor speak a word, but only, with a trembling heart am
hand, thankfully acknowledge your kind respects atu
honour done both to the living and the dead. 1 wish £
could in a more suitable manner, express myself to yoi
on this solemn occasion. I hope that, in consideration a
my present pressure of grief, you will cover all my infirj
mities with a mantle ol charity ; for 1 am, gentlemeq
yours to serve, in all things that I may, to the utmost c
my power,

J. TALCOTT. ,

CnARi.GSTOvrN Church Apfairb.

jTiiB following curious papers, relating lo a cause of ecclesinstii
jurisdiciioo in the early timeB, are from a large collection of J<^
Winlhrop, tirHl gmernour uf Connecticut under the charter, and
of his son, Fitx-John, afterwards govemour of the sntne colony,
Richards being a brother-in-law of John Wiitthrop. We ht^,
in a future rolumc, to present many of these documents. Eo.]

To the Reverend and Honoured the Elders and Messengers
of lite Churches formed into a Council in Charlesioum,
November bth, !C7)i.

The Reasons of us, who are underwritten, upon tohieh i
dissent Jrom our Brethren, who have called Mr. Danim
Russell unto office in this Church.

I. xSECAUSE we judge our brethren have been I
undeliberate, over-hasty and precipitate in their motloi

Ckaiiestown Church Affairs- 249

for Mr. Russell : For we cannot but suppose it not on-
ly a rational thing, but even a Christian duty, for a peo-
ple, bereaved (especially) of so worthy, faithful and able
a shepherd as it hath pleased God to take from this
people, to proceed in their seeking of a supply with
most serious deliberation, choice advice, and earnest and
frequent supplication to the Lord of the harvest ; that so,
by these means, they may be directed by him to fix upon
such a person as may best make up the breach, which
halb been made upon them.

But now, our brethren, (after too great a slight cast
upon the advice of the reverend elders, who, upon our
application to them for their help in so weighty a case,
had propounded another person to our consideration,)
upon the first mention of Mr. Russell, singly and alone,
were very earnest for a vote to pass in the church, to
give Mr. Russell a call immediately to the ministry, in
order to office, (although tliey were then told, that, hav-
ing made one step further (by pitching upon this one per-
son) than they had done before, when there were several
propounded and left to their consideration, it was now
their way seriously to consider and deliberate, to advise
and seek God, that so they might, by this means, come to
discern whether it were the mind of God, that he whom
they had now, so many of them, (though the major part
had not yet declared themselves,) concentred in, should
be the person to be settled among us, yet) they mani-
fested how much they were troubled at us, that we could
not concur with them for such a sudden vote ; which
being unexpected by us, we did not then, nor yet can
see that there was reason for ua so to do. And further,
we may add, that, although they were called upon from
the pulpit, by one in high esteem in this land, to be
wilhng to take advice in a matter of this moment, yet,
the very next day after this exhortation, they came to-
gether and passed their vote.

Wherefore, our brethren thus neglecting what the na-
ttire of so weighty a business called for, not regarding
the seasonable motion of their brethren, and not yielding

Chartestoton Church Affairs.

to the wholesome exhortation of one of the messengM
of God, we cannot but think their way will be found nol
pleasing unto God, and therefore that we were ool
bound to concur with them therein.

2. Because our brethren would call Mr. Russell,
without due consideration of another, whom the church
had (before Mr. Russell was spoken at all of, or, it may
be, thought of) unanimously professed to have an eye
unto in order to settlement here; and said, they thought
they had reason for it, not only upon the account of their
Qow glorious Shepherd, but also lor what they did part-
ly see and further hope to find in his worthy son : For, 1
1. We persuade ourselves, that even our brethren wiHJ
grant, that it is firmly to be desired and endeavoured
that, where two persons are to be Joined in office togett
er, they should be, as much as possible may be, of on
mind and one heart. 2. We suppose, that, if not c
brethren, yet others will readily grant, that a peopl
that is to call two persons are greatly concerned to a
Bomc very plainly probable grounds to hope for atx)
believe such good agreement between such persons be-
fore they engage too far in calling of them. And, 3dly,
We also suppose it will be granted, that such a people
are firstly and cliieHy concerned to see such grounds to
believe, that be, whom they have unanimously professed
to have an eye unto in order unto ofhce, be satisfied
concerning that other person, whom they think of join-
ing in office with him \ if, at least, tliey would have
such-as shall observe their motions to believe they have
such a singular respect to that first person as they pro-
fess they have.

But now Mr. Thomas Shepherd, the worthy son oX
our now blessed shepherd, was first nominated, when the
church gave a call to worthy Mr. Brown deceased;
and it was at that time, with much affection and unanimi-
ty, by the whole church, given in commission to those
whom they employed to acquaint Mr. Brown with their
call, that they should, withal, signify to him, that the
church had an eye to Mr. Shepherd for office-work in

Charhslown Church ^^ars. fi&l

txuiveoicDt time ; and therefore they desired him to en*
courage and draw on Mr. Shepherd to preach as speedily
among us as might be : which they accordingly did ;
and, afterwards, the church, on all occasions, professed
Uie samo respect to him : Vea, when Mr. Brown had
given his answer in the negative, and several other per-
sons came to be nominated to the church's considera-
tkiD,Bnd Mr. Shepherd not being mentioned among them,
some saying, that they hoped he was not excluded, or
forgotten by us, it was answered, and so understood
by the church, that whichsoever of tlie persons then
DomiDated the church should pitch upon, was intended
not to exclude, but to join with Mr. Shepherd in the
work of the ministry among us. Yet our brethren never
used any means whereby they might come truly to un-
derstand whether Mr. Shepherd could freely and cheer-
fully join with Mr. Russell, before the vote for Mr.
Russell's call was pressed by them : Nay, afterwards,
the question being put to him by some, he, wisely con-
sidering, that himself had, as yet, no call from the church
to the work of the ministry, refused to declare whether
he were willing or unwilling to join with Mr. Russell,
truly judging it quite out of season for him to declare
himself either way in point of joining with another in a
vork, unto which himself, as yet, had no call at all : Nay,
further, some of our brethren, and those not inconside-
rable, have said, that they think, if they must so far con-
sider Mr. Shepherd as we think needful, that would be
to \eave it to Mr. Shepherd to choose them a minister ;
which, said they, were too great a betraying the church's
liberty.

Wherefore, though we would hope, that our brethren
do yet bear a good respect to tlie well-deserving son of
(wr dearest shepherd that is dead, yet, considering how
things have been managed among us, and are now cir-
cumstanced with us, we cannot but think that (whatso-
ever may indeed be, yet) there does not appear any
plain grounds for any rationally to conclude, that these
two persons can freely and cheerfully join in carrying on

252 Charlestown Church Affairs.

the work of the ministry in this place ; nay, we are apt
to think there are some probable grounds to fear they
cannot

3. Because, although we question not but that Mr.
Russell may be of good use in the work of the ministry
in some other place, yet we do judge him not to be so
meet for the managing of the work of a church officer
in this place ; and, consequently, that it is neither safe
for the church to call him thereunto, nor for him to ac-
cept thereof. — Here we must humbly beg your pardon
for our brevity on this head, as judging it not meet, in
such an assembly, or in any assembly, to insist on that
which may, in the least degree, disparage one, that we
have a real respect for and love unto. We also beg your
pardon for our plainness in this matter, because we
verily apprehend, that we are bound, in faithfulness to
the church, whereof we are members, to declare our
dissatisfaction in and dissent from his settlement in the
ministry here.

Thus, having laid before you the reasons of our dis-
sent from our brethren, which are of force with us, and
will, we question not, be allowed their just weight with
you, we heartily beseech the wonderful Counsellor
and Prince of Peace to direct you to give such advice
as may tend to the peace and settlement of this disquiet-
ed and shattered church and town. We subscribe our
names.

LAUR. HAMMOND.
THO. GREAVES.
JON. HAYMAN.
AARON LUDKIN.
SAMUEL WARD.

This was given per the subscribers as reasons of
their dissent from the church's motion, and publickly
read the 5th November, '78.

Attest,

JOHN RICHARDS, Scribe,

CharUstown Church Affairs.

HonouBED, reverend and beloved in our Lord Jesus
Chris!, that that is the occasion of tliis church's desiring
of your advice at this time, is the practice of some par-
ticular brethren among us, to be frequently charging of
this church with their irregular, rash and unreasonable
actions, and our going out of a way of God in electing
and calling our beloved brother, Mr. Daniel Russell, to
be a present supply unto this church and town in the
work of the ministry, and that in order to office in this
church, as also their objecting against him as being no
meet person for us, ahbougb that, many times, since hi:)
proposal to this church, they have said, they had nothing
agaiDst his person, but against our way of proceeding;
so that, until our church be cleared from such aspersions,
we are like to enjoy no settled ministry.

Our way has been according to the liberty our Lord
Jesus Christ has purchased for and given unto his church
here established, and the pcrson^s qualificalions, thatwc
have called and chosen, are scriptural, and according to
our law, title Ecclesiastical, rerjuires, we leave to this
honoured and reverend council to judge ; he !>eing a per-
»n that we have had good experience of, having been a
considerable time in full communion with us, and cannot
but judge both pious, able and orthodox, and finds high
acceptance among our people ; so do therefore humbly
entreat your advice, hoping, that, upon your hearing the
whole case, which we shall present to you as briefly as
we can, we shall receive such council from you as will
tend unto our future peace, and the speedy settlement of
all God's ordinances again among us. Human frailties,
no doubt, have not been wanting on our part, for which
we beg your most charitable construction, and that you
would heartily pity and pray for us, that the men we
are seeking after may find greater encouragement from
you than ever they have had discouragement from our
KBers; that so, in God's way and time, they may be
lUght unto us with the fullness of the blessing of the

254

Charlestoum Church Affairs.

gospel, that we may not be as sliecp having no shepherd
So shaJl we not cease to pray, that peace may be yoi
and our portion and the whole Israel's of God.

This was given in per the church as an introduction
to the work of the day, upon the meeting of the council
in publick.

Attest,

JOHN RICHARDS, ScHbe. .

The names of Uie council there met are

John Leverctt, Esq. Gov.
Tliomas Daufortli, Esq.
Edward Tyng, Esq.
Mr. John Slicrnian,

Moderator,
Mr. James Allin,
Mr. Increase Mather,
Mr. Samuel Willard,
Mr. Edward Rawson,
Eider Wiswall,
Elder Rainsford,
Major Thomas Savage,
Deacon Brackctt,

Deacon Eliott,
Deacon Hastings,
Deacon Bright,
Mr. Edward Oakes,

Mr. Stcdman,

Mr. Daniel Gookin, JUD.
Mr. Richard Collicolt,
Mr. Daniel Stone,
Lieut. Daniel Turell,
Deacon Cooper,
John Richards,

chosen Scribe.

^ Brief Narrative of sojne of the most considerabk
Passages of this Churchy and their several Commiltees
acting since the Death of our dear and reverend
Teadiery Mr. Tliomas Shepherd, who departed thi$
Life the 22d December, 1677. 1

Not long after, tlic church was staid on the Lord's
day, and then appointed a meeting at Capt. Hammond's

Charlestown Church Affairs.

255

house to consider what to do about supply in the work
of the ministry ; and, when the church was there assem-
bled, there was a unanimous vote passed for the re-
newing their call to Mr. Joseph Brown ; after which
there was a committee chosen to manifest their mind to
Mr. Brown, and to receive his answer, whose names

'apt. Laur. f^ammond,
Ir. Thomas Graves,
Deacon Wm. Sitson,
Deacon John Cutler,
Deacon Aaron Ludkin,

Mr. Jacob Greene,
Mr. John Heman,
Joseph Lyndes,
Jnmcs Russell;

who, according to the desire of the church, went to Mr.
Brown, and made known the church's mind to him,
which was to request him to take office amongst them.
After some time of consideration, he gave the committee
an answer in the negative, and did soon after remove
froni us to Boston.

Whereupon the church desired the former committee
to provide transient help for carrying on the worship of
God on the Lord's days ; and likewise some of the breth-
ren desired, that they would use means to obtain a
settled supply as soon as might be.

In this time the committee had in their private con-
sideration Sir Shepherd, and did take time to intimate
their aflectionate desires towards him, agreeing to in-
vite him to preach with us one sermon, that so, having
a taste of the gifts and graces of God bestowed upon
him, that then we miglit have the precedency of any
other people in that matter. But it was concluded, that
we must apply ourselves to the obtaining an officer
sooner than he was like to undertake such a work.
For that end there was a committee meeting at the
house of Mr. Joseph Lyndes. where, after some dis-
course, it was agreed, that some of the committee should
gp and advise with some of the neighbour elders, who
might be the fittest man to propound to the church.

256

Charlestotvn Church Affafrs.

Capt. Laur. Hammond, Mr. John Heman, and James
flussell, went to Watertown lecture, and, after lecture,
they went to the house of Mr. Sherman, where was also
Mr. VVillard of Boston ; to whom they declared the
matter, and deaired their advice. Mr. Willard mention-
ed Mr Woodhridge of Ilominossctt; but it was in-
formed, we were not willing to rob any place. Then
the Rev. Mr. John Sherman mentioned Mr. Daniel
Russell and Mr. laaac Foster, and then concluded Mr.
Foster the fittest person as they could then think of at
present. Then they went to the Itev. Mr. Oakes his
house to advise with him, who did advise to Mr. Isaac
Foster. Mr. Graves went to Mr. Mather for his advice
also, who declared, in case they had done with Mr.
Brown, he judged Mr. Foster the suitnblest person;
which was declared to the committee at their next meet*
ing, which was at James Russell's house ; and then it
was agreed to propound Mr. Isaac Foster to the church
next Sabbath day, and to signify to tlie church, that, if
they had any person to propound, they had their liberty.
At which time there was nothing spoken referring to con-
sulting with Sir Shepherd about his concurrence, which
is one of the arguments our dissenting brethren have
much urged against our proceeding with Mr. Daniel
Russell.

The next Sabbath, the church being etaid, Mr. Tho-
mas Graves did declare to the church, that they had
taken advice, and Mr. Isaac Foster was advised to;
and he did further declare, that there was liberty for
any of the committee or church to propound any other
person. Whereupon it was propounded, to make a new
address to Mr. Brown, which was urged by several.
There was also proposed to consideration Mr. Daniel
Russell, Mr. Thonia.s Shepherd, Mr. Samuel Nowell, Mr.
Zechary Sims, Mr. Gershom Hubbard. Then the church
was desired to consider of the persons; and it was further
concluded, if any considerable number of the church
should agree upon any of the persons propounded, and

Charleslown Church Affairs.

signify the same to the committee, they might have a
church meeting to manifest it.

1678, May 19th. Mr. Thomas Shepherd preached his
first sermon. That week following, some of the com-
mittee moved to a prosecution of our former intentions
of desiring more of his help in the ministry, and that in
order to office ; but Mr. Thomas Graves opposed it,
judging it would bo prejudicial to him at present. It
was then concluded, that we must apply ourselves to get
an officer sooner than he was like to undertake such a
work.

June 7ih, it being on Friday. In the evening the
committee had a meeting at Mr. Thomas Graves his
house, and agreed to stay the church the next Sabbath
day, to know whether they liad considered of any person,
so as to be considerably agreed in any one ; and also
they did agree, that the committee should not lead in
proposing any man to the church.

June 9th, it being Sabbath. The church was staid in
the evening, and Mr. Thomas Graves did declare to the
church, that, if they had ripened their thoughts concern-
ing any of those persons formerly mentioned, that they
would speak to it. Then Mr. Elias Maverick began,
and propounded Mr. Daniel Russell, a person, whose
parents were honourable amongst us, and he was brought
ap with us, and is one of this church, that we have had
good satisfaction in, he judged to be a meet person.
Then many others declared themselves of the same
nund. After some silence, Mr. Thomas Graves urged
those that had not yet spoken, that they would speak ;
and the generality mentioned the same person, and there
was no other mentioned at that time. It was urged by
some of the brethren, that the committee would speak.
Accordingly, some of them did manifest their concur-
rence in the said person. It being again desired, that
those, that had not spoken, would please to speak,
whereupon Capt. Hammond declared, that he judged
it unreasonable, that they should be urged so suddenly

to declare their thoughts, alleging it was imposing upoir

258

Ckarlestown Church Affairs.

them. Some desired Mr. Daniel Russell might be put to
vote ; others thought it not meet at that time. So there
was discourse about anotlier meeting, to come to a con-
clusion of tills matter. Capt. Hammond proposed a
month ; some said a week ; but the conclusion was,
sixteen days after, which was on a Tuesday.

Juue 25tli. The church met. Deacon Cutler desired
them to speak to the business they came about. The
first man that spoke propounded Mr. Shepherd to be
the fir^^t man to be called to ofUcc ; upon which arose a
debate, most, not looking on that as to he the work for
which that meeting was, propounded for directing their
discourse towards a conclusion about Mr. Daniel Russell
as the proper work of that day, desiring those persons,
that had time granted them for consideration about that
particular, would now manifest their minds. Capt.
Hammond intimated they would run a hazard of losing
Mr. Shepherd, if they then proceeded to call Mr. Russell.
Most were for calling botli Mr. Russell and Mr. Shepherd
at that time. But it was declared by Capt. Ifammond,
Mr. Graves and Deacon Ludkin, that the church's pro-
ceedings were irregular, unreasonable, and out of the
way of God. It was desired earnestly, if we were out
of the way of God, that they would show us wherein,
and help us into it. It was also desired, that they
would propound a man, that, if they could not go witli
Us, wo miglit endeavour to go with them. They also
declared, they had nothing against the person, but the
way ; and there was much discourse to little purpose,
spirits being raised ; and so this meeting broke up with-
out concluding any thing.

July 1st. The committee met at Capt. Hammond's
in the evening, where things were debated, some
being for the voting of Mr. Russell and Mr. Shepherd
both at one time ; others objected that was the way to
lose Mr. Shepherd.

July 5th. The committee met at Mr. John Heman's,
where Capt. Hammond, Mr. Graves and Mr. Greene
declared, that the church going on to call Mr. Russell

and Mr. Shepherd both at one meeting, was out of the
way; but they would be no further hindrance to the
church's proceedings, but resolved to be passive. At
which time the committee agreed to stay the church the
next Sabbatii.

July 7tb. The church was staid, and it was desired
to know their minds, whether they would proceed to
what was spoken to the last meeting; and, when the
church was about to proceed to tlie voting Mr. Russell
and Mr. Shepherd in order to office, Mr. Graves and
Capt. Hammond declared, they were not satis6ed in that
way of proceeding, but would not hinder the church.
Mr. Greene, Mr. Heman, Deacon Ludkin and Mr. Ward
signified they were of the same mind. Some moved to
leave the matter with the committee for further con-
sideration, and that they would lake advice about the
bosiness, and so make return to the church.

July 12th. The committee met at Deacon Stitson's
io tlie evening, and, not agreeing amongst themselves,
four of them desired, that the otiier five would go with
them to advise, but they declared they needed none ;
however, they would hear what advice should be given
to Deacon Stitson, Deacon Cutler, Joseph Lyndes and
Jamca Russell, who propounded the four elders at
Boston. It was feared that would be offensive to the
aei^bouring elders on this side. There was also pro-
pounded, to advise with our honoured magistrates at
Cambridge, together with Mr. Sherman and Mr. Oakes ;
bat after, it seeming most grateful to the major part,
De&con Stitson and the minor part did pitch upon the
Rev. Mr. Sherman and fllr. Oakes to advise with, and
wdingly sent Joseph Lyndes and James Russell to
lest their company upon the 17th July at Charles-
'D, at Deacon Stitson's, who went and declared the
t of that part of the committee to them at Water-
1 and Cambridge. Mr. Sherman did encourage us
BBto his coming and calling Mr. Oakes; but wc did
fiad Mr. Oakes not inclinable, for he said, it was neither
the church nor committee that did desire him, it being

260

Charlestown Church Affairs.

the least part of the committee only that sent to hifli
However, it was hoped Mr. Sherman might have per-"^
suaded him to come with him.

July 17th. The committee met at Deacon Stitson's,
according to their former agreement, and waited so long
till it was concluded, that the aforementioned reverend
elders would not come. So they agreed, that the church
should be staid the next Sabbath.

July 21st, The church was staid. The committee
made return to them, that there was different apprehen-
sions among them about proceeding to vote Mr. Rus-
sell and Mr. Shepherd ; so they could not do any thing
further; and so they left the matter with the church
again. So the church appointed a meeting the next day.
July 22d. The church met, and it was signi6ed to

j them by the committee, that they had different appre-
hensions, four being for giving a call to Mr. Russell

■ and Mr. Shepherd and five against it. Therefore, they

I left it to the church to go on to voting, or to let all fall,
five of the committee still telling the church, they were
out of the way of God, but they would give them no
more disturbance ; or to that purpose. Deacon Stitson
declared, ho never heard any thing from them to cause
him to alter bis mind, and that he was still for voting
both or none at that time. And, after some further agi-
tating the business, Deacon Stitson put it to vote, which
was to this purpose : Whether the affections of the
brethren did still continue to Mr. Daniel Riiasell and
Mr. Thomas Shepherd, as formerly, to vote for them
both at this tiTne, to call them to the work of the minis-
try in tliis place, and that in order to office in this
church, they should manifest it hy tlie usual sign of
lif\ing up their hands. — This vote passed generally.

After some further agitation about who should be put
to vote first, though the church's eyes were on Mr.

• Russell for present supply, yet, Iioping to gratify some,
did agree, that Mr. Shepherd should be first voted, pro-
vided both were voted at that time.

Charlestown Church Affairs. 261

Then Deacon Cutler voted it, viz.

If it be the mind of the brethren of this church to
call Mr. Thomas Shepherd to the work of the ministry
ID this place, and that in order to oihce in this church,
let them manifest it by the usual sign of lifting up the
baud. — This vote passed generally.

Then Mr. Daniel Russell was put to vote :

If it be the mind of the brethren of this church to
call Mr. Daniel Russell as a present help in the work of
the ministry in this place, and that in order to office in
this church, let them manifest it by the usual sign of
lifting up the hands. — This vote passed generally.

These two last votes were read to the church, and no
objection made against them.

Then the church came to consider of a committee to
manage this matter of making known the church's mind
to these persons. The former committee was desired
to act ID this business ; hut some refused it, and judged it
imreaeonable that tliey should be desired to act in Ihis
basiaess. So the church chose a new- committee :

Deacon Wm. Stitson, Mr. John Phillips,

Deacon John Culler, Mr. Joseph Lyndes,

Mr. Eltas Maverick, Mr. James Aussell.

Serjeant Richard Kettle,

The committee concluded to stay the congregation
the next Lord's day, to know their minds in this matter.
July 28th, The congregation being staid. Deacon
Stitson spake lo them to this purpose : That the church
had been considering of two persons, that might be a
supply to the congregation in the work of tlio minis-
try in thi3 place, and that in order to office in this
church, which was Mr. Daniel Russell and Mr. Thomas
Shepherd, which had proceeded so far with as to pass
& vote for tliem ; and now they did desire the consent
of the inhabitants ; and did desire, if there were any that
had any objection to make why wo might not proceed,
that they would speak to it ; but if not, their silence
should be taken for their concurrence with the church.

262 Charlestown Church Affairs.

July 29th. The new committee met at Deacon
StitsOQ's, and agreed to send the call of the church to
Mr. Daniel Russell, which was accordingly done ; and,
the same day, they went to Mr. Shepherd and declared
the church's call to him, who thankfully acknowledged
the church and town's love towards his honoured father
and himself, and gave us very good encouragement,
that we might, in time, enjoy his help.

August 4th. The church was staid, and a copy of
the letter, that was sent Mr. Daniel Ilussell, was ten-
dered to be read, if any desired it, but none spake to it.
So the church was dismissed.

August I9th. The committee received a letter from
Mr. Daniel Russell in answer to the church's call, and
on the 25th of August, being Sabbath day, the church
TPas staid, and the letter read to them.

Sept. 15th. The church was staid, and it was signified
to them, that Mr. Daniel Russell was come in to answer
to the church's call, and was witling to help them at
pre.sent in the work of the ministry, as he had formerly
written to them.

It was then put to vote, whether the brethren of this
church did continue in their desire, that Mr. Daniel
Russell should help at present in the work of tJie minis-
try, as formerly their silence should manifest it ; or to
that purpose.

Upon which Mr. Graves and Capt. Hammond decli
ed, they were against it ; and Mr. Graves said
Daniel Russell was not a fit man for that place ; though
be had formerly declared, several times, that he had
nothing against his person, doctrine or conversation.

It was then put to the vote, as formerly, that, if they
did desire Mr. Russell, that they would manifest it by
the usual sign of lifting up the hand. — This vote passed
generally.

The church desired, that thanks might be returned to
Mr. Daniel Russell for his acceptance, as far ob he had
expressed it.

r lo

Ckarlestoion Church Affairs.

^^ ipt. Hammond made a speech, and gave his reasons,
why he concurred not with the church, which were, viz.
Because they did not first consult Mr. Shepherd, whether
he could close with Mr. Russell ; as also the ratih and
uareasonable actions of tlic church in their proceedings
ID ttits matter.

- Counsel of churches was then propounded by one of
the church, as an expedient towards peace, rather than
to reply one to another, without an indifferent judge.

Then Capt. Hammond answered, that if they needed
counsel, they could go to it.

The next day the committee declared to Mr. Daniel
Russell the church's thanks for liis acceptance of their
call, BO far as he liad expressed ; also their desire of his
continuance in the work, of the ministry amongst us.

September 24th. The committee had a meeting, and
did agree to give the dissenting brethren a meeting to
discourse matters, that so we might agree, if it might be,
amongst ourselves, or else to propound to the church to
desire counsel in this matter.

September 26th. The committee had a meeting with
their dissenting brethren, and had a loving discourse
about calling a council. They refused to he active in it,
or to draw up any thing to propound to the council,
though they were much urged to it by the committee ;
yet they declared, if the church would call a council,
they would nfford their presence as to clearing up mat-
ters ; and further told us, it was our duty to go to council.
The committee promised the dissenting brethren, that
they would endeavour to draw up something to pro-
pound to the church, and show it Ibein first. But we
could not agree upon drawing up any thing, only to
propound to the churcli, whether they would go to
couDcil or not.

October 13th. TIic church was staid, and it was
agreed and voted, to call a council of ehiers and mes-
sengers of churches ; and the dissenting brethren signi-
fied, as before, that they would not act with us in going
to council, though they were much entreated ; yet they

264

Charlestown Church Affairs.

said, they would attend the council; and Mr. Graves
declared, ho would set himself in opposition against the
way and the person mentioned, what in him lay.

October 20th. The clinrcli was staid, and it was
voted and agreed, that the tliree churches of Boston, to-
1 gether with Cambridge and Watertown, their elders
ftnd messengers, be desired to afford their presence here
on the 5th November, and to give us their advice,
these seven persona were choseu, viz.

Deacon Wm. Stitson,
Deacon John Culler,
Elias Maverick,
Richard Kettle,

Richard Lowder,
Joseph Lyndes,
James Russell,

"«1

who were desired to write to the several chorcl
I to request the presence of their elders and messengers
and tliat they sliould draw up a narrative of the whole
I proceedings, and deliver it to the council ; and that
they would manage the busineag wlien the council is
present, not hindering any other brother to speak, if
there be occasion. All these things were then voted
and agreed upon in the church.

It was also propounded lo the church, whether they
[would renew their call to Mr. Shepherd, which was
I presently opposed by Mr. Graves, who said, that, as he
I had declared against all our former proceedings, so he
did against that, as being unreasonable and unseasona-
ble. One asked him a reason, and he said he would gif(
I tiiem none ; and so he departed the house.

Note, that the several votes, be fore mentioned in
i narrative, were all proposed by the forcmcntioned
\ ties, by the consent of the church.

This declaration was presented by the church, ;
after reading in the publick meeting, was then voted
thcni as the substance of transactions in this matter.
Attest,

JOHN RICHARDS, Scribt.

Memoir of William Jones Spooneb, Esq.

XO Uic names, alrcncfy so numerous, of those, who
bavo fallen among us within a few years, in the thrcahotd
of usefulness, disap|)oinling llic highest nnd most confi-
denl cxfiectalions ol' ihoir fulurc eminence, as ifthcy had
been exalted by their tiilents and their virtues only to
become n more cotispicuoiis and earlier mark for death,
we have now to add that of our late associate, William
JoNF.s Spoo.vf.r. Tlie feelings, excited by such n disjip-
poimmcnt of such expectations, can be realized by none
but those, who have watched with intense interest the
progress of similar excellence, and its premature fate.
It is not our purpose to recall those feelings or to bIiow
the bitterness of that disappointment, in the present in-
stance, by dwelling on what our friend might have been,
or might luivo done, if he had been longer spared to
society; but simply, in conformity with our usual prac-
tice oil losing any of the more distinguished among our
associates, to state whiii he was, and wiiat he did, and
thus to preserve in our transactions some testimonial of
his worth nnd of our regard. Several of the following
dates oml facts were communicated, at our request, by
one of bis near relatives, whose words we shall not
hesitate occasionally to use.

Mr. Spooncr was the eldest son of William Spooncr,
M. D., and was born in Boston on the IJth of April, 1791.
His mollicr was Mary Phillips, only oanghler of John
Pliillips, Esq. the coimiiander of Caslle William, in this
harbour, at the commencement of our revolutionary
bQiihtcs, who was a. lineal descendant of George
iUi|»», the first minister in Watertown. The wife of
Phillips was the daughter of Adam Winlhrop,
B great grandson of Gov. Winthrop. The name oi
Jnnes ho derived from his paternal great grandfather.
His education, preparatory lor the University, was ob-

266 Memoir of William J. Spooner, Esq. '

tained at the publick Latin sctiool in this town, then under
the superintendence of Mr. William Uigelow, and which
18 now esteemed inleriour to no classical school in Ame-
rica. He entered Harvard College in 1 809, and was
graduated in 1HI3 with distinguished lionours. The
assignment of the parts for Commencement gave great
dissatisfaction to his class, and a committee was appoint-
ed to draw up a remonstrance on the subject. This re-
monstrance was written by bim, and is said to have set
forth the reason for dissatisfaction in a manly, dignified,
and independent manner, but witiiout any disrespect to
the College government.

Having determined on the law as liis profession, he
pursued bis studies for one year at the Law School at
Litchfield, in Connecticut, and for the two following

{ears in the office of Peter O. Thacher, Esq. in BostoD.
n October, 1816, he was admitted to the bar, where, in
■a few years, he became distinguished by thoroughness
of research, acuteness and ingenuity in argument, pre-
cision of language, and readiness in reply; and, still
more honourably, by bis perfect fairness, and his freedom
from all artifice or concealment. He met every objec-
tion directly and without evasion, not seeking to avoid
its weight by misinterpreting the law or the evidence, or
by misrepresenting the arguments of hia opponent It
was not easy to perplex bim by sophistry, and, what is
more remarkable in one so ready and acute, he never
attempted to perplex others by it. Every opportunity,
which he bad of being heard in court, especially on
questions of law, increased the respect, which bis asso-
ciates at the bar entertained for his talents, and raised
their expectations of his future eminence.

While fulfilling with exemplary diligence and fidelity
hia duties to his clients, he yet found ample time for the
cultivation of literature, and especially for the study of
politicks, always his favourite pursuit. While yet a boy,
his attention had been strongly attracted to the great
events, and the animated political discussions, which then
agitated Europe and America, and, with characterisiick

^" Memoir of fViUiam J. Spooner, Esq. 267

ardour, he made himself minutely acquainted wiih them.
He early took peculiar pleasure in reading the lives and
works of the eminent statesmen of modern times, both in
our own country and in England. The dissertation
proDounccd by him at College, on Commencement day,
in which he maintained with great ingenuity and
force the opinion, not common here at that period,
that it is the natural tendency of our federal institu-
tioDs to diminisli the power of the several states, and to
consolidate them under the general government, has
been repeatedly spoken of as evincing a remarkable ma-
tority of judgment and familiarity with his subject. He
studied very carefully the early history of our country,
and was quite familiar with the state papers and princi-
pal publications, which preceded and accompanied the
reToIutioo, and those which illustrate the origin and
principles of the constitutions of the state and of the
nation, as well as with the decisions of our courts, m
reiatioD to the construction of those instruments.

The science of political economy, the interests and
resources of the several parts of our Union, and their
connexion and intercourse with each otlier, as well as
with foreign countries, engaged much of liis attention.
On these subjects his views were sound and practical.
The establishment of any new branch of industry, ca-
pable of maintaining itself, and of supporting and enrich-
ing those engaged in it, was regarded by him as at once
proving and promoting the prosperity of the nation ;
but he deemed the forced introduction of any, which
must be supported by constant bounties, whether direct,
or indirect, in the form of imposts on similar articles, a
publick burden.

Without evincing any wish for office, he had thus qui-
etly, and in the indulgence of his own peculiar tastes,
[ iui a broad foundation for eminence in political life, and

klified himself to discharge the duties of any office, to

Bch he might have been called, with honour to him-
■ilf and advantage to the community.

2fi8 Memoir of William J. Spooner, Esq.

Ho was a member of sevcrni Fcicnitfick nnd litcrnry
associations, and in oil an active nnd cHicieiit one, entcr-
infi ivitli iitrong interest and gcnerons emiilntioti into tlie
friendly compLlitions, in winch some of tlicse eocieties
engttf^ed him, but wilhont exullinfj in liis own sncc(;sse3,
or envying those of his conipaniona. 'I'lic only pnb-
lick office, which he ever held, was that oi' one ot
the FUpcrintcndcnta of our prinmry schools, the diiliea
of which were performed hy hini with his nsiml dili-
gence and nbility. Ho interested himself in idl ])ublick
improvements, and especinlly in those relating to our
literary institutions ; nnd freqnenlly discnsse<I the pronii-
nent topicks of the day with nmch talent in the newepa-
pertt.

Possessing a very acute intellect, combined with a
Boltcr and miitnro judgment, he was remnrknbly ready in
determining what measures onght to he pursued in cases
of difficulty nnd embarrassment arising in the nclniil con-
duct of liic, so that he often seemed to decide with Iho
promptness and certainty of instinct. Yet ho was al-
ways able and willing to give good reasons for his de-
cisions. These qualities, together with liis perfect sin-
cerity and openness, while they conininnded tlio respect
and confidence of all who knew him, gave him great in-
fluence with lii.'4 associates, and rendered him an invatus-
ble adviser to his more intimate friends. His opinions
were inilcjiendent and decided, and always freely and
explicitly avowed. Hia attnchments were Ktrong, but
not blind ; his feelings quick, but generous. lUn man-
ners ond conversalion were perfectly simple and unpre-
tending, not sportive or winning, but frank, animated
and sincere. Having no taste for triHing, hut takings
lively interest in all rational intercourse, he seemed al-
ways in earnest, and bore bis part in sociery with manli-
ness and candour, never engrossing llio conversation
when the topick was more familiar to him than to hiB
companions, nor appearing negligent or indift'crent when
it happened to be les.^ so. Indeed, he neither snid nor
did any thing for diaplny. Distinguished himself by the

Memoir of WUliam J. Spooner, Esq. 269

most scrupulous uprightness and veracity on nil occa-
sions, ho was singularly impatient of any deceit or arti-
fice in others ; and if it was detected by hiui, as it was
very likely to be whenever it attracted his attention, it
was instantly and openly rebuked.

Mr. Spooner seemed incapable of being dazzled or
overawed, recognising no oilier claim to distinction than
merit ; and, in tliis respect, his life was a publick benefit.
Young men, at tlie moment when their education is
completed, and their conduct first exempted from the
coDlroul of their teachers, have great influence on the
welfare of society. They become the models and ex-
amples of tliose, who are younger than themselves, yet
sufficiently near them in age to sympathize in their
feelings, and who stand therefore precisely in the most
perilous period of life, — that, in which the restraints of
discipline are so far rela.\cd as to be easily evaded, and
yet are felt to be restraints more than ever, in which
permanent intimacies are formed, and lasting habits
contracted, and the character, in a great measure, deter-
mined. A youth, at this period, is more careless of pre-
cepts, and more influenced by e.\ample, than at any
other, and naturally imitates those, who are next above
liim in society, and who avowedly possess the entire in-
dependence, which he aflects ; commonly preferring the
qualities, by which distinction and influence are acquired
among them, to those, which lead to more permanent,
but more remote honours. This preference often has
an effect on his character and conduct through hfe.
Hence, it is highly important to the community, that
such distinction and influence should be obtained among
young men, not by splendour of dress and equipage, by
frivolity or dissipation; but by superior acquirements
in literature or science, or by active usefulness in socie-
ty. For many years past, this has been the case among
OS to a remarkable degree, thanks to the subject of ihia
memoir, and to young men hkc him, who have support-
ed real merit, both by their countenance and by their
example. This early engagement in the more serious

23*

270 Memoir of William J. Spooner, Esq.

t of life I

, perhaps, bo attcndpH by a

occupations <

inconveniences, inlcrlcring with thcacquisilion ol eleyant
accomplishments, bihI the prnetice ot athletick sports,
and substituting, too soon, the nnxioiis scilntencss of
mature age for the hilarity and huoynncy of yonth.
I But how far preferable is it, after all, to a tnslc for
frivolous pleasures or for criminal indulgence I

In February, Ifl23, Mr. Sponncr, who had exhibited
I marks of a languid and debilitated system for some
' months previous, was attacked by complaints of »n
alarming nature. A visit to the south, as the spring ad-
j Tanced, seemed, in some degree, to repair his consiiiu-
I tion ; but, as autumn returned, bis disease assumed a
' more serious aspect, and tbo following winter was one
I of considerable suffering. In the spring, by the advice
, 'of some of bis physicians, he determined on another visit
to the south, and accordingly set sad for Richmond in
the beginning of April. At this lime his sufferings were
great, and he was almost deprived of rest, never parsing
on half hour, either by day or by night, without enduring
acute pain. He returned IVom the south on the first of
June, without any ntnendmenl in his bealtli. As the
summer advanced, his disease continually gained ground,
I and the possibility of affording liim even temporary relief
I constantly diminished. Seized, from lime to time, with
I paroxysms of intense pain, his sufleringa were truly dis-
tressing. He bore them with great fortitude and equa-
nimity, continuing to attend to bis business, and visiting
and examining the children at the primary schools ; nor
did ho permit any apprehension of the future, or any
actual sutToring, to interfere with tbo duties of the prc-
1 Bent, while it was physically possible to perform them.
About tho middle of September, after a short visit to
Nnhant, bis complaints increased to euch a degree, and
his sufTerings became so excruciating, that it was utterly
impossible for bim to quit the house. Although his suf-
ferings were afterwards much tnitigaled, bo gradually
declined until he died, ontiic 17lh day of October,

Branch Bank of tU Untied Stalet. 271

I what mnnncr the dcolli of euch Ji man was be-
wailed by Ills itititnntc relations nnd friends need not,
and caimol, be described. It was lunicnlod by bis fel-
low townsmen as a common calamity. The Hev. Mr.
Palfrey, on whose ministry he constantly attended, and
whose friendship he had the happiness of enjoiiny, bore
poblick testimony to his virtues as a man and a Cliris-
tiao, and the Bar of the connty of Suffolk attended hia
funeral in a body, and appointed a committee to prepare
a notice of Ids character, to be inscribed on their records.

His own productions afibrd honourable evidence of
his meriL The only one, which bears his name, is an
onilioD, pronounced in the year 1822 before the society
of *P. B. K, and printed at their request. But, besides
other anonymous publications, he contributed several
valuable articles to the North American Review, of
which the following is believed to be a correct list :

On the Bankrupt Laws, May, 1818.

On Birkbcck's Letters from Illinois, March, 1819.

On Phillips's Recollections of Curran, January, 1820.

On Massachnsclls Slate Papers, October, 1820.

On Godwin on Malthus, October, 1822.

Mr. Spooncr had been so fhort a time a fellow of the
Historical Society, that nothing written by him is con-
tained in our transactions. His worlh, however, was
well known and highly prized by us all, and he was
appointed one of the committee for publishing the pre-
seat volume. But what arc human appointments ! — In-
Etead of being enriched by his talents, it is destined to
contain a tribute to his memory.

Brakch Bank or the Uhited States at Boston.

BosTuN, Januari/ 23, 1925.
Deu Sir,

ISEND you hcrowilh a certified copy of the records
of the Branch Bunk, enumerating the documents and
coins, which have been placed under the corner stone

272 Branch Bank of the United States.

on the south-east, and under the westernmost pillar of

the Bank. The documents were contained in a double

case of copper, with an halfincli of powdered cliarcoal

between the two cases, and the whole covered by an

oak box, which had been saturated with oil. I presume,

[ therefore, that they will remain, uninjured by the at-

i inosplicre, a great length of time. You are requested

[ by the directors to place the record alluded to with t'

I Collections of the Historical Society.

Your very respectful servant,

T. H. PERKINS, I

For the BuUJini; Commill

OJice of Discount and Deposit, Bank of ifie Uniti,
Slates, Boston, June Bth, 1 824..

At a meeting of the Directors,
Mr. lilakc, from the Committee appointed to pro-
I cure a plate with suitable inscriptions, presented the
I following report, which was accepted :

" The Committee, appointed to devise and prepare a
I suitable plate to be deposited at the foundation of the
^' Banking House now erecting in State Street, have duly
attended to that subject ; and they beg leave to make
their report, by exhibiting herewith to the personal
inspection of the Board, a sdver plate, with engravings
thereon of such emblems and inscription as, in the opin-
ion of the Committee, arc suitable and appropriate.

" The Committee would recommend, that this plate be
enclosed in a glass frame, in which shall niso be con-
tained, if the same may conveniently be procured, a
single specimen of the whole scries of the gold, silver,
and copper coins of the United Slates ; and that thej
[ case, with its content^:, be placed beneath the south-eu
' corner stone of the edifice.

GEORGE BLAKE, ;jer order." '

•' Boston, June Itk, 1S24."

Branch Bank of the United States. 273

DESCRIPTION

OP THE PLiTE ABOVE RErollTED, rNStRll'TlON AND LVBLEMS.

Plaie 10 inches by 7, weijjhing 1 1 and J ounces,

IKSCRIPriON.
BAZrZ OF THE ITNXTJCD STATES.
IxcoRpnRtTKD BV Act of Cos«.rkss, Acbii. IOiIj, A. D. ISlC,
James Madison the.-* Phesmient oe th»: L'nitkd States.

C*ri**i, SiocK, , AnEisU-.rBndingnn , 36,000,000 DoHn'"-

mcUOLAS BIDDLE, ) i^'^I'dl '"w^l'ii, '"ni > THOMAS WILSON,
Pani&KHT. C imJu'iiuin." "' / C«shie«.

Dirertnrs for the pftsent Year.

Nicholas Riddle. Manuel Eytc. Joseph Hempliill, CadwalU-
der Evwis. Jim. E. J. Dtipont- Henry E.kfortl, Jr.l,n McKim,
lueliua Lippincoll, Daniel W. Coxo, James Ltoyd, John
Potirr. R. M. Wliilncv, Thoinns Knox. Lewis Clapicr, ilith-
■td Willing, Thomns 6i Iwulhider. ^iintut-l Welhcicll, iivnyx-

Imin W. Crawninsliiiild. AlexnndtT Honry, Dnniel 0. Verplaiiik,
William Patrcrpnn, John Bohten, Paul Btck, Jun, John A.
Brown, Roswcll L. Coll.

This building erfictod by tlic Parent Bank for ihe accom-
' modation or its Office o( Discount and Deposit in Uiis city of
I Bulon, A. D. I8ii.
i

Copiul Slock appropriated for iho employment of this Erantli,

^H^ 1,600.000 D0LLAB8.

^^^HhLLIAM GBAT. Fini PrltiJinl ^...Rfignrd Nov- mb. 1ES3.

^^^^ptK£R GREENE, PrriKfexi. SAMUEL FROTHINGMA.M, Cathiir.

^^^^ Dirtctnrs of thr limnrh at Ihii limr.

W Gardiner Greene. Thonuia Hnnilnsyd Perkins, John Welles,
■ lohn Parker, Daniel Pinckncy Parker, fjailiuniel Silsbee,

274

Branch Bank of Oie United States.

David Scars, Daniel Wcbsler, George DIake, Resin DavM
Shepherd, Henry Gardner Rice, Horace Gray.

SOLOMON WILLARU, jlrMUtlui, Edi/icium Contlrvxil.

VIVAT RESPUBLICA.

This Corner Stone laid July 4th, A. D. 18-24, being the fortfJ
eighth Anniversary of American Independence.

Monday, July 5lh, 1824. -

Special meeting of the Directors, for the purpose of
placing under tlie Corner Stone of the edifice erecting
for the accommodation of this office the plate reported
by the Committee on the Bth ult. enclosed in a gh
I case ; and the following deposits of coins, &,c.

\ glass case, containing the following described medi
i presented for the purpose by Mrs, Thomas 11. Peiki

A gold medal, weighing 10 dwts. with the following devioftf
* On one aide, Rusl of Washington, encircled by a luurel wreaUl'
and outer circle formed by tlie motto

" Hr it in glory (he woild In leuri."

On the other side, an Urn, with the initials G. W. — Outer side,
B.F. II, 1732. G. A. ARM. 75. R. 83. P. U. S. A. 89.— Inner
circle, R. 96. G. A. ARM. U. S. 98. OB. D. 14, 1799.
And the following gold and silver coins, viz.

OOLD COINS. SILVER C01^

lOne eagle, coinage of 1801.
fOne half do. " " 1796.
f-One fourth do. " " 1804.

One dollar, coinage of 179(

One half do. "

One fourth do. "

One dtsmc, *' " iSSl.^

One half do. " " I80(^J

One glass case, containing copper coins : — Eight cents, c
age of 1B2I ; six half ditto, coinage of 1804 ; and two cents o^H
the Commonwealth of Massachusetts, coina^re of 1787 and 1788.
— One glass bottle, containing a copy of the act of Congren,

Branch Bank of the United States.

276

incorporeting the Bank, and ihe several newspapers printed on
the anniversary, viz. Palriot and Daily Mercantile Adver-
tiser, Daily Advertiser, Commercial Gazette, Courier, and
Statesman. — Also, a small glass bottle, containing a list, on
paper, of the ofHcers or the Branch, and the names of the
msster mason and master carpenter, as follows, viz.

JOHN TUCKER,
THOMAS WILEY.
CHARLES HARRIS,
JOHN FULLER,

Ba«k KttpfT.
TtUir.

D-itovM CUrk.
CoUtclioa and Botul CUr,

LOAN OFFICE

JOHN J. LORISG, Traniftr CUrk.

OLIVER W, CHAMPNEy, InUnit CUrk-

JOHN S. LILLIE, P,n,ion CUrk.

Directors proceeded from their room at 9 o'clock,
willi the Cashier and oiricers of the Branch, and
ts were placed by the President in an exca-
made under the Corner Stone, 17 by 13 inches,
inches deep.
Extract from the Records,

SAMUEL FROTHINGHAM, Cashier.

(^a of Discount and Deposit of (tie Bank of the
United Stales, at Boston, November 22, 1824.

At a meeting of the Directors,
I On motion of Mr. Perkins, the following vote was

i jinanimously adopted.

^^»^ Voted, That, with a view to comemmorate one of
^Hn most important events of the American revolution,
^TSere be collected and placed under the western pillar
Y of the Branch Bank, now erecting in State Street in
, this city, such documents as are within our reach, which

ttofl
iitef"

)CU-

ice: I

276 Branch Bank of the United Slates.

have reference to the Bntile of Bunker Hill, f
on tlio I7tli of June, 1775, between t!io fbrcea ot hia
Britnnnick Miijc^ly aiiil tt)c tlicn Provincial itiililiaot'lliid
and the tieitjhbouririi; province's : willi sucli other docu-
mciils as illustrate llie iuipurluut events, which Bcpa-
rated the United Slates from tlie parent country: and
that the Building Committee be instructed to cau^c such
collection to be made and disposed of as above dircctedtj

In virtue of the above vote, the Building Committed
have dcpoiitod, as therein directed, in an inner and outef*
copper Cft*e, enclosed with wood, the following docu-
ments, together with a copy of tlio above vote, signed hy
tliQ President and Directors and Cashier of this office:

I. A Paniplilct by Mnjnr General Henry Denrborn,
Bcribirig llie evcriia of ilic ITlli Jiini;, 1775, accom|iaiiit:d by
Skolch of llic acliuii by a Briiitii o'Bclt. The siimc l'urri[>lilet,
Ceontuiniti^ a Leltcr to Major General Dearborn, ffoin Dunicl
[ PuUinm, Esq. repi-'lliii!:' ilie cliari^cs broii^^ht ns"'"*' '''*' nicnio-
f of iho lulu Miijor General Piiitmtn in GenemI Doarboni'i
uccount of the Battle of Bunker Hill.

. Tlic Life of Major General Putnam by Col. Humphniys,
1 an Appendix by CdI. Satnnel ^weii, F^iving an Hisloritial
and Topograph ieiit Sketcli of the B^itilu uf Bunker Hill.

3. A Plan of the Baltic of Bunker Hill, also by Co!. S,
Swell.

4. A Certificato issued by the ullicera of the Bunker IliU
Monument Assnriniinti, 1o ihe nicnibrra of llixi Assnciaiinn,
witli a flic Biiiiile of the ?ignulurcs of the President, Vice
President and Directors.

5. \ Circular, nildresscff to the comniuiiity at large by
Directors of the Bunker Hill Monutnenl Associalion, inviiii
their uid to the object.

6. An Aiidretts liy a Special Committee of the Direefwi
the Bunker Hill Monument Association to the Selectmen of
Bcvernl towns in the Stale of MaEsachiiseiia,

Also, the Docl.iraiion of the Independence of llie United
". States of Amnricn. ns execiUcd on the 'llh day of July, 1116,
"wilh a fac simile of the sij-nalnres of ilio nirrmbers of C(>np«»s,
whose names arc atlixcH to thai inemorabtc and iin|>oriant
document, and which purports to Imvc been compared wilh tbo
ori<;Miul instrument tieposttcd in ihc office of ilio Secretary o(
State, and certified by the Hon. John Quincy Adams, Um

'ice

ttol

Branch Bank of the VniUd Stales. 277

present Secretary of State, and one of the candidates far (he
Presidency of the United Stales at tlie ensuing election.

Engrnvings of the busts of General Washington, Gov.
Hancock, first PresideDt of Congress, and Thomas Jefferson,
6Tst Secretary of State.

Fac similes of the liand-wriling of five of the Fathers, who
landed at Plymouth in the May-Flower, on the 2ad of Decem-
ber, 1620, viz. William Bradford, William Brewster, Edward
Wttulow, Miles Standish, Thomas Prence.

TnBscript of record and forms of proceedings in an accn-
aation of crime before the Judicial Court having jurisdiction
thereof ; in pcrpeliiam memoriam rci. Attest, James T. Austin,
Attorney for the Commonwealth for SutTolk County.

Forms used at the Custom House, and to which are attach-
ed the signatures of the President of the United States^ the
Secretaries of Slate, and the Collector of the Customs for
the time being, viz. Mediterranean Passes on Parchment,
a ship's Register and Clearance.

An account of the Battle of Bunker Hill, taken from a
periodical publication at Philadelphia, in 1B18, called the
Analectick Magazine.

Also, a Biographical Sketch of General Warren.

The SOth number of the North American Review, published
by Messrs. Cummings and Hilliard in July, 1818, containing
a review of " An Account of the Bailie of Bunker Hill by H.
Dearborn, Major General of the United Slates Army, in 1818."
'id. " A Letter to Major General Dearborn, repelling his unpro-
Toked attack on the character of the late Major General
Urael Putnam, by Daniel Putnam, Esq. 1616." This review is

understood to have been written by the Hon. Daniel Webster,

DDW a member of Congress from Massachusetts.
.Ubo, a Discourse delivered at Plymouth, December 22d,

1822, iu commemoration of the first settlement of New Eng-

Isnd, by Daniel Webster.

For the information of futurity, the Building Committee
give the following facts in relation to the erection of this
i.xdifce:
kTlie appropriation for the building of this Bank by the
Institution, was one hundred thousand dollars ; of
) sum, fifty-four thousand eight hundred and tifly dollars
■at paid for the land ; and it is the hope of the Building
Coflimitlee, that the whole sum disbursed will not exceed the
appropriation.

The Pillars, under one of which this document is placed,
were quarried in Chelmsford in this State, being the first

?OL. I. TUIRO SEBIEB. 34

278

Boston Bills of Mortality.

gnimie ahafts, of these dimensiona, ever erected in thii country.
Their dimensiona arc twenty-four feet in length, four feet
diameter at the base, and tlirce feet at the head. The cost
of them, delivered at the spot where ihcy were quarried, was
nine liundred dollars each, and tlie expense of bringin^i; them
here about fire hundred dollars each. They were brought
separately, by land, and drawn by thirty-four yoke of oxen.
The stone of the walls of the Bank was worked principally it
the Slate Prisons at Charlestown, Massachusetts, and Cooa
I Jiew Hampshire.

Th, Jrehit

<a, SOLOMON WILLARD.

Kaun. GBIDLEY BRYANT.

Oarftnfr, JAMES MoALLASTEB.

SldllKD,

OARDIPJF.R OREENE, Prttiiitnt, 1

JOHN WELLEa. f

THOMAS U. PKRKINS, > BuUding Comm

DANIEL P. I'ARKER, \

J- PARKER, /

lioslvn, N^oeembtr 30, 1824.
Atieai,

SAMUEL FROTHINGHAM, Caihtr^

Extract from the Records,

SAMUEL FROTHINGHAM. Caskirr.i

[The Bills of Mortality for Boston have not be^n inxerled in onr
Tolumes since that of 1817, in to!, VHI. p, 40. of Sccob<I Seriw.
Yet their iiripordnce is of increasing interest, to convince us of
the improving health of thia city.]

Abstbact of the Bills of MoHXALiTr for the Town
OF Boston, from December 31, 1817, agrceabufi
to the Record kept at the Health Office.

"Under I year,

112

From 50 to 60,

51 38

¥nm 1 lo 2,

9S; 60 lo 10,

36 35

2 to 5,

70 10 80,

25 24

. 5 10 10,

80 lo 90,

9 11

10 lo 20,

90 to 100,

2 2

20 10 30,

110

30 lo 40,

113

Total

40 to 50,

109

Hj^

Bosim mis of MortaHty.

^s^^^H

The Doallu above mentioned

ucie eauied by DiiesBea and Caiu&ltieB, o) ^H

follows, Vil.

Abscesses,

Fever, typhus,

112 ■

Accidental,

Fits,

AneurisTii,

Gout,

Angina pectoris.

Gravel,

1 ^H

Apoplexy,

Hepatitis,

^ ^H

Bums,

Hernia,

1 ^H

CanocT,

Hffimorrhagia,

CMority.

Hooping cough.

■

Ciiolen,

Hydrocephalus

nf.

■

138

Infantile diseases,

156 ^^M

Cnunp,

^^H

Croup,

Intemperance,

"^ ^H

Cynanche maligna,

Measles,

1 ^H

DebUity,

Mortification,

* ^H

Diseases unknown,

246

Old age,

32 ^^H

Palsy,

° ^V

Dropfiy,

Phrenitis,

■

Dyspepsy,

Pleurisy,

■

DninkenneBs,

Quincy,

■

Drowned,

Rickets,

2 ' ■

Dysentery,

Scalds,

Dysury,

Scrofula,

Fever, Bilious,

Spasms,

Intermittent,

Still-born,

■

Inflammatory,

Suicide,

Nervous,

Sudden,

■

Piilmonick,

Ulcers.

■

Putrid,

Puerperal,

Total.

^^^

1819.

Male. Fe.

Toi, ;

Male. F

T... ^^

Pnder 1 year, 77 53

130 From 40 to 50,

44 28 72 "■

fTwn I to 2, 52 39

91 50 to 60,

26 29 59 ■

— 2lo 5, 27 14

41 60 to 70,

13 27 45 ■

5 to 10, 17 21

38' 70 to 80,

13 20 33 ■

10 to 20, 21 28

49j 80 to 90,

3 13 16 ■

20 to 30, 67 58

125

■

30 to 40, 58 36

94 1

789 ■

' h tKJdhioD 10 the sbore, ihose

buried (torn the AIrisTiousp, Dud (he

1 >9» ■

%gp.c»., ....:...

89 ^1

Total...

..1070 9

^B 280 Boston Bills of Mortality.

^H [all<.w>,vi>,

^^m Apoplexy, 6

Fever, Puerperal,

^1 Burns and scalds, 3

Fits,

^H Cancers, 3

Hepatitis,

^H Casualty, 8

H«morrhagia,

^H Cholera morbus, II

Hernia,

^H Cholera inrantum, 1

Hooping cough.

^H Consumption, ITd

Hydrocephalus inter.

^H Croup, 9

Infantile diseases,

l«

^H Cynanche trachialis, 9

Influenza,

^H Debility, 9

Insanity,

^B Diarrhota, 1

Intemperance,

^H Diseases of the heart, 3

Jaundice,

^H Diseases unknown, 192

Killed in a duel,

^H Drinking cold water, 2

Old age,

H Dropsy, 23

Poison,

^H Drowned, 13

Phthisis,

^H Dygeiilery, IS

auincy,

^H Dyspepsy, 2

RickelB,

H Fever, TyphuB, 108

Scorbulick,

Scarlatina anginosa.

f '

■ Pleurisy, 3

Spasms,

^1 Bilious, 10

Still-born,

^H Nervous, 4

Sudden,

H Scarlatina, 2

Suicide,

^1 Rheumatick, 6

Suffocation.

^H Malignant, 32

Teething,

M Worm, 1

Tetanus,

1 J

H Yellow, 1

— _ 1

■ Total

I07»J

H 1820.

^H Mnla. Fe. Tol.l M»la.

F«- TotS

H Under 1 year, 84 73 157 From 60 to 70, 19

24 ^

^1 From 1 to 2, 46 48 94 70 to 80, 14

26 WM

^1 2 to 5, 30 32 62 80 to 90, 9

16 3(9

H 5 to 10, !3 14 27 90 to 100, 0

4 a

H 10 to 20, 19 38 57

Unknown, 50

62 11^

H 20 to 30, 66 65 131

Still-born,

^1 30 to 40, 54 45 99

' — ^1

H 40 to 50, 58 36 94

^H 50 to 60, 43 26 69

Boston Bills of MortcUity.

Tbi nambet of Demha nl
poor, and four who we
CamaluM ■■ Jbtlow ;

AbtcesB,

Accident,

Apoplexy,

Bilious Colick,

Bums,

Cakulns,

CaocCT,

Cancerated uterus,

Cunalty,

Cbtdeni iDrantum,

morbus,

Cramp,

CoDsumplion,

Croup,

Debility,

Diairhata,

Disease of the heart,

Diseases unknown,

Diatorted spine,

Drinking cold water,

Dropsy,

Drowned,

Djrwntery,

Dripepay,

Enteritis,

Fe*er,

Nervous,

— iDflammatory,
I — In term it ting,

— Puerperal,

— Pneumonia,
— Rheuniatick,

Putrid,

-— Scarlet,

Spotted,

—— Typhus,

i;Fiu,

7 ; Fracture,
10. Gout,
1 . Ilemoptisis,
1 1 Ilsemorrhagia,
1 Hanging,
1 Hernia,
1 Hepatitis,
5 Hooping cough,
8 Infantile diseases,

Inflammation of the brain,

Influenza,

Ii,«.nUy,

Intemperance,

Jaundice,

Mortification,

Murdered,

Old age,

Paralysis,

Pleurisy,

Poison,

Quincy,

Rickets,

I j Scalds,
5 1 Scrofula,
3 1 Spasms,

6 1 Strangled,

5 Strangulated hernia,

3 j Still-born,

I I Suddenly,
8 , Suicide,

Syphilis,
Teething,
Throat distemper,
Worms,

3
220

S. B. Ttiera were do deathi in ilia Hospitnl on RainBrorcl'i Island, dariag
ih ibOTB period. — The namtwT of nihabitanii in this town, by the l*tl cenmi,
«i»0,8W.

Boston Bills of Mortality.
1821.

M>le.

Fo.

Tol.

Malo.

Fo.

Tor.

Under 1 yetr,

103
94

81
94

184 From 60 to 70, 26
188 70 to 80, 20

From 1 to a,

2 lo 5,

116 80 10 90, 7

5 lo 10,

47 90 1O100, 0

10 to 20,

53 Still-born,

20 to .30,

136li;nknown, 82

151

30 lo 40,

133

40 lo 50,

108 Tola

420

50 to 60

■ndwer

s OBUHd br Diioaiea and Cainallies ai follow :

Abscess

Fever, Inflammatory,

Accidental,
Angina pectoris.

Nervous,

Puerperal,

Apoplexy,

Pulmonick,

Asthma,

Rheumatick,

Burns,

Scarlatina,

Cancer,

Typhus,

Cancerated uterus,

Fits,

Casually,

Gravel,

Cholera infantum.

Hffimorrhagia,

morbus.

Hooping cough.

Chronick diarrhc

^a.

Hydrocephalus intermi

dysentery.

Hydroihorax,

Consumption,

192

Infantile diseases.

153

Cynanche Iracliialis,

Insanity,

Croup,

Intemperance,

Diseases of tlio heart

4
243

Jaundice,

unkuow-

Lumber abscess.

Diseascd scapula

Marasmus,

Debility,

Measles,

149

Dcliriuu) tremens.

Monification,

Dropsy,

Murdered,

Drowned,

Old age.

Drunkenness,

Paralysis,

Dysentery,

Phthisis,

Dyspepsy,

Phrenilis,

Enteritis,

Cluincy,

Epilepsy,

Scald,

Fever,

Scrofula,

Bilious,

Scirrhous liver.

Boston Bttls o/Mortakttf. 283 ■

fltirrhous spleen.

1 1 Suflocation, 1 ^H

ulema,

Syphilis, 1 ^^m

^pina bilida.

Tubcrculalcd piithisis, 1 ^^^H

Spasms,

Ulcerated stricture of in- ^^^^|

StiU-born,

116

^^^^B

Sodden,

White swelling, 1 ^H

Suicide

Tolsl 1430 H

H. B. There were ele

tren death! io Ibe Hoipilal on Raiiulbrd'i Idud H

dwiiv Ad abo*e period

viz. nitie of yellow fe»et, nad iwo of ebrooick _H

dkiriHn.

^^H

HaJe.

Fe. Tot.| Male- Fe. Tot. ^^^^1

Under 1 year, 92

72 164

From 60 to 70, 18 36 54 ^^^H

Fkom 1 to 2, 55

41 96

70 to 80, 17 22 89 ^H

2 10 5, 32

22 54

80 to 90, 7 15 22 ■

5 to 10, 19

23 42

90 to 100, 1 2 3 ■

10 to 20, 22

27 49

StilUborn, 115 ■

20 to 30, 63

66 129

Unknown, 63 64 127 ■

30 to 40, "0

50 120

-1

40 to 50, 69

44 113

Total 1203 ■

50 to 60, 42

34 176

The Dombrr of Dcmh. above intrude thou in the Alm.Lou,.., and the city'j H

poot

and were cauied u follow* : ^H

Atxcess,

5 : Dropsy, 43 H

AccIdeDtal,

2 ' Diseased heart, 3 ■

Apopleiy,

6 Drowned, 31 ■

Asthma,

2 Dysentery, 31 ■

Burnt,

1 epilepsy, 2 ■

Cucer,

8 Fever, Typhus, 34 H

Cuialty,

15 Lung, 41 ■

Connimplion,

166 ' Inflammatory, 6 ■

Ctamp,

2 Bilious, 10 ■

10 Puerperal, 6 ■

H||fclen morbus,

Pleurisy, 5 H

^^Hdi, bilious,

Nervous 4 H

HKRinche trachialis,

Rheumatick, 2 ■

■ HHiiKtT

Yellow, 1 ■

1 Mnb*^

Putrid, 1 ■

■ niMMiaaknowii,

216

Fits, 8 ^^M

284

BotUm Bill* of MortaUt^,

Gout,

<Md age.

Gravel,

Palsy,

Hanging,

Quincy,

Htemorrbagia,

Scrofula,

Hooping cough,

Scald,

Hydrocephalus,

Scirrhus,

Hysteria,

Still-bom,

115

Jaundice,

Strangulated hernia.

Infantile,

244

Sudden,

Inflammation, brain.

Suicide,

bowels.

Sttflbcated,

Intemperance,

Spasms,

Insanity,

Syphilis,

Leprosy,

Tetanus,

Marasmus,

White swelling.

Meades,

Worms,

MorUfication,

Murdered,

Total...

...1203

1823.

Under I year.
From 1 to %

2 to 5,

5 to 10,

10 to 20,

20 to 30,

30 to 40,

40 to 50,

50 to 60,

Male. Fe. Tot.

96 64 160

49 45 94

20 18 38

20 17 37

22 29 51

55 77 132

58 59 117

63 56 119

33 30 63

From 60 to 70,

70 to 80,

80 to 90,

90 to 100,

Still-born,
Unknown,

Malt.

20
9
3

Fe.
S6
22
13

63 58

Toi.

109

121

Total 1154

The number of Deaths above include those in the Almshouse and the citjr

poor, occasioned as follows :

Abscess,

Accidental,

Angina pectoris.

Aneurism,

Apoplexy,

Asthma,

Atrophy,

Burns,

4
16
1
1
11
1
1
&

Carbuncle,

Casualty,

Cancer,

Cholera infantum,

Cholera morbus,

Colick, bilious.

Consumption,

Croup,

1
4

168

Boston Bills of Mortality.

Cf nanche trachialis,
Debility,

Delirium tremens,
DtarrtxBa,
Discuses unknown,

of the heart.

Dropsy,

Drowned,

Dysentery,

Dyspepsy,

Effusion of brain,

Epilepsy,

Fever, InflammBtory,

PulmoDick,

Pleurisy,

Typhus,

Nervous,

Rheumalick,

Puerperal,

Intermittent,

Tellow,

Fits,

Fractures,

Gout,

Gravel,

Hernia, strangulated.

Hooping cough,

Hydrocephalus,

Hydrothorax,

Infantile diseases,
Inflammation of brain,
bowels.

Intemperance,

Jaundice,

Marasmus,

Morli&calion,

Old age,

Organick disease, brain.

Palsy,

Phthisis,

duincy.

Rheumatism,

Scrofula,

Scalded,

Scirrhous liver.

Sphacelus,

Spasms,

Still-born,

Stricture, urethra,

Suddenly,

Suicide,

Syphilis,

Teething,

White swelling,

Worms,

Wounds,

184
16
15

1
6
1
3

109
3

Under I year,
From I to 2,

1824.

MbIp. Fe. Tot. I Male. Fa. Tol.

105 94 199 From 50 to 60, 48 36 84

54 65
42 40

5 to 10.

10 to 20,

.'11

20 to 30,

30 to 40,

40 to 50,

119-

82|-

- GO to 70, 21 33

70 to 80,

39 j 80 to 90,

55 90 lo 1 00,

159 Slill-bom,

138|Unknown,

no]

PPV

H AbBceas,

Fever, Puerperal,

^H Accidental,

Putrid,

^M Apoplexy,

Spotted,

■ Asthma,

Fits,

^* Atrophy,

Fungus,

Bilious colick,

Gout,

Biccdirig at the lungs,

Gravel,

Burns,

Hepatico gasteritis,

]

CaiicerouB humour,

Hooping cough,

Canker,

Hydrothorai,

1 in the bowels,

Inflammation,

C\ar\'HiT\iAp

Chicken pox,
Cholera morbus,

Complaint of the heart.

7
11
4

> 3

Insanity,

Complication of disorders

Intemperance,

Complaint of the bowels,

Marasmus,

Consumption,

242

Measles,

Croup,

Mortification,

Debility,

Old age,

Decay of nature,

Ossification,

Decline,

Palsy,

Delirium tremens.

Diarrhcea,

Pneumonia,

Diseases unknown,

195|tiuincy,

infantile.

32;Rhcumatism,

Disorder of the mesente

Rupture,

rick glands,

Salt rheum.

j*!/^irr]kilq

Drinking cold water.

Scrofula,

Dropsy,

Spasms.

of the head,

Still-born,

of the chest.

Strangulated hernia,

Drowned,

Strangury,

Dysentery,

Sudden,

Enlarged spine,

1 'Suicide,

1 Epilepsy,

2|Sutrocation,

n Fever,

5 'Syphilis,

^M Lung,

71 Teething,

^H Nervous,

Tetanus,

White swelling,

H Brain,

Worms,

^H Pleurisy,

Wounds,

^ Typhus,

' Bilious,

12911

N. B. There woie aim Ihree

DeBthg of yellow fever, aod two of imaU

KX.J

^^ iatba Hoipital, RBlusTordlilaDd,

^^^^^^^^^^^ AiphaheticeU lAsts.

287 H

Alphabetical Lists of the Residekt and

THE Cob- H

BESPO.NDING MemBEB3 OF THE

Massachusetts His- ^|

TORiCAL Society.

^H Sltsnrcnt ^tmbrts.

■

^^^H Those villi • preSiei] hivo died. Those

wilh t h»re resign

^^^^H

.Vam«. Raiden/x.

Timep/Ela-

DaroK, Re- ^^^^^B

Hob. John Ailsnis, LL, D. auinc;,

31 July, ISM

Hog. John Q. Adami, LL. D. Boslun,

27 April 1 am

Jfwpli Allm, Eh. Worcater,

TS^I. IMS

Rrr. Jotui Allyo, D. D. Duibury,

aoOclo. 1799

•Hon. J«i.h BuUeii, M. D. Ch»pl«to»n,

M April, 1798

tHon. WiUi«in B«jliei, M. D. Uighlon,

Oiiglnalmcmberll 06 Apr. iSIE ^H

•Rn. J«cra} Belhnip, D. D. BobUxi.

do.

tRrr. WilliBm Brnllct, Saltrm.

as Mm-. 1T96

39 Dec.' 1SI9 ■

]m» Bomfmn. E-,. Bo.lon,

«7Aug. IMl

«UdRl BnuUbrd, £». do.
•Cipt. GiD»l»l Bnaronl, do.

a Jan, 1793

«7 JRK. 1830 ^1

31 Oolo. 1797

T Msr. IWi* ■

•Ut. John Bndlord, Roibur>-,

30 JtD. ir9rl

27 Jin. I83S H

•TbomM Braille, Em. CniiihndEf.
■Bex. Jo»ph S. Bucftmintler, Bo-loii,
Chulcs Bulfioch, t:«|. do.

36 April, 1797

13 Aog. IBU3 ^H

2E April, Ii411

9 June, isil H

lOOclo. IBOI

■

Elidw Clip. A. n. Boston,

a9 0«o. iftia

-.^fl

•Kit. John Clark, D- D. da.

26 Jaa. I79fi

">{;;:' i;^ ^H

•Hon. felcB Coffin, Eh. Nsnluckel,

13 Aug. ITS!

Ht. JoMph Coolidm, jun, BoiIod.

as April, lell
89 BUy, 179a

EG leiG ^^^^H

H«,Johi.DBTU,LL,D. Bo.lon,

!1 Octo. 1791

■

!L>. IMgi«l £)■•>■, Eiq. do.

29 M«y, ITM

Ht.SuniielDaTi*, Plfmaulb,

30 Jim. isia

l|:k«':'^^ »,

2S April, IBUI
29 liar. I7W

'"' 1

^PShMni Eliot. 0. D. Bosim,

OriBiDBl Kiembc
24 Aug. 1813
13 July, 1801

H Feb. ^1

Ft-WLS...., 3:

UMay. ISII H

■ Rm.AR». Ed. KT<raU,P.D. Cnnibridgi-,

27 ApJil, .820

1 } mi. and J. Pncman. J, S,Uliran, Eig. B

91. Pr««K, Rn

. J. Bdkfjtp, ^1

I. My. J-hachcr, M'. Tudor. E^. ^M

Ur r. Wattaa. md J. Wtnlhrep, E,q.
1

288

Alphabetical Lists*

Barnes.

*WiUiain Fiske, Esq.
tReT. Ebenezer Fitch, D. D.
ReT. James Freeman, D. D.
tNathaniel Freeman, Esq.

Residence.

Waltham,
Williamstown,
Boston,
Sandwich,

Time qfElee-
turn.

Deeeaae, Re-
ngntdian,^.

26 April, 1797 13 Aug. 1803

30 Octo. 1798 3 April, 1817
Orieinal member

23 Octo. 1792 26 Oct. 1808

*Caleb Gannett. Esq. Cambridge,

Samuel P. Garaner, Esq. Boston^

ReT. Ezra S. Goodwin, Sandwich,

Hon. Christopher Gore, LL. D. Waltham,

Hon. Francis C. Gray, Boston,

31 Octo. 1797
24 Aug. 1824
26 April, 1822
30 Jan. 1798
29 Jan. 1818

25 April, 1818

Nathan Hale, Eso. Boston,

Rey. Thaddeus Mason Harris, Dorchester,

Leyi Hedffe^ LL. D. Cambridge,

tStephen HisginsonMun. Esq. Boston,

Rey. Abiel Holmes, D. D. Cambndge,

Rey. Jonathan Homer, Newton,

27 Jan. 1820
13 Aug. 1792

29 Aug. 1816
26 Jan. 1803
24 April, 1798

30 April, 1799

26 Aug. 1812

Hon. Charles Jackson, LL. D. Boston,
Rey. William Jenks, do.

29 Aug. 1816
27 Aug. 1821

Hon. Daniel Kilham, Wenham,

Rey. J. T. Kirkland, D. D. LL. D. Cambridge,

24 April, 1798
26 Jan. 1796

*Hon. Benjamin Lincoln, Hingham,

*Uaac Lothrop, Esq. Plymouth,

John Lowell, Lsq. LL. D. Boston,

Rey. Charles Lowell, D.D. do.

Hon. Theodore Lyman, jun. do.

19 July, 1798
11 Octo. 1791
30 Jan. 1823
29 Aug. 1S16
24 Apnl, 1823

Bfar, 1810
July, 1806

♦Rev. Joseph McKean,
John Melleii, Ksq.
James C. Merrill, Esq.
♦Geo. Richards Minut, EUq.
Hon. Nahum Mitchell,
Rev. Jedediah Morse, D. D.

Cambridge,

do.
Boston,

do.
Bridgewater,
Charleslown,

7 Sept. 1808
23 Oclo. 1792
27 April, 1820
Original member
25 Aug. 1818
2C Jan. 1796

17 Mar. 1818

2 Jan. 1803

Benjamin R. Nichols, Esq.

Boston,

2'J Jan. 1819

♦Rev. Stephen Palmer,
♦Ebenezer Parsons, Esq.
♦Wm. Dandridge Peck, A. M.
♦Mr. Thomas Pemberlon,
tEliphalet Pearson, LL, D.
♦James Perkins, Ksq.
Hon. John Pickering, LL. D.
Rev. John Pierce, D. D.
Rev. John Snelling Popkin,
♦Ezekiel Price, Esq.
Rev. John Prince, LL. D.

Needham,

Boston J

Cambridge,

Boston,

Andover,

Boston,

Salem.

Brookiinc,

Mewbury,

Boston,

Solcm,

27 Aug.

IRIC

1^*2 I

31 Jan.

1797

Nov.

ISI^

8 Octo.

1792

Oclo.

l««i

13 Aug,

1792

July.

ISOT

2S Jan.

1800

Aug.

181 O

29 May,

1792

Aug.

Id-^tii

29 Jan.

1818

31 Jan.

1809

13 July,

1801

30 April,
29 Jan.

1793

July,

ISOr:^

1793

^^^F Alphabetical

Lasts.

289 1

Reudma-

TimtB/EUc-

OKeoM. Ae- H

amn.

(ton.

t^r>w»«>.iK ^H

H«. J<Nul> (tuinqr,

BMlon.

aOJoly, IT»6

^^1

•Ink Rand. M. D.

Boalon,

19 July. 1798

Decern IdM ^^^|

■r. Otadiab Rich,

do.

£ Mir. HOG

Ek>. Sunocl Riplrf,

W.liham,

17 Jan. isa-i

^^^1

H«L LcTcrelt Sillofuudl,

S>l<ftn,

2T Aug. ISIS

^^^1

Bm. Junei $i«ue,
Wilban Smiih Sbtw. eShj.

Bo.toB.

■it, Jan. 1^1 :i

Turk.

II Oei. IT9I

BntoB.

T Noi. lans

Nolaawl 0. Socllug. K>q.

do.

S9 Jao- IS18

Il«. WillUm Spo««, m! D.

do.

as April, IT9G

•Williun J.Spoooer,^.
Hon. Jowph Slorr, LL. D.
•Hi> Bx- Caleb Sirong, LL. D

da.

9t April, I8M

IT Oei. IBM ^1

Satrm,

25 April, 18l«

aiJuVieoo

No*. 1319 ^1

•B« Ei. June. SulliTun, LL. D

Bosion,

Orieinal member
S9 April, MOO

10 Dec. iwM ^H

William SoUinn. I-Uq.

a L>a«doi>Sum><d,Caq.

do.

2!^ April, ISOI

•Rrr. Peter Thichfr, D. D.

BoBlon,

Original member

IC Dec. l»Dt ^1

•JoahuM Thomas. Eaq

Phmoath.

2S OcL. ISOg

Jan. IS3I ^H

toUh Tbomu, EH|.

2S April, 1811

<J«ph Tilden, Ehj.

Bo«^

30 Jan. 1513

U AprU. iai« ^1

Salem.

26 Aug. I8IT

•William Tudor, Esq.
WiaiamTBdor-jun-twi
tMc. SamDrl Tiinll,

Boaloa.

Origioal DMmber

UB April, tblS
aoJulj, 1793

da!

27 1811 ^^^^B

Dadl,iAlku..Tjng.E«,.

do.

30 April, 1)93

1 Xi.TbaiwaWallcNl,

BOSIOB,

Origina! member
31 Jan. 1SX3
39 April, 1800

^^^1

^■EOuiMl Wcb«ler,I.L. D.

do.

T Aug- 1»00 ^^^B

do!

27 Aeg. ISai

^^Eladfbnl Wehiler.

do.

13 AJ|. 1792

do.

13 Aug. IJ9J

Vi F^,' isll 1

■*h». Peter Whiticri

«hte Williami, ^.
«n.Zephanial>Will»,

Deerflcld.

30 ajf 1798

V7it\j'. 1SI« ^1

K.nitMan.

23 April, 1301

t^. IB3I ^H

■a^Jwnei Winlhmp,
■B^WilliunWiDlUp,

Cambrid^,

Original member

Bosion,

28 Aug. iSM

Cambridge,

27 Jan. laao

E Feb. im ^^^1

e^ottrnponuina

pitmlJtrft.

T B«. pRdcrkk Ad«lui.g,

Berlin, Prmna

25 April, l«tt

1 On. lUt

^^^1

1 iH.Timolbj At(l«n,ju«,
1 WrnlAadeHnn, M. D-

Mcadrillr, Pn

B<iiu)>. Ijwil.

27 Aug. ISOt
26 Apnl, ISIt

■l HtLChuleiH. AlbertoD,

Auihar.!, N, H

^^^^1

JlphabeUeal LUt$.

Namet. Ketumee. ^^^ aignaHon,

^Gudineff Baku, Eaq. If. Toik. N. T. 17 Aug. 17M Oct.

RcT. John B«Mctt, Albujr. do. 29 Aug. 1809

^Bemamin & Bwum, M. D. PlillwMjphia. Pa. 96 Jan. 17M

William Barton, Esq. Laneaat. db. 36 Oct. 1802

Samual Bajaid, Caq. New Jmej, 24 April, 1817

William Bkrant, Eaq. Tenneoaae, 26 Oct. 1796 20 Jnly,

M. Carlo BotU, Paria, l>Vaaee, 26 Oct. 1820

*Hon. Eliaa Boodinoc, LL. D. Now Jeraey. 29 April, 1813

Rer. Andrew Brown, D. D. Bdinb. SeoU. 10 April, 1793

Rl Hon. Earl of Bockan, do. 10 Aug. 1808

George Chalmert, Eaq. London, Eng. 25 April, 1816

James Clarker Em. Halifiuc,N.S. 17 Ang. 1796

His Ex. Ds Witt CUnlon, LL. D. New York, 28 Apnl, 1814

Adm. Sir Isaac Colin, London, Eng. 31 Oct. 1822

M. De La Fkyetta, LL. D. Ac. 28 Oct. 1824

Hearj W. Peesanasnre, Esq. Charleston, 8. C. 26 April, 1797

M. Jalins De Wallenstein, 28 Oct. 1824

Benjamin De Witt, IL D. AUnuit, N. Y. 18 Joly, 1799

Bev. John Disaer, D. D. Hjnle. England. 26 Anrfl, 1809

John Dnnn, LL. D. KillalT, Ireland, 1 Dec. 1797

Peter 8. Du Poneenn. Eaq. Pbiladelpbia, Pa. 29 Jan. 1818

*Bev.Timo. Dwjght,D. D. LL. D. N. Haren, Con. 31 Oct. 1797 1 i Jan. 1

*RsY. C. D. Ebeling (Piofeaaoi) Hamborgfa, 28 Oct. 1794

Samnei Eddy, Eaq. Profidenoe, R. L 27 Ang. 1806

*Ref . Andrew Eliot, PaiHMd, Con. 30 Oct. 1798 26 Oct. l

"^Bev. John Erakiaa, D. D. Edinb. Seotl. 8 Oct. 1792

George W. Erf ing, Eaq. 31 Oct. 1822

Mr. John Farmer, Concord, N. H. 31 Jan. 1822

Moses Fiske. Tennessee, 31 Oct 1811

*Hon. Theodore Fbster, Proridence, R. I. 28 Oct. 1800

^Anthony Pothergill, M. D. Bath, Eog. 28 Aug. 1804

John W. Francis, M. D. N. York, N. Y. 27 Jan. 1814

^Constant Freeman, Esq. Fort Nelson, 25 April, 1811

Jonathan Goodhue, Esq. N. York, N. Y. 29 April, 1319

Rer. Thomas Hall, Leghorn, 28 April, 1801

ReT. Wm. Harris, D. D. NewYofk, 27 Jan. 1814

N. A. HaTen, jun. Esq. Portsmouth, N. H. 31 Jan. 1822

*£benezer Hazard, Esq. Philadelphia, Pa. 29 May, 1792

*ReT. Arthur Homer, D. D. Cambrioge, Eng. 28 Jan. 1800 L

DaTid Hosack. M. D. N. York, N. Y. 27 Jan. 1814

^Gilbert Harrison Hubbard, Esq. Demarara, 18 Not. 1796 11 Blay, L

Baron Alex. Von HumboUt, Paris, France, 30 Oct. 1817

^Elisha Hutchinson, Esq. Birmingham, Eng. 27 April, 1320

■ » ■ - ■

Hon. JoboJiT, LL.D.
•Ednid Iraaei, M. D.

WitliuD JahnKia,
•Sir William Jonei,
Hkhul Jot, Esq.

M^abetictd lAsia.

Time of ^a-

291

Dtceate, Re-

ngnaiiont ^f^

29 filay, 1731

29 Oct, 1812

28 May, IBOE
:tLB(Dgil, ar Jpn. ir9G 27 April, I7M
B.Eog. 37 Ang. IBll

N. Yort, W. V.
England,

N«w York,

CilcuttL B(Dgil, 27 Jpi

M BarUHuboii,

Paris, France,

il karsb, A. H. New HaTen, Con.

Hod. Jobn Marahall, LL. D. Richmond, Va.

Hon. Jeremiah Mauio, LL. D. Porlimoulh, N. H.

Major Hugh McCall, Saiannah, Goo.

■RtT. Daiid McClure, Cast Windnor, Ct.

Fbincas Miller, Etq. SsTannah, Geo.

•R«T. Samuel MiUer, D. D. N. York, N. Y.
Sanael Lalbam Hllcbell, H. D. da. do.

R«T. Robert Honiion, D. D. Hacao, China,

28 Oct. 1834
1 Sept. I BOO
39 Aug. 1809
26 Anil, 1321

30 OcL 1617
17 Aug. I79S
17 Aug. 1796
IS July, 179«

31 Oct, 18l«

Hoa. Nilbaniel Milei,

Bt*. Ata Norton,

Bn. Eliphalet Hott, D. D.

Saliibnry, N. C. 37 April, 1302

Pairlee.Vi. 2 /an, ir93

Parii, N. Y. 31 Jan. 1797

Scbrnectuly, N. Y. 39 April, 1813

, Mb Pintaid, Eaq.

Hia,TiaiDlhTpilki

Then of Phil. Pa,
ThenorDemer.
N. York, N. Y,
Farminglon, Cod,
lipping, N. H.

24 April, 1798
28 Jan. 1800
28 Oct. 1813
36 Aug. 1812
36 Aug, 1S07

\ <&■, DiTid lUsuay, H. D. Chulealou, 8. C. 29 Hay, 1793

I UnimRamnT, Eh. do, do, 2!> April, 1797

I Vaimd RaodDlpb, Em^. Philadelpbio, Pa, 33 Oct. 1793

I In.JuKiBiehanli.D. D. , 36 Jid, ibis

1 'Wild, Beoj. T. Count, London, Eng, 30 Jan, 1798

Hudion, N. Y. 2« Aug. 1S02

iiippi, 38 Jan. 17M

b.VoU, 31 Jan. 1822

Newport, R. 1. 18 Not. 1796

New Haren, Con. Ang. 180C

M. York, N. y. 1 Dec. 1797

Staron, Con. 29 April, 1813

London, Kng. 29 April, 1819

.... Quebeck, Can. 29 May, 1792

bJwaMooDci, Maniu'B Biuidon,Ti.2« Not. 1793

BSUb^DTD. LCD. NewUB»n, Con. 23 Oct. 1793

f9S

Offimt of At Society.

fionntM,

Rendemee*

Htm,

Hon. SftiDiiel TeoMT, M. D. Eietw, N. H. 8 Oet. irM

*GlMrl«t TImhiimb, Ibq. Pbibdelphift, Ft. 29 IU7, 17W

*flifl Eie. Jooatluui Trambiill, Lebtnoo, Coo. 80 Apnl| 1799

*RtT. BflnHUBiiiTruDboU,D.]). North Buifin.Ct 80 Oet. 1790
Hon. St. <Wk« Tucker, WiUiambnigh, Va. 17 Aag. 1795

Re-

Aoff. 1824
7 Aog. 1809

Gm. ChariM VtUucyi
Hod. Stoplmi Van lUpialif,
36tui VftoglMiD, Esq.
Gnliao C. Verplanck, Esq.

DQblia, IfttaDd,
Atbaoy. N. 7.
PhilMfolpbu, Pft.
N. YorMf. T.

7 No?. 1106

81 Jan. 1797

29 Aoff. 1802

27 Jan. 1820

Robert Wabbi
*R.WatMm,D.D.
Blkanab Wataon,
Noab WebateriJiui.
Oiwriao Manr Went
Jonathan Wuiiama, Em.
WUliam T. WmiamaTfiv.
aanmel WilUamt,
^Hon. John Wbetlodc, LL. D.
Dr. Hash Wiltiamaoa,
Hob. Oum Wobott,

Philadalphia, Pa. 29 Aof . 1820
of Landafi; CamberuuMlahare, 81 Jan. 1804

TbonofHaitftfid.Ct 18
HaliAo, N. S. 88

Philadelphia, Pa. 27

80
LoQdoa,BBi. 80

Hanofer, N. H. 26
Bdentoa, N. C. 17
New rorfc* 18

Aog. 1792
Mar, 1806
Oct. 1807
Anil, 1818
Oct. 1828
Aoff. 1807
Ang. 1796
Not. 1

J. Van Nets Vaten, Etq.

Albany, N. Y. 29 Ang. 1820

Officers of the Society.

PrB8IDBNT8.

James SalliTan,
Christopber Oore,
John DaTis, . .

1791—1806
1806—1818
1818

Recording Secretaries.

Thomai Wallcat, . . .

. 1791

Qeorg« Richards Mioot, .

. 1792

James Freeman, . . .

. 1793—1812

Joseph Mac-kean, . . .

. 1S12-1818

Charles Lowell, . . .

. 1818

Corresponding Secretaries.

Jeremy Belknap, .... 1791—1798

•John Bliot, 1798—1813

Abiel Holmes, 1813

Treasurers.

Wm. Tudor, . 1791—1 796 6t. 1799, 1805
Georse Richards Minot, . . 1796-17»»

Josian Quincy 1803— 1820

James Sarage, 1^20

Librarians.

John Eliot, . . 1791—1793,
Georse Richards Minot,
John Thornton Kirklaod,
William 8. Shaw, . .
Timotbv Alden, jun. .
Joseph Mac-kean, . .
Joseph Tilden, . . .
James Sa^ge, . . .
Nathaniel Q. Snelling,
KlishaClap, . . .
William Jenks, . .

1796 -179*^-
1793—179:^
1798—180^^

1806

1809—181^
1812— ISt*^*
1814—131^
IdlS— 182 ^
1821 — 189^3

1823

^^^^^^^C^^s ofXe iStoariy. *

^^^ft Assistant Lisrarianb.

3U lUumc.

^^B

^B^^tuid. . . . im. April to

Jeremr Belknap,
James PrpciDBa,

^^^M

^^BMWtUcai, . . 1TM,Aup»t.

Williiun Weimore,
Aaion Dexier.

^^^P Cabinet Kebpebs.

4lh Volamt.

^^H

^^BatRJchatdsMitiDt. iim

John ^1.01. ^'

^^H

James Freeman,

SnatI TiJreli, .*

Ceo^ Richardi Minoi.

^S^^^": :

leoe

^^^H

^^Ei W«b.lcr; . .

i8:o

Stt Firfume-

^^^^1

^^K

John Eliot,

^^^^H

Jurntt Frccmim,

Jedediab Mo«e.

^^"^ ^TANDiNo Committee.

Jotiab I^uiacf.

^^^H

Geoige Rkhmid. Minol, , - lT91-n93

6fA KiiJuntf.

^^^1

PtICTThicber, . . .

i79i~]eo2

Jtmn Winihmp, . .

irsi— isai

1793—1810
l7i(B— I8L8

Gbofec UichBTds Minol,
JoiiaTi Onincr,

J<arah QuiDcr, . . .

WiUum Tudor, .

i7se— IBM

Jolin Tboni'iDn KirklaDcl.

^^^^H

Waian Emcn»a, .

Join T. Eirkranii .

lenG— ISIS

Tbmtt L. Winlhrop.

ISIO

JM IWtimt.

iMnd Balmc, . /'_

laii— 1813

hMlPnCDUD, . .

Jedediah Wane,

lital^, '. . .

I8»

Abie) Holmes,

■BC^oV.- :

1818— jsao

William Spuoner.
Thaddeui Mbeod Hami-

^^^C.Cray. . .

^■ElUle,

8lA Volumt.

John Eliot,

CowHTTEEB Of Publication.

James Fncroan,
Peler Thuclief ,
WilliBm Sullinn.

F,.« s..,^.

^ Volume.

lol Votumt.

inS"™"

Josiab Quincy,
Jobn DiTis,
John T. Kiilcland,

JMBFrraiiBii,

WilUam Einenm.

Omp Kichardi Hiaol.

^^L ad Volume.

lOth Vofuma.

H^iiv...

Abiel Holmes,

^^ETkK>>«.

Tliaddeu. Ma^on Hami,

^MtaTador,

Thomas L. Winlhroj.,

WfcrtW«hw«.

John U. Adams,

25"

294

Qffieen of the Sodelg,

^motn^D Snoi.

Id Vchme,

John Dam,
Redford Webiter,
Alden BnuUbid,
JohnPierM.

9d Votume.

Abiel Holmes,
Thaddeut Maioo Harris,
Joaiah Qninar,
Joseph Mae-feeaa.

^Ww ^ ^^PBw^^^W*

James Freeman,
Alden Bradfeid,
Joaiah dninej,
Jamea Sittafe.

4tk Vokmt.

John Davis,
Joseph Mao-kean,
Willum Tudor,
Jamea Savage.

^^■■W w l^PVB^W^PV

Abiel Holmes,
Joseph Mac-keao.

Uh Vokme.

Abiel Holmes,
Joseph Bftac-kean.

7tk Vohme.

John Davis,
Abiel Holmes,
Joseph Hac-kean,
WUliam Tudor.

MVchoM.

Abiel Holmes,
Aldan Bradfind,
BUshaClap,
Jamea Savage.

Uk Vohme,

James Freeman,
John Pickering,
WiUiam Todor,
Jamee Savage,
Fiands C. Gray.

lOlh Volume,

Abiel Holmes,
John Pickering,
James Savage,
Bmgamin R. Nichols.

Thwd Siaiis.

id Volume.

WiUiam Jenks,
Charles EjowsU,
Jamea 8a'
WUliam J

Jt Spooner.

3<i VoUitne.

John Pickering,
James Bowdoin^
Benjamin R. Nichols,
James C. Merrill.

7b prepare the Indes.

Benjamin R. Nichols,
James C. Merrill,
William J. Spooner,
James Bowdoin.

Acknowledgment of Donations.

IHE thanks of the Massachusetts Historical Society
^represented for the following donations.
^^H^ A. HOLMES, Coiresponding Secretary.

^^Kansactions of American Philosophical Society, Vol.

1. New Series ; Eulogium on its late President, C. Wistar.

Presented by the Society.

A copy of Winthrop's MS. Catalogue of Harvard
College, with biographical Notes.

Usher Pnrsons, M. D.

MS. Letter of James Sullivan, Esq. to Rev. Dr. West,
on a difficult passage in prophecy, with Dr. West's
Answer. Rev. Dr. John Cushing.

Moore's (Rev. M.) Memoirs of the Life and Charac-
ter of Rev. John Eliot. The Author.

Letter from the Secretary of the Treasury, witli
Statements, showing the Commerce and Navigation of
U. S. for 1823. Hon. James Uoyd.

Account of the Salmo Otsego, or the Otsego Baas,
in a Letter from Gov. Clinton. Henry M. Francis, Esq.

Charter of the Redwood Library Company, granted
A. D. 1747. The Trustees.

Minutes of the General Assembly of the Presbyterian
Church in the United States ; Catalogue of Books in the
Library of Allegliany College. Rev. Timothy Alden.

Xlth and Xllltli Reports of New Hampshire Bible
Society. Maj. John D. Abbot.

rhe New Hampshire Register for 1 823.

The Compiler

296 Acknowledgment of Donations.

Journal of an Excursion made by the Corps of Cadets
of the Academy under Capt Alden Partridge, June,
1822; Doe's Newtonian Almanack for 1822; Dana's
Election Sermon, preached at Concord, 1823; Fourth
Annual Report of New Hainpshire Baptist Domestick
Missionary Society ; Curtis's Topographical and Histori-
cal Sketch of Epsom, New Hampshire ; President Ty.
ler's Election Sermon, N. H. 1824; Price's Chronologi.
cal Register of Boscawen, N. H. Mr. J. B. Moore

New Hampshire Register for 1824 ; Act of Incorpo-
ration, Constitution and By-Laws of the New Hamp-
shire Historical Society ; Concio Valedictoria (MS.)
anon. ; Acts of 2d Session of 12th Congress of U. S. ;
Journal of House of Representatives, N. H. 1820;
Proposals for carrying Mails of U. S. (2 copies;) Vlllth
Report of Bible Society of Charleston, S. C.

Mr. John Farmer.

Account of Berkshire Medical Institution.

Dr. Jacob Porter.

Laws of New Hampshire, 1805 to 1810.

Gen. Lofw.

Bradford's History of Mass. ; XVIth and XVI Ith
vols, of Mass. Reports ; Acts of Congress ; Gen. Sum-
ner's Letter on the Militia System ; and a collection of
pamphlets. Alden Bradford^ Esq.

Ten pamphlets, State Papers; two do. Senate Pa-
pers ; four do. Congressional Reports.

Massachusetts General Court.

Notes on passages in the North American Review of
" Europe, by a Citizen of the United States." By the
author of that work. N. Hale, Esq.

Order of Exercises, Exhibition African Free School^
1823. Committee of the Schools

Nov-Anglus and Massachusettensis. fV. S. Shaw, Esq •

Acknowledgment of Donations. 297

oUections of New York Historical Society, 3d vol.
The Society.

MS. Map of Merrimack River, (original,) taken a
short time before the American Revolution, by survey
of Grant and Wheeler, under the direction of Holland,
by order of the British Government.

D. A. Tyng, Esq.

Letters on the Eastern States ■ MSS. of JamcB
Otis, Esq.; MS. Book of a British Officer, 1799.
^^k WiUiam Tudor, Esq.

^^^nize Book, 4 Dumbers.

^^™^ B. A. Gould, Master ofPublick Latin School, Boston.

Nilcs's Weekly Register, from 1811 to 1822, 22 vols,
bound; General Index to the first 12 vols.; Niles's
Sketches of the Revolution ; First United States Census,
and the last; The Complete Soldier, Boston, 1701;
seventeen pamphlets. A Member of the Society.

Massachusetts Spy, 13 vols. Isaiah Tltomas, Esq.

Rev. S. E. Dwight's Address. Hon. T. L. Winthrop.

Gary's Genealogies of Bridgewater. Mr. G. Hallock.

Eleven Publications of the American Board Commis-
Honers, Foreigti Missions.

TTie Board of Commissioners.

Harris's Discourse before the Society for propagating
the Gospel among the Indians and others in North Ame-
rica, and the Reports of the Society, in 1 822 — 1 824 ; H un-
lington's Daniel, Sermon before the Massachusetts So-
ciety for promoting Christian Knowledge, with Report
for 1824 ; 8th and 9th Reports of the Directors of the
American Education Society ; Report of the American
Society for promoting the Civilization and General Im-

?rovement of the Indian Tribes within the United States ;
lolmes's Sermon at the Funeral of Rev. Dr. Osgood.
Corr. Secretary.

298 Acknowledgment of Donations.

Dana's Sermon on the Atonement, preached at the
Annual Convention of the Congregational and Presby-
terian Ministers of New Hampshire, 1824.

Mr. John W. Shepard.

Papers relating to the Ecclesiastical History of Ex-
eter, N. H. Isaac Mansfield ^ Esq.

15th and 16th Reports of the British and Foreign
Bible Society. Rev. W. Jenks.

Dissertation on the Nature and Extent of the Juris-
diction of the Courts of the United States, &c. 8vo. By
Peter S. Du Ponceau, LL. D. The Author.

Catalogus Universitatis Brownensis.

Hon. W. D. JVilliamson.

Address of the Mayor of Boston, Hon. Josiah Quincy,
at the Organization of the City Government, 1824,
(2 copies.) The Author.

Journal of the Sufferings of Stephen Clubb in France.

Dr. E. Eliot.

Hesichii Lexicon, fol. without date; Geographia
Ptoleraaei, 4to. Cologn, 1697; Jo. Baptistae Porta Ma-
giae Naturalis, Francof. 1591. Jo. Barclaii Argenis,
Amstel. 1671. Samuel P. Gardner^ Esq.

Portsmouth Journal, 1821—4, 2 vols.

James Savage^ Esq.

State Papers of U. S. 19 vols.

Secretary of State of U. S.

Account of the Forts erected around Boston during
the Siege. Mr. Finch.

Review of the Correspondence between the Hon.
John Adams, late President of U. S. and the late Wil-
liam Cunningham, Esq. By Timothy Pickering.

The Author.

Acknowledgment of Donations. 299

Papers relative to the Geographical Society of France.

The Society.

A Map of the Town of New Haven, with the Build-
ings, in 1748, by William Lyon.

S. T. Armstrongs Esq.

The New York Spectator ; Boston Weekly Messenger.

The respective Publishers.

The Sword of Col. Benjamin Church.

Mrs. Anne Atwood, of Taunton^ great
granddaughter of Col. Church.

A New England Three Penny Piece.

Col. Joseph May.

Specimen of counterfeited Continental Currency of
the Revolution, of which a large mass was found during
the war, and deposited with me late President Weare,
New Hampshire. Mr. John Palmer.

END OF VOL. I. THIRD SERIES.

■I

COLLECTIONS

OF THE

MASSACHUSETTS

HISTORICAL SOCIETY.

VOL. XL
OP THE THIRD SERIES.

PRINTED BY E. W. METCALF AND COMPANY.

1830.

CONTENTS.

ArtieJe pggc

I. Memoir of French Protestants settled at Oxford, 1686 . 1

II. History and Description of Cohasset .... 84

III. Winslow's New-England's Salamander discovered . 110
rV. Cotton's Vocabulary of the Massachusetts (or Natick) In-

dian Language 147

V. Account of Plymouth Colony Records . . . 258

VI. Address of the Ministers of Boston to the Duke of New-

castle, December 5, 1737 271

VIL Memoir of the Narraganset Township . 273

VIII. Biographical Notice of the late Hon. Dudley A: Tyng 280

IX. Instances of Longevity in New Hampshire 205

X. Churches and Ministers in New Hampshire . 290

XI. MS. Journals of the Long, Little, &c. Parliaments . 323
Xn. Acknowledgment of Donations 365

, • /

COLLECTIONS.

MCBffOIR or THE FRENCH PROTESTANTS, WHO SETTLED AT OX-
FORD, MASSACHUSETTS, A. D. 1686 ; WITll A SKETCH OF T^K
dfiTIRE HISTORY OF THE PROTESTANTS OF FRANCE.

BT A. HOLMES, D. D. CORRESPONDING SECRETARY.

iV.BfON6 the numerous emigrations from Europe to
Nei?v England, since its first settlement, that of the
French Protestantsr has been but slightly noticed, and is
no^r almost forgotten. The history of these emigrants,
humble as it may seem, is entitled to preservation.
Tile simplest narrative of the causes and circumstan*
ces of their emigration, and of their previous and sub-
sequent fortunes, were enough to render it interesting
to every descendant of the early settlers of our coun-
try, especially to the descendants t)f the pilgrims of
New England.

Nearly a century and a half ago, these Protestants
came from France, to seek an asylum in America.
The same cause, which brought our forefathers to
these shores, brought them. Both, holding the strict-
est tenets of the Reformation, were denied the privi*
lege of professing and openly maintaining them. In
the one instance, conformity to the requisitions of the
Protestant Episcopal church was exacted ; in the
other, to those of the Roman Catholic. It was to

TOL. U. THIRD SERIES. 1

2 FRENCH PROTESTANTS.

the last of these that the Huguenots of France were
subjected ; and when to the distant fulminations of
the Vatican succeeded the intolerant edicts of their
own princes, they fled, in all directions, from a coun-
try where life was insecure, and re|)ose impossible.

The French Protestants, from the first, adopted
the principles of that eminent reformer, John Cal-
vin, who was a native of France. The title of Re-
formed was first assumed by them ; and afterwards
became the common denomination of all the Calvin-
istical churches on the Continent.* ** The doctrine
of their churches was Calvinism, and their discipline
was Presbyterian, after the Genevan plan.'^t Of this
discipline, the judicious Hooker, with no less candour
than discrimination, says : ^^ A Founder it had, whom,
for mine own part, I think incomparably the wisest
man that ever the French church did enjoy, since the
hour it enjoyed him.^'t This was a just tribute of
respect to Calvin, to whom the Church of England,
in common with all the Protestant Reformed church-
es, is more indebted for the purity of her doctrines,
than to any other single reformer. Although the
English church and the New England churc hesre-
jected his discipline, neither were insensible to the
merits of this truly great man, nor forgetful of the
eminent service, which he rendered to the cause of
truth, and to the Protestant interest.

Notwithstanding the barbarous persecutions of the
Albigenscs and Waldenses by the lioman Catholic
church, '' there was not a total extinction of the truth.
It was suppressed, but not destroyed. Its professors
were dead ; but the truth lived ; it lay concealed in
the hearts of the children of these martyrs, who
groaned for a reformation."^ When learning revived

♦Mosheim's Ecclesiastical History, iv. 356. Tr. JVo/e.
t Robinson's Memoirs of (lie Reformation in France, prefixed to his trans-
lation of Sanrin's Serincms.

I Hooker's Kccles. Politie, Pref.

^ Quick's SynodicoQ in Gallia Reformata, IrUrod, 2 vols. fol. Lood. 1G92.

FRENCH PROTESTANTS. 3

in France under Francis I. the Reformation revived
in that kingdom. Luther began it in Germany, and
Zuinglius in Switzerland ; a little while after, Calvin
was ^^ called forth to be a glorious instrument of it
in France. And the Lord owneth him," says the
English historian of the French synods, ^^ and his
fellow servants, notwithstanding all the storms of
Popish rage and fury against them in this great work ;
insomuch that the whole kingdom is enlightened and
ravished with it, and many of the most eminent
counsellors in that illustrious senate, the [^rliament
of Paris, do profess the Gospel openly, and in the
very presence of their king Henry the Second, though
to the loss of honour, estate, and life. It was now
got into the court, and among persons of the highest
quality. Many nobles, some princes of the blood,
dare espouse its cause. The blood of the martyrs
proving the seed of the church, and, as Israel of old,
so now, the more the professors of the Gospel are
oppressed and persecuted, the more are they increas-
ed and multiplied."*

The Reformed Protestants in France formed them-
selves into regular church assemblies ; and ^^ it was
the great care of the first Reformers to preach up
sound doctrine, to institute and celebrate pure evan-
gelical worship, and to restore the ancient primitive
discipline."

The Bible was translated by Olivetan, an uncle of
Calvin, a minister in the vallies of Piedmont, from
the original Hebrew and Greek into the French lan-
guage ; and it ^^ was read in their solemn meetings in
tlie great congregations." It was perused and studied
hy the nobles and peasants, by the learned and the
illiterate, by merchants and tradesmen, by women
ancl children, in their houses and families ; and they
ttxtJs became wiser than their Popish priests, and

* Quick's Syoodicoiu

4 FRENCH PROTESTANTS.

most subtile adversaries. Clement Marot, a cour-
tier, and a man of wit and genius, by advice of M.
Vatablus, Regius Professor of Hebrew in the Uni-
versity of Paris, translated fifty of the Psalms of Da-
vid into French metre ; Beza, the other hundred, and
all the Scripture songs ; and Lewis Guadimel, a most
skilful master of music, composed those sweet and
melodious tunes, to which they are sung even to this
day.* Sacred music, thus revived, charmed the
court and city, the town and country. The psalms,
thus brought home to men's bosoms, and adapted at
once to their understanding and taste, were sung in
the Lfouvre, as well as in the Pres des Clercs, by the
ladies, princes, and even by Henry the Second him-
self. To this sacred ordinance alone may be greatly
attributed the decline of Popery, and the propagation
of the gospel, in France. It so happily accorded with
the genius of the French nation, that all ranks and
degrees of men practised it in the temples and their
families. Children and youth were now catechised
in the rudiments and principles of the Christian re-
ligion, and could give a good account of their faith,
and a reason of their hope. Their pious pastors thus
prepared them for the communion table, where they
partook in both kinds, the bread and the wine, ac-
cording to the primitive institution of Jesus Christ.

Although the French Reformed churches were in-
ternally improved, and became multiplied throughout
the kingdom ; yet they were subjected to the severest
trials. So early as 1540, an edict was passed, in-
terdicting the exercise of the Reformed religion, and
prohibiting the giving of an asylum to those who pro-
fessed it, on pain of high treason.

The complaint of Justin Martyr to the Roman em-
peror, that the Christians were punished with torture
and death, upon the bare profession of their being

^ Quick's Synodicon.

FRENCH PROTESTANTS. 5

sucb) might have been made by the Protestants. To
be a Huguenot, was enough to ensure condemnation.
Whoever bore this name, were imprisoned, arraigned
for their lives, and, adhering to their profession, were
condemned by merciless judges to the flames. Some
of this name and character were murdered in cold
blood, and massacred without any legal forms of
justice.

Amidst these barbarous cruelties, and in sight of
these horrid executions, the pastors of the several
churches were inspired with zeal and courage to meet
and consult together about the arduous concerns of
the Reformed religion. It was in these circumstan-
ces of peril and dismay, that the first National Synod
was called, and held its session in the metropolis of
the kingdom, and at the very doors of the court. This
council published a confession of their faith, that the
King and the kingdom might know what they believ-
^d and practised. It was entitled, ^^ The Confession
of Faith, held and professed by the Reformed
Churches of France, received and enacted by their
£rst National Synod, celebrated in the city of Paris,
^nd year of our Lord, 1559."* By this Confession,
and the Canons of Discipline then framed and adopt-
ed, were regulated the faith and practice of these il-
lustrious churches, which embraced very numerous
exemplary members, and a vast multitude of faithful
martyrs-t

*ThU Confession is preserved entire in Quick's Sjnodicon, and in Laval's
History of the Reformation in France. Quiclc says, tlicre were twenty -nine
llational Synods during the space of one hundred years ; the first was at
Pirb, 26 May, 1669; the last, at Loudun, 10 November, 1659; but he
pabliihed hb work in 1692. Welch, in Neueste Religion's geschichte, 1777,
-fliys, their National Synods seldom meet. Their last meeting was in 1763.
£nkue'8. Sketches of Church History, 1797. ii. 217. Fleury [xzi. 235.]
tbout^t it probable, the Confession and Discipline were composed bj
CaIvib.

f The Reformed church in France bad more members and martyrs, and of
creAter qualKy, than any one of the Reformed churches in Europe. In the
NatioDtl Synod of Rocbelle, in 1571, of which Beca was president, the Re-
formed eoald cooDt above 2150 churches, and in many of these, above 10,000
meinbers, and in most of these, two ministers, io some, five. In 1581, it

6 FRENCH PROTESTANTS.

In 1560, admiral Coligny, in the name of the Cal-
vinists of Normandy, presented to the king a petition
for the free exercise of their religion. He was the
very first noi)leman in all France, who dared to pro-
fess himself a Protestant, and a patron of the Protest-
ants. In 1561, the king published an edict, purport-
ing that ecclesiastics should be judges of heresy ; that
who«'ver were convicted of it, should be delivered over
to the secular arm, but that they should be condemn-
ed to no higher penalty than banishment, until such
time as the General and National Council should de-
termine.* This same year, it was expressly ordered^
that the Protestant ministers and preachers should be
banished out of the kingdom, and every body prohib-
ited to use other rites and ceremonies in religion, than
wha^t were held and taught by the Roman church.f
In 1562; war broke out between the Catholics and
Protestants, and was carried on with mutual cruel-
ties, under the names of Royalists and Huguenots.t
The duke of Guise was assassinated ; the king of
Navarre was killed at a siege ; and 50,000 Protest*
ants were slain. ^

This same year, 1562, admiral Coligny attempted
to settle a colony of French Protestants in America,

was computed, that their martyrs, within a very few year», had been up-
' wardii of 2iM>,(KM> In 1.")^, only twenty-seven years after the National Syn-
od of Rochelle, the Protestants had only 706churche8reinaiuiogof the 2150,
which were fldurishirig at the time of the Synod.

• Fleury, lIiHt. Kccles. \\\. 1. 151, § 89, 90. Du Pin, Eccl. Hist. (Abr.) iv.
94. De Thou» lib. ^'y.

f Davila, Hiut. of Civil Wars of France, i. 85.

i There are various coniectures concerning the origin of this word. Dr.
Maclaine, the translator oi Mosheim, supposed it to have been derived from
a French and faulty pronunciation of tlie German word cidf^oueti, which
signifies confcfUrntes ; and which had been originally the name of that valiant
|Nirt of the city of Cieneva, which entered into an alliance with the Swiss
cantons, in order to maintHiu their liberties against the tyrannical attempts
of Charles III, duke of Savoy. '^ These confederates were called eignott, and
from thence, very probably, was derived the word huiruenoU.*' Abbe Fleury
was of the same opinion : — " y furent appclcs HufCuenotSf du nom des Eignots
de Geneve un peu autrement prononc6." Count Viilars, in a letter to the
king of France from the province of Languedoc in 1560, calls the Calvinists
of tne Cevennes, Huguenots ; and this is the first time that this term is found
in the registers of that province, applied to the Protestants. Mosheim'i Eccl.
Hist. iv. 384, Ab/e d. Fleuir, Hist. Keel, xviii. 603.

I Davila, ut tupra, and Robinsoa's Memoirs.

FRENCH PROTESTANTS. 7

'where he hoped to provide for them an asylum. Be-
fore the commencement of hostilities he had been de-
sirous of securing to them that liberty of conscience
in the New World, which was denied to them in the
Old. In 1555, by his influence, an attempt was
made by the French Protestants, in concert with
those of Geneva, to settle a colony at firazil ; and,
the following year, fourteen missionaries were sent
out by the church of Geneva, to plant the Christian
faith in those regions of America. At their arrival,
they were received with great joy, and, soon after,
their church was formed accprding to the constitution
and usage of Geneva ; but through the perfidy of the
chevalier de Villegagnon, to whom Coligny had com-
mitted the conduct of the enterprise, the project was
frustrated. The few French, who remained at Bra-
zil, were massacred by the Portuguese in 1558.* The
same design was now revived. In 1562, admiral
Coligny, with the permission of Charles IX of
France, sent over a small number of Protestants, un-
der Jean Ribault, to Florida. After exploring the
southern coast, they entered Port Royal, still known
by that name in South Carolina, not far from which
they built a fort, which they named Fort Charles ;
but they soon after abandoned it, and returned to
France. In 1564 and 1565, the admiral renewed
the attempt to form a settlement at Florida, at the
river of May [St. Augustine] ; but his colony of
French Huguenots were principally massacred, a few
only escaping to France.f

A peace had been concluded in 1563 ; but in 1567,
the rrotestants, whose rights were daily violated by

*De Biy, Amxrica, P. UI. Thuanus. Mezeray. Charlevoix, NoaT.
Fnuice, i. 36. Lescarbot, liv. 2. Fleuryi Hist. Eccles. xxv. 38 — 41. Al-
e^lo'sOeof;. and Hist. Dictionary, Art. Janriro. Brown's Hist. Propag.
Christianity, i. 3. Plutarque Fran^ais, tome iii. Art. Vie de l'Ahiiial de
Coi.i«n.

t Hakluyt's Voyages, iii. 808 — 362 ; where are original accounts of these
▼ojra^s and transactions. Purchas, vols. i. and v. Mezeray's Hbt. of
^rmnce. Flatarqae Fran^aU, jSbrt, Vix D£ l*Amiral db Coligji i.

8 FRENCH PROTESTANTS*

new edicts, were compelled to take up arms again, iv
their own defence. The city of Rochelle declared
for them ; and it served for an asylum sixty years.
They were assisted by queen Elizabeth of England,
and the German princes ; and, at the conclusion of
this second war, 1568, they obtained the revocatioa
of all penal edicts, the exercise of religion in their
families, and the grant of six cities for their security.^

War broke out a^ain the same year. Queen
Elizabeth aided the rrotestants with money ; the
count Palatine, with men ; the queen of Nararre part-
ed with her rings and jewels to support them ; and,
the prince of Conde being slain, she declared her son,
prince Henry, the head and protector of the Protest-
.ant cause. She caused the New Testament, the
Catechism and the Liturgy of Geneva, to be trans-
lated, and printed at Rochelle. She abolished Po-
pery, and established Protestantism in her own do-
minions. After many negotiations, a peace was
concluded in 1570, and the free exercise of religion
was allowed in all but walled cities ; two cities in
every province were assigned to the Protestants, who
were to be admitted into all universities, schools, hos-
pitals, public offices, royal, seignioral, and corporate ;
and to ensure perpetual peace, a match was proposed
between Henry of Navarre, and the sister of king
Charles. These articles were accepted ; and the
queen of Navarre, her son king Henry, the princes
of the blood, and the principal Protestants, went to
Paris to celebrate the marriage, 18 August, 1572.

A few days after the marriage, on Sunday, the
24th of August, St. Bartholomew's day, the horrible
plol for exterminating the Protestants was executed.
The king called his council together in the queen
mother's closet. In the apprehension, that, if the
admiral escaped, they should fall into greater perplex-

^ Davila, A. D. 1662. Robiosoo'i Memoiry.

FRENCH PROTESTANTS. 7

where he hoped to provide for them an asylum. Be-
fore the commeaceoient of hostilities he bad been de-
sirous of securing to them that liberty of conscience
in the New World, which was denied to them in the
Old. In 1555, by his influence, an attempt was
made by the French Protestants, in concert with
those of Genera, to settle a colony at Brazil ; aod^
the following year, fourteen missionaries were sent
out by the church of Geneva, to plant the Christian
faith ui those regions of America. At their arrival,
they were received with great joy, and, soon after,
their church was formed accprding to the constitution
and usage of Geneva ; but through the pertidy of the
chevalier de Villegagnon, to whom Coligny had com-
mitted the conduct of the enterprise, the project was
frustrated. The few French, who remained at Bra-
zil, were massacred by the Portuguese in 1558.* The
same design was now revived. In 1562, admiral
Coligny, with the permission of Charles IX of
France, sent over a small number of Protestants, un-
der Jean Ribault, to Florida. After exploring the
southern coast, they entered Port Royal, still known
hy that name in South Carolina, not far from which
they built a fort, which they named Fort Charles ;
but they soon after abandoned it, and returned to
France. In 1564 and 1565, the admiral renewed
the attempt to form a settlement at Florida, at the
river of May [St. Augustine] ; but his colony of
r renoh Huguenots were principally massacred, a few
only escaping to France.f

A ncace had been concluded in 1563 ; but in 1567,
«» Protestants, whose rights were daily violated by

V~u ^J. *"'»c*. P. ill. TbUHM. Menray. Charleroii, Sou».
13rfV*- l*«*rbot, Mv. 2, Fleory, HiM. Eccle».i»v.8S— 41.
J^™»Wog, ud Hi»t. DictigrtBry, Arl. Jukibo. Brown'i Hix. Pro:

•";^^ Voy«jM, iii. 808—362 ; wbera m oriciiMl icconnt. of Iheie
22" "Jd tr««««ioB», Pureh.^ voli. i. tod ». Meieray'i Hul. ol
"■^ nteiiae Fraa^, ^, vi» dz l'Amixal db Couosi.

10 FRENCH PROTESTANTS.

" and the fierce wolves," to use the words of Mezc-
ray, ** being unchained, and let loose, ran to every
house, and filled all with blood and slaughter." The
admiral, inattentive to the presages and premonitions
of his firmest adherents, refused to leave Paris, and
was himself the first victim of this infamous massacre.
He had, only two days before, been wounded by a
hired assassin, as he was returning from the Louvre.
It was never doubted, says Sully, but that the wound
which the admiral received, came from the house of
Villemur, preceptor to the Guises; and the assassin
was met in his flight, upon a horse belonging to the
king's stable. lie was now, on account of that
wound, confined to his room, when a party, headed
by his implacable eneiny, the duke of Guise, broke
open the door where he was sitting. At their en-
trance into his chamber, he showed no signs, either
of surprise or terror. His language was becoming a
great man, conscious of integrity, and worthy of a
Christian, expecting, yet fearless of death. Besme,
one of the duke's domestics, approached him with a
drawn sword. " Young man," said the undaunted,
but disabled Coligny, *' you ought to res|)ect my age,
— but art as you please, you can only shorten my
life a very Tew days." The barl)arian pierced him
in many places, and then threw his body into the
street, where it was exposed for three days to the in-
sults of the po[)ulace, and then hunir by the feet on a
gibbet. A nobler exanjple of a Christian martyr is
rarely to be found in the annals of the church.*

The sc(»ne of spoliation and destruction in the city
was such, as might Ix^tter have been expected from
Goths or V^uidals. Seven hundred houses were pil-
lagect and five thousand persons perished in Paris.

Of this horrible massacre, Mezeray gives the fol-

* The admiral Iodised in f be street Befi^y in an inn, whicli is called at
present the Hotel S. Pierre. The chamber wlie/e he was murdered, i^ 5»tiH
shown there. JNo/r, by the editor of Sully'» Memoir^.

FRENCH PROTESTANTS. 11

lowing description. " II lasted seven whole days ;
the three first, which were from Sunday, the Feast
of St. Bartholomew, till Tuesday, iii its greatest
fury ; the other four till the Sunday following, with
somewhat more of abatement. During this time,
there were murdered near five thousand persons, by
divers sorts of deaths, and many by more than one ;
amongst others, five or six hundred gentlemen.
Neither the aged, nor the lender infants, were spared,
nor women great with child Some were stabbed,
others hewn in pieces with halberts, or shot with
muskets or pistols, some thrown headlong out of the
windows, many dragged to the river, and divers had
their brains beaten out with mallets, clubs, or such
like instruments. Seven or eight hundred had thrust
themselves into the several prisous, hoping to find
shelter and protection under the wings of justice ;
but the captains ajipointed for this execution, caused
them to be hauled out and brought to a place near la
Valee de Misere (the Valley of Misery), where they
beat out their brains with a pole axe, and then cast
them into the river."*

The rage for slaughter spread from Paris to the

?roviDces; and, according to Sully, the number of
'r(M:estauts massacred, during eight days, over all
the kingdom, amounted to seventy thousand. f

The duke of Sully, then in his twelfth year, after-
wards the prime minister of Henry IV, was an eye-
witness of the massacre of Paris, and narrowly es-
caped with his life. His own description of it is
terrible. " I was in bed, and awaked from sleep
three hours after midnight, by the sound of all the

■ Uuiray's Cbronolagical History of France, tr by J. Bultnel, fol. I,^nd.
IMS. P. Itanial »y(, atioul 30U0 nere ilain ; otfacn My, IO,OUI. Bapia'i
Uut Eng, ii. Vl2, tr. Sirype's Annati, ii. 158.

tSally'i Memoir*, b. 1. |i. 31 Robiiisan and olhen give a l«t R(if;re|nite
nanbar. J fallow Sally, who may be presamed lo have had Ihf besl meani
of iaforowlioai at the lime. An eiaci accouDt of ihe iiumlier majiaersd,
•ilher ia tba dfy, or in the entire tinhorn, could not, perhaps, be ever oh-

12 yRENCH PROTESTANTS

bells, and the confused cries of the populace. My
governor, St. Julien, with my valet de chambre, went
hastily out to know the cause ; and I never after-
wards heard more of these, who, without doubt, were
sacrificed to the public fury. I continued alone in my
chamber, dressing myself, when, in a few moments,
I saw my landlord enter, pale, and in the utmost con-
sternation. He was of the Reformed religion, and,
having learned what the matter was, had consented
to go to mass, to save his life, and preserve his house
from being pillaged. He came to persuade me to do
the same, and to take me with him. I did not think
proper to follow him, but resolved to try if I could
gain the college of Burgundy, where I had studied ;
though the great distance between the house where I
then was, and the college, made the attempt very
dangerous." Having disguised himself in a scholar's
gown, he put a large prayer-book under his arm, and
went into the street ; wh(Te he was seized with in-
expressible horror, at the sight of the furious murder-
ers, who, running from all parts, forced open the
houses, and cried aloud, ^^ Kill ! kill ! massacre the
Huguenots !" and the blood, which he saw shed,
Tedoubltd his terror. He was repeatedly in the most
extreme danger ; but he arrived at last at the college
of Burgundy, where, after imminent peril of his life,
the princi|)al of the college, who tenderly loved him,
conducted him privately to a distant chamber, where
he locked him u|). Here he was confined three days,
uncertain of his destiny ; and saw no one but a ser-
vant of his friend's who came from time to time to
bring him provisions. At the end of these three days,
the prohibition for murdering and pillaging any more
of the Protestants being published, he uas sufTered
to leave his cell.*

* Memoirs of Mnxiinilian de Bcthiine, duke of Sully, prime minister tu
Henry the Great TrBn.^lBfed frum the Frt nih. 3 vols. 'M edit. Lend. 1761
This great man adhered to his religious principles to the last. *^ My parents^'*

t^RENCH PROTESTANTS, 18

For this horrible achievement, a jubilee was ap-
pointed at Paris ; and solemn thanks were returned
to God, as though the sacrifice had been acceptable
to him.

This massacre of the Protestants^ which, among
Catholics is but another name for Heretics^ was con-
sidered as a fit subject of joy and triumph at Rome.
The pope and cardinals instantly repaired to St.
Mark's, to thank God for so great a favour conferred
on the see of Rome, and appointed a jubilee over the
whole Christian world, for this slaughter of the here-
tics in France.* A medal, struck by pope Gregory
XIII, to consecrate the remembrance of it, presents,
on one side, the portrait and name of this pontiff,
and, on the other, the destroying angel, armed with
a sword and a cross, massacring the Hu<;uenots,
wi^h a legend, signifying, ** The slaughter of the
Huguenots.^t In the Vatican, at Rome, there is a
tablet, on which is represented the massacre of St.
Bartholomew, with an inscription, declaring the
pope's approbation of the death of admiral Coligny.l

The third day after the admiral's death, while the
persecution was still, in some measure, carried on
against the Huguenots, the king, attended by all the
princes and lords of his court, went to the parliament;
and though he had at first, both in his speeches and
letters, imputed the whole affair to a popular tumult,
yet he there avowed it as his own doing, and expa-

sayt Sully, " bred me id the opinions and doctrine of the Reformed relieion,
and I have continued constant in the nrofession of it ; neither threatenings,
promisefl, variety of events, nor the change even of the king, my protector,
joined to his most tender solicitations, have ever been able to make me re-
noaoce it.*' MemoirS|b. 1.

• Thuanos, iii. 140, 162.

t '' r ange exterminateur arme d' une croix et d' une ^pee, raassa-

crant les Huguenots. Autour on lit ces paroles : Huguenotorum stiages."
1572. M. Aignan.

I " Ce qu'il y a de bien certain, c'est qu*il a i\ Rome dans le Vatican un
tableau uA est ra|presentc le massacre de la Saint-Barthelemi, avec ces paroles :
Lt p^pt apprvuM la mort de ColignV 'Essai sur les Guerres Civiles de
France, prefixed to " La Henriade.*'

See MoTK I, at the end of this Memoir.

14 VRKNCU PROTEftTANlb.

tiatcd, ill a lon^r discourse, upon the reasons why he
had commandcHl all those pi^rpetual rebels (as ho
styled them) against his person and government to be
destroyed, lie then enjoined them to proceed, by
the examination of the prisoners, against the memory
of the dead, to lay open the enormity of their rebel-
lion, and to brand them with infamy, in such a man-
ner as was prescribed and directed by the utmost se-
verity of the law. The parliament willingly accejit-
ed the commission, and founded a judicial procc*ss
against the Huguenots, upon the depositions of the
prisoners. They condemned Bre^piemant and Cavag-
nes, who were confined in the palace, to have their
flesh publicly torn oiV with red-hot pincers, and th<*ir
bodies quartered ; commanding also a statue of the
admiral to be broken in pieces and burnt, declaring
him a rebel, a disturb(T of the kingdom, a heretic, and
an enemy to all good men. Not content with thus
cruelly stigmatizing the memory of this great and
good man, they ordered his house at Chastillon to be
razed to the very foundation, and all his posterity to
be deprived of nobility, and rendered incapable of
enjoying any oflice, or possessing any estate in the
kingdom of France. The remains of the admiraPs
body, after receiving the most shocking mutilation
and abuse from the |)opulace, were stolen away in
the night liy two servants of the marshal de Mont-
morency, and secrctiv buried at Chantillv. " Thus,"
sa}s Davila, " dicii the admiral (Jasjiard de Coligiiv,
who had filled the kingdom of France with th(* glory
and terror of his name for the space of twelve years."*

♦ Daviln, i. :51i». KliMir\'s Ili.t. Krrlcr.. »xlii. A I). ir>7i.
This grciil uiitl <;oofi muii i>^ thus |iiiiii*j;yrizr>il in the llciiriudc .
Colii^iii, phi<« hiMireiix ft phis di^ric li'cnvic
Dii iiioiiis, i!n •^iMU'oiiihiiiil, no pcrdit qui* la vii* ;
Sa Iihciii'*, <a j.'hiiri' :iii IdiiilitMiii It* .-tiivll.
Thr h)S'< of nihiiirtil roli!;iiy'.s pHpris is rxtrtMiii-Iy to ho rc^rnttod ; lor thr.)
wouUl hrivi* thrown ^^■Ht li^lil upon thr hlMory and the iiffain> of (he Pm-
teHtant:^. More tlian n rcniiiry Hiiii a half aftcT liis death, r financier, having
purchasud »<onic land viliich hud heluni;ed to him, fuund in the park, several

FRENCH PROTESTANTS. 15

This massacre threw all the Protestants in Europe
into the utmost consternation, especially when thej
knew that it was openly approved of at Rome. In
France, it was followed by internal discord, and civil
war.

During: these troubles, king Charles IX died at the
castle of Vinconnes, in the most exquisite torments,
and bathed in his own blood. The cruel massacre of
St. Bartholomew's day was always in his mind, and
he continued to the last, by his tears and agonies, to
shiiw the grief and remorse he felt for it.*

Henry III so far favoured the Protestants, that
they obtained an edict in 1576 for the free exercise
of their religion ; but it was of no avail against the
power of a league, formed the same year against the

feet below the surface, an iron box full of papers, which he threw into the
£rty as useless. Papers, it is (lecUred, wer^ found, among which was a his-
tory of the times, and many memoirs of public affairs , but all, it is |»resumed,
vrere suppressed or destroyed. '* Mais il est surqu'on porta sa tiHe k la reine,
avec un coffre plein de papiers, parmi lesnuels 6tait 1' histoire du temps, ecrite
de la main de Coligni. On y trouva ainsi plusieurs memoires sur les affaires
publiques *' La Henriade, Ao/e/, Du Chant. II.

*Sully's Memoirs, b. i. p. 35. Charles IX died in 1574, in the 25th year
of lii« age. It is affirmed, that soon after the massacre, be was attaclced witli
a stranise malady, wtiicb carried him off in about two years. His blood con-
stantly flowed, and issued through the pores, ft was considered as a divine
judgment " Pen de temps apri^s, le roi fut attaqii6 d' une Strange maladie
qui Temporte au bout de deux ans. Son sang coulait (oujours, et per<;ait an
travers des pores de sa peau : maladie incomprehen<ible contre laquelle
echoua Tart et I ' habilite des medecins, et qui tut re^ardce comme an effet
de U vengeance divine." Essai sur les Guerres Civiles de France.

Voltaire dilates upon the fact, in the Henriade :

'' Bientdt Charles lui mcme en fut saisi d* horreur ;
Le remords devorant s' eleva daus son coeur.

Le chagrin vint flctrir la fleur de ses beaux jours ;
Une languer mortelle en abregea le cours:
Dieu, deployant sur lui sa vengeance severe,
Marqua ce roi mourant du sceau de sa colere,
£t par son ch&timent voulut 6pouvanter
Quiconque k V aveuir oserait I' imiter.
Je le vis expirant.

Son sang, k gros bouillons de son corps 61anc6,
Vengeait le sang Fran^ais par ces ordres verse."

NoTC upon this passage, in Chant. HI. '* Charles IX fut loujoars malade
depois la Saint Bartb^lemi, et mourut environ deux ans apres, le 30 Mai 1574,
toat bajgn6 dans i^on sang, qui liu sortait par le^ porp«."

16 FRENCH PROTESTANTS.

t^rotestants ; and three civil wars raged during this
reign. Henry III annulled the arrets^ that had been
decreed against several of the most distinguished
Protestants ; re-established their memory ; and per-
mitted their heirs to enter into possession of their
estates. It is grateful to find, that this justice was
done to the memory, and the heirs, of admiral
Coligny.*

In 1589, Henry III was assassinated. He was
succeeded by Henry IV, who had been educated a
Protestant, and had been protector of the Protestants.
Yielding to the necessity of the times, he professed
the Roman Catholic religion before bis coronation.
It was necessary that he should receive absolution
for his previous heresy ; and the pope gave it.f It
was this king who granted the Protestants the justly
celebrated Edict of Nantes. This Edict, which
was called " perpetual and irrevocable," granted to
the Protestants liberty of conscience, and the free
exercise of religion ; many churches in all parts of
France, and judges, of their own persuasion ; a free
access to all places of honour and dignity ; great
suras of money to pay off their troops ; an hundred
places, as pledges of their future security ; and cer-
tain funds to maintain their preachers, and their gar-
risons. It was signed at Nantes, on the 13th of
April, 1598, and afterwards sent to be registered in
parliament, which published it on the 25th of Febru-
ary, 15994

*Sa Majeste y d^claroit qu'clle n' avoit eu aucune part k la journee de la
S. Bartheiemi, ft qu' ellc en' etoit tres-affligee . . . eassoit et annuHoit les
arr«*ts port6s contre la Mole, Coconas et Jean de la Haye lieutenant dc Poitou,
r6habilitoit leur moraoire, permittoit a ieurs heritiers de rentrer dans leurs
l)iens, et ctendoit la mcme grAce a I' amiral de Coligni, de Briquemaut, de
Cava2;nes, le comte de Montgommeri, et du Pui*Montbrun. Fleury, xxiv. 46.

f See NoTK 11.

I Sully's Memoirs, v. i. b. 9. p. 460. Du Pin, Hist. Church, c. 25. Robin-
son's Memoirs. History of the Life and Reign of Lewis XIV. Lond. 1742,
ii. 228. Qiiick's Synotiiron, i. J xv. where the Edict of Nantes is presc^ed
It contains 92 Articles, and Alls 25 folio pages. Mezeray, 8G6.

FRENCH PROTESTANTS. IT

"France was now in peace, and the free toleration,
wcured by this Edict, was auspicious to the kingdom.
TVte Protestants applied themselves to the care of
their churches ; and, having at this time many able
ministers, they flourished and increased during the
lemainder of this reign. " Their churches were sup-
ported by able pastors ; their universities were adorn-
ed with learned and pious professors, such as Casau-
boD, Dailltl', and others, whose praises are in all the
Befonned churches ; their provincial and national
sjDods were regularly convened ; and their people
were well governed."* Great pains were taken with
the king to alienate bini from his FrotCEtant subjects;
but in vain. He knew their worth, and proti^cted
them until his death. This great prince, who was
haled by the popish clergy, was stabbed in his coach
by RaTaillac, on the 14th of May, 1610. A ju-
dicious French historianf thus delineates his char-
acter : '* France never had a better nor a greater
kin; than Henry IV. He was his own general and
minister: in him were united great frankness and
profound policy ; sublimity of sentiments and a most
engaging simplicity of manners ; the bravery of a
soldier and an inexhaustible fund of humanity. And
what forms the characteristic of a great man, he was
obliged to surmount many obstacles, to expose him-
self to danger, and especially to encounter adversa-
ries worthy of himself. In short, to make use of the
expression of one of our greatest poets, he was (he
cati^ieror and the father of his sufijects."X

IJouis XIII, not nine years of age, succeeded his
father Henry. The first act of the queen mother, who
]]ad thf! regency during his minority, was, a confirm'
ation of the Edict of Nantes ; which was confirmed

> Boblnioii'i Mcmoin.

f HenwdL

• Tbe bUlorian evidently refers (a IheM lines in llie HeriiiaJe :
" Tout le peuplc, chai.ge dam ce'Jonr inlaWire,
~ 1 vrai roi, son vainincur, e( !on jterp '

VOL. II- TUUID SF.R1F.S.

Vti fRENCH PKOTESTAMa.

again, in 1614« by Louis, who promised to obsenx'
it inviolably. It was not long, however, before the
king, under the influence of cardinal Richelieu, began
to make encroachments upon the Protestants, who,
though they had resolved, in a general assembly, to
die rather than submit to the loss of their liberties,
were vet obliged to bear daily infractions of edicts
from their oppressors.* Richelieu at length deter-
mined, by getting possession of Rochelle, to extin-
guish their hopes. The city was besieged, both by
sea and land. After a long and resolute resistance,
the besieged, who had lived without bread for thir-
teen weeks, were overcome by famine ; and of
eighteen thousand citizens, not alM>ve five thousand
were left. This disastrous event, by which the
strength of the Protestants was broken, occurred in
1CJ.5.

The cardinal suflered the edict to be infringed
every day, in the determination not to stop until he
should have established uniformity in the church.
The aflfairs of the Protestants were daily becoming
more afflictive and perilous. They saw and dreaded
the approaching storm ; but knew not how to evade
it. Some of th<*m fled to Kngland, but found no
peace tluTo. I^aud, in conjimctiou with other high
churchmen, drove them back, '^ to the infinite damage
of the manufacturers of the kingdom,'' in I6tt4.
Richelieu, in the name of Louis XIII, having, after
a seven years' war, taken from the Protestants and
destroyed the places that had been given them by the
Edict of Nantes as pledges of thf»ir future security,
they were ever after without any places of refuge, or
leader, being divested of all their troops and strong
holds.

♦Voltuirp sHy», The IIiii^uiMints wen; nlvrayfl cjiiiet, until (heir adverwrie»
(Innioli.slutd their triiiplt*^ : '* Lcs Hiigiifiiot* iiirmc t'lirent loujours tniriqiiiilc.s
Jiisqir Hu tcmp.H oil 1' uii »Jcinolit Icurs temple^." Siecb il<* Lniiis XIV. iii. 3iV

FRENCH PROTESTANTS. 19

Cardinal Richelieu died ia 1642. The king died
in IG43. The Protestants had greatly increased in
number during this rei<;n, though they had lost their
[nwer. They were now coinputt^d to exceed two
millions.* Richelieu had at length become more
brourably inclined to toleration, and had formed a
pngect to conciliate (he Protestants, and to put an
eod (o the dangerous dissensions between them and
file Catholics ; but his deiith prevented its execution.f

Louis XIV sut-ceeded his father. During his mi-
nnrity, the queen was appointed sole regent. The
Edict of Nantes was confirmed by the rpgent in 1643,
and again by the king, at his majority, in IG52. No
sooDer did the king take the management of affairs
into his own hands, iu 1661, than, following the ad-
vice of cardinal Mazarine, of his confessors, and of
the clergy about him, he made a firm resolution to
destroy the Protestants.! In prosecution of his pur-
pose, he excluded the Calvinists from his household,
aiHJ from all other employments of honour and profit;
ordered all the courts of justice, erected by virtue of
the Edict of Nantes, to be abolished, and, instead of
them, made several laws iu favour of the Catholic
friigion, which debarred from all liberty of abjuring

'SobiaMii'i Memoin. Iliat, o( Life and R«if^ of Lcnit XIV, ii 229. The
Mtt (or the wat of Ihe Nalional Synods of the ReforniKil cliurchi^s of
rwin wu taken rroro (he vition or Ho«ei, when feeding hi: Rock under
^BOBnt ofUod^ A >iranitile bnth in a naming lire, having the name of
^, JiHDVAti, engraved in iti cpnlre, wtlh this molto in iti circumfcirnce,
^f^vn non CBiwuinor. " With llili seal rbow venerable councils le.ded all
iBtir letlers and despatches ; — a sacred rmblrm," layi Quick, " ul (heir pait
•ail present condilioii." Synodicon, A. D. ll»2.

t M. Aiguan. " Richelieu avoit form^ iirujet de gaigner lea FrolPslans

'Iwpromeltai d'eBHcerdsns l'e)ill<e et dani 1' clal loiite trHvede dangBreas-
"'■Htdencea: la mort viol I'arieler a milieu de cpt iicurrux desiein." M.
*Jti»n, having inenlioried as a well known fact, lliM the French Academy,
.'niHln] by Richelieu, had concilmlcd (he lllerali of (lie two religions, sOirnis
''J* ba not Ieh true, but le» generally known, that Ricbplicu had serious
~>dils of separating France from Rome, by (lie creation of a pal rl arc bate.
, t"' Aignan aays, the clergy, as appears from (hr fiapen of their assemliliei,
WUle mm of the Proleiland in view fmm 1A65 tn 1B95 : " Le clerge, ro<i>me
' ■H«ent lei cabien de ses assemlilees, de i<>s:i i. lOBA. ■' y pril de iKi"-

pl' emremite de Loavois el de he Tellier, poiir c ' - ~'—

"WMtina"

'20 FRENCH PROTESTANTS.

the Catholic doctrine ; and restrained those Protest^
ants, who had embraced it, from returning to their
former opinions, under severe punishments. He or-
dered soldiers to he quartered in the houses of
Protestants, until they should chnns:e their religion.
He shut up their churches, and forbade the ministe-
rial function to their clergy ; and where his com-
mands were not readily obeyed, he levelled their
churches with the ground.

Those cities, which had given the strongest proofs
of their zeal and loyalty for their late king, were
first assaulted. On very slifjht pietences, the assail-
ants fell instantly upon Rorhelle, Montauban, and
Milhaud, — three towns where the professors of the
Reformed religion had most distinguished themselves
for the interests of the court. Kochelle was vexed
^^ with an infinite number of proscriptions ; her best
citizens driven out and exiled ; and her temple de-
molished. Montauban and Milhaud were sacked by
soldiers." The king, at last, on the 8lh of Octol)er,
lGii5, revoked the Edict of Nantes, and banished the
Protestants from the kingdom. In consequence of
this revocation, the public exercise of the Reformed
religion was entirely abolished in France ; its minis'^
ters were obliged to withdraw theinsc^lvrs ; their
churches were pulled down ; and all \\\v king's sub-
jects were obliged either to abjurr, or to drpart out
of the kingdom ; so that, in a short time, there was
no other public religion in France, but that of the
Catholic church.*

Bishop Burnet was in France this very year, and
witnessed the calamities that preceded, and the still
more disastrous calamities that followed, the revoca-
tion. " I saw," says the bishop, " that dismal tra-
gedy, which was at this time acted in France

♦Quirk's Synodicon, where this rilict of Re vocation i.< preHorvcd. Robin*
non's Miinoirs. Dii Tin's History ot the Church. Hi>toire de V Edit d*
N.int«*». Ser iSnTF. III.

FRENCH photestants. 21

The king of France had been for many years wcnk-
ening the whole Protestant interest there, nn<l was
then upon the last resolution of rf<:allin<^ the Edict of
Nantrs. — M. de Louvoy, seeing the kin;^ so set on
ibe matter, proposed to him a method, which, hf be-
liered, would shorten the work, and do it efli-ciually :
vhich was, to let loose some bodies of drasnons, to
livcupon the Protestants, on discretion. They were
put under no restraint, but only to avoid rap's, and
the killing them. This was liegun in Beam," The
people here were thrown into such distress ;nid ter-
ror, that, perceiving they must be either starved or
imprisoned, and being only required to promise to
reanite themselves to the church, and having no time
for consultation, they universally complied. Ttieir
compliance so animated the court, " that the same
methods were taken in most places of Guienne, Lan-
guedoc, and Dauphinc, where the {rrealest numbers
of the Protcstanfs were. Upon which the king, now
resolred to go through with what had been hnig pro-
jected, published the edict repealing the Edict of
Nantes, in which (though that edict was declared
to be a perpetual and irrevocable law) lie set forth,
that it was only intended to quiet matters by it, till
more effectual ways should be taken for the conver-
sion of heretics. He also promised in it, that though
all the public exercises of that religion were now
suppressed, yet those of that persuasion who lived
quietly, should not be disturlwd on that account,
while, at the same time, not only the dragoons, but
all the clergy, and the bigots of France, broke out
into all the instances of rage and fury, against surh
as did not change upon their being required in the
Jung's name to be of his religion ; for that was the
stjfle every where.

*' Men and women," proceeds the bishop, " of all
ages, who would not yield, were not only stript of
aO they had, but kept long from sleep, driven about

yKKNClI PROTESTANTS.

from place to placr, and hunted out of their retire-
ments. The women were carried into nunneries, in
many of which they were ahno^^t starved, whipt, and
barbarously treated. Some few of the bishops and
of the secular clergy, to make the matter easier, drew
formularies, importing that they were resolved to re-
unite themselves to the Catholic church, and that
they renounced the errours of Luther and Calvin.
It must be acknowledged, here was one of the most
violent persecutions that is to be found in history.
In many respects, it exceeded them all, both in the
several inventions of cruelty, and in its long continu-
ance. I went over the greatest part of France,"
says the bishop, ^* while it was in its hottest rage,
from Marseilles to Mont|>elier, and from thence to
Lyons, and so to Geneva. I saw and knew so many
instances of their injustice and violence, that it ex-
ceeded even what could have been well imagined ;
for all men set their thoughts on work to invent new
methods of cruelty. In all the towns through which
I past, 1 heard the most dismal accounts of those
things possible ; but chiefly at Valence, where one
Dherapine seemed to exceed even the furies of In-
quisitors. One in the streets could have known the
new converts, as they were passing by them, by a
cloudy dejection that appeared in their looks and de-
portment. Such as end('av()ar(*d to make their es-
^•ape, and were seized (tor guards and secret agents
wen! spread along the whole roads and frontier of
France), were, if men, condemned to the gallies,
and, if women, to monasteries. To compleat this
cruelty, orders were given that such of the new con-
verts, as did not at their death receive the sacrament,
should l)(; denied burial, and that their bodies should
be left where othc»r dead carcases were cast out, to
b«! devoured by wolves or dogs. This was executed
in seviTal places with x\w utmost barbarity. And it
gave all people so much horrour, that, fmdiug the ill

««. -.-••»

FRENCH PROTESTAStS. 29-

effect of it, it was let fall. This hurt none, but
smiclL all that Siiw it, even with more horrour than
tfaose suffering!; that were more felt. The fury that
aiipcared ou this occasion, did spread itself with a
sorl of contagion : for the inlendants and other offi-
cers, that had been mild and gentle in the former
parts of their life, seemed now to have laid aside the
coinpussion of Chrisrians, the breeding of gentlemen,
and ihe common impressions of humanity. The
greatest [>art of the cicrfry, the Regulars especially,
were so transported with the zeal that their king show-
ed OS this occasion, that their sermons were full of
tbe uiost inflamed eloquence that they could invent,
misaifying llioir king in strains too indecent and
blasphemous to be mentioned by me."

Bishop Ouniet remained at Paris until the begin-
■UD^ of August, and then went to Italy. He siaid
at Kome, until he received an intimation, that it was
lime for him to go ; when he '* returned to Marseilles,
and then went through those southern provinces of
France, that were at that time a scene of barbarity
uA cruelty."*

The restrospect of Saurin, a son of one of the Pro-
testant refugees, and a celebrated preacher at the
Hague, is at once eloquent and historical. " A
tbuusaud dreadful blows,'^ said the preacher, '* were
struck at our afflicted churches, before that which
destroyed them ; for our enemies, if 1 may use such
an expression, not content with seeing our ruin, en-
deavoured to taste it. One while edicts were pub-
lished against those, who, foreseeing the calamities
that threatened our churches, and not having power
to prevent them, desired only the sad consolation of
not being spectators of their ruin. Another while*
August, 1669, against those, who, through their
weaitnesSt bad denied their religion, and who, not

'BaraeriHiiloiTirfhii own Time ; apnd An. ISBfi. Referrinf'tothe Edict
ot Rerootion, bp. Bumel f»y», " A* hr na I cuuld judee, llic aitiiin of E-nt-
Uad gava tha hit Mrolte" to H. In Februnry. kin; .Inmc!- dpclareri hiniMira

24 FRE>Xfl PROTESTANTS.

beini; able to boar the remorse of their conscieiicus,
desired to return to their first profession. One while,
May, 1679, our pastors were forl)idden to exercise
their diseipline on those of their flocks, who had ab-
jured the truth. Another while, June, 1680, child-
ren of seven years of age, were allowed to embrace
doctrines, which, the (Church of Rome allows, are
not level to the rapacities of adults, June, 1681. A
college was suppressed, and then a church shut up,
January, 168ii. Sometimes we were forbidden to
convert infidels ; and sometimes to confirm those in
the truth, whom we had instructed from their infan-
cy ; and our pastors were forbidden to exercise their
pastond ofllice any longer in one place than three
years. Sometimes the printing of our books was
prohibited, July, 1685, and sometimes those which
we had printc»(l, were taken away. One while, we
were not suffered to preach in a church, September,
1685, and another while, we were punished for
preaehin«; on its ruins ; and at length, we were for-
bidden to worship God in public at all. Now, Oc-
tober, 1(185, we were banished ; then, 1689, wc were
forbidden to quit the kingdom on pain of death.
Here, we saw the glorious Howards of some who be-
trayed their religion : and there, we beheld others,
who had tlu* (MUira^e to confess it, a halin;^ to a dun-
peon, a scaffold, or a j^allc^y. Here, we saw our
p(»rseeutors drawing on a sledgci the dead bodies of
thosc^ who had expired on the rack. There we be-
held a false friar tormenting a dying man, who was
terrified, on the one hand, with the fear of hell, if he
should apostati/(% and, on the other, with the tear of
leaving his children without bread, if he should con>
tinue in the faith : yonder, th(»y were tearing children
from their parcMits, while the tender parents were
shedding more tears for tin* loss of their souls, than
for that of their bodies or lives."*

• Saiiriii, id aoliin^on's Mrmoirs. Tliu fallior of Rov. James Saiiiii!« whs
ail eminent i'rotei^tunt luuyvrut Nismesi who, after the Kuvucatiuii <*f thf

FRENCH PROTESTANTS. 25

The exclamation of the same preacher, in another
sermon on some public occasion, bewailing the mise-
ries of his exiled countrymen, reminds us of the
" Lamentations" of the prophet over Jerusalem and
his captive brethren at Babylon. The apostrophe to
Louis XIV is admirable. ^^ Are our benedictions ex-
hausted ? Alas ! on this joyful day can we forget
our griefs ? Ye happy inhabitants of these provinces,
so often troubled with a recital of our afflictions, we
rejoice in your prosperity ; will you refuse to com-
passionate our misfortunes ? And you, fire-brands
plucked out of the burnings sad and venerable ruins
of our unhappy churches, my dear brethren, whom
the misfortunes of the times have cast on this shore,
can we forget the miserable remnants of ourselves ?
0 ye groaning captives, ye weeping priests, ye sigh-
ing virgins, ye festivals profaned, ye ways of Zion
mourning, ye untrodden paths, ye sad complaint3,
move, O move all this assembly. O Jerusalem^ if
I forget thee J let my right hand forget her cunning.
Not remember thee ! Let my tongue cleave to the roof
of my mouth, if I prefer not Jerusalem above my
chief joy ! O Jerusalem, peace be within thy toallsj
(m prosperity within thy palaces. For my brethren
and companions^ sakcj I will now say, peace be with-
in thee ! May God be moved, if not with the ardor
of our prayers, yet with the excess of our afflictions ;
if not with our misfortunes, yet with the desolation
of his sanctuaries ; if not with the bodies we carry all
about the world, yet with the souls that arc torn from
us!

•diet of Nantes, retired to Geneva. His son, then at the age of ten years,

CQt with bisfathor into exile ; and, having finishod a liberal course of study,

'der very eminent iustructers at Geneva, visited Holland and England. He

id io England nearly five years, and preached with great acceptance to his

ow exiles at Loudon. In 17iO, he returned to Holland, when a rhapluin-

' to some of the nobility at the Hague was olfered him, which he accept-

The French church at the Hague afterwards inviting him lo become

Df its pastors, he accepted the call, and continued in his office till bis

i,in 1730.

»L. II. THIRD !?£RI£S. 4

3G FRENCH PROTESTANTS.

<' And tilou, dreadful prince, whom I once lionour-
ed as my kin^, and whom I yet respect as a scourge
in the hand of Ahnighty God, thou also shall have a
part in my good wishes. These provinces, which
thou threatcnest, but which the arm of the Lord pro-
tects ; this country, which thou iiUest uith refugees,
but fugitives animated with love ; these walls, which
contain a thousand niartyrs of thy making, but whom
religion renders victorious, all these yet resound bene-
dictions in thy favour. God grant, the fatal bandage
that hides the truth from thine eyes may fall off"!
May God forget the rivers of blood, with which thou
hast deluged the earth, and which thy reign hath
caused to be shed ! May God blot out of his book
the injuries, which thou hast done us, and, while he
rewards the sufTcrers, may he pardon those who ex-
|)osed us to suffer ! O may God, who hath made
thee to us, and to the whole church, a minister of
his judgments, make thee a dispenser of his favours,
an administrator of his mercj' !"*

M. Claude,t a distinguished defender of the Re-
formed church, referring to the *^ dragoons," who
were sent to the Protestants to extort from them an
abjuration, says : " They cast some into large fires,
and took them out when they were half roasted.
They hanged others with large ropes under the arm-
pits, and plunged them several times into wells, till
xhvy promised to renounce their religion. They tied
them, like criminals, on the rack, and poured wine

» III. SiTiiion*. V. 2^>r»— 257.

t •• 'J'li«' Ihiiious Mr. (Mnii(ie, pn!*(op of the church Hi Charenton, near Paris,
wmle a Drf'tnrc uft/ie litformalioHf which hII the clersy of France could not
Hiis\vi:r. 'liiR bishops, howcviT, aiirtwcretl the Protestants all at once, by
procuring; :in edict which t'urbade them to print." Robinson. An En^'lisn
translation of Chiudo's work was printed at London, in "tto. 1683. — Among
the (Miiinrnt divines and men of loiirning, who were ornaments to the Frcncii
Kefornied ciiurch in the s(>venteenth century, may be reckoned Cameron,
Chnniier, Du Moulin, Mcstrezat, Blondel, Drelincourt, Daille, Amyniult, the
two (*appcls, l)e la Place, (lUinstole, Croy, Moras, Le Blanc, I'ujon, Bochnrt,
Claude, Ailix, Jurieu, Kn.snuge. Abbadic, Beausobre, Lcnfant, Martin, IK
Viijnoleii, ^c.

-lJ-

FRENCH PROTESTANTS. 27

widi a funnel into their mouths, till, being intoxicated,
they declared that they consented to turn catholics.
Some they slashed and cut with penknives ; others
they took by the nose with red hot tongs, ancL led
them up and down the rooms till they promised to
turn catholics.''

These tremendous cruelties compelled eight hund-
red thousand Protestants to quit the kingdom. The
Protestants of other states and kingdoms opened their
arms to receive them.* Abbadie, Ancillon, and oth-
ers fled to Berlin ; Basnage, Claude, Du Bosc, and
many others, to Holland ; AUix, with many of his
brethren, to England ; very many families, to Geneva ;
and no inconsiderable number, to America.

It was while the storm was bursting upon them,
in the year preceding the revocation of the Edict of
Nantes, that the Prostestants of Rochelle looked to-
wards America, for an asylum. At an earlier period,
indeed, they had applied to the Massachusetts gov-
ernment for this purpose ; and, although they did not
then avail themselves of the liberty given them, they
were now encouraged by the remembrance of it. So
early as the year 1662, " John Touton, a French
doctor and inhabitant of Rochel in France, made ap-
plication to the court^' of Massachusetts, ^^ in behalf
of himself and other protestants expelled from their
habitations on account of their religion, that they
might have liberty to inhabit there, which was readi-
ly granted to i hem. "t Their state, it would seem,
Was tolerable at that time, and they endured it ; but,
at the time of the revocation, it was evidently insup-
portable. As they drew nigh that crisis, there were
harbingers of "the windy storm and tempest." A
declaration against the Protestants in 1681, was the
forerunner of the revocation of the Edict of Nantes.}

•See Note IV.

t Hutchinson's Hi^t. Massachusetts, i. c. 1!.

.*HU1. of Lewis XIV. ].. l;^.

28 FKENCH PROTESTANTS.

In 1682, the Assembly of the clergy of France issued
a ^^ warning to the pretended Reformed/' for so they
styled the Huguenots, ^^ to return to the bosom of the
church."* This menace, with the portentous indi-
cations accompanying and following it, must have
been suflicient to warn the Protestants of the im-
pending danger, and to incite them to concert meas-
ures for escaping it. The asylum, which had been
solicited and promised twenty years before, was again
sought, and a renewed application made for it, in
New England.

By a " Letter, written from Rochel, the 1st of Oc-
tober 1684," to some person in Massachusetts, it
appears, that some Protestants in that city were rob-
bed, their temple razed, their ministers banished,
their goods confiscated, and a fine imposed ; that
they were not allowed to become ^^ masters in any
trade or skill ;" that they were in daily expectation
to have soldiers put in their 'houses, and their child-
ren taken from them. The writer observes, that
this country. New England, was in such high esti-
mation, that many Protestants were intending to
come to it ; inquires, what advantage they can have
here, and particularly *' the boors," who were accus-
tomed to agriculture ; and suggests, that the sending
over of a ship to transport the French Protestants,
would be a profitable adventurcf

* Du Pin, iv. 363. This paper is preserved in Hist, dn V Edit de Nantes, v.
189 — 144. It is entitled, " Avertisskmknt Pastoral dc 1' Kglise Gallicane
asiembUe h Paris par 1* autoritu du rui, a ecu de la R. P. R. pour les porter k
se convertir, et 4 se reconcilier avec T Kglise." Towards tlic clo»e of llii^

" warning/' is this monitory sentence: *' Qui si vous refusez parre

fjue cette dernier errcur sera plus criminelle en vous (pie toutes les autres,
vous de\'cz vous attendro 4 dcs malhcMirs incomparHblenient plus t{»ouve«
nables et plus funcstes, one tons ceux (}ue vous ont attirez justpi* & present
v6trc revoke el votre scnisnie."

t MS. An extract from this letter! discovered among the MSS. in the New
Englagd Library, collected by Kev. Thomas Priivck, and givrn by him to the
Old South Church in lioston. It is now amon^; the valuable .MSS. dc|>osi(cd
by that Church in the Library of the Massachusetts Historical Society. See

APPENPIX, A.

FRENCH PROTESTANTS. 29

Whether a vessel was sent, or not, we are unable to
determine. The diffictilty of escaping from the king-
dom, by any means whatever, must have been ex-
treme, and attended with the utmost peril. Every
attempt must have been made in the very face of the
edict, which prohibited a departure from the realm on
the severest penalties. One of the articles of the
edict of revocation was : " And we do most straitly
again repeat our prohibitions unto all our subjects of
the pretended Reformed religion, that neither they
nor their wives nor children do depart our kingdom,
countries, or lands of our dominion, nor transport
their goods and effects, on pain, for men so offending,
of their being sent to the gallies, and of confiscation
of bodies and goods for the women."

it is certain, however, that a considerable number

of Protestants by some means effected their escape

fro CD France, and came over to America ; and au-

t&^jitic papers, in our possession, seem to imply, that

th^ir transportation and settlement were provided for

bjr men of the first distinction in New England.

JBy the records of the town of Oxford, it appears,
tlisi^t, in the year 1682, the General Court of Massa-
chk^uisetts granted to Joseph Dudley, afterwards govern-
or of the province, William Stoughton, afterwards
lieutenant governor and commander in chief, major
K-obert Thompson, and their associates, a tract of
land in the northwesterly part of the province, now
Kxiown by the name of Oxford, in the county of
"Worcester. This tract was " of eight miles square,
and situated in the Nipmug country," so called from
a tribe of Indians, of that name, in its vicinity. Soon
after the revocation of the Edict of Nantes, the pro-
prietors " brought over thirty French Protestant
families into this country, and settled them upon the
easternmost part or end of the said tract of land."*

^Omford Town Records. These Records, reciting the grounds of forfeit iire
'1 1713, fty: ** The said Joseph Dudley and their associates, in the yenr

fc ^

30 FRENCH PROTESTANTS.

In an original MS. '^ Delineation of the Town of
Oxford," lying before me, it is laid out in lots in the
names of the original proprietors. Between eleven
and twelve thousand acrcs^. at the east end, were
^< severed, granted, and sett apart for a village called
Oxford, for the said Families."*

These imperfect notices arc all that we havQ been
able to discover, of the time and the manner of the
transportation of the French Protestants to New
England. How long they continued on their planta-
tion, what were their occupations, and what their
progress in improvements, we have not been able
precisely to ascertain. It appears, however, that the
united body of settlers continued ten years at least,
on the plantation ; that they erected fortifications up-
on it ; that they set up a grist mill and a malt rail!-;
that they planted vineyards and orchards — remains of
which are still to be seen ; and that they acquired
the right of representation in the provincial legislature.
Of this last fact, the public records preserve the evi-
dence ; ' for in the year 1693, an act was passed by
the Massachusetts government, empowering Oxford
to send a representative to the General Court.f

Every thing concerning this interesting colony of
exiles h<is hitherto been learnt from tradition, with
the illustrations derived from scanty records and ori-
ginal manuscripts. Many of these manuscripts,
which arc generally written in the French language,
were in the possession of Mr. Andrew Sigourney, of
Oxford, and the rest wv.vv, princi|)ally procured by
Mr. Sigourney for the compilation of this Memoir.l

168 ,broiif^1it over 30 Fn'ncli IVotcsttint fainilio^," leaving the y«ar unc«r-
(nin. The Hv.v. Mr. Whiiiipy, in liis Urslory of the County of Worce»tcr,
sayn, i( was " in the year KWiJ."

• Sec Ai-PKMlIX, \i.

+ Mr. Whitney, uho takes a very slight notice of the French setllcmcnt in
Oxford, mentions tills nr.t, as apiKrarin^ " l)y (lie rucordi in Secretary's office
of tlie CommonweHllh."

{Mr. Andrew SmorRNEY is n descendant from the flr^l of dial name,
who was among the original French acttlcrs of Oxford. To his kiadDe^rs I

1.X1.

FRENCH PROTESTANTS. 31

The oldest Manuscript that I have seen, is an ori-
ginal paper, containing ^^ Articles of Agreement be-
tween Caleb Church of Watertown, mill-wright, and
Gabriel Beruon of Boston, merchant," concluded in
March, 1689, by which the said Church covenants
and agrees to " erect a corn or grist-mill, in the vil-
lage of Oxford." This instrument was sealed and
delivered in presence of .T. Bertrand Du .... [obteure.]

** Tho. Dudley."
Church's acknowledgment of a receipt *' in full
following our bargain," is' signed at ** Boston, 4th
^ebruarii, 168-^," the witnesses of which were Pe-
ccr Basset and Gabriel Depont. The Paper is en-
^doTsed, ^^ Contract de M**. Church pour le Moulin de
T^ew Oxford."

We can clearly trace the French plantation down
to the jear 1696 ; at which time it was broken up
hy an incursion of the Indians. By original manu-
scripts, dated that year and at subsequent periods, it
appears, that Gabriel Bernon, a merchant, of an an-
cievit and respectable family in Rochellc, was under-
(a.ls.er for the Plantation, and expended large sums
for its accommodation and improvement. An origi-
nsLl. paper in French, signed at Boston, in 1696, by
tlM.^% principal settlers, certifies this fact in behalf of
B/Er. Bernon ; and subjoins a declaration, that the
nisissacre of Mr. Johnson and of his three children by
tlhie Indians was the melancholy cause of his losses,
and of the abandonment of the place. ^

Upon the dispersion of the French settlers from
Oxford, it appears, that many, if not most of them,
came to Boston. From the distinction which many

am indebted for nearly all my materials for this part of the Memoir. After

giving me every facility at Oiford, in aid of my inquiries and researches, he

made a journey to Providence for the sole purpose of procuring for me the

Bernon papers, which he brought to me at Camoridgc. These papers were in

the 'possession of Philip Allen, Esq. of Providence, who married into the

Bernon family ; and who has since indulged me with the MSS. to the extent

of uky wishes.

* Sec ArrxNDiXj C.

32 f*RENCH PROTESTANTS.

of tlie families attained in the metropolis, it may be
fairly inferred, that they approved themselves to the
citizens, whose hospitality they experienced, and to
whose encouragement and patronage they must have
been greatly indebted for their subsequent prosperity.
They appear to have adhered to the principles, and,
so far as they were able, to have maintained the in-
stitutions, of religion, according to the Reformed
church in France. It was /or their religion that they
suffered in their native country ; and to enjoy its
privileges, unmolested, they fled into the wilderness.
While at Oxford, they enjoyed the ministrations of a
French Protestant minister.* Of their religious af-
fairs, however, we have no distinct account, until
their settlement in Boston, after the Indian massacre
in 1696.

It is w^ell known that the French refugees had a
church of their own in Boston, where they, for many
years, attended divine service. The Rev. Peter
Daill^ was their first minister ; and he was highly
esteemed. He was succeeded by the Rev. Andrew
Le Mercier, who is described as ^^ a worthy char-
acter." He was the author of ** The Church His-
tory of Geneva, and a Political and Geographical Ac-
count of that Republic," printed at Boston in 1732.
By intermarriages and otherwise, it appears that,
in process of time, the French families became so
blended with the other inhabitants of the town, as to
render a se|)arate and distinct religious service either
unnecessary, or impracticable ; for, in the life time
of Mr. Lo Mercier, their church was, for some years,
unoccupied, and, at length, sold for the use of a new
Congregational cluirrh.t

Whether the French exiles never dared to return to
the plantation from which they fled in such terror
and dismay, or whether they became so advantagc-

♦ See AiTKNinx, l> f Sci' AppKNDix, K.

s-^

FRENCH PROTESTANTS.

^f jur

lusly settled in Boston as not to wish (o rettirn, or
■whatever were the cause, they never did, as a body,
return to Oxford. Permanent inhahitance, it may
be presumed, liad been a conditioii of the grant ; for
the lands of that township reverted to the original
proprietors. By the Records of the Town, under
the date of 1713, it appears, that the French settlers
bad " many years since wholly left and deserted their
settlements in the said village;" that, upon public
proclamation, they had refused to return ; and ihat
most of ihein had voluntarily surrendered their lands.
The proprietors, having recited these facts, and far-
ther stated, that " there were sundry good families of
her majesty's subjects within this province, who offer
themselves lo go and resettle the said village, where-
by they may be serviceable to the province, and the
end and design of the original grant aforesaid be
answered and attained," proceed to grant and con-
vey these lands to several persons and otlters, their
associates, "so as their number amount to thirty at
least." The instrument of this condiliouat grant is
dated the 8th of July, 1713. The requisite numltcr
of associates was obtained ; and, about a year and a
half after the above date, a distribution was made by
lot among the thirty families.*

There are but few relicks, or memorials, of the
French settlement, now to be found in Oxford. Of
these the most interesting are lo be seen on a very
iiigh hill, which lies in the southwest part of the
wn, and commands a beautiful and extensive pros-
The village of Oxford beneath, and the rural
:enery around, are delightful. The hill is about a
imile south of that pari of the village, at which is the
Junction of two great roads leading from Boston, one
through Westborough and Sutton, and the other
through Marlborough and Worcester ; and, after

34 VRENCH PROTESTANTS'.

uniting in one at Oxford, passing through Dudley,
Woodstock, Brooklyn, and other towmi, to Norwich,
in Connecticut. It is called Mayo's Hill, and some-
times Fort Hill, from a fort, built on its summit by
the French Protestants* The farm, on which^ the
remains of the fort are, is owned by Mr. John Mayo,
whose grandfather, of- Roxbury , was the original pur-
chaser. The fort is a few rods from the dwelling
house. It was evidently constructed in the 'regular
form, with bastions, and had a well within its enclo-
sure. Grape vines, in 1819, were growing luxuri-
antly along the line 6f the fort ; and these, together
with currant bushes, roses, and other shrubbery,
nearly formed a hedge around it. There were some
remains of an apple orchard. The currant and as-
paragus were still growing there. These, with the
peach, were of spontaneous growth from the French
plantation ; but the last of the peach trees were de-
stroyed by the memorable gale of 1815.*

Of the French refugees, who settled in the otlier
American colonies, we have but imperfect accounts.
It is well known, that many of them, at the Revoca-
tion of the £dict of Nantes, and afterwards, settled
in New York, Virginia, and Caroiina.f

New Rochelle, in the state of New York, was
settled by French Protestant emigrants from Rochelle,
in France. A French Protestant Episcopal church
was founded in the city of New York by the French
Huguenots, soou after the Revocation. Between
these refugees and those who came to Massachusetts,
it appears by the Bernon papers, there was some
correspondence. The historian of New York, about
the middle of the last century, says, " The French
church, by the contentions in 1724, and the disuse
of the language, is now reduced to an inconsiderable
handful. The building, which is of stone, nearly a

* See Appendix, G. t See Note V.

FRENCH PROTESTANTS. 35

square, plain both within and without. It is fenced
from the street, has a steeple and a bell, the latter of
which was the gift of sir Henry Ashurst of London."*
M. Pierre Antonie Albert was a rector of this church
in our day. He died in 1806, in the forty-first year
of his age.

In 1690, king William sent a large body of French'
Protestants to Virginia ; to whom were assigned
lands on the banks of James river, which they soon
improved into excellent estates.

Among the colonies in America, which reaped ad-
vaiHage from the Revocation of the Edict of Nances,
Carolina had a large share. Many of the French
refugees, having purchased lands from the proprietors,
embarked with their families for that colonv, and
proved to be some of its best and most industrious
inhabitants. These purchasers made a settlement on
Santee river ; others, who were merchants and me-
chanics, took up their residence in Charlestown, and
followed their different occupations. Carolina had
begun to be settled but fifteen years before the Revo-
cation of the Edict of Nantes ; and these new settlers
were a great acquisition to that colony. t It is wor-
thy of remark, that, more than a century b(?fore, ad-
miral CoLiGNY had attempted a settlement of French
Protestants in the territory now called Carolina, then
Florida; and that, at length, under ' the auspices of
the English, this same country became an asylum for
them, as it had been originally intended by Coligny.

It should heighten our respect for the French emi-
grants, and our interest in their history, to be re-

* Smith's New York. On the front of the church is the following inscrip-
tion : •

JFsDES SACRA
GALLOR. PROT.
REFORM.
FVNDA. 1704.
, PENITVS
REPAR. 1741.
f Smith Hist. New York. Allen's Biog. Diet. .irt. Albert. Beverly's Hist.
Virginia. Hewatt's S. Carolina, i. 94. Ramsay's Hist. S. Carolina, i. 10.

90< MtlfCH PROtBStAMti.

taindecl of the dintingaished senrices which their de«
Bceudantft have rendered to our countnr, and to the
cause of civil and religious liberty. Gabriel JMani«
gault, of South Carolinai assisted this country* which
had been the asylum of his parents, witl^ a loon of
^220,000 for carrying on its revolutionary struggle
for lil>erty and incfependence. ** This was done at
an early period of the contest, when no man was
certain, whether it would terminate in a revolution or
rebellion." Of the nine presidents of the old congress,
which conducted the United States through the revo-
lutionary war, three were descendants of French
Protestant refugees, who had emigrated to America
in consequence of the Revocation of the Edict of
Nantes. These were, Henry Laurbi«s, of South
Carolina, John Jay, of New York, and Elias Bou-
DiNOT, of New Jersey.

What became of the Protestants, who remained in
France after the catastrophe of 1685« every lover of
truth, every philanthropist, every friend to the Pro-
testant church iind to pure religion, must be desirous
to know. To resume, then, the thread of their his-
tory :

By an edict of Louis XV, in 1724, all maniages,
not celebrated by priests of the Church of Rome, are
declared concubinage, and the children of such mar*
ria^es, bastards. The laws of France alsio ordain,
that before marriage the parties shall confess, and re-
ceive the Lord's supper. As Protestants could not
do this without renouncing their religion, and as,
since the Rtivocation of the Edict of Nantes, they
had been deprived of their churches ; their marriages
were solemnized in the open fields, and hence called
Marriages of the Desert.

So late as the middle of the last century, the
Catholic clergy, attended by bailiffs, broke into hous-
es in the night ; dt^stroyed every thing ; tore child-
ren, Hho had reached four years of age, from the

FRENCH PROTESTANTS.

isoDis of their parents, and placed them under the

rcftion and government of monks ; the parents be-
ing obliged to defray the charge of educating them in
a religion which they detested. If childmi escaped,
tlie father was forced to pay an enormous fine, or to
line away in a gloomy dungeon. From 1751 to

753, there were many barbarous transactions in
France. In 1751, the iulendaut of Languedoc en-
joined, that all children, baptized by Protestanis,
should be rebaptlzed in the Roman church ; and that
the marriages of Protestants should be rendered le-
gitimate only by the priests' subsequent blessing.
Men present at religious assemblies were punished
with the gallies ; women, with perpetual imprison-
ment; preachers, with the halter. The severe laws,
from which these evils arose, remained unrepealed ;
and the execution of them depended on the humour
of bishops and intendants.

Great efforts were made to prevent emigration ;
yet such multitudes fled from France to avoid these
persecutions, that at last the court found it necessary
to restrain them ; and, from about the year 1763 to
the French revolution, the situation of the Protest-
ants became more favourable. " Since that time,"
says Dr. Less, " the bloody laws which remain in
force have not been executed. Protestants are suf-
fered to attend their worship ; and their marriages
and children are acknowledged legitimate." Before
the late Revolution, however, the French Protestants
had no preachers, nor religious assemblies in the
capital ; " for as their freedom of worship rests on
indulgence, in opposition to law, they venture not to
violate the law, in the presence of the court." Their
only public worship in Paris was in the chapel of the
Dutch ambassador, where they had two preachers.
" Many of the bishops," it was affirmed, " favour
liberty of conscience. The present king [Louis XVIJ
loves his subjects, and hates persecution. The bigot-

88 FRENCH PROTESTANTS.

ry of the archbishop of Paris, and of some ministers
c^ state, is the chief hindrance of theior obtainiDg a
legal toleration ; which, bj encouraging their mar-
riages, and recalling refugees, would increase the
commerce and manufactures of France, and unite the
strength of the kingdom.'^*

What will be the ultimate influence* of the French
revolution, and of the restoration of the Bourbon
family to the throne of > France, upon the cause of
civil liberty and religious toleration, it, is not for us
to predict. The massacre of the Protestants on St
Bartholomew's day .in former time, and the mas-
sacre of the Catholics in France in our own day,
present lessons to kings, alike instructive and mbni-
torjr. The last I give in the first words of a Catho-
lic historian : ^^ One hundred and thirty-eight bisbi^
and archbishops, sixty-four thousand curates or virarst
driven from their^sees, their parishes, for refusing to
take an oath, by which they must have incurred the
guilt of perjury and apostasy ; all the clergy, all the
religious of both sexes robbed of thei patrimony of the
church, and forced from their retreats ; the temples of
the Lord converted into capacious prisons for the
reception of his ministers ; three hundred of his
priests massacred in one day, in one city ; all the
othA pastors, \\4io remained faithful to their God,
either sacrificed or banished their country, seeking
through a thousand dangers a refuge among foreign
nations : such is the spectacle exhibited to the world
by the French rrvoliition.''t

A more easy and delightful lesson is furnished — if
we may be permitted to say it — by our own country.
While we reflect with gratitude on that portion of
our history which shows, that it has in former time

* \j^A9^.y State of tjie Protestants in Fnnce. Erskine's Sketches of Church
History, ii. Nos. V. and VI.

t History df the Clcrov dorine the French Revolution. By the Abb^
Barru»l. *' An impious and wily philosophy had refreshed file remem-
br<i nrr of the history of that terrible ni^t [St. Bartholomew] over which
Keligion weeps, and Humanity must shudder." Barruel.

FRENCH PROTESTANTS. 59

furnished an asylum for the persecuted Protestants,
we cannot but highly estimate the constitutions and
laws of our commonwealth and of the United States,
which secure to all persons, of whatever nation or
languas^e, entire liberty of conscience. Nor, while
we reflect on the important services which the de-
scendants of the French refugees rendered to us, in
the vindication of our liberties, can we forbear to ex-
press a wish for the recovery of theirs in the parent
country. The disastrous revolution in France, which
had nearly prostrated all religion with the throne and
the altars, may, by an overruling Providence, be
made promotive of the cause of religious liberty. We
do hope in God, that the toleration, nominally afford-
ed to Protestants in the present constitution of the
French government, is the harbinger of their future
freedom. Of our own free constitutions it does not
become us to boast ; but, while we an* grateful for
them, we may be allowed to express the hope, that
their tolerant principles will be adopted by other na-
tions, whatever may be the form of their government.*
The recent presence in our coimtry of a native of
France, who from earliest life has been a ^.ealous and
disinterested friend to rational liberty, may justly
heighten our sympathies with our Protestant brethren
of his nation, as well as our interest in the subject of
this Memoir. M. de la Fayette unites the Old
world with the New — '' nexus utriusque mundi.'' In
both have his patriotic services been devoted to the
cause of freedom; and in neither will the remembrance
of them be ever obliterated. The half century cele-
bration of the epoch of our liberties has been a com-
memoration of his virtues : and the monument, which

•" n [France] avait sous les yeux Teiemple des Etats-Unis d' Amprique,
le seul paysde 1h terreoi^ fleiinsse v6ritnblemeiit la liberie rcligieuse." Aig-
nnn. For a concisf account of ihe state of the French Protestants from the
XVIth century to the year 1818, the reader is referred to a recent and valua-
ble work, entitled, ** De I' Etat des Protestans en France, depui:; le XVI
Steele jus(|u* a nos jours, Avec dos ^iotes Eclaircixsrmens Historiques ; Par
M. AiGKAir, de 1' Acadcniie Frau^aise. Deuxii^me Edition. Paris, 18I8.

40 FRENCH PROTESTANTS.

we are erecting in memory of our patriots and heroes,
will be a memorial of him.

It is in reference to the «ause of the Protestants^
that the name of La Fayette is here introduced. On
his return to France in 1784, aftur the successful
termination of the American war, Congress resolved,
that a letter be written to his most Christian majesty,
expressive of the high sense which the United States
in Congress assembled entertain of the zeal, talents,
and m(*ritorious services of the marquis de la Fayette,
and recommendins: him to the favour and patronage
of his majesty. During the year following his arrival
in France, finding the minds of his countrymen great-
ly agitated on questions of political rights, he took
part in some of their perilous discussions at once ;
on others, he delayed ; but, on all, his opinions were
openly and freely* known, and on all he preserved the
most entire consistency. He very soon united his
efforts with those of Malesherbes to relieve the Pro-
testants of France from disabilities, and place them
an the same footing with other subjects ; but the time
for their freedom had not yet arrived, and his endeav-
ours at this early period were unsuccessful. La
Favette was the first Frenchman, who raised his
voice against the slave trade ; and he attempted to
form a lea;:ue against the Barbary |>irates.*

While busily engaged in these inten.»sts of phiUn-
thropy, in F(»bruary, 1797, the Assembly of the
Notables was opened. Of this Assembly La Fayette

•The rondii'^t of this yoiin^ warrior, in r«»1iirnin{; fn»iii AmrrlcH with hi*.
militdry iMiin-l*. ami (><4|»<iii<iiii<! \\u* rnusv of tiir opfirrs'^fcl in iiisown roiintrv,
is f^trikiiiKly rfjuvsmtrd hy M. Aignnn. The* ohjprt of I.;i KMyetIo anil hi-
as!t(K'.iHic*i, lio ^a>H, whs in i>!)tain permission for the I'rotPstnntA tt> hit boru,
to mitrry, and to di**. " Vn jrnne gupirirr qni r.tpportfiit d' Am«Ti«iUf de<
lauriers H\oiirs par la philonofihio, nn homnir! par ijiii (outO'i lo» nobler roul<*s
du patriotixmr nou« ont etc frayces, M df la Kayrllr, h' etait oonrrrto aver
M. i\p Mali'-Jirihp'. <'t av«*c M. d« Bn'tcnll |niiii ipi' il fut f»ermis hu\ Protrs-
tan.H iIp rmitn', do ••«; marier ct di* moiirir. — Mais cfs |!;(Miireii%r!< K'otativrs

t'tait'nt prt'matiiii'cs Opcndant 1' asMiMnhU't' drs notables (itTrit hiritt**it

k M. d(* la KHypitu 1' uccasiuu de reiiuuveler en fuveur de» PruteMaiis scs
patriotitptes cflurts."

FRENCH PROTESTANTS. 41

was a member ; and the iudepcudent, yet temperate
tone, which he held throughout its sessioa, " gave a
marked character to its deliberations." He propos-
ed the suppression of the arbitrary and odious leitres
de cachet : he proposed the enfranchisement of

THE PROTESTANTS.*

It was not until the reign of Louis XVI, under the
ministry of Malesherbes, that the government dbcov-
cred any disposition to alter the law which respected
those who were called " Non-Catholics.'" la 1787,
Rabaut de St. Eticnne, a Protestant minister, was at
Paris. Supposing that something might then be ef-
fected in the relaxation of the laws against the Pro-
testants, he applied to the ministry, and received a
farourable answer. He was soon after invited, and
received in public, as a Protestant clergyman ; and
obtained aa edict favourable to the Protestants. Up-
on this acknowledgment of the Keformed church, an
immense number ranged themselves under its banners.
Nearly a million of people came forward to profess
iheir faith, and to register before the local govern-
Taents the baptisms and marriages, which had been
secretly performed. At the meeting of the States
General, in 1789, some Protestants wore returned as
representatives ; and a decree was passed, thai no
one should be interrupted in his religious opinions, if
the manifestation of them did not break in upon the
public peace ; and soon after, all Non-CathoHcs were
petrailled to hold civil and military employnieuts in
common with other citizens. In 1790, that portion
oflbc confiscated property of Protestants, which had

'.Vorth American ReviEW, IB2S, Jhl. Lafatetti. Aii^nan. In ITfrt. La
Fijelle wu al Nismes, wb«re resided I'nul Rabaul, a miniiter, conoiHored as
W Ibe bead of the ProteiUuU, fallier of Rabaut de Si. Eticnne. tlovr lub-
lioe Ihe Dimillit oC this vEiierable old mnii, embracing the Triend of Waih*
iajlon and cbeered wilh the hope of Proleslant Liberty, when conlraited
Vilh rhal of Ifae rerocinus Tellier, on sealing (he Edict for its eitinclion, ■
ttoinrj before : '■ Lo Tieiltird toiiohaii au (erme d' une vie orageuao ; il em-
hrun comnie un uuviiir I' ami de Washington, et pronon^e dam ie> \m^
no JHmu dimiHJf eipiaioire de cetoi du f^roce Le Tellier."
VOL. II. THIHD SBBIC^. 6

i^Jr

4? rSfillCH PBOTKiTAimii

^' muuhad unsold after the Revocation ci die Edict of

Nantes in the hands of the government^ was rastoMd

to the heirs of the former possessors.

The government of the National AssemUvt which

' assumed the authority in 1 792, declare itself li^atifo

alike to all ministers, who would not disavow the

Iirinciples of their own profession, and assist in estah-
ishing an athebtical system, and partalie iikthe act»
- of that age of terror.

It was not until 1802, that Christianity conld be
said to be publicly recognised by the government of
France, it was m the consulate of Bonaparte, that
the churches were repaired, and religion poUicly re*
established. Upon reports on Ibis subject, presented
by his direction to the different members df the state,
was founded a religious estaUishment, whichf while
' it gave to the Catholics a pre-eminence in the state,
afforded to the Protestants a free worship and eqnal
political rights. At that time the dominion of France
extended far beyond the limits of the old, or <tf the
present government. It included a vast population
of Protestants, principally of the Confession of Augs-
burg, and also ^ the Reformed church, bekM^inig to
the city of Geneva, and the vallies of Piedmontl
In the registry made of the ministers in the empire,
it was found that there were 557 attached to the
Reformed, and 481 to the Lutheran church, in all
1038 ministers of the two communions ; to both of
which the same privileges were secured. During the
reign of Bonaparte, many of the old and dilapidated
churches, which had belonged to Catholics before
the Revolution, were given for the Reformed worships
and, as numbers were gathered into this communion ^
principally from the scattered remains of those whicb:^
had survived the persecution to which the church
been subjected, new ministers were appointed an<
paid by the government. The number of these, bot^^T
in France, and in other parts formerly dependi

FRENCH PROTESTANTS. 43

.upon it| but now separated from it, is stated to have
verj much increased since the j^ear 1802. No other
change of importance has occurred in the situation
or circumstances of the Reformed church since the
time of Bonaparte. The provisions that had beea
adopted for its support and security, were included
in those fundamental laws, which formed what is
called the Charter^ and which were solemnly recog-
nised when the Bourbons reasccnded the throne.

There are several circumstances in the present
condition of the French Protestant church, which af-
ford an encouraging prospect of its increase and im-
provement. These are: Its conoiparative toleration
by law ; the increasing distribution, within it, of the
Word of God ; the soundness of its institutions ; the
large number of its ministers ; the e^^tension of its
adherents over the whole kingdom — amounting, it is
supposed, to upwards of a million ; and the influence
of Dible, Missionary, and Tract Societies.* If the
reign of the present king of France shall be as dis-
tinguished by justice, as the reign of the king, whose
name he has assumed, was by cruelty, to the Pro-
testants ; the memory of Charles Xth will be per-
petuated with glory. Should the hopes of our French
Protestant brethren be not fulfilled ; if the fiery or-
deal must again be passed ; our prayer for them is,
that they may have the " good will of him who
dwelt in the bush," and that, with the faith of their
forefathers, they may resume their seal, with its ap-
propriate motto, I BURN, I AM NOT CONSUMED.

***Histoi7y present Condition, and Prospects of the French Frotesttnt
C^lrareii,*' ID the Christian Observer, vol. uv, for the year 1825.

^ HISTORICAL NOT£S.

-"* mdte l p. la

MASSACRE AT PABIS, 1572*

A RESPECTABLE GemiRD, who Tisit^d Rome aboat the middle of
the last centary, detcribiog the paiotlngs Id one of the apartmeoti
of the y Rticao, sajs : «« Mre is also Vaseri's piece of the perfidl-
OQS massacre of Paris ; wliich has its naoM firom 8t Bartholo-
mew's daj, on|g|bich it was perpetrated. Formerly tiieae words
were inscribed onder it: Strages Hugtm/oUntm^ ' Tlie stanmfater
of the Hagonoti ;' and^ the other side : Asecm CSs%m Jtsr
jmiof, « The liiog aMdVes of killing Coligni.* Bat Roase itself
seems to be ashamed of that execrable inhuman procednra ; this
Inscription hafinjr some years ago been corered with a little
gilded border. This, howeyer, will remain in history as an in-
delible blot on Gregory the Thirteenth's characterp namely, that
he applauded those bloody nuptials of Henry of NaTarre, by m
medal he caused to be struck, which on one side had this legend :
VgomaiPirmm Sirogti. Under a smaller picture (near that men-
tioned aboTe) where the wounded j^iral is carried along, these
words are still legible ; Coipar CmgmM$ AmirMn oeenio mlMra
dmnumdefimr. Qregorio XIIL PonHf. Max. MDLXJtll. Orer

Inst this is a person half naked, which was without doubt h^

ded for Henry IV. o^ France, hi a submlsslTe posture before
the pope. Some of the inscription under this picture his like-
wise been erased ; all that remains of it now Is,

^^ Gregor . . Eccleiia . • . supplieem ei paniteniem ahiobniJ*^
Trayelfl through Germany, Italy, &c. By J. G. Keysler, F. R, S.
Lend. From the German, Lond. 1757, t. ii. Art. Rons. — ^lledals
were struck, having on one side the king sitting on a throne, and
treading on dead bodies, with the motto, Ftrha in r^lUt ; and
on the reverse, the arms of France crowned between two col-
umns, and Pietoi BxcUavit JvHiciam 24 Augusti 1572. There is a
print of this medal in P. Daniel, lorn. vlii. 786.

NOTE U. p. la

ABSOLUTION OF KINO HENRT IV.

Keysler observed, at Rome, a memorial of the absolution of
Henry IV. During the ceremony, the staff in the hands of the

HISTORICAL NOTES. 45

pope was used in a yerj uncoarteous manner upon the shoulders
of the king^s representatives, and of the cardinak du Perron and
d^ Ossat, ^^ who were kneeling at his feet.'' Though cardinal
d' Ossat oAen repeated, '^ that nothing passed in the absolution in
the least derogatory to the king's prerogative, few impartial
readers will take his word for it. His delay in sending an ac-
count of this singular circumstance betrays some fears of the cen-
sures that might be passed on it; and that he would have been
much better pleased, if it could have been entirely concealed
from the French. It was, however, publicly known in France^
with all its ignominious circumstances, before the papal court
had published the narrative of this extraordinary absolution.

*^ In the area before the church of St. Anthony is a cross of
oriental granate, with a crucifix of brass on it ; and at its side the
Vii^in Mary, of the same metal, under a canopy supported by
four granate pillars. This is a memorial of the mass celebrated
in this church by Clement VIII, on the conversion of Henry IV^
king of France, to the Romish religion. On the pedestal of this
pillar there was formerly this inscription :

D. o. M.

Clemente VIIL Pont. Max.

Ad memoriam absoltUionis

Henrici IV, Franc, et Navarr.

Regis Christianissimu

Q. F. R. D. TV. KaL Ociohru.

MDXCV.

Bat about twelve years since it has been thought fit to erase this

inscription." Keysler, ut supra.

An oration was pronounced at Rome before pope Gregory XIII,
by Antony Muretus, in praise of Charles IX, in which he blesses
that memorable night in which this accursed slaughter was com-
mitted ; extols the king, the queen-mother, and the brethren of
the king, for the share they had in this execrable work ; and
calls the pope himself most blessed Father^ for his going in proces-
sion to return thanks to God and St. Lewis for the welcome news
when brought to him.*

• <( O noctem illam memorabilem, et in fastis eiimie alicujas noim adjec-
tione iigDandam ! . . . Qua quidem nocte Stellas equidem sohto nitidius arbi-
tror, et flumen Seqaanam majores undas volvisse, quo ilia impuroruin bomi-
Bam eadavera evolveret et eioneraret in mare. O felicissimam mnlierem
Catbarioam regis matrem, que cam tot annos admirabili pnidentia parique
sollicitudine regnum filio, filiam reano conservasset, tarn demam sacum
regoantem filium adspeiit ! O regis fratres, ipsos quoqae beatos ! — O diem
deDiqae ilium plenum letitie et hilaritatis, quo tu, Beatissime Pater, hoc ad te
DODCio allato, Deo immortali, et Divo Hludovico regi, cujas bee in ipso
penrigiilo evenerant, gratias acturus. . . . Quis autem optabilior ad te nanciiu
•dferri poterat ? ant nos ipsi quid felicius optare poteramus priDcipium pon-
tjficatus tui ?*'

46 HISTORICAL NOTES.

NOTE III. p. ao.

EDICT OF REVOCATION, 1685.

ITIstoire de 1^ Edit de Naotes, contenant lea choses les plot
reniar({uables qui se sont passees en France avant ct apres sa
publication a i^ occasion de la diversite des Religions ; et princi-
palemcnt Ics Contraventions, Inexecution», Chicanes, Artifices,
Violences, et autrcs Injustices, que ies Keformez y ont souffertes
jusques a l'Edit i>e Revocation', en Octobre 1685. Avec ce qui
a suivice nouvel Edit jusques a present 5 vols. 4to. Printed at
Delflt, 1695. In this History, a copy of the original is inserted,
entitled, *^ Edit du Roi, qui revoquc ceiui de iNantes, et tente ce
qui 9* est fait en consequence, et defend tout tons exercice public
de la Rel. P. R. dans le Royame.'^ — At the close of the Edict :
^* Donne a Fontainebleau au mois d^ Octobre, V an de grace 1685,
€t de notrc regne le 43. Signe, Louis. Et a cote : Et sur le re-
pli visa, LE Teluer. Et a cote : Par le Roi, Colbert. Et seal-
lees du grand Seau, de cire verte, sur lacs de soye rouge et
verte.^' The author of this ^^ Histoire^^ demonstrates, that the
Edict of Nantos was to be irrevocable, and ought to have beea
perpetual. Le Tellicr, the high chancellor of France, expressed
extreme joy when he put the seal to the Edict of its Revocation.
But it was the last act of his life ; ^^ for no sooner did he return
from Fontaihbleau to his own house, but he fell sick, and died in
a few days.''' — Quick's Synodicon. Voltaire recites the fact, and
makes this just reflection ; that he knew not he had sealed one
of the greatest evils of France : ^^ Le vieux ".hancellicr le Teilier,
en signant V edit s' ecrla, plcin de joie : Aunc dimittU »tnmm
tuum^ Do/nine^ tpiia viderunt oculi mci salutarc tunm. II ne savait
pas i\\i^ il sijrnait \\n des grands malluMirs de la France.'' — Siecle
de Louid XIV, cli. 30 Dr. Maclaino ohsorvos, that some late hire-
ling writerH, employed by the Jesuits, have l>ecn audacious
cnoup^h to plead the cause of the Revocation of the Edict of
Nantes ; but that, to the honour of the French nation, those im-
potent attempts to justify the measures of a persecuting and un-
relenting priesthood, have been treated almost universally at
Paris with indignation and contempt. Notf: to his Translation
of Moshcim's Eccles. Hist. v. 351. But at what time he made
this observation does not appear. The tirst edition of his Trans-
lation is dated " Hague, Dec. 4, 17G4 ;" my copy is "London,
1803." Dr. Maclaiiie was pastor of the English church at the
Hague, where he married the daughter of Mr. Chais, the minis-
ter of the French Protestant church. He continued at the Hague
till the troubles of 1790, when he went over to England, and re-
tired to Bath, where he died in 1804. For a true state of the
losses which the French nation sustained by the Revocation of
the Edirt of Xante*", we nre referred to '-Etiit dc la France.

HISTORICAL NOTES. 47

Htrait par M- le Comt« de Bonlainvillien dea Memoires drenee
p» leg Intendaos du Royaume, par I' ordre du Roi Louis XIV, i
U Mlicitacioa du dnc de Bourgogne :" and, for ao accoaot of the
cimduct of the Freach court towards the FrolestaDta at that dismal
period, to the incomparable memorial of the learned and pious
Claude, entitled, " Flaintes dea FrotestaoB de France."

NOTE IV. p. ».

BEFCCEES, 168(>.

The oumher of exiles, oi refugees, is variously stated by dil-
ferent hiatorians. Hume snys, " Above half a millioa of the most
osefal and industrious subjects deserted France, and exported, to-
gether with immeDse sums of money, those arts and manufactnres
which bad chiefly tended to enrich that kingdom. — Near fiRy
thousand refugees passed over into England." Hist. £ng. c 70.
One haadred and GRy of the exiled mtnisten went to Londoo.
Voltaire says, one of the suburbs of London was entirely peopled
with French workers in silk. It is, an observation of Robinson:
"Had England derived no more advantage from its hospitality lo
ihe refugees than the silk manufacture, 1696, it would have
amply repaid the nation." To the honour of the Eoglish gov-
erament and people, they have alwnys been hospitable and gene-
rous to distressed Protestants. Even in the reign of king James
Ihe Second, large collections were made for the French refugees;
and at the Revolution, William and Mary, who, while they were
the prince and princess of Orange, had been bright examples for
tbit charity, were distinguished for it aRcr they became monarch*
<f Britain. At king William's accession, the parliament voted
fifteen thousand pounds sterling annually to be distributed among
ncta of the French fugitives, as either were persons of quality,
or were, through age or otherwise, unable to support themselves.
To the French refugees, Anderson snys, England owes the im-
piOTeinent of several of its manufactures of slight woollen Btu&,
Itawn, paper, glass, and hats; the silks, called alaqiodes and
lortliDgs, were entirely owing to them ; also brocades, satins, and
etbcr AOt fabrtca, and black velvets ; also watches, cutlery ware,
docks, largeoni* instruments. Sic.

Ad account of the truly Christian reception of the French re-
Jagsd at Genera, aod in the electorate of Brandebonrg, may be
fcood in Le Hercier's Church History of Genera, and <■'■ Histoire
kt [* EtabliMement des Francois Refugiez dans lea Etats de son
MtWir Electorala de Brandeboui^ ;" Berlin, 1690. The prompt
■ri liberal meamres of the elector Frederick William, in behalf
tf the refifeef, entitle bim to (he high commendations, bestowed

48 HISTORICAL lfOTE3.

vpoD him in the last Darned work. He iofltantly proTided not
merely for the safety of their persons, but for the supply of their
wants. By the Xlth article of the edict passed by his electoral
highness in the same month of the Revocation of the Edict of
Nantes (29 Oct. 1685), it is declared, that they shall have the
exercise of their religion, according to the customs and with the
came ceremonies which had been practised among them in France :
*^ Que les Fran9ois feront V exercise de leur Religion, selon les
cofitumes et avec les mAmes C(:rc>monies qui se sont praliquces par-
mi eox en France.^^ They were even invited into his electorate :
'* II les apcllez et a pourvQ a ieurs besoins.'^ Anderson says,
<^ The great elector William allowed them a yearly pension of
forty thousand crowns.^' The author of ^^ Histoire de ia Repub-
lique des Provinces-Unies dcs Pais-Has^' says, England, the United
Provinces, the elector of Brandebourg, and the landgrave of
Hesse, sig^nalized themselves among all the Protestants by their
great efforts to receive an immense number of people [une infi-
nite de g^ns] who had taken refuge among them in this extremi-
ty, iv. 381. The two first kings of Prussia caused collections to
be made for them throughout their dominions ; settled stipends
on their clergy ; built them churches ; and granted them immu-
nities from taxes and offices. These wise and liberal princes
even placed their agents on the confmes of France for conducting
the refugees to Brandebourg, <^ bearing their expenses all the
way.^' The States General of the United Provinces settled a
fund for an incredible number of pensions to military officers,
gentlemen, and ministers, and for supplies to virgins and Indies
of quality. Great sums were also raised for supporting their
poor, for whom liberal collections were made in all their towns
and villages; and the prince and princess of Orange were emi-
nently exemplary in this oflicc of Christian charily. Hist de P
Edit de Nnntcs. Anderson Hist. Commerce. Voltaire, Siecio
de Louis XIV, The Jesuit liistorian I'etaviusoxtols the humani-
ty of the foroie^n Protestants on this occasion. " Prutestantcs
certatim difliigcrc incipichant. Scd rex, solitiulinem rcgni mc-
tucns, nc quis di<ccderct, sub gravissima pcena prohibuit. Vol
sic tamen multa hominum miliia sulxluxoniiit, qui ah Protcstanti-
bus extcris summa cum humanitate cxcepti et adjuf i sunt/' Rat.
Temporum, A. D. 1672— 1G88.

The " strict and cordial union'^ between the French and Dutch
churches, in faith and discipline, must have had a kindly influ-
ence in favour of the refugees. These churches mutually signed
their confessions and discipline at the National Synod at Vitre in
Brittany, in 1583; and for some time sent their deputies recipro-
cally to their National Synods. In 1618, the French deputies^
Chamier, Du Moulin, Chauve, and Rivet, were on their way tr~-^
the Synod of Dort ; Init " they were frighted back :igain by
prohii)ition issued out against them by the king then reigninc:^.

HISTORICAL NOTES. 49

LoaJ» XIII. The»e National Synoii* paid a Tery frreat dflrerencc
lolhe church, paslora, and profesatjw of Geticvn, and Gmbmccd
Iheir councils." (Quick's !*jnodicon, i /n(ro,(.and [43. Synod X 11.
Quick says, Calriu first drew up ihc confession of the Frcncli
Ftolestanl church.

The pffecl of ihe Revocation was Pelt, in its greatest sflverrty,
ij the Protestant ministers. On the same day that the Edict was
reirislered (Oct. 23), they began to throw down the temple of
Chareoton. The oldest minister of the Refufmed chnrch was
commanded to leave Pari" in twenty-fnnr huiirs, and immedintcly
to depart the kingdpm. " 'ThU w:»s that enccllent minister of
God, M. Claude, who afterward died at the Hague. His col-
leagues met with a little better treatment; fur they had t'orty-
tight hours yiven them to quit I'aria, and npon their parole for
M doing, they were lel> to sbii\ for thems^'lves. Accordingly,"
ays Q.uick, *- Monsieur Maynard, Allix, and Bertau. come for
Eofland, and are here exercising their ministry [llj'.'S]. — The
lest of the ministers wen? allowed fifteen days for ihfir depar-
tare ; but it can hardly be believed lo what cruelties and vexa-
GoDs they were exposed. . . . There was hardly any kind of de-
ceil, and injustice, and troubles, in which these worthy ministers
orchrist were not involved. And vet," adds the English histori-
in. "through rich mercy, very few revolted; the far greatest
nnmber of them escaped, either Into England, Holland, Germany,
at Switzerland ; 7ca, and some are now settled io New England."
SjDodicon, Introd, § 52.

FREKCH TAHILIRS THAT CAME TO AHBKICA.

6iUi>oi'tK. The ancestors of the Bowdoins were Protestants,
inhabitants of Rocheile, in Fmnce. They were of honoarable
descent, and possessed a fair inheri lance there. On the Revoca-
tion of the Edict of Nantes, Pierre Baudeuio, who is said to have
been a physician at Rocheile, fled from France lo Ireland, and
ioon aflcr came thence to America. Ad original letter in French,
of his writing, dated " at Casko," 2 Aug. 1687, is in the posses-
sion of James Bowdoin, Esq. of Boston, one of his descendants, a
member of the Massachusetts Historical Society. Pierre Bau-
donia came first to Casco bay, where this letter was dated. He
irriteB, that his family with him consists of ten persons. He was
the grandfather of governor Bowdoin, whose name is distti^iBh-
ed in the annals of New England. The ancestor, in the letter
aborementioned, wrote his name Bandouln ; but, like many other
Freoch names, it was afterwards changed. The father of the

TOL. 11. THIRD SERIES. 7

50 HISTORICAL NOTKS).

late frovcrnor Bowiloiii, who was an eminent merchant, was bom
In France, an<l iH'ohably accompanied his father Pierre to Ameri-
ca, lie removed from Falmouth (Casco bay), now Portland, to
Boston, in 101)0. ^^ Hy his industry, economy, and integrity, he
accumulated a very ample fortune; and possessed so much of the
esteem nnd respect of hi< felloiv citizens, that he was chosen a
member of the council for several yearn before his death/' His
son James wns educalml at Harvard college, of which he was a
brip^ht ornament, and a liberal benefactor. The American Aca-
demy of Arts and Sciences was formed under his intluence. He
was its first President ; and " A Philos(»pbical Discourse,'' deliv-
ered at his induction into office, is printed in the tirst volume of
the memoirs of the Academy. To this institution he bequeathed
one hundred pounds, and his valuable library, 'lie received the
degree of doctor of laws from the university of Edinburgh and
was elected a member of the royal societies of London and Dub-
lin. He was governor of Massnchusc^tts in the years 1785, and
17dG ; and died in 17'.)C), in the sixty-'fourth year of his age. His
character is given in Dr. Tliacher's funeral sermon. Judge Low-
ell's eulogy, inserted in the memoirs of the American Academy,
and Eliot's and Allen's Biogniphical Dictionaries. — Governor
Bowdoin left one son, the late hononrnble James Kowdoin, and
one daughter, the lady of sir John Temple, late consul general
of Great Britain to the United States- The son, who was minis-
ter plenipotentiary at the court of Madrid, and a distinguished
benefactor to liowdoin college in Maine, died 25 October, 1811.
At his decease, an eulogy was delivered by Kev. William Jeiiks,
then a professor of the oriental lanfcnages at Howdoin college.

The name of Bawhrnin repeatedly occurs in French history.
At the time of the synod of Castres, A. I). lG2t5, Sebastian iiau-
douin was a p.istor of one of the Reformed churches in the Collo-
guy of St. John d' Anilely. At the time of the Synod of Alanson,
16i57, John Houdnuins was a pasitir of one of the Kcformcd
churches in the Coliogiiy of Ciwix. Quick's Synodicon, ii 231,
38:$. Fran(;ois Haudoiiin, an eminent advocatts is mentioned by
Fleury, as conducting with great integrity, in relu:?ing to give
counsel to the duke of Anjou, to justify the St. Bartholomew mas-
sacre. '• F^e due dVAnjou, encore j»lus intrresse <|ue le roi a justi-
fier la saint Barthelemi, voidut employer le s(>(.oui*s et la plume
du celrbre jurisrunsulle Francois Baudouin, <{ui I'tant pa^si: en
AUemagne, aveit euMMgni- le droit dans les plus c«'lebres universi-
tes ; mais Baudouin, qui dt testoit veritablement cette action, s'
cxcusa . . . conduit<! diirne d* un homme de bien.*' . . . Histoire
Ecclesiasticpie, xxiii. 5(52. A. D. 1572. The first version of Da-
vila into French was liy I. Bau<louin, a native of France, in 2
volumes folio, 1012 ; for wliirli cardinal Kichelieu, then prim(^
minister of that king<lom, promised him a pension of 12,i)0U
crowns, but died the December folIowJDg, ^' before he had per-

^MM

«n

HISTORICAL NOTES. 51

formed it." Davila, i. p. v. In the " lUte" of persecuted French
Protestants, in 1685, 1G86, &:c. preserved in llistoire de 1^ Edit
de Nantes, is ^' BaudoJn . . . tuez.'^

BcR.voN. Gabriel liernon was undertaker for the plantation at
Oxford. See Afpcndix, E. 'I'his name is mentioned by Baron
La Montan, as of liocl^eUe. '^ The merchant that lias carried on
the greatest trade in Canada, is the bieur Samuel Heriion, of Ro-
che!,- who has great ware-houses at (Quebec, trom which the in-
habitants of the other towns arc supplied with such commodities
as they want. It is true, there are some merchants at Quebec
who are moderately rich, and tit out ships upon their own bot-
tom, that ply to and again between France and Canada ; and these
merchants have their correspondents at Kochcl, who send out and
take in every year the cargoes of their ships/^ — La ilontan was
at Quebec in 1GB J, and left Canada for France in 1692. In his
Account of the Government of Canada, subjoined to his Voyages,
be makes the following remarks upon the wretched policy of the
late measures of his government. ^^ 1 wonder, that instead of
banishing the Protestants out of France, who, in removing to the
countries of our enemies, have done so much damage to the king-
dom, by carrying their money along with them, and setting up
manufactories in those countries — I wonder, that the court did
not think it more proper to transport them to Canada. 1 am con-
▼inced, that« if they had received positive assurances of enjoying
a liberty of conscience, a great many of them would have made
no scruple to go thither If the Council of State had follow-
ed my scheme, in the S|>ace of thirty or forty years. New France
would have become a liner and more nourishing kingdom than
several others in Europe/' New V^oyages to America, written
In French by the baron La Hontan, lord lieutenant of the French
colony at Placentia in Newloundland. i. 255, 260, 269.

BouDixoT. This name appear?^ in the memoirs of Oxford. See
Appii»Dix. It appears, that a family of this name came to Boston ;
but it probably removed to Now York, or one of the middle colo-
nies. The late Elias lioudinot, LL. D. whose memory is pre-
cious to our churches and country, was born in Philadelphia.
He was a descendant of one of the Protestants, who, at the Revo-
cation of the Edict of Nantes, lied from France to America. In
1777, he was chosen a member of congress ; of which, in 1782,
he was chosen president. On quitting his station in congress, of
which he continued a member six years after the adoption of the
Federal constitution, he was appointed by president Washington
director of the national mint. After remaining: twelve or four-
teen years in this office, always acting in it with ability and ex-
emplary fidelity, he resigned it, and withdrew into private life,
and spent the remainder of his days at Burlington, New Jersey.
He was a distinguished benefactor to the college of New Jersey,
of which he was a trustor: and to thf* Presbyterian rhurch, of

53 HISTORICAL NOTES*

which he was n member. He made a donation of lands to (be
, general ns^emhly of the Presbyterian chnrch ; and led a testa-
moiUnrv donation for the theological seminary at Princeton, and
for mi^'iiiMiary |Mir|M)ses. Ife extended his benelicence to foreign
Tni!>sions; to iimtitiition^ for the relief of the deaf and dumb; to
the soci'^ty for colonizing and Christianizing the Jews; to seve-
ral socictios tor educating youth for the mini-try; and to many
other pious and humane associations. He is considered as the
father of the American U'Mo Society, to whose funds he made the
most lihcnil donations. Of this important society he was chosen
tlic iirst president, and he continued in that ufhcc until his death.
He died at Burlington in 1821, in the R2d year of bis age.

In QuickCs Synodicon, ^^ Monsieur Klias Koutonnet, a merchant
of Marans near Kochell/' is mentionod, among other Protestants,
u " martyred by these bloody miscreants."

Daille. The Rev. Peter Daille was a minister of the French
Protestant church in Boston. Among the churches and ministers
in New England in 1G9G, Dr. C. Mather mentions, as of Boston,
" a French congregation of Protestant Hefugefn^ under the p««8tor-
al care of Monsieur Daille." His name, with the addition of
^'ministre," appears in the French paper (1696), inserted in the
Appendix, C. In the Bemon [MSS. ib E.] there is a letter from
M. Daille dated at Boston, 11 April, 1707. M. Daille continued
to be pastor of this church till his death, 1715. He was '^ a per-
son of great piety, charity, affable and courteous behaviour, and
of an exemplary life and conversation : much lamented, especial-
ly by his flock. By his will he required, that his body should
be ^^ decently interred" according to the discretion of his execu-
tor, Mr. James Bowdoin, with this restriction, that there be no
wine at his funeral, and no mourning to his wife's relations, ex-
cept gloves. All the ministers of the town, together with Mr.
Walter, aro presented with gloves and scarves. His books are
given to torm a library for the church; .^100 for the benefit of
the minister, and £!(» to be put to interest, until the church
should erect a merting-house, when it was to be appropriated
towards the expenses of the same. He remembers his brother
^ Paul Daille Vaugelado in Amstort in Holland,' and signs himself
Daille^ omitting his baptismal name of Peter. — History of Boston,
'201. He died in 1715, and was interred in the Granary burying
yard in Boston. His grave is nearly in the centre of the yard ;
and from its headstone 1 copied the following epitaph :

Here lies yt' Body of ye

Reverend ^fr. Peter Daille

-Minister of the Fn»nch Church in Boston.

J)ied ye L>l»t of May 1715

In the 07 year of his Age.

HISTORICAL NOTES. , 53^

Near his own grave is that of his wife, with this Inscription
on her grave stone :

Seyre Daille

Wife to je Reyerend Mr. Peter Daille

Aged about 60.*

Around these graves are many others, apparently French :
Basset, Mian, Garrett, Paliere, Sabin, Berrey, &c. The Frank-
lins lie buried near them. Three paces distant from M. DaiUe^s
grave is that of Josiah Franklin, the father of Dr. Benjamin
Franklin, inscribed, ^. ^

J. F. bom 1655. d. 1744. '» ' -"
A. F. b. 1667. d. 1752. .: ^"^

The name of Daill^ appears in the history of the French Re-
formed chnrch. In 1660, M. Daille, then pastor of the church at
Paris, was moderator of the synod at Loudun. He was a most
learned and eloquent preacher, and a very respectable author.^
His '*' Right use of the Fathers'' was translated into English, and
highly valued.

Faiteuil. Th3 family of Faneuil was among the French Hn-
gaenots that fled from France to America, on the Revocation of
the Edict of Nantes. The house in Boston, now occupied by the
honourable William Phillips (late lieutenant governor), was built
by Andrew Faneuil ; and the summer-house attached to it bears
a grasshopper vane, similar to that on Faneuil hall. AAer An-
drew's death, Peter Faneuil lived and died there. In 1740, Peter
Fanueil, Esq. made an offer to build, at his own expense, a com-
plete edifice on the town's land in Dock square, ^^ to be improved
for a market, for the sole use, benefit, and advantage of the
town, provided that the town would pass a vote authorizing it,
and lay the same under such proper regulations as should be
thoaght necessary, and constantly support it for the said use."
A vote of thanks to Mr. Faneuil was immediately passed. The
work was commenced in September of that year, and finished
10 September 1742, on which day the key of the house was de-
livered to the selectmen by his order. The thanks of the town
were given him by a vote at a town meeting, 13 September,
1742. After a pertinent preamble, specifying the donation of Mr.
Faneuil, and the great accommodations which it furnished for
a market place, ' a spacious anil most beautiful town hall, over
it, and several other convenient rooms,^ it was voted, ^' That the
town do, with the utmost gratitude, receive and accept this most
generous and noble benefaction ;" and a committee was appointed
to wait upon P^ter Faneuil esq. and in the name of the town, to
render him their most hearty thanks for so bountiful a gift, with
their prayers, that this and other expressions of his bounty and
charity may be abundantly recompensed with the divine blessing.*'

*By a letter of G. Bemon it appears, Ihat she died in 1696.

.'V A /

54 HISTORICAL NOTES.

It was also voted, that, in testimony of the town's gratitude to
Peter Faneuil esq. that the hall over the market place he named
Faneuii iiali, and at all times hereafter, be called and known by
that name. And as a further testimony of respect, it was voted,
that Mr. Faneuii^a picture be drawn at lull leng'th, at the expense
of the town, aud placed in the hall. It was accordingly placed
there« but did not escape the ravages of the revolution. This
and the portrait*; of general Conway, and colonel Barre, it is sup-
posed, were carried off by the British. Another portrait of Mr.
Faneuil has been placed iu the hall, and now remains there, sur-
rounded by portraits of Hancock, Adams, and the most distin-
guished revolutionary patriots and heroes. Faneuil hall ha;) been
emphatically called ^"The Cradle of L.bert^.^' The building is
of brick, two stories high, and measuring 100 feet hy 40. ^' It was
esteemed one of the bent pieces of workmanship, and an orna-
ment to the town. The hall would contain 1000 persons; there
were convenient apartments for the offices of the town, besides a
room for a naval otficc, and a notar)' publick.^'

Mr Faneuil died suddenly, 3 March, 1743; and at the next
meeting of the inhabitants in the hall, 14 March, a funeral ora-
tion was delivered by Mr. John Lovell, master of the south gram-
mar school. As the first specimen of eloquence uttered in the
hall, and as a tribute due to the memory of FaneuiU this oration,
^^ a precious rolick,^^ is inserted in the History of Boston.

HuGER. This was a French Protestant family. The name of
Francis K. linger, of Charleston, S. C. son of a patriot of the
American revolution, is memorable for the daring and adventu-
rous effort which he made while in Austria, in conjunction with
Dr. Bollman, a Hanoverian, to liberate La Fayette from the dun-
geon of Olmiitz. See a well written and very interesting Me-
moir of La Fayette in the Noktii American Bevicw for January
18^5.

Jay. The honourable John Jay, a descendant from the French
Protestant refugees, was one of the commissioners for the trea-
ties of peace with Great Britain, and other European powers at
the close of the revolutionary war; and sole commissioner for
the treatv with Great Britain in 1795. He has sustained the
offices of governor of the state of New York, and of chief justice
of the Un'ted SUites. Although he has lived many years in re-
tirement, he has taken such an interest in the greatest work of
Christian benevolence which distingu shcs our age, that, on the
death of the hon. Elias Boudinot, he was chosen president of the
American Bible Society. " The memory of these illustrious men
is en«balmed in the hearts of their countrymen "* Mr. Jay still
lives — ^^ Famiiiac praesidium, et columen Keipublicae.^'

* Address of Governor CliiitOD to the American Bible Society, in the ab-
sence of the President, lti25.

"•"■>♦'">

HISTORICAL NOTES. 55

A person of this name, Guy Michel le Jay, was an advocate of
the parliament of Paris. He printed, at his own expense, a beau-
tiful Folyglott Bible, in 10 volumes folio, containing the By riuc
and Arabic versions, which are not inserted in the Poiyglott of
limenes. He died in 1675.

LAraEiiS. The ancestors of Henry Laurens were French Pro-
testant refugees. They first settled in New York; but after-
irards removed to Charleston, South Carolina. This descendant
iras an ornament to his family, and to his adopted country. He
was one of the first presidents of Congress. His eminent charac-
ter, his services and sacritices in the cause of freedom, are well
known; as well as the valour and patriotism of his son, colonel
John Lauren^*, who was killed in a skirmish just at the close of
the revolutionary war. The characters of both are faithfully
delineated by Dr. Ramsay, in his History of South Carolina. The
same historian has given, in an interesting and instructive volume,
" Memoirs of the Life of Martiia Laukens Ramsay, the wife of
the biographer; a work, which presents an example of intellec-
tual improvement, of polite accomplishments, and of Christian
virtues and graces, worthy of the imitation of her sex. Mrs.
Ramsay was^the daughter of Henry Laurens. ^^ By the fathcr^s
side, she was of French extraction. Her great grandparents
were bom in Rochelle, and suffered in the famous siege of that
place.^^ They were Huguenots, or Protestants. Compelled by
the Revocation of the Edict of liantes to leave their native coun-
try, they came to America in the latter part of the 17th century.^'
The name of Laurens appears in the History of the French
Protestont Church, in 1620. The National Synod of Alez, that
year, out of sums due to the Synod, ordered £300 to be paid ^^ to
Monsieur Laurens, pastor of la Bastide in Vivaretz.'^ QuickCs
Synod icon, ii. 69.

Mahigault. Gabriel Manigault, of South Carolina, wns bom
in 1784- Both his parents were French Protestant retugees,
who came to America soon after the Revocation of the Edict of
Nantes. Their son w-is distinguished for his integrity and be-
nevolence. '^ He generally had pensoners^ who received his
honnty at stated periods.^' In the course of a long and useful
tife he acquired a large fortune. At his death, he let^ to the
South Carolina Society of Charleston a legacy of j^5000 sterling;
from the interest of which the society has been enabled to add
very considerably to the number of children educated on its
bonnty. He was treasurer of the province ; and for some time
^representative of Charleston in the provincial house of com-
iQons. ^^ Being descended from French parents, he was by birth
^member of the Calvinistic church in Charleston, of which he
^^ always a most zealous supporter; yet he was a steady com-
municant and regular attendant on divine service in St. Philip^s
^urch." It was this man, wfio, at the commencement of the

56 HISTORICAL NOTES.

AmcricRn ivar, made the generous loan to the state of South Car-
olina. Ivter Mnni^ault, the only child of Gabriel Manigault,
iva.«) di«tin£^ui«hed lor his /eai and patriotism, his scholarship and
elor|unncr'. lie died in 1773, the year M'hen the tea was destroy-
ed nt Motion. A letter written in French by Judith Manig^alt«
the wifp ut' the tir^t Peter Mani;;au!l, ^^ the worthy founders of
the family of that name,'^ is pre9er%cd in an English translation
in Kamsav's th^tory of South Carolina; and it gives an affecting
description of the sutferings of the refuc^ees. This lady left
France, and embarked for Cnrolina liy ti.e way of London, when
she was about twenty years old, in the year 1685, and arrived at
Carolina the tbllowing year, bhe died in 1711, seven years
after the birth of her son Gabriel.

Mario^t. This is among the names of respectable families of
French refugees in South Carolina. The tirst emigrants of this
family snttled on Cooper river, near Charleston, whence the fa-
ther of genf ral Marion removed to the vicinity of Georgetown,
where he resided, ^^ occupied in cultiv«iting his plantation," dur-
ing the remainder of his life. Francis Marion was a colonel in
the regular service, in the revolutionary war; and a brigadier in
the militia of Sontli Carolina. He assisted at the battle of Sulli-
van's island, in 177G. In 1780, he received the commission of
brigadier general. AHer performing many gallant and successful
enterprises, at the head of a small corps, he joined the main army
under general Greene, a «hort time before the battle of Eutaw
Springs, and received the thanks of Congrei«tf for his intrepid
conduct in that action. AAer the British evacuated Charleston,
he retired to his plantation, where he resided until his death.
Of the partizan oflicers he was one of the ablest, and one of
the most successful. He seldom failed of taking his enemy,
and almost alwavs ollectiMl hi* purpose by surprise. *^ fli* mu-
rage was the bold«*st, his movements were the most rapid, his
discipline was severe, and his humanity, the most exemplar^"'
He died in Fobniary, I7i»5, '* leaving behind him an indisputable
title to the. first rank among the patriots and soldiers of our re-
volution."

riiiui.KAi'. The Kev. Elias Prioleau, 'Mhe foimder of the emi-
nently respectable family of that name,'' came from France to
America soon after the Revocation of the Edict of Nantes, and
Iirought with him a considerable part (»f his Protestant congrega-
tion. He was the grandson of Anthoinc Prioli, who was elected
tloge of Venice in the year 1G18. Samuel Prioleau was among
Ihe citizens of Charleston, who, in 1780, were "shipped olV li»r
St. Augustine," for refusing to become subjects of Great Britain.
Thomas G. Prioleau, M. I), is a professor in the medical college
of South Carolina.

l^Mijamin Priolo, born of a noble family in Venice, was anthoi
of a good Latin history of France, from the death of Louis XIH.

m;i;s to u;gi.

I !■■ fc - 7

HISTORICAL NOTES.

Dr. Ranmy records the following names of French Protestants,
who, 800Q aAer the Revocation of the Edict of Nantes, came to
Carolina, and were heads of respectable families there :

Bonneau

Dutarque

Guerin

Ncufville

Bounetheau

Dela Consiliere Gourdine

Prioleau

Bordeaux

De Leiseline

Horry

Peronneau

Benoist

Donxsaint

Huger

Perdriau

Boiaean

Du Pont

Jeannerette

Porchcr

Bocqnet

Da Bonrdieu

Legare

Postell

Bacot

D' Harriette

Laurens

Peyre

Chevalier

Faucheraud

La Roche

Poyas

Cordes

Foissin

Lenud

Ravenel

CoQterier

Faysonx

Lansac

Royer

Chattaignler

Gaillard

Marion

Simons

Dapre

Gendron

Mazyck

Sarazin

Deljsle

Gignilliat

Manigault*

St. Julien

Duboee

Guerard

Mellichamp

Serre

Daboia

Godia

Mouzon

Trezevant.

Deveaoz

Girardeau

Michau

We regret, that more jostice cannot be here rendered to those, to whom it
if doe. An accoant of all the communities, and-distingubhed individoals, of
the French Protestants, that have settled in oor country, and contributed to
Um popalation and prosperity, b veiy desirable. Lawson, who came to
America in the year 1700, and was in Carolina eight years, says, in reference
to Chmrieetown -. " There is likewise a French church in town, of the Reform-
ed religion." Of the French who first settled at James river, he says :
" Most of the French who lived at that town [Mannakin] on James river, are
remoTed to Trent river in North Carolina, where the rest were eipected
daily to come to them, when I came away, which was in August, 1708." —
That respectable individuals and familie« of French Protestants, in the
United States, are not mentioned in thb Memoir, is not doubted. It should
be remembered, that no distinct history of them, within the writer's know-
ledge, has ever appeared ; and that this article for the Historical Collections
was originally intended solely for the French settlers of Oxford. We in-
dalge tM hope, that the very respectable writers in Virginia and the Car-
ousAB, and the assiduity of the New York Historical Society, to which
oor literaiy Republic is already so much indebted, will, in due time, give us
the hutory of the French Protestants in their respective States. I cannot
ckiie thb Note without adding, from an obliging correspondent : ** My use-
fal and highly respectable frrend John Pintard is a descendant from the Hu-
guenots." It is a pleasure to me to subjoin, that John Pintard, Esq. is Re-
cording Secretary of the New York Hbtorical Society. Eui rum prosunt
jtngiila, jvnda juveni.

IO*Pege 49. The number of P. Baudouin's family, I find, was tix : " Pierre
Beodonin— et sa fnmille qui sont au nombre de sii." The copyist, whom I
followed, probably read it dix. The hand writing of P. Bouaouin*s letter,
though peifectly French in its appearance, is remarkably good.

* Page 66. O. Maniganlt was bom in 1704.
FOL. II. THIRD SERIES. 8

APPENDIX.

[Many words in this Appendix are Incorrectly spelt It will be remembered,
that the articles containlnjg; them are taken from MSS. cbleir origioal,
written by f>ertons, all or whom were very imperfectly acquainted with
our language, and some of whom, unless their language was pioTioclal,
appear to have forgotten their own. For deciphering some of the most
obscure French words, I am indebted to the kind assistance of Fbavcii
Salss, Esq. Instructer of the Spanish and French lanmages In oar UDirer-
flity ; also, for M. Aignan's History of the Protettaats.]

[Pag^«8.]

Jfii ^^rt^emeiU of the Ajflieiions of the French ProteHanis^ and aito
their Petition^ extracud from a Letter wriflefi from Roehel^ the
Ut of October^ 1684.

^^ God grant that I and my familj were with you ; we should
not been exposed to the furle of our enemies, who rob as of the
goods which God hath given us to the subsistence of our soule
and body. I shall not assume to write all the miseries that we
suffer, which cannot be comprehended in a letter, but in man?
books. I shall tell you briefly, that our temple is condeuuiedi
and rased, our ministers banished forever, all their goods confis-
cated, and moreover they are condemned to the fine of thoosand
crowns. All t^ other temples are also rased, excepted the temple
of R^, and two or three others. By act of Parliament we are
hindered to be masters in any trade or skill. We expect eveiy
days the lord gouvemour of Guiene, who shall pot sooldiers in
our houses, and take away our childeren to be offered to the
Idol, as they have done in t^ others countrys.

<^ The country where you live (that is to say New England) is
in great cstime ; I and great many others Protestants intend to go
there. Tell us, if you please, what advantage we can have there,
and particularly the boors who are accoustumed to plough the
ground. If some body of your country would hazard to come
here with a ship to fetch in our French Protestants, he would
make great gain. All of us hope for God's help, to whose Provi-
dence we submit ourselves, etc.**'

[Page 30.]

The Paper containing the *' Delineation of the Town of Oxford*'
is endorsed, " Papiers qui regarde New Oxford." The chirog-
raphy is evidently French. With the delineation there is an
account of the village and town, in the following words : ^^ Oxford

. • ^^-

APPENDIX. 59

Villiget or the general PlantatioD, contaiuing 11,245 acres,
whereof the proprietors common Way 265 acres, and Mauchaag
in deficient, 172 .. . 431. Rest 10808 acres.— The Town of
Oxford, inciadhig its Tillage, called the General Plantation, con*
taines 41245 acres, viz. the five grand lotts. On the W. side of
the dividing line, each 3000 . . . 15000, and on the East side
thereof. . each 3000 . . . 15000.

The Village Plantation . . 11245. The 41245 general."

Nipmock river (called by the English settlers of New Eng-
land, Blackstone) takes its rise in Sutton, and receiving several
tribntary streams in its coarse, falls into Providence river just
below Providence. It is there called Pawtuc^et When the
FVench settled Oxford, there was a town of praying Indians at
Hassanamesitt [Grafton], about two miles to the eastward of
Nipmock river, ^^ and near unto the old road way to Connecti-
cut,^ consisting of about twelve families, and about sixty souls.
^ Here,'^ says Gookin,* <^ they have a meeting house for the
worship of God, after the English fashion of building, and two or
three other houses after the same mode. In this town was the
second Indian church (Natick being the first^ gathered in 1671 ;
and three years afterwards there were in full communion in this
chorch, and living in the town, about sixteen men and women ;
and about thirty baptized persons, and several other members
livii^ in other places. This church had a pastor, Tackuppawillin,
a roling elder, and a deacon. In 1674 the Rev. John Eliot and
general GookLn visited '^ the new praying towns in the Nipmuck
country. The first of these,'' says Gookin, ^' is Mauchage [Ox-
pQiu>3f which lieth to the westward of Nipmuck river about eight
miles, and is from Hassanamesitt, west and by south, about ten
■dies ; and it is from Boston about fifty miles. To it belongeth
about twelve families and about sixteen souls. For this place
we appointed Waaberktamin, a hopeful young man for their min-
ister. There is no land yet granted by the general court to this
place, nor to any other of the praying towns. But the court in-
tendeth shortly, upon the application and professed subjection of
those Indians unto the yoke of Christ, to do for them as they have
done for other praying indians.^^ Gookin's Hist. Collections of
the Indians in New England, printed in Coll. Mass. Hist. Society,
in 1792.

[Page 31.]

Nous soosignes certiffions et atestons que Monsp (xabriel Ber-
Don a fait une despance [depense] considerable a new oxford

♦ A. D. 1674.

60 APPENDIX.

pour faire valoir la Ville et encoarager et ayder lea habitanfl.
et quil [qa' il] a tenii sa maison en etat jusques a ce que en fin
les Sauvages soient venus masacrer et tuer lohn Johnson et aes
trois enfcns [enfans] ct que netant [n' etant] pas soutenu 11 a ete
oblige et force d' abandoner son Bien. en foy de quoy lui avons
slgnc Ic present Billet, a Baston le 4* Septembre 1696 :

Jermons Baudouin Benja faneuil

Jacques Montier Nous attestons ce qui est desos et

t marque [est] yeritable.

^ marque depaix cazaniau

Mousset Entien [Ancien]
^ marque de abraham Sauuage

Jean Rawlings Ancien
♦ marque de la vefue de Jean Jeanson p nu-^-^^j..

Charle Jeanson Entien

Nous certiffions que ce sont les marques de personnel smdites.

Daille ministre Baudouin

Jacques Montier Barbut

Elie Dispeux Andre Sigoumay

Jean Maillet Jean Millet ant

Nous declarons ce que dessus fort veritable et que John John-
son et ses trois enfans ont ete tue le 25*. Auost [Aoiit] 1696 : en
foy de quoy avons signe

Montel Dispeux I B marque de Jean baudoin

Jacques Depont Philip English

Jermont Rene Grignon •

Je connois et Je le sais d^ experiance que m"*. Gabriel bemon
a fait ses efforts pour soutenir notre plantation, et y a depance
pour cet efTet un bien considerable.

Bureau L^aine [The elder or $ef\ior,]
Peter Canton.

We underwritten doe ccrtiiie and attest that m^ Gabriel Ber-
non hath made considerable expcnces at Newoxford for to pro-
mote the place and incouragc the Inhabitants and hath kept
his house until the s^. 25^ August that the Indians came upon ^.
Plantation k most barbarously murthcred John Evans John John-
son & his three childrcns. Dated Baston 20^ Septemb. 1696.

John Usher

W™. Stoughton
John Butcher Increase Mather

Laur. Hammond Charles Morton

Jer. Dummer
Nehemiah Walter min^

W»». Fox.

APPENDIX* 61

[Page 32.]

That the FreQch settlers at Oxford had a minister of their
owD, appears from a letter, written hj liim to some person in au-
thority [prohahly gov. Dudley], complaining of the sale of rum
Xo the Indians, ^^ without order and measure,^' and of its baneful
effects. The date is lost, with a line or two at the beginning \
hut is endorsed, ^^ M^ Dan^ Bondet^s Representation referring to
N. Oxford July 6^. 1691.'^ He mentions it as upon ^^ an occasion
which fills 'fpx^ heart with sorow and my life of trouble, but my
humble request will be at least before God, and before you a
solemn protestation against the guilt of those incorrigible persons
who dwell in our place. The rome [rum] is always sold to the
Indians without onler and measure, insomuch that according the
complaint sent to me by master Dickestean with advice to present
it to your honour. The 26 of the last month there was about
twenti Indians so furious by drunkness that they fought like bears

and fell upon one called remes who is appointed for

preaching the gospel amongst them he had been so much dis-
figured by his wonds that there is no hope of his recovery. If it
was your pleasure to signifie to the instrumens of that evil the
jalosie of your athoriti and of the publique tranquility, you would
do great good maintaining the honour of God in a Christian hab-
itation, conforting some honest souls wich being incompatible
with such abominations feel every day the burden of afflixon of
their honorable perigrination aggravated. Hear us pray and so
God be with you and prosper all your just undertakins and appli-
cations tis the sincere wish of your most respectuous servant

D. BoNDET

minister of the gospell in a
French Congregation at newoxford. ''

The government probably interfered, and took measures to
prerent the repetition of the evil complained of The above
paper was found in the Secretary's office, and shown to me by Mr.
secretary Bradford, who, at my request, searched the government
papers, in aid of my inquiries. The '^ representation of the minii'
ter may have induced the government to appoint him a missionary
to the natives in the neighbourhood of Oxford ; for, in another
communication, Mr. Bradford informed me: ^Un 1695, Mr. Bon^
det, a French Protestant minister, preached to the Nipmug In-
dians ... in the south of Worcester county."

62 APP£2fDIZ.

FRENCH CHURCH IN BOSTON.

The French who settled at Oxford were, probttblr, but a part
of the emigrants who arrired, about this time, at Boston. Dr.
Bentley, in his History of Salem [Coll. Hist. Society, tL 865.1
says, ^^ In September, 1686, twenty-six pounds were contriboted
for the relief of the French Protestants, who came to New Eng-
land. Whole families associated in Boston, but not any families
In Salem. The greater part went to the southeni states, par-
ticularly to South Carolina.^' From the time of this contrlbatloo,
with another coincident fact, discovered in the diligent research-
es of Dr. Snow, this recent writer infers, '^ that those who arriv-
ed here probably came in the summer of 1686.^' He obsenres,
that, beside the circumstance of the contribution at Salem, ^^ we
also find in Cotton Mather^s MS. notes of sermons, under dates of
Sept 12, and Oct 1, minutes of discourses of a Mr. Laurie, from
the tenour of which it is apparent that he was of the number."
History of Boston, 1825. Of Mr. Laurie I have met with no oth-
er notice. Whether he accompanied, or followed, the settlers
of Oxford, and preceded Mr. Bondet in the ministry there, or
whether he remained in Boston, and preceded Mr. DailM in the
ministry, I know not. The first notice we hare of Mr. Daille Is
in 1696 ; the year of the breaking up of the French settlement
at Oxford, when there was, doubtless, a considerable accession to
the little society in Boston. Dr. C. Mather [Magnaiia, b. i. c.7.1,
in his account of the '* Christian congregations'^ in New England,
'^ at this present year 1696,^' thus closes the list of ^^The Coun-
ty of Suffolk Ministers/' in the town of Boston : ^' And a French
Congregation of Refugees under the pastoral cares of Monsieur
Daille.'^ The historian of Boston, referring to this passage in
Mather, says, " the first notice we discover of the [French]
church in this place is in the Magnaiia.'* The congregation as-
sembled for worship in one of the large school houses of the
town, for several years. By a communication from my worthy
friend Rev. Isaac Smith of Boston, I find, that the land for the
erection of the French church in Boston was purchased for that
purpose in 1704 (eight years aAer the atmndonment of Oxford,).
The minutes, ^^ copied irom the Register of Deeds ofllice in Bos-
ton,'' by Mr. Smith, are as follow : ^^ Original deed from Ja*.
Mears, hatter, to John Tartarien, Fra*. Bredon, and John Dupuis,
elders of the French Church, in consideration of the sum of
£110 current silver money of N-G. all that tract or parcel of
land, bounded northerly by School house land so called, where it
measures in front 43} feet, easterly &c. 36 feet, westerly 88|

APPENDIX.

feet, southerly 36} feet, to erect and buitd a church upon for the
lue of the French Congregation in Boston aforesaid, to meet
therein for the worship and service of Almighty God, according
to the way and manner of the Reformed churches in France."
"Given Jan. 4. 1704."
It appears by the History of Boston, that the above named el-
ders of the French cbarcit " petitioned the select men for license
to erect a wooden building for a meeting-bouse of 36 by 30 ft.
on that piece of land. It was judged ' not contenient to grant
the aame, since they have the offer of the free liberty to meet
ID the new schoot-houae, as tliey had for some years past done in
the old, smd that being sutficteat for a fur greater number of per-
sons than doth belong to their congregation.'" About twelve
years afterwards, a small brick church was built upon this land,
in School street. " The descendants of the founders of this
bouse," says Mr. Pemberlon, the late respected antiquary of
Boston, "as they formed new connexions, gradualJy dropped off.
Those who remained were few in number, and the support of a
minister was an expense they could not well continue. The Rev.
Andrew Le Mercier, a worthy character, desisted from officiating
as minister, and the bouse was for some yean unoccupied. A
large folia Bible in French, with a commentary, was presented
to the French Protestant Church by Queen Anne. It was pur-
chased at the sale of the late Dr. Byles's library, and we are lold,
is now to possession of a gentleman in this town, retained aa a
curiosity, and is the only remaining relick of the Protestant
French Church."

Id 1746, some persons who separated from other churches in
the town, formed themselves into a distinct society, and occupied
the Protestant French Church, one or more of them having pur-
chaMd the building of its former proprietors. The following is
an extract from the deed, copied by Mr. Smith at the Register's
office. " Stephen Doutineau,* the only surviving elder of the
Mid French Church, Andrew Le Mercier, Clerk, Minister of said
Church, Zechariah Johonnol, John Arnault, John Brown, Andrew
Jshonnet, Ja'. Packenetl, W"". Bowdoin and Andr*. Sigouroey,
proprietors of sii church, made over their right and interest in it
to Tho*. Fillebrown, James Davenporl, W". Hichling, Nathi.
Proctor, and Tho". Handyside Peck, trustees for (he new Con-
fregational Church, whereof Mi. Andrew Croswell is pastor, for
the sum of £3000, in good bills of public credit, of the old tenor,
fwthe sole use of a Protestant Church, from henceforth and for-
evermore."

"Signed May 7, 1748."

64 APPENDIX.

The ReT. Andrew Cro«well was installed as their pastor io
1748. He died April 1785, aged 77. The house was next used
as a Roman Catholic chapel. Mass was performed in it for the
first time, NoTemher 2d, 1788, hy a Romish priest. The Rev.
John Thayer, a native of Boston, having embraced the Roman
Catholic religion, and received orders at Rome, began his mis-
sion here in 1790. In 1792, the Rev. Dr. Francis A. Bfatignon
arrived at Boston, and in 1796 was joined by Rev. John Cheverus,
now bishop of Montauban, in France. Upon their united appli-
cation to the Protectants, a generous contribution was made ; a
lot was purchased in Franklin Place, and a Roman Catholic church
built, which was dedicated in 1 803. Pemberton^s Description of
Boston, Coll. Hist. Society, iii. 264. Snow^s History of Boston. —
The French church in School street has been taken down, and a
Universal church built near the place where it stood. ^^ Tem-
pera mutantur.^' What consecrated ground has sustained such
changes, io one century ! It is very remarkable, that the same
church, which was originally built for French Protestants who
had fled from the persecution of the Roman Catholics, was the
first to receive the Roman Catholics who fled from the persecu-
tion of the Jacobins of France.

LETTERS AND PAPERS FROM THE BERNON BISS.

IN THE FOSBXSSlOZr OF PHILIP ALLKlf, EiO- OP PMOVIDEICCK.

Gabriel Brrnon, in a letter to his father, dated ^^ A Baston le
'i9« Decemb. 1696," writes, he had mentioned in his last, that M.
De la Tour had been taken going from Piscataqua, which had
given them much trouble and loss. ..." que mons^ De la 'I'oiir
avoit ete arrests sortant de Piscataqua, ce qui nous a donne beau-
coup d^ cmbaras ct perte, ccs gens icy nous .lyans fait totitc^ ies

injustices que lour malice (et cnvic contra nous) a pou

suggercr" &c. — In this letter he mentions the death of Mrs.
Daille: "Lapauvre Mad*<*. Daille est morte depuii* quinz jours
ce qui a beaucoup affligti et embarrassu Mons. Daiib'r pour tons
vous. Autres Amis se portent fort bien comme ausi tout Ic
famille ^^ . . . .

Among these MSS. is " Memoire, presents a mylord Relamon
Oouveur de Boston et de la Nouvelle York," without dale.
Also, a letter endorsed, ^' Answer of the Gentlemen of French
(Jhurch in York to G. Bernon." It is dated " Yoric Ic 22« May
1699," and appears to be a vindication of the French refugees at
New York against the charge of disloyalty to the British gov-
ernment under the administration of ford Bcllamont ^^ Cet

APPENDIX. * 65

bomme suppose comme Tons aic^z veu dans la copie de la letre
qo' il vous a remise que nous sommes ennemis du Roy traitres au
GouTcraemeDt et violateurs du respect qui est deu a monseigp*.
Le Compte de Bellamont" &c. The letter fills three folio pages,
and is subscribed,

" Votre &c.

Peiret — ministre
Jean Barberic
Elie Boudinot
Paul Drouillet
Gabriel le Bojteulx.^*

COPT OF A LETTER FROM LORD BELLOMONT TO G. BERNON.

De le JiowveUe York le 23e fiTovembre 1698.
Monsieur,
Je suis fache d^ apprendre, que vous ayes quitte la nouvelle
Angleterre, pour venir habiter dans Rode Island. C^ est une
Noayelle que Mr. Campbel me dit et qui m^ afflige beaucoup,
puis que J^ avez [ayois] de tous faire toute V amitie possible lors
que Je serais arire a Boston.

J' ay de la honte de ne vous avoir pas ecrit plutost, mais je
T0Q8 assure que eel n^a ete faute d' estime, mais seulement pour
avoir ete continuellement occupe aux affaires de mon gouveme-
ment* Si vous tronvez a propos de vous venir ctablir icy dans
cette vllle, Je feray tout mon possible de vous dooner de V en-
couragement. Je n' oublira pas le recommendation de Monsieur
le Comte de Gall way en votre faveur et sans compliment Je suis
Cart dispose d' y repondre pas toute sorte dcs bons offices. Je
aeraj bien ayse de vous voir ici, a fin de discourir avec vous sur
de certaines affaires, qui regarde [regardent] le service du Roy.
Je suis avec une veritable Estime et Amitie

Votre tres humble Seryiteur

Bellouoitt.
For Monsieur Bemon
a French Marchand
In Rode Island.

In this Collection of MSS. there is a letter of introduction, dat-
ed ^D^ Orange; Octobre 1699,^' and signed '' De la Velliere.'^
There is also a letter in French, from Elias Neau to G. Ber-
ooo, dated ^Newyork the 25e. of Juin 1701.'^ The object of
tbis letter is, to encourage Bemon in the sacrifices which he had
tmdej and was still making, in the cause of the French refugees,
specially in their religious concerns; and to recommend the
distTibution of religious books . . . *' des livres pour faire distri-

'^OL. II. THIRD SERIES. 0

66 AFF£ND1X.

baer gratis qui sont d' no grand secours auz pantres, et aux
Ignorans'^ &c.

There is a letter from P.Chasseloup to ^^ Mods. BemoD march,
a Boston.''

(« A Lofidre 4e Ayril 1699.
Monsiear k bon. Amy
Je m' attenduis d^ avoir V honneur de vous ecrire par Mon-
sieur Dcpont The letter is apon Demon's concerns —

mentions ^^ my lord Carmarthen" as desirons to know the value
of the lands in the late plantation . . . ^^ de la valleur des dittes
fterres et de leur utilite" . . • and mentions the cruel treatment of
their poor brethren in France. ^^ Nos pauvres freres sontcruel-
lement maltraites au France, plus que jamais. Vous devous
celebrer, moyennant Dieu, une jpune emnin pour implorer le

aecours Divin pour ces pauvres amis afflig^es.''

Also, a letter ^^ A Chapell . . . prt'S de Dublin, le f f de Juillet,
1700," addressed to ^^ Monsieur Gabriel Bemon, march< a Road
Island, sur la cote de la Nouvelle Angleterre," signed ^^ Bouhe-
reau," and endorsed, ^^ Passee a Londrcs, chez ydtres humble
servitr. Jn^ Barbot le 28 Juillet 1700." A letter from Elias
Neau to G. Bernon, dated ^^ New York ce 30 de September
1701." A letter to do. signed *^ Da ille, James L — [Le Blom]
Saml Baker, Henry Guionncau," dated ^^ Boston ce 3* Mars,
1704 ;" and another to do. from " Daille," dated »' A Boston, ll^
April 1707." A letter from Q. Bernon to goyemor Dudley,
dated, ^'Providence 1 March 1710." in this letter M. Bemoo
complains of injuries and losiies, and asks for redress or relief. . •
" J' espere que Voire Excllcnce vous-trabien considercr que M'.
hoogborn a fait son po!»!*iblc pour ruiner mes Interes au dit
Oxford. II a fait aliamlonner Coupcr do Vieux Moulin et Thomas

Atlcrton de nion autre maison &lc J^ ay ete traite

aprcs avoir ch??iMMir.c audis Oxford plus de 1500 pistollcs le
mevillcur de mons temps pendent une possessions de plus de vint
annec." ....

Letter from Gov. Dudley to G. Bernon^ dutedj

"Koxbury April G, 1715.''
" Sir,
We are now in a way to thrive at Oxford, and 1 particularly
thank you for what you liave done towards a Grist id ill in the
Village, by ifivinj^ the mill sloiios and irons to Daniel FJiot, con-
ditionally that till-' mill should be built to serve the toivn
within such a prnixcd time wliich is now past and nothing done.
I desire you to write to him to go forward imnn^diately so as to
finish the mill pni^iently to the satisfaction of the Inhabitants, or
Ihat you will onlor the said mill and irons to be given to such

APPENDIX.

other person as will go forward m the work, that they may not
be starved the next winter.

1 pray yon to take effectual order in the matter.

I am your humble seryant,

J, Dudley.^'
Saperscribed
^^ To Mr. Gabriel Bemon
Narraganset.^'

7^ answer of Mr. Bernoa is dated ^^ Kingstown 30 April,
1716.^' He writes, that, according to the letter from his excel-
ieiicy» he had ^^ ordered M'. Daniel Eliot to finish the Crist Mill
at Oiford, or to let the town have the two mill stown to set the
mUl in a convenient place. It will be a great blessing to strive
fJlhrive] after so much distorbance : And if I can but have the
ireittthlp and charity of your Excellency in my old time, with a
jovng wife and a secpnd family in this New World, I may be
happy and blessed.^' ........ In a petition, afterwards, to Gov.

Shole, he says, . • . ^' being now near 80 years of age, and having
several children by my first wife, and so seeing children of my
children. I have since married an English woman, by whom
also I have several children,'^ &c

Bj a statement of G. Bemon, intended to prove his claim tipoa
the plantation, it appears, that he considered ^^ the Plantation ot
]^ew Oxford^^ Indebted to him for 2500 acres of land, beside the
amoant of expenses laid out by him upon the place. This claim
appears to have been made about the year 1717, or 1720; for
oa his account there is a charge of interest ^^ for above 30 years.''
The statement alleges, that 500 acres of the plantation were
^ granted by their Excellcncys M^ Dudley and M^ Stoughton to
Isaac Bertrand Du Tuffeau and Gabriel Bernon in the year 1687,"
and that 250 acres were ^^ granted since, making in all 750
aikers ;'' and that ^^ their Excellencys M^ Dudley and M^ Stough-
toB did grant to the said M^ Bernon for his own use alone 1 750
aikers more, which makes in all 2500 aikers, which M^ Bernon
justly claims, upon which he hath built a com miln, a wash
leathern miln, and a saw miln, and laid out some other consider-
able expences to Improve the town of New Oxford, as he has
made appear by the testimonys of several worthy gentlemen
whose names he has hereto subjoined.

William Fox
Benj. Faneuil
P. Jennon
Jacques Montier
Paix CazaDeau
Abraham Sauvages
Jacque Denau
Jean Beaudoin
Rean Grienon
Phelippe Emgerland

The four elden of
the Freooh Church.

SrJJS^ V Daillie ministre
J!Si5L r of the French
£2^" ) Chofch.

Governor Usher
William Stonghtoa
Increase Mather mti«.
Charles Morton m're. .
Jer. Dummer
Neheraiah Walter minr,
John Butcher
Laurence Hammond.

GU APPENDIX.

By the Inhabitanc of Xew Oxford.

Montel OberJerroon

J. Dupen JeaD Maillet

Capt. JeriDon Andre Segournc

Peter Cante Jean Milleton

BercBu Caine Peter Canton

Elie Dupeu kc.

, The Weidow Leveufe Jean Johnson of which her husband and three
children was kil and murder by the Ingen.**

By a plan of Mr. Gabriel Bcrnon's land in Oxford, taken in 1717,
it appears, that it measured 2672 acres, ^^ exclusive of M'. Daniel
Boudct^s of 200 acres, and out of said 2672 acres must come out
172 acres of meadow in one entire piece, which M^ Dudley and
Comp*. give to the village.^^ The tract of land *^ within this
Plan'^ was estimated by the selectmen of Oxford ^^ to be worth
one thousand pound ;^^ and this valuation was certified by them
on the plan, 11 January 17jf. Signed, Richard Moore, Benoni
^ Twitchel, Isaac Larncd. Another certificate was given on the
same paper by the selectmen of Mendon, concerning the justness
of the above valuation, adding, *^ that we know nothing but the
said Bcrnon hath been in the quiet possession of snid land for or
nerc thirty years." Signed^ Thomas Sanfonl, Robert Evans, Ja-
cob Aldrich.

By another paper in the MS. Collection, it appears, that Mr.
Bernon petitioned the king in council lor certain privileges,
which indicate the objects to which the enterprise of this adven-
turer was directed. It is entitled, '^ The humble Petition of Ga-
briel Bcrnon of Boston in New England." It states : " That
being informed of your Majesty's pleasure, particularly in en-
couraging the manufactory of Rosin, Pitch, Tarr, Turpentine &c.
in New England, in which miinufactory your Petitioner has spent
scuven years time and Libour and considerable sums of money and
hsis attained to such knowledge and perfection, as that the said
comodities made and sent over by him have beene here approv-
ed of and bought for your Majesty's stores ; your Petitioner's
zeale and affection to 3'our Majesty encourajred him to leave his
habitation and affairs (being a merchant) and also his family to
make a voyage to England on purpose, humbly to propose to
your majesty in how great a measure and cheap price the said
Naval 1 stores may be miide and brought into any of your majes-
ty's kingdomes to the great promotion and advantage of the
Trade and Commerce of your majesty's subjects of New England,
all which is most evident by the annexed paper." He prays his
majesty to take the premises into consideration, and to grant hioi
his royal patent or order for providing and funiishing his majes-
ty's fleet with the said stores under the conditions his majesty in
])is royal wisdom should think fit, or otherwise to except him out
of any patent to be granted for the said manufactory, that he
" may have liberty to go on and continue in the said manufacto-
ry in any part of New England."

APPENDIX. 69

This paper is endorsed : '^ Peticon Gabriel BernoD.- -
^^ Papiers qai rcgarde deux voyages de Londre pour les affaires
a fabriquesdes Resme. Examne le premier Octobre 1719.^'

Id 1720, Gabriel Bemou, ^^ of New Oxford in New England,''
presented a petition to his excellency governor Shute, and to
his majesty's council, and house of representatives in General
Court assembled. In this petition he states, that he was ^^ one
of the most ancient families in Rochel in France ; that upon the
breach of the Edict of Nantes, to shun the persecution of France

he fled to London ; that upon his arrival, Teffereau Esq.

treasurer of the Protestant churches of France presented him to
the honourable society for propagating the gospel among the In-
dians in New England ; that Mr. Thompson the governor [presi-
dent] offered to ^^ instal him in the said society," and offered him
land in the government of the Massachusetts Bay ; whereupon
Isaac Bertrand Du Tuffeau desired him ^* to assist him to come
OTer to New England to settle a plantation for their refuge," that
he did advance him such sums, as, ^^ with the exchange and in-
terest from that time, would amount to above one thousand
poonds ; that Du Tuffeau, arriving at Boston with letters of cre-
dit from major Thompson and himself, ^^ delivered them to his
late excellency Joseph Dudley E^q. and the honourable William
Stooghton Esq. deceased, who granted to the said Du Tuffeau
750 acres of land for the petitioner at New Oxford, where he
laid out or spent the above^aid money." Mr. Bemon farther
stated in his petition, that Du Tuffeau allured him by letters to
come tQ Boston ; that the said Du Tuffeau, ^^ being through pov-
erty forced to abandon the said plantation, sold his cattle and
other moveables for his own particular use, went to London, and
there died in an hospital." Mr. Bernon closed his statement by
observing, that^ excited by letters of Du Tuffeau, he shipped
himself, his family, and servants, with some other families, and
paid passage for above forty persons ; that, on their arrival at
Boston, he presented letters from mnjor Thompson to Dudley
and Stoughton, Esquires, ^^ who were pleased (besides the 750
acres that were granted to Bertrand Du Tuffeau and the peti-
tlooer) to grant him 1750 acres of land more; and," |ie adds,
^^ for a more authentick security his late Excellency and Honour
Was pleased to accompany me to Oxford, to put me in possession
of the said two thousand five hundred acres, which 1 have peace-
adibly enjoyed for better than these thirty years last past, having
9pent above two thousand pounds to defend the same from the
Mndians^ who at divers times have ruined the said Plantation, and
liave murdered men, women, and children."

At the close of the petition he represents, that the inhabitants
of New Oxford now disputed his right and title, in order to hin-
der him from the sale of said plantation, which would put him to
the utmost extremity, " being now near eighty years of age,"

70 APPKNDIX.

and having seyeral children, all which have dependence, under
God, for a subsistence on him, afler he had ^^ spent more than
ten thousand pounds towards the benefit of the countrj, in build-
hag ships, making nails, and promoting the making of stuA, hats,
rozin Uc.^^ The object of this petition was, to obtain such titles,
as would confirm to him and his family the said lands, ^without
any misunderstanding, clear and free from any molestation either
firom the inhabitants of New Oxford, or any pretensions of Ber-
Irand Du TufTeau/^

Neither the merits, nor the success, of this claim are known
to the writer of this Memoir.

EPISCOPilL CHURCH AT PRQVIDENCK.

The Rev. Mr. Honeyman, with whom Mr. Bemon correspond-
ed on this subject, was a minister of the Episcopal church in
Newport, Rhode Island. He was appointed, by the Society in
London for propagating the Gospel in Foreign Parts, the first
missionary there; in 1704, and continued there many years. In
1712, a missionary was sent by the Society to three towns in
Rhode Island ; Freetown, Tiverton, and Little Compton. In 1720,
there was no Episcopal church in Providence. The people at
Narraganset had built a church about the year 1707 ; and in
1717* the Society appointed Mr. Guy a missionary there. ^ He
resided at Narraganset, otherwise called Kingtown,'' until 1717,
when he removed to South Carolina, and was succeeded by the
Rev. Mr. McSparran. Mr. Honey man was ^^ instrumental in
gathering the congregations at Freetown, and Tiverton, and, last
of all, at Providence.'" Ho had, as early as about the ^ear 1712,
very earnestly represented the want of a missionary at Provi-
dence ; and about the year 172'i, he visited the place, and
preached there, ^^ to the greatest number of people that he had
ever had together, since he came to America.^^ He wrote to
the Society at London, ^^ there is a great prospect of settling a
church here ;'' solicited " a missionary to the people ;'' and
added, ^^ the people are now goin^ to get subscriptions to build a
church.'^ By thdr own contributioi\s, and aid Irom abroad,
" they raised a timber building for a church,*" in 1722 ; and, the
next year, the Society in London appointed the Rev. Mr. Figot
missionary there. In 1722, the Society sent Mr. Orem a mis-
sionary to Bristol. — Humphreys' Hist. Society for the Propagation
of the Gospel in Foreign Parts. Such was the rise and progress
of the Episcopal church in Rhode Island^ and such the state of it at
the time of the ensuing correspondence ; which begins with a
letter from G. Bemon to Mr. Honeyman, in 1721, and closes with
-a letter from dean Berkelev to Mr. Bernon. in 172^.

APPENDIX. 71

Mr. BernoQ went to ProTidence about the year 1698. Wheth-
er he had become disaffected towards the old iohabitants of the
coontrj bj his misfortanes at Oxford ; or was less attached than
his brethren to the strictness of the Reformed churches ; or had
Chai^d his sentiments in favour of the rites and ceremonies of
the English church ; or had found it impracticable to form and
sustain a church in Providence without foreign aid — we are not
informed. There was scarcely a Congregational churchy at thil
time, in Rhode Island. The first in Newport was gathered te
1720. The doctrinal articles of the French Reformed church,
it is well knowQ) agree with those of the Church of England {
and the Society for the Propagation of the Gospel in Foreign
Parts had funds for the support of misaionaries. Whatever were
the cause, Mr. Bernon united himself to the English church, and
applied to that Society for assistance. The papers on this sub-
ject, among the Bernon MSS. are thus marked on the envelope :
*^ Lettres et autrcs Papiers que justifie et regarde notre etab-
liSBement pour V Elglise Episcopale de Providence.'^

Some of the letters are in English. One from Mr. Bernon Is,

«i Copy of a Letter to M**. James Honeyman, minister of the

Church of England at Newport in Roadislond, SeptemU. 21,

172 L" In this he writes, ^^ My last going to Road island was

chiefly to be partaker of the communion and secondly to

chew your honour how busy are the gentlemen of the govem-
jnent of Boston and Connecticut to establish the presbyterian
church in our town of Providence. And also I was willing to
shew your honour the letter that Mr. Joseph Morse minister of
Dorchester has writ to me and my answer to him to the purpose,
but jour honour did not see cause to give me the opportunity to

shew the said letters ^nto you &c Thirdly my intention

was to propose unto you and M^ Mac Sparran minister of Nar-
raganset, some measure that your honours should not forsake our
town of Providence to not let us destitutes and deprived abso-
lately from the Church of Englnnd, when the other hands party
are so actives to establish the presbytery church in our said

Froridence town,^^ &c

The letter, of which this was a copy, was enclosed to Mr.
McSparran in a letter addressed to him^ dated *^ Sept^ 27, 1721.^^
In this Mr. Bernon writes, ^^ Inclosed is a copy of my letter to
th€ gentleman your colleague, for to trying and to promoting the
Church. I may say since twenty years I have past by divers and
se'vcral different and hard difficulty and circumstance that I de-
sire with great passion to forget, for a better behaviour amongst
Q0, and for the honour of the Church in the Government of Road-
l^lsnd where 1 look M^ Honeyman, and your selfe to be the two
ctMief gentlemen and the two only minister for establishing the
C^iMUTch in the said Government, &c. . .

^ Gentlemen It seems to me this is the time that we should
9li^vv our zeals for the propagation and setting the Church in

72 APPENDIX.

ProTidf'nce town the principal and first town establish in the said
gOTeroment where yours honours are most belongs ; for we can't
slight or neglected what concerns salvation and happiness of
.... people Uc."' ^- Sir you have already done right well by
goodness, promoting: the true church in Bristol town, so it id
hopes with ^rcat eipoctation of your generosity, you will do the
same for our town of Providence were you have most interest
being the like government and the same Diocese as Naragaoset
where yoa have your rcstidcnre.

^' When your honour will go from Narraganset to Bristol or
Swansay, if you bat be pleads to let me know, I shall do my beat
to meet yoa at Warik, or el«e where kc.**^ ....

Mr. McSparran, in a letter to Mr. G. Bern on, dated '^ Kings-
town July 2**, 1721,'^ writes : *^ Pursuant to your request and my
appointment with Collector . . . Tve determined to be at y house
Monday night the 10*^ of this month and to preach and to baptize
your chihiren on Tuesday, f>o that you may notilie as many as you
please, particularly M'- Nathaniel Brown of Kettlepoint your
messenger to mc &:c.'^ . . .

In another letter, Oct. 5, 1721. " Narraganset," Mr. McSparran
writes, in answer to U. Bonion : ^^ 1 rejoice you continue zeal-
ous and forward to promote n Church of Ln<^Iand in your town.- -
• . . and gives encouragement of assistance in the work, iiut he
adds: ^" Mr. Ilonyman never mentioned any thing to me about it,
nor is It practicahlc fur mc to begin such an atlair, considering

Fm become y** mark of by the steps 1 have taken in

y« like affair at Brifttol.*^

In the ^^ Memoranda^^ of those, who might be consulted or
written to, on ecclesiastical concerns, are : ^^ M'. Moore secreta-
ry for propagating the gosjiel in I'orrcign parts &c. . . , M'. Dum-
mer, at the Trmplo Kxrhanjifo Co!!'i*e liouse ... at liie Temple,"
&c. This gentloMKui, I pri'smne, iva»* Mr. Jorrmy Dummer, the
Massachasetts agent, who was at London in 17'J1, the lust yearul'
his agency.

Nothing effectual appears to have been done for several year^
after the last mcntimied date, towards the settling of the Episco-
pal church in Providence. Difficulties occurred j and, at length,
Mr. Bemon addressed a letter to (l<>an Hkkkki.cy, for his interpo-
sition and advice. This eminent man, al'terwards bishop ol'
Cloyne, was at that time at Newport, in Rhode Island, which was
the place of his residence while in America. His letter, in ans-
wer to Bernon's is <lated *^ Newport Avril 0, 1729." He excus-
es himself from any interference in the ecclesiastical concenis of
Providence, in consideration that he is simply a passenger in this
country, without any authority over the churches of that colony;
and that all his juris<liction was for the diocese of Londonderry in
Ireland; hut he assures him. that he has no doubt, the bishop ot
Ivondon, and thr honourable society lor propaifaling the Gospel.

APF£NDIX. 73

woiiM take jost and wise measures for remedyiag the e?ils com-
plaioed of; and that he shall not cease to pray to God to succour
and protect the church at Providence. He concludes his letter
with an apology for writing in a language, in which he was not
accustomed to write.

^ Je ne suis qn^ un simple passager dans ce pais sans

etre reyetQe d' aucune autorite in jurisdiction sur les Eglises
de cette colonie et que toute ma petite jurisdiction (telle qir elle
floit^ est . . [iiUgibu] • • pour la Diocese de London-Derry en ire-
land. . . . Je puis cependant vous assurer que je ne doabte gueres
que MoDseigneur V EvSque de Londres et 1^ honorable Society
prendrent des mesures tres justes et sages pour y remedier. . . Je
ne laisse .... pas pourtant de supplier le Bon Dieu de secourir

et de proteger votre figlise de Providence Vous avoia la

bonte Monsieur de me pardonner ce que j^ ecris dans une langue
que je n** ay pratique que tres rarement et de croir que je raia
avec beaucoup de respect,

Monsieur

votre tres humble et tres obeissant

serviteur Geor. Berkeley."

[Page 33.]
SECOND SETTLEMENT OF OXFORD.

^Vy ^f ^ ^^^ conveying the iMnds in Oxford to the second Com-
pany ofSettlerSy 1713.

£zli»cted from the Records of the town of Oxford, at Mr. Caoipbeirs, the Town

Clerk, by A. H. 1817.

^* To all people unto whom these presents shall come Joseph
Dudley of Roxbury in the county of Suffolk and Province of the
Massachusetts Bay in New England, Esq. Wi^. Taylor of Dor-
chester in the same county Esq. Pinter Sergeant of Boston afore-
said Esq. and Mehetabell his wile, John Danforth of Dorchester
aforesaid and Elizabeth his wife, John Nelson of Boston afore-
said Esq. and Elizabeth his wife, as they the said W>n. Taylor,
Peter Sargeant, John Nelson and John Danforth arc the heirs
and executors of the Hon. W™. Stoughton late of Dorchester Esq.
deceased, send greeting: Whereas the General Court of the Col-
ony of the Massachusetts Bay in the year One thousand six hun-
dred and eighty two granted to the said Joseph Dudley, Wm.
Stoughton, major Robert Tompson and their Associates a certain
tract of land scituate in the Nipmug Country, of eight miiec

▼OL. II. THIRD SERIES. 10

74 APPEIIDIX*

square, for a Township &c. as may be seen more at large by the
Records of said General Court, Parsuant whereaoto and for the
uses aforesaid the said Joseph Dudley W*. Stouf^htoo and their
Associates in the year one thousand six hundred eighty and
brought OTcr thirty French Protestant Families into this country,
and settled them upon the easternmost part or end of the said
Tract of land, and severed, granted, and sett apart 12000 acres
for a Tillage called Oxford for the said Families, and bounded it
as by a Piatt upon Record will manifestly appear: But forasmuch
as the said French familios hare many years since wholly left and
deserted their settlement in the said Village, and the said lands
as well h^ their deserting the same, and refusing to return upon
publick Proclamations made for that end, as by the voluntary
surrender of most of them are now reinvested in restored to and
become the estate and at the disposition of the original proprie-
tors their heirs and succesisors for the ends aforesaid And
whereas there are sundry good families of her majesty's subjects
within this province who offer themselves to go and resettle the
said village whereby they may be serviceable to the province
and the end and design of the original grant aforesaid be answer-
ed and attained: Now Know Ye, That the said Joseph Dudley,
W">. Taylor, Peter Sergeant and Mehetabell his wife, John Nelson
and Elizabeth his wife, and John Danforth and Elrzabeth his
wife, for and in considcnition and to the uses and intents above-
mcnlioned, Have fully, freely, and absolutely and by these presents
do give grant and confirm unto Samuel 1 Hagbour John Town
Daniel Eliott, Abie! Lamb, Joseph Chamberlin, Benj'. Nealand,
Renoni TwitchcU, Joseph Hockett, Benj*^. Chamberlin, Joshua
Whitney, Thomas llunkins, Joseph Chnmljerlin jun. Oliver Coller,
Daniel IVarson, Ahram Skinner, Ebcnozcr Chamberlin, James
r'ottcr, Isaac Loarnod, Flbeii*'. Learned, Thomas Leason, Eben'.
Humphry, Joii*. Tillotson, Edmund Taylor, Kphraim Town, Is-
rael Town, \V."» Hudson, Daniel Kliott jun'. Nathaniel Chamber-
lin, John Chandler jun'. John (-handler and others their Associ-
ate*, so as their number amount to thirty I'amilies at least. All

that Part of the s»*. Tract of Land &c. &ic Provided Ai.-

WAY, Tiiat if any of the persons grantees above named or any of
their Associates .^hail and do no^lect to settle upon and improve
the said land with themselves and families by the space of two
years next ensuing, or being settled thereon ifhall leave and de-
sert the same and not return to their respective habitations in
the said Town upon due notice given, That then and in such
case it shall and may he lawful to and i'or the rest of the Gran-
toes and their Associates heirs or iissigns respectively or the ma-
jor part of them to seise upon and take tiie said Estate or Es-
tates of such person or persons so deserting 6ic. . . .

in witness wliereof the party abovenamed to these presents
have hereunto interchangably set their hands and seals the B^.

APPENDIX.

dty of Jidj in the IV^. jewx of her Majesty^s Reigae Annoq.

Dom. 1713.

Joseph Dudley (seal.)
Wm. Taylor (seal.)"

•« Boston Jnly 15^. 1713 Rec'. and Recorded with the Records
of Deeds for the C<7. of Suffolk, Lib. XXVII»>. fol. 174 &c per
Addiiufton Davenport Register." [Attested by John Town, Town
CUrk^

Dwiiion of Lcmd,

Fh>m Oxford Town Records.

The draft of y* first Division of Land voted to be drawn on
Jannary y* 18*^. 17|J To each man of the 30 to his house lot—
his choice according to the lot he draws each man^s lot to be 60
acres.

16
17
18
19
20
21
22
23
24
25
26
27
28
29
30

Daniel Eliot jon.

John Coller

Eph«- Town

Joshua Whitney

Sam>. Hagboam

Joseph Roclcet

Benony Twichel

Ebeor. Lamed

Isaac Lamed

Joseph Chamberlin

Joshua Chandler

Thomas Hunkins

ElbeDf Humphry

Edmund Taylor

Daniel Pearson

Eben^. Chamberlin

W» Hudson

Nathi. Chamberlin

Benj*. Nealand

Jonathan Tillotson

Jos^. Chamberlin jun.

Oliver Coller

Daniel Eliot

John Chandler jun.

Abiel Lamb*

Benjn. Chamberlin

Thomas Gleason

Abram Skinner

John Town

•

Israel Town

•

[Page

40.]

ADDITIONAL NOTICES OF THE FRENCH SETTLEMENT AT OXFORD.

The lapse of a century since the resettlement of Oiford, by
the ancestors of its present inhabitants, has nearly obliterated the
remembrance of the fact of its original settlement by the French.
A river, which runs through the town, does indeed bear up their
naoie ; but why it was so called, if known there^ is scarcely known

* Died oot many yean ago, aged upwards of 90 years. He oilen << toM
aboat the Great Snow," which occurred when he was a boy [1717-18].

76 APPENDIX.

in the Ticinitj. This river runs about three qnarten of a mHe
west of the (^rcat road that leads oyer Oxford plain, and falls io-
to the Q^iiinchaag' in the town of Thompson, in Connecticut*
The C|u!ncbnugf I had linovfn from early life, as passing through
Oxford, and Thompson, and joining the She tucket at Norwich ;
but this smaller stream, the bridge over which is at a consider-
able distance below the village of Oxford, had not attracted mj
particular notice. In passing it, nine years ago, seeing a boy
near the bridge, I asked him, What is the name of this river f
•' French river," he replied. Why, I asked, is it called French
river? ^M believe,^' said he, ''there were some French people
once herc^^ — pointing up the stream. On my arrival at the vil-
lage, I inquired of Mr. Campbell, the innkeeper, who gave me
sufficient information on the subject to excite farther inquiry, and
to render all the subsequent labour of investigation delightful.
Mr. Campbell was of the family of the Rev. Mr. Campbell, for-
merly a respectable minister of Oxford. Having married a
dausfhtor of Mrs. Hutlcr, who was a descendant of one of the
French settlers, he referred me for information to his wife, who,
after telling me all that she knew, retcrrcd me to her mother.
I waited upon Mrs. Butler, who obligingly told me all that she
could recollect concerning the French emigrants.

Mrs. BuTLRR was the wife of Mr James Butler^ who lives near
the tirst church in Oxford ; and, when I taw her, was in the
seventy- fifth year of her oge. Her original name was Mary

*TIie writer of an original history of the coooty of Worcester, in a late
IliitoricrtI Jonrnal, eorreuts former mistakes res|>ecting Frtnck rieer, whicb
name, he snys, "tMro streams formerly bore." French river, pro periy so
callrd, hns its principRl source in Sppnccr, anil receives waters from Leices-
ter, PuxttM), mill (MmrltiMi ; and, pHb^ins throui^h Oxford and Dudley, "it en-
ters tiie xtatc of (Viniit'ctinil, whnro i( unites willi the QiiineboaK," which alito
runs thn)ii;;h \Vorc;»sti*r rinmtv. " It iifloiwnrds take«< lh«; namcof Thamest, and
enters ititi) Loiu' Island Sound, iipnr »\v London" This Journal will be
wdrunipd liy all th(^ lovers of history nml antiijuity in oar country. It is
entitled, " The Worc^Mcr Magazine and llistoriral Journal/' It commeiic-
rd iu Ootoher last, and i< piihlixhini; iiiidpr thft dirortion of an Historical So-
ciety, rect'ntiy formed in the eoiinty of Worcester. The Corresponding
Seri'elnry, who ohIi.",in:;ly siMit mo the niinihers that had been pabll*ihed,
writes : *' It t-i intendi'd to hr the mrdiiim through which we shall present to
the piihliek, (tur collect ir)nh for a complete history of thi<i county." The nsso-
ciuli*«, who have pledged lliemselves to furnish tlii» history, say: " To ac-
complish oiiro!)iert.s in their full extent, all of the^e relics, within our reach,
should he critically examined and carefully collated. Kven our buryinj^
grounds, the "Mcnnl inclo^ures, where the venerahle * forefathers of our iiain-
letM sle(*p,' should not pu«s unnoticed. The fadin:; inscriptionH of their mon-
uments should he relniced with faithful dili;;ence." That diligence may lead
our fellow labcuirers to visit a place iu their county, at the distance of twelve
miles only from Worcester, and settlel within one year of that now lieauti-
ful and flourishini; town ; — a place, wlierc!, if they shall find no monument,
they may be induced to erect one. It is richly deserved ; and whoever shall
raiae it, however simple its materials, may say with iloracei

KXEGl MOllUMXIfTOM JLliZ PXKLKKIUS.

AFPGKDnC. 77

Slgouroey. She wu a granddaughter of Mr. Andrew Sigonmej,
who came over when young, with hla father, from Rochelle.
Her graadmolher's mother died on the TOjrage, leaving an infant
of oniy lix monthB (who was the grandmother of Mra, Butler),
and another daughter, Mary Caznenu, who wai then six years of
a^. The iaformatioa which Mrs. Butler gare me, she receired
from her grandmother, who lived to about (ho age of eighty-
three, and from her grandmother's Bister, who lived to the age
of Dioety-fire or ninety-six years.

Mrt. Batter' I Rtminueencei.

The refugees lef^ France in 1684, or 1685,* with the utmost
trepidation and precipitancy. The great grandfather of Mn.
Butler, Mr. Germajae, gave the family notice that (hey iniut go.
They came off with secresy, with whatever clothes they could
put upon the children, and left the pot boiling over the fire.
When they arrived at Boston, they weat directly to Fort Hill,
where they were provided for ; and there they continued until
they went to Oxford. They built one fort on AlHyo's hill, on the
east side of French river ; and, tradition says, another fort on the
west side. Mrs. Butler believed, they had a minister with them.

Mrs. Johnson, the wife of Mr. Johnson who was killed by the
lodiaos in 1(>96, was a sister of the tirst Andrew Sigourney. Uer
husband, returning home from Woodstock while the Indians were
massacring his family, was shot down at his own door. Mr.
Sigourney, hearing the report of the guns, ran to the boase, and
■eizing his sister, pulled her out at a hack door, and took her
over French river, which they waded through, und tied towards
Woodstock, where there was a garrison. The Indians killed the
children, dashing them against the jambs of the fire-place.

Mrs. Butler thinks, the French were at Oxford eighteen or
Bineteen years. Her grandmother, who was brought over an
iDfaDt, was married, and had n child, nhile at Oxford, This fact
woald lead us to believe, that the Sioouhnev family returned to
Oxford after the fear of the Indians had subsided. It is believed
in Oxford, that a few families did return. These families may
hare returned again to Boston in about nineteen years from the
time of their first settlement in Oxford, agreeably to Mrs. But-
len opinion ; in which case, the time coiocides wi(h that of the
cRction of the first French church in Boston, 1 704-5. Mr. An-
drew Slgoomey, who furnished the written materials for this
3lemoi£|''ipU Uvea on or near the place that was occupied by

fff^ Bntlflr lived in Boston until the American revolution, and
■■jllterward remored to Oxford. Her residence in both pin-
^odarat bar Mere familiar with the history of the emigrants

'iS^lfSfi

78 APPENDIX.

than she would hate been, had she resided eiclasifelj Id either.
She says, they prospered in Boston, after they were broken ap
at Oxford. Of tbc memorials of the primitive plantatioii of her
ancestors she had been very observant, and still cherished a rev-
erence for them. Mrs. Shumway, of French extraction, living
near the Johnson boose, showed her the spot where the hoose
Blood, and some of lis remains. Col. Jeremiah Kingsbury, about
fifty-five years of age [1817], has seen the chimney and other re-
mains of that house. His mother, aged about eighty-four years,
told Mrs. Butter that there was a burying place, called ^The
French Burying Ground,'^ not far from the fort at Mayors HilK
She herself remembers to have seen many graves there.

French Families.

Mrs. Butler named, as of the first emigrants from France, the
following families :

BowDoiN and Boudinot came to Boston :— -could not sayy wheth-
er or not they came to Oxford.

Bowyer, who married a Sigoumey.

Germaine : — removed to New York.

Oliver : — did not know, whether this family came to Oxford,
or not ; but the ancestor, by the mother^s side, was a Sigoumey.

SiGouRNEY. Andrew Sigoumey, son of the first emigrant of
that name, was bom in Oxford, and died in 1 763, aged sixty
years. He was the uncle of Mrs. Butler, my informant ; of the
late Martin Brimmer, Esq. of Boston, and Mr. Andrew Brimmer,
still living; and of the late Hon. Samuel Dexter, of Boston.

No branch of the Bowdoin family is known to have been set-
tled south of New England. Governor Bowdoin left one daugh-
ter, the Indy of Sir John Temple, some time consul general of
Great Britain in the United States. Elizabeth, daughter of Sir
John and Indy Temple, was married to the Hon. TnoMiks L. Wix-
TiiROP, Esq. of Boston, a mcmhcr of the senate of Massachusetts,
and noiv (April lo2t)) candidate for lieutenant governor. Mrs.
Winthrop died in 1825. lii that truly honourable lady were
combined dignity with ease, intellectual with polite accomplish-
ments, benevolence of temper with beneficence in action. Chris-
tian principles with the Christian graces. One of the sons,
Francis William Winthrop, a young man highly distinguished
as a scholar, and of very fair promise, was graduated at Harvard
college in UU7, but died soon after he had finished his education.
Another son, .lames, who, since the death of his uncle James
Bowdoin, has taken his name, is the only representative of the
Bowdoins, of that name, now living in New England.

Some future antiquary may perhaps trace the original name
to the famous Bahlwin, kinpf of Jerusalem, who, according to
French authority, spelt his name precisely as the first of this
family in America, Baudouin, He died in 1118, and his remains

APPEHDIX. 79

were deposited in a church on Hotrat Calvary. Fleury, in
hi> Histoire EcclesiBitlquc, Edit 1179, fives an account of nine-
tccD emiueDt penona, from the " comple de Flanders," A. D. 86S,
to BaudouiD, ^'jurUcoasulte," A. D. 1&61, whose names are tini-
fonnly writtea Baudouin.

The Hon. Samuei Dexter, senior, father of the tate Ur. Dex-
ter, who married a Si^oumey, was a member of the first pro-
vincial cODgreu in Massachusetts, and founder of the Dexter pro-
fessorship of Sacred Literature in the University in Cambridge.
Soon after the commencement of the revolutionary war, he re-
moved with his family to Woodstock, in Connecticut. He had a
lar^ library, which attracted much attention at the time of its
removal ; and he was greatly devoted to the use of it in his re-
tirement, to the close of his life. He was a gentleman of a high-
ly respectable character, possessed of a handsome estate, and
enjoyed, tar beyond most literary men in our country, oiium cum
dign^att. He spent a few of his last years at Mendon, in Mas-
ucbuietts, where he died iu 18IU; but bis remains were inter-
ret), according to the directions of his Will, at Woodstock. 1
have seen the lot in which be was buried, not far from the first
chorch in my native town; but no sign of bis grave can be trac-
ed. It was hii own direction, thnt bis body should be interred
in the exact centre of the lot, and the grave levelled on the anr-
face, and the whole lot cultivated alike, that no distinction might
be perceived. There is a good portrait of Mr. Dexter at the
Library of our University. Mrs. Dexter 1 well remember while
at Woodstock. She was a respectable lady, of dark complexion,
with characteristic French features, and pronunciation.

Very soon after my visit to Mrs, Butler, 1 received a letter
from ber husband, expressing her regret, that she had not men-
tioned to me Mrs. Wheeler, a widow lady, the mother of Ur.
Joiepb Coolidge, an eminent merchant in Boston. Her maiden
Dame was Oliver. She was a branch of the Germaine family,
lad related to " old Mr. Andrew Sigoumey," in whose family
she waa brought up, and at whose house she was married. Mrs.
Batler tnppoMd, she must be between eighty and ninety yean
ofige, and that, being so much older than herself, she had heard
Mre particalara from their ancestors ( but, on inquiry for Mrs.
Wheeler in Boaton, I found that she died a short time before the
nceptioa of the letter.

How much do we lose by neglecting the advice of tfae Son of
Slnchl t'iQMWjsiiimr^fMTtiytfnr**-— Miss not the discourse of
tlM eMera ; for tbej alio learned of their fathers, and of tltem
thM shah learn onaeiiitanding, and to give answer as need re-

80 APPENDIX.

Ktmaitu of the French Fort.

My Ant Tisit to Fort Hill in Oiford was 20 April, 1819. It ii
about a mile southerly ol' the inn, kept many years by the Camp-
bell family, at the union of the tvfo great roads from Boston and
Worcester, about fifty miles from Boston. Mr. Mayo, who owns
the farm on which the fort stands, believes, that his grandfather
purchased it of orfe of the French families ; and Mr. Sigoumey.
of Oxford, thinks it was bought of his ancestor, Andrew Sigour-
ney. 1 measured the fort by paces, and found it 25 paces by 35.
Within the fort, on the e.ist side, 1 discovered f>ign8 of a well ;
and, on inquiry, was informed that a well had been recently
filled up there.

On a second visit to the Fort, in September of the same year,
I was acccompauicd, and aided in my researches, by the Rev.
Mr. Brazbr, then a Professor in our University, who went over
from Worcester, and met me, by agreement, in Oxford. We
traced the lines of the bastions of the fort, and were regaled with
the perfumes of the shrubbery, nnd the grapes then hanging in
clusters on the vines, planted by the Huguenots above a centary
before. Every thing here, said Mr. Mayo, is \e(i as I found iL

We next went in search of the Johnson place, memorable for
the Indian mnssacrc in 1006. Mr. Peter Shumway, a very aged
man, of French descent, who lives about thirty rods distant from
it, showed us the spot. It is at a considerable distance from the
village, on the north side of the road to Dudley, and is now
overgrown with trees. We carefully explored it, but found no
relicks. — The Inst year (1825) I called at Mr. ShumwayV He
told me, that he was in his ninety-lirst year ; that his great
gnitid father was from France ; nnd that the plain, on which he
lives, is culled " Johnson's Plain."

While Mr. Hrazer was proppcutinc^ our inquiries concerning a
second fort, and a church, that had been mentioned to me by
Mrs. Hutler, he received a letter (1819) from Mr. Andrew Sig-
ourney, informino:, that captain Humphrey, of Oxford, says, his
parents told hirn, there ivas a fort on the land upon which he
now lives, and aNo a FVoncli meeting house, and a burying
ground, with a number of graves ; that he had seen the stones
that were laid on the top of them, as we lay turf, and that one of
the graves was ninch larger than any of the others; that they
were east and west, but this^ north and south ; nnd that the
Frenchman who lived in this place, named Bourdine, had been
dead but a few years.

In May, 1025, I visited captain Ebonezer Humphrey, and ob-
tained from him satisfactory inforniatinn concerning the place of
this second fort, and the meeting house, and the burying ground.
Captain Humphrey was in his ciG^bty-fourth year, lie told me,
that his grandfather ivas from Kni^^land, and that bis father was
from Woodstock, and came to Oxford to keep garrison. He -

APPENDIX. SJ

hiuuelr'noiv Uves where his father lired, about half a mile west
from Oxford village. His house is near a mill, standing upon a
small stream that runs on the left near the great road lending
\o Tfornich. About fifty or sislj rods from his house, he showed
me the spot where the fort stood, and, near it^ the lot upon which
nere the meeting house and burying ground. No remains of
either were risible. He pointed to an excavation of the earth,
ivhere, he said, was a well, which had been filled up. It was at
die plaice of the fort, and had hcco, probably, within it. Id the
lot there were apple trees, which, he told me, he heard his fa-
tber say, "' the French set out." His father must have been a
competent witness ; for he was seventy years old when he toM
him this, and he' himself was then twenty years of age. The
£«]d was under fine cultivation ; hut 1 could not forbear to ex-
jiren my regret, that the memorials of the dead had not been
preserved. He said, an older brother of his had ploughed up
the Geld, and it was in this state when it came into his possession.
tie told me, that one of bis oldest sisters said, she remembered
Uk old horseblock, that stood near the French meeting house.
He laid, he had seen the blood on the stones of the Johnson
ivKBt i and that Mrs. Johnson, on the night of the massacre, went
lo (Voodstock. Bourdillii* (so he pronounced it) lived near the
brook, which runs by his hinise. The land of captain Humphrey,
Dpon which were a French fort, and church, and burying ground,
lienearthe foot of Mayo's hill, on the summit of which stooJ
the great Fort, whose remains are still to be seen.

of this interesting place we feel reluctant lo take leave, with-
out lonie token of remembrance, beside the mere recital of facts,
some of which are dry in the detail, while many others ore but
remotely associated with it. Were any monumental stone to be
found here, other memorials »vere less necessary. Were the
cypKu, or the weeping willow, growing here, nothing might
seem wanting, to perpetuate U»e memory of the dead. Any
Gonlrilnitions of the living, even at this late period, towards sup-
plying the defect, seem entitled to preservation. The inquiries
aQ4 researches of visitants from abroad drew the attention of the
villigen at home. In 1622, the writer of the Memoir received
3 MS. Poem on the French exiles, superscribed " Oxford ;"
annymons, but apparently from a female pen. It was of con-
tidenble length, and not equally sustained tiiroughnut; but the
tender ud respectful regard shown by the writer to those excel-
leDl pilgrims, who lefl " not n stone to tell where they lie," and
her jiBt reflecUons upon the value of religious liberty, and the
initjiih' and horrors of tyranny, entitle her to high estimation.
Many lues do honour to her genius, and all of them to her sensi-
Uli^. If she ii a descendant from the Huguenots, this Is a trib-
vtm offiU^^pietj; if not, it is an oblation of generous sympathy.

'Mr. StgoHnr wrote It " Sourdine." The ipellini ind pranuaciation of
MM Ftwsh Mums, it Is probable, an inecoverably loit.
TOI. n. TEDtD 9EBIEB. 11

84 HfSrORY OF COIIASSJ

History and Description of Coiiasskt, in the county of
Norfolk, Mass. Dec. IC, 1821. By Rkv. Jacob Flint,

MINISTER OF THE TOWN.

HISTORY OF COIIASSET.

The town of Ilingham, which, till 1770, inchided
Cohassct, was settled by the Rev. Peter Ilobart,
with part of a church and congregation to which he
had been pastor, in Uingham, County of Norfolk, in
Great Britain. Debarred the free exercise of their
civil and religious rights, they, like the pilgrims at
Plymouth, fled to the wilderness in New England
for the enjoyment of that freedom to which as ration-
al beings they Avere entitled, and that religious liber-
ty wherewith Christ had made them free. Their ar-
rival was in the year 1635 ; and having obtained
from the natives, deeds of land to form their town ;
on September 18, the same year, they held their first
meeting for civil purposes, which they called a town
meeting ; and their town, from the name of that they
had left, they called Hingham.*

Their pastor was respectable for his talents and
Christian piety. His descendants have been many,
a coiisideral)lo immb(»r of whom have been graduated
at Harvard University ; and some of them eminent
preachers of the Cojsj)c1. The Hingham company
preserved, gcn(^rally, a good standing with the na-
tives. And, excepting a dispute on the subject of
military election and liberty of conscience, which in
1645, interrupted the harmony of the town, and
made some difliculty in the province,t and a violent
contest in regard to the placing of a meeting-house,
in which the interference of the general court was
required ; the social order of the inhabitants has been

• Sec Manuscript of D. CiiMiing, 2<l T. Clerk, Iling.

t See Hubbard's History of New Eoglaod, and impcrs in the Cabinet of lh^
Historical Societv.

»«—»—■

HISTORV OF C0HA5SET. Jij

good. The constant and liberal ])rovisiou, ^vhich
they made for the support of public worship and
schools for the youn^, with their general attention to
the ordinances of religion, for a hundred and seventy-
years, furnish good evidence that the first settlers
were wise and good men, that they educated their
children in such principles and habits as rendered
them useful and happy citizens and rational Chris-
tians.

By the descendants of these men, with others of
virtuous character, the town of Cohasset was first
settled. The names of seven, viz. Gushing, Lincoln,
Tower, Beal, James, and Sutton, found among the
first Hingham company, with those of Bates, Pratt,
Kent, Orcutt, Stoddard, and Nichols, from other pla-
ces, were the names of those' dauntless and worthy
men, who first laboured to subdue the soil in this
place, which was then called Conohasset^ an Indian
name, signifying a fishing promontory.

The parts of the town first improved, were those
which have received the names, Rocky-nook, Jeru-
salem, Mill street, extending to the harbour, the Plain,
and Beech wood street. They were, as well as 1 can
learn, settled successively in the order above named.
To these parts our progenitors came, the most of
them with their families ; and their perseverance and
success evince that they possessed much Christian
fortitude, patience of labour, and pious trust in the
good providence of God. The greater part of the
soil, though of a good quality, was so much inter-
spersed with rocks, many from their size immoveable,
as to render their prospect rather dreary and forbid-
ding. But having Hingham on their west, and
Scituate south, adjoining them, which were now flour-
ishing plantations, with their shores abounding with
fish of the best kinds, they were not discouraged.
They took their stand ; and wrought with industry
and ps^tience, devoutly looking to God for protection

Itlj UlSrOBY OF COHASSET.

and a blessing on their labours. He gave them his
blessing. He gave them, by his providence and his
\v6rd, health, supplies, and peace of mind, and ena-
bled them to prepare a goodly heritage for their chil-
dren, unto the third and fourth generation, as it is
this day.

How early some few families settled within the
Hmits of this town, I cannot now ascertain with cer-
tainty ; probably, in the year 1670 ; for about that
time, CoQohasset, from being all undivided common
land of Hingham, was divided among its proprietors.^
All, however, ^vho became residents here, till 1714,
(when they obtained liberty to build a house of wor-
ship,) considered themselves as belonging to the reli-
gious society of Hingham. With that town they
acted in all civil and religious matters. Thither, bad
and long as the roads were, they repaired to worship
CD the Lord's day, and there they buried their dead.
But in the year last mentioned, their numbers and
substance had increased to such a degree, that they
felt themselves able to support a minister, and pro-
vide instruction for their children. Accordingly, in
the year 1714, they petitioned the town of Hingham
to remit to them their ministerial and school taxes.
But their petition for this object, however Just and
reasonable, was twice rejected ; nor could they ob-
tain the privleges of a parish, till the ne,\tyear, when
for this purpose they made a successful petition to
the general court-
Having a house of worship, they probably had
preaching in it before they invited the candidate whom
they settled as their first pastor. Mr. Nebemiab
Hobart came to preach to them on July 13, 1721 ;
and as the custom was, before the forming of a
church, he " preached a fast," and continued with
them, till December 13, of the same year, when the

* Sne ToiTi Becordi of Kingbun

HISTORY OF COHASStT. 87

church was organized, and the pastoral chaise of it,
by solemn ordination, was committed to him. On
that occasion the services were as follows : Introduc-
tory prayer by Rev. Eben Gay of Hingham ; Sermon
by Rev. Daniel Lewis of Pembroke ; Charge by
Rev. Nathaniel Pitcher of Scituate ; Right Hand of
Fellowship by Rev. Samuel Whitman of Hull.

As a new society, they were weak in numbers and
wealth. According to their ability, their first house
of worship was small and without expensive orna-
ments. It was, I have been told, about 35 feet ton{
and 25 wide, with pulpit, pews, and seats of planet
boards, of simple construction.

At the formation of his church, Mr. Hobart drew
up a well written instrument, not as a creed, but a
covenant, in which are recognised their obligations
to God and Jesus Christ, and in which are made
their solemn vows to live, by God's aid, in Christian
obedience, brotherly love, and mutual assistance.
After a preamble, expressive of their belief, that they
were called of God to unite together in the bands of
Gospel communion and fellowship, it proceeds in the
following words. " We do, in the name of the Lord
Jesus Christ, in the presence of God, and the holy
angels, explicitly and expressly covenant and bind
ourselves in manner and form following, viz. We do
give up ourselves to God, whose name alone is Jeho-
vah, Father, Son, and Holy Ghost. To God the
Father, as our chief and only good : and unto our
Lord Jesus Christ, as our prophet, priest, and king,
and only Mediator of the covenant of grace ; and un-
to the Spirit of God, as our only sanctifier and com-
forter. And we do give up ourselves one unto an-
other in the Lord, covenanting and promising to walk
together as a Church of Christ, in all ways of his
own institution, according to the prescriptions of his
holy word, promising that with all tenderness and
brotherly love, we will with all faithfulness, watch

'M HISTOKY OF COHASSET.

over each other's souls, and that wc will freely yield
up ourselves to the discipline and power of Christ in
his church, and attend whatever ordinances Christ
hath appointed and declared in his word ; and where-
in we fail, and come short of duty, to wait upon him
for pardon and remission, beseeching him to make
our spirits steadfast in his covenant, and to own us
as his church an<l covenant people forever. Amen."
This was subscribed by Nehemiah Hobart, John Or-
cutt, Stephen Stoddard, Thomas James, John Jacob,
Ebenezer Kent, Joseph Bates, and Elijah Vinal jun.
Soon after, followed (he names of eighteen other per-
sons, who were admitted to their communion.

In the call and settlement of Mr. Hobart, there
seems to have been a perfect agreement of the whole
society. There is no account, either from record or
tradition, of opi)osition by any one. And this har-
mony appears to have continued during the nineteen
years of his ministry. In him was found an excellent
spirit. His character, which 1 early obtained from
aged persons, who knew it, and from some of his
writings which I possess, appears to have been that
of a truly devout, enlightened, and liberal divine.
He had talents as a preacher, and virtU(»s as a Ciiris-
tian, wliicli would liavo rcMuhnrd liim instructive an<l
acceptable, in a {'jaiiied and inoro niniierous society.
His worth was not nuicli known abroad, but was
justly and highly apprecl;ited by his early instructcM*,
neighbour, and constant friend, the excellent Gay.
Whatever be a preacher's talents and worth, his rep-
utation will d(»pend much on the celebrity of the
situation in which he is i)Iace(l, and of the characters
with whom he is connected. Tlic celebrated Cotton*
Mathers, and Mayhew, were, it is believed, grea
and good ; but they wer(5 spurred by the hope q-
fame, as well as the love of (Jod and their fellow
men. Placed in a populous and distinguished towi*
they were connected with men eminent in theliterar -

HISTORY OP COHASSET. 89

and political world, who assisted to spread their fame.
Coiiohasset, far in the bay, had little cumiexioii with
societies, or men, who had made much advancement
in letters and taste. It was seldom visited by stran-
gers ; and its inhabitants, though respectable fnr
their natural powers and Christian virtues, had neither
leisure nor means to record and publish their preach-
er's worth.

The Rev. Nehemiah Hobart was born in the first
parish of Ilingham, and was the son of David Hohart
Esq., and grandson of Rev. Peter Hobart of that
town. He was graduated at Harvard College in the
year 1714. He died in 1740, in the 43d year of his
age. As he had lived beloved, he died much la-
mented by the people of his charge. He sleeps in the
centre burying ground, and has a decent stone to tell
where he lies. He was twice married, having seven
children by his first wife, and none by his last.
Three of his children he buried in their infancy, and
left one son and three daughters. These all continu-
ed to a good old age, respectable for their understand-
ings and Christian habits. ' The son moved to Con-
necticut, two of his daughters married in Cohasset,
and one still survives, at the age of 87, and is wife
of the venerable Deacon Kent, now in his 92d year.
During Mr. Hobart's ministry, 77 persons were ad-
mitted to the church, 277 children and 27 adults
Were baptized, and 80 couples were united in mar-
riage. The number of deaths was 116 : 70 of this
Dumber were children under 8 years of age, 30 of
wfaom died of an inflammatory sore throat.

The first deacon was John Jacob, a man whose
iDfinory ought to be dear to the church and society.
Heffai the society's agent in procuring their paro-
clnd privileges. The husband of one wife, a worthy
wmiaii ; without children ; with a benevolent mind
and coDnderable property, he seemed to adopt the so-
cietj aa hia particular charge. He possessed their
vqt~ n. TKno sbbirs. 12

90 HISTORY OF COHABSET.

confidence, and used it in all respects, for their bene-
fit. His care for his own spiritual improvement, and
for the reputation of the church, was manifested by
his constant attention to public worship and the sa-
cred ordinances of religion, and by a handsome do-
nation of plate, which ho made to the table of com-
munion. I received his character from the late
Thomas Lothrop Esq., whom the deacon educated
and made his principal heir ; and into whose mind,
naturally strong, he early instilled that love of reli-
gion, knowledge, and usefulness, which under God,
qualified this nephew, to discharge acceptably, in
mature years, the duties of every important office in
the gift of the town, and rcs|)ected as a legislator and
magistrate of this Commonwealth.

The second deacon was Joseph Bates, a man of
some distinction, from his piety and useful acquire-
ments. He was the first treasurer and clerk of the
society. The third deacon was Lazarus Beal, a de-
vout man, and of good report among all who knew
him. He commanded his children and household
after him, that they should keep the way of the
Lord. The two deacons, who now officiate in the
church, are his grandsons.

The early condition of the society here was, in
some respects, preferable to that of the settlers in
many other new places. They were generally well
inured to the climate, having l>ccn born in Hingham,
or some place in New Kngland. Most of them, either
from patrimony or uidusiry, possessed a competent
property, with which to begin their improvements,
without the fear of immediate want. Looking above
the log-house,* they framed their houses of hewn
timber, and covered them decently, making them
generally two stories in height. The house of their
pastor, now in its hundredth year, built of the firmest

* A log-house wa.s, I belieTe, never built in Coiiohasset.

HISTORY OF GOHASSET. 91

oak, 19 a large and still a handsome, valuable house ;
and with proper care, may remain so, it is thought, ^
century to come. The wild men and beasts of prey
had generally retired from their promontory. The
inhabitants early built vessels and convenient landing
places, by which they availed themselves of the
treasures of the sea, and profitably transported to
market, in the metropolis, their redundancy of wood*
Having roads barely passible, and leading through
their own to no place but the bay, they were little
connected witii elder societies. This led them to
draw more closely the bands of their own. Their
marriages were generally among themselves ; so that
a large portion of the members became connected by
blood ; and continue so, in an uncommon degree, to
the present day. Truly, neighbours to each other,
they had innocent social enjoyment. Places of
temptation to excess, were then unknown, as places
of common resort. After the labours of the day, un-
ceremonious visits were frequently made at each oth-
ers houses, where they Would talk of the good prov-
idence of God to New England, the ways of promot-
ing the welfare of their church and society, and make
common stock of useful or entertaining anecdotes,
which any one had acquired. Having the bountiful
cow, and the bees tamed from the forest, their dwel-
lings flowed with milk and honey : and they could,
with the ^ broiled fish and a little honey-comb,' with
other materials which the house afibrded, furnish a
social repast, far more friendly to health, virtue, and
cheerfulness, than can be found in the luxuries which
load the fashionable boards of modern conviviality.
Speaking of the early state of society here, it was
remarked to me by an aged member — ** They had
every thing that heart could wish."

Feeling that public worship, with attention to
Christian ordinances, was necessary, no less to their
social prosperity, than their spiritual improvement and

92 HISTORY OF COHASSET.

comfort, the church and society lost no time, after
the death of Mr. Hohart, before they took measures
suitable to fill his place with another well educated
and respt^ctable pastor. They employed candidates
of good character ; but they did not immediately find
one in whom they could unite. They heard Mr.
Adams, Hancock, Gay, and four others, before they
gave their call to Mr. John Fowle, who became their
second pastor. In regard to him, indeed, they were
not of one mind. To hear many candidates is not
well in any parish. It tends to division. They
should learn well the character and qualifications of
a preacher before they employ him, and then hear
with a view to approve and ordain. The opposers of
Mr. Fowle, however, after some time, appear to have
consented to his ordination, which took place De-
cember 31, 1741. On that occasion, Kev. William
Smith of Weymouth began with prayer; Rev. Hull
Abbot of Charlcstown preached ; Rev. Nathaniel
Eelles of Scituate gave the charge ; Rev. Ebenezer
Gay of Hingham gave the right hand of fellowship.
Mr. Fowle felt a deep sense of responsibility in his
office. He was allowed, by good judges, to be a
man of considerable genius, and handsome acquire-
ments ; and for two or three years was a popular
prcacluir. IJut he was doomed to have a thorn in
the flesh, a most irritable nervous temperament, which
rendered him une(|ual in his performances, and at
times, quite peevish and irregular. His infirmity in-
creasing, incrcasrd the numlxT of his opposers, till it
caused the dissolution of his pastoral relation in the
fifth year of his ministry. 1 do not learn that any
immoralities were charged upon him ; but that h^
had too little self possession, to be useful in the pa&-^
toral oflice. His failure should be attributed rathe^^^
to physical, than moral defect, rendering him not ^^^^
olycct of reproach, but of commisseration.

le bere, he m^irried a wife, ai
Ten. He recorded the names of 1
he admitted to the church, of 60 >
baptized, and 22 couples whom he united in marriage.
He was born in Charlesloivn, near Bostou, and was
graduated at Harvard College, in the ^ear 1732.
After his dismission he reiuraed with his family* to
the place of his nativity, ivhere, it is expected, the
disorder of his mind increased so much as to incapa-
citate him for usefulness to society. But the manner
of his life towards the close, and the time of his
death, 1 bavc not been able to learn.

At tliis period, the numbers and wealth of the
church and society had increased so much, that they
found their first house of warship too small for their
accommodation, and felt themselves able to build
another, more commodious as to its size, and more
expensive and respectable as to its appearance. Ac-
cordingly, I fmd, by the parish records, they com-
menced the work near the time of Mr. Fowle's dis-
mission, and in the course of the ensuing year, erect-
ed the house* in which we are now assembled. This
house covers an area of 60 feet, by 45. On the
northerly end of the roof, was a belfry. Two flights
of stairs, leading to the galleries, were placed on the
inside of the house. The large front porch, into
which the stairs have been removed, and the steeple
'in which the bell now hangs, have been since erected.

The disappointment of the church and society in
Mr. Fowie, seems not to have lessened their attach-
ment to the Christian religion, nor to the benefits, to
be derived from Christian teachers. While engaged
in building their new house, they employed candt-
i of good character with a view to unite in one,
) might regularly feed them with knowledge, and
\ unto them the bread of life. Among tiiemwas

94 HISTORY OP COHA8SET.

Lawrence, Torrey, Mayhew, and Brown; to the
last of whom they gave their united call* to become
their pastor. He accepted their call, and on Sep-
tember 2y 1747, before their new house was quite
completed, was ordained to the pastoral office. The
services on that occasion were — Introductory prayer
by Rev. William Smith of Weymouth ; Sermon by
Rev. Ward Cotton, text, '^ make full proof of thy
ministry ;" Charge by Rev. Nathaniel Eelles ; Right
Hand of Fellowship by Rev. Josiah Cotton ; conclu-
ding prayer by Rev. Sliearjashub Bourn of Scituate.
The talents of the Rev. John Brown were con-
siderably more than ordinary. In a stately person
he possessed a mind whose perceptions were quick
and clear, and his sentiments were generally the re-
sult of just reflection. His voice was loud and
smooth, lie thought for himself; and when he had
formed his opinions, he uttered them with fearless
freedom. The son of a respectable divine,t he was
early well groundc;d in the rudiments of literature.
Acquainted, from a child, with the Holy Scriptures,
from them he formed his religious opinions. He be-
lieved the Son of God when he said — " The Father
is greater than I ;'' and although he believed that
mankind was sinful, yet he did not attribute their
sins to his immediate act, who is the Author of all
good. His sermons, a number of which 1 possess,
are fraught with striking thoughts, suggested by his
subjects ; and presented in such a style, as would
render them acceptable and imjiressive even to mod-
ern hearers. Till advanced in life, he was fond of
social intercourst.', and was able always to make so-

*It is w'u\ llierp wh» one opposer only, wlioiii Mr. Brown reconciled by a
stroke of good Iminour. (^ailing to st^v the opposer, lie inijuircd the cau^e of
opposition. I like your |M*r9on find manners, said the opposer, but your
preaching, sir, 1 disapprove. Then, said Mr. Brown, wc arc agreed. My
preaching I do not like very well myself; but how great the folly for you
and I to S4't up our opinion against that of the whole pari&h. The opposer
felt, or thought he felt, the folly — and was no longer opposed.

t Rev. John Brown of Haverhill.

I — ■» -

HISTORY OF COHASSET« 95

ciety innocently cheerful. He would sometimes, it
is said, descend to that jesting, which an Apostle has
told us, is not convenient. He was never prone to
labour much with his hands, nor to intense applica*
tion of mind, in abstruse subjects.

A warm friend to the interests of his country, he
zealously advocated its civil and religious freedom.
By appointment of government, he served one cam-* .
paign as chaplain to a colonial regiment, at Nova
Scotia, and for his acceptable service a tract of land,
now Liverpool, in that province, was granted to him
by the crown. Taking a lively interest in the
American revolution, he encouraged, by example and
preaching, his fellow citizens, at home and abroad^
patiently to make those sacrifices which were de*
manded by the times ; predicting, at the same time,
with the foresight of a prophet, the present unrivalled
prosperity of his country.* Although he zealously
advocated the cause of freedom, he considered the
appropriate duties of his sacred office paramount to
all others. He was constant and careful, till pre-
Tented by the infirmities of age, in his preparations
for the Lord's day, and regular and acceptable in the
discharge of parochial duties. During his long min-
istry, the people of his charge were generally atten-
tive to his instructions in the house of God, and pro-
fited by his administration of the ordinances. He
inherited a firm constitution ; and although within a
few years of his death, he was much enfeebled, from
want of exercise in the open air, he still continued to
preach, with diminished effect, until the last sabbath
of his life. He died in the 67th year of his age, and

^ See his excellent sermon in manuscript^ delivered to some companies of
New fingland soldiers, under the wide spreading elm in Hingham. He pub-
lished a Thanksgiving discourse, in the year of the massacre at Boston, in
which that event is ably discussed. He published a discourse from Jeremiah
xvii. 9, in which an ingenious comment is given upon the words — " The heart
it deoeitfal above all Uiings" &c. He published also a discourse, occasioned
hj Uie death of Dr. Mayhew.

96 HISTORY OF COHASSET.

45th of his ministry. He sleeps with the first pastor
in the centre burial ground. To those who knew ihis
worth, his memory is precious. While here, he bu-
cied two wives and two children, and left a w*idow
and one son. The name of his first wife was Jane
Doane, that of his second, Hepzibah Ames«

He recorded the names of 136 persons whom he
admitted to the church, of "221 children and 25 adults
whom he baptized, and of 225 couples whom he unit-
ed in marriage. Of deaths I find no record.

The persons elected, during his ministry, to the
honourable office of deacon, were Jonathan Beal,
Isaac Lincoln 3d, Amos Joy, Abel Kent, Isaac Burr,
and Job Gushing. All these, except one, have been
released by death or age, from therr official duties,
and with the thanks of the church for their faithful
services. Deacon Kent and his wife, still survive,
full of days, and of good fruits, having long been of
that class to whom the hoary head is a crown of
glory.

Although the society, during Mr. Brown's ministry,
made some accession to their numbers, they made
little improvement in their modes of agpculture,
building, or education. Living so near the sea, no
small portion of them thouj^ht it easier to plough the
deep for bread, than to plough their rugged soil.
Many engaged in the fisheries and in foreign voya-
Sjes. And both in the French war, and that of the
Revolution, being more exposed to enemies on the
seas, than in most otiier places, a greater proportion
of their young men, here, than elsewhere, bore arms
in defence of their country.

When the approaching difficulties, between the
American colonies and Great Britain, caused frequent
town meetings, and the society here found it burden-
some to transact their civil concerns with Hingham ;
feeling at the same time adequate to perform their
own business among themselves, they made applica-

HISTORY OF GOHASSET. 97

tioD to the goverumenty to be separated from the ju-
risdiction of that town, and to be incorporated as a
town, by the name of Cohasset. Accordingly, in
1770, they became a town, with all the powers and
privileges appertaining to such corporations. Since
that event, the affairs of the town have been manag-
ed with a good degree of harmony and regularity.
The revolutionary war, however, greatly embarrassed
them, as it did the whole country. But small im-
provements were made, until after the establishment
of the federal government. Since then their improve-
ments have been as great as those of most towns of
their age and size.

After the death of Mr. Brown, the church and so-
ciety immediately directed their attention to that pro-
vision for religious instruction, with the administra-
tion of the ordinances, without which no society will
long experience social order and prosperity. They
were supplied six sabbaths, by the pall bearers, at
the funeral of their late pastor, and then employed
Mr. Josiah C. Shaw, as their first candidate. With
him the society were generally pleased, and soon
united in giving him a call to settle with them in the
ministry. He accepted their call, and was ordained
October 3, 1792. On that occasion. Rev. Elijah
Leonard of Marshfield, began with prayer ; Rev.
William Shaw of that town preached ; Rev. Simeon
Williams of Weymouth made the consecrating prayer;
Rev. John Mellen of Hanover gave the Charge ;
Rev. Daniel Shute, D. D. of Hingham gave the
Right Hand of Fellowship ; Rev. Henry Ware of
tjiat town concluded with prayer.

The Rev. Josiah C. Shaw was a native of Marsh-
field. His ministry was commenced with fair pros-
pects of tranquillity to himself, and usefulness to his
flock ; but was abruptly terminated June 3, 1796.
The church and society, to their great honour, and
notwithstanding the unhappy circumstances in which

VOL. II. TflIRD SERIES, 13

98 HISTORY OF COHA93ET.

they were placed, soon took the proper steps to sup-
ply themselves with another pastor. After hearing
a number of candidates, well rccommendedi they
gave a call, without opposition, to their present pas-
tor. With a deliberation due to its solemnity, he
accepted the call ; anil on Jan. lOtli 1798, was or-
dained to the pastoral charge of the church and so-
ciety in Cohasset.

The services on that solemnity were, — Introducto-
ry prayer by llev. Caleb Prentiss of Reading ; Ser-
mon, by Rev. Eliab Stone of that town ; Ordaining
prayer by Rev. Daniel Shute, I). D. of Hingham ;
Charge by Rev. tJad Hitchcock, D. D. of Pem-
broke; \Vvyi\\t Hand of Fellowship by Rev. Henry
Ware of Hingham ; Concludini; prayer by Rev. Da-
vid Barns, D. D. of Scituate. The present pastor (au-
thor of this article) was born in Reading, north parish,
in the county of Middlesex, and was graduated at the
University in Cambridge on the Commencement of
1794.

Since his ordination 87 persons have been admitted
to the church, 78 have owned the covenant, 425
children and 38 adults have been baptized, and 120
couples have been united in marriage. There have
bocMi 356 deaths.

The present donroiis of the church are Abel Kent,
Uriah J/uiroln, Thomas Rourn, and David Heal.
The \\\o fust, by reason of ago, have been relieved
from their oflieial duties, with the unanimous thanks
of the church for their able and faithful services.
Dea. Dineoln has recently conferred a lasting memo-"
rial of his pious regard to the table of the Lord, by
a donation of two large, well wrought, silver cups.
It is due to the deacons slid ofliciating, to say, they
magnify their office by their discharge of its duties.

VVithin the century the town has educated at Cam-
bridge University, seven of its sons. These are all
still living, exce|)t one, namely lienjamin Pratt Es<j.
who died in 1703. He was son of the first Aaron

DESCRIPTION OF COHASSET. 99

Pratt of this place ; and received the honours of Col-
lege in 1737. His talents were of the first order.
He studied the profession of the law ; and after high-
ly distinguishing himself at the courts of justice iii
this Commonwealth, was promoted to the l)ench, as
chief justice, in the state of New York. The others
of this place, who have been graduated at our Uni*
versity, sustain- characters which reflect honour on
the place of their nativity, and on this eminently dis-
tinguished seminary. All except one, who is provi-
dentially deprived of a sound mind, are now filling,
or preparing to fill, stations in which they may be
useful to society and benefactors to their country.
Eleazer James, in the county of Worcester, is highly
respectable as a citizen and attorney at law ; Joshua
Bates, S. T. D. is president of Middlebury College
in the state of Vermont ; Isaac Lincoln is an eminent
physician in the state of Maine, and member of the
medical society ; T. Stephenson and J. B. Flint are
now engaged in the study of their respective profes-
sions.

During the last 25 years, the improvements in this
town, in education, building, navigation, roads, and
bridges, have been laudable. More has been done
in these particulars, it is believed, than was done in
twice that number of years preceding. The present
house of worship, built by your fathers, has received im-
provements, as to its appearance and accommodation.
Since my connexion with the society, it has been
painted, and there have been added to it a decent
steeple, a number of pews, and the dress for the pul-
pit, furnished by the ladies. '^

DESCRIPTION OF COIIASSET.

CoHASSET, a post town, in the county of Norfolk,
is in extent, from north to south, about four and an

* Sinee the above was written , the house has received a stove, suitable
sufficiently to warm it.

100 DESCRIPTION OF COHASSET.

half miles ; and from cast to west, about four. It is
Ixiunded on the west, by Hingham and Hull ; on the
north and northeast, by Massachusetts Bay ; and on
the soutlicast and south, by Scituate.

Surface and Soil.

The part next to the sea, a few rods above high
water mark, and in some places bounding the water,
is a chain of rocky hills and precipices, forming a
rampart against the invading waves, almost from one
end of the town to the other. This chain is in some
places broken, leaving spaces for a few small streams
to run into the sea ; and the sea, flowing at flood tide
into their mouths, covers the low lands, forming a
number of salt marshes.

The most northerly division, about a mile in width,
including the part already described, abounds with
rocks and hills. Little of it is suitable for tillage ;
some parts are covered with wood, oak, walnut, and
uplanil cedar. A considerable part of it, however,
furnishes good pasturage.

A second division, about one mile in width, in-
cluding the common, on which stands the meeting-
house, furnishes an excellent soil ; and, except some
places, rather too rocky, is uell sidaptcd to all the
purposes of agriculture. It is a deep, black soil,
sparingly intermingled with gravel. The common is
a pleasant phiin of about ten acres, dressed, in the
season of vegetation, with a garment of dce|) verdure.
In the southeasterly part, near the meeting-house, is
a handsome little pond of fresh water, about eight
rods in diameter, round as a basin, and never dry.
Through this division, runs the principal road, lead-
ing from Hingham to Scituate.

On the southwest part of this division, is a fine
swell of land and moderate hills, extending the whole
length of the town. Its soil may be classed with
that of the first quality ; producing grass, corn, grain.

DESCRIFTIOn OF COUASSET. 101

ind vegetables ia great abundance. Although it has
jielded its increase for a hundred years, its strength
slill remains. The hills are no where so steep, as to
prerent the plough running to their summits. On
the south side of this swell, is a fresh pond of ninety
acres, abounding with pike and other fish, common
to fresh water. A third division for a mile in width,
isvood land, yielding walnut, beech, oak, maple, and
pine, and is so loaded in many parts, with ponderous
rocks, as forever to baffle the hand of culture. A
fourth division, in width about a mile, exteuding to
Scituate line, consists partly of soil similar to that of
the second division, and partly of a light soil of easy
tillage. Through this division runs the beech-wood
street, and through a part of it, flows the principal
stream in Cohasset, which is respectable enough to
lie called a river; but in Hutchinson's history of
New England, is called Conohasset rivulet, forming,
aociently, the boundary line between Plymouth and
Massachusetts colonies.

Agriculture and Produce-
A considerable number of the inhabitants of this
(own, from their situation, depend more on naviga-
tion, for their support and wealth, than on agricul-
ture. There are a considerable number, however,
fared to husbandry ; a number of persons also engag-
ed in other business, have large and well cultivated
iarms, and almost every householder possesses a por-
tion of land, which he cultivates. In the town, there
are, deducting for roads and water, 5633 acres ; 141
of which are tillage, producing on an average, 2822
bushels of corn, 457 bushels of rye, and 223 bushels
of barley. Of upland mowing ground, there are 466
acres, producing 345 tons of English hay ; of fresh
meadow, there are 3U1 acres, producing 211 tons of
fresh hay ; of salt marsh, there are 62 acres, pro-
ducing 32 tons of salt hay. The pasturage, ^62

102 DESCRIPTION OF COHASSET.

acres, is peculiiirlj sweet and nourishing, enabling
the farmers to raise and fatten some of the finest
cattle and sheep, that arc seen in the market.

Navigation and Fisheries,

There arc 41 vessels of different tonnage, owned
in Cohasset. Of these 10G7 tons are employed in
the mackerel fishery. They take, in a season, 2420
barrels ; 200 tons arc employed in the codfishery ;
taking 2590 quintals of codfish.* The fishing vessels
employ 223 men and boys. Some of the largest ves-
sels, are employed in foreign trade. After the season
for taking fish, a number of the fishing vessels are
employed in the coasting trade with various parts of
the United States, and some in trade with the West
Indies. Cohasset harbour, at the east part of the
town, is formed by a small bay, nearly a mile inland,
into which the sea and vessels pass, through a con«
siderable channel. The channel was probably creat-
ed, and is still kept open, and the harbour made
deeper and wider, by the flowing into it, on the
southeast, of Coiiuliasset river, and that on the south-
west, of another small stream, sometimes called
James' rivcT, from its rrossinn the street, near the
dwelliiiii: house of the htc Christopher James. The
water of tlio lunhour is not any time siifliciently
deep for vessels of large burthen, when laden ; but is
very eomniodioiis and safe, for those from eighty to a
hunched tons.

'J\) conduct vessels with safety into the harbour,
re(|uires the skill of seamen well acquainted with the
entrance. About the entrance, extending to the e.ist
and west, and sonu? at two miles from the shore, are
scattered tiiose deadly enemies to mariners, long and
far known bv the name of Cohasset rocks. The

■ Tlif »."»timati! of flu* fi.s|;i»rir.s, may not, perhaps, l»e corroct for any one
ycur, but niH\ iju coiL^iJcrcd us an avurage tor a number of year^.

DESCRIPTION OF COHASSET. 103

spaces, now water, between these rocks, were proba-
bly, at some very ancient period, filled with earth,
softer than that on the present shores, rendering the
promontory commensurate with the outermost rock.
The attrition of the waters, pouring into, and from
the Bay, may have removed the softer earth, till they
came to those solid ramparts with which nature has
lined the present shores. These, nothing short of
Almighty power can remove. They have always
said, and will forever prevailingly say to the invading
ocean, Hitherto shalt thou come, but no further, and
here shall thy proud waves be stayed.

A good knowledge of the Cohasset rocks, and the
Graves off the shores of Nahant, is requisite to navi-
gate with safety the waters of the Bay. If in the
night, or bad weather, the commander or pilot be ig-
norant of his situation, or sleep at his post, like Pali-
Dunis of old, he will be in the utmost danger of ship-
wreck and death, from a Scylla on the one hand,
and Charybdis on the other. The rocks have been
so well surveyed and marked, that their situation is
sufficiently known. There is one circumstance, how-
ever, which I fear has not been sufliciently observed
by mariners sailing from the southern cape. The
flood tide ordinarily sets in towards the rocks, with
considerably greater force than that with which it
ever sets out. Consequently, if there be not, in run-
ning, a correspondent allowance made for leeway, the
ship will be in danger of falling on the entering rock,
or some rocks above it.

The people of this town have had frequent calls
for their compassionate exertions in behalf of suffering
seamen. That they have been prompt to answer
these calls, is manifest from the number of medals
and other rewards of merit, which they have received,
not only from the society whose name^ designates its

* Humane.

104 DESCRIPTION OF C0HA9SET.

heavenly purposes, but from gratitude expressed in
distant countries. Among the many instances of
distress by shipwreck, in which the kindest assist-
ance and relief have been given, one only will be here
noticed, the circumstances of which do equal credit
to those who gave, and to those who received relief.
On Kebruar)' 12, 1793, the ship Gertrude-Maria, of
400 tons, bound from Copenhagen to Boston, with a
cargo, estimated at ^40,000, and commanded by
Hans Peter Clien, was wrecked on a small island,
among Cohasset rocks, called Brush Island. Having
entered the Bav, the commander knew not the dan-
gcr of his situation. Clouds obscured the light of
the sun by day, of the moon and stars by night, and
no small tempest with frost and snow lay upon them.
In the awful war of elements, the ship was at the
mercy of the fierce winds and mountainous billows.*
These threw her first upon a small ledge, where she
suffered but partial injury ; then on the Island, just
named, whose sides arc covered with pointed ledges.
On these the angry surges raised and depressed her
with violence, till they broke her asunder. Death
now staring every man in the face, trial was made by
two men with a boat to reach the shore. The l)oat
was (lashed to pieces. One was drowned, the other
left to recover tlie wreck. At length, by extending
a spar from the stc^rn of the wreck, the survivers all
got upon the Island, where the waves could not reach
them. Here they, tarried in the tempest, chilled with
wet and frost, without fire or house to shelter them,
till discovered early the next morninji; by the inhab-
itants of the town. Means for granting relief wern
immediately adopted. A boat was quickly brought,
to the beach, a mile over land. She was mannec\
w ithout delay, and plunged into the agitated surf, ^i

* ronlimio voiiti volviint tntirr. magntique siirgiint,
.K'jiiora . tIi?|H;rsi jactamur gur^jitc Vdstu. — Viko.

DESCRIPTION OF COHASSET. 105

the imminent hazard of the lives of the adventurers.
She reached the Island, and brought off three of the
sufierers. Another attempt was immediately made,
iMJt the storm and the tumult of the sea increasing, it
was frustrated by the destruction of the boat against
the rocks. Two other boats were soon brought from
a distance, and the dauntless exertions of the boatmen
were renewed, till the sufferers, twenty-one in num-
ber, were all safely landed on the shore. Thence
they were conveyed to the houses of Elisha Doane,
Esq. and other gentlemen, where they were care-
My warmed, clothed, and fed, as their frozen and
perishing condition required. At these houses they
remained, imbibing the wine and the oil, ministered
by the hand of compassion, till their wounds were
healed, and health restored. In the mean time, due
attention was paid to their property, now the sport of
the waters. An account of articles of the smallest,'
as well as of greater value, was given to the master
of the ship; insomuch, that when all was collected,
that could be saved, and sold at auction, its amount
was 12,000 dollars. When the Captain and his men,
(all it is said of the royal navy of his country,) were
provided with another vessel, and ready to leave the
town, their hearts were swollen with grateful emotions
toward those, who, under God, had delivered and
cherished them in their perils and distress. The Cap-
tain, a man of much respectability, unable to utter his
feelings, told his benefactors they should hear from
him again. He sailed from Boston, and touching at
St. Croix, published there an affecting account of the
compassion and hospitality he had experienced from
the people of Cohassct. When arrived in Denmark,
he gave to the king such a representation of the peo-
ple here, as induced his majesty to order the College
of Commerce to send, in his majesty's name, four large
medals of gold, and ten of silver, with the likeness of
himself impressed on one side, and with Danish words

VOL. IL THIRD SERIES. 14

106 DESCRIPTION OF COHASSET.

on the other, importing, Reward of Merit— Noble
Deeds.

With the medals of gold came directions; one for
Rev. Josiah C. Shaw ; one for Elisha Doane, Esq. ;
one for Capt. John Lewis ; and one for Capt. Levi
Tower. The silver medals were designed for other
citizens, who had been most active in giving relief to
the sufferers. Honourable notice was likewise taken
by the Humane Society, of the commendable buaianity,
here manifested to strangers in distress, and a pecuni-
ary donation was granted to the deserving agents.
The Governor of the Island of St. Croix manifested,
also, the high sense he entertained of the benevolence
of the people here, by his extraordinary kindness, on
that account, to a gentlemen from Boston. Mr. Dan-
iel Hubbard, a respectable merchant of that town, was
taken dangerously sick, on his passage home, from
abroad, and put into the harbour of St. Croix, with a
view to obtain medical aid and other assistance, which
his perilous condition required. At first he was re-
fused admission, prohibited by the laws of the place»
lest he should communicate his sickness. But as soon
as it was made known to the Governor, that he was
from Boston, he was removed on shore, and the best
medical aid, and every assistance and courtesy granted
him, till he was recovered ; for which, all compensation
was refused, the Governor alleging, that he was war-
ranted in his conduct, by the humanity and great kind-
ness Capt. Clien and his crew had experienced, when
shipwrecked at Cohasset, near Boston.

Village.

The Village stands partly on the common, and part-
ly below it. The street through it runs in a south-
easterly direction to the end of the common, and then
bends to the eastward, till it comes to the harbour.
There are 44 houses in the village. Of these, 26

; DESCRIPTION OF COHASSET. 107

have two stories ; one has three. Near the center is
the meeting-house. A few rods from it is a two-sto-
17 building, erected for an academy. It has a large
front porch, two large school-rooms on the first floor,
with a spacious hall over them, extending the whole
length of the building.

Climate and Diseases.

Cohasset is in Lat. 42^ 13' N. about 17 miles south
bjeast from Boston. Its situation is healthful. It
has a salubrious atmosphere, excepting at times in
March and April, when the northeast winds, coming
direct from the sea, are very chilling, and trying to
lungs, unaccustomed to them. Consumption is the
most prevalent disease. No epidemic, proving very
mortal, has for many years been experienced. — For
deaths, see second division.

Manufactures and Trade.

A quantity of woollen and cotton cloths are manu-
factured in almost every family ; and with utensils,
needful in their several callings, the inhabitants are
mostly furnished by their own mechanics. Vessels of
good construction are built at the harbour. There are
in the town two grist-mills and one saw-mill. At
the mouth of the river is a flour-manufactory, on a
large scale, with complicated machinery, having four
pair of imported stones ; one pair, however, are used
^ a grist-mill. There are in the town a. number of
^^tensive salt works, at which about 5500 bushels of
^It are annually made. The trade of Cohasset is
^^isiderable. Beside the trading vessels already men-
^^ned, there are five retail stores invested with con-
siderable capitals.

Curiosities.

^ Kear the base of a large mass of solid rock, on
^^per's Island, so called, is a curious excavation,

108 DESCRIPTION OF COHASSfiT.

which has the name of the Indian Pot. Wb cayity is
as round, smooth, and regular as a well-foBsed seeth-
ing pot : and will hold about 12 pails fulf.^ On the
same mass of rock, is another excavation, ti|lled the
Indian Well. The inside of the well, from fthe bot-
tom about four feet upward, is a circle, the Mit of it,
about six feet more, is semi-circular, opening: io the
east. The pot and well were nearly in their jiresent
state -when the town was first settled. TheMriner,
it is conjectured, was made by the Indians for the two-
fold purpose of pounding their parched corn, and boil-
ing their food. Heat was probably communicated to
water in it, by heated stones, after the manner of the
Islanders in the Pacific Ocean. The latter might
serve as a reservoir of fresh water, received from the
clouds ; as there is no stream very near. In the
ground near the well have been found axes and other
tools, made and used by the natives, which prove tl|e
place to have been once the residence of many of that
people.

Education.

In 1797 a number of gentlemen united and erected
a handsome building for an Academy. It had a pre-
ceptor and was sufficiently supplied with scholars for
a number of years ; but having no permanent funds,
it is not now in a flourishing state. There are in the
town, four district schools, taught in the winter by
male instructers, and in the summer, by well educat-
ed females. Beside these, there are, generally, pri-
vate schools, in one or more of which are taught Eng-
lish grammar, composition, geography, and the lan-
guages. In the village is a social library, of about
200 volumes of valuable books.

Houses arid Population.

Cohasset contains 160 dwelling-houses. Those
the village, generally, and many in other parts of

DESCRIPTION or COHA88ET. 109

town, have two stories. A considerable number are
built after the best modern style, and are handsomely

Sainted. Wbittington^s Hotel, now owned by Mr.
oho J. Lathrop, jun. is a large, roomy house, situated
at Sandy Cove. Its situation commands some of the
finest water prospects, and much of very pleasant ru-
ral scenery. It has been, in the hot seasons, a favour-
ite resort for gentlemen and ladies from the metropo-
lis. In the town are 1100 inhabitants. •

Roads and Bridges.

The town was originally laid out, as near as might
be, in squares, whose sides should be one mile. It
was divided into four parts, called divisions, by lines
running' nearly east and west, the whole length of the
town, each division being a mile in width. These
divisions were separated into parts or squares, by lines
one mile from each other, running at right-angles with
the lines of divisions. It was intended by the propri-
etors of Conohasset, that roads, if possible, should run
with the lines which marked the divisions and squares,
and spaces of land for that purpose were accordingly
left. But when the roads were really made, it was
found necessary to vary much from the original design,
owing to the immoveable rocks and other obstructions,
falling in the way. The roads in every part of the
town have, within a few years, been generally much
improved. When the valuable new road, mostly made
the last year, through the swamp and plain, shall be
completed, the road will be good and pretty straight
from Hingham to Cohasset harbour. To facilitate the
communication with Scituate and the country below,
tivo valuable bridges were, the last season, thrown
orer Conohasset river, one of stone at Lincoln's mill,
ffld one of timber well constructed, near the flodr-fac-

110 NEW-ENOLANDS SALAMANDER DISCOVERED.

New-Enolands Salamander, discovered btaiv inRBLiOfous

AND SCORNFULL PaMPHLET, CALLED NcW-EnQLANDS JoNAS
CAST UP AT LfONDON, bc. OWNED BT MaJOR IuHN ChILDE,
BUT NOT PROBABLE TO BE WRITTEN BY HIM.

Or a satisfactory Amwer to many Aspersions east upon Neu^Eng*
land therein* Wherein our Government there is skewed to bee
legajf, and not arbitrary^ being as neere the Law of England as
our Condition will permit.

Together with a briefs Reply to what is written in Answer to cer*
iaine Passages in a late Booke called Hypocrisie Unmasked.

BY EDW. WINSLOW,

London, Printed by Ric. Cotes, for John Bellamy, and are to bee
sold at his Shop at the Signe of the three Golden Lions in
Ck)mehill neare the Royall Exchange, 1647.

To Major John Childe in Ansioer to his Preface.

Sir,

I AM sorry for your owne sake, bemg a Gentleman
reported to bee peaceable in your conversation, that
you should bee thus engaged in other mens quarrells ;
especially to father other mens falshoods and irreli-
gious jeeres and scoffes, whose spirits if you were so
well acquainted with as my selfe and some others that
came lately from New-England, as well as thousands
in the Countrey, you would bee more wary then to
engage as you doe.

But first for answer to your Preface, and then I
conceive I have answered every word of yours in your
seeming Treatise : And yet I would not bee mista-
ken that any should thinke 1 judge you unable to
write such a peece, for there is no solidity in it : but
I am so well acquainted with this language and such
proceedings before ever I saw your face, as no man is
or ever was better acquainted with the phrase or writ-

Jf£W-£NGLANDS SALAMANDER DIBCOV£R£P. Ill

iDgs of another, then I am with your chief animator to
this undertaking, whom I call New-Englands Sala-
mander, because of his constant and many yeeres ex-
ercise, and Relight in opposition to whatsoever hath
been judged most wholesome and safe for the weale-
publick of the country (from whence hee last came)
either in Politicks or Ecclesiasticks, being ever wilt-
ing to enjoy the common benefits of peace by govern-
ment (which maintaines every man in his proper right)
but never willing to beare any part of the charge in
supporting the same, as appeared by his constant cav-
illing thereat when ever any rates came upon the
country though never so easie and just-
But to come to the occasion of your printing the
following relation, which you say ^^ are the sufferings
that not onely my brother Robert Child Doctor of
Physick, with some Gentlemen and others have suff-
ered in their persons and estates by fines and impris-
onment in New-England, and false reports and feigned
miracles here,'' &c. For answer, that your brother
was in prison, and for what I certified you at my first
comming over ; though to you grievous in regard of
naturall affection, (which I honour where I finde in
any :) Then also being occasioned thereunto I freely
imparted to you the countries colorable grounds of
suspecting his agency for the great incendiaries of
Europe, besides the matter of fact for which hee was
eommitted, yea that the very yeare hee came over, a
gentleman in the country (Mr. Peters by name) was
advised by letters from a forraign part that the Jesuits
bad an agent that sommer in New-England. And
that the countrey comparing his practise with the
intelligence were more jealous of him then any ;
(though to mee he was a meere stranger) and there-
fore I marvell that Major Childe should give me occa-
i/on, and force mee to publish these things which I
neither affect nor intended : but I shall forbeare in
tkskt kind because I would not provoke.

1 12 NEW-ENGLANDS SALAMANDER DtSCOTERED.

As for " their estates being weakned by fines," that
is yet to prove : for though they were fined, yet the
fines were not levied, nay so gentle was the censure
of the Court, that upon the publike acknowledgement
of the offence the fine was to bee remitted to all or
any one of them so doing. ^^ And for false reports and
feigned miracles fomented here to colour their unjust
proceedings," as you terme it ; I answer, your book is
the first reporter, of many things I here meet with,
especially as you lay them downe, as shall appeare
more particularly.

In the next place you say, ^^ they give out that my
brother and others desire a toleration of \ 1 religions:"
This is the first time that ever I heard it so reported
of them.

Secondly, whereas you say " they are accused to bee
against all government both in Church and Common
weale : " This I know to bee false * for I heard them
demand in Court the Presbyterian government, and it
was granted them. Besides, before this demand in
Court, at a private conference with an eminent person
(who well hoped to have satisfied them) hee demand-
ed of the petitioners what Church government it was
they would have ? One of them answered, he desired
that particular government which Mr. John Goodwin
in Colemanstreet was exercised in. Another of them
said, hec knew not what that was : but hee for his
part desired the Presbyterian government. A third
of them said hee desired the Episcopall government if
it might bee, if not, the Presbyterian : And a fourth
told niec himselfe that hee disclaimed any thing in the
petition that was against the government of the
Churches in New-England, &c. resting and liking
what was there done in that kind. Now the former
three passages (and not without the latter) were aV\
told mce by grave persons in New-England, such as y
beleeve. And therefore if any so accuse them I mc^^^
needs cleare them : but with all testifie 1 never

NEW-ENGLANDS SALAMANDER DISCOVERCD. 113

with this accusation against them before I read it in
your booke.

Thirdly, for their ** petitioning the Parlianient ; "
take notice wee hold that no subject ought to Ijee re-
strained this libertie, and therefore count it no offence
nor ever did, and therefore they were not committed
for that.

A fourth false report you terme, is, " Their Petition
brought from thence to bee presented to the Parlia-
ment (which they had named Jonas) in a ship called
the Supply ; being in a storme neere Silly, out of hor-
rour of conscience the petition was torne and throwne
over board : and that then the storme immediately
ceased, and they miraculously saved." To this I an-
swer, I was not in the ship (I praise God) and there-
fore what I say in it must bee from others whom I
judge truely godly, and of the most grave and solid
persons amongst them ; and, Sir, let mee tell you,
and the world in answer to you, I have heard the pas-
sage from divers, but never as you print it ; and doe
thinke verily your informers belie themselves that they
may have somewhat to cavill at. But though I had
not thought to have entred upon a large answer to
any particular : yet it being one of the heads of your
Treatise, I shall bee larger in answering that then anj
other thing ; partly to vindicate Mr. Cotton, who is
much abused in your booke ; and partly from their
owne pen to shew the prophane carriage of their partie
in the ship by their fearefull provoking the Almightie
to follow them with his terrours throughout the voyage
from New-England to Silley, where they had a great
deliverance, and yet neverthelesse to shew how they
goe on still to abuse Gods mercy, patience, and long
sufiering by this prophane. title and story colored by
your selfe. And thus much for answer to your
Preface. As for the foure heads of your book and the
Postscript, I shall answer them as they arise.

VOL. II. THIRD SERIES. 16

114 NSW-ENGLANDS SALAMANDER DISCOVERED.

An Answer to the imperfect Relation of the Hingam Ccue.

Were I not so well acquainted with our New-Eng-
land-Salamanders wayes, and what a piither hee made
in the Countrey about this businesse, 1 should stand
amazed at the malice of men to see this brought
against the government. To answer either this case
or the next at length would ask so much paines, and
bee so great a bulke, as their booke being but a two
penny jeering Gigge, penned rather to please the fan-
cy of common understandings, then to satisfie any solid
judgements ; would goe much further then ever the
answer would bee like to follow, that so he might be-
mire us with a witnesse. And if he can cause any
reproach to lie upon us (whether just or unjust, that
matters not) then hath hee hit the marke hee shoots
at. And therefore to avoyd the many particulars
would fall in a distinct answer by giving an account
of the whole businesse, I shall desire the Reader to
accept this generall.

The inhabitants of Hingam were knowne to bee a
peaceable and industrious people, and so continued for
many yeers ; the Lord supporting them in the midst
of many straiiihts in their first beginnings, crownino:
their indeavours with his blessing, and raising thcni
up to a comfortable and |)rospcrous outward condition,
of life, and sucli is their state throuj^h Gods mcrcy^
and goodncssc this day, living very plentifully. But
Satan cnvyins: their happinesse (the Lord permitting"
as it seems) on a siiddaine cast a bone of division,
amongst iheni, which tooke mightily, to the great:
griefe and admiration of their neighbours on every
side; which eontrovcrsie indeed arose about the
choyee of their Ca|)taine as is related. But our Sala-
mander liviiiu: too neere them, and beinir too well ac-
quamted with them, blew up this to such an height by
his continnall rounsell and advise which the major
pan of the Towne followed to their owne smart, and

NEW-EN6LANDS SALAMANDER DISCOVERED. 116

the great griefe and trouble of Church and Common-
weale, as they not onely filled their Court with com-
plaints against each othery and wearied out the chiefe
Magistrates in place, but complained openly against
one of them, viz. the Deputie Governour, who upon
heariflg the Case thought good to bind some of them
oirer to the Court ; some submitted and gave bond,
others refused, and were sent to prison, &:c. This
Gentleman, as on all other occasions so in this particu-
lar much honored himselfe, by leaving his place upon
the Bench and going to the Bar, and would not bee
perswaded to cover his head or take his place till the
case was heard and ended, which continued many
dayes, partly by reason of the great liberty the Court
gave the Plaintiffes in regard it reflected upon one of
themselves, (and I thinke the first case that ever be-
fell in that kind ;) but more especially because our
Salamander was got to Boston, where though hee
would not openly shew himselfe, yet kept close in a
private roome where they had recourse unto him many
dayes, yea many times a day for advice, and followed
it to the utmost, to the great charge of the Countrey
(which came to much more, as I have heard, then the
hundred pounds fine which was laid upon them) in
providing the diet of their Court.

But the Court finding for the Defendant after much

f^Ouble in many dayes agitation fined the Plaintiffes

}^ an hundred pound, and laid it upon sundry of them

^ particular amercements according to their severall

demeanours in the action, and left the Deputie Gov-

.^^'Bour to take his course with them, who onely rested

**^ the vindication of his name ; which the Countrey

?^ farre cleared, as not long after, their election day

'filing by course, they chose him their Governour, a

place not strange to him, in which wee left him, having

'^ore often borne it then all others in that govern-

'^ent. And for the differences which befell them in

*^t^eir Church ; whether the Court or the Churches I

116 NEW-ENGLANDS SALAMANDER DiaCOVERED.

know not, but the one entreated divers of the Elders
to goe unto them, who through Gods mercy and bless-
ing upon their endeavours prevented a division amongst
them, though they could not at first settle things so
well as they desired. And thus much for answer to
the Hingam case which may bee sufficient to satisfie
any judicious Reader : and for those whose hearts are
fraught with malice, the Lord onely can convict such,
to whom I leave them.

An Answer to the second head^ namely the Petition of Doctor

Robert ChUde^ fyc.

This Remonstance and Petition of theirs which
hath made so great a sound in other places as well as
here, notwithstanding their golden pretences of respect
and reformation, was no sooner delivered, but before
they could possibly exspect an answer from the Court
^notwithstanding the largenesse of it) copies were
aispersed into the hands of some knowne ill affected
people in the severall governments adjoyning, as Plym-
oth, Conectacut, New Haven, &c. who gloried not a
little in it ; nay the petitioners spared no paines, for
before our comming away wee heard from the Dutch
Plantation, Virginia and Bermudas, that they had them
here also, with such expressions in their letters as
the present Governour of Burmudas was bold to affirme
to a Gentleman from whom I had it, who was then
bound for New-England to get passage for England,
that hee was confident hee should finde New-England
altogether by the eares as well as England ; which
hee well knew by a petition and remonstrance which
hee had received from thence, &c. Now had a peace-
able Reformation beene the marke they aymed at,
they would not have gone about thus to make the
government so much despised farrc and neare, by cast-
ing such contempt upon them as they have endeavoured
before ever they knew what acceptation their remon-

NEW-ENOLANDS SALAMANDER DISCOVERED. 117

straoce and petition would finde ; which was taken
into consideration till the next generall Court, where
thej were answered at large, charged with manifold
falsehoods and contempts and fined for the same, after
a solemne hearing of the cause.

But however I shall forbeare to give a particular
answer in print to the said Remonstrance, not because
I cannot, for i have the whole case, the Courts de-
fence against it, &c. which would bee larger then
both these bookes, being as I said before too large
in regard of the price of the buyer ; and therefore
shall give such a generall answer as may satisfie the
indifferent and equall minded reader, and thereby de-
ceive also our Salamanders expectation to draw out
from mee the whole which befell since his comming
away, that so he might finde more fewell to baske
himselfe in, and satiate his contentious humors to the
full.

But for answer, good reader, take notice as well of
the quality of these Petitioners as of their demeanour
before expressed, and then thou shalt finde divers of
them to bee inconsiderable in regard of proprietie with
us; who might bee justly suspected to draw in the
rest who are much bewailed by many of us : and in
so doing it's possible thou mayest as well bee jealous
^f their good intents as those in the countrey : For
three of them, namely Doctor Childe, John Smith and
John Dand, they are persons that have no proprietie
^^ knowne proper estate in the government where
j^ey are so busie to disturbe and distract : and for Mr.
■Thomas Fowle (who whether dravvne in or no I know
*^ot) hee joyned with them in this Petition and Re-
monstrance at such a time when hee was resolved to
•^ave the countrey, and since hath done, and sent for
^iswife and family, as I heare. As for Doctor Childe
J^^e is a gentleman that hath travelled other parts
*^fore hee came to us, namely Italy ; confcsseth hee
^^as twice at Rome, speaketh sometimes highly as I

118 NEW-ENGLANDS 8ALAMA1«(D£R DISCOVERED*

have heard reported in favour of the Jesuites, and
however he tooke the degree of Doctor in Physick at
Padua, yet doth not at all practise, though hee hath
beene twice in the countrey where many times is
need enough. At his first comming to New-England
he brought letters commendatory, found good accepta-
tion by reason thereof with the best ; fais upon a dilli-
gent survey of the whole countrey, and painefully
travells on foot from plantation to plantation ; takes
notice of the havens, situation, strength, churches,
townes, number of inhabitants, and when he had fin-
ished this toylesome taske, returnes againe for Eng-
land, being able to give a better account then any of
the countrey in that respect. Hee comes a second
time, and not onely bestoweth some bookes on the
Colledge, as Sir Kenclme Digby and many othera
commendably did, but brings second letters commen-
datory, having put in some stock among some mer —
chants of London, and for the advancement of irotn
workes in the countrey, which tlurough Gods good^
nesse are like to become very profitable to them ; bc^t
hath no more to doe in the managing of them then
any here who have other their Agents being expert \n
the worke. This gentlemans carriage is now chang-
ed, and is not oiiely ready to close with such as
are discontented, but to bee a leader of such against
the government, affront the auihoritic God hath hith-
erto honored with his blcssinj^, appeale from their
justice, and thereby seeke to evade any censure ; and
if he might be thus suffered, why not others ? and
then wee must all give over; for if we have not the
power of government, and cannot administer justice
seasonably on all occasions, well we may come back
againe and take some other course, but we cannot
there subsist.

A second of these is Mr. John Smith, who form-
erly lived about two or three yeeres in Boston, but
before this remonstrance, himselfe and wife were

NBW-ENGLANDS SALAMANDER DISCOVERED. 119

removed to Road Hand, but never had any personal!
inheritance in the countrey, and was now at the
Massachusets but as a stranger.

A thnrd is one Mr. John Dand, who hath lived in
Boston as a sojourner since these warres in another
mans house at board-hire, whose businesse and occa-
sions there are unknowne unto us ; and whose car-
riage till this present was seemingly faire, but all on a
suddaine though no further interessed in the countrey
he thus engageth himselfe against the authority of
the place. Thus taking Mr. Fowle with them who
was upon departure from the countrey as afore, you
may see the persons to bee such as have no conside-
rable interest amongst us, at least foure in seaven :
And all this being true I have related, I suppose by
this time the Reader may conceive, or at least suspect
their faire pretences and great glisterings are not pure
gold.

But besides all this take notice good reader, that
our Salamander wintred many moneths amongst them,
very gracious and frequent in their companies, and no
doubt a great helpe in furthering their designe in their
Remonstrance, which brake forth not long after his
returne home the spring following : and indeed his
company had beene enough alone to have produced
such an effect ; and therefore for my part so well
knowing the maji I cannot wonder at it as many doe,
assuring my selfe hee better knowes how to ripen
wch fruit then all the Costermongers in London.

And now let mee goe to the title of the booke
^hich hath its relation to the Petition aforesaid ; and
^ter their Gigge called " New-Englands Jonas cast up
at London," they would make the world beleeve that
"divers honest and godly persons are imprisoned in
New-England for petitioning for government in the
Common-weale, according to the lawes of England, and
cither for desiring admittance of themselves and child-
ren to the Sacraments in our Churches, or else • for

120 NEW-ENGLANDS SALAMANDER DISCOVERED.

leave to have Ministers and Church government ac-
cording to the best reformation of England and Scot-
land." Now these charges are most notorious false,
and so knowne, for I came not alone from New-Eng-
land, but accompanied with an hundred persons at least,
which I believe can testifie in the case. And there-
fore Major Childe take notice how you are abused by
them to father such devilish and slanderous reports as
these.

For the first, There were none committed for peti-
tioning, but for their Remonstrance and the many false
charges and seditious insinuations tending to faction
and insurrections sleighting the government, &c. And
lest any should thinke (as I heare some doe) that the
Court of the Massachusets hath dealt rigorously with
them, and that the Petition is very faire and orderly,
&c. let the reader know that such thoughts must eith-
er proceed from great weaknesse in not understanding
or discerning the many grosse charges in it, or else
from partialitie or evill affection to the government
which they neither love nor know ; for in their Re-
monstrance they not only defame the government, but
controule the wisedome of the State of England in the
frame of their charter which is under the broad scale
of the kingdome by charging the government " to bee
an ill compacted vessell." Secondly, they charge all
the afflictions that have befallen the personall inhabi-
tants either by sicknesses on the land, or losses at sea _
" upon the evill of the government." Thirdly, they go
about to perswade the people, that all the priviledge
granted and confirmed under the broad scale to th(
Governour and Company of the Massachusets belonj

to all freeborne English men ; which contrariwise be-
long onely to the said Governour and Company, anc^
such as they shall thinke meet to receive. Fourthly^
they closely insinuate into the mindes of the peopl -i
(as the jealousies of others) that these now in author^K:
tie doe intend to exercise unwarranted dominion, an.^

NEW-ENOLANDS SALAMANDER DISCOVERED. 121

ao arbitrary government abominable to Parliament,
&c. foretelling them of intolerable bondage, which is
enough alone to stirre up a people to commotion. Fiftly,
how doe they goe about to weaken the authoritie of
the lawes of the place, the peoples reverence of and
obedience to them in this their Remonstrance, by per-
suading the people that partly through want of the
body of the English lawes, and partly that through
the insufficiency and ill frame of those they have, " they
can expect no sure enjoyment of their lives and liber-
ties under them : " when as the state well knew the
English body of lawes was too heavy for us, and
therefore as libertie is granted in our patents to make
our owne lawes, so it is with this proviso, that they
bee as neere the lawes of England as may bee, which
wee understand as neere as our condition will permit,
which I shall speake more of elsewhere. Sixtly,
they falsly charge the government with denying liber-
tie of votes where they allow them, as in choyce of
military officers, which is common to the non-freemen
with such as are free. Seventhly, their speeches in
their Remonstrance are charged to tend to sedition by
insinuating into the peoples minds, ^^ That there are
many thousands secretly discontented at the govern-
ment, '^ &c. whereby those that are so may bee em-
holdened to discover themselves, and know to whom
to repaire ; and what greater meanes can bee used to
QQsetle a setled people, and to kindle a flame in a
peaceable Common-weale, if the Lord prevent not, and
^Qthoritie should suffer such things to passe uncen-
wired ? Eighthly, they slander the discipline of the
Churches in the countrey, and the civill government
^, by inferring that the frame and dispensations
thereof are such, as " godly, sober, peaceable men can-
^t there live like Christians ; " which they seeme to
delude from hence, that " they desire libertie to re-
t'tKJve from thence where they may live like Christians : "
^hen as indeed our amies are open to receive such

VOL. II. THIRD SERIES. 16

122 NEW-ENGLAiNDS SALAMANDER DISCOVERED.

both into Church and Common-weal, blessing God for
their societie. Ninthly, they doe in effect charge the
government with " tyranny in impressing their persons
to the warres, committing them to prison, fining, ra-
ting them, &c. and all unjustly and illegally," whereas
no warre is undertaken, nor any presse goes forth, but
according to law established'; but the thing they
would have is that any English man may nolens volens^
take his habitation in any government, bee as free as
the best, &c. thus breaking all order, charters, and
peace of societies : for if he be English borne (bj
' their principles) no government may refuse him be he
never so pestilent, whether Jesuite or worse. Tenth-
ly, they lay a false charge upon the Churches in af-
firming " that Christian vigilancy is no way exercised
towards such as are not in Church fellowship : " where-
as they cannot but know the contrary. For howevei
wee have nothing to doe to bring them to the Church
and cannot cast out those that were never within, ye\
privately wee performe the dutie of Christians towards
them, either in holding private communion with such
as are godly, or reproving and exhorting the rest also
as occasion and opportunity offereth. Eleventhly,
that this dirt might stick fast, and men might more ea-
sily receive these injurious charges against the govern-
ment ; in the conclusion they proclaime, " That our
brethren in England (meaning the Independents) doe
flee from us as from a pest." When as fer my part I
beleeve that if our brethren were with us they would
close with our practise, or at least wee should bee
dealt more brotherly withall, and then wee should not
only hearken to what couascI should be of God, from
them or any other in Gods way but bee willing to rc^-
forme any thing that is amiisse either in Church oi
Common-weale. Twelfthly, that it may appeare
these injurious charges are their owne apprehensions,
and pretenses rather then jealousies of any others, thej
have publiquely declared their disaffection to the gov-

NEW'ENGLANDS SALAMANDER DISCOVERED. 123

ernment, in that being called to the court to render
account of their mis-apprehensions, and evill expres-
sions in the premises, they refused to answer : but by
appealing from the government they disclaimed the
jurisdiction thereof, (what in them lay,) before they
knew whether the court would give any sentence
against them or not : when as indeed their charter
injoyneth nor requireth any appeale, but have the pow-
er of absolute government by vertue thereof: but
these seven petitioners, whereof three are meere stran-
gers and have no proprietie within the government
(and a fourth then to depart and now departed from
it) will not beare it as the rest. And for my part if
these foure that were inhabitants were not drawne in
by the three strangers to make up the number of sev-
en to trouble the Commonweale, I should wonder
(well knowing their abilities otherwayes, especially of
some of them) there being no want of fit persons if
many thousands discontented as they say to put them
upon such a straight ; but I looke upon this speech of
theirs as tending rather to incite discontented persons
to repaire unto them, then having any realitie in it.
And for the matter of appeale from New-England hith-
er, which is three thousand miles distant, it will bee
found to bee destructive to them that there live : for
no countrey can subsist without government, or re-
paire so farre to it ; nor will any wise man accept a
place in government where hee shall bee exposed to
P>e so farre to give account of his actions, though
^^ey bee never so just: But the best is, the parlia-
ment is kno^wne (and it is their duty) to seeke the
S^H>d of the subjects by all due meanes : and I doubt
^^t ( if ever tendred to them) but they will soon dis-
cover the mischiefe intended by our adversaries, or at
^^^st like to ensue (if they prevaile) by overthrowing
^*^Ose hopeful beginnings of New-England in straight-
^^^ our priviledges at such a time, when Englands
^^ restored ; but wee hope to share* with them rather

/■

124 NEW-ENGLANDS SALAMANDER DISCOVERED.

by enlargemeaty being wee went out in those evill
times when the bishops w^re so potent being persecut-
ed by them, and in that wee suffered since with the par-
liament in adhering to them to the losse of ships, and
goods, &c. But I shall rest on God in what, is said,
hoping the reader will be satisfied in point of our inno-
cency in regard of the evills charged on us ; and there-
fore to proceed.

In the next place whereas they complaine of im-
prisonment, one of them being to goe to sea just when
things were to bee heard, was required to give bond to
stand to the award of the court, leaving six partners
behind him to pleade his cause ; also Mr. Smith being
a dweller in another government and not there, being
present at that same time was required to doe the
like ; which order they withstood for an houre or there-
abouts, and were that time under the marshalls custo-
dy, but no sooner advised they with our Salamander their
Counsell, but hee advised them to give security, which
they accordingly did, and so were dismissed; now
this I suppose was because hee was to goe to sea with
them imrtiediately, which they accordingly did.

Secondly, take notice that before Doctor Childe,
&c. were committed, the businesse of the Remonstrance
was ended, and they censured by fine, every one
according to his particular offence, and carriage in
managing the whole, and it is not our manner to
punish twice for one offence.

Thirdly, take notice that the government they
charge was proved in open court to bee according to
the law of England, and therefore not committed foi
petitioning for that they had.

Fourthly, let the reader know that the presbyterian
government was as freely tendered them by the Gov-
ernour in the open court without any contradiction of
any the Assistants or other, as ever I heard any thing
in my life, though it appeareth that our Salamander is
not a little troubled at it, as I shall have occasion to

NEW-ENGLANDS SALAMANDER DISCOTERXD. 125

touch in my answer to the Postscript, which I verily
beleeve hee penned every word.

Liastly, let the reader take notice that Doctor Rob-
ert Childe, Mr. John Smith, and Mr. John Dand, were
committed ftr certaine papers upon close search of
Dands closet, there found the night before the ship
came away, which were far more factious and seditious
then the former. Doctor Childe being committed
because one of the coppies was under his knowne
hand, another coppy under Mr. Dands hand, and both
in bis custody ; Mr. Smith in that hee not onely offer-
ed to rescue the papers from the officers that were
sent to make search : but when hee saw that hee
could not rescue them, brake out into high speeches
against the government : and amongst other things
said, hee hoped ere long to doe as much to the Gov-
emers closet, and doe as much to him as hee did for
them, &c. or to the like purpose. And now Major
Childe, let the world and you take notice together
wherefore your brother and those honest and godly per-
sons you pretend to speak of were committed. Nor
doe I beleeve that any people under the heavens that
know what belongs to government and have the pow-
er of it, would doe lesse then the magistrates there
did. But what the event will bee God onely knowes ;
hat this I know, they are, in the hands of mercifull
meo^ however they have been abused, or may by our
Salamander (whose reports I often meet with) or by
toy other whatsoever.
And for answer to their relation of the effects this

Cdtion produced, much of it is false and answered
fore, the rest not worthy the answering ; as con-
ceming the elders, their long sermons to provoke the
magistrates against them &c. no wise man will be-
leere as they relate. And thus much for answer to
the second part of their bpoke concerning the Petition
aod Remonstrance.

126 NEW-ENGLANDS SALAMANDER DISCOVERED.

A brief e Answer to the third Head of their Booke. concerning
the Capitcdl Lawes of the Massachusets fyc.

Here I findc the capitall lawes of the Massachu-
sets reprinted, and the oath they administer to their
freemen, which I suppose they are sorry they can
nnde no more fault with : And all these capitatis
rehearsed to shew the danger Doctor Childe is under
by vertue of the last, which foUoweth in these words.

" If any man shall conspire or attempt any invasion,
insurrection orpublique rebellion against our Common-
wealth, or shall indeavour to surprise any towne or
tow^nes, fort or forts therein, or shall treacherously
and perfiduously attempt the alteration and subversion
of our frame of policy or government fundamentally,
hee shall be put to death. Numb. 16, 2 Sam. 3. and 18.
and 20."

Now if together with this they had manifested a
liberty the court gives to any notwithstanding this
law, fairely and freely to shew their grievance at any
thing they conceive amisse, and needeth either altera-
tion or repeale, then they had dealt fairly indeed : but
because they leave it out, I take it my dutie to put it
in. I know our Salamander is not without some ex-
ception at any thing wee can doe : but because I
finde none more then as before, I shall passe to the
next head of their booke.

An Answer to their Relation concerning the throwing the Pc-
tition overboard as a Jonas as they terme it,

I acknowledge that Mr. Cotton taught from that
text they mention in 2 Cant. 15. " Take us the foxes
the little foxes which destroy the vines," &c. and let
the reader understand that this text fell in his ordinary
course of lecture in going through that book, and not
taken on purpose on that particular occasion. The

stsm

NEW-ENGLANDS SALAMANDER DISCOVERED. 127

points hee delivered from hence as I remember were
these two. The first was, ** When God had delivered
his Church from the danger of the beare, and the lyon,
then the foxes the little foxes sought by craft and policy
to undermine the same." The second was this,
" That all those that goe about by fox-like craft and
policy to undermine the state of the churches of Jesus
Christ, they shall all be taken every one of them."
The text as I take it hee shewed belonged to that
time of the Church when they returned from Babylon,
and were building the temple ; and proved the first
i>oint of doctrine from that of Tobias and Sanballat
that would have built with the Jewes ; the second was
amplified by the history of Haman in the booke of
Hester : and so brought many other examples, and
amongst others the story of the bishops in the dayes of
Hen. the eighth, Edward the sixt. Queen Elizabeth,
and to the beginning of these warres, who under a
colour of building aqd being master builders in the
Lords house laid heavie burthens upon the saints,
corrupted the worship of God and lorded it over his
heritage, and when they were come to the top of their
pride the Lord Jesus could endure them no longer, but
they were taken even every one of them in the same
snare they had set for others. But I forbeare the am-
plifying of it, and hasten to the application so farre as
it concerneth this scornefuU story by them penned of
their feigned miracle, as they call it.

His use of exhortation was twofold. First, to such
as lived in the countrey, to take heed how they went
about any indirect way or course which might tend
,to the prejudice of the Churches of Jesus Christ in the
sarcie, or the governments of the land, which through
Gods mercy was not onely in the hands of such as
trtjicly feared the Lord, but according to his revealed
^m\1 so far as we can judge. And therefore if any
(tHough never so secretly or subtilly) should goc
Al>out any such thing, the watchman of Israel that

128 5EW-ENGLANDS SALAMANDER DISCOVEBED.

slumbereth not nor sleepeth will not take it well at
their hands : For He that hath brought his people
hither, and preserved them from the rage of persecu-
tion, made it a hiding place for them whilst hee was
chastising our owne nation amongst other the nations
round about it, manifested his gratious presence, so
, apparently walking amongst his Churches, and pre-
serving and prospering, our civill state from forraigne
plots of the late archbishop and his confederates, and
the domestick of the heathen where wee live : there
was no question to bee made but Hee would preserve
it from the underminings of false brethren, and such as
jojned with them : And therefore, saith hee, let such
know in the foregoing respects it is the land of Em-
manuel, a land that is pretious in the eyes of the Lord,
they shall not prosper that rise against it, but shall bee
taken every one of them in the snares they lay for it
And this, said hee, I speake as a poore prophet of the
Lord according to the word of his grace in my text,
which however in the proper sense of the Holy Ghost,
belonged to that age of the Church mentioned in the
booke of Nehenkiah, yet it is written for our example
and instruction : for God is the same yesterday, to
day, and for ever ; no lesse careful!, no lesse able, aodk
no lesse willing to save and deliver his people by in —
gaging himself in their case : and who can stand be —
fore him ?

In the second place, saith he, whereas divers oii-^
brethren are to goe for England, and many others t
follow after in another vessel!, let mee direct a wo
of exhortation to them also ; I desire the gratioi
presence of our God may goe with them, and 1^
good Angels guard them not onely from the dang^
of the seas this winter season, but keepe them fr
the errours of the times when they shall arrive,
prosper them in their lawfull designes, &;c, Bu
there bee any amongst you my brethren, as 'tis re
ed there are, that have a petition to prefer to

NCW-ENOLAND3 SALAMANDER DISCOVERED. 129

hitfrh Court of Parliament (which the Lord in mercy
go& ^n blessing to blesse as hee hath begun) that may
coO<luce to the distraction, annoyance and disturbance
of the peace of our Churches and weakning the gov-
ernment of the land where wee live, let such know,
the Lord will never suffer them to prosper in their
subtilli malicious and desperate undertakings against
his people, who are as tender unto him as the apple of
his eye. But if there be any such amongst you that
are to goe, I doe exhort and would advise such in the
fearo of God when the terrors of the Almightie shall
bese€ the vcssell wherein they are, the heavens shall
fiDivne upon them, the billowes of the sea shall swell
above them, and dangers shall threaten them, (as I
pers^vade my selfe they will) I would have them then
to consider these things: for the time of adversitie is
a time for Gods people to consider their waves. I
will not give the counsell was taken concerning Jonah,
to take such a person and cast him into the sea ; God
forbid : but I would advise such to come to a resolu-
tion in themselves to desist from such enterprises, nev-
er further to ingage in them, and to cast such a petition
into the sea that may occasion so much trouble and
disturbance. But it may be hardnesse of heart and
stoutnesse of spirit may cause such a person or persons
with stifle necks to persist, and yet in mercy with re-
spect to some pretious ones amongst you, (as I per-
suade my selfe there are many such goe in each ves-
seil} the Lord may deliver the vessell from many ap-
parent troubles and dangers for their sakes ; but let
saoh know, the Lord hath land judgments in store for
jucb, for they are not now free (hee being the God of
the land as well as of the sea :) and if you turne to
Iftimb. xiv. 36, 37, you shall there see how hee threat-
necl to destroy such as brought a false report upon his
btid with the plague : and truely God hath still plagues
ill store for such as bring a false report upon his Church
tnd people ; nay said hee, I heare the Lord hath a

VOL. II. THIRD SERIES. 17

ISO NEW-ENOLANDS SALAMANDER DISCOTSBED.

destroying angell with the sword of pestilence in that
kingdome, striking here and there, as seemeth good
unto him, (though not vehemently, blessed bee his
name) and who knowes what the Lord will doe?
and therefore I advise such in the feare of God, and I
speak it as an unworthy Prophet of his according to
that portion of his word 1 now speake from, to lay
these things to heart, for it is the Lord Jesus hath said,
" Take us the foxes, the little foxes, &c.'' or " let
them bee taken/' And beleeve it for a truth, all those
that goe about by foxlike craft and subtiltie to under-
mine the Churches of Christ Jesus, they shall all bee
taken, even in the very snare and ginne they set for
others.

And thus much for what Mr. Cotton delivered on
this Thursdayes lecture in Boston, Novemb. 6, 1646,
which I have shewed to many eminent persons now in
England who were present at this lecture, and judge
it not onely to l)ee the summe of his exhortation but
his very expressions, and are ready to testifie it on all
occasions against all opposers, as Mr. Thomas Peters
and Mr. William Golding ministers; Harbert Pelbam
Esquire, Captaiue William Sayles, Captai^e Leveret,
Ca|)taine Harding, Mr. Richard Sadler, &c. And
take notice w ithall gooil reader, that 1 never heard
the good man deliver any thing with more earnestnesse
and strength of airection then these things thus sleight-
cd by our adversaries as thou seest.

And for the second part of their story, viz. their
passage, and the passages of Gods providence befell
thetn in it ; take notice good reader, that however our
Sahunander turned things into a jest as soone as they
were delivered, asking whether hee were a great fox
or a little one; yet many others that were ingaged to
goe but in the ship, their hearts trembled that they
were to goe in such company. And Mr. Thoma
Peters a minister that was driven out of Cornewall
Sir Ralph Hopton in these late warres, and fled

NEW-ENGLAIIDS SALAMANDER DISCOVERED. 131

New-England for* shelter, being called back by his
people, and now in London, upon sight of what I have
i^ritten gave mee leave before many, to adde this ;
^liat upon Mr. Cottons exhortation, having shipped his
goods and bedding to have gone in the ship with them,
amongst other arguments this was the maine, that hee
feared to goe in their company th^it had such designes,
wtmA therefore tooke passage to goe rather by way of
Spaine, &c. And to speake the truth, as the ship
Fode out many feareful stresses in the harbour after
xhtj were ready, before they could goe to saile, the
mriod being faire but overblowing : so after they came
to sea had the terriblest passage that ever I heard on
for extremitie of weather, the mariners not able to take
an observation of sunne or star in seven hundred
leagues sayling or thereabouts. And when they were
all wearied out and tired in their spirits, certaine well-
disposed Christians called to mind the things delivered
by Mr. Cotton before mentioned, and seeing the tem-
pest still to continue, thought meet to acquaint such
U were conceived to be meant by Mr. Cotton, and
thai had a purpose to persist in such courses, that they
thought God called them now to consider of the things
delhrered by him ; and hereupon a godly and discreet
Woman after midnight went to the great cabbin and
Pressed her speech in sobrietie and much modesty
to them, whereupon one of the two answered in these
\ ^OfdS| or to this purpose ; Sister I shall bee loath to
L Brieve you or any other of Gods people with any thing
! I shall doe, and immediately went to his chest or
tnmke, and tooke out a paper and gave it her, and
Inferred it to the discretion of others to doe withal I as
tbey should see good : which the woman not in a dis-
tracted passion (as they reported) shewed to Mr.
Richard Sadler and others, who although they knew
H Was not the right Petition but that they were de-
luded, yet because they judged it also to bee very bad,
bavuig often seene it in New-England, but never liked

132 NEW-ENOLANDS SALAMANDER DISCOVERED.

the same, cut it in peeces as they thought it deserved,
and gave the said peeces to a seaman who cast them
into the sea. The storme for the present continued
that night, say some, others say, some abatement of
wiude befell presently after, but all conclude it abated
the next day ; but that they had divers stormes after-
ward being then 200 leagues short of the lands end,
is most certaine : And in one of these hideous
stormes, having no saile abroad, the ship lying adrift'
with the helme bound up, the master conceiving bee
was to the southward of Silley layed the ship to the nor-
ward the night being very darke. In the last watch
of the night one of the quarter masters going to the
pumpe discerned rocks ahead within a cables length,
and made such an outcry as the whole ship was awak-
ened, and nothing but death presented them : there
was much hast made to let loose the helme, and to come
to saile ; but before it could bee done the ship was en-
gaged amongst the rocks of Silley, and nothing could
bee discerned under water, but by the breaking of the
waves, which was their best direction to cuone the
ship : In this labyrinth the ship travelled for a quarter
of an bower or more, in which time it was generally
observed the ship readily obeyed her helme, (or rather
the {^reat Pilate of the seas) upon the word given,
which at other times shee was slow in. At length
the ship drove in and came a pround between two
Hands, and could not bo got off being ebbing water ;
and it was the speciall providence of God to place her
there in much mercy and compassion on his poore
aiBicted ones, the vessell being full of ])assengers ; for
on both sides and on head were desperate rocks, which
were not discovered till the morning light, the ship all
this while lying fast upon a bed of sand or owse ; when
it was day the dangers which they had escaped in the
night to their admiration presented themselves, nor
durst the master worke the ship till hee had gotten a
pilate from the shore, who undertook to bring iier to
an anchor neere Crowes Sound.

ita

NEW-ElfGLAMDS SALAMANDER DISCOVERED. 133

The deliverance was so strange as the inhabitants
of Silly were amased at it, some saying it was a mira-
cle, another that God was a good man that should
thus deliver them ; indeed all the Hand wondred,
and the passengers themselves most of all when they
saw the breaches at low water so farre off at sea neere
which they passed before they knew the danger, and
the rocks they sailed by after they found themselves
involved as it were between Scylla and Carybdis.
Much more might bee added to account the mercy,
but this may suffice to let the w^orld see 'tis no such
trifle as is pretended in their prophane relation, who
had then other thoughts, being passengers also in the
sbipi and seemed willing to joyne with the godly party
in the ship in testimony of their thankfulnesse, to cel-
ebrate a special! day of thanks^ving unto the Lord for
80 great salvation, where Mr. Golding preached, being
a passenger with them, and teacher to a Church of
Christ in Bermudas.

And DOW good reader what wilt thou judge of such as
can tume such deliverances into a scofle, witnesse their
prophane title, ^* New-£nglands Jonas cast up at Lon-
don ; " the naked truth whereof thou hast heard related ;
in all which Jonas was but once accidentally named, and
that by way of direct opposition to any such counsell.
The master of the ship never spoke to, no speech be-
tween the woman and Mr Vassall that I can learne,
but betweene Mr. Fowie and her, shee under no dis-
temper of passion, but modest discreet and sober in
her carriage thorow out the whole. In briefe, all that
I can meet with that were in the ship, especially the
most eminent persons, affirme this relation of theirs to
bee false, yea Mr. Fowle himselfe acknowledged it
before Captaine Sailes late Governour of Bermudas,
Captaine Leveret, and Captaine Harding all passen-
gers in the ship, who all concurred in the falsehood of
the same, and the three Captaines not a little offended
thereat, and Mr. Richard Sadler and divers others are
ready to testify the same.

134 NSW-ENOLANDS BALAMAHDEB DI8COTBBSD.

But put the case they had deluded a poore weake

Sassionate womau by a shadow instead of a substance :
lee thiiikes if any feare of God had been before their
eyes, they might have trembled at so many and so

fTeat threatnings of the Ahnightie, who followed them
rom one land to another over the vast ocean with bb
terrours, and have shewed greater thankfulnesse for
surh a deliverance as before recited, then to carry them-
selves as they doe ; labouring to delude the rrader as
well as themselves, and to ascribe all to the winter
season, as if all our passages were ordinarily such fas
appeareth by their note in the margent, page 12.)
when as that is false also, witnesse some that came
with them, who affirme they have bin in winter passa-
ges, but never in the like ; (the master and his c^ompo-
ny all concurring therein) being confident also tbey
iared the worse for their company. And thus mach I
can affirme, and at least an hundred more that came
with me, who came away about the middest of De-
cember (five weeks deeper in winter then tbey) and
yet through Gods undeserved favour had a comfortable
passage and landfall, which I throught good to adde to
the rest that persons may not bee discouraged from
the passage, though I must confesse the spring and
fall are the best seasons. But let them go on, if noth-
ing will reclaime them ; and I will waite and attend
the word of the Lord in the mouth of his servant, and
observe the dispensation of his providence towards his
Cliurches, and the enemies of the same. And thus
much for answer to the fourth head of their book pub-
lished by Major Childe.

An Answer to the Postscript.

In this postscript which containeth more matter
then the whole booke, I can trace our Salamander
line by line, and phrase after phrase, in his accustom-
ed manner to delude many simple ones, and weaken

■^^■^k

lOW-MQLANDB 8ALAMA1IDEB DI8COT1RED. 136

their respect to the government of New-England ;
where hee did a great deale more hurt by his pesonali
presence, than hee can doe here by such slanderous
invectives as he either pinneth upon others (witnesse
this silly peece called New-Ensrlunds Jonas) or any
bee shall publish hereafter. To answer every partic-
ular at length, would bee too tedious. But because
bee pretendeth an answer to some passages in a booke
wrifleo lately by my selfe, called ^^ Hypocrisie Un-
masked,'^ concerning the independent Churches holding
cmnnMnion with the reformed Churches ; at the re^
quest of many I came to a resolution as to answer the
former passages, so to reply to his malicious cavils in
tUs; who indeed hath not answered any one things
but rather raised some scruples that may cloud what I
did, and cause such as are ignorant to doubt where
things are most cleare : but however I am prevailed
wkb in this case not only by some of the Independent^
but Presbyterian brethren, to answer; yet withall am
oome to a resolution not to write any more in this
kiade ; partly because the world is wearied with too
wmny controversies of this nature: but more espe-
oMly because our Salamander so much delighteth la
, aa appeareth by muny yeares sad experience,
resttesse and endlesse therein. But for Answer.
Hee beginneth with the discovery *^ of a subtile plot

2piinst the lawes of England, and the liberties of the
Klish subject," &c. And then secondly, hee would
nodermee odious to the world, as being ^ a principall

?»poaer of the lawes of England in New-England."
hirdly, hee would make our government of New-
England to bee arbitrary. And fourthly ly, his malicious
cavils and bitter indignation at any thing may tend to
union betweeue brethren, I meane the Presbyterians
and Independents, but of these in order.

And first, for the *^ subtile plot,'' &c. which is con*
trived, saith hee, ^^ by writing against Gorton, a
whon they know is notorious iTor heresier that so

136 NEW-ENGLANDS SALAMANDER DISCOVERED,

behinde him they may get a shot at a bigger game,''
&c. Answ. It is well knowne, and our Salamander
is not ignorant, that however Gorton notoriously abus-
ed himself and every government of New-England
where hee lived; yet when that country was grown
too hot for him, hee came over here and complained
against us, to that honourable Committee of Parlia-
ment; to whose care the well ordering the aflfaires of
forraigne plantations is referred. The Right Honour-
able the Earle of Warwick, being Governour in cbiefe,
and Chairman of the same ; who, upon Gorton and
his companions complaints, sent over to the govern-
ment of the Massachusets, whom it most of all con-
cerned to give answer to the same, &c. Whereupon
they to shew their respect to the Parliament, sent mee
to render a reason thereof, which 1 still attend till
their more weighty occasions will permit them to
beare. But when I came over, I found that Gorton
had enlHrged his complaints by publishing a booke
called ^^ Simplicities defence against Seven-headed
Policy," &c. which l)eing full of manifold slaunders,
and abominable falsehoods ; I tooke my selfe bound in
duty to answer it, as I did by that treatise he men-
tioneth, called " llypocrisie Unmasked," which was
but an answer to Gorton as this is to him, being neces-
sitated thereunto in vindication of the country, whose
agent I am, thou2:h unworthy. And yet our Salaman-
der would blinde the ignorant, and make them b'eleeve
wee tooke occasion to write such a thing to make the
Parliament have a fijood opinion of us, as if none of
all this had preceded.

Next that hoe miq:ht still tnrne our innocent sim-
plicity into policy, hee takes advantage where none is,
and laves hold on a rc(|iiest of mine, which I must
still prosecute (manure his malice) and 1 trust in GckI
the l^irliamcnt will be sensible of it, viz. That the
Committee *' would take into consideration how de-
structive it will bee to the wel-being of our plantations

HEW-EIfGLANDS SALAMANDER DISCOVERED. 137

and proceedings there (which are growin;^ up. into a
Nation) here to answer the complaints of such nrdlig-
nant spirits as shall there bee censured by authority,
it being three thousand miles distant, so far as will
undoe any to come hither for justice, utterly disabling
them to prove the equity of their cause," &c. Now
ifhee had set downe this request as it is, I would
never have answered word to it, nor need at present
to any, but such as are ready to burst with malice,
and the more satisfaction I shall give, the worse they
will bee. And for " the danger of the state of Eng-
land is in by this plot," he could not more clearely
have expressed the unevennesse of his spirit to any
indifferent reader, then by such expressions, and there*
fore need no farther answer thereunto.

Secondly, whereas hee chargeth mee to be " a prin-
cipal! opposer of the lawes of England in New Eng-
land," &c. Hee dealeth with mee here in this par-
ticular just as he did there. For our Salamander
having labored two years together to draw me to his
party, and finding hee could no way prevaile, he then
casts off all his pretended love, and made it a part of
his worke to make mee of all men most odious, that
so whatever I did or said might bee the lesse effectu-
all. As for the law of Engand I honour it and ever
did, and yet know well that it was never intended for
New-England, neither by the Parliament, nor yet in
the letters patents, we have for the exercise of goi^ern-
ment under the protection of this state : but all that is
required of us in the making of our lawes and ordinan-
ces, offices and officers, is to goe as neare the lawes
of England as may bee : which wee punctually follow
so neare as wee can. For our letters patents, being
granted to such, and their associates : these Associ-
ates are the freemen, whereof there are many in eve-
8^ town : Now take notice good reader that as every
orporation here send their Burgesses to the Parlia-
meot upon summons : So divers times a yeere the

VOL. II. THIRD SERIES. 18

138 HEW-ENGLANDS SALAMANDER DISCOYERED.

Governour sending out his warrants, the towns choose
their Deputies, viz. two of a towne out of these free-
men, which meeting together with the Governour and
his Assistants, compose and make or repeale such
lawes and ordinances as they conceive our necessities
require : And however wee follow the custome and
practise of England so neere as our condition will give
way : yet as the garments of a growne man would
rather oppresse and stifle a childe if put upon him,
then any way comfort or refresh him, being too heavy
for him : so have I often said the lawes of England, to
take the body of them, are too unweldy for our weake
condition : Besides, there were some things support-
ed by them which wee came from thence to avoid, as
the hierarchy, the crosse in baptisme, the holy dayes,
the booke of Common Prayer, &c. All which I doubt
not but this renowned Parliament will utterly abolish
as they have done in part to Gods glory and their
everlasting fame, (I meane whilst time shall bee.)
But I have been so farre from sleighting the law of
England as I have brought my owne booke of the
statutes of England into our court, that so when wee
have wanted a law or ordinance wee might see what
the statutes provided in that kind, and found a great
readinesse in our generall court to take all helpe and
benefit thereby. And never did I otherwise oppose
the law of England : nor ever stand against the liber-
ties of the subject, but am ready to sacrifice my life
for the same, when ever I shall bee called thereunto.
Indeed this I have said in answer to his cavils, that
if the Parliaments of England should impose lawes
upon us having no Burgesses in their house of Com-
mons, nor capable of a summons by reason of the vast
distance of the ocean being three thousand miles from
London, then wee should lose the libertie and free-
dome I conceived of English indeed, where every
shire and corporation by their Knights and Burgess-
es make and consent to their •laws, and so oppose

NEW-ENGLANDS SALAMANDER DISCOVERED. 139

whatsoever they conceive may bee hurtfull to them :

But this liberty wee are not capable of by reason of

distance, and therefore &c. And thus much for answer

to that point, which will satisfie any equall minded

man, but is nothing to him.

Thirdly, he chargeth " our government to bee arbi-
trary." Answ. I shewed before after what manner
wee made our lawes ; and for the choyce of our offi-
cers once every yeere they are either chosen or re-
Deu^ed by election, and this is done by the i' rcemen
iirho are the associates to the Governour, to whom all
the power is granted. And these are to governe
according to their lawes made and established, and
not according to their wills. And however there are
many that are not free amongst us, yet if und(^rstand-
iog men and able to bee helpefull, it's more their owne
faults then otherwise oft-times, who will not take up.
their freedome lest they should bee sent on these
senrices (as our Salamander and most of his disciples
who are too many I must confesse) and yet it is the
same with many thousands in this kingdome who
ba?e not iibertie to choose : nor yet may the free-
holders and freemen choose, any that are not free-
holders, freemen, and gentlemen of such a rank or
quality that are chosen. So that for my own part I
see not but that as we go by the expresse of our let-
ters patents, so we goe according to the practise of
£ogland ; the law made binding the maker as wel as
anjf other, having one rule for all. '

As for our trialls between man and man, hee knowes
Wee goe by jury there as well as here : And in
eriminalis and capitalls wee goe by grand jury and
g M petty jury. And where the death of any is suddaine,
violent, or uncertaine, the crowner sits upon it by a
{! fMt, and returneth a verdict, &c. and all according
I to the comipendable custome of England, whom wee
^ ^MTtt to follow. But their maine objection is, that
g Ma |m« not penaii lawes exactly set downe in all

I -

140 NEW-ENQLANDS SALAMANDER DISCOVERED.

cases ? 'Tis true I confesse, neither can tbey find
any Conmioawealth under heaven, or ever was, bi
some things were reserved to the discretion of th
judges, and so it is with us and no otherwise, oi
Generall Courts meeting together twice ayeere at lea:
hitherto for that very end, and so continuing so ion
as their o<:casions and the season will permit : and i
case any misdemeaner befall where no penaltie is s(
down, it is by solemne order left to the discretion (
the bench, who next to the word of God take the lai
of England for their president before all other whai
soever. And as I said before, if 1 would enter int
particulars I could here set downe in a line parallel s
as I received it in answer to the Petition of Doct(
Robert Childe, &c. mentioned in their booke,^^th
fundamentals of the Massachusets concurring with tt
.priviledges of Magna Chaita and the common law <
England at large." But as I said before, it would be
too tedious for answer to this worthtesse and mal
cious charge. And yet I dare affirme that Virgini:
Barbadoes, Christophers, Mevis, and Antiego have u<
all of them so many lawes as New-England, nor s
many expresse penalties annexed. As for the unitin
of the foure Colonies, I briefly shewed the reason <
it in my former treatise, being necessitated thereunt
by a secret combination of the Indians to cut us a
off, as oiir Salamander well knowes and approved
and if in America we should forbeare to unite fc
offence and defence against a common enemy (keepin
our governments still distinct as wee doe)till wee hav
leave from England, our throats might bee all ci
before the messenger would bee halfe seas thorough
but hee that v^^ill carpe at this, what will hee not dor
And for not making of our warrants in the kings nanr
which is another thing bee complaineth of: He
well knowes the practise of the countrey is various
that respect, some constantly observing it, othe
omitting to expresse it, but all deriving our authorii

■Mhi

NEW-EKOLANDS SALAMANDER DI9C0TEEED. 141

from hence. But if any wonder why I saj so much
in answer to it as I doc, it is because I never purpose
for reply to any thing he or any other shall write in
this kinde to htm, for 'tis to no end to write many
bookes, especially when wee have to deale with such
ail one as delights in contention and nothing else.

In the last place take notice good reader how hee
cavills, and is vexed at, rather t..en answers any
thing I 8»y tending to preserve peace and unitie he-
t^^eene the Presbyterian and Independent brethren.
\nd whereas hee saith " there is a fallacy in what I
bave written," bow can that bee? when I shew the
very particular instances and persons that did and still
do hold communion with us, and our Salamander
knoweth most of these persons, and I beleeve the very
thiDgs also, and h^th nothing to say against any one
of the instances brought, onely hee asketh whether
any of us the many thousands (a great word) that
carae from New England, doe communicate here with
the Presbyterians. To which I answer by way of
question to any rationall and indiflferent man, whether
a Church or Churches of ours, allowing and admitting
any of the Presbyterians or their members into fuU
communioB with them, doth not more fully answer the
■{uesiion or his cavill, and prove communioji of Church-
non our part, then for a particular member of ours to
joyne in communion with some of the Prt'sbyterian
Churches which it may bee that Independent Church
»bereof hee is may never heare of? And sure enough
if I should draw an argument from his proposition to
proTeit; hee would bee sure to say your Churches
allow it not, &c. and therefore it proves no commun-
ioD of Churches at all. Secondly, were ! where 1
coald not communicate with an Indepenoent congre-
gation, and might with a Presbyterian, and tht^y walk-
ad orderly, I know nothing but I might comfortably
pirtake in that ordinance of the Lords Supper with
tbem : but I should not forsake that communion I

142 NEW-ENGLANDS SALAMANDER DISCOYERED.

more affected for tITat I lesse affected where I might
enjoy either, nor I beleeve will any understanding
Pfesbyterian brother on the other side. And so much
for answer to that cavill, and the many branches of it.
In the second place, heecavills at this, that I say in
page 96. of my book called, " Hypocrisie Unmasked,"
That the French and Dutch Churches ^^ are a people
distinct from the world, and gathered into an holy
communion : '' And then hee addeth, (^^ hee should (lave
said covenant which is his sense) and that the sixth per-
son is not of the Church,'' meaning, ^^ amongst them."
And this, saith hee, wee have but his word for, and
makes it a falsehood in me: but I returne it upon
himselfe, whose bold spirit dare affirme any thing
against the apparent light of the sunne ; for however
the Dutch baptize the children of all nations that are
presented to them, as well as their owne, as I shewed
io my former treatise ; yet this their practise stands
not upon the Presbyterian bottome, nor doe I know,
I confesse, what they take for their warrant in it ; yet
I affirme, and that of my owne knowledge, having
lived divers yeares amongst them, that their Church
is a select people, gathered together into an holy com-
munion, which holinesse hee scoffes at, and which
they c all the Chement ; and that many thousands of
those whose children they baptize, never are admitted
to the Lords Supper, which they account " Church .
communion ; " nor are ever brought before their Clas- |
sis, and there examined, admitted, occasionally admon-
ished, yea, excommunicated if they submit not to the
rule : and that all those that are admitted are such as
tender themselves, and thereupon are examined, &c.
in the Classis ; as before. And for an instance of the
truth of it, a godly English Minister that had some*
times lived in Rotterdam, told me (upon this very
occasion) that the deacons of the Dutch Church at
Rotterdam, told him, that although there were almost
7000. houses in their city, and in many of them di-

NEW-ENGLANDS SALAMANDER DISCOVERED. 143

vers families, yet they had but 2000 persons in Church-
fellowship.

And for the French Churches, who knows not ih;U
the nation, 1 meane, the body of them are still Pa-
pists, and ytt (as bjinde as Bayard) our malicious Sahi-
mander, whose tongue is known to be no slander from
whence he came, doth charge me with falshood herein.
'Tis true, through Gods mercy there^ are many thou-
sand protestants amongst them, and I wonder that
»ny man should bee so audacious, as to affirm these
are not a distinct people from the rest that have un-
dergone so many massacres and persecutions for .he
testimony of their faith, and witnesse they have borne
against the abominations of Rome, and \hv Papacy,
still so much admired in that nation by the body of it.
And as I said of Holland, the sixth oerson is hardly of
the Church ; so in France, the tenth man for ought I
heare, is not a protestant. And how then they should
be a national protestant Church I know not.

As for his jeere about the Covenant, let him goe on
in his way of scorn and contempt of the " Covenant
between God and his people ; " and yet hee shall
liode the Church in the Old Testament established by
a covenant; and after their greatest desertions and
declinings, upon solemne dayes of humiliation, their
Covenants againe renewed throughout the same. And
the Churches under the New Testament are still the
>ame, though the ceremonies and ordmances bee
•altered by the Lord thereof; yea, the Scottish Church-
^ (which hee saith are nationall, and so would make
a breach in that respect between them and us) are sol-
4 cmne and serious in their Covenant ; and the English in
. I the late Reformation no lesse serious, to Gods glory bee
A it spoken ; when as there are many hundred thou-
Qods in both nations that will not take these their
^venants, but remain in popish superstition, and
^Ifull ignorance.
And for our tenders to the Scots to live amongst us.

144 NEW-SNGLANDS SALAMANDER DISCOVERED.

and enjoy their liberty in the exercise of the Presbyte-
rian government formerly, and the late tender of the
court of the Massachusets to their petitioners for the
enjoyment of it at present, themselves providing for it,
'tis not so strange as true : But whereas they say,
they hear not of the latter (being since they came
away :.) 'Tis false ; I have told them, and they may
he^re it by many others: but they have not the spirit
of peace in them, nor will they take notice of any
thins: that tends thereunto ; but seeke, as appeareth
by this Postscript, to blow up the coales of contention
and division, so much as possible may bee, hindering
peace and good agreement between brethren, by ail
the meanes and courses they can use.

And for what he saith concerning Mr. Hubbards
censure ; daring mee to say, ^^ whether Mr. Hubbard
were not punished directly or indirectly for baptizing
some children whose parents were not members of the
Churches in New-England."

For answer, I doe and dare affirme in my conscience,
that I am firmly perswaded hee was not ; And howev-
er I doe not desire to meddle in the case, nor to en-
gage in other mens controversies, but rather seeke to
heale them by all due meanes, yet I thought good to
answer his challenge in this particular, that so that
cloud of jealousie might also be dispelled, so far as
concerneth my own thoughts in the case ; and had
hee but so much charitie in himselfe as becomes a
Christian man, I am confident hee would bee of the
same mind with mee. And so much for answer to
that particular, and the whole book, wherein the read-
er may see more malice in our accusers, then policy
in us, whose simplicity is branded with subtilty, falla-
cy, and what not ? but blessed bee God, it is by such
whose tongues are their owne, and will not bee con-
trouled by any, and from whom I expect all that mal-
ice can invent ; but am come to a resolution, that
whatever our Salamander shal vent either in. his own

NEW-ENGLANDS SALAMANDER DISCOVERED. 143

name^ or by others (as at this time) 1 will leave him to
God, and referre our vindicatioa to the Lord Jesus
Christ, who hath all power in heaven and earth com-
mitted to him, in whose eyes, I trust, we are precious,
who undoubtedly will clear up our innocency, when
these our proud enemies shall bee scattered before him.
And to whom with the Father and the Spirit, God
over all, blessed for ever, be glory and praise to all
eternity. Amen.

[The original is a pamphlet of 29 8vo. pag;es. Ed,]

VOL. II. THIRD SERIES. 19

VOCABULARY

OFTHZ

MASSACHUSETTS (OR NATICK) INDIAN LANGUAGE.

BY JOSIAH COTTON.

ADVERTISEMENT.

The following Vocabulary of the Indian Language, in the
Natick or Massachusetts dialect, is faithfully copied from a
manuscript compiled by the Hon. Josiah Cotton, a respectable
inhabitant of Plymouth, who died in 1756, aged 77. He was
the second son of the Rev. John Cotton, pastor of the first
church in that ancient town twenty-eight years, from 1669 to
1 697. Josiah Cotton was graduated at Harvard College in 1 098.
His earlv years, after his leaving College, were spent in Marble-
head, where he was employed as a schoolmaster ; his studies in
the mean time were principally in theology. He was never
settled, however, in the ministry ; but, returning to his native town
early in the last century, after some years of occupation in that
place as a schoolmaster, he devoted himself to agricultural
pursuits and to the discharge of several civil offices which he
sustained. The offices which he held successively or in con-
junction, were those of Clerk of the Court of Common Pleas,
Justice of the same Court, Register of Probate, and Register of
I>eeds« In the latter office he was succeeded by his son, John
Cotton, who was succeeded by his son, Rossiter Cotton, the
present worthy occupant of that office, to whose kindness this
Society and the friends of ancient lore are indebted for a commu-
nication of this manuscript, and of other documents eminently
useful and acceptable for the elucidation of our early history.
This respectable family derives its origin from the celebrated
John Cotton of Boston. Josiah Cotton as well as his father, in
addition to their other employments, performed the duties of
missionaries to the Indians at Plymouth and other places in that
▼icinity. The father was eminently skilled in the Indian lan-
guage, of which there are many testimonials; the mostconspicu-

148 cotton's vocabulart.

ous is Eliot's Indian Bible. In the accomplishment of that
laborious work Mr. Eliot acknowledges his obligations to Mr.
Cotton, especially in the preparation of the second edition.
Josiah Cotton, besides the advantages of much persona] inter-
course with the Indians, had the benefit of his father's informa-
tion ; and his long continuance as a religious instructer to the
natives, with the ready use of their language, of which he left
numerous specimens in writing, may reasonably induce a reliance
on the correctness of the present Vocabulary which he compiled.
A copy of some of his other specimens will be found subjoioed
to the Vocabulary. J. D.

Notice of the Manuscript ; with Remarks on the Author's Or-
thography and the Pronunciation of the Ldmguage.

1. Of the Manuscript.

The MS is of the small quarto size, and consists of sixty
leaves composing the body of the work, with two other leaves
containing a portion of an imperfect Index of English words,
which occur in it. The volume is principally in the handwriting
of the author himself; but there are numerous additions and
corrections in the handwriting of his father. It bears the date
of 1707 and 1708, in two or three different places.

In the present edition the paging of the MS is preserved in
the margin ; by which means, if at any time it should be wished,
recourse may be readily had to the original.

2. Of the Orthography and Pronunciation.

The orthography adopted by the author is, doubtless, the same
with that used by the venerable Eliot in his Indian Bible and
Grammar. The editor has therefore thought, that it might be
useful to collect, in this place, all the observations of Eliot upon
that subject. They are extracted from bis Indian Grammar, and
a^e as follows :

" I therefore use the same Characters which are of most com-
mon use in our English Books ; viz. the Roman and hdick Let-
ters.

*' Also our Alpha-bet is the same wi^ the Englishj saving^ in
these few thmgs following :

. ADYERTISEMSNT. 149

" U Tlie dMculty cf ike Rule about the Letter c, by reason of
ihe ekange ojiis sound in the five sounds, caced co cUj being
sufficiently helped by the Letters k and Sj we therefore
hy by the Letter c, saving in ch ; of which there is [p. 2.]
frequent use in the Language. Yet I do not put it out '
of the Mpha-betj for the use of it in other Languages, but the
Character ch next to it, and call it chee.

'' 2. I put i Consonant into our Alpharbet^ and give it this
Character /, and call it ji or gi^ as this Syllable soundeth m the
English word giant ; and I place it next after i vocal. And I
have done thus, because it is a regular sound in the third person
singular in the Imperative Mode of Verbs, which cannot well be
distinguished without it : though I have sometimes used gh in-
stead of it, but it is iiarder and more inconvenient. The proper
sound of it is, as the English word age soundeth. See it used
Genes, i. 3, 6, 9, 11.

" 3. We give v Consonant a distinct name by putting together
uf or tipA, and we never use it, save when it soundeth as it
doth in the word save^ have^ and place it next after u vocal.
Both these Letters (u Vocal, and v Consonant) are together in
their proper sounds in the Latine word uva, a V ine.

^* 4. We call Wy wecj because our name giveth no hint of the
power of its sound.

^' These Consonants /, n, r, have such a natural coincidence^
that it is an eminent variation of their dialects.

*^ We Massachusetts pronounce the n. The Nipmuk Indians
pronounce /. And the J^Torthern Indians pronounce r. As
instance :

We say Anum {um produced) ^

Nipmuk, Al&m > A Dog.

Northern, Ar{im ) So in most words.

" Our VocdU are five, aeiou. Diphthongs^ or double sounds^
are many, and of much use.

ai au ei ee eu eau oi oo a>.

<< Especially we have inove frequent use of o and oo than other
Languages have : and our a> doth always sound as it doth in
these English words, moody ^ hook.

*' We use onely two Accents^ and but sometime. The [p. 3.]
Jicvie (') to shew which Syllable is first produced in
pronouncing of the word ; which if it be not attended, no Na-
tion can understand tlieir own Language : as appeareth by the
witty Conceit of the Tityre tu^s.

160

COTTOIf'S yOCABUI.ABT.

" () produced with the accent, is a r^ular dutmcAon betwixt
the firit and second penom plural of the SimpoaUive Mode ; as
( Naumogi IF we tee : fas in X^cgf.)
I Nauni6gi if ye fee: (as in Vogue.)

<< The other Jlccent is (^), which I call Nasal; and it is used
onely upon 6 when it is sounded in the Nose, as oft it b ; or
upon a lor the like cause.

<< This is a general Rtde^ When two (o o) come together, ordi-
narily the^r5^ \s produced; and. so when two (a>) are together.

<< All the Articulate sounds and Syllables that ever I heard (with
observation) in their Language, are sufficiently comprehended
and ordered by our Mpha4>et^ and the Rvies here set down.

Ounettr.

JXlame.

Charaeier.

Abmt.

a
b

bee

ch
d

see

chee

dee

pee

kebh

es
tee

gee as in geese

•
1

wee

•
1

ji as in

giant

wy
zed.*'

Remark, The venerable author above quoted observes, that
" all the articulate sounds and syllables," that he ever heard
" (with observation) in their language, are sufficiently corapre-
hended and ordered by our Alphabet and the Rules here set
down.'' Every one who studies the several dialects of the fami-
ly or stock to which the Massachusetts language belongs, that is,
the Delaware or Lenape Stock, will be surprised, that Elioi
says nothing of any guttural or strongly aspirated sound in the
language of his day. A question then arises, whether tlie Massa-
chusetts language had the guttural, or aspirate, which is found in the
modern dialects of that family. In the Delaware languas^e, for
example, the word nooch, my father (as written by the German
missionaries), is a guUural or strong aspirate ; and so in the Mo-
hegan, in which Dr. Edwards writes it, according to the English,
or rather Scottish orthography, nogh. In Eliot's and Roger
Williams's Vocabularies, we find the corresponding word written

ADVERTISEMENT. 161

•

ndsh or noah. Now from the difficulty which the English al-
ways find in expressmg foreign gutturab or aspirates, and from
their common practice of corrupting this sound into that of shy it
is probable, that the words of this class in Eliot and the other
old writers were in face gutturals. If so, we shall, by attending
to thb circumstance, be able to trace out affinities between the
ancient and the existing dialects, which would otherwise elude
observation.

J. P.

TABLE OF CONTENTS.

(by the editor.)

[The pagiiig here referred to is that of the margin of the woHc.]

Of Arts- Page 3
Of Beasts. 4
Of Birds. 4
Of Itational Creatures. 5
Of the Human Faculties. 7
Of Fish. 9
Of Garments or Clothing. 9
Of Herbs and Flowers. 10
Of Husbandry. 10
Of an House. 10
Of Household stuff. 11
Of Meat. U
Of Metols. 13
Of a School. 13
Of the Senses. 14
Of Ships. 14
Of Time. 15
Of Trees and Shrubs. . 16
Of Virtues and Vices, 16
Adjectives, alphabetically ar-
ranged. 20
Numbers. 32
Pronouns. 33
Verbs, alphabetically arrang-
ed. 35

Colloquial Phrases. 86

Participles, alphabetically ar-
ranged. 87
The Creed. 99
A Talk between two. 100
Adverbs, alphabetically ar-
ranged. 103
(See also p. 109.),
Pronouns (repeated in part.) 1076.
Colloquial Phrases. 107c.
A letter in English and In-
dian. 108
Adverbs, additional list. 109

(See also p. 103.)
Conjunctions. 110

Interjections. 110

Prepositions. Ill

Sentences. 113

A Dialogue, between an In-
dian and the Author of the
Vocabulary. 118

A second Dialogue ; on learn-
ing the language. 122

VOL. II. THIRD SERIES. 20

• /

. I i I ^ ■■ I

VOCABULARY.

[llie x^Q g|^ passes of Ae MS are wanting. ^The asterisks denote a de-

°<^'eticy in the B&, and the Roman letters between brackets are supplied by
««»jecture.]

Of Arts.

tp. 3.]

art, arts,

^mitj,

^ ^medy, or witty thing,
^ tragedy, or sad thing,
^^ act,

^ history,

"^^tronomy, or skill about
j^ stars,
i^^aven, heavens,
•i he highest heaven,
-j^he starry heaven,

:jj«avenly,
ell.

ne misery of hell,
.^ dumber,
^^elody,

trumpet, or music,
secretary,
^ Bmith,
predestination,
*<^spiration,
A. divine ordinance,
^lory,
Heathenish gods.

An idol,

Ao idolater, idolaters,
T'He state of innocency,
^^licity, .
^^raist,
*^>mage.

^^tboroflife,

Nehtohtoonk, -ash.

ManittcDe kuk ** himwehteaonk:

or Wuttinsue manittooouk
Waantamunneunkquat.
Kittumunkeneunkquat.
Pogkodcheteoonk, pohkonchu-

mooonk.
Pahke, WoshwunumcDonk.
the Nehtuhtoonk papaume annogsqs.

Kesuk, kesukquosh.

Anue quauonkquohk kesuk.

Annogssue kesuk.

Kesukque.

Chepiohkomuk.

Awakompanaonk chepiohkomuk.

NutteasscDonk, (my company.)

Wuuontoowaonk.

Puhpeeg.

Wussoohquohhamwaenin.

Moooshogquehteaenin.

Ncgonne kuhquttumooonk.

Wunnashanittassuonk.

Manittooe kuhkoow&onk.

Sohsumooonk.

Penoowe, or Penoowohteaog ma-
nittooog.

Ninnukontonk.

Ninnukontonkoh, waussumont.

Pahketeahac wuttinniyeu.

Wunniuonk.

Psalmchchaeuin.

Ompeh • • * aqnk, an old In-
dian word, that signifies obedi-
ence by giving any • • • •

Pomantam • • •.

156

cotton's INDIAN VOCABULART.

Of Beasts. [l

Living creatures, PomantamoSe, oowaasineg.

A labouring beast, beasts, Anakausue puppiiishum, -w<

Cattle, (how many do you kill,) Netassuog (tohtohsoog kuni

A hide, a horn,

A tail,

A hoof, hoofs,

A bear, honey,

A sting, a worm,

Bees, worms.

Flesh, a fox,

A beaver, beavers,

A cat, cats,

A deer, a dog, dogs,

A flea, fleas,

A frog, fiogs,

A grasshopper (jumps,)

A bull, cow,

A horse.

Wool ; a snake, snakes,
A squirrel, squirrels,
A toad, toads.
Wolves, a wolf (kills,)

A bird, birds,

A goose, gccsc,

A duck,

A hen, a cock,

A wing, wings,

A feather, feathers,

• * * • eagle,

A brant,

A crow,

An egg, eggs,

A shell,

A quill, quills,

A nest, nests,

A fowler, fowlers.

A man, a woman,
A boy.

Oskon, weweeu.
Wussukquin.
Moohkos, -sog.
Moshq, honne.
Chohkuhhoo, oohke.
Ohkeommoosog, oohkquaog.
Weyaus, wonkussis.
Ttimunk, -quaog.
Poopohs, poohpoohsuog.
Attuk, annum, -wog.
Poppek, poppequog.
Tinnogkohquase, -suog.
Chansops, (qucDshau.)
Nompashim netas, usbquash

netas.
Nahnaiyeumooadt, or a ere

that carries.
Wcshakinash ; askook, -og.
Mishannek, -wog.
Tinnogkohteas, -suog.
Nattoohqussuog, mukquissl

nusshau.

Of Birds.

Psukses, Pissukscmesog (]

suog.)
Wompohtuk, -quaog.
Sescp, or qunOsseps.
Monish, nampash.
Wunnuppoh, -whunash.
Meegk, meekquTnog.
Wewes, wompsukook.
Menuks, -sog.
Kongkont.
Wou, wow^nash.
Wohhogke, (a body,) or Am
Pohquemek, -qunog.
Woddish, woddishash.
Adch&enin, -nuog.

Of Rational Creatures,

Wosketomp, mittamwossisj

eshqua.
N6nkup asuh, nonkumpaes.

■^

COTTON'S INDIAN VOCABULART.

167

girl,

yoang man,
child, children,

A n old man,

-A.I1 old woman,

C^hildhood, manhood,

■A. body, a soul,

Thy body, my body.

Our bodies,

The seed, (issue,) of the woman,

-A. testator,

-A. witness,

-A. nation,

People,

great skin,
^^^rrupted flesh, or rotten,
J^^orruption of the flesh,
-**^carnation,

broken bone,

he marrow of divinity,
^e hair, the eye,

ear is nigh the forehead,

nose, a cheek,

niost handsome face,

lip, a tongue,

language,

tooth, a mouth:
eek,

shoulder, an arm,

finger, fingers,

iad, belly,

^•bow, hand,

^tie breast, and bosom.

The back,

^ fcig belly,

A. f^rooked knee,

^ Icnee,

A. leg, a shin,

ij^ ibot, a toe,

^li© great toe,

"^ »ib, bowels,

jj^ liip, athigh,

"^^ hcil, a chin,

Wusskennin, wisskisqua, nonk-

kishq.
Wuskenin, nunkomp.
Wunnechanyog, mukkoies, mak-

koiesog.
Kehchius, nukkonne wosk.
Papequanne mohtunt.
MukkoiesQonk, wosketompd^.
Mohhog, keteahogkau.
Kohhog, nohhog.
Nohhoganonog.
Mittamwossisse, CDskanneem.
Aynskottum.
WAwaenin.
Wuttohtimoin.

Missinnin, or Missinninnuog.
Muttonnonquat, wahihquep.
Pussoqua weyaus.
Weyausue aninncoonk.
COwcyausue, nemuhuma>on[k].
(Wishkon) pooksha weshkeen.
Ween wutch manittooo[nk].
Mesonk, muskesuk.
Mchtouog passoocheahta misk ***
Mutchon, wonnQnou. [p. 6.]

An wunnissue muskesuk.
Missustoon, menan.
Unnontoowaonk.
Mecpit, muttoon.
MissitteTppeg.
Mittik, mehpit.
Muppuhkukquanitch, -eash.
Muppuhkuk, misshat, (misshit)
Muskonontip.
Mcesk, menutcheg.
Unninuhkoc ) .^ ,
Menatchc } 'ne'»'«h«g-

Missippuskunnicheg.

Mohpauneg, and uppoDchenou.

Muppuskq.

Misshititchaonk.

Wonke, kittuk.

Mukkuttuk.

Muhkont, mississTkkoshk.

Misseet, muppuhkukqu'^sct.

Keehchukquasct.

Mehpcteak, munnog?

Oapwas, mehquau.

Mogquon, mishoon.

COTTOPi'9 INDIAN TOCAl

weal her.

A throat,

Brains,

A wise brain,

A Etomach,

A weak stomach,

A womb.

North, south.

Pleasant

Warm

Fair

Calm

Colli wenther,

A soiillierlj storm,

A tempest, or northerly stcrm,

Cold.

Wiud, wiui}»,

East wind,

A shower,

A shower of laiD,

Kough,

Slippery ice,

Dew, snow, hail,

Thunder,

Lightning, ot thanderboll,

Earth, cartlii^uakc,

A mountain, pi.

A volley, valleys.

Din ia Un ■treet,

Daat, rockfl;

A bank, t wiy.

MunnHonk, nashaonk.
Metiippiaah,
W4iintam wuttnp.
M'lppcochinau.
N coc h i m- win neau waonk.
Wultonti''muki]ut.
Miskodtiikqut.
Nannumi}'ci], sowaniyeu. [f>t-]
WunnoJiqual.
WekencankquaL
Weekohqunt.
Auw'eppohquol. ^ rii
Tohkoi.
. Bowonlsshiu.
TJhqudhquat, nasliqaitli
Sonkqueu.
Wapan, mishetashin.
Wulchepivoshc wittio.
NeepADon.
Nogkosse, scoki
Koshhesu.

TooQukquesiie, kuppat.
Nchchjppag, koon, missegkOb'
Ninibnu, padtohquohlian. '
Ukkitshamun. •

Olikec, quequan.
Wadchii, -ash.
Oonouwohkoai, -yeuash.
Pissugk ut toumiyog.
Puppissi, qussuk, -anash.
Wuss^ppinuk, may.

Of tie Human Faculties.

or the understanding
Will, and affections,

A reason, (of a thing)

Appetite, or dchire.

Faith, wisdom.

Judgment, a mistake,
Loathing,
Love, hatred,
Joy, their joy.

i Wutchw^tamoDonk, wohv
{ eta m coon k, uaatamo6oDk,
( Unnilteahaonk.
Keieabogkau.

Unnommai, cnnomaiyeuonpi.] i
Wunnotiiwahtteoonk, wutcbaV

yeuash.
Kodtcliluumcoonk, kodtantam^

onk.
Wunnamptamooonk, waanta»

[oxink.]
Wusaittummonk, puhtantant***
Jishon tarn coon k. [p. 8.]

Womonittuonk, BekooeadtOoBk.
WekontamcDonk, oowekoitta-
ncoonguuKo.

COTTON'S INDIAN VOCABULARY.

169

7, or gladness,
rrow,
<lDes3, mourning.

, oar fear,

^■rust,
^ope.

ger,

spair,

^asure,
J pleasure,
Ay pleasure,
MS pleasure,
"mir pleasure,
^Mir pleasure,
Aeir pleasure,
C J pleasures,
^y pleasures,
is pleasures,
«-ir pleasures,
our pleasures,
^eir pleasures,
^r own pleasures,

^J own pleasures,

IVt

haine.

«rcy.

"^^^b, fishes,

fisherman, -men,

net, nets,

line,
_^ book, hooks,
jj^fisb, an eel,
^^n oyster,
''* whale, whales,
"^ ^orgeon,
^^ bass, an herring,
^ hadduck, a trout,
^^^ams,

Svden, gardens,

MiskouantamoSonk.

Unkquanumooonk.

Kittumongkeneunkqussuonk,

moonk.
Wabesuonk, noDwabesuonkanun.
Kenompan, unkqussuonk.
PapahtantamaSonk.
Annoossiionk.
MosquantamdSonk.
Mat-anncDosuonk, wuttamanta-

mooonk.
TapcncamoDonk.
Nuttappeneamooonk.
Kuttappeneamcoonk.
Wuttappeneamo5onk.
Nuttappeneamcoonk^nun.
KuttappeneamoDonkana).
WuUappeneamooonganoo.
NuttappeneamcDongash.
Kuttappeneam ooongash.
WuttappeneamcDongash.
NuttapeneamoDonganun6nash.
Kuttapeneama>ooganuDn6naslu
Wuttappeneamooonganoonasb.
Nehenwonche, nuttappcneamcQh

onganunnunash.
Nehenwonche, kuttapeneamoo*

ongash ;
et sic deinceps.

Ogkodchuonk.

Sckene^dtuonk.

Ummoiianitteaonk.

Of Fish.

NAmas, namassoDOg. [p. 9.]

NattcDhquinnuaenin, -nuog.

Ashap, ashappog.

Pcminneaht, ome.

Uhquon, -quanash.

Anishamog, queques, ncquttika[t]

ChunkoD, apwonnah.

PcDtab, pootabaog.

Kopposh, kaskohat.

Qunnammag, ommis, -suog.

Pakonnotam, mishqushkou.

Siikkissuog.

Of a Garden.

Tannohketeaonk, -ash.

160

GOTTON^S INDIAN VOCABULART.

A bank,

A wally

A hedge, a fence,

An orchard,

WussappTnuk, -quash.
Quissukquannutonk.
Chippinnutunk, wdkconoos
Ahteuk, metukque.

Of Garments or doathing.

A dress,

A garment.

Linen cloth,

The thread of life.

An hat, stockins,

An iron chain,

An English shirt,

A thin pair of breeches,

A coat, a neckcloath,

Shoes, a shoe-string.

WAwamek.
Aukooonk.

Monak, ashuppauneg.
Tuppun pomantamooonk;
Onkqucckhoo, muttassash.
Mownshak sausakkintumuu
Choquog wittishataneck.
Wussappineesuog petappiya
Petushquishauonk, kehkis(
Mohkissonash, mattokquoni

Of Herbs and Flowers.

An herb,

A flower.

Watermelon,

Cucumbers, } or a raw thing,

Muskmelon,

A rose or lily,

Ahketeamuk, moskeit.

Uppeshou.

Ohhosketamuk.

MoDUosketamuk.

Quinosket&muk.

Kossepeshou.

Of Husbandry,

Imployments,

Work, (or office,)

Recreations,

A laborious husbandman,

Ground, soil,

A field, fields,

Dung, a meadow,

Grass, hay.

Seed, harvest.

Stubble, rubbish,

A whip, a barn, barns.

Straw, chaff.

Bread, corn.
An Indian bean,

A spacious house,
A little house.

Uppissaiyeuonganoooash.
Anakausuonk.
Uppompooongu noooash.
Anakausue ohkehteaenin.
Ohke, ahteuk.
Ahteuk, ahteukkonash.
Annohke, wossoskeht.
Oskosk, moskettiash.
Wuskannemlneash, kepen

onk.
Sequssonkash, anosketiiasK
Sauwappouk, mechimukk<

-wosh.
Seekpoghonkash, wasadi

nash.
Petukquincg, eachimminea:
Kehtohteae munasquTsseet.

Of an House.

Wunnenonkquat wetu.
Peukkomukquem .

■M-.m

cotton's INDIAX VOCABULARIT.

161

A meeting house,

^ stone, a wall,

^ door, doors,

^ut of doors,

'^ chamber,

^ cedar post,

^ window, windows,

'^ ^lass window,
A tower, towers,
^n high tower,
^ '>oard, a tavern,
^ shop of goods,
shop, and goods,

Of Household Stuff.

cHair, or stool,
seat at the table,
cliest, a hand basket,

'^^ssel,

STicaky chimney,
^^-m an oven,
'^^t.tle, knives,
^ci le, or spoon,

'^*"<^>om, an ax,
^^cJ, amat,

"^^t^tle, powder,
^^^nket,

**S^ht, or candle,

^^iidlestick,
ly pup, cups,
k. dish, or tray,
i needle, or pin,
K sharp knife,
A ^^8oar,
pablishment,

Macyeakomuk.

Hossiin, nutonk, mat sampwi.

Usquont, -tamash.

Ell poquatchit.

Chippikommuk.

Utchikuppcmis appas. [p. 1 1.]

Kunnatequanick, kenag'kinncg,

-ash.
Kenagkinneeg.
Qunnuhquekoniuk, -qash.
Quinuhquikomuk.
Passconog, wuttattamwakomuk.
Momachiiikomuk.
Momachiukkomuk, and inoma-

chiash.

Wetoaomtoty A utoohteaongash .

Appuonk, qiienappuonk.
Ahpappuonk ut taspooonganit.
Puppoohkshog, sogkisstnute.
Weaskq.

Qiiosoht wannachkemmuk.
Penoht, auhtanneeshnlmmuk.
Ohkuke, eteaussonkasb.
Kuhpohhonk, quonnam, kunn&m,

koppodheeg.
Checonnachatoonk, togkong.
Appin, matasquas.
N uppohqiiashadtikquontonk.
CluAnoowask, sabuck.
Pinaquet, qunnAnnonk.
Wnsaquonanetick.
WeqU'-manetekonnaiihtuk.
Nootattamwactch, -uash.
Wunnonk, moonaeech.
Ohhomaquesuuk.
Keenneehquog.
Cheqiiadwcfehquog.
Tohquinnittue, wetanatue wus-

suhqhonk.

Of Kindred. Papaume Ouwatuank.

[p. 12]

Ji marriage,

/i good conditioned husband,

A ^inily, a wife,

Your family,

K virgin,

)ar virgins,

i wooer,

VOL. II. THIRD 8ERI£8<

Wetouatuonk.

Woniasue ouwasckkien.

Chashiyeuonk, mittumwiissis.

Kutteashinnunneonk.

Penomp.

Nuppenoropomannonog.

Kodtouseentamwaenim.

162

cotton's INDIAN YOCABOLART.

A great portion,

A widower, a widow,

A kind heavenly fathefi

Thy father, fathers,

Her mother,

A mother, a son,

My daughter,

A daughter, a brother,

Your son, thy sons,

A sister,

A grandfather,

A grandmother.

An uncle, a cousin,

Ancestors, forefathers,

First parents,
Posterity,
A bastard.

Comfortable food,

Fnstings,

An high table, a trencher, &c.

Bread, crust,

Milk, flesh.

Pipes and tobacco,

Onkqu&ttonk, miflsi ehippohtoook,^
Mohkodtaenin, sek&uishq.-
Womosue kesukque wuttcoshC-.

mau.
Koosh, kooshshooog.
Wutchehwau.

Wuttookasin, wunnaumonieD.
Nuttonnees.

Wuttonnin, oowemiltin.
Kenomon, kenauniBnog.
Wetompasin, asuh notat
WuttcDtchlkkinneatio.
Wuttookummissin.
Ooshesin, wodtonkqstn.
Kehche, negonne wutchett

ganog.
Na)chettuonganunn6Dog.
Wunnechanoouh, pometHcmk..
Nanwetue.

OfMtaU

Winne metsooonk.
Mat metsuongHsh.
Quinuhqut auhottashpuroak.
Petukqulneg, ko^ihkittake.
Sogkodonk, weyaus.

iihpuoonkush find ubpoo-

onk. [p. 13-]

The elements in the sacrament, Woskechryeue.

Subsistence.
Oyl, a dinner,
Breakfast, supper.

The Lord's supper.

Metnl, metals,

A digger of gold and silver,

Mines,

Of a School

A schoolmaster,
A scholar.
Learning, teaching,

A little book,

A pen, a letter or word.

The word of institution.

Wuttoaguoyenooonk.

Pummc, ) Pohshequae met^ '^•

Sammcc, ( onk.

Nompoae metsuonk, wunnonkiL^f^V"

poonk.
Sontimoc mishadtuppoonk.

Of Metals.

Unnehtchoookkod, -ash.
Natoohtchash, or nahnatoohtte^ ^

fthhog.
Missehchooog.

Auhtonnrtontomuck.

KuhkoDtumwchteaenin.

Kodnehtuhto.

Kodnehtohtoonk, kuhkootumwch^^

teaonk.
Peawussukhonk.
Meek, kuttooonk:
Kuhquttcomooe wattinncDWi

COTTON^'S INDIAN VOCABULARY.

163

God's word,

A seDtence, proposition,

A command,

An hard lesson,

Rule, rules,

An exercise, pi.

Proverb, proverbs,

A story, stories,

Sense or meaning,

A prophet,

Degrees,

The sight of the eye*,
A quick hearing.
Smell, taste,

A fine taste,

The touch,

A colour, a stink,

A sweet smell,

A sound,

A loud sound,

A pleasant laughter,

A Weeping, a sigh,

A strong fancy,

^ good memory,
^'uch sleep,
^ng watching,
^ dream,

■

^ Vessel, or ship,

^ boat or canoe,
^ Sail, a roast,
^^ anchor, a cable,

j*e«id, stem,

^ pilot, or master,

^ passenger, passengers,

jj^ ship carpenter,

^^riners,

Asperity,

^i^Vme, times,
^"T^portunity,

Wuttinnoowaonk God.
Pogkodtittummooonk.
Annooteamooonk.
Siokke kodnehtnntcDonk.
Kulikehheg, kulikelihegash.
Kuhkootumwehteaonk, -ash.
Nupwowaonk, -ash.
Unnchtongquat, -ash.
NnuwuttamcDonk.
Quoshodtumwaen.
Chippaiyeuut, chippenukkenoon-
-ash.

Of the Senses. [p. 14.]

Naumo5onk muskesukquash.
Tiatche nootamuonk.
MunnauntamcDonk, qutchehtsr

mooonk.
Wesk u ppeh team ooonk.
Missinumooonk.
Unnissuonk, machumonquat:
Wechimooquat, or wetimunkqut.
Wuttitchunkquoutoowaouk.
Mushontuwou.

Winne tahansha, or ahanshaonk.
Mooonk, mishannaumoDonk.
Menuhki tunnantom, or unnanta-

mcoonk.
Wunnegen mehquontamQonk.
Moocheke kaueonk.
Seepee askoowheteionk.
Unnukquamo5onk.

Of Ships.

Kehtoonog, -wash, i?/.
Peontaem, musshoan.
Sepakhunk, quonnohtake.
Kussuppanunkquank, pe&men-

yaht.
Negonut, wutchitut.
Monchahiteaenin.
Noottohtamwaenin, -nuc^.
Kehtoonogquehteaenin.
POmmuhshottoeninuog.
Wenawetuonk.

Of Time.

Ahquompi, -yeuash.
Wunnupkomiyionk*

[p. 15]

■^ - ..

164

cotton's IITDIAir VOCABULART.

A quarter of an hour,

A day, days,

Daytime,

Next day, or two days

{or ago).
Three days hence,
Four days hence,
Tomorrow,
Seven days hence,
Break of day,
Market day,
Our days,
All the day long,
Sun rising,
Sun setting,
Morning, noon.
Night, nights,
Afternoon,

A week, or one part of a
Lord's day,
Sunday, Monday,
Tuesday, Wednesday,
Thursday,
Friday,
Saturday,
A year, years,
Ages, spring,
Fall, summer.
Winter, childhood,
Old age, an age,
A month.

Yauwe chippag hour.
Kesukod, -ash.
KesukkSttae ahquompi.

enco, • ^esqunnoh, ncsukquinogkod.

Nishikqunnohquod.
Yauukqunnoliqnod.
Saup. (Vide page 102.)
Nesasuk tashikquDDohquod, &c.
PcDtouwashn.
Oattehchae ukkesukodum.
Nukkesukodtumunn6na8h.
Mamusso quinne kesukod.
Upposhpishaonk nepaz.
Oowayaonk nepaz.
Nompoae, pohshequae.
Nukkon, -ash.
QuittuhquohquA.
month, Nequt chip)>i pasuk keesaoocht^
SontiniCDe kesukod.
Assanniita, nesikquiiTshunk.
Nishikquinishonk, yauquinisbc^^j
Napannatashikquinishonk.
Nequttatashikquinishonk.
Nesasuk tahsheke sukod.
Pasukkodturomo, -ash.
Ahontseongash, soquan.
'Ninnauwaet, nepinnae.
Popon^e, mukkiesuoonk.
Kchchehi, mohtontamooonk.
Nepauz.

Of Trees and Shrubs.

[p. I

A good plant,

A tree, trees.

Wood, woods, a log,

A bough, boughs,

A leaf, leaves,

The bark of a tree,

Tbe root.

The fruit,

A nut, nuts'.

Walnuts,

A strawberry,

A blackberry, pi.

Wood,

Oak wood.

White oak, red oak,

A walnut tree,

Cedar, pine tree.

Neahketeamuk.
Mcbtuk, mebtukwash.
Touohkomuk, -qut, quttow.
Pohcbatuk, -quiriash.
Wunncjwg, -wosh.
Melitukque wunnadteask.
Wutcbappehk or wottapp.
Mebtukoue mechummuoonk.
Annabchim, -inash,
Wussoohquattominash.
Wultahminneob.
Wultohkobkcorninnconash.
Wulloohqunash, or mishash.
Wesokkunk.

Pohkubtimis, wesattimTs.
Wusscohquattomis.
Utchukkuppemis, koow&s.

COTTOir'S IITDIAN VOCAfiDLART.

166

Of Virtues and Vices.

Ttaes, PodgodchewunnSgen, -ash.

PeantamoSonk.

Kittummateanutteaonk.

Omppuwussueonknunkquat.
esSy sin, MatchetcBonk^ inatcheseonk.

ssion, Matcheneheaonk.

Panneusseonk.
civility, Maninniyeuonk, umukquoinp6-

oiik.
hastily, Kenompaonk, kohkonantamdS-

onk.
ous, Qutchuhuwa6ngash.
one by a private person), Wussampweusseonk. [p. 17.]
by a magistrate,) Sampwewussittamooonk.

Nanauutinuaenin, -nuog.

Unninanumooe, maniinissuonk.

, justices,

or shamefacedness,
truth,

', or bounty,
or diligence,

obedience,
constancy,

friendship,
ion,

less,
ness,

I, un-

guile,
knaves,
nave.

ness,

on,
whores.

Hohpoooonk, wuniiomwaonk.
Nanauwe, aninumoadtuonk.
Menehkenitteae, wowutlooussti-

onk.
Ncoswetamooonk.
ManinnissQonk, nagwutteaeyeu-

onk.
Netomp, oowetompooonk.
Wetommmu&onk.
Matwau.
Wunnobteaonk, nohteonteanitta-

onk.
Monaneteaonk.
Kittumonteanittuonk. *
T&battuiantamooonk.
Manittooonk, mat-^
Papobtanumnkqussuonk.
Mishe womosQonk.
Toh nooc hey euon k .
Aiontogkoie, oinpuwussilonk.
Aiontogkomp, -aog.
Wutchiyeuoo, aiontogkomput.
Tapeneamd5onk, (Vide, p. 8.)
W ussom uppooon k .
WussomsippamoDonk.
M&mosue, nanwunnoodsquiwa-

onk.
Nanwunnoodsqu&waonk.
Nanwunnootsquawaenin, -nuog.

is equivalent to the negative im» in the Eng^ifh colmniL E^SL

«ifr>Ml"

. •■%

iv ^«-^

C8^

\\atsi
V\gaVivy.

I ^ •

f^.^-

.• J

-J r.

"■- an!
■ -ir. :.
■. jii:

.-•■i. ♦"

On i^^^ ^' ;

The Ai*^^^^'^

■ b

COTTON'S INDIAN VOCABULART.

167

, or purpose,

Sampwi natwontamu>onk.
Nutchippiyeumun.
'Woskctoinpae unnissuonlc.
'Wunnohteahawaenin.

le sword,

upply, means, help,

eal, or character,

Wiittinne|)omantama>onk.
Menuhkesuonk togkod tegane.
Aninumoadtuonk.
Ahpehheonooash.
Kuhkinneasuonk.

lip,

Ukkczteauoh.

, my servants,

Nuttinninnuum, -og.

t, servants,

Kuttinninnume, -og.

, pi.

Wiittinninnumoh, -mog.

Nuttinninnumun.

a, pi.
It. pi.

Nuttinninnumiinn6nog.
Kuttinninnum, og.

ut.

VV^uttinninnumoo.

nts,

VV^ u tti n n i n n u mooog.
VV uttinninumin.

Nehhittuonk.

- point (in a sermon,
erson,

,) Muppuhkuhk, or chippi.
Howannooonk.

ations,

Kussouosooe puhpodonkash.
Mouatash poohqunnumooonkash*

f grace,

Monanteao wunnoowaonk.

A^ectives.

[p. ao.]

latural,)
ne,

in, or house,
iny wood,

es,

f God,

•t,

I,
rooked,

ivil sign.

Wame manehkesit.

Wuttinnc pomantamoDongane*

Usseae, wame.

Ahqhhe.

Webe.

Nomsiyeue, . wukse.

Nunnansiup.

Onkatog wosketomp, asuhwetiL

Nanwe, howan, auwon.

Nanwe woskctomp, nanwo mi*

shash.
Negonne-quompiyeuash.
Winne.

God oowowen6muh.
Wekonche.
Panikqu&.
Wonhkesoo.

Matchit kuhkinneasuonk.
Matche wosketomp.
Musaotip.
Mosanupaonk.

168

COTTON 3 INDIAN VOCABULARY.

Bald,
Barren, base,

A begging fellow.
Below, beyond,
Big with young, big,
Bitter (moan)
Bitter water
Black wolf,

•

Black face,

Blind wretch.

Blue,

Blue colour.

Boiled meat.

Both,

Both parts.

Bowed or bent.

Bountiful friend.

Bright shining sun,

Broad,

In brief,

Brute, beast,

A calm season,

A certain,

Careful persons.

Chaste spouse, (chast,)

Peaceable,

Cheap, cheerful,

Chief, churlish,

Civil, clean,

Clear,

Common people,

Convenient,

Covetous lord,

Crafty or cunning counsels,

Crooked, cross,
Cruel tyrant.
Curled locks.
Courteous dame.
Dainty victuals.
Dark,

Dark night,
Decf ear.
Dear, loving.
Dear price.
Deep well.
Delightful place,

Moosi.

Mehcheyeue, matche.

weiuishaonk, suhs.
Weenshae pukkiskittees,
Ohkeieu, onkkoue.
WompC-quo, mishee.
Wesogke mooonk.
Wesaitippog.
Mcoi or mowesoD mukquTsh-

shum.
Moannequau.

Paukinnumo5e kittumonkiese.
Pesliai.

Peshann5quat.
Kestae weyaus.
Naneeswe.

NeesoDog chippissdog,
Wonkkinnosuonk, sauappinnosu.
WomasQe netomp.
Pahkc, wossumcoc ncpaz.
Wahwame, kishki. [p. 21.]

Tiohque nissim.
Mat watamoe, puppinanashim.
Auwepue ahquompi.
Aianoe.

Nanauantamoe missinnuog.
Pogkodche womonneg.
Oggossoadtii.

Wunnoadtue, wekontamoe.
Negonne, chenauosue.
Pissaumatue, pohkoiyeue.
Pahtipnippogadte, or pakkeyeQc
Nanwc missinninnuog.
Wunnohteashae.
Aiuhchuohtamoe sontim.
Waantam, wunnupwowae kei

osoowaonk.
Woiikoi, chenauosue.
Onkque neunkque ayeuteaenin.
Wutchipattukque, mesunk
Wunnenehhuae, sonksq.
Wekoiine metsuonk.
Pohkunni.
Pohkintippohkod.
Kogkopsae, mehtouog.
Wohquonumukqussiue.
Mishoadtue.

Quinonogkod wuttohhomong.
Wunnegin aiyeuonk.

■ ■■ - ■■ ■ -"i-ifej

cotton's INDIAN VOCABDLART.

169

i)iferent tempera,
A diligent workman,
Z>istinct,
£>i Terse sorts,
X>oubtfull mattera,
readfull, drunken,

^, damb,
^y sluts,
wtiful,
^ch part,

-sch others, each other,
ly ripe,

nest in business,
^i&'j disposition,
^ easy lesson,
cclesiastical persons.

lect, election,

loquent, eloquence,

mpty,

mpty handed,

Adued with wit,

English,

-^vious fools,

^ttal sides,
:^pecial occasion,
^^erlasting, eternity,
^^ery one, or man,
^^ery thing,
^^il (substantially,)
^act, right,

* aint hearted,
^ lair girl,
*'aiihfull, false,

*[^tnou8 for goodness,
*'^i', fatherly,

*[^t cattle,
*^^t ground,
^^^ such,

^Hthy communication,
^jrm trust,
M for any thing,

VOL. II. THIRD SERIES.

Chagchape nitteahhaongash.
Menehteantamoe anakausuaenin.
Chadchaubenumooe.
Moocheke chippe niyeuash.
Chanantamoe teagwassinish.
Oukqueneunkquat, wussomsip-

pamoe.
Nuimapi, mat kakittcoe.
Nishkea6 nattuppooaenuog.
NcDswetamoe.

Naneeswe, chippag. [p. 22.]

Nishnoh pnsuk, aausue.
Kenuppe l^esanniDta.
Chekcantam ut anakausuonganit.
Wunnc maninissuonk.
Nikkumme nuhtuhtoonk.
Moeuwehkomungane nananuwa-

cheg.
Pepenauitcheg) kesantamooonk.
Tappeneunkqussue, -onk.
Mohchiyeue.
Mohchiyeue menitcheg.
Mechirouhkonittii, nashpe nchto-

antomujonk.
Chokquog, chogqussuog, pl,\ wa-

tdhkconog, suck as wear coais.
Ishkauaussue, nisquetue mat-

tammagwog.
Tatupp^yeu aetouwe.
Papane wutcheaj.
Michemohtae, michemeyeuooonk.
Nishnoh pasuk, or wosketomp.
Nishnoh teag.
Machuk.
Piuhsukke.
Sohqutteahhaonk.
Sohqut teahhaue.
Wunnetde nonksqua.
Papohtanumukqussuey assookc-

kodteamcoe.
Wunnissu wutch wunnetoonk.
Nauwut, noadt, wuttooshimmau-

we.
Wunnogque netassuog.
Wenouohkomuk.
Ogkossooog netatuppe.
Matche keketookaonk.
Menuhke annunohqueonk.
anauwohkon, nanweteag,

170

cotton's INDIAN VOCABULARY.

Flat nosed,
Fond,

Foolish whelp,
Forcible, or violent.
Former chapter,
Former doings.
Foreign news.

Foul, or dirty.
Free, liberty,
Free born,
Frequent, fresh,

A fruitfull summer,

Full,

A full barn,

A man full of envy,

A house full of goods.

Fullness,

Gentle or tame,

A gentleman,

General,

Glad enough.

Glorious, godly.

Good men,

A good house.

Good commandments.

It is all for good : subst :

He is gray before he is good,

Jjet your speeches be good,

Good, better, best,

Gray headed, gray,
Great God,
Greatest evils.

A great estate,

A great man,

A great beast,

Greatness, weightiness, momen-

touncss.
Greedy gut.

Neneque mutchan. [p- 2

SohquttesLhae.

AsscDtuc wuskosshum.

Chekewe.

Negouneycue cap.

Chcnohkomue usseongash.

(Nussitongquot) nowadtit w

tissittoiigquot.
Nishkeneunkquat, or ukkohki
Nanauwe, nanauweyeuonk.
Chippinnintiue netu, -onk.
Nagwutteae unninuhpukqt

(namas.)
Mussegkitteoe kissittoco.
Numwae, pahshanne.
Numwametchmu mechimuk

muk.
Woskctomp numwae ishkau

suonk.
Wetu numwohta momatchia
Wunnumwohtoonk.
NonnausuGoonk.
Wenauetuenin.
Nanwe mamusseyeue.
Wekontamooonk tapi.
Sohsumooe, manittooe.
Wunnctoue woskctompaog.
Wunnegen, {or) wunne wetu.
Annooteamooongash wunneg

nash.
Ne wame wutche wanegkuk, (

wanegik.
Noh wompequau, asqunwun

took up.

Kuttinnohquatumooongash w

negenna.
Wunne, auwannegen.
Wunnit [things,^
Wunnissu {persons.)
Wompontuppaonk, wompisho*
MussikkenoDe God.
Mohsag (sing,) mogakish

matchukish. [p. i

Mussi wenauwetuonk.
Missugken wosketomp.
Mishee puppunnasshim.
Missugkcnooonk.

Wussomuppoc menogks.

jaa

cotton's INDIAN VOCABDLART.

171

Green apron,

Gross, or horrible,

Guilty,

Hairy bear,

Haifa bushel,

Happy, happiness.

Our happiness,

Hard, or difficult,

A hard stone,

Haughty, or proud,

High, and mighty,

An high house.

An high man,

Hoarse,

A hoarse voice.

An hollow thing,

Holy exercises.

The holy bible.

Holy, or religious seeds.

Holy rest,

^nsecration, or making holy,

Honest labour,

Honourable,

How many men,

Bow many days,

flow great, how good.

Humble beggars,

*€norant,

imperfect creatures,

Jmperfections,

impossible,

Jiumortal,

Judustrious,

l«ifallible,

Itifinite,

inward delight,
*«itire, or whole,
^©yful feast,

*>Teconcileable,
^'ttt, just so,
K.ind husband,
A. knowing ladd, pi.
A lame creature,

^^year,
This year,

Askosque attoh. t

Nishkeneunkkque,
Pohquinurooe, keessantam5e.
Ukkeesshae moskq.
Pohshe quttohhumooonk.
Wunniyeu, -onk.
Nooniyeuonkanunnonash.
Siokke.

Menuhki qussuk, (hussun.)
Quinuhqui roetah, petuanumoe.
Quinuhqui, and menehkesu.
Quinuhqui wetu.
Quinukqu^su wosketomp.
Nohtoomrouooonk.
Tanne ontow^onk.
Puppuhke teag.

Wunnetupantamwe wogkoutonk.
Manittooe wussukwhonk.
Peantamwe usseongash.
Wunnetupantamwe anwohsinaoo-

onk.
Wunnetupantamwahettuonk.
Sampwe anakausuonk
Quttiantamwe.
Tohtohsooog wosketompaog.
Tohtohshinnash kesdkodash.
Uttoh inissi, uttuh en wunnetoo.
Hohpooe wenshaeninQog.
Asookitcheg.

Mat pahkesue o^asineg. [p. 25.]
Mat panuphettuonk.
Noskonongquot.
Mat nuppcDe.
Wuttooantamwe.
Malta assookekedteamoe.
Matta wehquishinnooe mat,

wohkukquoshik.
Unn5mutteahae wekontaniooonk.
Yoowame, or mamusse.
Miskouantamoe mishodtuppco-

onk.
Mat wunnohteac.
Sampwi, tatCippeyeu.
Wunnenehhuae wasukkien.
Watamoe wuskenin, wuskenespi£
Quinnukquesukekeshkhoowae

aoas.
Neyanat
Kakod.

172

COTTOir'S INDIAN VOCABOLART.

Large, late,

Latter part,
Late at night,
Lawful authority,
Lazy folks,
A lean person,
Learned physicians.
A thing left.
Left handed,
Light heeled, {or footed,)
A light burden, or heavy.
Like men,
Like-unto, like.

They are made like, (conforma-
ble.
And the like.
Limber cloth,
A little lisping,
A little man,
A little house.
Little, least.
Your little legs,
A little heaven,
A little time,
A little trouble,
A very little bird,
Loathsome hole,
Long legged.

Long time,

Long experience,
Long way.
Lonely town,
Loose tongued,
Low barn,
A low man.
Lowest,

Lnsty and tall.
Mad, maimed,
Malitious,
Manifest folly.
Many men.
Many deaths.
Many bears.
Mean parentage.
Mere dunce,
A meet season,

Mummeshki, naaohq6mptai

shai.
Momiches, chippi.
No uttippohkod.
Namatue nanawnunoowaor
Segeneamoe missinnin.
dnauwussue missinnin.
Nohtohtogik pouaskehtuaen
Neteag nogkodtumuk.
Nummatchu.
Nonkke sittont.
Nonkke weanun, or tuhki
Wosketompaut.
TatOppe, tatuppeneankqual
Tahippeyeu, -oog.

Kah nish ne annakisk.
Noohkie monage.
Ogkosse sekontODwau.
Peasissu wosketomp.
Peakomuk.

Peawe, nanpehpeawag.
Papewe kuhkonttash.
Peamese kesuk. [{

Tiahqui ohquompi.
Ogkuhse wuttamehpunnaoi
Nanpeh peississu pussuhkif
Nehehanumukquat wonog.
Quinukkontaonk.
Quinni > ,
Seeppe 5 "hquompi.

Seeppee pahkontamooonk.
Noadit may.
Nonsee ootan.
Puppogque menan.
Tiohquohque wechumukko
Tiohquohqassu wosketomp.
Netachquohquohk, tiohc

quat.
Papassununkqussu, quinuh<
Kogkeae, noochlmwe.
Nishkcneunkque.
Watouwahuau tohnoocheyc
Monaog wosketompaog.
Monatash nuppcDongash.
Monaog moshquog.
Kittumongke wutchiyeuon]
Webe, or papaquanne assa
Wunnohkommiae ahquomp

iiSBtC:

cotton's INDIAN TOCABULARY.

173

Merciful, middle,

A mild speaker,

Mindful of sin,

Mindful be of the,

Miserable,

Modest,

Moral,

Much, more, most.

Most of the things.

Too much,^so much,

How much shall I give you,

Much longer,

Narrow compass^

Naughty, near to,

Death is near,

Neat manners,

Necessary,

Beings, or things necessary,

Neither he, nor she.
Neither of them,
New, news.

Newness of life.
Next,
Noble roan,
None, nothing,
ObecurCy or hidden,
Other, or another.
Other men.
Another way.
Often,
Old ways.
Old birds.
Original, outward,
Original, pagan.

Pale, a pale man.
Particular, adj.
Perpetual motion.
Plain way.

It is plain, or manifest,
The thing is very plain.
Pleasant company.
Pleasant weather.
Pleasant walking,
PlenUful harvest,

A plentiful table,

Monanitteae, nanasshoOwe.

Maninnekek kuttoohkaenin.

Nanauantamooonk matcheseonk.

Nanauantash wutche ne.

Kittumongkeneankquat.

Maninissish.

Mat osoowunnamcoe.

Moocheke, ko3che, anue.

Anue moocheke teaguassinish.

Wussomme, tohshe.

Toh kitteashshinnumauish.

Kooche wonk.

Tottodchi aiyeuonk. [p. 27.]

Matche, passoocheyeu-ut*

Nuppooonk passwappu.

Wunnequttianumooonk.

Quenauhikkooe, quenauok.

Tcanteaguassinish, quenauhua-

gish.
Mattanoh.
Malta nag pasuk.
Wuske, iinnuhtamooonk, achmoo-

wonk.
Wuske pomautamooonk.
Neanak.

Nummesk&ntamoenin.
Matta pasuk, monteag.
Piussiikke, attohtossu.
Onkatog, onkaU^ig, p/.
Onkatogig wosketompaog.
Onkatog may.
Moochekit, n6mpe.
Nukkonne mayash.
Nukkonnish&og.
Nukkonne, woskeche.
Wadchaubukkue, matta pcuhtam*

we.
Wompekisheeae wosketomp.
Nanasiyeue.

Nagwutteanumoe wogkoueonk.
Wunnummayogkod.
Pahke unni.

Ne pogkodche pahkneunkquat
Wunnegeu wechiyeumitchik.
Wunnohquot
Kissontommoshaonk.
Misshimmechimue kepinumoo*
. onk.
Mishimmechumdoe tashpooouk.

174

cotton's INDIAN VOCABULARY.

Poor, poverty,

Present trouble,
Present to,
Pretty well,
A pretty fellow,
A pretty thing,
Principal,

Secret )
Private l^e'^ng*.

Prodigal son.

Profane villain,

That is proper, or right.

Prosperous gale,

Prosperous men.

Proud rogues,

Publick,

Pure trade,

Quick,

Quick witted.

Quarrelsome,

Rare apples,

Jlash talk.

Raw as a piece of meat.

Ready to do good.

May be prepared, or ready.

Reasonable, rebellious,

Red, regular,

Religious administration.

Resolute,

The rest of the men, them that

are left with some gone,
Restless,
Rich, right,
Right handed.
Ripe soon,
Roasted round.
Rude behaviour, manner, )

way, state, condition, )

Sad, sorrowfull.
Safe, or secure,
The same,
Savage, heathen.
Saucy, seasonable,
Security,
Severe master,

Matchekiie, kittumungeneyeu^^

onk.
Poswohtae wuttamantamooonk.
Anaquabhettit, [p. 2^.

Anukkowewunnegen.
Wunnissue missinnin.
Mosunnoquat teag.
Negonneyeue negonneyeuuk, pi,

negonneyeuoogish.

Keme annotaonk.

Mohtompashaeninnue wunoaib

monien.
Papaquanne aiontogomp.
Wunnohteai, (or) ne unni.
Wunnopkommiae wuttin.
Wunnohkommiae wosketompaog.
Pehtuanummoe aiontokkoiog.
Pohquae, pahpeqaontamuk.
Wunne teagwassTnnu.
Tiadche,^ a kenuppe.
Kenupantamoenia.
Penuanitteae.
WunnemechimmQonk.
Chitchikque kuttooonk.
Askin neane kodchukhi wejausi
Pahtsu wunnenchhuonat.
Woh quaquashweeog.
Enoraaiyeue, cheketamoe.
Mishque, kuhkuhhegane.
ManittODompae usseonk.
Pogkodantam.

[ Sequishonchik wosketompaog.

Mntta anwosunooe.
Weenauvvetu, nenih, (or) sampwi.
Kuttinnohkoune menitcheg.
Kesanncohta teanuk.
Apwosu, petukqui.
Ponniyeue unniyeuonk.
Nuttinniyeuonk, nuttinobkommia-

onk.
NoowontamaSe. [p. 29.]

Nannauwiyeuonk.
Nenan, nnih, nont nee.
Matche missinnuog.
Mat quaquttammoo, wunne.
Anwohsinnooonk.
Onkeneunkque sontim.

cotton's INDIAN VOCABDLART.

176

Shallow, shamefaced,

Shameless,
Short breeches,
In short,
A short man,
A short day,

A shrill tone, or noise,

Very sick,

Sinfull, slavish,

Well situated,

M, soft wool.

Small,

Solemn assembly,

Some men, some stones,

Sound wind and limb.

Sovereign, sovereignty,

Soar beer.

Spiritual,

Spreading sail,

Special, still,

Stooping for age,

Straight path,

A strange thing,

A stranger.

Strong, and subtil, or cunning.

Our strong arms.

Such glory.

Such differences.

Such, as such men,

Such a man,

Such a da^,

In a man.

Sudden change in a roan,

Sudden change in a thing.

Superstitious,

Sure or certain,

^rtainty, assurance,

Surviving, sweet,
Swift feet, or men,.
Jail, and tender,
Jemporal,
Terrible thunder.

Pongqui, akodchde nissuonk.
Mat akodchOe, keni.
Tiohqui, or tiohkoosiie ogkoo.
Nuttiohquem, or HuSwam.
Tiohkoosuc wosketomp.
Tattauyu, kukesukod tattauyu-

quiyeuash kesukodtash.
Sashkontoowaonk.
Poketche m6chnog.
Matcheseae, missinnooe.
Wunnummahteapuonk.
Noohkie, noohkeshak&nash.
Pcasik, peawy.

Qushac or miyae (oil) moeonk.
Nawhutche wosk, and qussuk-

quanash.
Mat woskesuonk, mat chenesii-

onk.
Wussontimooe, sontimd5onk.
Seane wuttattamuSonk.
Ketcahogkoune, naashanittiie.
Sepakinnumooonk monag.
Nanahsiyeue, aspeh.
Coskinuk mohtontamooonk*
Sampwiyeue may.
Wuiinoh ne teag.
Pcnoowohtea.

Menehkesue, wunninniipwoa
Menuhke nuhpittenonnonash»
Neanag sohsumcoonk.
Nean^gish chadchaboaongash.
Ncane, ne nean^sitcheg woske-^

tomp.
Neahanlssit wosketomp.
Ohunnag kesukod.
Pcenoononkussuonk.
Pcenoononkussuonk.
Tiadchc penooadt. [p. 30.}

Mat anncDtcamcoe.
Mat chanantamoe, wunnamuhka-

tee.
Wunnamuhkutteyeuuk, pahkon-

tamoe anncosooonk.
Menehteantamhuae, wekonne.
Kenupshae misseet.
Qunnohquat ctnd noochiimwi.
Muhhogkae.
Unkqurnneunkque pattohquoh-

hon.

176

cotton's INDIAN TOCABULART.

Thankfull for any thing,

Thick, thin air,
Torn coat,
Treacherous dealers,

Trembling joynts,

True, trusting unto,

A twin,

Vain endeavours.

Valiant,

Visible representations,

Unable, and unwilling,

ft
Universal,
Unmarried, man,

woman.

Unsavory talk,

Unsearchable,

Upwards, heavenwards, utterly.

Uttermost, or utmost,

Wandering wanton.

Weak,

Wealthy citizens,

Weary travellers,

Weighty matters.

Wet oiuf stormy,

What manner.

Whether, or no,

A white wall.

Whole time,

Without, within,

Wholesome,

Whosoever, and whatsoever,

Wicked, wide,

Wicked men,

Wild, pL

Wise, and witty,

Wondcrfull counsellor,

Worse than the other,

Worse,

WorshipfuII,

Worthy,

Worthy receivers,

Wounded in fight,

Yearly payment,

TabattSntamooet wntohe ninwe,

teag.
Kohpoghi, wussippi woppinnok.
Tannoghi, petasquishaonk.
Wnnompukohteae onnaquisahoo-

chik.
Ninukshae, onaquesuongash.
Sampwee, papahtantammun.
Togquos, ogquos, -snog.
Tahuoochc, missontamooongash.
Kenompae.
Nogqiissue, ogqaeneunkqassooii,

gash.
Hat tappinummo), mat wekoa.

tSmoo.
Wameyeue.

Mat mittumwusslsuenin.
Wetouadtead, enin.
Mat wetimunkque kekittcnkaooL
Mat pakodtattinnekontamcoe.
KesQkquiyeu, pap^uanne.
TohahhinikqiJiquinitteaoDk.
W&w6nchik, poniyeue*
NoochimcDe.

WenouwetQ, wuttootannieog.
Sauwinumoe pomlsshaenflog.
Missiyeue pissaumatuongasS.
Wuttapdhquot and naahquittiD.
Uttoh unni.
Uttokau, asuh matta.
Wompi sassuppokomuk.
Mamisse ahquompi.
Po<iuatchimiyeu unnommlyeu.
Papane.

Tokod, howan, and uttohkodtcag.
Matchetou, kishkoi.
Matchetoowog, matchctukeg.
Chatchepissu.

Waantam, a/ir/wowunnohteawau.
Mohtchantamwe kenooscDaenio.
Mat chit onk onkatog.
Anne matchit.

Wowussummufie, quttiantarowe.
Tapinumoe, tapcncunkqMssue.
Quag<}uashwehtamwe, attumuna-

koog.
Noochimwuttohwhdssu, ut ayeu*

tiionganit.
Kogkodtumwae, oadtehte&onk.

M«i

COTTOn's INDIAN VOCABULARY.

177

YooDg,

Rolen in an inferior capacityy

Loose principles, and practices,

A fancy,
Aotipathj,
A rack.

Numbers,

Unity, one, first, once,

Two, second, twice.
Second persons, causes,

Three, third, thrice,
Three commandments^
Foar, fourth, four times,
Foot houses,
Fire, fifth, five times,

Six, sixth, seven,

Sight, eighth, eight times,
Nine, ninth,

Ten, tenth.

Ten commandments,

Beren, twelve,

Twenty-one, thirty-two, &c.
^ twentieth company,

J^rty, forty,

% sixty,

Seventy, eighty,

Ninety,

^ne hundred,

^e thousand,

^e hundred houses,

^e hundred men,

Ninety men,

^^ety hooses,
^OL. II. THIRD SERIES.

Wuskontam ; wusketo, a creature

not a man.
Nanawinuaeninuog nag ohkeiyeu

apitchcg.
Piahchummooe unnantamog, and

usdcog.
Unnantamooonk.
Kussasekiunamooonk.
Tannauwohkumpunnaonk, au-

wohkompanaonk.
Unnogketamooonkash. [p. 32.]
Pasukooonk, pasuk, nequt, negon-
ne pasukqut ; pasuk annu, one
time,
Nees, nSLhohtoeu, uesit.
Nahohtoeu howanooongash, enno-

maiyeuash.
Nish, nishwe, nishwut.
Nishwe annooteamooongash.
Yau, yaue, yauwut.
Yauunash wetuomash.
Napanna, napannaut, napanna-

tashut.
Nequtta, ph nequttatassuog ; ne-
quttaut, nequttatashut, nesasuk.
Shwosuk, or nishwo, nishwosut.
P&sk(Dgit, or paskoogun paskoo-

gitut.
Piog, poioggut;

Piogquttash annooteamooongash.
Piog nabo nequt, piog nabo nees,

&c.
Neesneechag nequt, nees, &c.
Necsneechagehtunk wechiyeutii-

onk.
Nishwinnechak, pi, suog, yauwin-

nechak.
Napannatashinnechak, ph suog,

nequttatashinnechak.
Nesasuktasshinnechak, nishwo-

tasshinnechak.
Paskoogit tasshinnechak.
Nequt passukoo, or passiikoog.
Nequt muttannonganog.
Nequt pasQkooash wetuomash.
Nequt pasukooog wosketompaog.
Paskookin tasshinnechakodog

woske.
Paskookin tashinnechakodash
wetuomash.

178

cotton's INDIAIV TOGABULART.

The (idh particular,
The sixth,

1, thou, he, him,

We, us, ye, you,

They, them,

Thei<e men, these things,

This man, this thing.

In him, with him, her,

My, mine,

My God, my friend,

My house, my grass,

Thy, thine, your, yours,

His, hers, whereby,

Our, ours.

Whomsoever,

Which,

That house,

That man.

Whose son is that,

Who,

Who are you,

Napannant chippag.
Ncqutta ut, dLC

Pronouns. [p. 81]

Nen, ken, noh, nAgum.

Nenauwun, kenau.

Nag, nahog, or nagumaa.

Yeug, yeush, nish.

Ycuoh, yeu.

Ut noh, nashpe nagum.

Ne, neen.

Nuk Godum, netump.

Neke, nummosketiimash.

Kenayeu, yeu kenau.

Nohne, nish, or yeu nasbpe,

Yeu, neuauun.

Howan Anantam.

Uttuh, uttlyeu, sing, uttiyeu8k,pJ

Ne wetu.

N6 wosketomp.

Howan wunnaumonut yeuhoh.

Howan.

Howan ken.

I love God whose commandments Noowaman God noh, or neg wmi
are good, tannooteamooonffash wuhhq

Whose, or of whom,
Whose book is that,
What you think.

What manner you think,

What life do you live, (how,)
What trade are you of,
What do you want.
What is your name,
What do you say,
What did you hear,
Thy self, him, herself.

Our selves,

Your selves.

Themselves, your self,

I my self,

You your selves,

He himself,

Their goods,

Their own,

For his own.

The kingdom thine.

tannooteamcDongash

giinnash.
Howanikyeu, or wutchebowan.
Howan ootuhguohhonk ne.
Toh kuttinantam, (when a maji

does not speak.)
Tcagua kuttipankam, (to knoir i

man's opinion.)
Toh kuttinne |>omantam.
Toh kittiuanokautuaena.
Teajr kukqucnauehhik.
Toh kittistooes,
Toh kittinnoowam.
Toh kuttonenohtam.
Piuhsijkkeken, piuhsOkke ni-

gum.
Nuhhogkanonog.
Kuhhogkawoog.
Wuhhogkawoh, kuhhog. [p. 3i]
Nen nuhliog.
Kenau kuhhogkawoog.
Noll wohoguh.
Momatchiash wutche nlihog.
Wunnehenwoncheyeumoo.
Nehenwonche wultahtoonk.
KetasscDtamcoonk kutahtauun.

COTTOM^S INDIAN VOCABULARY.

179

Verbs.

[p. 35.]

able,

ible,

ble,

able,
e, thou wast,

able,
ible,
be able,
i able,

le.

be able,
able,

lim with ability,
le him able,
, thou.

Id.
did abound,

ive adorily

leth,

, or make handsome.

orned,

c an account,

t give an account,

in account,

}

NuttiLppinum.

Ken kuttappTnum.

Nagum tappTnnum.

Nuttappinnuroumun.

Kuttapinnumumwoo.

Nag tappinumwog.

Nut, kuttappinumup.i

Kutt apinnumumunnonup.

Ken tapinish.

Nok tapinctch.

Tapinumuttuh.

Tapinnumook.

Tapinnumhittich.

Sun kuttapinnum.

Tapinnumunat.

Tappenumwaheau,

pinnumun.
NummcDchukkohtou, kum-.
Missegkinneat.

Nummis, nummissetimunonnp.
Noossin, noottinnuoutamumun.
Noh wussinnu.
Wussinnu, wussinninneat.
Wussinnuontamunat.
Nont nissampoowaontam.
Nont pish kissampoowamwoo.
Wunnompagunumunate, (reckon

aijeuwnnta-

when in debt.)
or did, I well consider, Nconatwontam, -up.

vised,

did afford.
Lion,
, or did,

;ht,

'righted,
id, or I fear,
firaid, or do fear»

'aid, or to fear,
make us afraid.

Nenauun nunnatwontam&man.
Wunnatwontamunat.
KogkahquttCDonk.
Kogkahquttinneat.

Nuttinne, magun.

• • • • •

EnummSgunat.

Nen nummag nummagumnnonap.

UmmogcDonk.

Nikkitcheesahteam, -ap. [p. 36.]

Nenauun nikkitchesshateamun.

Kitchcsshanittinneat.

Noowabes.

NcDwapantamQmiin, or nowab^

sumun.
Wabesuonnaonk.
God woh noowabesuwahikqun.
NuppenoowuneunkuB, usseonk.

180

cotton's INDIAN VOCABULARY.

We amend,

To amend, (Sampweteaunnat,)

I am angry,

We are angry,

To be angry, ^

To make angry,

Dont be angry with me,

I am angry with you,

I am angry with him.

His slow anger,

Nuppenoo wununkqassumuD .
PencDwununkquat.
Nummosquantam.
Numroosquantamumun.
Mosquantamunate.
Mosq uan tam huonat«
Ahque mosquanumeh.
Kummusquammush.
Kummosquanum.
Ummanunnee masquanittamc
ouk.

Here the prefix Um, is removed from the Substantive to the A^

tive.

His anger,

Our anger,

Their anger,

I anoint,

We anoint.

To anoint,

To be anointed,

I answer, or did.

We answer, or did,

To answer,

Why dont you answer roe.

To be answered,

I appear, we appear,

To appear.

Appearance, or looks,

A pretence.

How does this appear,

I appease, or did,

We appease, or did,

To appease, or pacify.

To be appeased,

I arise, (numos,)

We arise, to arise,

I arise out of my bed,

God arises me from sleep,

I arrive, to arrive,

I am ashamed,

To be ashamed.

Make me ashamed,

I was ashamed.

It ashameth me.

It makes them ashamed.

Ummusquanitammooonk.

Nummusquintamooonganun.

Ummusquantamooonganoo.

Nussissegquin.

Nussissegquinnuamun.

Sussegquinuonat.

Sissequinnittinneat.

Nuunampcoham.

Nunnumppoohumumun.

Namppoohumunat.

Toh wutch mat nampcohumoog

Namppoohumoadtinneat.

Nunnogquis, -siimun.

Nogquissinneat

Nogqussuonk,

Woskeche nogqdssuonk.

Yeuoh toh unnoowasheau. [p. 3^

N ummahtteanum.

N ummaptteanumumun.

MahtteSnumunat

Mahttennittinneat.

Nuttomuhkem, or noowabeem.

Nuttomukkemun, omuhkenate.

Nuttomuhkem wutch nuttappi

neat.
God nuttomuhkinuk wutch kao

onk.
Nootuhtohkom, wuttuhtuhkom

nat.
NutSgkodch.
dgkodchinat.
Nutogkodchehhit.
Nutogkodchup.
NutSgkodchehikqun.
Wuttakodchuwahikkoounneau.

COTVOir's IITDIAN VOCABULARY.

181

I ask nothing,

Tbou askest,

He asks, he did ask,

We ask, ye,

Thej ask,

To ask,

I assure you,

To assure,

I attempt, to attempt,

To avouch,

I awake, we awake.

To awake,

To be awake, I did awake,

I aim at.

To aim at,

I bargain, to bargain,

We hafe bargained,

We bargain,

To bark,

The dog barks.

To be, that is^

I be, thou art, he is,

We are, ye are, they are.

He is my friend,

Let him be my friend,

I^t as be friendly,

He was, we were.

Ye were, they were.

As they were before,

Oh that we were,

I beat,

I am beaten,

We beat, to beat,^

To be beaten,

A stick,

I vn become a man,

' tm become^ we are become,

To become,

^^eget, we beget,

To beget,

To be begotten,
* ^gin, we begin,
*^id begin,
*^ thou begin,
*^t us begin,
^o begin,
* o be begun,
^ toehold, we behold.

NunnattcDtumwehtoam monteag.

Ken attcDtu m wch team .

Nonattootumwehtean, -up.

Nunnattootumwehteamun.

Nattootumwehteaog.

Nattootumwehkonat.

Kuppohkontarawahhinnumwoo.

Pahkontamunat. ^

Nen nukkodussep, kodussenat

Wanwonat.

Nuttcohkem, un, nuppagls.

Toohkenat.

Pagwissinneat

Nummissantamun.

Missantamunat.

Nutomattinneat.

Nummahttommattimon.

Nuttommattimun.

Wohwokkonnat. [p. 38.]

Anum wohwohteau.

Aiinneat, nenih.

Nen nont, ken nont, nohne.

Kenauun yeu, kenauna, n^g, na. *

Nohnoowetompiin.

Unnannumnoh noowotompainne.

^ ^ .- ( unniittuh
Oowetompae J ^j^^^^^^

Nagum nont, nenauun nee.
Kenau ne, nSg ne.
Nish neanakup.
Napeh nont ne uniiioog.
Nen nuttattagkom.
Nen nuttattogkomut

Nuttattadteamun, tadtagkonat

• « • • •

Muhtookoomes.

NcDwoskeetompa.

Nuttinni, yumun.

Unniinat «

Noonaurooni-yeum, yi-mun.

Wunnaumoniyeuonk.

Wannau monyemuk.

Nenkitche, nukkittcheiissem, -un.

Nukkitcheussep.

Kittcheusseish.

Kitcheussetuh.

Kitcheussenat.

• • # • •

Kussehnunn^um, nunnaumumun.

182

COTTOH'S IKDIAK VOCABULABT.

I beliefe, or did,
We believe,

To believe, believe thou.

To be believed I
Faith, Infidels,

Infidels,

Believers,

Heretickfl,

To bellow, or make a Doiie,
I bend, we bend,

To bend, bending.

To be bent,

I beseech you,

I beware, we beware,

To beware.

Beware of men.

Beware of the sea,

He was betrayed,

I bind, we bind,

To bind,

To bind, w engage us,

Obligation, or binding,

To be bound,

I bite, we bite,

To bite,

I blame, we blame.

To blame,

To be blamed,

I bless, we bless,

To bless.

To be blessed,

To blot out,

I blow, we blow.

To blow,

Bellows,

The wind blowcth,

I boil,

To boil the pot,

Midwife,

I am born.

wmiDamp-
wuonamp-

Noonamptam, -up.
Noonamptamumuo,

tasbken.
Wunnamptamunah,

tasb ken.
Wunnamptoadtinneat.
WunnamptamuSonk, pan-

noowohtogig. [p. 39.]

Mat wunnamptoggeg.
Wunnampuhtogig.
Mat wunnamptoggeegv neioak

wussukwhongane, waimomiwa-

yeuonk.
Nishkoowaunat.
NoowonkQnum, -on, or ikdii6>

wanum.
Wonkunumunalf na>waiHUiio

onk.
Wonkkenittinneat.
Koowequetummaush.
Nun nunnukqus, -sumim.
Nunnukqussinneat.
Nunnukqusuoai wosketompaog.
Nunnukqussuontaah ke^tah.
Wanassujmit
Nukkishpinn6, -mun.
KishpinnauunaL
Nukkishpinnukquoat.
Kishpissuonk, or mohttomattuonk.
Kishpissinncat.
Neil nussogkcpcuwam, -un.
So^kepcDonatc.
Neil ncDchuin, -ujmun.
Wulchumonute.
Wutchittinneat.
Ncn nconanum,

mun.
VVunnaunumonat.
Wunnanittineat.
Jishkhamuiiat, jeshkhash

matchsconk.
Nuppoo|)ootont6wam, -un.
PoDtontouuiiat.
PopcDpcntauwanamuk.
Waban oolshon.
Nunnummattchkuhquam.
Nepattohkuhquonat.
Nu)chkuwacnin. [p. 40.]

Nummahche neetti.

noonanummu*

num-

COTTOH'S INDlAir VOCABULARY.

183

We are bora,
To be bora, hein,

To bear a child*

To brag, or swagger^

I break, we break,

To break,

To be broke,

I break a law,

A law is broken,

To break a limb,

I breathe, or did.

We breathe, or did,

To breathe,

I briog, or did,

We bring, or did,

To bring,

To be broaght.

Bring him with yon,

Bring raj coat,

Bring thou, bring ye,

Let him bring.

Let us bring.

Let them bring,

Dost thou bring,

Dost he l»ring.

Do we bring, or not.

To bring thee,

To bring up any thing from

place.
To be educated,
I build, or did,
We build, or did.
To build, to be built,
I burn, or did,

We burn, or did,
To bura.
To be burnt,
I bury, or did.
We Uiry, or did,
To bury.
To be buryed,
I buy, or did.
We buy, or did,
To buy,
To be bought,
Redemption,
I call, or did,

Nummahche nettimun.
Nekinneat, ayuskottumauomuk-

keeg.
Nechanat mukkoies.
Mishoowanat.
Nuppookukkom, -dmun.
PoohkukkomunaU
Pookkukkasinneat.
Nuppoohqun naumatluonk.
Naumatuonk pdhchokossu.
PohchohkomOnat, pohchatuk.
Nen nunn&ssham, or -nont.
NunnasshcDmun, -nont nunnash.
Nahnashanat.
Nen nuppatton, -up.
Nuppattoman nSnup.
PattouunaU
Pasoowittinneat.
Noh pasoo nashpe ken.
Patauish nuppetdhkos.
Patunishken, patoooook.
Pattauitch nagum.
PatauQttuh.
Nag patauehhittich.
Sun ken kuppato.
Sun noh patou.
Sun nuppatomun asuh mat.
Patauunat.
a PatchippohtlnaU

Wunne nehtuhp^kheonat.
Noowekitteam, noowekitteop.
Noowekitteamun, nonup.
Wekukkonat, wekukkoadtinneat.
Nutchikkos, nutchikkos-

sumup. [p. 41.}

Nutchikkossumun, -nonap.
Chikkossumdnat.
Chikkossinneat.
NuppoosQkin, -nop.
Nuppoosekinnuwdmun, -nonup.
Poosek i n n u won at.
Poosekinnittinneat.
Nuttottowam, nuttottowap.
Nuttaphuroumun, -nonup.
Taphumanate.
Attowonnittinneat.
ManoDwhaonk.
NoDweqdtteam, -up.

184

cotton's mDiAir vocabdlabt.

}

We call, or did call,

To call,

To be called,

What you call Table,

What you call a Wolf,

in Indian.
Called,
Calling,
I do care,
I dont care,
To care,

I carry, we carry, or did,
To carry.
To be carried,
I carry a man,

I carry a stone.

Do thou carry mo,

I will carry thee,

Do thou carry him.

Do ye carry us,

I cast, we cast,

To cast, or be cast,

I catch, or did,

We catch, or did,

To cntch,

To bo caught,

I cease, or did.

We cease, or did,

I charge (a gun,)

We charge,

To charge, or order,

I am charged much,

I charge thee,

I change, we change,

To be changed, to look

another manner,
Change thou, change ye.
Let us change,
I cluistisc, or did,
We chastise, or did,
To chastise,
To be chastised,
I cheat, or did,
We cheat, or did,
To cheat,
I chuse, or did.
He has chose,
Choose thou,

Nooweqatteamumiiii, -nonap.

Wequtteamunat*

Wequttinneat

Toh katuflsoowetam Table.

Tohkitteuhin nattoohqas ut Ind

anut
Assoowesit.
Wehkom&ook.
Nen nunnanauantam.
Mat tohnittintupantQnmoo.
Wuttanaiitamunat
Nuttashun, -nuwamuOt -noncp.
TashinnekonaL
PumminnegkonittinneaL
Nukkunnum (nukkunun) wo^

ketomp.
Nappummunneeteam hussnm.
Kenpummionegkosseh.
Pish kuppummiDnegkonish.
Ken pumminoegkos ooh.
Keuau pumminDegkoshiiiDeat
Nussohwhoteam, -un.
Sohwhok6nat.

Nuttohquinummun. [p. 42*.

NuttohquinumQmun, •nonup.
Tohquiunmunat.
Tohquinnittinneat*
Nummahtcaim, -ep.
Nummahteaemun, -nonup.
NummechimmuhkontiJe.
Nummeechumuhkonomun.
Mechumuhkonat.
NnttasscDWunum.
Kummechumahkonish.
Nutlasscowcennis, -sumun.
after Penoowiuneunkqusspinneat

Penoowinnunkqusish, -seg.

Penoou iimunkqussittuh.

Nussohsamfitoh.

Nussohsamatohwhrimun, -nouup

SohsamatohhcDonat.

Sasamatahwhittinneat.

Nullasscokekodleam.

Nuttasscukekodteamumun.

Asscokekodteamunat.

Nuppepcnam.

Mahcheepepenam.

Pepenash.

cotton's INDIAN VOCABULARY.

186

or to nourish,
ir I nourish,
ished, or nourished,
scold,
TT did,

d, or was,
taked, or were,
ked,

ed, with an halter

did,
7r did,

•{

', or manifest,
'ed, or acquitted,
we cleave to,

;hed,
w was,
d, or were,

cold,
IS cold,
or did,
rr did,

St, ye come,

they come,

, he did come,

le,

ome,

ne,

^oucome from home,

are come,
3me hither,

to come,
rter,
TT did,
t, or did,

[. THIRD SERIES*

Sokkommoosoowoonat.

Nussohkommoosoowam.

Sohkom raoonittinneat

Nen nunnishquewam.

Nunnishquewamun.

Nishquemittinneat.

Nuppashoon, -nup, (wutche we-

yaus.)'
Nuppasshoonumun, -nonup.
Passhoonninnneat.
Nukkechlquabes peminneat.
Nukkechiquaplnit penln-

yoh. [p. 43.]

Nuppehcheniinnam.
Nuppehchenunnamumun.
Nunpimunat.
Nutchogkoshkeehtham.
Chogkoshkittohhamunat.
Pahheslnneat
Pohquohwhunnittinneat.
Nummosogquetaro, -umun.
Nuttohkoos.
Sohkoosinneat.
Nutogquannehhuam.
Wuttogquannehhuonat.
Wuttogquannehhittinneat
Nukquosquatch, or nussonkques.
Nukquosquatchumun, -nonup.
Quosquatchinat.
Annum quosquatchoo.
Ohke sonkqui.
Nuppeyom, nuppeyop.
Nuppeyimun, -nonup.
PeyiLnat

Kuppeyam, -woo.
Peyau, peyauog.
Nont kuppeyomp, peyop.
Nont kuppeyamwop.
Pey6panneg.
Woh nuppeyom.
Tohhunnoo koom kekit
Woskctompaog peyauog.
Momatchiash peyomooash.
Peetitteash, nauwin.
Peyosh.
Paomo5onk.

Tapehoowaenin. [p. 44.]

Nuttappeh, -heomp, neiwau.
Nuttappehuamun, -nonup.

186

cotton's inoiah vocabulary.

To comfortf

To be comforted,

Consolation,

I command, or did,

We command, or did.

To command.

He commands you,

He commands me.

He commands him.

He commands us.

He commands you,

He commands them.

Command your man, and do the

thing your self,
I commit, or did,
We commit, or did,
To commit,
I cbmmit evil.
To commit to prison,

To compass sea, and land,

I compass,

I compell, or did.

We compell, or did,

To compell.

To be compelled,

I complain, or did,

We complain, or did,

To complain,

Did you complain of me,

I condemn, or did,

We condemn, or did.

To condemn.

To he condemned,

I confess, or did,

We confess, or did,
To confess,
I sick,
I consume.

We consume, or did,

To consume,

To be consumed,

I am convinced, I acknowledge,

I convince, or convinced.

We convince, or did,

To convince,

Tappehhuonat

Taphittlnneat

Wekontamwahettuonk.

Nuttannootearo, -up

NuttannooteamumuDv -odnupw

Annooteamwinneat,

Kutannoonuk.

Nutanoonuk.

Wutanoonuk.

Nutanoonukqun.

Kutanoonukoo.

Wutanonuk neh.

Annoos kittinninnum, and

ne teag usish ken.
Nuttohtossoowam, -wap,
Nuttohtossoowamun, -nonap.
Ahtossooonate.
Nuttissem machuk.
Ahtosoowonat eo kuppishsha^

kinnittuonk.
Pannupshonat kehtoh, kah ob.lce^
Nuppannuppushsham.
Nutchekeyeuwae.
Nutchetimuwamun, -nonup.
Chetanuwonat.
Chekeittinneat,
Nootcowam, nootowap,
Nootowamun, -nonup.
Wuttoonat.

Sun kootoowam nuhhog
Nupgogkodtowam, -wap. [p ^45.]
Nuppogkodtowamun, -nonup.
Pogkodchummuonat.
Pogkodchittinneat.
Nussampoowam, wap, nussaiD*

poowauun nuhhog matchea.
Nussampoowanriun, -nonup.
Samppoowonat.
Nuhbog chippohtooonk.
Nummahcheem, or nummobt*^!

aeem.
Nommohtupaemun, -nonup.
Mohtupaenate.
Mohtupanittinneat.
Nummahche, wunnomwahit
Nuppogkodchum, -orap.
Nuppogkodchumomun, -nonuaj
Pogkodchummuonat.

'■^' -_— -

cotton's INDIAN VOCABULARY.

187

did,

NuttonkhOmun nuhhog, nupput-

togkoohhuro.

or did,

Nupputtogkoohhumumun.

nes nakedness,

Puttoghumunat poshkissuonk.

or advise,

NukkogkahqOtteam.

unsell you,

Nont kukkogkatimumun.

counsell me,

Nont kukkogkahtlmme.

r advice,

KogkahquttcDonk.

3«",

Kencpscoaenin.

Keshitoiiunate.

ted.

Kezhittinneat.

did.

Nuppummmtasshom.

or did,

Nuppumwtashomun, -nonup

Pummootashonate.

ry*

Nummome, numm6mun.

ve did cry,

Nummoup, nummomunndnup.

Momuttamwinneat.

did,

NummattannTtteam. [p. 46.]

or did,

Nummattannitteamun.

Mattanniskonat.

ed,

Mattannittinneat.

Mattannuttuonk.

id.

Nuttummissum, nattummissup.

did,

Nuttummissimumun, -nonnp.

Tummussumunat.

le.

Turamutchaswe.

• did.

Nuppumilkkom, p.

or did.

Nuppapomukkomun, -ndnup.

Pumukkonat.

3
•'1

Apque matwSkesh

dare,

Mat ncDwapsu mun.

Mat quttamcDunat.

or cheat,

Nattassookekoditeam, kommoo.

2»

NuttassoDkekod teaman.

Asscokekogkonat.

Iccieve me,

Ahque asscpkekomme.

Magunat en Godut.

cated.

Magittinneat en Godut.

• did.

Nukkinhtmom, p.

, or did,

Nukkinhamomun, -nonup.

Kinnohkomonat.

»u me,

Kinnohhamah.

did.

Ninnesketeoh, -up.

or did.

Ninnesketeomun.

Nisketeouunat.

led.

niskenunkqussinneat.

\r did,

NoowekontaHicnontam, -up.

Noowekontamooontamomun

WekontamoDontamunat

188

COTTON^S INDIAN VOCABULARY.

To be delighted,
I deliver, or did,

We deliver, or did,
To deliver,
To be delivered,
Delivered, or spoken.
Deliver me good Lord,

I demand,
To demand,
I deny, or did deny,
We deny, or did,
To deny,
To be denyed,
Deny if you dare,
I depart, or did,
We depart or did.
To depart,
Dont depart.
It dependeth not,
I deserve, or did,
We deserve or did,
To deserve,
I desire, or did,

We^^

To desire.

To be desired,

I despise,' or did.

We despise, or did.

To despise.

To be despised,

I cannot devise what tO do.

To devise,

I, we devour, or did.

To devour, or to be devoured,

I shall dy.

You must dy.

We must all die.

He died last week,

He died for me,

I make hole.

I dig, or did dig,

We dig, or digged,

I did dig,

To dip,

To dispatch,

Wekontam6oonittiniieat.

NuppohquohuhussQwam-;
nuppohqnohwhuttoom
momatcbiasb, (from), [p.

Nuppohquohwhussuwamun.

Pohquohwhussooonat

Pohquohwhunnittinneat.

Mussohhomunnap.

Pohquohwhusse wunneton soi
tim.

Nunnohnattittum.

Nohnattittumunat ^

Nukquenoowara, nukquenoowap. — •

Nukquenoowamun, -nonup.

Queen OD won at.

Cluen6onittinneat.

duenoowash mat quaquetamoo.

Nuttam4eem.

Nuttamaemun, -n6nup.

Amaenat.

Ahque amaehtash or amaish.

Matta kenantamoomoonoo.

Nuttappehkom, -up.

Nuttapehkomumun, -nonup.

Tipehkomunate.

Nukkodtintam, -up.

Nukkodtantamumun, -nonup.

Kodtantarounat

Kodtannittinneat.

Nutjish&ntam.

Nutjishantamumun, -nonup.

Jishantamunat.

• • • • •

Mat nunnattooontamooutluh f^^<oli

asee.
Natwontamunat.
Nuramahchip pumun, -up.
Matchipwittinneat.
Pish nunnup. [p.

Nont pish nunnuppiimun.
Nont wame nenuppumun.
Noh nupwoi ut nattei weekqs
Noh nunnappoonuk.
Nukkotham.

Noowonteam, noowonteap.
Noowonteamun, -n6nup.
Nont noowonteap.
dupagkinumunat.
Mohtshodtouunat.

conon's Indian vocabulart.

189

ble, or didy
I dissemble,
iDible,
mble,
issembled,
ice,

or did,
▼ided,

did,

ir did,

est, or didst,

, or did,

r did,

, or did,

one,

;o be done,

r grow foolish,

OT did,
)t, or did,

>ubted,
or did,
7, or did,

rawn,
' out,
or did,
k, or did,
inkest, or didst,
ks, or did,
£, or did,
d drink,
drink,
0 more,

runk,

drunk,
lyself,
a man of his Burden,

did,
or did,

Nummobtshattauun, anakanso-

onk.
Nuttompuwus, -sup.
Uttuh nittinomppuwissin.
Nuttompuwussumun, -nonup.
Ompuwussunate.
Askookekattinneat
Webe oqquenunkqussina.
NutchadchapQnum, -up.
Chachapenat.
Cbippunumunat
Nuttussen, -up.
Nuttussemun, -nonup.
Kuttussen; -nap.
NSgum, wuitoussen, -nap.
Kutussemwoo, -wop.
Nag wuttussenn&og, -op.
Nuramahche ussem.
Ussenat, kod-ussenat*
Nuttusseonk.
Nutassookenunkqe.
Assookinneat
Nutch4n4ntam, -np.
NutchanantamOmun, -n6nup.
Chunantamunat.
Chananittinneat
NoDtonchlttom, -up.
Na>tonchitt5mun, -n6nup.
WuttonchittonOnat.
Wuttontonchittinneat.
Sohwhotonchittoniinat.
NoDtattam, nootittammup.'
Nootatt&ttamumun, -nonup.
KoDttattam, -ilnap.
Nagum wuttattam, -up.
KoDtSttamumwoo, or -wo.
Nag wuttattamupanneg.
Nen woh noot&ttam.
Ahque wonk wutt&ttash.
Wuttattamunat
Wussaumsippaminneat, or kog-

kehooponau
Apque kogkesupamwish.
NuttannOwossuraweh nuhhog.
Nonketeauun wosketomp ODwei-

nun.
Nummechin, -nap.
Nummechimun, -nonup.
Mechlnat

190

cotton's INDIAN VOCABULAftT.

Eat heartily,

I embrace, or did,

We embrace, or did,

To embrace,

I empty,

To empty, to be empty,

I encourage, or did.

Thou encouragedst, or did,

We encourage, or did,

To encourage.

To be encouraged.

Encouragement,

I endure, or did,

We endure, or did,

To endure,

To be endured,

I enjoy, or did.

We enjoy, or did,

To enjoy,

To be enjoyed,

I enquire, or did.

We enquire, or did.

To enquire,

To be enquired after,

duestions,

I enter, or did.

We enter, or did.

Enter if you dare,

1 entice, or did.

We entice, or did,

To entice.

To escape,

I establish, or did,

We establish, or did,

To establish,

To be established,

I esteem, or did.

We esteem, or did,

To esteem,

To be esteemed,

lie esteems him,

I esteem you.

Let him be esteemed,

I excell, or did.

We cxccll, or did,

To excell,

He expoBoth, he supposeth.

Meneehtipwish.
Nukkehchikquan, (I hold by

throat).
Nukkehchquannuwamun.
Kehchikquannuwonat.
NussekqOnum, noDtattamwaet
Sekqunumunot.
Nen nootooAntam, -up.
Ken kootoormtamhaam.
Nootooantamhuwamun.
Wuttooantamhuonat.
Wuttooantamhittinneat
Tapeneauwahtuonk.
Nummenehteantam, -up. [p. £
NummenehteantamQmun, -noa
Menehteantami&nat.
Menehteantamhittinneat
Noowekontamodontaih, -up.
Noowekontamuontamumun.
Weckontamooontamunat.
Weekontamooonittinneat
Nunnattootumwehteam, -up.
Nunnattootumwehteamun, -o

up.
Nattootumuhkonat.
Nattootumooonittinneat.
Nattootumwehteaonk, -ash.
Nuppetitteaontam, •^up.
NuppetitteaAntamOmun, -noni
Napeh petitteash.
Ncowowetimmuam, -ap.
N(i)wowetimniuiimun, -nonup.
WoweekkoDwonat.
roh(jU(»lihamnnat.
NummOnehkehhuam.
Niunmenehkehteomun.
Menehkehteauunat.
Menehliittinneat.
Na)l(oontam, -up.
Na)tcoontamumun, -nnnup.
W uttcoontamiinat.
Wuttooanittinneat.
Outonnumuh.
KcDtooanuniunumwo.
Wuttoanumunach.
Nummislianuinuhqus, -up.
Nummishanumuhqussimun.
Mishanumuk(jui8sinneat.
Nob unqutamup.

cotton's INDIAN VOCABULARY.

191

I fall, or did.

We fall, or did, a fall,

To falter, or fail,

I begin to falter, or fail in

understanding,
1 &sten, or did.
We fasten, or did,
To fasten,
To be fastened,
I faTour, or did.
We farour, or did,
To favour,
I fear, to fear,
I wjJl make them to fear,
Dost thou fear him,
To feign, to dissemble,
J feed, or did,

Cattel,

We feed,

To feed.

To be fed,

J feel, or did i«el,

W'e feel, or did,

They feel.

To feel,

^ fetch, we fetch,

To fetch, to be felt,

I fight, or did,

We fight, or did,

To fighu

To be fought.

To fill, ^

'^Ve fill, or did,

To fill,

To be filled,

^et be filled,

*^nd, or did,

J^e find, or did,

Tofiod,

^ ^ be found,

d ^nish, or conclude,

-|^^ow, or did,

^^^ flow, or did,

flow,

-?y, or did,

fly.
fly.

•"fc^ ^ fly, or did.

^ittter^ or did,

Nuppinlsshom, p. [p. 51.]

Pinisshonat, penushaonk.
Nooninnuwonat.
my Nunnooche nooninnuwam ut noo-
watamooonganit.
Nummenehkeehteo, -up.
Nummenchketeomun.
Menuhketcouunat.
Menuhkehittinneat.
Nukkitteamonteanum.
N ukkitteamontcanumomun.
Kittumonteanittincat.
Noowabes, wabcsinneat.
Pish noowabteauaheaog.
Sun kukquish nob.
Ompuwussue unnissuonk.
Nussohkomoosoowam^nuttonnees.
Nuttohsan netassuog.
Nussohkomoosoowamun.
Sohkomoosooonat.
Sohkomoonittinneat.
Nummattamattam, -up.
Nummattamattamumun, -nonup.
Mattammattamwog.
Ammattamuuat.
Nunnemskom, -iimun.
Neniskomunat.
Nummekuhteam, -up.
Nummekuhteamun.
Mekuhkonat.
Wuttooamontamunat.
Nunnumwamechimechteam.
Nunnumwamechimehteamun.
Numwamechimehkonat.
Numwamechimehkonittinneat.
Nummohtaj.

Nunnameehteo, -ooup. [p. 52.]
Nunnamehteomun, -nonup.
Namehteonilnat.
Namehhittinneat.
Numohtanuhkus.
Nuttamogkonehiteam.
Nippe tamogkon nuttamogkone-

hteamun.
Tamoganehkonat.
Nuttoowen, or nuttisshom,
Nuttoowemun, -nonup.
Toowenat.
NoowauwunonukcowajDOU

m n&tter, or did,

T» flattof.

To be flattered,

^ Told a cloth,

1 fcllow, or did.

We follow, or did,

To follow.

To be fullowed,

C^se them to follow,

I fcrbid, or did,

Wfe forbid, or did.

To forbid. God forbid,

To be forbidden,

H« furbiddeth,

Ifcrget, or did.

We forgot, or did,

To forget.

Make, or cause us

fn be ibrsotteD,

Ta ftiimil.

To forNwoar,

To be forsworn,

tt fortify, to be forlitied,

I gape, or did,

NoowaunonukoDwnniUD.

W a u nou u hkoowflii nt.

Wauwunnonuhquttinneat

Wewhcpunumunnt.

Nuttasstulikoa, Duuassuhkou.

NuUnssuhkoi

Aasulikoi

hkoattin neat-
Nag assuhkoahittich.
Nukqueehtlueam, -ap.
Nubiiuehlitteamuii, -nAnup.
Uuehtehkonal, God quchtehchaj.
Quehtinnittiuneat.
Noll (|uehleliteiiu.
NoowanAiitam, -up.
NoowanantainQinun.
Wauaiilainilnat.
forget ynu, Wanaiitamwahhinncan kcnau.
WalIallit(i^nea^
Panuppe, uHsenat.
PanncDwae, chacbekcycuonat.
W<'<koniiii»uRubk6nal-
MenehkehicDttinneal.
Nutloiwanneecn, n utl Aa-

.p. [p.»i

We gape, or did.

NuttJiflnemun, -nonup.

To gape,

Toancnal.

yalhcr, or did,
Wis gather, or did,

Nummukkunum, -up.

To gather,

Mukkmumflnat

To be gathered.

A congregatiOD,

Hukkinneonk.

lB«,«-did,
We get, or did.
To be gMlen,

Nuttahchtiehteo, -flp.

NiittaKfilm\Blita«¥iim

nutuncncDenteoniuii*

I give, or did,

Thon gaveat, or didst,

He gave, or did,

We give, or did,
Te give, or did.

Nuttinuaum&uouman, -nonup.

K[(Uiiuiiuii»u»OGi.<.;.

They give, or did,

Give thou me,

Ken ununumah.

Let UB give,

To give,

To Be given,

I am glad, or was.

Noawekonum, -np.

We are glad, or were,
To be gfad.

I was oMde glad,

cotton's INDIAIY YOCABULARY. 193

nade glad, Nooweekontamwahitteatnun.

&de glad, Noh wcekontamwaheoppan.

; made glad, Neg weekoDtamwaheoppanneg.

ke me glad, dutche weekootamwake.

cheerfulness, Wekoiitamd5onk, taphettaonk.

d, Nummoncheem.

* did, NuramoDcheontam» -up.

ice, Nagwuttcacyeuooonk.

m go, Uttuh kittinoemonchem. [p* 54.]

did, Nummonchimun, -nonap.

walk, MoocheeDat, pomishonat.

TO out, Monchish, sohhash.

jr did, Nunnaunauwinyeuwam, -wap.

I, or did, Nuonanauwinyewamun.

, Nanauwinyenonat.^

3rned, NaunuwinittinneaL

ur, sovereignty, Sontim, sontimcoonk.

power, strength, au- Nananuinumooonk, menuhkesu*
efficacy, substance, onk, menuhkesuonk.

, or judgment seat WussittumoDe, appuoonk.
r home, Nummonchashum.

or stay, Bunnummonehemun, or nenutap-

pinn***
f to go, Nuppahtis moncheenat.

e you go, if you dont, Kuttiyunaush moncheenat, mat

mouchean.
sn, Askkosquesinneat.

r did, NunnoohQam.

, or did, Nunnoohuwamun, -noi^p.

Nooheuonat.
ived, Noohittinneat

Togguhhumunat

Neeskonneonk.
r did, Nuttouahkontoam, nuttouohhom.

, or did, Nuttouahkontowamun, -nonap.

Auahkontooonat.
, Weogkinurailnat.

^ed, Nukkehchikquabsip,

iged, Keechequepsinneat.

Tahkoosowontuk.
}r did, Nukkinuppe, usseem.

1, or did, Nukkinuppemun, -nonup.

, Wapantamiinat

Lste, X Noow4p4ntam.

did, Nutjishontam, -up. [p. 55.]

mr did, NutjishontamQmun, -nonup.

Jishontamunat.
ed, Jishanittinneat.

had, Nummahche, nutahtou.

i. THIRD SERIES. 25

194

cotton's INDIAN VOCABULARY.

Thou bast, thou hadst,
He hath, he had,
We have, we had,

Ye have, ye had,

They have, or bad,
To have, to be had,
I will, or would have,
I had rather,
I heal, or did.
We heal, or did,
To heal,
To be healed,
Heal thou, hea} us,
Heal them,
Let him heal,
Let him heal us,
I hear, or did.
Thou hcarest, or did.
He heareth, or did,
We hear, or did.
Ye hear, dr did,
They hear, or did.
Hear thou mo.
To be heard.
To hear,
To hearken,
To hedge^
I hedge,
I hide, or did.

We hide, or did.

To hide.

To be hid,

I hinder, or did.

We hinder, or did,

To hinder, I hinder you,

To be hindered,

To hiss,

He hisseth,

I hold, or did,

We hold, or did,

To hold,

I hold my peace.

To hold ones peace,

I hope, or did,

We hope, or did.

Thou hopesi, or didst.

Kummahche, kuttahtoop.
Nob mahche, nob ahtou.
Nenauun nummahche, nutti

tomun.
Kenau kummahche, kuttahto

woo.
Nag mahche, nag ahtoog.
Ahtouunat.

Nen nont, asuh woh nutt4ht0Q.
Ane woh tappeneam.
Nunneetskeh, -huwap.
Nunneetskchbuamun.
Netskehhuonat.
Netskessinneat.
Netskeh, -kinnean.
Netskeh nag.
Nctskebhuacb.
Netskehhikquttuh.
Nunncotam, -up.
Kunnootam, -up.
Nob nootam, -up.
Nunnootamumun, -nonup.
Kenootamumwoo.
Nag nootamwog.
Ken nootah.
Nootoadtinneat.
Nootamunat
Kuhkebtamunat.
Wokonoossinehkonat.
Noowohkonnoostinehteam.
Nuttattabtome, or nupput-

togqueem. [p. S

Nuttattahtomun, -nonup.
Attabtouunat.
Attashshittinncat.
Nootamehhuwam.
Nootamebbuwamun.
Wuttambuonat, kootamebhisim
Wiittambittinneat.
Maunuwonat.
Nob m6no6wau.
Numminuhkinnum.
Numminuhkinumumun.
Menuhkinumunat.
Ne nutteashsboowon.
Nehitt&shannumunneat.
Nuttannoous, -up.
Nuttannoousumun, -nonup.
Ruttannoontam, -up.

cotton's INDIAir VOCABULABT.

196

or did,
T did,
, or did,
od,

3d,

P«»
)pe,

lope,
in me,
lope ?
pe?
e?

»pe, or expect ?

r was,
t, or were,

or heat,
did,
or did,

hunt,

lid,
r did,

w did,
;, or did,

ated,
or did,
se, or did,

eased,
r did,
, or did,

sated,

lU,

Jid,
)r did,

w troubleth,

or suddenly twitcheth,

Noh annoausu.

Kuttannoausurowoo.

Nag annoousuog.

Ann6oussish ut (Todut.

Annoosunneat.

Annonittinneat.

Nuttannoosimunnonup.

Noh annoositch.

Annoosittuh.

Annooseg.

Annoosihittich.

Ken annooseh.

Sun ken kuttannoous?

Sun noh annoossu ?

Sun nuttanoosimun ?

Sun kuttannoosiinwoo?

Sun neg annoosuog ?

Nukkodtup. [p. 57.]

Nukkissapis.

Nukkissapessiimun.

Kussuppesinneat.

Kissopetteah4onk.

Nummishontooahpuhs, -up.

NumroishontoDahpuhsOmun.

Mishontooahpuhsinneat.

Nuttahchun, nuttahchumun.

Achanat.

Noowoskheuam, -haap.

Noowoskheuamun, -nonup.

Woskeheuonat.

Woskehhittiuneat.

Nuttiannau, -omp,

Nuttiannauomun, -D6nap.

Aiannauonate.

Aiannoattuonk.

Nen nummisseet, -up.

Nummissetumun, -nonup.

Missekinneat.

N u m m i ssegk i nneat.

Nunnanomp^nwam, -wap.

Nunnannompanwamun, -nonup.

Nunnampanwonat.

Nunnornpassitti nneat.

KonanompassilwunuRiwoo.

N u m mosogqu ee m .

Numrnosogquemun, -nonup.

Mosogquenat.

Noowautammuhhikqun.

Teadche wuttotukkon.

196

COTTON'S INDIAN YOCABULART.

I itch,

To itch,

Keeping, or (obsenration),

I keep,

We keep, or did,

To keep,

To be kept.

Keep thou mo,

I am kept.

Let us be kept from sin and

danger,
I kill, or did,
We kill, or did,
To kUl,
One stab,
To be kUled,
I have been kind,
To be kind,
Be kind to me,
I kiss, or did.
We kiss, or did,
To kiss.
To be kist,
To knit,
I knock, or did,
We knock, or did.
To knock, ,

I know (understand^, or did,
Thou knowest, or didst,
He knoweth, or did,
We know, or did.
Ye know, or did,
They know, or did.
To know.
To be known.
Make him to know,
Make me to know,
Let him know.
Make us to know.
How do you know,
I will make ye to know,
Know thou,

Know her, or let him know,
Let us know,
Know ye,
Let them know.
To be known,
I know thee,
I know him,

Nen nukkisseeppeis.
Kussepp^sinneat.
NinSwehtoonk. [p. 58.

NunnsLnaueehtoo, -up.
Nunn&nauehteomun, -nonup.
Naniwehteoudnat.
Nanauwunnittinneat.
Naniwanumeeh.
Nunnanauwinnit.
Nanauwinnitteatuhwutch match

seonganit kah nunnukquat
Nunnishteam, nunnishteap.
Nunnishiteamun, •ncmup.
Nishehkonat, nunishonaL
Nukqutomashaonk.
Nushshittinneat
Nen nummahtche womoaus.
Womosinneat
Kitteamonte&numeh.
Nutchipwuttoonap.
Nutchipwuttoonapoowamun.
Chipwuttoonapoooonate.
Chipwuttoonapwuttinneat.
Mittassehkonate.
Nutchohchunkquttahham.
Nutchohchunkquttahhomumuca
Chohchunkquttahhamunat.
Noowateo, -up.
KoowSteonun, -nap.
OowSteonun, -nap.
Noow&teomun, -n6nup.
Koow&teomwoo, -wop.
Nag wahteoog.
Wahteoniinat

Wahhittinneat, wahitteauunatn*
Wahteauwah.
Wahtouwahhe.
UnnSnum, wahteouiinat
Wahteauwahinnean.
Tohkuttinnewahteoun. [p. &
Koowahteauwahush.
Wahtouish, or wawagk.
Wahtou noh, noh widiteoitch*
Wahteouuttuh.
Wahteoook.
Wahteauhittich.
Wahteouilnat.
Koowahhish.
Ncowaeh noh.

■cotton's Iin>IAIf TOCABULAH¥.

197

I koov fon,

I Idow them,

Tboa knowest me,

TboD knowest hiiDi

Thoa knowest ue,
Thoa knowest them.
Be kaowfl me,
3e knows thee,
fe knows him,
fe knows Ds,
(e knows ;oa,
Fe knows them,
^c know thee,
^« know him,
'"« know you,
^ckoow them,
^ know me,
^ know him,
e know us,
^ know tfaem,

Ikj know me, (well enough),
' Ik; know thee,
' liej know him,
' Ikj know na,
' ixj know you
* liej know them,

«]id know thee,

«Jid know him,

^id know yon,

did know them,
^koQ didst know me,
- boa didat know him,
^Ikki didst know us,
L'iioa didat know them,
'le did know me,
^e did know thee,
"6 did know him,
le did know us,
■6 did know jou,
'* did know them,
*^e did know thee,
^e did know him,

e did know you,

^ did know them,
^ did know me,
° did know him,
^ did know us,
^ did know them,
'^y did know me,

K CD wahi nu m w CO .

NoowaheSog.

Kcowaheh nen.

KcDwaeh noh.

Kcowahimun.

Kcowolieaog.

MoowBhik.

Koowahik.

Nohoowahcuh.

Noowabikqun.

Koowaiiikkoo.

Oowahcuh.

Koowahinumun.

NoowaheouD.

Koo wn h in n i) m un .

Koo wa hcon 6nog.

Koowahimwoo.

Koowaheau.

Koowahimun.

Koowaheauwoog.

Neg nutlappe wahilcquog.

Nag koowahikwog.

Oowaheauwoh.

Noowal)ikquDndnog.

Koowahikoowoog. [p. <

N egoo w aheauh .

Koowahinnup.

Noowaheoppan.

Koowaliinnumwop.

N 00 «■ a h eopan neg.

Koowaheip.

Koowalieopan.

Koowahimuni'bnup.

Koo K'ahcopanneg.

Noowahikupan.

Koowahik uppan.

Oowaheopah.

Noowahikqunnonup.

Koowahikkoowop.

Oo w ah eopan n u h.

Koowahinumunnontip.

N cx) w ah eano t) u p.

Koowahinumuu.

Noowaheanonuppanneg.

Koowahimwop.

Koowah eopan.

Koo wa h i m un non u p .

Koowaheawoppanneg.

Koowahimwop.

198

cotton's INDIAN VOCABULARY.

They did know thee,
They did know him,
They did know us,
They did know you,
They did know them,

Koowahikuppanneg.

Oowahe&opah.

Noowahikqunnonuk.

Koowahikkoowop.

Oowaheowoppah.

Imperative Mood,

Let me know thee,

Let me know him,

Let me know you,

Let me know them,

Do thou save me,

Do thou trust him.

Do thou deliver us,

Do thou hear them, _ i

Let him know me.

Let him know thee,

J^et him know him,

Let him know us,

Let him know you,

Let him know them.

Let us know thee,

Let us know him,

Let us know you,

Let us know them,

Let them know me,

Let them know thee,

Let them know him,

T^t them know us,

Let them know you,

Let them know them,

I wish I did know thee,

If you knew me,

Ifl did know thee,

To know thee,

To know me.

To know him,

To know us,

To know you,

To know them,

I dont know thee,

Thou dost not know me,

I dont know him,

We dont know you,

I did not know thee,

I wish I did not know thee.

If I did know you,

Not to know you,

[p-

!■]

Pikoowahish.

Panoowaeh.

Pakoowahinnumwoo.

Panoowaheaog.

Wadchanneh.

Unnohtukquah.

Pohquohwhussinnean.

Ken nootam woutamau.

Pa-noowahikq.

Pa-koowahikq.

Pa-oowaheauh.

Pa-noowahikqun.

Pa-koowahikkoo,

Pa-oowaheuh.

Pa koowahinumun.

Pa noowaheaun.

Pa koowahinumun.

Pa noowahcanonog.

Pa noowahikquog.

Pakoowahi kquog.

Pa oowaheuh.

Pa-noowahikqun.

Pakoowahikkoo.

Pa nah oowaheuh.

Napehnont wahihnon.

Tohneit waheog.

Tohneit wahinnon.

Koowahitteanat

Noowahitteanat.

Oowaheanat

Noowahikqunnanonut

Koowahikqunnanonut

Oownheannat.

Mat koowahinneoh.

Matta koowaheuh.

Mat noowaheouh. [p.

Mat koowahinnoomun.

Mat koowahinnoop.

Napehnont mat wahinnoooa.

Tohneit wahinnogus.

Mat koowahikkoonat

]

i-i»i-»-. ,

corroir's indiait vocabulart.

199

•w them,
know?
low ?
t

w?
w?
low ?

know me ?
know him t
low as 1
ow them t
r did,
, or did,

)u hard,
»r did,
t, or didy

ented,
meat much,
h,

did,
or did,
[laughing,]
[hed at,
full,

II,
lid,

iid,
»r did,

did,
or did,

ned,

if you can,
;arn me,
hem,
led us,
>if, to finish,
did,
or did,

to myself*

Mat oowaheanat

Sun koowateoh.

Sun oowatauun.

Sunnoowateoh.

Sunnoowahteomon.

Sunkoowahteomwoo.

Sun oowahteouunnao.

Sun koowaheh.

Sun koowaeh.

Sun noowahikqun.

Sunkoowabeaog.

Nuttanikous, -up.

Nuttanakoasimun, -n6niip.

An&kousinneat

Menehkee, anakaOsish.

NummomOttam, -up.

Nummomuttamumun, •nonap.

Momuttamunate.

Momuttamcoonittinneat

Sun moocheke momuttammock

Mdchekooaeonk.

Nuttahhaneehtam, -up.

NuttahhaneehtamQmun, -nonapb

Ahhanuonat, (ahhanuonk.)

Ahhanehtoadtuonk.

Naumatuwaeyeuoonk.

Ne naumutuwa^yeu.

NussogkompaginnQwam. [p*63.]

Nudsogkompaginnuwamun.

Sogkompagmnuonat. .

Sagkom pagin itti nneat.

Ompattissinninat

Nukqueeshshom, -shomp.

Nukqucsshomun, -nonup.

Quecshonat

Nunneehtuhtou, -up.

Nunneehtuhtoumun, -nonup.

Nchtuhtauilnat.

Nehtuhtauwahittinneat

Nolituhtauwahke, tapenQmin.

Woh kenehtuhtouwahe.

Nunneehtuhtouwahe&og.

Nag nunnehtuhtouwahikqan.

AhquehtouOnat kestouunat

Nunnukodtum, -up.

Ninnukodtumumun, •nonup.

Nukodtumiinat.

Nukkonittinneat.

Unnea ne wassompadtamma.

200

cotton's INDIAN YOCABULART.

I lessen,

To lessen,

T^ be lessened,

Do not lessen your gains,

Let me,

I lick, or did,

We lick, or did.

Do you lick,
To lick,

I am lifted up, or was.
We are lifted up, or were,
To lift up.
To be lifted up,
I dont like,
To linger, or delay.
Where you live,
I live at Ponds,
They lived for him,
By Gods blessing I am )
yet alive, )

New life.

Vain, or wicked living,
I lose, or didy
We lose, or did.
They lose.
To loose,

To loosen, to slacken,
I am loud, or vain,
To be loud,
A voice,

I love, or did love,
We love, or did love.
They love me,
Thou lovest him,
He loveth thee,
Dost thou love me,
To love,
To be loved,
I love you, or thee,
I love you all.
He loves me,
He loves him,
He loves us,
He loves you,
He loves them,
I love a man,
I love a book.

Nuppeehtaiion.

PetouQnat

Pehittinneat,

Ahque petouunach kutanuhQin-

dSonk.
Unanumeh monchenat.
Nunnoonoosquadtam, -up.
Nunnoonoosquadtamumun, -ad.

nup.
Sun kenoonoosqnadtamumwoo.
Noonoosquadtamunate.
Nen nuttasshinit teap.
Nuttashinnitteamun. -nonup.
Tashunumflnat
Tashinittinneat
Matta nuttapeneumun yeuwag.
Manlnneonk quogqaohqueonk.
Tonnoh kcotdhkeem. [p. 64.]
Kitteaumit nootohkeem.
Nag uppommtamwanshouh.
Nashpe God oonanitteaonk,

asq nuppomantam.
Wuske pomantamcoonk.
Tahncoche pomantamcoonk.
Ncowanteo, -up.
Ncowanteomun, -nonup.
Nag wanehteoog.
WanehteoQdnat
Nashw&gomp4numanat.
Nummatche tohnoochayeuoo.
Toh noocheyeuwinneat
Wadtauwohtonkqussuonk.
Ncowomontam, -up.
NcDwomontamumun, -nonup.
Neg noowomonukquog.
Ken koowomonnop.
Noh kcowomonuk.
Sun kcDvi^omoseh.
Womoausinneat
Womonukquissinneat.
KcDWomonnush.
KcDwomonnumwo wame.
NcDwomonnuk.
Oowomonnuh.
NoowomonnOkqun.
KcDwomonnukkooo.
Oowomonnuh neh
Noowdman wosketomp.
Ncowomontam wussukhonk.

COTTON'S INDIAN YOCABOLART.

201

an,

(I JyO

id,

t, or didst,

- made,

will make you,
mark Imp.

lid,
r did,

d, (the woman,)

— (the man,)
Bd,

that,
that,
y of it is,

r did,
, or did,

ired,

r did,

J, or did,

, or consider,

• respect, or I

g, )

mix,
or mix,

THIRD SERIES.

Ncowomon > ^.,,»„^.^„
-nr r > multamwus.

Womos )

Koowomonish ken. [p. 65.]

Noowomon unnoh.

Koowomonunumwoo keoauau.

Noowomonnoog nag.

Womossinnean.

WomonittiJonk.

NuppanndSwam, -wap.

Kuppannoowam, -wap.

Nohpanndoau, nuppanna>w&mun.

KuppanncDwamwo) nag pannoo-

waog.
Panncowonat, panncowaonk.
Pannoowahittinneat.
Nussommogquissin nOnnat
Nussummogqassin.
Sepsinunat puttogquenat
Nuttiyam, nukkeesteo, -up.
Kuttiyam, kukkeeateo, ••up.
Nuttiyamumun, nukkesteomun.
Nag ayimwog kesieoog.
Ayimunat, kuttiyumaush.
Ayimoadtinneai kehkinn^asek,

wuttonnees.
Nooseentam, -up.
Nooseentamiimun, -n6nap.
Wussentamiinat.
Noowetauattam.
Nummittumwussissu.
Wetouadtinnate wetouakonate.
Matta kuttauncoh ne.
Matta nuttoutamcoun.
Ne nawwuttammun.
NuttauOttanf.
Nen nukquttohwhous.
Nukqutwhosumun, -nonap.
Qutwhosinneat.
Quttuhwhonittinneai.
Quttoohhush ne. [p. 66.]

Nunnatwontam, -up.
Nunnatwontamdmun, -nonup.
NutwontamOnate.

Ne wannchpeh, natwontamog.

Scnunumiinat sogkodonk.
Nukkinukkinum.
Nukkinukkinumilnan.
Kinukkinum&nat.

202

cotton's INDIAK VOCAfiULABT.

To be mingled,

A mixture,

I mistake, or did,

We mistake, or did,

To mistake,

Dont mistake me.

Mistaking,

To be mistaken,

I moTe, or did,

We move, or did.

To move, to move one's boose,

I mourn, or did.

We mourn, or did,

To mourn,

I murmur, or did.

We murmur, or did.

To murmur,

To mutter,

I must, nen nont,

I name, or did.

We name, or did.

To name,

To be named, a name.

To neglect.

To nod,

I nourish, or did,

We nourish, or did.

To nourish, or be nourished.

I obey, we obey,

To obey.

To be obeyed,

Obey thou me,

Obey God,

Obey always,

A servant, (Vide, p. 19.)

Reverence, obedience, duty,

I obtain, or conquer, or did,

We obtain, or did,

To obtain.

To be obtained,

I offend, or did,

We offend, or did.

To offend,

To be offended,

If you offend me,

It is offered, or sacrificed,

I open, or did,

Kinukkinnosinneat.

Kenugkiyeuonk.

Nuppuhtantam, -up.

Nuppuhtantamumun, -nonop.

Puhtantamiinat

Mat nuppuhtantammoo.

PuhtantamoSonk.

Puhtantamunat

Nutantseap, -up.

Nutantsepumun, -nonup.

Antsapinneat, ontsahtauunat

Nen nummou, -oop.

Numm6umun, -nonup.

Mauwinneat.

Numma)ma)skd5wam.

NummcomGOskcowamun.

Mcomooskcowonate.

Mcomcosquencowonat.

Nummoosquenoowam.

Ncowesuonkanehkontam, -up.

Ngo wesuonkanehkontamumua .

Wesuonkanehkonat.

Wesuonkanuhkonittinneat,

onk.
Mishanantamunate.
Nonomuhquoshshonat.
Nuttassan, nuttassanup.
Nuttassanumun, -nonup.
Kessikkehhuonat.
Nunnooswetam, -iimun.
NooswetaraQnate.
Nooswetoadtinneat.
Ken ncoswetah.
Ncoswehtau manit.
Nooswetash yayadchee.
Wuttinnumin.

Qushaonk, nooswetamooonk.
Nussohkos, nussohkussup.
Nussohkossumun, -nonup.
Sohkussinneat.
Sohkoattinneat.
Nummatchenehhuiiam, -hui^.
Nummatcheneh-huamun, -noDU|
Matchenehhuonat.
Matchenehhittinneat.
Tohneit matchenehhean.
Seephausu. ^^

Ncowoshwunum, or nnppohqi^^**'

nam.

[p. 67-]

cotton's INDIAN VOCABOLAKT.

90S

en, or did,

Noowoshwaniimun, -nonup.

30,

Pohquanumunate.

opened.

Woshwunnosiiut.

the door might be opened

, Napeehnont Ssquont pohquanft-

iiilr

;he door.

Pohquanich usqaont.

lained the means.

Kuhquttumauop aninnnmoadtu-

6ngash.

^me, or overcame,

Nuttannuwun, -omp.

ercome, or did,

Nuttanuwunomun, -n6nap«

;rcome, or conqoer.

Anuwinnuonat

overcome, victory,

Sohkausuonk.

or did owe,

Nuttinuhtukquahwhit, -teap.

^e, or did.

Nuttinuhtukquah, -whitteaman.

Unnohtukquahwhittinneat.

1 yoar debt.

Kuttinnohtukquahe.

•1

Nummontuhquahwhuttuonk.

ajj wages, or reward.

Orapskod, onkquatonk.

e, dues,

Unnontukquahamooongash, omp^

teaonk.

, or did.

Nuttannogkinum, -up. [p. 68.]

int, or did,

Nuttannogkinumumun, -nonop.

nt.

Annogkinumunat.

painted.

Annogkinnittuonk.

ale.

Noowomppahkisham.

pale.

W ompohkishonat.

ft thou so pale.

Toh wutch nene wompohkesean.

to pant,

Sauuhkissinneat, nussauiihkia.

m, or did,

Nuttahquontous, -up.

rdon, or did, •-.

Nuttahquontossimun, -nonup.

'don.

Ahquontamunat.

pardoned,

Ahquontamooadtinneat.

1 me sir.

Ahquontimah sontim,

:ch,

MeshashshionaU

or did pay,

Nuttoadtuhkus, -up.

y, or did,

Nuloadtuhkussimun, •nonap.

f, to be paid,

Oadtuhkonat

ise to be paid,

Oadtuhkossuwahu6nat

e now,

Oadtuhkah eyeu.

int,

Oadtehteaonk.

irce.

PannuppeetahhamQnat.

eive, or did,

Nuttogwantam, -up.

Tceive, or did.

NuttogwantamQmun, -nonup.

rceive,

Ogwantamunat

perceived,

Ogquontamooadtinneat.

lit, or did.

Nuttinanitteam, -teap.

rmit, permit me.

Unnanukkonat, unanumeh.

nion.

Ummugkoonaittiionk.

irade, or did,

Nunnupweshan* -omp.

204

cotton's IlfDIAN VOCABVLART.

We perswade, or did.

To perswade,
To be perswaded,
How do they perswade,

PerswasioD,

To pitch ones tent,

I pity, or did,

We pity, or did,

To pity,

To be pitied,

I piay, or did.

We play, or did,

To play,

Boys will play,

I please, or did.

We please, or did.

To please,

To be pleased.

Pleasure, (Vide, p. 8.)

I shall plow to-morrow.

To plow,

I pluck, or did.

We pluck, or did.

To pluck,

To polish,

I am polluted, or was.

To pollute,

To be polluted,

I am poor,

He is poor,

To pour, to be poured out.

To prate,

I pray, or did.

We pray, or did.

To pray,

Pray always, .

I pray, or intrcat you,

To press, or oppress, as a log

falling on,
To be oppressed,
I prick,
To be pricked,

I procure, or did.
We procure^ or did.

Nunnupweshashsoowamon, -n^^^

nup.
NupweshashsoDonat.
Nupweshamittinneat.
Uttuh nag wuttin nupweshassc^^^

oonau.
Nupweshashsoowaonk.
Matchekekoropattinat wetu.
Nukkitteamonteanitteam,

-teap. [p. fc-»J

Nukitteamonteanitteamun.
Kitteamonteanekonat.
Kitteamonteonittinneat
Nukkissaiious, ornuppuhpum,— vpi
NuppuhqOmun, -nonup.
Puhpinneat, or kussauausinnestt
Mukkitchogqi!^issog nont puhpiiog.
Noossekitteah.
Noosekitteaheomun, -nonup.
Wussekitteahhuonat.
Wussekkitteahhittinneat
Tapeneamcoonk.
Pish noowonohchaham saup.
Wonohchuhamunat
Nukkodtuhkom, -up.
Nukkodtuhkomumun.
Kodtuhkomunat
Wussinnuwontamunat*
Nishkoneunkquis, Hsup.
Nishketouiinat.
N ishkenunkquissinneat*
Nummatchek.
Noh matchekco.
Sookenumunat, sookonittiionk.
Kogkeehtiimunate.
Nuppe&ntam, -up.
Nuppeantamiimun, -nonup.
Peantamwanshonat, or nannam-

panwdnat, or peantamunat.
Pentamook nagwutteae.
Ken&nompassumush.
Sinukkitchuhhcowonat.

Sunnukkitchahwhittinneat.
Konnittihquomunat.
Sessiunittinneat connnittikquonlt-

tinneat.
Nutahchuueehteom, -up. [p. 70.]
Nutahchoowehteomun, -nonup.

cotton's IiroiAK YOCABULA&T.

205

:are,
procured,
fane, or poUate,
se, or did,
mise, or did,
nise, a promise,
)roinised,
3mise well,
, or did,
>ve, or did,

y, or uphold,
le, or did,
•vide, or did,
ride,

for me,
)n,

nee, or foreseeing,
ke, or did,
voke, or did,
roke,

provoked, or vexed,
h, or did,
lish, or did,
ish,
punished,

cause us to be punished,
ge, or purify,
•r did put,
,, or did,
, to be put,
off, to put on,

tionsy
)h, or did,
mch, or did,
nch,
quenched,

BlI,

liet, or was,

1 quiet,

] be quiet,

be quiet,

|uiet,

m be quiet,

>a be quiet,

quiet,

Bt,

Ahchooehteouiinat.

AhchooehhittinneaL

Nishkenunkqueteouiinat.

NukquoshshcMim, -wap.

Nukquoshow&mun, -nonup.

Quoshowonat, quosbodtuonk.

Quoshshodtinneat.

Koone quoshowamWco*

Nukqutchhuwam, -wap.

Nukqutchhuwaman, nonup.

Wunnamwiiteouiinat, d&c

KutcheethamOnat

Nukquoshouchtam, -up.

Nukquoshouehtamumun, -nonup.

Quoshouehtamunat.

Quoshoueeht&mah.

A ninumoadtuonk.

NanawantamoDonk.

Nummo5rau)squeh.

Nummoomoosquehbuwaroun.

Moomoosquehhiionat.

Mosquehhittinneat.

Nussasamitahhooam, -ap.

Nussasamatahhooamun, -nonup.

Sasamatahhooonat.

Sasamatahwhuttinneat.

Noh pish susamatahhoowahuwau.

Pahketeauunat

Nuppoonum, -up.

Nuppconumumun, -nonup.

Poonumunat.

Aumanumunat, ogquinneut.

Wunnogquanneonk.

Pakodtuttumooonkash. [p. 71.]

Nuttahtappodtou, -up.

Nuttahtappadtoumun.

TahtippadtauOnat

LJhtapattauunat.

Nummattuhteam.

Nummaninuap, -up.

Maninnapish.

Maninnapitch.

Maninnapittuh.

Maninnappeg.

Manninaphittich.

Sunwohkummaninapiimwoo.

Maninnapinneat.

Mahteanndnat.

Nonnishquet.

206

cotton's IITDIAN VOCABULARY.

To rage,

To rain, it rains.

Does it rain,

How long has it rained,

I read, or did read,

We read, or did,

To read,

Can you read t

To be read,

Victuab are ready,

I am ready (or wait) to go,

I resolve, or decree,

A decree,

I refuse, or did,

We refuse, or did,

To refuse.

To be refused,

I rejoice, or did.

We rejoice, or did,

To rejoice,
I remember, or did.
We remember, or did,
To remember,
To be remembered,
Remember thou me.
Remember thou,
A memorial.

Conscience, or remembrance,
I repent, or did,
We repent, or did.
To repent,
Repent of sin.
To be repented,
I return, or did,
We return, or did,
To return,
To be returned,
"■» I revenge, or did,
We revenge, or did.
To revenge, revenge,
To be revenged.
To roar, to roast,
Roast the meat,
To rob, -
To be robbed.
To be rotten, to rowl,

Nishqaeklnneat

Sookenonat, tookenonni.

Sun soDkenon.

Tohuttooche nate aokoDonk*

Nuttogketam, -up.

Nuttogketamdmon, -ncmup.

Ogketamunat

Sun woh kuttoghetam.

Ogkemitteanat

Quoshwohta metsuonk.

Nukquashwap, nuppahlis ncfr

cheenat.
Nummahtahnittam, nakkesao.

tam.
Uppogkodkontantamooonk*
NussekenSam, -up. *^

Nussekeneamdmun, -n6nup«
Sekeneamdnat
Sekeneaattinneat
Nummishkou&ntam, -ap.
NummishkouantamumuD,

up.
Mishkouantamiinat.
NummeehquSntam, -up. [p. 73^^ \
NummeehquSntami&mun, -ooonp^''
Me hquantamdnat.
Mehquanittinneat
Mehquaniimeh.
Mehquontash.
Mehquanumaonk.
Mehquontamwutteah&onk.
Nuttaiuskoiantam, -up.
Nuttaiuskoiantamumun, -nonop.
Aiuskoiantamunat
AiuskoiSntash matcheseonk.
Aiuskoianittinneat.
Nukquishkeem, -up.
Nukquishkemun, -n6nup.
Quishkenat
Quishkinittinneat«
Nuttannootome.
Nuttannooteomun, -nonnp.
Annootoofinat, annotaonk.
A nnootoattinneat
Mishontooonat, apwonnai.
Appoosish weyaus.
Mukkookinnuonat.
Mukkookinnittinneat.
Pisseahquonnat, ompoochen

COTTON'S ihdiah tocabolabt.

207

did,

)ew], (lead),
ruk, or goTerD)
did,
ml come,

Bd,

iBfjred,

jred,

ike you satis&ctioo,

1 satisfy you.

sfyed,

niisfyed,

tati^yed,

ttsryed,

fed,

' satisfyed.

did saj,
did.

to be scattered,
I scratcK,

Namm umukqanum.

UmukquiDumilnBL

NusiogkompageiiDuwam, -wap.

N ussogkompagennu wimuD.

Silg kom pa^ennuonaL

NdDauinittinneat.

Uttuh kuttinne nananoDnuouat.

Nugquogqueem, nugquogkeep.

NugquogqueemuD, •nonup.

Quogqueenat.

Quogquewe, kah pejaausae.

Quogquewe pejaoaseh.

Kukquogque wahioum woo>

Seephauainaeat, aephaoBuaen.

SepbausittinneaL*

Seppaghamunat.

Tapeueau wah uouat.

NuttapeDeauwaetum.

Sun kuttapeDeanaetamwoo.

TapeDeauwaetin neat.

KuttappenSauahianumwoo, pish-

kittappcneu wahinumup.
Tapeneau&etush.
Tapeneauwuhitteatuh,
TappeDeauahionaeh.
Tapeneauafih itteatub.
Tapeneauaetook. ^

Tappeueau w aetehhittich.
Nisaim, nuttiQnoawap.
Teagua kissim.
Nisairaun, nuttiDDCowamun.
Nissimunaouup.
UnnaiwoDat.
Nussewiuhteam, -up.
NuaseiiuhteaDinn, -Dooup.
SeauhkonaL
NeeKnekinnuonat, nokkitsh-

keem.
Nunnattinneahteam, -up.
NunnattiuDeahteamun, -nooup.
NuttianeahkoaaL
NattinneahkoBse.
TappepukquaoehkAnaL
NuDuaum, nunDiumcop;
Chuh namuk.

NunnaumamuQ, -nonup. [p. 74.]
Naumdnat, amamBuonltUnaeU.
Sun kenium.

208

cotton's INDIAN VOCABULARY.

I seem to be weary,

I seek, or did,

We seek, or did,

To seek.

To be sought,

I sell, or give, or did sell,

We sell, or did,

To sell, to be sold,

I send, or did,

We send, or did.

To send,

To be sent,

Send me if you dare,

I will separate ybu,

I separate,

To separate,

To be separated,

I serve, or did.

We serv,e, or did,

To serve,

To be served,

A servant, (Vid. p. 19.)

I will shake you.

To shake,

I shake, or tremble,

I shave, to shave,

To be shaved,

Will you be shaved,

To shear (sheepj,

To morrow I will shear,

I show, or did show,

We show, or did,

To show.

Show me your house,

I shine, or did.

We shine, or did.

To shine.

The sun shineth,

I shuii, or did avoid.

We shun, or did,

To shun.

To be shunned,

I shut, or did.

We shut, or did,

To shut, to be shut.

Shut the door,

I am sick, or was,

Nuttogqueneunkqs sauwunum

Nuunattlnneah, -whomp.

Nunnattinneahwhomun, -nonu

Nattinncahwhonat

Nattinneahwhittinneat.

Nummag, nummagup.

Nummagiimun, -nonup.

Magunat.

Nunnekonchuam, -ap.

Nunnekonchhuwamun, -n^ouj

Monchaannoononaty or nekoii<
huonat.

Annoonittinneat.

Annoosseh mat quttamooan.

Pish kutchippinnumumwoo.

Nutchippunnuwam.

Chippinumunat«

Chippinnittinneat

Nootininnumekoss, -up.

Nootininuraekossimun, -nonup.

Wuttininuraekossinat.

Wuttin nurauhkoattinneat.

Wuttinnumin.

Pish kenenemuhkdnish.

Nenemuhkonat

Nunnukkishshom.

Nuppeeghum, pecghumunat

Mooswittinneat.

Sun woh kuppeegwhitteamwoo

Moosommunat.

Saup nummoossoowam.

Nunnohtin, -omp.

Nunnahtitteamun, -no-
nup. [p. 7

Nahtuhkonat.

Nahtuhseh keek.

NcDwossum, -up.

Noowohsamumun, -nonup.

Wohsumwinneat.

Nepaz (kesukquish) wohsuro.

Nukquisilhkom, -up.

Nukqussuhkomumun, -nonnp.

QussuhkomOnat

Quishshuhkauonat.

Nukkupham, -up.

Nukkupharaumun, -nonup,

Kuppohhamunat

Kuppohhash usquont.

Nnmmohtchinam, -up.

coTTOir's urDiAir vocaqdlart.

209

k, or were,

, he is sick,

it,
id,
- did,

did,
not,

did sit,

;th,

full {or kaowing,)

illfull,

iid,

►r did,

leep,

sleep well,
let him sleeo,
), sleep ye,
eep,

• slip,
did,
>r did,

morting,

snows,

^v,
snow,

gh,

sigh,

1 to him,

ant,

plant,

:ed,

)U sow your ry,

sew ones eloaths,

ifibrd, or did,

}r did,

. THIRD SERIES.

Nummohtchin&mun, -nonup.
Sun kuramohtchinam.
Mohtchindnat, mohchinnai.
NutcheqOnnap.
Maninussinneat.
Nukkuttcohiimom.
KukkuttahumOraun, -nonap.
Sun kenaaan kukketoohamom-

woo.
Ketoohumonat
Nummatchesem, -ap.
Nummatcheseemun, n6nup.
Matchesenat matchesekon,
Nunnumm&ttap, -up.
NunnummattappiimuD, -nonup.
NummattapOnat, appa.
Wahteouiinat.
Sun kcowahteomwoo.
Nukkdueem, -up.
NukktLuemun, -nonup. [p. 76.]
Kauenat, kaueonk.
Kodtukquomunat.
Sun kooweteekouem.
Kuttinnanum kauish.
Unanuminneankauish.
Kauchhittich.
Nappummech^sham.
Nutt Gonikquissinndnat
Numminontam, -up.
NumminontamOmun, -nonup.
Menontamunat.
Annuonk nanagkcoonk.
Sannegkooonk.
xMuhpooinneat muhpoowi.
Sun muhpco.
Matta moohpinnoo.
Nunnohtumup.
Nohtimwinneat.
Magkoo-wonittinneat.
Nummagkooonit.
Sun noh magun.
Sun unQnnumoadtinneaB.
Nuttohkechteam.
Ohkeehkonat.
Ohkehkonittinneat.
Ahquompi kuttohketeam kuttanni.
Ushquamunat monag.
Nummag, -up.
Numm&gOmun, -nonap.

210

COTTON'b 1SD1A» TOCABOI^t"

I am Boaring,

To spare (or preserve,)

To be spared,

I speak, or did.

We speak, or did,

To speak,

To be spoken,

I shall speak.

He speaks well, or >

Is fair spoken, ) .„:t-.full
I am mischievous, or spitefuU.

I spit, or did.

He was sprinkled,
To be sprinkled,
To stagger, or reel,
A drunkard staggers.
Staggering, or reeling,
I stand, or did.
We stand, or did,
To stand, stand you away.
I ttay, or did.
We stay, or did,
To stay, or wait,
Stay for me,
I steal, or did,
Wc steal, or did,
To steal, to be stolen,
Why did you steal,
I step, or did.
We step, or did.
To step.
To stick to,
It sficks to,
I am stiff.
To be stiff,
I stink, or did,
Wc stink, or did.
To stink,
, I am stirred up.
To stirr up,
He stirred him up.
They stirred us up,
To be stirred up,
I stop, or did,

Noowohquaniteam.

Ahteauunat.
Wadchanittinneat

Nukkehetcokom, -up.
Nukkehetook6mun, -nonup.

Ketookonat.

Kuttoohkonat . y-, -i

Woh nooweogqiittum. ip. ^ ' - J

Noh wunne keketc6kau.

Wouwunnapwawan.

Nissuke.

Nutteeskouous, -up.
Niitteskououssumun, -nonup.
SSpunnohkonat, eakauousiiP

Seaohkonnat nusseauhteam.

Nusseauhteap.

Noh seaukauop.
Seauhkoatiinneat.
Cbachannisshaonk. - ,

Koghesippamwaenm chanlashau.

Chanehchashauonk.

Nunnepoo, -up.
Nunnepomun, -ndnup.
Neponunneat amakompauish.

Nuppahtis, -up.
Nuppahtsiroun, -nonup.

Pahtsinneat.
Pahtissish wutch nen.
NukkummoDt, -up.
NukkummoDtamun, -nonup.
KummoDtmnat, kumrocotinneat.
Tohwaj Kummootcomomwco
Nuttontanehtip, -up.
Nuttohontaneehtlmun, -nonup.

Ontaneehkinneat.
Pissogquorowinncat.

PissogqiiommcD.

Nutchetaues.

Chetauesinneat.

Nummatchimunkqus, -sup.

Nummatchimunkqusslmun.

Matchimiinkqussmneat.

Nummomontinit.

Mumm6ntinnu6nate.

Noh mammoMtinuwop. IP- '<^

Nag nummamontinukqun.

Mommontinnittuonk.

Nuttogkogkem, -up

.^i.«k.«f •!!

COTTOK's INDIAN VOCABULARY.

211

. or did,

to be stopped,

r coarse,

out my hands,

retched,

iheth a great way,

or did,

e, or did.

I a stroke,
or did,
s, or did,

•ng, or was,

trong, or were,

•ong,

, His,

tudy much,

f, to stumble,

r did,
, or did,

(ucks,
7r did,
r, or did,

ifered, or born,

ffliction,

p pottage, 6lc.

!, or imagine,

ose, or did,

)se, to imagine,

pposed, (Vid. Think,)

•

ear trnly>

yr did,
t, or did,

9 swell,
3th,
's sweU,

II,
tr did,

I, or did,

Nuttogkogkemun, -nonup.
Togkogkenat togkogkinnittm-

neat.
Togkogkmish kuttinniyeuonk.
Nussummogkinnitchaem.
Summagkinumunat
Summogkinnittuonk.
Noh summagke no^dtit.
Nuttogkdm, -omp.
Nuttogkom6mun, -nonup.
Togkomonat tatteaonk.
Nut chekeayeuiteam, -teap.
Nutcheayeuteamun, -nonup.
C hekeaiyeukonat.
Numroenuhkes, -up.
Nummenuhkeeslmun, -nonup.
Menuhkesinneat.
MenuhkesGOonk, -um.
Natwontnmdnat.
Sun kenatwontam mcoch^ke.
Nuttogkissittassin togkissittassin-

inat.
Cheethami!^nat.
Nunncon, nunnoonup.
Nunnoonumun, -nonop.
Nooninneat
Mukkoies iia)n6ntam.
Nutchequineehtam, -up.
NutchequineehtamQmun, -nonop.
Chequineehtamunat.
• • • ♦ Nutchequnehtam wuttan-

ehpunnaonk.
Nummoohquonat. [p. 79.]

Nuttinantam, nuttogqunutam.
NuttinantamOmun, -nonup.
UnnnantamOnat, ogquantamijnat
Unantamunat.
Chachekeyeuonat.
Woh sampwe nutchadchekeyeu-

wam.
Nukkissittashom, -p.
Nukkissittashomun, -nonup.
Kissittashonat.

Nummokques, mogquesinneat
Noh mogquesQwi.
Sepuash tahsheind5ash.
Wosketompaog mogquesuwog-
Nuppumosooweem, -up.
Nuppumos&wSmun, -nonup.

212

COTTON'S INDIAN VOCABULARY.

To swim,
Can you swim,
I take, or did,
Wo take, or did,
Did you take it.
To take bribes,

They taking, (for communicat-
ing*)
To tame, (see Keep,)

Can you tame him,
To be tamed,
I cannot tarry.
To tarry, .
I taste, or did,
"We taste, or did,
To taste,
To be tasted,
I teach, or did.

We teach, or did.

To teach.

Will you teach me,

I am taught.

Thou art taught.

He is taught,

We are taught.

Ye are taught.

They are taught,

I was taught.

Thou wast taught,

He was taught,

We were taught.

Ye were taught.

They were taught,

Be thou taught,

Let me be taught,

Let him be taught.

Let us be taught,

Be ye taught,

Let them be taught,

Are you tauglit to read,

I wish I might be taught,

When I am taught, I will teach

you.
When they are taught,
I am not taught.
We are not taught,
Not to be taught,

Pumosooenat.

Sun woh kuppum66o5wemwo

Nunnemunum, -up.

Nunnemundmun, -nonup.

Sun kenemunumdnas.

Nemunumunat magooongash

Nemunukeeg.

Nanneuchteouiinat.

Sun woh kenannauwissuwah

Nannauwussuwaheonat.

Mat woh ne nuctappowun.

Nc appinneat.

Nukqutchehtam, -up.

Nukqutchehtamumun, -nonu

QrUtcheehtamunat.

Quttchuhpwonittinneat.

Nukkuhkootumwehteam,

-leap. [p

Nukkuhkootumwehteamun,

nup.
Kuhkootumwehkonat.
Sun woh kukkuhkootumah n
Nukkuhkootumonteap.
Kukkuhkootumonteap.
Kuhkootumauop.
Nukkuhkootumonteamun.
Kukkulikootumon team woo.
Kuhkootumauopanneg.
Nukkuhkootumonteap.
Kukkuhkootumonteap.
Kukkootumauop.
Nukkuhkootumonteamunnot
Kukkuhkootumonteamwop.
Kuhkootumauopanneg.
Kuhkootumonteash.
Kuhkootumaiinnach.
Kuhkootumauunach.
Kuhkootumonteatuh.
Kuhkootumonteag.
Kuhkootumauunach.
Sun kutogketamwahitteamw
Napehnont kuhkootumaiimu
Uttuh annoohkuhkootumm

neit pish kuktahkootuman
Uttuh annooh kuhkootumaui
Mat nukkuhkootumonteoh.
Mat ntfkkuhkootumonteon.
Mat kuhkootumauoun.

cotton's INDIAN VOCABULilRY.

213

To i>e taught,
Oootrines of men^

A iriiii^^^i'' or schoolmaster^
Ministers, text,

I tear/

To tear,

I teli, ^ did.

We tell, or did,

Wc are told,

To tell,

To be told,

I cannot think,

I think, or did.

What you think, '(See Pronouns,
p. 3a)

Methinks,

To tliink, (see Suppose.)

To be thought,

A thought, I

I thirst, or did.

We thirst, or did,

Totbirst,

I threaten, or did,

We threaten, or did,

To threaten,

To be threatened,

I throw down.

To throw down.

Can you throw him,

I throw away, he throws,

Oont throw,

1 thrust (into a thing,)

To thrust,

Thrust him from you, |

It tliunders,

To tbunder,

*touch, or did,

^« touch, or did,

^o touch,

* ^^«ti^'t translate,

l^^^'o^d hard,

^^ t-read on,

^^ breads upon him,

^^**omble, or tingle, or did,

•^^ tremble, or did,

■^^> t^emUe, or tingle.

Kuhkootumauonat. [p* 31*]

Wosketompae kuhkcotumuehtear

ongash.
Kuhkootumwehteaenin.
Nohtompeantog, quenshitteank.
Nunnegunum.
Neneki komunat.
Nuttinonchim, -up.
NuttiuonchimQmun, -nonup.
Unnoowomoo.
Unnonchimwinneat
Unnonchimookoattinneat
Mat nuttinautamoo.
Nuttinantam, -up.
Toh {or teagua) kuttinantam.

Nuttogquantam.

Unnantamunat

Unantununat

Unantamooonlf.

UnnantamoDonk.

Nukkohkittoon, -up.

Nukkuhkittooniimun, -nonup.

Kuhkittconiinat.

Nukquogquohtowam, -wap.

Nukquogquohtowamun.

QrUOgquohtouwonat.

Quoquohtunttinneat.

Nuppenoohkonat.

PenohkoLat.

Sun woh kuss&muhkon.

Nuppaketam, paketam,

Ahque pahketash.

Nutcheke pethinum.

Neppinnittinneat.

Nchpinumcok nehplnnook

wutch kenau.
Pattohquohanni.
Pattohquohannat*
NummisslDum, -up.
Nummissinumumun, -nonup.
Missinumiiuat.

Matta woh nukquishkinnOmun.
Nukqussukquannek. [p. 82.]

Taskuhkouonat.
Noh wuttaht&skuhkauuh.
Nunnukkishom, -p.
Nunnukkisshomun, -nonup.
Nunnukkisshdnat

214

cotton's INDIAN yOCiiBULA&T.

My flesh trembleth,

I trust, or did,

We trust, or did,

To trust,

To be trusted,

I try, or did,

We try, or did,

To try, to be tryed,

Trials, or attempts,

I turn, or did,

We turn, or did,

To turp, to be turned,

I try, or did,

Toty,

To vex, (see Provoke,)

I view, or did,

To view, to be viewed,

To take a view,

I vomit, or did,

To vomit.

He vomits,

I vow.

Vows,

I urge, or did.

To urge, to be urged,

I am urgent.

An use, ( or a sermon,)

I use, or did,

We use, or did,

To use, to be used,

Use me well,

To wail, or howl,

To wait for,

They wait, (vid. Stay,)

I walk, or did,

We walk, or did,

To walk, or go,

Endeavouring to walk,

Walk uprightly,

I wander, or did.

Wandering, or going astray,

He wanders, (i, c. is lost,)

They wander,

I want, or did.

We want, or did,

To want,

To be wanting, or defective,

They want,

Nooweyaus nunnukiashaa.
Nuppapahtantam, -ap.
Nuppapahtuntamiimun, -nonnp.
Papahtantarounat.
Papahtanittinneat.
Nukqutchiteo, -up.
Nukqutchteomun, -nonup.
Qutchteouiinat.
Qutcheheteoongasb.
Nukquinuppem, -up.
Nukquinuppemun, -nonup.
Quinuppenat.
Nuppissaunuqunum, -up.
Pissaunuqunumunat
Moomoosquehhuonat.
Nukkeehkeneam, -ap.
Kihkinneaattaonk.
Kuhkinassinneat.
Nummen^ttam, -up.
Menattamiinat.
Noh menattam.

Chadchekeyeuae nukqnosbouam.
duoshowaongash, or chadchek^

yeuae quoshaumuaongaah.
NutchetimmQwam, -wap.
Chetimuonat.

Nutchekewe, chetimiiwam.
Auwohchaonk, [p. 83.]

Nuttauohteam, -teap.
Nuttauohteamun, -nonup.
Auwohkonat.
Wunniyeuwahe.
JVlumuttamTwe mishontooonat.
NuppahtTssuonat.
Pahtsooog.
Nuppumwusham.
Nuppumwushamun.
Poniishonat.
Kodpomushahettit.
Pomishon sampweseae.
Noowoowon, -nup.
Wauwonnuonk.
Noh nanwusshau.
Nag wawonnuog.
Nukquenauwchhik, -up.
Nukquenawehhikumun, -nonup.
Quenauehhikquiuat.
Noonat, or quenauat.
Nag quenauwehquog.

cotton's INDIAN VOCABULARY.

216

or was,
m, or were,

i«

telf and depart,

lid,
r did,

shed,
ed,

an washing >
ing cloaths, \

limself,

»aths out,

wear,
, (▼ery,)
»r make weary,

iid,
r did,
eeping.

by the pound,

hed,
r was,
, or were,

* make sharp,

T, or was,

ing or were,

lling,

illiiig,

ng,

; willing,

or was,

wise,

ou be wise,

^ere wise,

Nukkesooap, -up.

NukkesoosTmun, -nonap.

Kcsoosinneat.

AuwSsish kah monchiesh.

Auwaesinneat

Nukkitisum, -omp.

Nokkitisippattomuo, -noiiop.

Kittlssumwinneat.

Ken kittissCrmwish.

Kittissumwunneat.

Kutti[che]ssumooonk.

Nunnau mittdrnwus kuttisupatto

kah pompahketo monagOnash.
Mahtshottoudnat. [p. 84.]

Noh mohtahkonnau wohhogah.
Mohtahkonittuonk.
Ompattamiinat, auwohkonat.
Nuttauwohteam.
Nummahtompattamunat.
Nummahche ompattaro.
Nag woh ompattamwog.
Pogkodche nussouunum'.
Souunu m wahuonat
Souunumunat.
Monagkenechkonat
Nen nummome.
Nenauun numm6mun.
Mouinneat, -moonk.
QuttompagkcDtoonat
Quttompaghootoonk.
Nuttehkequin.
Noh quttompaghooto nashpe qut-

tooheg.
Quttomppaghootosinneat.
Noot&gkes, -up.
NootagkessimuD, -nonup.
Wuttagkesinneat.
Keekodtauiinat.
NcDwekdntam, -up.
NcDwekontamumun, -nonup.
Sun koo wekon tarn um woo.
Noh mat weekontam.
Wekontamiinat.
Wekdntimwaheoncheg.
NcDwaantam, -up.
Nukkod waantam.
Sun woh koowaantam.
Koowiintamumwco, -wop.

216

cotton's INDIAN VOCABULARY.

To be wise,

I wish, or did,

We wish, or did.

They shall wish.

To wish, {like waantam),

To be wished,

I wipe, or did.

We wipe, or did,

To wipe,

To be wiped.

To wither, or pine away (as a

tree,)
I wither, I am lean, or pine

away,
A tree withers,
I wonder, or did.
We wonder, or did,

To wonder,

I work, (vid. Labor,)

A good work.

How do we 'work.

He workt for me,

I worship, or did,

To worship.

We worship, or did.

Worship God,

To be worshipped, •

To wrest, or misinterpret,

I did not misinterpret,

I can write,

Can he or they write,

Can you write,
To write a book,

To be written,

I yield, or did.

We yield, or did,

To yield,

Yield yourself to me,

I am zealous,

Be thou zealous in a good cause,

Waantamanunaty (Vid. Oram.

mat p. 26.) *
Nunnontweintam, -ap. [p. 85.]
NunnontweantamiimuDy -D6nap.
Nag pish nontweantamwog.
Nontweantamunat.
NoDtweantamwinneat
Nutjeeskham, -up.
Nutjiskhamiimuo, -nontq>.
Jiskhamdnat.
Jishwhissinneat.
Ni

iiiiii

* «^

Nuttonnanwissinneat.

Mehtuk nuppoota.
Nummohch&nantam, -ap.
Nummohchan&ntamQmun, -ra-

up.
Mohchantamiioat.
Nuttann&kous.
Wunne anakausuonk.
Uttuh nuttinanakausinnean.
Nutanakausue&tunk.
Noowowussumuwam.
Wowussumuonat.
Noowowussumuwamuo.
Wowussum God.
Wauwussittinneat
Matche quishkinumunat
Mat nrjppaliogketamoo.
Woh ncDsoohqiiohlRim.
Sun noh, nag wussoohquohham-

WOfJ.

Sun woh kcDsa)hqa)hham.
Wusscohkhaniunat, wussukqiioh-

honk.
Wussoohquoh\Wiassin.
Nunnaisweem, -up.
Nunncnswemun, -nonup.
Nooswenat.
NcDswetah ncn.
Nummaninlsse menehki-

nit. [p. 86.J

Maninlssish ut wunnegcn unoi-

ycuonk.

* This reference is to ElioVa Indian Grammar ^ which will be found in the
Historical Collections, vol. ix. Second Series. Edit-

COTTOH's UTDIAN VOCABULARY.

217

aloas man,

zealous,
talous, or were,
iJous, or were,
zealous,

take it for granted,

rou say,

you go,

le Indian word for fire,

ow it was,

h must I give you for

athers,

>le yourself about it,

you come again,

Noh maninissiie menehkenitteae

wosketomp.
Kummaninissue menehteantam.
Nummaninissimun.
Kummaninnissumwoo.
Nag maninissuog.
Maninissuonk.
Koonepeam.
Ahque chanantah.
Toh kuttinnoowam, or kussim.
Tohwutch monchean.
Uttuh yeu Indianne kuttooonk

wutch chikkoht, or nootau.
Usseh uttuh anagis.
Toh kuttinaiinoohhumauish, koo-

peeiinnog.
Ahque wuttaroooontash ne papau-

me.
Ahquomppak wonk kuppeyam.

Participles.

I, adorning,

advised,
afforded.

[p. 87.]

g, subs.
amazed,
', amended,
ngry,
anointing.
If answered,
;, appeared,
7, appointed,
isen,

arrived,
)ked,

, aswaged,
g, attempted,
awaked,
, banished,

K>hi,

[I. THIRD SERIES.

( Missechooonk.
( UnnoohhoosoSonk.

Wunnoohwhosinneat.

Kogkahquttue, kogkakti'mau.

Ununumuadtdonk.

KuttijshanittQonk.

duehtammooonk.

Wapsuontamooonk.

Moochlkohtooonk.

Keannontilpah.

Aianukkdoooonk .

Neken mosquantamooonk.

Sussequenittuonk.

Namppoohamodonk.

Nogquissinneat.

Kehteimau, kuhquttumauwoo.

Omohkeonk, or omohkej.

Kenhoosdnash, kenhoosu.

MissohkomukhTnumooonk.

Wequttum, wequttumauau,
nottoohumwehteai.

Wuttogquenoi.

dutchehhuau, qutchehhean.

Toohkenuau, toohk^nau.

Quossoohkausu, quossoohkauau.

Nenih, or wannepeh.

Menehte&ntam.

218

COTTON S INDIAN VDCABtlLABT.

Be&th)^, beaten,

Becoming, {or decent,)

Begetting, begot,

Begun,

Beheld, beholding,

Believing, believed,

Bent,

Benummed,

Bewaring,

Binding, bound,

Biting, bitten,

Blaming, blamed,

BlesBing, blessed,

Blindiag with Biooke,

Blotted,

Blowing,

Boiled,

Born,

Bragein
Break in

Breaking, broke.
Breathing,
Bringing, brought.

Brought op, or educated.
Built,

:, burnt,

Burying, Buried,
Buying, bought,
Calling, called,
• • • •

Cast off,

Cost down,

Caught,

Ceasing,

Changing, changed.

Charging (a gun J, charged,

Chastitiing, chastised.

Cheated, cheating.

Cherishing, cherished,

Chiding,

(^hoakt, choaking.

Claiming, claimed.

Coming,

Comforting, comfoTted,

Commanding, commanded.

Committing, committed, putting,

&c.
Compassing, compassed,

Sasam atahhoconal.

THppeneunk<]uissinneat. [p-88.

Wo u w unne c han n Qon k .

Kutlche.

Moninneam, m6ninne&tnonk,

Wunnamptamun, wunn&mptui.

Wonkkcnasu.

Mat waammatlamooonk.

Nunniikquanumcoonk.

Kishpinno6nk, tobtogkuppis.

Sagkepooau, aagkcpwoositODk.

Wulchimau.

Wunnaniltuonk, wunnamiimaa.

ChoquassCimuk.

JcshhamoOonk.

t'ootaniamooonk .

Nam ID attoh kukquossu .

Netu, nechinat.

Mishshodonat.

Pooh(]ui3shau.

Nanlihahonat.

Pasmwou, pattohsu, pattouunit

or kcssikkehhiltuonk.
Pasoowou, kenunnosu.
WekukkuasQ, kessukkehheao.
ChikkoHsohsu, chikkohtta, ntobl

titta.
PcDskinittuonk, pcoskinnous.
Adtfjwau, taphumun.
Wehkokomuk, wcqulteamdoonl
Tashshinassu.

Pogkelohsu. [p>^

Penohtaosu-
Tohquinumunat.
Alahleaeonk.
Ossoo wu num ^onk.
Mccliimuhk^nufa.
Sasametobwhou,
Aasookekomwoo, assookeho.
KeM)osummtlau, kesoosiiniui,
Nislitjuemau.
Paslishinnnu, -onk.
Pekchenunnauau.
Peyaonk.
TaphQao, tapbfau.

Pannupshlconk.

COTTOV'S INDIAir VOCABOLART*

219

«1,

Chekewe, or chekshanittuonk.

»ing.

VV uttoowaonaonk.

ling, condemned,

AwSkomponnae, wuasQmau.

ig, confest,

Sumppooau, pohkodau.

)

VV uttamheau.

ig, consumed,

Mohtchikkissooae.

ig, coDTinced,

Pogkodchimii&onk.

, coTered,

Onkwhussu.

Kl.

Kogkahtlmau.

Kesiteoussu. [p. 90.]

MocDonk.

ursing,

Mattaniimat.

ng,

Nenehkissosu.

Mattwakk&onk.

[ared,

Aiahchumau, assookekomau.

r, deceived,

Assookekodteamoo.

Magunat en God{it.

g, defended,

Kenohhamuadtuonk.

^, delighted.

Wokontamooonittaonk.

y, delivered,

Pohquowhunittaonk.

ig, demanded,

Wehquttumcoonk, or nohnatit-

tumooonk.

denyed,

Quenooau, quenooonittin.

, departed,

Amaeonk, amieai.

, deserved.

Sompwe attumunumooonk.

desired,

Kodtantamiinat, kodtantam.

, despised,

Jeshantamunat, (to be chief,) nish-

ananumukqussine&t

devised,

NatwontamCinat.

r, devoured,

Mohtchuppcue.

digged,

Anoskhamunat, noohkohteahh&p

mu)onk, wonohkonat, w&nalv>

teau.

iipped,

Quogkinnosue.

Montshanittuonk.

ng, dissembled,

OmppuwussAe, omppuwussu.

divided,

Chachappinumiinat

ae,

Assemuk, ussonash, ussenap, us-

seonk, mahtche-ussen.

ChanantamOnat.

drawn.

Wuttonchittauunat, or wuaaau*

metummoo. [p. 0^]

drunk,

Kogkewau, wuttattamiinat, kod-

kewau.

Anunumauwaetcoonk.

Metsinneat.

T, embraced,

Womosue, ukkehchik, quaittuonk.

, emptyed.

Sequnumdnat.

3d,

Menehkewuttoantamdk)nk.

COTTOn'S IKDIAH TOOABOLAKI.

Enduring, endured,

Enjoying, enjoyed,
Enquiring, enquired,
Entring, cntrcdi
Enticing, enticed,
EstabI tailing, established,
Esleeming, cstfiemed,
Excelling, excelled,
Exiiibiled,
Falling, fallen,
Failing,
Fastened,
' Favouring, faTOured,
Fearing,
Feeding, fed,
Fooling, felt,
Fighting,
Filling, filled,
Finding, found,
Flowing,

Flying away, fled.
Flattering, flattered,
Following, followed.
Forbidding, forbidden.
Fore mentioned,

Forgetting, forgot,
Fortifyingi
Gathered, gathering,
Getting, gotten,
Giving, given,
Glad,

Going, went,
Ooveraing, governed,
Grieved, or grief,
Groaning,
Handled,
Hanged, hanging,

Hastening, hastened.
Hating, hated.
Having,

Healing, healed,
Hearing, heared,
Hedged,
• Hiding, hidden,
Hindering, hindered.
Hoping,

Qnomissontamiiaat, (qiUQb»)tis>

arouk. ^^H

W i>ki>ntaniooonIaniilnaL ^^^^H
PobkodtootumuhkonaL ^^^H
Pclillcontamcuonk. ^^^^

WJwctimuonk.
Mfriuhketoui^nat.
Wutiooantaniuiiat, wuttooaTiUun.
Anukomunal, anukomiuinoo.
CluoahwuaauinauuL
Peiiitilishau, penishshui.

Boiikkekelouwuuat. .^^^

Tappentaattuonk. ^^^|

^luittamiiaat. ^^H

MeutsuontainuDBt. ^^^

Mcbquinumunal.
Mekoniituonk, ayenulluonk.
Numwolitouunat.
Nanieehtouilnat.
Tomok konu uooa
Wuaxcmoo, wuwemoowL [p. 93.|
Won wckoo w ftonk .
AssulikoRi-moo-iniM, or mooo.
Uuttohkonat, quahiinnittimuk.
Quosshouo, misMohhamiuiRp.

(p. 96,)
Wanantamanat. „^

MonehkotaiiilnaL J^|

HohmAwunQmOnaL
AhchuebtouanaL
Hagkoo, magkun.
WekoBUm.
Pu m uahshaonk ,
Nanauun umm obonk.
Noohittaonk.
Au wohkontoo w&tMik.
Weogkehtauiinat .
Wa&ahanittaonk, wi

onat.
Wapantatnf&i.
Sekeneam £6onk.
Ahtunkeeg, pi. KhtOOOnat
NetakesiJonk.
NootamoOonk.
Wakaunooe.
PuttogquBonk.
WuttamteAonk.
AnnAoauiionk.

COTTOK'S INDIAN VOCABULARY.

221

hunted,

hurt,

\ imitated,

g, increased,

joyned,
kept,

3pt sabbath,
[illed,
kissed,

, known,
g, laboured,
ig, lamented,
ing,

»>

lead,

, learned,

left,

, diminished,

ifted,

>st,

3ved,

i^kedly,

made,

-, married.

g, measured,

, mingled,
7, mistook,
moved,

named,

d, nourishing,
obeyed,
I, obtained,
r, offended,
opened,

ng, overcome,

Mishontoowiposu.

Kehchiquepsu.

Adtchanittuonk.

Woskehhuonat, woskesu. [p. Od.]

Aiannauonat

MissetQonk.

Wequaiyeukauont

Nanompanwonat.

Mosogqueonk.

Nanauehteouunat.

WunnunnanSwehtosode sab.

Nishittiionk nishshauai.

Chipwuttoonnapwuttdonk.

Chohchohquttahhamdk)iik.

Wahteaue, wateouonk, wabittin.

Anakausiionk, anakausu.

M6muttamd5onk.

Mohtchikana^nk.

AhanQonk.

SagkompaghonQau. .

Ompattissinnd5onk.

duequeshau.

Nehtuhtouunat

Nukkodtumunat

Peohteoudnat

TohshinumCinat.

Pomantamunat*

Wunnehtedonk.

Womontam, womonnau.

Pannooau matchetooe.

Ayumdnat, ayum.

Wetouadteau, kekompau.

Quttuhhumunat [p. 94.]

Nutwontam6S.

Kunukkinn^su.

Pehtantam, puhtantamodonk.

Momoncheonk, antsappu, ontap-

puonk.
Moooongane.
Moomooskootonk.
Wesuonkanuhkonat
PasscDoheyeuut.
Sohkommoosooonat
NooswetamoSonk.
Wuttahtimumd5onk.
Wuttamhuonat
Woshwunummd5onk.
Ukkuhquttumun.
Sohkouonk, sohkoattin.

222

cotton's llfDIAir VOCABULARY.

Owing,

Painting, painted,

Panting,

Pardoning, pardoned.

Paying, paid,

Perceiving, perceived,

Permitted,

Perswading, perswaded,

Pityed, pitying,

Playing, well played (to

thing,)
Pleasing, pleased.
Polluting, polluted,
Praying,

Pressed, oppressed,
Preventing,
Procuring, procured,
Profaning.

Promising, promised.
Proving, proved.
Providing, provided.
Provoking, provoked,
Punishing, punished.
Purged, or purified,
Putting, put off,
Quenching, quenched,
Quieting, quieted.
Raging,
Raining,
Reading, read.
Refusing, refused.
Rejoicing,

Remembring, remembred,
Repeated,

Repenting, repented.
Reserved,

Returning, returned.
Revealing,

Revenging, revenged,
Reviled,
Roaring,

Roasting, roasted.
Robbed,

Rubbing, rubbed.
Ruling, ruled.
Running, out-runned,
Sacrificing, sacrificed.
Satisfying, satisfyed.
Saying,

Nohtukquahwhuttiionk.
Annogkeonk.
Sauuhklssiionk.
Ahquontamd5onk.
Oadtehkonat
Ogquantamunat
Unanukkonat.
Nuttinantamwahit.
Kitteamongkeneadtinne.
any Puhpiionk wannahiineb.

Tapeneunkque.
Niskhetouunat.
Peantamde
> Sunukkitcbahhooonat. [p*dS.
Amaunnumunate, (take o&)
Ahtauunat
Neshketoudnat.
Quoshshowdnat.
Wunnomwatauilnat
Quoshshouehtam.
Moosquantamhuonat
Sasamatahhooonat.
Pompahketo pahhetouiinat
Pooonumiinat, aumSnumanat.
Onthamunat, onttapattauunat
Maninishuonat
Kogkewe mosquantam.
On nob quat.
Agketamunat.
Sekeneamdoonk.
Mishkouantamooonk.
Mehquantam6nat.
Pehpet&we.
Aiuskoiantamdnat.
Wadchanoog.
Quishkenat, quishke.
W ahteauwahteau wonate.
Annootonat, annoot&onk.
Nukkehkonut
Mishontoowaonk .
Apwonnat, appoosinne[at]
Mukkookinittinneat.
Mummukquinumun.
Nohnouwinittuonk.
Quogquenat.
Seephausinneat.
Tappenauwahusoomoouk.
Noowau. [p. dS

COTTOV'S INDIAN VOCABOLART.

as3

\g, scattered,
g, searched,
g, seasoned,
(aw, seen,

sought,
»id,

sent,

d, separating,
served,

r, shunned,
, shut,
unified,

I smelt,
sown,
spared,
[, spoken,
tioned.

ig, sprinkled,

, stood,

stole,
>

, stopt,

ig, stretched,
to be stricken,
strove,

, studyed,

g»
suck'd,

, suffered,

ip,

i conditions.

Unnoowaonk, unnooonat.

Seauhkonat, sewohham.

Nattinohkonat

Tappetouiinat.

Naumooonk, nunnau.

Nattinneohteaonk.

Momdgun, mSgun.

Annoonittin, innoonau.

Chippinumunat

Wuttinnumun, wuttininnamoh-

kou.
Tottauhohkon.
Ogkodchinat
Mooswossinneat.
Nahtuhkonat.
Wossumwinneat.
duishshuhkomiinat.
Kuppohkamunat
Kuhkinneasimuk.
Ketookamonat
Matchesenat.
NummSttappinneat
Kouenatkaueonk.
Toonikquissinunat.
Menonttamunat
Ohkehkonat.
Magunap.
Kuttooonat
Negonne, keketookontamOgkish.

(p. 92.)
Suhquinneat.
Seauhkonat, toouhteae.
Mat kuhkenauishoo.
Nepouinneat

Pahhuonat. [p. 07.]

Kummootoowonk.
Matchemonkquat
Wogkonunnau.
Kuppohwh6nat«
Summagkinumiinat.
Togkomonat, togkodtinneat
Pogkodche, aiyeukonat
Natwontamunat
Togkissittassinunat
NooncDwonk, nooniinat.
Wuttamehpinn&onk.
Numuhqnonnat.
Ponamooe wunnatwontamooon-

gash.

cotton's INDIAN VOCABULARt.

SUppOliDg, SUppOBCll,

Sweating,
Swelling, or swoIri
Swiminini;,
Taking, look,
Tamed,
Tarrying,
Tasting, tasted,
Teaching, taught.
Tearing, lorn.
Thinking, I hough I,
Thiratiog.

Threatoing, threatiied.
Thrown down,
Thrusting,
Touching, touched.
Treading,

TremWing, Ircmblod,
Troubled,
Trusting, trusted,
'I'rjring, tryed,
Turning, tumed,
Tying, tyod,
Unspeakable,
Vexing, vexed,
Viewing, Tie wed,
Visible things.
Vomiting, vomited.
Urging, urged,
Uung, HMO,
Waiting,
Walking,
WanderiDg,
Wanting, waoted.
Warming, wann«d,
Washing, washed,
Wasting, wasted,
Wearing, worn,
Wearyii^g, wearied,
Weeping, wept,
Weighing, weighed.
Wishing, wished,
Withering, withered,
Wondering,

Worshipping, worshipped,
Writing, written,

Viehling, yielded.

UnnantamunitL

Chnchekeuwaonk.

K u ssitlii n n nm m (ion k .

MogquBSuonk, mogi|uc!ti.

Puimn'isoon^nat.

Mauminnat, or nemutiumunat

Nannunhurmtt.

Pahlmwiionk.

Qulchtamunat.

Kuhko(>lu:nk6nnat ^^

Taniiogkukkomdnat. ^B

Urianiainujunk. ^^M

Kuhkiuinnuwe. ^^

C) uiM] uohto won at.

Puiiuhkonat.

NuhijuuumCinat.

MiHSuiiuinunat. [p. !)^

Anohijuintihiuink, onabquisshinni

N un u k k iahshaon k .

W u ttamantamoiionk.

Papahtan tamooonk .

Qui cbehieonunaL

(luiahkenal.

Kishpinnauanat.

Malta mnsshommoomukisfa.

Moorooosi]ue b hu onat.

Pnbke, kuhkinnoaniuuat.

NaumUkisb leanteaguas.

Mcnattamunal, monaltam.

Chokeyimonai, chelinmouat.

Auwohkonat.

Pah tauontamiUiat.

PomsbCnat.

NanwushsboDat.

Quenau wehhOao.

AppisanmQnaL

Kuttdsaumjiiiat, kuttisnpatto.

MahtshattouQDat.

Ompattamiinat

Souunumooonk, sauunamunaL

Mcooonk, mouwinneat.

QuttompaghootCDonk.

Nontwew6nat.

MuBsupassco we .

Won wonn u onk .

Wou wusBBu mmuSnat.

WusBukwboHu, wusBoohqnohlw-

mooonk.
NooBwenil, or nooweonk.

cotton's INDIAN VOCABULARY.

226

The Creed, Wunnampitamd5onk.

[p. 99.]

m God wame manuhkesit wutooshimau, noh kezliit-
ah ohke ; kah nooDampitan Jesus Christ uromoh-
^he Dussontimomub noh wompequoomuk nashpe
imwe nashauanit netuonont penompae Maryhoh
lup ut agwe Pontius Pilate pummetunkuppinnau-
p kah poosklnop womisupe en ChepiohkomQkqut,
k noh oniohke wonk wutch nuppunat kah waabe en
na wutappinadt wuttinnoh kaunit God wame manuh-
liTmau, nawutch pish peyau wussum6nut naneswe
ah napukig — Noonampitam ut wunnetupantamwe na-
lampitam ut mamiisse wunnetupantamwe mo^uweh-
kah ummooohkamaongaiincD wanetupant6gik, kah
Itiionk matcheseongash kah muhhogkooe omiihkeonk
pomantamoDonk ut kesukqut. Amen. 1706.

between two, Keketokionk nasJumenesooog, [p. 100.]

friend, how do you

ty well, and ready
ou.

i you come from
:own 1

ago.
ivife and children

3 children, but my

althy time in your

rally.

y miles do you live

ow.

ire you going ?

^cticut.

you come back ?
time.

lid not run about
y ; it is not good to
idle ?

Wunne nogkishkoadtCionk, ne-

tomp, toh kuttinukk^tSam.
Nuttaniikkd wunnikketSam kah

nukquishwap kootininnumu-

kouun.
(Koo) uttuhhunooh koomumus
* kuttiyeuonganit asuh kuttootA-

nat.
(Nam.f ) nesukquinogkod.
Sunkummittdmus kah kenechd-

nog wunniyeuog.
Mat noomukkoiyeumoo, qut

nummuttumwus mohchinnai.
Sun wunnuhketeaonktnnu ut

kootohkeonkanit.
Nux ut omog wame.
(Natf ) n&tahshemilesuoo attan-

uppomantAmun wutch yeuut.

iNp.) mat noowAehteooo.
Nt.) uttoh unukkahquat ne

ayoan.
(Np.) ut Qruinnehtukqut
Nahkuttunnooh quishkem.
Ut tiahqui ahquompi.
Mat wunnegonunnob kuppum-

dshumat ut wuttohtimdndlash ;

mat wunnagununncoh nono-

gq[ush.]

Lions Mtm. and JVp. stand for JVampoohamdonk, i. e. Anewer ;
T. for JVatootommuhteaonk, L e. Questioii. . EdU.

THIRD SERIES. 29

cotton's INDIAH VOCABl'LiBY.

KI-,#Ki>l much to see my
, ~ ftiinds In those p&rU, Mid I
■j kopelfcit-wilJ excuse me.

K Nn, I beg your paHon for
" aimagjau i'dl^t

A. I fataad to diind my ***.
^" Whari 2 obmo home.

ttmto tMChSB you on Lords
V A»: in tbe Indians come o

Af No, foam stay away.
B. llojaa mot Any boob T

jC .7l^ ft OMtiiB Mw book.

bairl.

Q. BMr«aMi«baaUI "

flonvMuaot tuDM be
to that duty.

P. But I must work sometimea.
H. Yea, BO you must, but tbeu

you may lill up your heart

to God.
d. Will you woTk for me a day

or two 1
A. Yea ; what will you give me ?
P. I will pay you honeatly,

I will satisfy you.

I would have my garden dig-
ged.
P. Have you any plants in it 1

Yes.
P. Let me shake you by the

hand, and (I pray) tell me

what news.
A. I hear the French are mnch

beaten, ancl that the Indians

Nukquensuehhik aauonat oe-

lomppBog ut ycush aiyeuoa-

gash kah natan^ous wob no-

onom mai ID u m i (.
dut kooweh(]uttumauish ahqa-

ontennn wutch nussudnk ken-

ondgqups.
Numissontam nan auehieou Ob

DODtamaniamooonk pevaa

••• nekit.
llowan kukkuhkoola- [p. 101.]

mong ut iikkcssykodt-

Omut Lord.
Ahche wnnneio6# Indian.
Siinwame indiansog peyAg <n

m'V'ongAnit.
Mat, nAwhitcho mat nogquinog.
Siin qukquonauehkikumwawui^

oohqu«»».
Niix, aianne wuske wussookquo-

hon"«.
Koowcknniom woh kooncldoiL
Nux, qut nuttohtA matchetodws

mclab.
Mob ktippoontamati Ood onk w«b

Q) octooahl A u In a t.
Noh toh taahe nnppoentam.
Peantaali asgwulteaC ul wanw

wunnfihtoashaC shquomp

quoshw.'^piah wutch ne no»

doctamoo.
Qut mi's nuttanakouB raSm^niEh.
NuK, ne woh kuilisscn qut eeil

wnh kuttashuDum kuttah es

GodiiL
Koowckontam kuttaoundaib <

pasuk kesQkkodaanh net.
Nux, tohkuttinonkqiiAtah nta
Pish nont kuttonkwatton***.
Pish kuttappenauwobhiulL
'■*kodUntam nnttattnohktMO«

nokkuthumnae.
Sun kattohtou tUUikeb- [p. 10St.-|

te mflkik niut T Naz.
Unanumeh sogkiniteh&ne kaatM.

cheg, usseh toh aaitflnkquok.

NottincDtara
tohwhdt, Inh

[ndiuMqgwwb- J

COTTOM'S INDIAN VOCABOLART.

227

iscovered coming down

us.

veil they are diacoTer-

ifltrue.

t may be I shall hinder
f I stay any longer,
in haste, and want to
ing.

I wont detain yon much
r.

you well,
night to you.

morrow to you.

&(^pey&g kukquentunkquin6*

nog.
Ne wunnegen nag ne oowiahin-

nau.
Ne wunnomw&onk.
Qut ammiat tub kootam ehhish

toh neit kooche yeu appeon.
Noowap&ntam kah nukkodt^n-

tam monchenat
du, mat kootSmehhInnook koo-
che wonk.
Nehunushshash, or wunnlish.
Wunnegen koononkquissinod*

bnk.
Wunnegen koowompan issinndo*

onk, or wequ&sinnooonk.

Adverbs^ Pronouns^ S^c,

[p. 103.] .

Ij.

nore clearly,
nUy,

ly.

cunningly,
sly,

sloTcd,

ly.

f, hastily,

NukkonneyeQuk.

Matcheyeue.

Mattohkoroai ashsha.

Wesogkeyeu.

Pogkinumoe.

Missekin, or musshimmechimue*

Puppunashshimwe.

dwwepinnue.

Nannauantamwe.

Maninissde.

Wekontamwe.

Nahnaney5ue.

Pahkey^u^.

Pahkee, anue pohkiyeu.

Chohkuhhoo.

Wekonche.

Neenwoncheyeue.

Ncoosuwe.

Pogkodche, kuhken&ue. •

Uhquantamwe.

Womdsue.

Wekontamweneunkquad.

Pohkinniy^ue.

MishshoadtQe womtnukqussu.

Mat nahn&ne.

Chanantam6ee.

Wapantamoe.

NukkQmme.

Menuhkesue.

Wunnenonkqu&tte.

228

cotton's iitdian tocabolart.

Emptily,

Mohtohiyeoe.

Enviously,

IskououssQe.

Equally,

TattuppeySoe. [p. U

Especially,

Nahnaunne, nanpehyea.

Eternally,

Michemoht&e.

Excessively,

Moochekey^uuk*

Fairly,

Pahkeyeiie.

Faithfully,

Pipahtant&mwe.

Falsely,

Panncow&e.

Famously,

WannegennOe.

Filthily,

Matchiyeue.

Firmly,

Menukoht&e.

FiUy,

TapiyftoS.

Foolishly,

Mattammagqwe.

Forcibly,

Chekewae.

Formerly,

Chenohkommue.

Freely,

Nanniuwe.

Fruitfully,

Mishshommechummue.

Fully,

Numwae, p&shanne.

Generally,

Ut omog wame.

Gently,

Maninne.

Gladly,

Wekont&mwe.

Gready,

Mishe.

Greedily,

KogkeoeankqussQe.

Guiltily,

Kesohkoadtamwe.

Happily,

Wunniyeue.

Hardly,

Auohkonche, or siogkod.

Harshly,

Uhquompanumoadtaosik .

Haughtily,

Petuanumdo^.

From hence.

Wutch yeuOt.

Highly,

Quinuhque.

Holiiy,

Sampwesear;.

Honestly,

Papahtawumukquissue.

How far,

Uttoh unnuhkuhquat.

Honourably,

Quittianumukquissue.

Humbly,

Maninussue.

Imperfectly,

Mat pahkeyeue.

In(iustriously,

Wouwuttoowussue. [p. 10

Intirely,

Mamusseyeue.

Inwardly,

UnnAmmiyiue.

Joyfully,

Mishkouantamwc.

Justly, ignorantly,

Sampwe, assootQi';.

Kindly, knowingly,

Wunnenechhuae, watamwe.

Largely,

Papahchiyeue.

Tiastly,

Momachisheue.

Lately,

Pasoowc, majjshcyeue.

Lazily,

Nannogquesuc.

Learnedly,

Nehtuhtoe.

Lightly,

Nonganne, meshauantamwe.

COTTON^S INDIAN VOCABULABY»

229

•mely,
or lustfullj,

iiy,

ly,
iiy,

irily.

Bly,

nes,

•ily,

dly,

lainly,

itly,
dly,

Jy, immediately,

, (any thing that makes

ly.

Illy,

Bly.
5iy,
ly.

rously,

dy,
y,

iously,
tely,

ly, (a coat not soft,)

ly.-

Jeshantamwe.

Kukkoomwe.

Memohkesue, matchekodtanttr

m(i.
Nahtitt^ae.

Meshanne, meshanantatnwe.
Wutcheyeu^,
MonanitteSe.
Unuu&numoe.
Kuttumonkkeyeiie.
Ogkodchue.
PoshkissQe.
Nappiyeae.
MatchenoquatS.
Pasoocheyeue.
Tappeneunkqaat^.
Quenauadte.
WuskeySue.
Kogkittamwe.
Siogkode.

Moocheke ahquompiyeuash.
Nonagwutteae.
WoshkecheySue.
Kooche papahkoowona. [p. 106:]
Piuhsiikkeyeae.
Wekontamwutte&hhae.
Moochekey^ue.
Matchekkdoe.

Teanuk, teanooh, or kenoppey^ae.
Pissekkey^ue.

Kemeyoue.

Mcogkemogkooe;

MatcheseaS.

Wunomppamukquissue.

PsLpasununkquate.

Wunuhkommiie.

Petuanum6^.

Pohquae, pohquaweyeoe.

WunnegennQe.

Teanuk, or kenuppe.

Wunndhtuh wunnegen.

Matnatwontamooe, chuhchukqoe.

Quoshsh5ue.

Cheket&moey^ae.

Kesinumoe.

Sampweyeue.

Koshkey^ue.

Petokquiy^u^.

COTTOH^t UIDIAV* TOCABinjUr.

Ruddy,
SftdiT,

Sanoily,

fletsonaUyi

Seoredyi

Seldom,
• • • •

Sererelj,

Shameleiiiy,

Sharply,

Sliortly,

Siiii|dy9 ainoe,

Siiioerely,

Softly,

Sotenmly,

Soundly,

Straiglitly,

SteonglT,

Soddenly, the timaa,

Sorely,

Sweetly,

Swiftly,

Tenderly,

Tenibly,

Thank&lly.

Thinly,

Treacherously,

Truly,

Vainly,

Valiantly,

Verily,

Unsavourily,

Unwillingly,

Usually,

Wantonly, playiogly,

Weakly,

Willingly,

Wholly, entirely,

Wickedly,

Wildly,

Wisely,

Wittily,

Wofully,

Wonderfully, worthily.

[p.m.]

Tohnoieh6yteB»

Knttdmiinff*

NAnanwiyene*

Aiod^^e.

Wonno nttoSehe.

JLenieywB0a

Cbek«w«.

Jianantntimnwu.

Pogkodcheytaa.

Mat ogkodoUla.

Kenly^ue.

Ompettig, ompehohikgrowpilii

Aeratue, maboba.

MetahhcDwaa, imnpwuHmiiaa

Nodhke yete.

Qattocheyeacoaah, nign>

wimiunoooook kah

yea onoowonvmoooiik at ■»

llOff pinliTfkkiyMillriah^

Sampwenmogannoaii.
MenahkeeQe.

Tiadche? 6iie, ahgoompiynBik
Pogkodche nenit.
Wdc&nne.
Kennpahia.
Nahtwantamwa.
UnkqneneOakqiie.
TapadUmtnmftwa*
Wussappe.
Wunnomppukohtea.
W unumunKuteyeu.
Tohnooche.
Kenomppae.
Wunnamuhkut
Mat weekonnQnnou.
Matwekontamwe.
Wameyeue, yoyatcheh.
PohpQ^.

Noochumwesa^
Wekontamde.
MamusseySue.
Matchesefyejue.
ChatchepissQe.
Waantamoeyeue.
Wunnogkinniantamoe.
Uttae.

Mohchantamwe, tappaneoakquif-
8fle.

cotton's INDIAN TOCABULART.

2Si

WonderiiiUy,

Worthily,

Wildly,

Mohchantamwe.

Tappeunkquissiie.

ChachepisQe.

[p. 107 i.]

Pronouns.

I,thoa,
Be, him,
hi him,

Te, you.

They, them,

Those, these.

Of him, or her.

To him, or her.

From, or with him,

Of them, or those.

To them, to those,

By, or with those, whose son.

My, mine.

Thy, thine,

WhomsoeTer,

Your, yours,

His, hers,

Whence, or whereby.

Our, ours,

Not that (house), not that (man,)

^hich, that,

I'hyself, himself,

Bimself, herseli^

^Vhose,

Oirselves,

YourseWes,

I'hemselTes,

Yoorself,

I mjself,

You yourself,

Be himself, &c.

Their own,

2!^ men, which, which, pL

*»»flinan.

This thing,

These things,

Bring him with you when you
come.

Bring my coat,

Bewire of men,

Nen, ken.

Noh, nigum.

Ut noh.

Nenawun, neanauun.

Nek, kenau.

Nagumau, nag, nahog.

Yeug, yeush, neeg.

Wutch nSgum.

Ut nagum.

Wutch nashpe nagum.

Wutch nahog.

Ut nahog, ut yeug.

•••Vid. p. 1. 2.(a)

Nee, nen.

Ne, kittihe.

Howan inantam.

Yeu, kenau.

Noh, ne.

Nish nashpe, yeu nashpe, sing.

Yeu, nenauun.

Matta he, matta no.

Uttuh yeu, ne.

PiuhsQkke ken.

Piuh silkke nagum.

Howae, howawuttihe.

Nuhhogkauonog.

Kuhhogkawoog.

Wuhhogkawoh.

Kuhhog.

Nen nuhkog.

Kenau kuhhogkawoog.

Noh wehkoguh.

Wunnehen wonche.

Yeug, uttiyeu; uttiyeush.

Yeuoh.

Yeu.

Yeush, nish.

Passoouk noh wechekenau uttuh

annooh peyauog.
Patauish nuppet***.
Nunnukqussuos wosketomp.

[p. 107 c]

(*)Ths pages here refened to are wanting in the Ms.

EdU.

cotton's iitoian tocabvlabt.

Th« dog a colli,

Tli^bMk iaald,

CcHDO hither,

Cominuid joar man, and do the

thing fooncir.
To oommit one man to another,

Make him to know,

Hake me to Inow,

Htkamerioh,

Tiotattb ue mady.

I tm readj to go,

How loag hi^c you Mayrit,

I.wiU mue jou go if you wont,

Hake him to know,
Make 01 to know,
I wiH make thro in know,
Oood, better, licst,

NunnukqusHttontssh kohtnh.
Annum sonkquesu, or qaoMjuat-

chu.
Wussoohquohhonk son k qui.
Pcyau yeuul.
Annoos kiltinninnutn, usiisk ne

tcog iichcnivouhckcD.
Ahluhlnoonat pasuk wosketomj^

en onkatoganjt.
Us-tenat lesgwc matchcsconk.
Noh wahlounahinach.
Ncnwahlouwahinnoach.
Wenauckhinncach.
Qiioshwohia mctsuonk. [p. WJi]
NuppalitiH moncliecnat.
NohkitlinukcDtiucttcam-
Kutliyuniaush moucbocoat, nut

monchean.
Wnhtcauwah.
Waliteauwahinnean.
K a> wuhtc auw&hu&h.
Wunno, kocho winnil, or wuDn»-

KTaUc's

gen.

Sweet,

Litlle, leut, iwectcsi.

All aloBe, enbiher man.
Any roan, any wood,

Evil of sin, black man,

£?il of punishment,

Black cloth,

An easy lesson,

Easy tempered.

Empty of grace,

A gentle cow.

He is gray before he is good.

Much, more, most,
Pale man,
A pretty thing,
Their envy.

Anue missi, ncmossag.

Nacliuk, auiiqunnag.

Wcekam.

Feawc, nanpehpeawag, weebob.

Nonsiyeu, oiikatog woske.
Niiinvi woske, nanwe wullitligu-

nash.
Machuk matcheseonk, mooune

woske.
Ne machnk saa unetahwhottuonli.
MOoak monag.
Nukkumat kokod Dahtuh.
Nukkamine nnnittoabhionk.
Mahchi wotch kltteamonte***.
NaoauBue kouiah. '

Noh womppuhqua asq wawoai-

(mk.
Mooch eke, kooche.
Wompishkauonk wosketomp.
Piasehkinneunkquat ne teagwij.
Wattiahkauo usauongannoo.

Wttssukqudkhonk wuteh Indian. [p, 106.]

Reverend Sir. It was ao late QuohtianQmit S6Dtim,NowQt- '
when I came to PUmouth that tiJippuhkodUipoepajatOmpaim

COTTON'a INDIAN VOCABULARY.

233

night when jou did look, I
should have called, that I ven-
tured to pass by joa, hoping it
would not much displease you,
since it was a long time that I
had bin from my place and fami-
Ij) jet I beg your pardon this
time. I will be as good as my
word; you shall see me next
Monday night, if weather permit
totrarel with my family and I in-
tend to tarry one day with you ;
weather has bin so bad I could
not do what I had to do here.
Speak a good word for me to
Mr. Thomas, that he may not
be much concerned about his
iDoney, for the Honourable Mr.
SewalJ doth intend to treat ♦ • •
ibout the debt.

Your humble servant,

• • • • #

ne nohkok nuttauomp&meohp
woh nunnau&tche petitteap, nuk-
qutcheteaup kupp&mkauuninat
nuttanoosip woh mat mooch^ke
kenochikkooun yeuwutche quin-
ni ahquompi nateah nugkodtum
nuttiyeuonk, kah nutteashinhin-
neonk, onch noowequttum kut-
tahquontomonk yeu ahquompi,
nont pish nutissen ne anoow . . .
mp pish kunnaweh wonk mo-
noak, wun-nonkcouk wunnoh-
quok pummuitt&Inat nutteashin-
ninneonk, kukkod wet6niish pa-
suk kesukod ; mproattohqudttup
newaj nconunnum ussenat ne
koduseyeu ut unncowash wun«
nenuhkoowaonk en Sontim
Thomas wutch nen woh mat
wussaume wuttamantamdok
wutch wutteagwash newutche
quohtianumukqussue Sontim
Sew all pish ooweogquttumauon
ne nohtuh quahwhittiionk : Ag-
wappehtunkquean Kittinnlnu-
me. Jn^ Nemumin.

Adverbs,

[p. 109.]

^ways,
Abroad, again,

^ike, almost,

^s though,

^^ainly, to day, ever,

^^en as, formerly,

A great way off,

^O'r, further, from hence,

g€re, ho holloo, ill,

5*«reafter,

d*><ieed, lastly,

"^^ly, learnedly, since,

Jj>. little,
5f<>teover, mostly,
J-oniorjow,
^Uch, more,
^'Undy,

^OL. II. THIRD SERIES.

Nagwutteae.

Touwisshae, wonkanet, onk, or

wonk.
Tatuppeneunk;quot, omogpeh.
Oiiatuh, or neane,
Tohko, mat chanantamoe, yeu-

kesiikod.
Ne neane, chenohkommu.
Noadtit.

Uttuh, onk, yeu wutch.
Yeuut, wohwatoSwau, matche.
Pishompetak pogkodche.
Neni mumiches, momachisheue.
Nateah, or kumma, or paswu,

nehtuhtoe.
Kusseh, ogkosse.
N&n6, nanpehne.
Saup.

Mooch^ke, kcoche.
Nahnane, wesuongane.

Hot, no, not at all.

Now,

B; DO means, nigh,

Not only.

Perhaps,

Rather,

Scarcely, separately,

Sometimea, no,

Together, theoce.
Truly, then,
There, therein, thus,
Valiantly, to the uttermost.
Unawares, rery,
Why, whence.
Whither, whether or no.
Where, welt, within,
When, (e»ery where.)

Yesterday,

The day before yesterday,

Tel, yea, well.

Mat micheme, asnukqut, or mai

nam kifut.
MUta, mattne<]ut, alique.
Yeuyeu, eyeu.
Malta web neoancDh puB<

che.
Matin webe, or webeyeue.
Amniiat, pogqu&tchs.
Anue.

Aw^k6nche, chippinnounkqumt
Neuh, moDiiiiush, oemohkuh, 14

ncohque, netlnoyeue.
Moywe, nau witch.
Wunnamukqut, ncit.
Nekas, naut, ycuunai.
Umukquompae, ponilppe.
Tiadobo, ahcbe, pchtuh,
TobwaJ, ton nob witch.
Toonob, lonni>but sun umtnUtt.
Tonnoh, wiunil, iinnomlyeu.
Ahquompag, noMianotD, or id

hunna, (nisfaonnat.)
Wunnonkou.
Neesukqiiinogkod.
NuK, wunnekin.

■And, also; or,
Nehlwr, aitlMr,
But, for, u,
For which MOM,
Beeanw if^
Whilst, anien,

(^H/unetioni.

Kahi aauh.

Gnti], otharwiae,
Besides, althoagh,
Therefore, nuimnoh,
Tet, leMt. even,
Qat ouch, temutmat
bot ««aa, iwnrtlwlMi.

[p. IK

Qat, wsj, neinfl.

Newaj.

NewDtehe, tohneit.

Aaqhuttcoche, kittumim.

Ne ennih, or nemeUwh aa, «

qulnncoh.
NAp&jeh, ODkatoginiL
Onkktuk onkne, tokaoJ^qiu.
Newatoba, jdwoloha,
Oneh, iebkont, naiab^
MMtd, far bat, because, jet ao, bat il

Obrare,
O dieadfol,
Fy upon it,
O, wo,

Wannahfinneb, or wekohtes.
IkliBehe nnkqaemankqnat
Konshakinnl], or cbah.
Qaab, woi, nnkqoaoaiiMkqptf
Oowa, weaonkidi.

cottok's ihdiak vocabulary.

2S&

ove,

in presence,

efore his house,

yond,
ugh,

Pnpositions. [p. 111.]

Kodniishau, or ayenkaontuei at
Waene, wewSne, nahohtoeo, or

wattate.
Kenugke, witche, waabe,
Anaquabit, anaqoabeog, pL
Nuppomsham anaquohtagwek.
Quoshoiie, negonnammlyeo.
Nashaae.

Nanashoiie, agewe, or ohkiyea.
KoDtne, chonchippe, keeshkhe.
Wuttat, or wattommiyeu, onnoke

onkoue.
N&shpe, nashpene.
Wutche, nawauh, (from a town.)
Ut, ut ne.
Wuttoshimaiyeu.

ther side.

other end.

Ut onkouwe, ohquae.

his house,

Wutch^ wekit
Wutche yeu.

Is, or that

way,

En, nenogque.
Yeuhogque.

5r,

N4paj, agqwe.

Woskeche.

Matta nashpe, and matta wutche.

ther,

Mat wuttooshe.

re,

Mat pomantamoo.
Wutche.

e viz.

Missahhamunash, q.

)no7,

Wohkukqu6shin.

or 3 O together, how to be pronounced t [p. 113.]

lusett, an hill in the form of an arrow's head.
L thing that is past
L thing in being.

kitehlsshik kuhkootumwehteaonk nootamook wuttinnoo-
i kah quaquashwek attumunumOnat ne ansoohkwhosik
.6, 26 ; at wohkukquoshik kuhkoo ; eyeu kummahche
woo wanegig wuttinnoowaonk God atohneit menuhke
eauog nashpe ummonanitteaonk God pish koonanumit^
licheme.

sing to the praise of God, PsaL 23. Kuttoohumontuh
imaonganit God.

Sentences, Kuttooongash. [p. 1 13.]

slow in choosing a ManiinQssish ut pepenaQonat
t slower in changing ketomp ; qut aniie manunussiah
thou hast cboeen. oacownnnonat noh-hannco mah-

cbe pepenftnoiielie.

carroK'a untuir TQrwBTiWw

.8. JiOt it not trouble thea Iktf
ione othori ban lived toogwr
thin tlifHlf ; not tfae length of
thy life but the goodnen of it
wUl render thee happ^, (or u the
metaaie of thy luq^piaeH.)

8. IftbonhutliTsdwdLthou
hut lired long enough, if thou
hut art Ured well, thou hut
lirad too huig.

4. Hake not othei men'i lina
fiitn« )w intiti*'"g tbein, nor
thine, other men'i bj teinhing
then. Donothing in which thou
wDoldM not be fiulowed.

:33f,

]reiiaBiinmi(uBh BB fuKBhiak
wnieh < Kcmiycllonk.j

Tofaneit wunnetcoe pomio-
tilOMll kuMoeppee keteaaak tijti ;
tohnek mat wunoelooe keteuui
kcoeottiee sccppcc pomantim.

AjitncDlikoD onkatlugig <rn»>
luMupaog ummatcbetieoiijuli
t iin. nuluM miwonlMniiit mmj,
aanh ken oaltitorig wpAef-
pw)g nul9« kuhhuilwiiwig
nieh. UntkoBtag- "UV*« ■■*
wob uahkonSnn.

thua unit not well jntti^ the
doing.

e. Heuare not th^ mIF bj
what men mjf of ihse. The^
may miattke thee, ind it ii their
■in not thinf.

g in thii world
tbjMiC Think
of thie worid

either ainsi or the ocouioni of

them.

[»Te DOtlung it

ill, no, not thja

QattoohAhkon kofahog aUtff ^
tohinokq^^ — "^i"r"|W»|^
Mgwoh pnhlnnteinJIlog *nip^

nMlta ken>

WommotfihluB tmg i
mntltohkeit wuwJMie mi

8. Do what thou art com-
manded, and dont make what
otfaersdo the rule of your ac-
tions ; never think it too soon to
repent.

9. Reckon nothing which
ihoo hast thine own, nor noth-
ing which thou doest at thine
own disposing.

10. Good works and a good
death will lead to a good place.

11. It is an eaaier matter to
give counaelli than, to Ibllow it

amawngaah yea mattioh kbj^

^uh matcheseoogaah asuh aig^
wSchi ve uootamuuk iah.

Uosuh toh uiee [p. Hf^
anoonumuk, kah mat-
ta toh ueehettit ookattugij —
unnantamoohkon wuasAmea 1^.—
nuf^yeooo en aiiiakoiaanai—
nat.

Wunnompiskun o ominadnKa
teag uttiyeu ihtinan ken n'
wonchec ; aaub teag attiTm m
sean ut ken neben woociiE
k uppio hquttuma>onga nit

Wunnaoukaiuiiongash, t^a.li
wannee nuppooonk ne wob iss-
sooweehteommoo en waa» iy-«-
uonganit.

Ne anuee onkkflmmat kogkoL-
koowonat oak neit uauixna-

cotton's INDIAN VOCABULART

237

ines we have known men
» the same sins that th^y
>cuiselled against

And since thou most
dj, be afraid to sin, and
r thj sins as thou mayst
afraid to dy, that thy sins
bring to a worse death,
t this death may lead thee
Iter life.

Thou art sure to see an
this life.

4nd to order thy estate
' soul, in thy health, that
ihou comest to dy, thou
have nothing to do but

Confess that the good
thou recievest is not for
»wu sake ; nor the good
hou doest, by thine own
it is the mercy of God
»?es him to do for us, and
ibles us to do that which
1 him.

Humour no man for his
; do nothing sinfully to
iny.

W^hat thou wouldest do,
for thine own soul, that
.th may be the beginning
happiness, and not the
it.

Spend not thy time in ex-
others to the keeping of
omandments, and break
ly self. Measure not thy
88 by another's want of it,

nat ; mom&nish na>wahe6man
wosketompiog penisshaog en ne
matcheseonganit ayeuuhkonne
kencotamwehhittit

Kah nate nont paswee nup-
pcoaur quohtash matchesenat
kah unnefite&uwash kummatche-
seonk neanee woh mat quohCa-
mooan nuppOnnat ne ut kum
matcheseongash ahqne pasooqu-
ish en nishkinneonkque nuppa>-
onganit kah ne yen nuppoDonk
woh kussogkompaniikqun en
waneguk keteaonk.

Pahkee kcow&uoh namdnat
wohkukquoshik yen keteaonk.

Kah wunn6hteauush [p. 115.]
kuttohtconk, kah kuk-
koteahogkau, ut kummlnnehke-
sinneat ne to&noo nuppax)nk
peyont, woh matteag kuttisso
qut webe woh kunnup.

SamppoDwash ne wanegkuk
uttiyeu adtumunndman ne mat
nehenwonche ken, asuh wa-
negkuk uttiyeu assean ne matta
nashpe nehenwonchee kumme-
nekesuonk ; ne ukkuttummonte-
andteaonk manit ne ontsap^huk-
quit kutlusseaneshukqunnano-
nut ne tapenum )¥ohqueog usse-
nat wauweek^hheaukon.

Wauwehkeogish matta wos-
ketomp wutche wuttahenneti-
muk teagua ; ussekon faiatche-
seae, wussikketeahonat nanwee.

Toh woh assean, ussish wutch
nehenwonche kukketeahogkau
ne kenuppooonk wohut kuttis-
shin kooniyeuonk matta woh ne
ut woh kukquoshshinncD.

Mohtishadtooohkon kuttoh-
quomplyeum kuhkcDtumauonat
onkatogig nanaehtinnat ancotea-
mooongash, kah ken knppooqun-
numunash. Matta kukqutooh-

OOTTOH'S IHDIiir TOCAiOUST*

Aj wint of goodiMMt
by oUifln* flofo of it*

Ulqr vlni

qnmimrehtaioonk waw^gkok

19. Think only the pranai
thm thinoy fa thft whieh it jptH
m none of ihiiio ; ud that whioh

whether ewer it ehell be thine.

90. Bfil works, and u evB
deeth will bed tee bedpbwe*

ait.
UnnlBtorii

ifMBpiMeB ■ewnene wniyee
pefiMMhoMMki npttB' ken;

nentanittonirian 1Mb an. kin.

SL When e viitoooi
ii done* if t&ere be enjr difienl-
ty or trouble in it, it is ^oiekly
peet, bat the ploMore ■ pei^
petul ; hot on the oontreiyt if
then be eny pleiwure in n wiefc*
ed eetkm il ie qoickly gonot ud
the itinff end trouble remein for

keh BNtehee wtp poftwik'

eooeoteomoD en BBeeeBSt
wonkiniL
UttohiUKoh

tnhneit rioyohk eeok

etnflsoot qel nn wekoMnno^
ontenioDonk negwvtteeeyieo

SB. Tke greeleil rin nolel-
joweot or lepeuiey oi| wiu noc
hurt jooy bat the least sin not
repented of will ruin you for
ever.

23. Ft 18 pleasant to be Tirtu-
ous and good, for that is the
way to excell many others. It
is pleasant to grow better, for
that is the way to excell our
selves, &c:

Nequt muttannonganog ne sasuk

^pit oas6okqae tehaeit m^
taaKDoakennttak at aa tesMe

BMMoaetQoe
nnk mohtdwa kak
khoDwioBk Ink
tamtfonk ae BiehoBSkla.

Ne aMdMV ameheeeoal
*— *'""***''*iTffiHfHiiTiBak aeak st
askoiant&niuk, mat koowoduk-
kooan, qut ne pawantesik
matchesoonk matta aioskoian-
tafna>an ne kuppAgwannOoek
micheme.

Wekontamooonkan- [p. 119.]
nOco waneginniie wun-
netulnate ne mAgo en mnokan-
dnat mconaog onkatogig. We-
kontamooonkannaoo kooche kah
kooche wunnetlnat ne migto an-
ukauooat nuhhogkanonog.
pasukcoog kah nishwo. 1706.

A Dialogue.

[p. 118.]

How does your wife, or husband

df?
What is the matter that Indians

very oilen no speak true t

Toh unnuppomAntam kummit-

tilmwus asuh kisok.
Toh waj unnak Indiejieog mco-

ch^ke nompe matta sampwe

annoowodog.

cotton's INDIAN VOCABULARY.

239

Ha¥e yoa bin at SquanUm late-

Do the aouldiors go to Caoada ?

Nou
Then they will do no good, but

a great deal of hurt

Tee they will put the country to

a great deal of charge.
Imot the fleet come ashore yet?

Do you think they will ever

come t
It may be not
Teiy likely not

I believe they are gone to Spain.

Wby do you remove from Na»

tick?
Ton will get more money there

than at Sandwich.

My fiunily ia sickly there.

And were they healthy at Sand-
wioht Tes.

Doiii you owe a great deal of

noney there!
Tee, Imt I hope to clear it

quickly.
What if they would put you in

prison?
Then they will hurt themselves

and me too.
It is very cold to day.
Almost I freeze my ears and

fingersi

Why dont you geta thick cap ?

Becanse I have no money.

And why dont you work hard ?

So I would with all my heart,
hot I am aiekly.

Sun Squantam kuj^yomus pae-

we.
Sun aiyecehteaenuog aQog Can-
ada; matteag.
Neit nag pish matta toh unne

wunneseog, qut moocheke

woskeiisseog.
Nux, nag pishmishe dadtehkon-
tamwog wuttohkeongash.
Sun chuppcon&og asq k(^)pae-

mOnnoo.
Sun kuttenintam naah pish pey-

6mo5ash.
Ammiate matteag.
Ahche ogqueneunkquat mat-
teag.
Nuttinantam nag monchuk en

Spain.
Tohwaj ontooiaan wutche Na-

tick.
Woh kummoochke wuttehtin-

um teagwas n&ut onk Mos-

keehtOkqut. •

Nutteashinninneonk wuttit moh-

chinnonaop.
Kah sun nag wunne pomantam-

wushanneg ut MoskeehtOk-

qut Nux.
Sunnummatta kummishontuk-

quahwhutteoh n& utt.
Nux, qut nuttanndos nuttapoad-

tehk6nat paswese.
Toh woh unni kuppiishagkinuk-

quean.
Neit nag woh woskehheaog

wuhhogkauh kah nen wonk.
Moocheke tohkoi yen kesukod.
Nahen togqutti'nash nuhtaudg-

wash kah nuppoohkuhquanit-

chegat.
Tohwaj matta ahchueh- [p. 119.]

teoooou kohpogkag

kah onkquontupape.
Newutche matta nuttohtax)

teagwash.
Kah tohwaj mat menukin&kau-

sean.
Ne woh nuttussen nashpe ma-

ntksse nnttahi qut namnio-

mohtehi&nam.

<iorrToir't iMiMr^vtMiiMn/i^

But kuMj be work fiil eim
jOQ, if yoil would leaf» off

-•••driiikuigtoo.'

I think you give, ntod advioe,
but let BM' work' tor yoo.

Sow maiiy yeart oU we yo«4 '
Eighteen ; and bow <dd irfbit
boy;orgirL

WhT do boyi of thlii age tu
about, and do •nothing.

Ton had better let me have him,
and I will leam him to write,
' and read. -

He ahall want fer nothing, nei-
ther meat, drink, eloraiing,
' or drubbing.

Idleneef ia the root of mnoh eviL

Do yoQ oome, or elM-aend him
- tomorrow early.
Iioilt ibfffet yoor promise.
I am glaid to lee yoo.
When hafe you been thia hmg

timet Hunting. And what

did you find ?
A fox or two.
I beliere so ; these drams will

ruine Indians and English.

A great deal of praise that In-
dian deserves that keeps him-
self sober.

I wish such an one would come
and set down on my land, I
would be kind to him as long
as I have any thing.

Why do you deceire me so oflen ?

I am forced to be worse than

my word.
I am in debt. To who ?

kvkkaCieMihakt tohneh wank

Nnftinintam kattinnnfiimk wi^

ne iBogkancNrttsonk boo^hh*
qnttnameUfi miMiimMil ha-

|iMi*tailieiahe fcodidia wAlDom.
14bg nlihwmel riaih' lefc nn-

flBiitoheg pnmoiHaihui^ fcih

matteag nseeoff** '
An wonnegik kntunHnmBa

kah {Nsh nnnnehtflhpeh w»

■okqtkohamAnat ' knh ei^kMi*

mOnat
Noh inalteag pMi qwwianahyi

koo aaoh metmonk

mdxmk ogkoaonk

aamitahwhattaook. --^

NanomoanimOonk wntuhiBmit^m

moHmeke maohnk.
Paaoo aaoh nekomhlraaah

noaqNAOi
Wanantohkon kcMMOwaook.
Noowekontam ne kftnanttnon.
Toooh koMiimtta ven ^

quompi ? Adchinat imb

teagwas kenamiteoh T
Wonkqassis asuh nees.
Nuttinant§mun ; yeuah nakqm.

tikkupsash pish papukqam.

hukqunooash Indiana kah

Chdhrquog.]
Mooch^ke wowenotu- [p. 12Q.]

onk noh Indian woh

ahto nanauehheont wuhhogoli

maninniycuonganit
Nipehnont neahhenissit pejoo^

kah appit nuttohkeit
Woh nooneunneh to sihke

tou nanwe teag.
Tohwaj wunnompuhkossean a

tohshit
Nunnamhit nummatchiteo m

kuttooonk.
Nuttinohtukqofthwfant Ut

waneg.

COTTOM'S INDIAN VOCABULARY.

241

To a gKKt many wad they force
me la stay uid work with
them.
Uit be not very much I will

piyil.
IiBuhamed to tell you much;
ilis ibove 40 pounds.

0 (tnoge ! But Indians are
not to be trusted any more.

Smbey say, and I dont care.

Ym bonso smokes, and so do I
■Doke, when I can get To-
lacco.

Till you smoke it now T

Tcs, and thank yoa too.

Thy dont yon ask for what you

e I am afnid you will be
angry.

Be very free always when you
come to my house.

WeU, whu have you got for din-
ner 1

Pray give me some drink.

Ter; macb I want old coat and
■tockings.

Why dont yon come and preach
every day T

Year father came oflener ttian
you do.

Becnnse my father have a great
deal more than I.

I hare fire pounds less than oth-
ers that dont preach so oflen.

Prxy what is the reason for

thati
I caat tell.
Will ]roa help oa hnik to night 1

No, I am going to a wedding.
Who ii to be married 1
Who married tbem T
The Indian JoMice.

TOL. II> THISD SERIES.

Ut monsog kah nag chekewe

nukkogkanunfikquog an&-

kausuehtnuonat.
Tohneit matta wussAmencok

kultoadtehteanieish.
Nutlohkodch kumi^hamauunu-

nate nealahsbik ; papaumey eu-

oo yaninchakd poundyeuoo.
Hohchanilamwe 1 Qut Indi-

&nog mat wonk woh unnoh-

tQkqiiohwhiiuD kooche.
Ne unncowon kah matta nuttin-

tupautaminun.
Kek pukkuttauo kah nen nup-

pukkuttohteam uttuh anncoh

wuttooh pocomwGonish.
Sun woh kcotam eycu.
Nux, kah kuttabot&mitth wonk.
Tohwaj matta wehqutlumojan

uttuh yeu quenauehhikquean.
Newutcbe ncowabis kummos-

quantamunat.
Moocheke nukkogkittamwem

payoainish nek it.
Neit teagwa kultohto wutch

pphshafjuopuonk.
KoQwehquttumauish wuttattam-

wehe.
Nukquenau^hhik nakkonogkoD

kah muttasasb.
Tohwaj mat nonche kuhkostu-

mauweog nishnob kesukod.
Kcoabi moochikit peya- [p. 121.]

pan onk ken.
Newutche noishi ma>cheke ah-

Nunnogkos obtom napannalasbe
poundyeuasb onk onkatogig
matta netahshe kukkcotum>
wchteahittcg.

KcDwehqultumauish tohwaj ne
fin nag.

Hat ncDwahteooo.

Suu woh kuppohkogquttanumiu-
min yeu nubkon.

Mat, Duttumwetauwatijonganit.

Ho wan tohqunithittit

Ho wan wuttohqunitheuh.

Indiane Nanuunnnaeoin.
31

242

cotton's INDIAN VOCABOLART.

d. How shall I learn Indian ?

A. By talking with Indians, and
minding their words, and
manner of pronouncing.

Q. Is not Indian a Tory hard

language to learn t
A. Yes, tis very difficult to get

their tone.

Q. What do you think about
me, do you think I shall ever
learnt

A. I am afraid not very well.

Q. Would it not be better to
preach to the Indians in En-
glish ?

A. Yes, much better than to
preach in broken Indian.

Q. Can the Indians understand
the most that I say ?

A. Sometimes they can, and
sometimes they cant

Q. What is the reason for that 1
A. Because you liave some of
your fathers words, and he
learnt Indian at Nope, (a)
and because you dont put
the tone in the right place.

Q. Did your father study Indian
at Nope ?

A. So I hear.

And what is the difference be-
tween the language of the
Island, and the main.

I cant tell, or dont know, only
this I know, that these In-

Uttuh woh nittinne [
nehtuhtaQan Indianne
unnontoowaonk.

Nashpe keketookauaonk '.
og kah kuhkinasinn
kittooonk&nnoo kah
nohquatnmooonk&nna

Sun mat Indianne unno
onk siogkod nehtuhta

Nux, ne ahche siogomoi
ohtaudnat wuttinonto
annoo.

Toh kuttinantam wutche
me) nen, sun kuttinam
nunnehtuhtauun.

Nen noowabes mat papf

Sun ummat ayn-waneg
kootumauonau Indiai
wadtohkoone 'nonta
anit.

Nux, moocheke kcoche
gen onk neit kuhkc
onat ut nannohtoohqu
onkanit.

Sun woh Indiansog wal
uttuh annoowai asuh
toowai.

Momanish woh watamv
momanish woh mat
moowog.

Tohwaj ne linnage.

Newutche kuttahto na^
ukkuttooonkash koos
noh nehtuhtoup wutt
waonkannooo Nope In
kah mat kukkuhkenai
nummtx) wuttinnuhqu
onkanoo.

Sun kooshi kod wahtam
diannc 'nontoowaonk \

Ne nuttinnehtamunap.

Kah uttuh unnuppenooi
tinnontoowaonk ne r
onk neit kohtohkomu

Mat woh nummissohh
asuh matta ncDwahit

(a) The Indian name for the Island of Martha's Vineyard. Ed

cotton's INDIAN VOCABULARY.

243

dians dont understand every
word of them Indians.

Praj tell me how to pronounce

Indian light
1 will do what I can about it.

Well, friend, I am sorry you are
going away, but I hope it will
be for the best.

I wish you may do and receive
good where you are going, and
I wish you a good journey.

Aod I hope you will keep your
self soberly and Christianly.

Try to keep your selves from
those vices to which Indians
are given, and which will
bring the wrath of God and
men apon you, viz, drunken-
ness, falseness, idleness, and
theft, &c.

And God be with you, and bless
you. Amen.

yen noowahteauun yeug In-
diansog mat wahtanooog uag
Indiaiisog ut nishnoh kuttoo-
onganit.

Noowehquttum missOhhamunat
samp-wohquatumunat Indian.

Uttuh annoohque tapenum nut-
tissen.

Netomp nunnooantam asuh kun-
nouskosseh nekummonche-
onk, qut nuttann6ous nean-
wancgig wutchc ken.

Napehnont ussean kah attumu-
numan uttuh ayoan, napeh-
nont wanegig kuppumwishar
onk.

Kah nuttannoous pish kumma-
ninnis kah Christiane kena-
naueh kuhhog.

Qutchehtauish kenanauehhedn
kuhhog wutche yeush Indians-
og womantamwehhitticheh
nc woh patonkqudan ummos-
quantamoooiik God kah wos-
ketompaog kenuhkukkonqQ-
nat, nahnane, kogkesippamo*
onk, assookekodteamooonky
nanompanissuonk, kumootoo-
onk.

Kah God wetomiikquish kah
wunnanumukquish. Amen.

APPENDIX.

A FEW remarks have been already made, in the advertisec
to this Vocabulary, upon the pronunciation of the Indian dia
contained in it. But while the proof sheets were under
editor's correction, and it thus became necessary to attend ^
minuteness to the syllabic divisions of the Indian words, he
quently experienced great difficulty in decidmg where those
visions shomd be made. He therefore had recourse to an Id(
Primer, which is believed to be one of those originally publisi
by Eliot, and afterwards printed with the Catechbm eotii
' Spiritual Milk for Babes,' written by John Cotton, the gra
father of the author of this Vocabulary. This Primer coots
numerous exainples of Indian words, properly divided into sv
bles, as in our English spelling-books. These were found oi
sential service in understanding the orthography adopted by El
and Cotton ; and it has been thought that they would mak<
useful addition to the present publication. They are accordii
ly subjoined. With the same view are also added different (
amples of the LorcPs Prayer j in which the variations of ortbc
rapnv will deserve attention.

Tne Editor has, upon the suggestion of his learned and

spected friend, the Hon. Judge Davis, also annexed an ent

Sermon, in English and Indian, written by the author of this \

cabulary ; and an Extract from one written by the same autb

but accompanied with an Indian translation in the handwriti

of his father, John Cotton. These will serve, at the same tin

as specimens of composition in the language and of the style

reaching used in addressing Indian congregations of that peri(

n a note accompanying the Sermons, Judge Davis remarl

'^ According to a statement made by the Rev. Josiah CotU

the number of adult praying Indians, in 1703, in the county

Plymouth, was one hundred and three ; their several places

residence were Kitteaumut, (Monument Ponds), and Jonei Riv^

in Plymouth, Maiiakees, in Pembroke, and at Titicut and I

chads, in Middleborough." To an account of his missionary s(

vices, among these people, in 1709 and 1710, Mr. Cotton su

joins the following note, — '' In all 36 sermons, besides preachi

several sermons in English, (which some of them understand b(

ter than the best Indian,) and besides hiring an Indian and pa

ing him, to preach amongstthem."

APPENDIX.

245

Examples from the Indian Primer.

Wuttinnoowaongash pasuk Syllableseonk asuh ChadchatdftnumoO'
ank, — ^Words of one Syllable or Division.

Christ

Lord keep

asq

God

onch toh

kod

onk woh

> mo

moskq

oosh ut

mofi

mat

koosh us

may

neen

noosh yau

keen

qut yeu

nag

pish qush

nees

kooch

wage ycug

nish

noh

week nah

nuz

kah

wonk wutch

Kuitoowongash

neese 8yUabhsooooash asuh Chadchubenuftuwongash,

•Words of two Syllables or Divisions.

Ah-que

Ahque

Ah-tukq

Ahtukq

Ayn-woh

Aynwoh

A-Qum

Anum

A-nogqs

Anogqs

AsKjuam

Asquam

Ag-we

Agwe

Cha-gua

Chagua

Ke-suk

Kesuk

Mat-ta

Matta

Heh-tuffk

Mehtugk

Mi-she

Mishe

Me-nutch

Menutch

Me-noot

Menoot

Na-gum

Nagum

^e-pauz

Nepauz

Ne^jut

Nequt

~©-wage

Newage

^^ttoowongash

\ nishwe SyllahUsooooash asuh Chadchauhenumooonr

gash,

— Words of three Syllables or Divisions.

J"»H)gq-flog

Anogqsog

Anue •

JJ^-ki-^se

Mukkiese

Matchetou

Neane

Ne-;

Pan-na
*au-8uk

'^a-tuh

Napanna

Nesausuk

Onatuh

246 Iin)IAK TOCABULART.

On-ka-tog
Pas-goo-gun
Punk-a-paug
So-ka-non

Onkatog
Pasgoogan
Punkapaug
SokanOQ

Squont-a-mut
Ti-ad-che

Sqaontamat
Tiadche

Wad-chu-ash

VV adchuash

Wos-ke-tomp
Yo-wut-che

Wosketomp
Yowutche

Ke-suk-qut

Kesukqut

Kuttoowongash yaue SyUabUsaoooashy — Words of foar Syllal

A-nin-noo-onk Aninnooonk

AuB-kon-tu-onk Auskontuonk

Mat-che-se-onk Matcheseonk

Mit-tam-woa-sis Mittamwossis

Oo-we-su-onk Oowcsuouk

Pan-noo-wa-onk Pannoowaonk

Se-phau-su-onk Sephausuonk

Wa-be-su-onk Wabesuonk

We-nau-we-tu Wenauwetu

Kuttoowongash napanna tahshe Syllablesooooash, — Words ol

Syllables.

An-no-o-su-onk AnDoosuonk

Ah-quon-ta-mo-onk Ahquontamooilk

Che-pi-oh-ko-muk Chepiohkomuk

Ke-too-bo-ma-onk Ketoohomaonk

Pan-ne-us-se-onk Panneussconk

Po-man-ta-mo-onk Pomantainoonk

Wa-an-ta-mo-onk Waantamoonk

We-kon-ta-mo-onk Wekontamoonk

Kuttoowongash nequtta tahshe 8yUablesooooash^ — ^Words of

Syllables.

An-noo-te-a-moo-onk Annooteamooonk

Ish-kau-a-nitrtu-onk Ishkauanittuonk

Mo-narnit-te-a-oiik Monanitteaonk

Nish-ke-neunk-qus-6U-onk

Og-que-neunk-qus-su-onk

Pit-tu-a-num-oo-onk Pittuanumooonk

Se-ke-ne-au-stTonk Sekeneausuonk

Kuttoowongash nesausuk tashe SyUabhsooooash asuh Chadchc
numoooonk, — Words of seven Syllables or DiTisions.

I-a-cbe-won-ta-moo-onk
Kog-ke-uhsip-pa-moo-onk
Kuh-koo-tom-weh-te-a-onk
Wun-na-muh-kuV-te-yeu-uk

APPENDIX* 247

Kuitoowongash swosuk tahske SyUtMesask asuh Chadchaub^
numootish, — Words of eight Syllables or Difisioxia.

Meh-quon-tam-wut-te-a-haonk

Um-mat-che-kod-tan-ta-moo-onk

Wuu-nau-mo-na-ko-nit-tu-onk.

JBjtUoauHmgcLsh pasgoogun tahshe SyUahUsiish asuh ChadckaU"
bemamooong€Lsh, — Words of nine Syllables or Parts.

Naoi-meh-quon»tam-wnt-te-ft-haponk

Nam-mos-que-nitrta-moo-on-ga-nun

Na»0oh som-moo-on-ga-nan-no-nash

Nut-tin-noo-wa-on-ga-Dun-no-nash

Noo-wa-be-«a-on-garnun-no-nash

Nus-eeep-hau-soron-ga-nuQ^no-nash

JSutim^Domgash piogq tahshe Si/Uabiesash asuh ChadchattbenuF'
wto6ongash, — ^Words of ten Syllables or Parts.

Noo-wad-cha-nit-tu-on-ga-nnn-no-nash
Noo-we-nau-we-tu-on-ga-nan-no-nash
Noo-we-to-mu-wa-on-ga-nun-no-nash
Noo-wa-an-tam-oo-on-ga-nun-no-nash

MMtt^awongash nab ntqut tahshe SyUabksash asuh Chadchaubwu"
wiMongash^ — Words of eleven Syllables or parts.

Nap^b-tn-a-num-moo-on-ga-nun-no-nash
NunHitsh-keHaeunk-qiis-su-on-ga-nun-noHnash
Num-mo-na-ne-te-a-on-ga-nan-no-nash
Notrog-qae-neunk-qus-su-on-ga-nun-no-nash

KsittomBengash nabemeese SyUablesooooash asuh Chadchimb^
moMoongash, — Words of twelve Syllables or Parts.

Nut-ai-us-koi-an-ta-moo-on-ga-nun-no-nash

Noo-wun-na-na-won-ta-moo-on-ga-nun-no-nash

Nuk-kog-ke-is-sip-pa-moo-on-ga-nun-no-nash

Nuk-kuh-koo-tom-web-te-a-on-ga-nun-no-nash

Nut-i-a-che-won-ta-moo-on-ga-uun-no-nash

Noo-nau-mo-n ah-ko-nit-tu-on-ga-nun-no-nasb

Num-mat-cbe-kod-tan-ta-moo-on-ga-nun-no-nasb

KuttowDongash nabo nishnoe SyUabUsooooash asuh Chadchaubc'
numooongash, — Words of thirteen Syllables or Parts.

Num-meh-quon-tam-wut-te-a-ha-on-ga-uun-no-nash

Mjtitoowongash nabo napanna tahshe Syllablesuash asa Chad'
chaubaiumooooash, — Words of fifteen Syllables or Parts.

Nak-kitrte-armon-te-a-nit-te-apon-ga-nan-no-nash

248

INDIAN VOCABULART.

THE LORD'S PRAYER.

From EKot's Bible. Matth. vi. 9.
(Edit of 1660.)
NoDshun kesukqut, quttiana-
tamunacA koowesuonk. Peyaa-
moDutch kukketassoDtanioonk,
kutteDantaiiK^oitA: ne n nach oh-
keit neane kesukqut Nummeet^
suongash asekesukokish assa-
mainnean yenyeu kesiikok. Kah
ahqaoantamaiiDDean nammat-
che»^ngash, neane matchene-
hukqueagig nutahquontam^tm-
nonog. Ahque sagkompagunai-
innean en qutchhaaonganit, we-
be pohquohwuBsinnean watch
matchitut. Newntche kutah-
tauun ketasdootamoonk, kah me-
nahkesuonk, kah sohsumdonk
micheme. Amen.

JFVam the Indian Primer,
(Edit, of 1720, p. 13.)
Nooshun kesakqnt ^'ftiana-
tamunach koowesuonk, peyau-
mooatch kukketassootamooonA;;
kuttenantamooonX; ; ne ennage
ohkeit neane kesukqut. Num-
meetsaongash asekesukokish
assam in neane yeuyeu kesukok.
Kah ahquontamaiinneeane num-
matcheseongash neane mat-
chenukqueageeg nutahquonta-
fnot/otinnonog. Ahqae saf koro-
^2Lginn%nnedn en qutchisAoit-
ganitj qut pohquohwussinean
wutch matchitut ; newutche ku-
tahtauun ketassootamooonA:, kah
menuhkesuonk, kah sohsumoo-
onk micheme. Amen.

From EUofs Bible. Lukezi.^

NcDshon kesukqut, ^v/tiana-
tamunch kcowesuonk, kukketas-
sootamoonk peyaumoDutch, kut-
tenantamoooiiA: ne nqf neyane
kesukqut kah ohkeit Assa-
maiinnean kokokesukodae nuta-
sesukokke* petukqunneg. Kah
ahquoantamaiinnean nummatr
cheseon^mioiuuA, newutche ne-
nawnn wonk nutahquoantamati-
ounnonog nishnoh pasuk nco-
namontukquohwhonan, kah ah-
que sagkompaginnean en qut-
thehettaonganit, qut pohquawus-
sinnean wutch matchitut

From the Indian Primer, p. 26.
(Matth. vi. 9.)
Nooshun kesukqut guftiana-
tamunach koowesuonk, peyau-
mooutch kukketassootamooonk
kuttenantamooonk ne ennach
ohkeit neane kesukqut. Num-
meetsuongash asekesukokish
assamainTieon yeuyeu kesukok.
Kah ahquontamaiiofMon num-
matcheseongash neane mat-
chenehikquegeeg nutahquontam-
auounohog. Ahque sagkom-
pa^imaiinnean en qutchAuuTaon-
ganit, qut pohquohwussinnoii
wutch matchitut. Newutche
kutahtauun ketassootamoonA: kah
menuhkesuonk, kah sohsumoo-
onk micheme. Amen.

THE TEN COMMANDMENTS.
From the Indian Primer,

Quest. How many ore the comr Nat Tohshinash Naumatuoih

mands ? gash God 7

Ans, Ten. Namp, Piogquodtosh.

* An error of the prem for nutaieketukokke, as it staDds in the edit, of 1661.
EdU.

APPENDIX.

249

Quest What is the frst ?
Answ, Thou shall hafe no oth-
gods before me.

Quest What is the second Cam-
numdmeni ?

Answ. Thoa shall nol make lo
thyself any graTen Image, «&c.

Quest What is the third Com-
mandment f

Answ. Take ihou nol Ihe name
of ihe Lord ihy God in vain.

Quest What is the fourth Com'
mandment?

Answ. Remember the Sabbath
day ihoii must keep holy.

Quest What is the fifth Com-
mandment f

Answ, Honour thy father and
mother, that thou mayest long
li?e in the land which the
Lord thy God giveth thee.

Quest What is the sixth Com^

mandment?
Answ. Thou shall do no murder.
Quest What is the seventh Com-

mandment?
Answ. Thou shall nol commit

adultery.
Quest What is the eighth Comr

mandment ?
-^nsw. Do nol thou steal.
Q.ae8t WhcU is the ninth Com-
mandment ?
-^Msw. Falsely witness thou not
^^^ against thy neighbour,
^^uest. What is the tenth Con^

mandment ?
-^nsw. Thou shall nol covet

Nat Chagua negonnohtag ?,
Namp. Ummanilloomehkon on-

katogeeg maniltooog ul ana-

quabeh.
Nat Uttiyeu nahohtoeu Anoote-

amooonk ?
Namp. Ayimauuhkon kuhhog

nunneukontunk, 6lc.
Nat Uttiyeu nishwe Anooteor

mooonk?
Namp. Neemunoohkon oowe-

suonk Jehovah Kumm anil-
loom lahnooche.
Nat Uttiyeu ymie Anooteamoo^

onk?
Namp, Mehquontash Sabbath

day woh kuppahketeauun.
Nat. Uttiyeu napanna tahshe

Anooteamooonk ?
Namp, Qutlianum koosh kah

kookas, onk woh kussepe po-

mantam ul kuttohkeit uttiyeu

Jehovah Kummaniltoom anin-

numunkquean.
Nat Uttiyeu nequtta tahshe

Anooteamooonk ?
Namp, Nusheteohkon.
Nat Uttiyeu nesausuk tahshe

Anooteamooonk ?
Namp, Mamusehkon.

Nat Uttiyeu sufosuk tahshe
Anooteamooonk ?

Namp, Kommootohkon.

Nat. Uttiyeu pasgoogun tahshe
Anooteamooonk ?

Namp. Pannoowae wauwaonuh-
kon ketatteamunk.

Nat Uttiyeu piogque Anootea-
mooonk ?

Namp. Ahchewontogkon.

Sermon preached by Josiah Cotton (author of the preceding Vo-
cabulary) to the Massachusetts Indians^ in 1710. From the ori-
ginal manuscript.

Acts xvii. 80. And the times of this ignorance God winked at ; bat now
^ommandeth all men every where to repent

Doctrine, It is the plain and Kuhkootumwehhaonk. Yeu
^bsolate command of God that pahke watlanncoleamcDonk G(xl

THIRD II. VOL. SERIES. 32

INDUlf TOCABVLABT.

kII men »nd women Bhould re-
pent of their sins.

Ilcrn yi>u "'ay Bsk this ques-
tion, What ii repfnwncp, or
■whnl i» meant by thin word re-
liance 1

'* I answor tlitw, repentance is
ft grace of the holy *ptril of Goii
irrooght in the heart of a nttt-
'Ber, whereby he being filled
with shanic and aorrow for his
fcimer sins doth tewilre to for-
nhe them, and (urn to God, and
to become a new man.

~~ I would make thi» morfi plain
and easy to your undermnndin^i,
and therefore, conxider thcvn
things which mu«t be in thul
man that truly rnpcnt* of hi*
•ins.

I. A man miixt bo cnnvinceO
af hia Kin, or elae he cannot
truly rrpont of it.

Now it is the work of Oo.ln
•birit to conrince a man of ain.
Christ sayea hia spirit ahall con-
rinoe and reprore ftr ain, by
linking him to aee what s wick-
•d thing ain ia.

And maka him to ne that
for hia aib be deaerrei to burn
in bell Ibrerer.

onk woh wanifl woaketompaog,
Itah mitlomwueataaog nont wob
uiuskoiaiiiamwog iimmalcheie-
oiiganmaash. ^Voh yen k^
natltotumwebkonau ycii nattno>
lumwehieaonk, Tcag niriakoiaix
tamooonk, asuli toh nauwutta-
mcD yen kultnoonk aiunkoianlk-
mnoonk. Yen niinnampoo
humiwonk, A iiiikoian tamooonk
nekiis ntL«hauaniiiiT»tkitteainoi^
teaniltnonk God, anakauMtmcK
onk ul wiiilohut matcUeacacniD
~D nftahpn nrakuniog kah nutn-
nppHitiinkiut ogkoliichmMnk,
ah nnantamooonk wotche nak-
Honne iimmnlclicMtongaah woak
mohttntog oont nunnuhkotuma-
nash kah nukquinnuppcm n
<iodul, kab nooshktnketcmpa.
Woh yon nappnlikcliumunnah,
kah woh niinnukkuBiehti'aunili
en ka>wohtHinixK>ngnnn<n, n^
wuichc nniwontamog niah wob
flppohiunkqiUchch wosiketnmp
noh wiinaumuhkut aiuakuiantng
ummntcheacongash. (I) Woa-
kotomp nonl wob uppogkodcho*
mukqun ammatcliestMnk RMfa
w»!i matta pnhki? aiuxkoinntank
itKii. Eyi-Ai you wut.inikiu-

monk wunnetttpantaiam via-
naahananittooonoh God inh Kf-
pogkmlobumoR WoaketOlDp ■»
matcbeseonk. Cbrlet sniKDn
nunnaahinil piah pogkodekaBao
kah wulcbnman woAetompoh
ummatebeaeook pnh pakjee-
tnm : John xri. 8. Woa-
DOflbaDDittooowdi God uppu|^ad-
chumnkqaD mnkewmp woKka
niatcheieoDk i-.— _

nnjea i
nobtanukqan wnteheii
whha

taann

Time wis whea tba noMr
eonld aaa no kana in the ways
of rin.

knt chepiohkomnkqot mlchtaw.
Ahqnompiyenc^ neadl ■atcke-

hawaoakiU MatelwaaBB m^

APPENDIX.

261

But now he comes to see that
he must be dtmned for sia, un-
lew Christ will pardon it ; when
God comes to work a change
apon mans heart, ho shows him
that all evil in this world comes
of sin.

And all evil in hell comes be-
of sin. The poor soul

osi come to see that he de-
ihe wrath of God for

ever.

He has lived without prayer
aoid has committed abundance of
sitty and it affrights him to think
great a sinner he hath bin.

Now the sinner must be
bieeght to see, and be convinc-
ed of his sins, or else he will
■ever repent of them and turn
ftmntbem.

9L When a man truly repents
he Hnut not only see his sins to
be very great, but he must also
be very sorry for them. 2 Cor.
vii. 10. Isaiah Ivii. 15.

When a man comes to consid-
er how great a sinner he has
bin, is pricks him at the heart,
eiad aakoB him much sorry, so it
wee with them that Peter preach-
ed nnta AcU ii. 37.

. Wickedness now seems bitter,
eweet soever it had bin be-
Tbe sinner now sees
thai he has bin running away
ihwi Gk)d.

Thai he has abused Ood'||
■Mseys that he has cast off Jesus
Chriity thai he deserves to be de-
elioyed, uA Uiis makes him very

Qut eyeu naum nont nooche
pish awakompenam nummatche-
seonk tohneit Christ mat ahquon-
tamokj^ God anakausit ut kahpe-
nooeehteog wuttuh wosketomp
neit wunnohtinnoh wame ma-
chuk yeuut nmttaohkeit peya-
moo wcbe nashpe matcheseonk.
Kah wame machuk ut chepioh-
komukqut pegamoo webe nash-
pe matcheseonk. Kittumungke
koteahogkau mos naum nont
nuttumhooam ne ummoosquan-
tamooonk God michemo. Onk
pomantam sepeohquompi qut
mat nuppeantamoo kah wuttus-
sen monatash matcheseongash
kah wutchepshanQkqun meh-
quantamunat uttuhunnohque mis-
si nummatchetooonk. Eyeu mat-
cheseaenin nont pasoowau nau-
munat kah pobompottamunat
ummatcheseonk, asuh mat woh
nequt aiuskoiantammoo kah
quinuppehtamoounash.

(2) Wosketomp panoppe aius^
koiantog matta webe naumoo
ummatcheseongash missiyeuash
qut wonk missi nooantam wutche
nish. 2Cor. vii. 10. Isaj. Ivii. 15.
Uttoh adt wosketomp natwontog
ummishe matcheseaennuonk nat
nob wutche ohSyeu ukkonuk-
kehtohhukqun ut wuttahut kah
ne moocheke nanautamhukqun-
neaunagkup raissinninuk Peter
kuhkootumauompah. Acts ii. 37.
Matchetooonk eyeu wesogko-
momukquat toganogque weho-
nup negonne. Matcheseae-
nin eyeu pohkomp6ttamkusseh
nunnanukkonnomus God.

Onk naum matta tohhentupan-
tamoDmus ummonaneteaonk God,
onk naum kusseh nuppapogken-
omus Jesus Cfarist,onk naum kus-
seh nuttaphum pagquanittuonk
onk yen wuttiymonkqun missi
nooantamcDonk.

» 8. n* tbu wouM trul; rajxmt ». Nob IumI pftbke
IN lin, taval eonfea his noa t h« tgg nwtehMaook woh

K would obuin nerey fmn
mnel confew hia aiiw. 1

imituaog waiuUmfiVB
RKtiikiiMMonk wtrtcbe Godot
noot wofi MiniMDau uiiiinaieh»'
eeongaBli. I Ep. John i. 9.
Noni woh HmpponaiHioli <rub-
ho^h noQl nummatchetiidi l:«h
nen missi inai£hcjM»«iiiii. Kont

He must own him self to be
• ginaer and a ^reat aiimer. He
"flHiM judge an^ condemn him-
VBlf for his gin. He must earn- woh wussumau kah pohl
%rtlr beg of God to pardon bis mau wuhbognh wutclic t
fin*. If we bare sinniMl

^piintit God ot have done an;
%ron)( la man, we slwuld freely
fMke coofesaiiMi of it

- 4. He Ihat would ropent of
I '■fall must also foreakn all sias.
I OMh. U. 7. FroT. xsviii. Hi.

> * We must not only forsake sin
I tn a. little limo, for one monih

i<M one jrcar, but wo muitt ro-
Voire thftt wn will forsake sin
■4k ever and ever.

Som

when ilii-jn

jwcink ; oiik woh mcnuhkt
wchquitumnuftu Oodoh oak woh
aliquontatnauo nminaichMTO-
^h, tohneii matcheoebm Qo4
asuh wiwk«tomp noni wofa hol^
poo« kussamppoowoiiLamuDu.
XX. G. ••••.

4. Noh kodianio^ kiuskoiao-
tamunnt ummaicliCHCouk dmH
woh nukkodium wauie malch»
seonk. leaj. Iv. 7. i*roT. «iiit.
13. Motta kenukkoitmuofr.

mun matchcseonk oggosobquanii
pi pasuk nepaz aaufi paauk kod-
tummcDcjiii noni woh buinmalv
tantnmumiin nont keou kkuun-
mnmitn rnaichosoonk mi^iene
utch

wiU promJH to fbruke sin, but ketompaogmahchinntbillitwiiii-
when the? ua well, they will be ncowaog nanankkodtum mat-
worae than tbey were before ; cheaeoDk qut quenan ket«iluttit
now BiiDh do not troly repent of anne matchetooog onk n^oone,
■in, for if tbey did they would neAaesitcheg matu p&hu mt-
koiantamooog

hate Bin when they are well,
U tbey did wheti tbey were sick.

aiamatoheawa-

kanncD, tohaeit panuppe aia»

koiantamhittit woh jichantamog

matcbeaeonk nt oonekokomw-

out, netatuppe onk at mahchiiw

nonaL

6. He that truly repents of 6. Nob pannnppe aiukoiaD-

ria, moat not only turn from ^j^ nmmatcbeMonk matta woh

•ittt bot he miiat alto turn unto webe, nakkodtnmco matcbese-

Qod and reiolre to walk in Goda onk qut onk quiannppe en Oodal

wayi. and to obey hia word aa kah kesantam nont uappaoMham

God aball help him. God ummayut kah noswehtainn-

nat wuttinanobemookaook God

utbA an UpptmnumiRdihiikiinL

APPENDIX.

25S

Sio earrjB the soul away from
God; repentanec brings back
the Boal unto Grod again. Isah.
It. 2.

Thus we hear what repent-
ance is^ and the text tells us,
lod 80 do many other texts in
the bible, that Grod commands
umI requires all men eferjr where
to repent

And now let us make some
nse of this text

Use 1. Let us pray to God to
send us his holy spirit to con-
vince as of our sins, and to
make os see how great sinners
*e be ; for if we do not sec and
fcpent of our sins we shall be
damned in hell fire for ever.
&>d remembers all our sins
^iMmgh we have forgot them,
uid he will punish us if we do
Dot repent

And if we will now repent of
^f sins, God will pardon them,
^^ Christ died to procure a par-
"^«i for repenting sinners.

I U. Let us be very sorry for
' sins : blessed are they that
urn, for they shall be comfort-

ci^

^. Let us be willing to con-
cur sins before God and
n ; if we do not, our case is
Psalm xxxiii. 5.

Matcheseonk &m&nau ketea-
hogkau wutche €K>dut, qut aioa-
koiantamooonk quehchcowdnna
keteahogkau en Godut wonk.
Isaj. Iv. 7.

Yeu kuttinne nootamunan aius-
koiantamooonk neaunag onk,
Yeu queenshitteonk koowotum-
onkqunan, onk monatash quen-
shitteonkash ut Bibleut God an*
nooteamed kah nuttauomparoao
wame wosketompaog nishnohut
onk woh aiuskoiantamwog.

Kah eyeu auwohteaiuh yeu
kuhkootumwehteaonk.

1. ^uwohteaonk. Peantamau-
ontuh God onk woh annoonau
oonetupantamwe wunnashauan-
ittoomoh onk woh kuppog kod-
chimqkqun wutche matchese-
onk, onk woh kenaumumun
nont missi kummatchetumun ;
tohneit mat naumoog kah aius-
koiantamooog nummatcheseon-
ganunnonash pish kuttauakom-
panamun chepiohkomukqut mi-
cheme. God mehquantam wa-
me kummatcheseonganunno-
nash toganogque wanantamog,
kah pish kuttattumunumohhuk-
qun tohneit mat aiuskoiantog.
Tohneit eyeu aiuskontamog
kummatcheseonganunnonash
God pish kutahquontamongqun,
newutche Christ nuppooonk woh
aiuskoiantomoe matcheseaenuog
ahtoog ahquontamoadtuonk.

2 Auwoh. Mishe nuantamut-
tuh wutche nummatcheseonga-
nunnonash unnaiiumoog nag
mooog, newutche pish miskou-
antamwaheoog. Matt v. 4.

3. Wekontamuttuh sampooon
kuhmatcheseonganunnonash an-
aquabit God kah wosketompaog,
tohneit mat yeu usseog kuttin-
niycuongaiiit matchit Psal.
xxxii. 5.

■"-**-'

264

INDIAN yOCABULART.

4* Lei us resolTo to forsake
all oar sins. Sin is a very great
grief to God, and will ondo oar
poor souls ; O then dont let us
love it.

5. Let us walk in (rod's way,
obey his word, pray unto him
for mercy and grace, and be will
give us Christ here, and glory
for ever. And now, to conclude,
let us all make haste to repent
of our sins and turn from them,
and to turn to our good God,
and then Jesus Christ will take
away all our sins, and God will
love us, and bless us, and do us
good, and when we have finish*
ed a short life in this world he
will take us up to heaven, where
we riiall live for ever without
sin, and without sorrow. Amen.

4. NoDt Bukkottumott
me kummalcheseonga
nash. Matcheseonk ne u
tae noohikqun God, onk
pequanteomoo keteahogkt
ahque ne womantamuttufa

5. Ponishatuh ummayi
noDswebtamuttuh wutt
chemohaonk, peantama
wutche monanteaonk ki
teamonteanitteaonk onk
kuttinumongquu Christ
kah sohsumooonk miche
hohtoeu. Kah eyeu roaii
nuk aiuskoiantamuttuh ki
cheseonganunnonash, ka
kotturouttuh nish onk qv
petuh en Godut noh wuni
neit Jesus Christ pish
num wame matchesconl
God koowamanukqun ka
nanukqun kah koonenehl
onk mahtshonk yeu po
mooonk yeuut muttaohke
kenemnnukqun en ke
micheme, adt pish pomai
mat naumooun match*
asuh nuantamoDonk. An

Extracts from a Sermon in English and Indian; the Englis
being in the hand-writing of Josiah Cotton^ and the Ind
that of his father ^ John Cotton,

I shall therefore from the
words of my text, speak to you
about death and judgment

Which are very terrible things,
and that that you ought to get
for.

The truths or divisions con-
tained in my text are these.

1. That God, the governour
of the world, has appointed that
men dy once.

2. That afler men are dead
he will judge them.

Yeu wutche yeush kut
gash ut nukqucnshittQ
kukkenoonumwoo papauiv
pooonk kah wussittumooo
Uttuh nish unkquenunkq
teagw& sinnuukish, kah
kukquashwemwoo wutche

Wunuomwaonkash nis
tagish ut nukquenshittu
, yeushog.

1. God noh nanauunul
taohk mahtche kuhquttum
tompaog pasukqut nuppun

2. Mahcbe wosketo
nuppehhittit noh nah pish
muk.

APFENDIX.

266

If mni hate lived well and
aoberijTi then God will appoint
tliem to happiness ; if men have
lived wickedly, then God will
make them perfectly miserable.
But,

1. 1>* Death is the separa-
tfoD of the soul from the body.
When the sonl goes out, or de-
ptfls from the body then the
man Is dead.

Now no man can hinder this
sepwation ; whensoever death
comes all men must dy, high and
kyWy rich and poor, the greatest
Mchem and the meanest persons*
He that lives longest must dy at
baU Thus Methuselah, that
lived almost a thousand years, yet
died at last Gen. v. 27, Ps. xlix.
7, 9. No man can save himself
fioBB deathy or his brother.

Tour forefiithers, and our fbre-
bthera are dead, and therefore
experience teaches us that we
must also dy. Zech. i. 5. No
nitn can live forever till he has
dyed.

Sickness, war, old age, and
y other things make men dy .

So that very few attain to be
100 years M, thus sayes Moses.

All men must dy, or else be

Tohneit woeketompaog wun-
ne kah maninnessue pomantam-
wehhittit, neit God pish nah uk-
kehteumuh en wunniyeuonganit,
tohneit wosketoinpaog matche-
tooe pomantamwehhittit, neit
God pish nah wuttiaymauuh
wunnumuhkutteyeue kittu-

moogk^yeuen.

Nuppooonk ne chadchapeh-
tauadtuonk keteahogkau wutch
muhhogatt keteahogkau sohhog^
ish asuh am&ehtogish muhhog,
neit wosketomp nuppoo.

Yeuyeu raatta wosketomp ta-
penumoo wuttamehtauunat yeu
chadchapehtoadtaonk utiuh an-
nooh peyant nuppooonk wame
woeketompaog mos nuppooog,
quanonkquissitchegtioh quonk-
quissitcheg wenauetQog matche-
teaog masukkeoukig sontimdog
kah kuttumungke missinninnuog
noh sepe pomantog mos nuppoo
momaiish, yeu unnih Methuse-
lah pomantogup omog nequtte
muttannunkanne kodtumwae
onch nupapan ut miish. Gen.
V. 27. Ps. xiix. 7, 9. Na matta
woskctompanooh noh woh poh-
quohwhunont wuhhoguh wutch
nuppooonganit yuh wematah.

Negonne kooshoowog kah ne-
gonne nooshunnonok mahcho
nuppck kah newutche wahtun-
teaonk nukkukkootumunkqunaD
mos nunnupamunnanukuh.
Zech. i. 5. Wosketomp matta
woh micherae poroantamooh na-
paj raahche pasukqut nuppuk»

Mahchinnaongash quentoad-
tuongash mohtantamooonk kah
roonaash onkatoganish teagwa-
sinish waj wosketompaog nup-
pehhittit

Nemehkuh &nue ogkossaoog
nequt pasukkooe kodtumwohogig
yeu wussinneah Moses. Ps. xciO.

Wame wosketompaog moa

266

INDIAN yOCABULART.

changed, and that is all one death.

But here the question is, Why
must all men dy 1

Ans. 1. All men must dy
because they have sinned.

Thus God threatened Adam
and all his children, that if he
sinned then they should dy, t. «.
if he eat the forbidden fruit.
Gen. ii. 17. Rom. t. 12. and
vi. 23.

And hence it is, that little
children that never actually sin-
ned like Adam, must dy, be-
cause their first father sinned,
and they in him. Rom. v. 12, 14.
that is, infants or children. But,

2. Good men as well as bad
must dy, that they may get to
Heaven, for in this world they
be not perfectly happy, nay of-
tentimes are very much afflicted.

God therefore has appointed
that they shonld dy, that so they
may be free from sin and misery,
and may be brought to heaven,
where is fullness of joy.

All the afflictions of this life
should put us in mind of death,
which will come sooner or later,
though we cant tell when, and
therefore we should always
watch and be ready.

After men dy they shall be
judged.

As all men must dy so all men
must be judged.

nuppooog, asuh OBSOoweog kah
ne yaneyeuoo nu{^xM)onganit.
Qut yeu nattootumwehteaonk
tohwaj nuppehhittit wame wo^
ketompog.

Namp. 1. Wame wosketom-
paog mos nuppooog newutche
nag matcheseupanneg.

Yeu en God quokquohtomau
Adamoh kah wame wunnechan-
noh, tohneit mattchesehittit nag
pish nuppooog, tohneit mechuk
quahtinnittimuk mechummuonk.
Gen. ii. 17. Rom. v. 12. vi. 23.

Kah yeuwutche pewe mukkoi-
esog asquam usseae matcheseh-
hitteg ueane Adam, mos nup-
pooog, newutche negonneoosh-
shoooh matchese kah nag at
nagum. Rom. v. 12, 14.

2. Wunnctooe woskctompaog
neane matchetooe mos nuppooog
onk woh nag peyauog kesukqut
newutche yeu ut muttaohkeit
nag matta pannuppe wunnieog
nag monatash ahquompiyeuash
wuttamehpunnaog.

God newaj ukkehteumuh eo
nupponat onk woh nag chippe-
yeuooog wutch matchesonganit
kah onkquan umooonganit kah
woh pasoooogkesukqut ne
ahtak pashanne mishkquanta-
mooonk. Wame wuttameb-
punnaongash ut yeu pomantt-
mooonganit woh nummehqnan-
tamhikqunan nun nuppooonga-
nun uttuh yeu pish payomoo uk
kenuppe asuh quohque tokanog-
que mat noowahteooonan utt&
unnooh kah newaj woh nagwut-
teae askoohwheteaog kah quosh-
wappeog.

Mahcbe wosketompaog nup-
pehhittitnag pish wussumoog.

Neane wame wosketompaog
mos nuppehhittit neane wame
wosketompaog mos wussumoog.

APPENDIX.

267

It is appointed for men to dy,
no man nor person whatsoerer
sbiU escape the judgment of
God.

And this judgment shall be
either prirate or pnblick, either
ifflmediately after every man's
death, or at the last day. As
800D as ever a man dyes his
spirit or soul goes to God, and
he orders whether it shall be
happy or miserable, as in the
farementioned, Luke xvi.

Bot the general and open
jodgmeDt shall be at the last
day. Acts xrii. 31. Christ shall
^ the jodge, for to him all pow-
er isgiren. And all men shall be
brought before him and be judg-
ed. 2 Cor. V. 10.

And then all the world shall

bow how often we have bin

drunk, how often we have

When Gods sabbath, how

often we have stole and lyed

^ bow many times we have

^ guilty of any other sin.

And not only shall wicked mens

^ revealed, but good mens ac-

^8 shall be revealed to their

^ great joy and comfort.

^^ Christ as he is God knows

^ things and he will make

^^\m what we are, whether we

*^^^ bin sincerely good or hypo-

?'^tcall; or openly wicked.

^^^les. xii. 14.

Vol. II. THIRD SERIES.

Kuhquttohhe wutch woske-
tompaog en nupunat kah na
matta wosketomp asuh howan
noh woh pohquohhog oosittu-
mooonk God.

Kah yeu wussuttumooonkpish
kemeyeu asuh pish pohquaeyeu*
pish teanuk qucnau mahche nu-
puk nishnoh wosketomp asuh ut
moush ne kcsukok quenau uttuh
annooh wosketomp nuppukish,
wunnaushaonk asuh ukketea-
hogkaunoh moncheoh en God ut
kah noh oonohteanumaQuh, oo-
nieninneat asuh ukkittimunk-
keyeuenneat neane ut negonum-
roishamooonganit ut Luke xvi.

Qut mamusse kah pohquaak
wussittumooonk nupish unnih ut
mom&iish ne kcsukok. Acts
xvii. 31. Christ noh pish wus-
suttum newutche noh unumauop
wame menuhkcsuonk, kah wame
wosketompaog mos pasoooog
anaquabit wussumonat 2 Cor.
V. 10.

Kah neit pish wame muttaohe
wahteoog nishnoh nukkogkesu-
pamooongmun nish noh nup-
poohqunumooonganun God wus-
sabbathomashy nishnoh nukkum-
mootooonganun kah nuppannoo-
unonganun kah nishnoh ah-
quompi adt keskoadtamonus on-
onkatogish matcheseongash kah
matta webe matchetooe woske-
tompaog wuttisseongannoo wah-
teooounqut wonk wunnetooe
wosketompaog wuttusseonganoo
pish wahtouwahhumen nash um-
mishkauantamooong&nnoo kah
tapheaongannoo. Newutche
Christ noh God yeait noh wah
tunk wame teagwasinish, noh
pish, wahtouwahhuau uttuh an-
usseog uttuh en wunnumuhkut
wunnatooog asuhaiantog koiyeu-
eog asuh pohquae matchtooog.
Eccles. xii. 14.

268 PtTMOlTTU COLONT RtCOBDB.

PLYMOUTH COLONY RECORDS.

Tmc atientinn whkh lias bccu paid by tlie legisla-
ture of Massachusetts, to preserving and diffusing the
knowledge of the selllciQcnt aiid growth of our
country, is a subject of general congratulation. Wc
fortunately possess the means of proving our origin by
authentic documents ; and the legislature are takmg ef-
fectual moaaures to transmit some of these documents to
posterity. In the year IBl'ilhnyconiribuied largely to
tbo publication of Hubbard's History of New England,
which was printed by order of the Historical Socictj.
The legislature took six hundred copies of the cditioD,
which nearly defrayed the whole expense. Each
town in the Commonwealth, including Maine, whkli
was not tlmn separated, was supplied with a copy.

The legislature have lately contributed in like man-
ner to the publication of Winibrop's History," baring
purchased three hundred and fifty copies, to be distri>
buted among the several towns io the Commonweatdi.

The measures taken to preserve the records of the
Old Colony of Plymouth deserve particular notice.

In 1817, His Excellency Governor Brooks, while at
Plymouth, took occasion to examine them. He was
so inipressed with their importance to the public, aod
at the same time with the difficulty of consulting
them on account of their being so illegible, and Id
such confusion, that he suggested to several of his
friends the propriety of having them transcribed, and
oitlier the originals, or copies, deposited in the Secre-
tary's office in Boston.

At the ensuing session of the legislature a commit-
tee was appointed to take this subject into considera-
tion, who made the following report: —

" The committee of th<; Senate, to whom was re-
ferred an order resjiecting the records of the Old Col-

• Tbu BditioD ia in two vnlutoN, sntitled " WinDirop'* Hldory of N«w EBAai,"
with copies of earl; Igllvn, >iu] nluiblo Dolr* bv Itt. S>n^. Iti|]il,ii>
p«»t meMute, (upen^clf th' n^rsMHy nftirf nthn hliUry o1 Omm toML

PLYMOUTH COLONY RECORDS. 269

ony, and a report of a former committee thereon, have
had the same under consideration, and report ; that
upon inquiry they find that the records, files, and oth-
er documents of the colony of Plymouth were, upon
the union of that colony with the province of Massa-
chusetts Bay, left in the colony. Your committee
have not been able to find what arrangement was
made respecting them by the colony before the union,
or by the province afterward ; but the same remain,
and are now deposited in the office of the registry of
deeds in the county of Plymouth, and this committee
have not been able to learn what part of said records,
or what portion of said files and documents, is valua-
Ue, or may be useful to the legislator, the histori-
uUf or to the antiquarian ; that it will not be proper to
proceed to transcribe said records, or any part of them,
until a previous examination has been made, and the
General Court fully informed how far the Common-
wealth are interested therein, or how far it may be
UMfol to remove the collection to the Secretary's
office, that more convenient access may be had to
them by all persons, or how far it may be useful to
multiply copies by transcribing, or printing the whole
records, or any part thereof,

^^ That the General Court may obtain that informa-
tion, the committee ask. leave to submit the following
resolution. Samuel Dana, Chairman.

^* Resolved, that James Freeman, D. D. of Boston,
Samuel Davis, Esq. of Plymouth, and Benjamin R.
Nichols, Esq. of Salem, or any one or more of them,
be, and they are hereby authorized and empowered
to examine the said records, files^ and documents, and
if they find the same of right belonging to the Com-
monwealth, they shall have power to take the same
into their custody, for the purpose of a full examina-
tion ; and they are requested to report how far, in their
opinion, it may be proper to have the same deposited
in the archives of the Secretary of State, for the use

260 PLTHOUTH COLONY RECORDS.

of legislators, hisioriaos, and antiquariaas, and how
fiar it may be useful to multiply copies of the whole,
or any parts of them, for the ii»m of all the people ;
and they- are requested to report an estimate of the
uxpeiisu of printing such part as they may titid it
proper to have printed. And thuy are further re-
quested to make a full report in the premises, at the
first session of the next General Court, and to lay
iheir accounts for their expenses and services before
the Committee on AccouiiLs for allowance."

The foregoliif; report was accepiod, and rcsolutioD
adopted, February 18, 1818.

The Comtiiiasioners thus ap|iointed, proceeded to Ply-
mouth, and after carefully exaoiioing the Uecords,
made nu abstract of them ; the abstract forming a
quarto volume of .'^26 pages. This thoy returned to
the legislature in June 1818, with llicir report, whitli
was as follows : —

" The commissioners ap[Miinted by a resolve of the

General Court dated February 18, 1818, to cxamiuu

the rccurdtf of the Old Colony of Plymouth, have at-

' tended the service assigned to them, and respectfully

beg leave to submit the following report:

" Tlie Old Colony licconls (Consist of twelve volumes
io folio, and the Charter eogrossed on parchment, be-
sides which there are two volumes of the acts of the
commissioners of the United Colonies. The volumesttf
the Old Colony Records arc marked, 1 , 2, 4, 6, 6, 7, 8,
12, 15, 16, M, N. Though it does not appear that aa;
volumes have been lost, yet there are none with the marks
of 3, 9, 10, 13, 14 ; but several of the volumes contain
two or more parts, which circumstance probably pre-
vented the volumes being marked in a continued series
of numbers. The acts of the Commissioners of the
United Colonies are marked U. C. 1. and U. C. 2.
The general contents of the volumes are acts and
resolves of the legislature, judicial proceedings of the
court of assistants, consisting of civil and criminal
cases, and the settlement of the estates of persons de-

PLYMOUTH COLONY RECORDS. 261

ceased, orders of the council of war, military transac-
tions, and appointments of commissioned officers ;
names of the nreemen admitted, and of the selectmen
of towns ; registers of births, marriages, and deaths ;
admonitions to churches, and recommendations and ad-
dresses to the people ; grants of land ; records of
wills, and deeds, and a variety of miscellaneous mat-
ters, which cannot be classed under any particular
head. These several articles are blended together in
the same volume, and frequently in the same page ;
and different parts of a volume are bound together
withjieaves inverted, and misplaced, and without re-
gard to dates.

*^Your committee have not been able to discover
whether any arrangement was made respecting the
records before the union of Plymouth with Massachu-
setts, or by the Province afterward ; but it was un-
doubtedly concluded at the time of the union, as it will
be probably now, that it would be inconvenient, and
injurious to the inhabitants of the Old Colony, to re-
move from them the deeds, and other titles to their
estates, which cannot be separated from the acts of
the General Court. Your committee have no doubt
that these records of right belong to the Common-
wealth ; but they hope it will not appear a breach of
propriety to state, that many of the inhabitants would
surrender them with reluctance, as they regard them
as the most important monuments which they possess
of the labours and prudence of their ancestors.

** The acts of the Commissioners of the United Colo-
nies form no part of the records of the Old Colony.
With respect to them therefore, your committee report
as their opinion, that they ought to be removed to the
seat of government, and deposited in the Secretary's
office.

^* After a careful examination of the whole of the
Plymouth Records, your committee are of opinion,
that it would be of benefit to the present age, and
still more to posterity, to cause a fair transcript to be

262 PLYMOUTH COLONY RSOORD8«

taken, and copies to be multiplied by printing the
most interesting articles, so tlmt diey may be read
with ease by all whose curiosity, taste, or studiea may
lead them to the examination. For the infomurtion
of the General Court, as well as for a guide to the
person who may be employed to make the copy, your
committee have endeavoured, with much toil^ to find
their way through the labyrinth of these records, and
the abstract which accompanies this report contains a
selection, arranged in the order ot time, of the artides,
which in their judgment will be most useful to the
legislator, the antiquarian, the civil and ecclesiastical
historian, the biographer, the geographer, and the ob-
server of human nature. The parts of the records
which they have omitted to note are many of the ju-
dicial proceedings, and nearly the whole of the wills
and deeds.

<^ Your committee have searched in the public offices
•of Plymouth for documents and files of papers ; but
can find none of a public concern.
^^ After receiving proposals firom three several printers,
your committee have made an estimate of the expense
of printing such parts of the records as it may be
proper to publish. The cost of 1000 copies per sheet,
or sixteen pages in octavo, on long primer type, 61
lines in a page, and 26 ems wide will be for

Composition, printing, and dry pressing, ^ 17, 00
Paper, 10, 87

27,87

Binding in boards 12f cents a book.
" Before a transcript is completed, it is impossible to
make any calculation of the number of sheets it will
be necessary to print ; but a volume containing 640
pages would cost ^1,24, which is less than half the
retail price of a book of that size.

James Freeman, i ^

Samuel Davis, > .

enjamin u. jnlchols, j
Plymouth, May 21, 1818."

PLYMOUTH COLOIIT BKCORDS. 263

By a further resolve of the legislature, the same
Commissioners were authorized to cause the records
to be transcribed, and new bound, and afterwards to re-
turn the originals to the Register of Deeds' office in
Pljinouth, and to deposit the copies in the Secretary's
oflSce in Boston. The Commissioners having entrusted
the business to Mr. Nichols, he undertook the same,
and had the whole completed in January, 1820.

The original records being in great confusion, it was
^nd necessary to have them arranged anew, and full
indexes were made to them. The volumes were also
interleaved, and new bound. The original Charter
of the Colony being considerably defaced, it was re-
paired, and placed in a port folio with the seal of the
Fljmouth Company in England, annexed to it. The
aeal is about 4 inches in diameter. It was much
broken ; but the parts were carefully cemented, and
secured together, and inclosed in a case, so that the
original impression may be seen.

The records are now arranged chronologically, and
in such a manner that the legislative proceedings or
court orders form six separate volumes ; the wills, and
iaventories, four ; deeds, six ; laws, one ; acts of Com-
missioners of United Colonies, two. There is also
an imperfect volume of the records of these commis-
sioners, being, as is supposed, their original minutes
There is also one volume of Indian deeds, bound up
with the Treasurer's accounts, and lists of freemen,
and one volume of actions, marriages, births, and
deaths, making in the whole twenty-two volumes of
original records.

The following table shows the difference between
tlie present and former arrangement of the volumes.

Fomier amngemeiit

PreMDt.

roL 1, - - -

Deeds, -

Vol. I.

.c 2, . . . .

Court Orders,

« I.

<< 4, in three parts :

Part 1 -

Deeds,

Vol. II. Part 2.

«c 2 - -

WiUs, -

Vol. II. Part 3.

" 3 -

Deeds,

Vol. IV.

264 PLYMOUTH COLOlfT RECORDS.

VoL 5, in three parts :

Part 1 - - Court orders. Vol. ii.

2 - - Court orders, - Vci. t.

3 - - Court orders, Vd. in.
** 6, in lour parts :

Part 1 - - Laws, - Part 3.

"2 - - Deeds, - - Vd. ii. part 1

'3 - - Wills, . VoL u. parti.

« 4 - - Wills, - - Vd. in.
" 7, in four parts :

Part 1 - - Court orders, Vd, vi. part 1.

"2 - - Wills, - Vd. IV. part 2.

" 3 - - Wills, - . VoL IV. parti.

"4 . . Wills, - VoL I.
<^ 8, in four parts :

Part 1 - - Laws, - - Part 2.

"2 - - Indian deeds.

" 3 - - Treasurer's accounts.

"4 - - Court orders, Vol. iv.

12, - - - Deeds, - Vol. in.

((

u
ii

C Deeds, - VoL vi.

15, - - - < Wills, ^ . VoL IV. part 2.

( Court orders. Vol. vi. part 2.

16, - - - Deeds, Vol. v.
M, - - - - Actions, ficc.

{Original records of Commission-
ers of United Colonies.
Court orders, VoL vi. part 2.
Laws, - . Part 1.

Acts of Commission- ^
• ers of United Co- > 1 fa 2 Same,
lonies. )

The copies made from the above, form eleven folio
volumes, and are indexed like the originals. The
records of the Commissioners of the United Colonies
were formerly transcribed, and published by Eben-
ezer Hazard, Esq. They compose nearly the whole
of his 2d volume of Historical Collections. This vol-
ume was compared by Mr. Nichols with the original
records and corrected by him, and the volume so cor-
rected, is deposited with the copies above mentioned

PLYMOUTH COLONY RECORDS. 265

Q the oflSce of the Secretary of the Commonwealth.
Ihey are kept in ^ seprate case from the other re^
cords of the government.

All the laws and legislative proceedings are copied,
with such parts of the other records as were thought
to be useful, or interesting to the public. The parts
not copied, are most of the private deeds, wills, and
inventories. Care was taken to preserve in the copies
the original paging and orthography.

The following statement will give a genefal view
of the contents of the records.

There is nothing recorded in 1620, except a plan
of the lots laid out at Plymouth.

The next records are the allotments of land in 1623,
to the passengers in the May Flower, Anne, and For-
tune, and a law establishing the trial by jury. In 1627,
there was a division of the cattle among the inhabitants.
There are but few other records previous to 1632.

lo that year the General Court of Plymouth began
^0 keep a regular journal of their proceedings, which
hey continued to the close of the colony, excepting
lie years 1687 and 1688, during the government of
Sir Edmund Andros.

k 1636, a code of laws was made with a preamble
^Dtaining an account of the settlement of the colony.
Other laws were added at subsequent periods, and when
uiy of the former were altered or repealed, this was
lobe by making erasures, or interlineations, instead of
passing additional acts. The book containing this
code forms a part of the records. In the copy now
HKde, all these erasures and interlineations, are noticed.
In 1658, the laws were revised, and entered in another
l^k. Most of them were transcribed from the former
code, and the dates when they were first enacted, insert-
^ in the margin. Other laws were added afterward till
1664, when they appear to have been again revised.
A third book oflaws was then made, similar to the
former. This bookcontains all the laws passed from
that time till 1682.

^OU II. THIRD SERIES. 34

266 PLYMOUTH COLONY S8C0BDS.

The laws of the colony thus existed in three sepa-
rate parts. They are now bound together and index-
ed, and a complete copy made of them. There was
another code made in 1671, and printed. The manu-
script of this code no longer exists. But one of the
rinted copies may be found in the library of the
listorical Society, bound up with the laws of Massa-
chusetts and Connecticut. This code is very difTerent
from the formi^r. It contains some new laws, and
omits most of those which before existed.

The Governors of the Colony were as foUoivs :
John Carver, in 1620. His name docs not appor

of record.
William Bradford, from 16^1 to 1682, 1635, 1637,

1639 to 1643, 1645 to 1666.*
Edward Winslow,,1633, 1636, 1644.
Thomas Prence, 1B34, 1638, 1657 to 1672.
Josiah Winslaw, 1)673 to 1680.
Thomas Hinckley, 1681 to 1692.

There was no Lieutenant Governor till 1680. Be-
fore that period the Governor, when obliged tobeab*
sent, appointed one pro tempore.

The name^ of the Lieutenant Governors were as
follows :

Thomas Hinckley, 1680.
James Cudworth, 1681.

Major William Bradford, 1682 to 1686, and 1689
to 1691.

There was no Secretary previous to 1636; but the
records appear to have been previously kept by the
Governors. The handwriting of Governor Bradford
is very legible, and resembles a modern hand.

The first Secretary was Nathaniel Souther.
The second, Nathaniel Morton.

The third, Nathaniel Thomas.

The fourth and last, Samuel Sprague.

* The fust record of Iho election of any Governor u in l$39«

PLYMOUTH COLOmr RECORDS. 267

The Treasurers were William Paddy, in 1636.

Thomas Preoce, in 1 637.
Timothy Hatherly, in 1639.
Jonathan Atwood, in 1641.
Miles Standish, 1644 to 1649.
Constant South worth,* 1662 to

1678.
Afterwards William Bradford.

There was no Sheriff till 1686. Writs and pre-
cepts were served originally by an officer styled the
Messenger. In 1645, he was styled Marshal, and
bad the power of appointing deputies. Constables,
Iwwever, were chosen in each town, with power to
ixecuxb precepts, and collect rates. Upon the division
)f the colony into counties, Sheriffs were appointed.

A Coroner was appointed at the beginning of the
K)iony, but the office was soon abolished, and the duty
if taking inquisitions devolved upon the Constables.

There was no distinct office of Register of deeds,
irof wills and inventories, but those duties were per-
bnned by the Secretary of the colony. This ac-
ounts for these records being blended with the other
ecords of the government.

Till 1685 the Court of Assistants was the only
odicial Court, except that the Selectmen of the
owns had the power of trying small causes. The
assistants also formed a part of the legislature.

In 1685 the colony was divided into three counties,
iz. Plymouth, Bristol, and Barnstable. County
'ourts were then established.

The colony of Plymouth included the present
ounties of Plymouth and Barnstable, and a part of
^hode Island. All the Providence Plantations were
t one time claimed by Plymouth. Scituate was the
lost northern town. The bounds between Plymouth
id Massachusetts were settled in 1 640, and they are
bribed in the beginning of the first volume of the
t8 of the Commissioners of the United Colonies.

Sometiinef fpelt in the records^ Soathward, Southwood, and Southerne.

VLnMCTB OOIiOIIV

The iUlowing it a aMMnent of tbi fiieet of atti-

del it different periods^ ■■ extracted fram the leeoidi.

1088. £ •. t

£ ■.

ComperbodMl, 0 5

AmQehfMt, 8 0

A IubIi. 1 10

AlMnMrh« S 8

Atboot, 1 0

Alwiftr, 18 0

AMikhflov, 90 0

AilMreali; 810

18os.ofbM«w, 0 410

Ml,|MrbMM, 0 4 0

A kOWS UM gUMB ) in
\ Irljinoillllt

d.
0
0
0
0
0
0
0
0

1041.
Aooh,

10 Modn of Baeib
S Minsof Mm phaladt
AD tlw inn Mdi

0
8 «

voniBf loan b^ L ft m
loni^ to iMdMil^ f ^ ^

0 0

Dr.FdUar*s hooM in ) ijj 0 0

gMi tnd ft Mt of
btmirtiiMtt
S hofniim't ooolii

}

8 I .J

Bit «OHntr7,lio«n ■! > iQ q q SOOofboudi,

A frwlwf piseet
A pur of DMidalaeri,
A wnkt uid pOte,
BowudMiowitquv> )

SIO
0 S
110

0
0
0

AakaDopi

I
C
I

wmtaf

wr uid ooMi

0 5 0

lOO.

1084.

A4iMlli^(
gudoDi

A mill,

An otter skio.

}

FiMo per bodNla
Tern per Ik
Ooiionperlb.

}

• 4

SO 0 0

1637.
A fuither bed,
A flock bed,
A pair of Holland )
eheeta, )

A Barnstable blanket,
1 lb. of thread,
Broadclotb per yard,
Powder per lb.

1639.
4 working steers,
A ball two years old,
^ tWo year old heifer, 110 0
A cow calf of this ) 3 a a

ApkNigh, 0 4 0

90 0
0 3

0
6

310

118

0
0

1 0

018
0 3
0 10
0 1

0
4

0
0

65 0
6 0

0
0

164So

A yoke of oien, IS IS

A mare, 8 0

A chest of drawers, 3 10

A leather bottom chair, 0 5

A bouse clock, S 0

1644.

Wheat per bnshel, 0

Barley per bushel,' 0

Oats per bnshel, 0

Pease per busbel| 0

1649.

A hog, 016

A Dig, 0 2

A large steer, 5 10

A small steer, 1 18

A heifer, 8 0

Wheat per bosbel, 0 4

4
4

3
4

PLYMOUTH COLOlfT RE00BD8.

269

1658.

;^ s. d.

0 cows,
3 calves,

26 0 0
1 0 0

5 pigs,
A steer,

0 15 0
4 10 0

An ox,

7 0 0

1657.
CapUin Sundish's^

dweUing house and I

oot booses, with V 140 0 0

the land thereunto I

belonging, J

Anoa, 6 0 0

Wbeat per bushel, 0 4 1

Rje per bushel, 0 3 0

JikUan corn per ) a o n
bosbel, '^ J 0 3 0

per bushel, 0 3 2

1650.
9601b. of sugar,
Aeow,

10
3

0
0

Asheep,
A Iambi

AttOK,

Aeov,

Aeali;
JL Ikwso,
A aiare«
A eoltf
A hoc.

busbd.

1663.

com

Imshel,

per J

010

0 4
5 10
410
915

10 0

12 0

410

1 0

0
0

0
0
0
0
0
0
0
0
0

0 3 0
0 5 0

Marsh land per acre,
Feathers per lb.
Wool per lb.
Barrel of tar,

167a
A cow,

A steer, 3 years old, ^
A steer, 2 years old,
A heifer,
A calf.
An ox,
A hog.

Rye per bushel,
A horse,
Another,
Mare and colt.
Cotton per lb,
4 thousand shingles,
A shallop with rig- )
ging die. complete, /

£ 8.

010
0 1
0 1
010

2
3
2
1
0
3
0
0
2
3
2
0
0

A cow,
An ox.
Another,
A bull.
Another,
A hog,
A horse.

1685.

2 6
2 15
4 0
110
115
0 5
4 0

d.
0
0
0
0

7
15

5
15
12

3 6

0 0

0
0
6
0
0
0
0

0
0
0
0

18 0 0

1679.

Wheat per bushel, 0 8 0

Barley and rye per ) ^ » a

bushel, "^ J 0 3 a

Indian corn per bush- > a o i>

el, J 0 2 6

0
0
0
0
0
0
0

From tbe journals of the General Court, much in^
fonnation may be obtained concerning the Indians.
There are many details of the wars with them, and
negotiations with friendly tribes; of the protection
aflforded them, and lands purchased of them.* It is

* A vataUe artlda upon thia robject, may be found In the Boaton Monthly
My»*^ for March 1826, entitled. ** Stiictmea upon a memoir of the Indiana
In Mew EoijtuiA,** written aa we underatandhj Alden Bmdfoid, Eaq.

tM iiiiiiiim-iaMrti'Wiii—pF-' -''■-

greatly to the credit of our ancestors that they pur-
Riased most of their lands of the Indians for consider-
^(itions vvhiiih were considered at the time fully equiva-
■lent. No individuals were allowed to make purchases
of them without leave from the General Court, and
the purchases were generally made for the use of the
Qolony, or particular towns. In IGii'i, overseer5 and
tyihingrocn among the Indians were appointed, and
in 1675 courts for them were established. Justice
Was administered among them summarily, and uol ac-
cording to the strict rules of the common law. Many
. Indian names are scattered through the records, which
■re carefully indexed.

' From these journals, a knoM'ledgc may be obtained
irf all the principal men who lived in the colony, of
•Ae Governors, Assistants, Deputies or Representa-
lires, Selectmen of towns, and other civil officers, mili-
tary officers, and freemen.

There are lists of all the freemen in the colony at
several periods, also records of marriages, births, and
deaths. The latter records however are imperfect.

Marriages were never solemnized by ministers, but
ftiagistrates were specially appointed for that service.

Most of the lands in tlic colony liflonglng to indi-
viduals, were originally granted by the General Court,
and these grants appear in the records. If there
were no other reason foi preserving and traascribiug
the records, the importance of these grants would bi
a sufficient inducement. It is to be hoped that the
time is not far distant, when the legisl^ure will caim
the most important parts of these records to be printed,
according to the recommendation of the commissioners.
It is believed that no appropriation of the pablk
money would be more gratifying to the commonity.
It would be particularly desirable that the whole of
the laws should be printed iii chronological otder.
No book would conduce more to illustrate the man-
ners, wants, aad sentimeots of our ancestors. Our
minds would be naturally carried back to those early

ADDRESS OF THE MINISTERS OF BOSTOlf, &C. 271

periods^ and we should have displayed before us in the
most striking manner, the difficulties under which our
foreiathers were struggling, and the remedies provided
for their relief.

Address of the Ministers of Boston to the Duke of

Newcastle.

[The following Address seems to have been occasioned by a
ibi^d letter, purporting to be dated at Boston, 10 July, 1737, and
sent to London, which commences as follows : " We have advice
bj Capt Hill, who lately arrived from London, that his Majesty
has been most graciously pleased to appoint a new governor for
the colony of the Massachusetts, which occasioned the most uni-
TerMl joy that ever was known throughout this province, especially
among the better sort of people, and the Ministers of all
aorta, dtc." A similar Address was sent to Sir Robert Walpole,
and the Earls of Wilmington and Harrington. It probably coun-
teracted for a time the machinations of Governor Belcher's eue^
mica, but they finally succeeded in effecting his removal from the
office of Grovernor in Massachusetts. He retired to Court, and
▼indicated his character from the unjust charges which had caus-
ed his removal, and was afterwards appointed Governor of New
Jeney.— J. Farmer to J. Bo\»doin> Esq.]

May it please your Grace.

With all that respect and deference to your
name, which the high station, wherein His most ex-
cellent Majesty, our most gracious Sovereign, has seen
meet to place, and so long continue you, together with
those accomplishments, which render you illustrious
therein : —

We ministers of the gospel, and pastors of church-
es in His Majesty's Province of the Massachusetts
Bay, in and about Boston, crave leave, by the hand of
the agents for the Province, humbly to address our-
selves unto yoiur Grace, and entreat your powerful fa-
vour to the good people of New-England, and to the
churches of it, in whith the King's person, and fami-*
hr, and ministers are constantly and ardently prayed
for, with one heart and voice.

The blessings of his Majesty's reign, which reach

272 ADDRESS or THE MIMSTEBS OF BOSTON, &C<

US in these distant parts of his dominion, we hope we
have a grateful sense of: In a particular manner we
think ourselves bound to bless God, and to thaok the
King and his ministers, for the continuance of Gov-
ernor Belcher in the chair over us, by whom the
King's good subjects of every denomination are eoual-
ly encouraged in their duty to God, and to the King.

We look upon ourselves obliged humbly to address '
your Grace in this manner, because we have lately
seen in some of the publick prints, what wc must call
a malicious libel, pretended to be writ from Bostoa,
r declaring to the world : —

[ " An universal joy throughout this Province upon
the news of his Majesty's appointing a new Govem-
our over us ; more especially among the better sort of
people, and Ministers of all sorts."

Than which there could not have been published a
greater calumny, and more injurious falsehood : and
We beseech your Grace to excuse us this zealous vin-
dication of ourselves, and our people, from it.

Sir, that those, who have the high honour to slaad
about the King, as his ministers, may have wisdom
from above for a most righteous and happy adminia-
tralion, is the prayer of, My Lord Duke,
Your Grace's most humble, datiful,

and obedient servaats,
From Bottm, in Nae-Baghitd, Dee. &, 1737.

BENJAMIN COLHAN,
Pwtor of ihe church to BnKIa StMM, BMm.

THOMAS PRINCE,
pMlor of (he South CboRh in B«Mm.
WILLIAM COOPER.
A Putor of the Cboreh In BiMU* SbMt, BmH^
NEHEHIAH WALTER,
pMtor of m Church In Roxbnnr.
NATHANIEL APPLETCHf,
pHlor of I Church la CaabiUM.
SAMUEL CHECKLEY,

DoKi OP Nbwcabtlb.

Same la
8lK ROBIRT WaLPOLB,

EaKLA op WtLlinMaTOH

•nd HAMsiNonrow.

CHARLES CHAUNCET.

Putor of tba Fi>*t Chui«h lo Botta.

SAMUEL MATHER,

Pubu ol the North Chnreh In Tlwlw

MATHER BTLES,

PuUr «f Ob CSnuch In Hoffi* SttMt, BoM

NARRAGANSET TOWNSHIPS. 273

Memoir of the Narraganset Townships.

Amherst, N, IL June 2, 1817.
Rey. Sir,

Having lately examined some original records and
manuscripts, which relate to the Narraganset town-
8hi\is, granted by the General Court of Massachusetts,
iQ 1728 and 1733, I conceived that a communication
respecting them might be proper for your Collections.
The history of the grants of these townships has been
illustrated by no historian whom I have consulted. The
only information 1 find concerning them is given by
Douglass in his Summary, and Hutchinson in his History
of Massachusetts. The former, in a note to page 424,
volume 1, says, "Nine townships were voted, but only
seven granted to the descendants of the Narraganset
or Pequod vfSx soldiers, 1637, called Narraganset
townships."* Hutchinson, (vol. 2, page 299,) in speak-
ing of the grants made about that period, 1727, ob-
serves, " the government, under the old charter and the
new, had been very prudent in the distribution of the
territory.'' — " But all on a sudden, plans are laid for
grants of vast tracts of unimproved land, and the last
^ssion of Mr. Dummer's administration, a vote passed
^he two houses appointing a committee to lay out
^^ree lines of towns," &c. " Pretences were en-
^Uraged, and even sought after, to entitle persons to
"^come grantees. The posterity of all the officers
^*^d soldiers who served in the famous Narraganset ex-
pedition, in 1675, were the first pitched upon, those
^l» were in the unfortunate attempt upon Canada, in
' ^90, were to come next." f

Dr. Doaglass confounds the Narraganset with the Pequot war. Hie war
the Pequots occurred, as he states, in 1637. The Narra^i^set war, to
[| the grant of these townshy^s referred, did not occur (ill 1675.
1^ ^ ** Nine townships were fi^ntcd to the heirs of the militia or soldiers, who
)^^^iit apLfaist Canada, Anno 1690, and were called Canada townships. A parcel
, these, the furthest up in the country run W. 5 and a half deg. S., across from
^^Rimac river 85 miles to Connecticut river, as a banier against the Indians ; they

VOL. II. THIRD SERIES. 35

274 NARRAGANSET TOWNSHIPS.

It will be my object to give a brief view of th(
Narraganset grants, a short account of the sevcra
townships, and the names of the towns to which thej
were respectively assigned. In do'in^ this 1 shall avai
myself of the information contained in the record
and manuscripts referred to, and such other authentic
sources as are within my reach.

In June, 1728, the General Court of Massachuseti
appointed a committee* to lay out two tracts of lars
for townships, each of the contents of six miles squar*
in some of the unappropriated land of the province
These tracts of land were granted to the officers a i
soldiers (or to their lawful representatives) belongi j
to Massachusetts, who were in the service of tU<
country in the Narraganset war, as a reward for the
public service, and in full satisfaction of the grant fn
merly made them by the Court. Public notice \\i
to be given in the News Letters, and advertisement
were to be posted up in every town in the province
notifying the survivors and legal representatives c
those who had deceased, to send a list of their nara^
and descents to the Court before the next fall session
The Court appointed a committee to examine " tl^
claims laid before them of rights in the two tracts C
land granted to the officers and soldiers who were i,
the Narraganset fight," who reported that the saii
tracts of land be granted to the persons contained ii
a list which was probably submitted with their report
They also reported, " that the grantees meet at Bos-
ton, if the small pox be not there — if it be, then a^
Cambridge, on the first Wednesday in June succeed
ing." The report was accepted, 19 December, 1729
The grantees accordingly met at Cambridge, but thi
Court having revoked their former order, the meetinj

are called the double line of towns, whereof No. 3, 8, and 9 are very mountahi
ous, rocky, and stony, hot capable of settlement ; No. 4 and 7 are the best lands.

Dotiglaa.
* John Chandler, Edward Shove, Thomas Tilestone, John Hobson, and Samui
Chandler.

NARRAGANSET TOWNSHIPS. 275

was dissolved without " transacting any business of
importance." A committee, however, was chosen to
petition the General Court for a further grant of land;
** so that every sixty claimers might have a township
of six miles square."

In June, 1732, in answer to several petitions, an
additional grant of five townships was voted by the
House, and a committee of five persons appointed to
survey and locate them in some of the unappropriated
lands of the province. The conditions of this grant
were, that the grantees should assemble within two
months, and regulate each propriety or township,
which was to be holden and enjoyed by one hundred
and twenty grantees ; that they should settle sixty
families, at least, in every township, and a learned or-
thodox minister within seven years. It therefore ap-
pears that the whole number of grantees, to whom
the seven townships were assigned amounted to eight
hundred and forty.

The grant of the five townships did not immediate-
ly receive the approbation of the Governor. The act
passed the House, 30 June, 1732, and did not receive
the signature of the Governor till the 26th of April, the
year following. The grantees, it appears, were inces-
sant in their applications, and indefatigable in their ex-
ertions to secure the last mentioned grant. They
even appointed a person * to use his interest with the
Governor, and induce him "to sign the grant." How
'^r the influence of this person prevailed with the
Oovernor, it is difficult to determine.

From the papers which I have inspected, it seems
^hat considerable difficulty arose from the number of
descendants, who presented their claims for the right
^f the same ancestor. In order to remedy this evili
tilie Court ordered, that where the person who had
i^een in the service had deceased, the grant should be-
long to his legal representatives in the following man-

* Mr. Samuel Welb, of Boston.

276 NARRAQAHIBT TOWNSHITB.

ner ; " that the eldest mala hev, if audi there nrigfat be,
otherwise the eldest female, if they pleased, ahoidd
hold the land by paying to the other deaeendanta or
heirs such proportionable parts of ten poundsi (which
was judged to be the value of a right, or single share,)
as such descendants would be entitled to, provided ih^
said land had descended according to a law tf th^
province for the settlement of intestate estates.''

After a great number 6f meetings of the committer
of the Narraganset grantees, the grantees themaelv^
assembled on Boston common and formed aeveir dm*
tinct societies, each society consisting of one hundraj
and twenty grantees, and entitled to one townsh^
Three persons from each society were choeen m oosh
mittee, who met at Luke Verdey's in BoatODy 17
October 1733, and assigned the seven towDahipiai
follows :

Narraganset^ No. I.

The tract of land constituting this township was
situated on the east side of Saco river, in the coontf
of York, in the District of Maine. It was assigned to
grantees belonging to the towns^ of Ipswich^ Newboiy,
Kowley, Haverhill, Salisbury, Almesbury, MethneBr
Hampton, Greenland, and Berwick. The committee
were Philemon Dane, and John Gains of Ipswich, aoA
Colonel Joseph Gerrish of Newbury. It was report—
ed as surveyed in February, 1734, and the report was
accepted. lu the opinion of Alden Bradford, Esq^^
Secretary of the Commonwealth of Massachusetts,
this tract is the same which forms the town of Bux-
ton.* This opinion is rendered probable by the act ol
incorporation of Buxton, which runs thus : <^ An act
for incorporating the plantation called Narraganset,
number one, in the county of York, into a town hjr
the name of Buxton," &c. The act of incorporatica
is dated July, 1772.

* MS. copv of the act of incprporntion of Buxton, on which it expresied the
opinion of Mr. Bradford, in the note that cloaet tliii article.

NARRAOANSET TOWNSHIPS. 277

Narragansetj No. II.

This township, it is said in the records, was situa-
ted at Wachuset. It adjoined Rutland, and was loca-
ted soon after the grant of the two townships in 1728.
It was assigned to grantees belonging to Charlestown,
Cambridge, Watertown, Weston, Sudbury, Newtown,
Medford, Makien, and Reading.

Narragansetj No. III.

Narraganset, No. 3, called also Souhegan west, was
situated on the north side of Souhegan river. It was
assigned to inhabitants belonging to Salem 29, Mar-
blehead 7, Lynn 27, Gloucester 5, Andover 9, Tops-
field 14, Beverly 14, Wenham 4, Boxford 4, Bradford
1, Scarborough 1, Reading 2, York 1, Falmouth 2,
and Chatham 1.* Of the 120 grantees to whom it
Was assigned, only nineteen who served in the Narra-
ganset war were living in 1733. The first meeting
of the grantees after the assignment of the township
Was made, was holden at Salem village, 17 July,
1734, when a committee was appointed to ^^ take a
particular view of the circumstances of the township,"
who were " to have power to employ a surveyor, and
^Uch pilots as might be necessary.'' On the 2d of
September, the society met to receive the report of
their committee, who, having been disappointed in the
choice of a surveyor, made no report. They however
declared verbally, ^' that they had been on the land,
2ind found it well timbered.'' The proprietors at this
time voted, that the township should be ^^ subdivided
^s soon as may be," — that the committee appointed
'or that purpose, " should lay out to each proprietor
^^* the first or home lot, sixty acres, and what was
^Hnting in quality, to be made up in quantity." This,
PerhapS) may serve as a specimen of the proceedings

2^ The figures following each town show the number of grantees belonging to
** U>wii«

278 NARRAOANSET TOWNSHIPS.

of the other societies. This township was incorpo
ted in 1760 by the name of Amherst.

Narragansety No. IV,

Narraganset, No. 4, at Amoskeag, was assigned
Northampton, Hadley, Suffield, Enfield, Deerfie
Worcester, Woodstock, Oxford, Brookfield, Killing
Lebanon, Mansfield, Norwich, Pomfret, Windha
Bristol, Taunton, Swanzey, Rehoboth, Little Con
ton, Digbton, Attleborou^h, Norton, Freetown, B
rington, Bridgewater, Middleborough, Plympt<
Kingston, Rochester, Pembroke, Marshfield, Ashfo
Colchester, Haddam, Hebron, Wrentham, Bellinghu
Horseneck, North Kingston, and Walpole. Total
towns. The number of grantees in each of the
towns must, of course, have been very small.

Narragansetj No. V.

This township was known by the name of Souli
gan East. It was situated on Merrimac and Souli
gan rivers, and embraced a tract of land now compi
hending the township of Bedford, and part of Mer
mac. The grantees, to whom it was assigned, belon
ed to Boston, Roxbury, Dorchester, Milton, Braintrc
Weymouth, Hingham, Dedham, Stoughton, Brooklir
Needham, Hull, Medfield, Scituate, Newport, Ni
London, and Providence. The committee for t
township were Colonel Thomas Tilestone, Jonath
Williams, and Joseph Ruggles. Merrimac, compr
hending part of this township, was incorporated
April, 1746. Bedford was incorporated in 1760.

Narraganset^ No. VI.

Number 6 of the Narraganset townships is said
have been situated west of Penicook and Suncoc
It is now known by some ether name. The tpwn»
which it was assigned were. Concord, Groton, Ma

KARRA6AI9SET TOWNSHIPS. 279

)rough9 Chelmsford, Billerica, Lancaster, Lexington,
ramingham, Stow, Littleton, Sherburne, Stoneham,
oulhborough, and Woburn. The committee were
Samuel Chandler of Concord, Jacob Wright of Wo-
luro, and Colonel Benjamin Prescott of Groton.

Narraganset^ No. VI L

This township is mentioned in' Douglass's Summary,
IS being situated near the river Presumpscot. It was
•eported as surveyed in February, 1734, and the re-
port was accepted. The tract of land which consti-
tuted this township, and Narraganset, No. 1, was be-
tween and extended from Saco river to Presumpscot
river, beginning at the northeast corner of Biddeford.
The grantees, to whom it was assigned, belonged to-
Barnstable, Yarmouth, Eastham, Sandwich, Plymouth,
Tisbury, Abington, Duxbury, and one grantee of Scit-
uate. The committee were Colonel Shubael Gorham,
Timothy White and Robert Stanford.

J. FARMER-

Rev. Dr. Holmes.

Junej 1817.

Note by A. Bradford^ Esq. late Secretary of MassachuBetts.

In 1728, two townships of land were granted the soldiers who
bid serred in the Narraganset war by this (then) province, and
vere located, one adjoining Rutland, and one near Merrimack
rifer.

In April 1733, five more townships were granted them. In Feb-
nitry following two townships, or land for two towns, were report
ed as surveyed, and the report accepted. — Said land was between
ud running from Saco river to Presumpscot rivef, beginning at the
iM)rtheast corner of Biddeford, and must, I think, be the tract of
land now including Buxton. A. Braopord.

CHARACIGR or DUDLEY ATKIttft TVIfO, £54.

I Yo the Trustees of the Massachusetts Jiisioriad |jr.
Society,

Qontlemen.
TiiG rollntving simple and brief notice of the iifn and cbariDltrtiC
[ Dudley Aikins Tyng, I.L. D., long a vnhied tncmbcr of our kkkIj,
r ^twn up ot your request, is resjwclfuUy subniitted by

Jo UN Lovrtu.

BIOORArtllCAI. NOTICi:

JOHN LOW LL.

The most esscDlial propcrl" in biographical sketch —
res, is truth — without it, tUvy tiavc iio value. Tber^
nire many other important i |uisites in writers of hi- —
f ographical history, most of v liich the author of thii
I plain and simple Hccnunt fee i that he dous not pos-
' BG^s, and for tliu want of wl h, he claims indulgem
I.H_but as to the correctness a..d truth of his sketch
' the life and cluiractLT of his venerated friend, he L
not only responsible, but is ready to pledge bia owms
teputation for its exactitude. 1 he reader has a rig^t
to know the opportunities, which any writers of bis—
tory or biography enjoyed of forining a right judg-
ment ; for with the best intentions, they amy be de-
ceived, and deceive others. It is proper to state*
therefore, the means which the writer of this very im-
perfect sketch possessed of knowing the character of
Mr. Tyng. These' means were derived from fort^
years' close intimacy and friendship — a friendsbif^
never disturbed for one moment, by any permaneat^
or even transient coolness — from the sympathy derir—
ed from congenial professional pursuits — from a cine
femily alliance, which has endured without intemip-
tion during this long period— from assodatioB wiA

CHARACTER OF DUDLEY ATKINS TTNG. 281

tbe deceased in public societies, and in private social
circles, adapted and intended for persosal improve-
ment and innocent recreation — from having been na-
tives of the same county (Essex) and of the same
tov^n (Newburyport), and Anally, from having had a
community of the same friends, and from an entire
coincidence of opinions on all political, moral, and re-
ligious topics, with the slight exception which will be
stated. Such were the writer's opportunities of know-
ing the character of Mr. Tyng ; and if a society, inter-
ested for the honour of our State^ in preserving me-
morials of men who deserve to live in the memory
of future generations, should desire such a notice of
Mr. Tyng, as the Massachusetts Historical Society in
bis case have requested, perhaps there is no man, on
^boni the duty was more imperative— certainly no
De* upon whom the deceased had stronger claims,
id still more surely, no one, who would perform this
ity with more cheerfulness, with a more heartfelt
night, as a tribute to a friend, to whom he is under
ili@ations which can be felt, but never described.
I. ^ may possibly be asked by those who were igno-
ittt of Mr. Tyng's very rare merit, who reside in dis-
it^tL states, why the Massachusetts Historical Society
earned it proper to request a biographical notice of
Ir. Tyng. He sustained none of those high offices
1 X.he national or state governments, which are sup-
o^^d to be the proofs of great merit ; a supposition,
^hicb we are afraid to say, is too often gratuitous.
l^ made none of those splendid displays of eloquence
- 'the bar, or in the senate, which recommend the for-
I nate possessor of such gifts to popular favour. His
>^:irse, like his character and manners, was in that
c^^btrusive class, which exerts perhaps a wider in-
^^ence on the character of society, than that of the
^ore favoured objects of popular preference. If it be
^^16 in governments, from which the great mass of
Elie whole population is forcibly excluded from politi-
cal power, that much the greatest portion of the tal-

VOL. II. THIRD SERIES. 36

282 CHARACTER OF DUDLEY ATKINS TTUG;

• "'N

ents of those countries is to be found in priTate Ufe^
it is as true in our country, that the soundest, and of-*
ten the ablest portion of our people shrink from the
stniggles and sacrifices of personal independence,
which, even with us, are inseparable from the enjoy->
ment of public honours. If Mr. Tyng could possibly
have brought his independent spirit to bend to the^
arts, by which popular favour is secured — 'if be couMB
have sacrificed his political and his moral principles^
so far, as to have sought popularity by the too com— ■
mon course of self-degradation, he might have enter-^
ed, and pursued with great success, the political ca —
reer. His ambition was a more lofty one. He pre —
ferred the testimony of a good conscience, to all bar-
man applause, and he would not sacrifice a single po—
litical opinion to obtain the suffrages of any dominan.1
party.

What, it may be asked, were the qualities aoic:
services, which entitle Mr. Tyng's memory to paUmc
notice and preservation ?

First J then, it was his rare independence of mindl ;
a quality by no means of so frequent occurrence, as ta
he passed over in silence in a country like our onrii.
We boast much of our independence, but we have as
much subserviency to opinions which we do not ap-
prove, as most of our neighbours. There is as mocii
restraint on individual character and sentiments, as in
many countries, where the influence of govemmeBt
is mare direct. This is said, with a full knowledge of
all the facts, and with nearly a half century of ex-
perience.* Opinion is not as free incur country in
practice, as it is in theory. But Mr. Tyng's opinions
were always free, and he pronounced them on all oc-
casions, with the frankness of a rephblican. This
was of course fatal to his rise as a politician. It rtSBJ

* We could illustrate sod prove this proposition to be true, to IIm eorteit if *
volume of 5Q0 pages. We snail only advert to one particuIar--religious opteioV'
In theory, thev are free ; in practice, out of Massachneetts, there Is a despfl'*'
not exceeded by that of Spain, though not ibllowed by corporal n^firmg*

CHARACTER OF DUDLEY ATKINS TTITO. 283

l>e said that we have no previous restraints on the press,
and no punishment for unsavoury opinions ; but what
are these compared with the averted eje, the secret
whisper, the utter loss of influence, because you ex-
press sound but unpopular sentiments ?

Secondly. Mr. Tyng's history is connected with
the literature and judicial science of the state. A naan
Mrhose name is associated with the jurisprudence of the
«taie for a period of nearly twenty years — who has pub-
lished sixteen volumes of judicial decisions, which
l^ve received the approbation of the profession, and
of the learned judges whose opinions are reported,
C^mong whom was one whose fame is above our praise,
^e late Chief Justice Parsons,) ought to have his his-
toiy sketched.

It is true, that his books will render his name well
^riown to posterity, and lawyers will judge of his'^tal-
^^ts, by the skill with which his reports were drawn
^f).' Tyng's reputation will live as those of Burrow
^^ Cowper, and Durnford and East have done,
^^till, to the jurist, it will be interesting to know who
yng was : how he rose to the rank of reporter ;
how he acquired that professional tact, which
Enabled him to perform his duty so well.

LiCLstly^ and a no less important object, is to show
forth the private virtues of the individual — virtues,
concealed as far as he was able to conceal them ; for
of all the persons who fell within our acquaintance^
Mr. Tyng was the most studious not to let his right
band know the good, which his left hand was inces-^
santly employed in doing. This is not panegyric,,
but sober truth, drawn froni the writer by his sense
of duty alone.

In the bri^ notice, which will follow, there will be
one rule, from which the writer will not dare to depart.
There will be constantly present to his mind the form
and character of his deceased friend. Of his con-
tempt for all exaggerated praise, his dread of surpass-
ing the bounds of truth, and his personal dil"

H ir;,!

284 CHARACTER OF DUDLEY ATKINS TTIIG.

no man who enjoyed his intimate acquaintance, conU
entertain a doubt. It would be, therefore, an act of
great injustice to his memory, a wanton violation of
what we know to have been his feelings, to indulge
in the common and too often prostituted style of gen-
eral and unmeaning praise. His character was severe-
ly modest ; and who can venture to praise, in the usual
style, such a man ? We cannot.

Dudley Atkins Tyng, Esquire, was born at New-
bury, in that part of it now incx>rporated as Newburj-
port, on the 3d of September, 1760. He was the
fifth child of Dudley Atkins, Esquire. Mr. Tyng's
father having died at the early age of 37, under ci^
cumstancfes of great embarrassment as a merchant, Ia
no degree affecting his character as a man, the care of
his whole family devolved, without other means, than
the resources of her own strong and vigorous miod,
upon his widow, the late Mrs. Sarah Atkins. Those
who, with us, had the happiness of knowing the ener-
gy, perseverance, and high intellectual character of
this lady, will not be surprised at her surmounting dif-
ficulties, which would have discouraged minds of less
force, and that she not only provided for the physical
wants of her children, but imparted to them, by her
example and precepts, what was of inestimable and
unappreciable value to them, intellectual and moral
power ; a power, which (if there were none of them
now living,), we should say, had been most fully ex-
emplified ill their long and highly useful lives. Mrs.
Atkins's efforts and usefulness were not, however,
confined to her own family ; they shed a benign and
most powerful influence upon all who enjoyed the
delights of her society. A more radiant mind, one
which exerted an higher influence on all around her,
cannot easily be cited — certainly fifty years' experi-
ence do not enable the writer to recall one, whose
moral efficacy was greater.

We should not have dwelt upon this subject, were
it not, that in our opinion, much of Mr. Tyng's firm-

CHARACTER OF DUDLEY ATKINSTTNG. ' 286

ness of character, of his sterling integrity, and sound-
ness of opinions, may be fairly traced to the influence
of a mother, whom no stranger ever visited without a
conscious improvement. Peace to her delightful mem-
ory ! which is as fresh to the writer, as it was forty
years since.

Mr. Tyng received his early instruction at Dummer
\.cademy, under the auspices of that profound scholar,
but singularly eccentric man. Master Moody. He
was indebted to the friendship of Tristram Dalton,
Jonathan Jackson, Nathaniel Tracy, and John Tracy,
Elsquires, for the means of his education at Cam-
bridge ; and it was not lost upon Mr. Tyng. One of
the very last acts of his life was to record tfiis kind-
ness. How many of the ablest men in Great Britain
s^d in this country are indebted to the prophetic
kindness of liberal persons, who, perceiving the dawn
^f talent in young men, hasten to encourage it. And
^ow delightful the reward, when the exertion is found
^^ nurture a mind, as strong, as pure, as vigorous, and
to produce a life as useful, as that of Mr. Tyng. Mr,
T'jrug's academic opportunities were not lost upon
'^^U. His reputation as a scholar was such, that when
^ total eclipse of the sun was expected in October
^ 780, in his senior year, and the government of the
^ta.te deemed the observation of it to be so important,
^^ to fit out a government vessel, to go to Penobscot
.y» and to obtain from the British commander per-
5j*5ision to enter that bay, then in British power. Dr.
y^illiams, the Professor of Astronomy, selected John
v^Ow Judge) Davis and Tyng, of the then senior class,
^ his assistants in this expedition. There cannot be
?^ stronger proof of the high standing, which he then
*^^ld in his class, in that particular science.

After Mr. Tyng received the degree of bachelor of

^rts, his necessities compelled him to seek occupation

^s an instructer, and he found employment, as such,

in 'a respectable family in Virginia. Originally, his

engagement was with Judge Mercer, one of the

286 CHARACTER OF DUDLEY ATKllfS TTNO.

Judges of the highest Court in Virginia ; but on arri?-
ing in Virginia^ he removed to the estate of Mrs. Sel-
den, a sister of Judge Mercer. He however entered
as a student in Judge Mercer's office, and there laic^
the foundation (and an excellent one it must ha?^
been) of his subsequent legal knowledge. He w^^
admitted to practice in Virginia^ and on his return to
his native state, he was also admitted to full practice
here. This is the whole histor)^ of Mr. Tyng's lair
advantages ; and we are the more disposed to take
notice of it, as it will show the rare force of his mind,
and the readiness, with which he made intellectual
attainments. Upon his return from Virginia in 1784^
he was, by the influence and effective exertions of
his early friend and instructor. Chief Justice Parsons,
admitted to the Essex bar. Precisely at this critical
moment, there occurred a rare circumstance, an event
which exerted a most inauspicious influence on the
fortunes and future history of Mr. Tyng. With
greater means of knowledge than any other individual
could possess, we have no hesitation in saying, that to
the circumstances, now to be related, he owed the d^
feat of the fairest prospects in his profession, and was
reduced by them to shifts and expedients, in his fii-
ture life, from which his sound talents and learning,
his industry and vigour of mind, would have elevated
and secured him. If Mr. Tyng had never felt the oppres-
sive weight of patronage^ we should have seen him at
the head of the Essex bar, and sustaining an honourable
distinction on the bench of the highest court of law.
We think that this point is almost proved by the fact,
that under every possible disadvantage, he discovered
in his advanced age, a rare talent for his profession, of
which we shall speak more at large, when we come
to the review of what he subsequently effected. As
early as November 1783, which was only two years
after he left college, he most unfortunately for his
future success in life, as we shall abundantly show,
received an intimation from one of his sisters, inform-

CHARACTER OF DUDLEY ATKINS TTSIjG. 287

log him, that he was to receive a fortune on the death
of a Mrs. Winslow, a branch ^of the Dudley family,
with which Mr. Tyng was allied. In order to explain
this transaction, very common in Great Britain, but
equally rare in our country, it will be necessary to
state, (and it is not uninteresting in giving a historical
account of this State,) that the principal branch of
this ancient family of Tyng, one of the original por
tentees of the Plymouth colony, had become extinct.
rte last surviving male, Mr. James Tyng, of Tyngs-
boTough, intermarried with Rebecca Russell, second
<l^tughtef of the late Honorable James Russell of
Oliarlestown, and died without issue. His widow
bsequently became the wife of the late Judge Low-
1, by whom she had several children who survive.*
pon the death of the last 'male heir of the ancient
yog family, one of the oldest in New England, the
^^nded estates in the ancient town of Tyngsborough
~ ascended to Mrs. Winslow, his only surviving sister
nd heir. Mrs. Winslow felt all the aristocratic feel-
X^gs which were common to the great landholders of
^his State, before the revolution, and as all the Tyng
\j|ood in this quarter was extinct, she resolved to set-
tle her estate on her distinguished maternal family,
^he Dudleys. Unfortunately for him, in surveying the
claims of her numerous family, she fixed upon our ex-
cellent friend, Mr. Tyng. She put upon him the
onerous load of sustaining the expiring fortunes of aa
impoverished family. Mr. Tyng's connexion WMth
her arose from a very remote source. They were
mutually descendants from a Mrs. Rebecca Tyng,
who had married Governor Joseph Dudley, and they
stood in the relation of sixth cousins to each other.
So completely had the old Tyng family run out in less
than two hundred years.

No event of Mr. Tyng's whole life could have been
so adverse as the accidental circumstance of her fix-

^ Thif &ct is mentioned, merely to explain the cause of the wiHer'i intiBnltt
Iniowledge of this interesting part of Mr. Tyng*s life.

288 CHARACTER OF DUDLET ATKINS TYNO.

ing her preferences upon him, and resolving, with kind
intentions, to make him the object of her most ruin-
ous bounty. She made known to Mr. Tyng her un-
happy designs in his favour. The late Judge Lowell
being the brother-in-law of Mrs. Winslow, and the
bosom and affectionate friend of Mrs. Atkins, the
mother of Mr. Tyng, was the confidential adviser of
both. All the facts are as familiarly known to the wri-
ter of this sketch, as they were to our deceased friend
Mr. Tyng himself. He was the announced heir of the
great Tyng estates ; but no man ever passed so severe a
novitiate for admission to a Monkish order. She chang-
ed her will as the wind blew north or south, and finally
bequeathed to him a large farm, giving away the princi-
pal means, and nearly all the means, of supporting it.*
Our excellent friend and associate, whose delicacy
was pre-emjnent above his other virtues, never lisped
one complaint. He took possession of his farm, of
very indifferent soil, generally; and with scientific
skill, he tried its capacities, till he found ruin the in-
evitable consequence. His pride, and no man had a
greater share of that honourable quality, (honourable,
when modified by good sense,) induced him to perse-
vere, until all his friends demanded a change. He
was appointed to the Collectorship of Newburyport.
This was a radical change for a lawyer, a great farmer
of a thousand acres, but our friend had the vigour a
mind adapted to such a change. No man in the Uni-
ted States, from Maine to Georgia, ever performed the^
duties of a Collector with greater fidelity, exactitude,
and ability, than he performed them. The testimony
of his recent neighbours, and of the Treasury depart*-

ment, will prove this fact. He left that office with a

reputation as spotless as that with which, thirty years^
afterwards, he left the world. Then came the greats

* Nothing in this sketch of an important incident in Mr. Tjrng*! life, is !■—
tended as the slightest impeachment «f Mrs. Winslow's character. The trvth^
is, that she considered the devise of the whole landed estate of the Tyng hnSStr'
a noble act ; but in modem times, and to a. man without capital, a gvMt htm up
a great burden.

CHARACTER OF DUDLEY ATKINS TTN6. 289

Tevolution in our republic, the entire overthrow and sub-
version of truly republican principles, and the substitu-
tion of the name for the substance. During the twelve
years of the two first administrations, the only question
thought of, was a man's^toe^^ for his office. Mr. Jeflfer-
son's accession was the signal for the introduction of a
new principle in our government. It worked well for his
Mends for twenty years, so long as the dominant and in-
tolerant party were held together by the strong links of
cmmon interest. So long as the dread of a virtuous mi-
nority restrained them, their power was as despotic as
tbatof Russia or Turkey. But since they have succeed-
ed in crushing all the pure advocates for republican prin-
^ ciples, we have witnessed scenes, which all of us pre-
dicted, and which the old Jefiersonians condemn as
i&iich as we do — ^a shameless avowal of private inter-
est—of utter disregard to that of the publif. How
^stoo general corruption of public men will terminate,
^udto what consequences it may lead, nothing but
^c^tual history can show. Whether there is a redeem-
ing spirit in our institutions, as our professional wri-
ters, themselves subject in some degree to the in-
fluence of this corruption, pretend, time alone, the
S^eat resolver of all doubts, will determine. To the
Unprincipled revolution which brought Mr. Jefierson
^*^to power, Mr. Tyng owed the loss of his office. He
l^t it, and the public lost, by his removal, a faithful,
^pable, efficient officer — a man without reproach and
^thout guile. He lost it, and simply because he was
^?o honest to truckle to the existing authority. This
^^gle fact condemns the policy and integrity of that
^03inistration. But his fate was only that of a thou*
^Od others.

« Thus thrown once more on the world, in the me-
dian of life, incapable of competing at the bar which
^^ had scarcely touched, and to which he had never
^en enured, Mr. Tyng removed to Boston with the
^^pe of regaining some share in professional employ-
^nt. No man who has not witnessed, or felt in his

VOL. II. THIRD SERIES. 37

290 CHARACTER OF DUDLEY ATKINS TTIiG.

own person, the up-hill labour of striving in a professic
which he had long abandoned, can truly feel tt
difficulties with which Mr, Tyng had to contend-
they were to his mind and character insuperable. I
this juncture, the most critical moment of Mr. Tyng
life, Ephraim Williams Esq., the first Reporter of tt
judicial decisions of the Supreme Judicial Court i
this State, resigned his office, and Mr. Tyng was aj
pointed his successor. Here commenced the mot
public character of our late venerated associati
The office to which he was appointed was one of th
most important and interesting in our republic. M
Tyng took upon himself these arduous duties undc
disadvantages, which would have made any other ma
shudder. The writer of this notice has often thought
that the intrepidity and selfrreliance, which inducer
Mr. Tyng to undertake this task, could only be equal
led by his extraordinary success in its execution. Lei
us pause to reflect, that he had only an education in
Virginia, during which he had been a private preceptoi
— that he had afterwards but a transient practice at
the bar — that the rest of his life had been spent in
agricultural pursuits, and as Collector of Newburyport;
and what must be our surprise at his undertaking, at
more than forty years of age, the important duty oi
reporting the judicial decisions of this great CommoD-
wealth ? Yet there was neither vanity nor presump-
tion on his part. Those who selected and recood'
mended him were well aware of the powers of his
mind, and the admirable adaptation of his habits tc
the office proposed for him. They were in no degree
disappointed. He fulfilled those duties as well, ao<
probably much better, than many men who are eminea
advocates at the bar could possibly have done. Th*
writer of the present article has been so long witb
drawn from professional practice, that his opinioi
would deserve very little weight ; yet so far as hi^
opinion would go, (after fourteen years' extensive prac
tice at the bar,) he may be permitted to say, that 0^

CHIRACTER OF DUDLEY ATKINS TTJNG. 291

legal Reports in use in his day, were to be compared
to those of Mr. Tyng, for the simplicity, fulness, and
accuracy of the general statements of the case, upon
which much of the merits of any reports must depend.
Bat the writer should do very little justice to Mn
Tyngt if he expressed only his own crude opinions, the
opinions of a man who has forgotten half the law he once
learned. The reputation of Mr. Tyng ^as a reporter,
nsts on the opinion of the late Chief Justice Parsons,
Judge Story, Chief Justice Parker, Judges Jackson,
Pumam, and Wilde, and of the profession generally.
It may be asked by the ignorant, what proof does an
Me report afford of talent in the reporter ? To this
we may reply, that no man can give an able report of
an argument, a sermon, a discourse, without fully
jDdmprehending it. No man can give a scientific state-
ment of the grounds of any action, and the pleadings,
irithont being a well and thorough bred lawyer. It
IS then a matter of historical fact that our friend, our
JuDented friend, Mr. Tyng, was a sound lavn'er, a man
iif acute mind, of accurate perceptions. Of the al-
most infinite labour, which he must have sustained
and undergone in preparing these reports for the press,
and hi* supervising their publication, no man can be
nfficiently sensible, who has not submitted to this
dreadful process ; that he has produced works which
wOl endure as long as our liberties, and be praised till
ihey shall be extinct, is a source of satisfaction to his
■rviving friends.

It would be improper to leave the character of Mr.
T^ng without giving a bird's eye view of it. In de-
tul, we have presented it, perhaps at more length,
than the circumscribed course of his life would to
strangers seem to require, but we have been entirely
silent as to the traits of character which rendered him
10 dear (and who on earth was dearer ?) to his inti-
mate firiends and associates. There will be nothing
tt our sketch like the common cant, which might be
iereoiyped^ and answer for all characters. We shall

292 CHARACTER OF DUDLEY ATKINB TTNO.

draw the man as he lived and died. Mr. Tyng wa:
man of strong feelings and passions. He was ne
indifferent on any subject, or as to any person. Wh*
he loved, he loved with an intensity, which few peo;
feel, and of which, when they perceived it in hi
they could scarcely form any conception. His tei
per was frank, approaching, in the view of strangei
to abruptness, and severity. A nearer approach, and
more intimate knowledge, convinced you that no m]
had a greater share of what is termed the milk
human kindness. He was the most tender-heartc
man, whom the writer of this imperfect sketch ev
knew, and he was the most solicitous to conceal tli
weakness — shall we call it sublimity ? He affected
do it under the guise of an apparent roughness, but
was ill-concealed, and a very slight acquaintance sho^
ed the honest disguise. He was eminently benevolei
Distress, in whatever form it presented itself, to
deep hold upon his heart, and no man of his age
country ever devoted more hours, or greater exertioi
than he did, to relieve the suffering, to bring forwa
retiring merit, and to soften and alleviate the ansieti
and wants of his fellow men. There was a circui
stance in Mr. Tyng's life, of which the wrilejr i*
ignorant until after his decease, and which producec
greater influence on his future life and character tb
we can safely estimate. It seems that in early 1
he had resolved to devote himself to the service of t
Episcopal church as a priest. He %vas deterred fh
this by the difficulty (in 1782) of procuring Episco]
ordination. To that venerable establishment his wb<
life was devoted, and probably that church cam
name among its members, one more devoted to its :
terests, and few who rendered it more efficient servi
For no one trait in Mr. Tyng's unblemished charact
does the writer of this article, differing from him
his faith, feel a more profound respect, than for t
constancy and sincerity with which he adhered to t
religious opinions and forms, which, with solemn (

CHARACTER OF DUDLEY ATKINS TTNG. 293

liberation, he bad selected and preferred. Yet Mr.
Tyng was no bigot. He was perfectly catholic in his
religious creed.

We abstain from saying any thing of Mr. Tyng's
domestic character. A christian upon conviction and
research, a man of high moral principle; the ex-
emplary performance of domestic duties followed as a
necessary consequence. That he should live beloved
by those who knew him intimately, and of course, be
lamented, now we can see his benevolent form no
more, is the natural and inevitable effect of his vir-
tues.

We have reserved to the close a sketch of Mr.
Tjng^s mind and pretensions as a scholar. Mr. Tyng
Was educated at a period when learning in this coun-
l try, and instruction at the University was at its very
lowest ebb. Following him immediately in a course
of academic education, we are able to state this to be
true from actual knowledge. The college was shaken
to its centre by the revolutionary war. Its stu-
dents were for a time dispersed, its funds dilapidated,
3Ud sunk by depreciated paper. The old race of ripe
^holars had disappeared, and nothing but the shadow
of its past glories remained. The successive adminis-
^i^tions of Locke and Langdon had completed the
'Uio which civil commotions had begun. That Mr.
X^j^ng should have made himself a sound scholar under
*Och disadvantages is the best proof of the vigour of
lus mind, and the intensity ot his application. That
^e was such a scholar, to all the useful purposes of
life, we all know. He had a ripe and chaste taste in
^i^crature. He was well conversant with English his-
^^>iy and belles-lettres. His conversation and writings
^flford abundant proofs of it.

Mr. Tyng was in every sense a public spirited
Odan — a promoter of the agriculture and general
l**X)8perity of the country. To his mind and ex-
^^tions, we owe the first canal ever made in Mas-
sachusetts, round Patucket Falls in the Merrimack.

294 CHARACTER OF DUDLEY ATKINS TTNO.

a work which was of great value to his native
town and county, and now the site of the greatest
manufacturing establishment in this country. We
intended only a sketch of his useful, unassuming, and
interesting life. We could extend it with truth, but
we are reminded of his own modesty, which sought to
conceal his merits, and we therefore pause here, leav-
ing much untold, which would do him honour ; but
we trust we have shown that he deserved a place in
the history of the ancient State which gave him birth,
and that the Dudleys and Tyngs have sustained do in-
jury by HIS life and conduct ; and surely the Atkyns
family, his nearer friends, may have cause to be proud
of his character. Mr. Tyng intermarried about the
year 1792, with the eldest daughter of the late Ste-
phen Higginson Esq., Sarah Higginson, by whom he
has many surviving children of both sexes. Dr. At-
kyns of Newburyport has resumed the old family
name, and is the oldest son. There are also two sons
in the Episcopal church, who still retain his adopted
name of Tyng. After the death of his first wife, he
married another daughter of the late Mr. Higginson,
who survives. Thus some of our most ancient fami-
lies were united after a lapse of nearly two centuries.
Of the surviving members of the families of Atkyns
and Tyng it would be improper to speak, but we may
indulge the hope that they will long sustain the repu-
tation which descended to them. A republican gov-
ernment has as deep, and indeed a deeper interest in
the preservation of its ancient families, than those o
an aristocratical character. Hereditary virtues are a
valuable to a republic, as to any other form of gov —
ernment. But it is only the virtue, not the descent,*^
which is of any value. It is surely a strong motives
to good conduct, that your predecessors have dones^
worthy service to the State. They cannot transmit:::^
those merits to their posterity, but most assuredly th
desire, and the honest pride, which is inseparable fro
our nature, to sustain the reputation of our predeces

CHARACTER OF DUDLEY ATKINS TYNG.

296

%Ts, is a laudable one, and so far as it operates, is
Highly useful to a State, be its political form aristo-
cratic, or republican. It is, indeed, a feeling insepa-
i^ble from our condition, and the attempt to eradicate
It, is as unwise, as it is futile. It is a powerful mo-
tire to good conduct, and certainly a republic has as
niueh need of such motives as a monarchy. No dan-
ger need be apprehended from this principle of human
feeling, since there is always a corrective in the worst
passions of mankind, their envy, and jealousy, and in
the entire freedom of suffrage.

If this memoir has been extended beyond the bounds
ordinarily allotted to biographical sketches, it should be
remembered, that it relates the later annals of a de-
scendant of some of the most eminent founders of our

€.

Instances of Longevity in New Hampshire.

[Contiouod from Vol. 1, (Third Series,) p. 158.]

1784

^003

^802

^%04

Name.

Widow Anna Glover,
Widow M'Duffee,
Widow Margaret Wight,
Widow Eunice Hall,
Widow Twombly,
John M'Crillis,
Hugh Tallant,
Samuel Drown,
Widow Harford,
Ebenezer Jones,
Widow Richards,
Widow Sarah Toppan,
Philip Richardson,
Widow Hannah Batchelder,
Widow Wright,
Widow Elizabeth Smith,
Widow Johnson,
Widow Rachel Meloon,
Widow Abigail Sanborne,*
Widow Elizabeth Stebbins,

Residence.

Pelham,
Rochester,
Dover,
Newmarket,
Rochester,
Canterbury,
Pelham,
Rochester,
Rochester,
Rochester,
Rochester,
Hampton,
, Pelham,
Weare,
Pelham,
Sanbornton,
Pelham,
Salisbury,
Canterbury,
Springfield,

Age,

106.

91.
102.

91.

90.

93.
lOJ.

91.

90.

99.

96.

90.

91.

97.

90.

94.
101.

92.

* She belonged to the Shaker Society— was bom in Brentwood in 1705.

leos,

1606,

>iewi.

.1806.

ieo7.

>ieije.

ismi,

ISIO,

1810.

jeii.

'1613,
. 1613.

■ffiis,

1613,

1613,
■1814,
1814.

.1815,
1^1816,

1817.

181B,

1818,
.1810,

1820,

182-.'.

IS'.-;,

1823,
1823,
1823,
1823,
1824,
1824,
1824,
1824,
1824,
1824,
1824,

Widow Ilannsli Gilea,

Croydon,

Willow F.li7.ab«ib Butler,

Pelbam,

Widow Rachel Wilson,

New Boston,

93.

Tlioman Drew,

Rochester,

Witlow Bickford,

Rochester,

00.

Widow AbigaU M'CrUlis,

Cautorburj,

James Oiierson,*

Chester,

103.

Widow Ela. or Iloalcy.

Cbesler,

100,

JonatbaD Hodgdon,

Rochester,

Nnthanid GroPn,

Concord,

93.

Widow Anna Shorbunic,

Pelham,

98.

Samuel WiD);at0i

Rochcrtor,

00.

Jonntban Duslon.t

CanuD,

93.

Benjamin Jackson.

Canterbury,

96.

Eunice Whiddcn.

Canterbury,

93.

Widow Mary Builcr,

Pelbam,

DcKcon Ichabod Palmor,

Orford,

9T.

Widow Mwy Ann Snow.J

Plymouth,

93.

Joahiio BoynWn,

. Canterbury,

John In gal Is,

Canterbury,

93^

Debomh, (a woman of color)

Cantiirbiiry,

1(^

Mary Currier,

Cnntcrbury,

94.

Widow Peggy Kimball,

Pnlhnm,

K*.

Widow Mary Kent,

Pdham,

Widow ^L-ard.

Roc h cuter,

9-i

John Huntuon,

CanUtrbury,

»a

ThomsB CrusBou,

Swan Key,

99.

Uma Small,^

Cantutbury,

lOl.

Widuw Ilaiiiiali Siiiall.ll

Canterbury,

ua.

IfiM.xali Stidl, (singlo woman'

I, Catitiirbtiry,

9J.

William HJnea,

Canterbury,

SG.

Lieut. Job Kidder,

Qoffstown,

IfXMu.

Joseph Pollote,

Canterburj,

IDE.

Widow Mary Butlor,

Pelham,

Widow Hannah Richardson,

Pelham,

«.

Widow Mary Avery,

Haaon,

Widow Abigail Owen,

Wincherter,

IIH.

Widow Sarah Oay,

Swanzey,

».

Widow Swain,

Barrington,

94^

Sandown,

Widow Elizabeth Oilman,

Meredith,

9^.

* The year of hii deuiM hu not been ucertaloed. Fmn Ui
■be proTerbUt phiaie, common in this region, " Ai old m OEteiwHl,'
Be cimo lo this country from Scollui4.

t GrandBOT] of the Intrepid Hannah Dtuton, of HaTeifaU], who
Indian* at CoDtoocook In 1698.

I Sha lived to lee her Gnb EenenHon.

6 Iiaac Small waa bom at Cui« Cod lo 1721.

II Widow of Uaac8ma0,br' - *

"^ss:

LONGEVITT IN NEW HAMPSHIRE.

297

Thomas Perkins,*
Benjamin Blake^
Jonathan Cressy,
Asa Carlton,

Widow Hannah Richardson,
Widow Rebecca Shaw,
Widow Joanna Woolson,f
Widow Elizabeth Adams,
Widow Anna Draper,
Widow Tryphena Stiles,^
John Twombly,
John Buxton,
Warren Snow,
Mrs. Potter,
Hannah Merriam,
Widow Rebecca Parker,
Widow Sarah Smart,
Widow Lakeman,
Col. William Gregg,§
Jonathan Martin,
Francis Como,
Ensign Ebenezer Colcord,
John Fifield.
Nathaniel Wiggin,
Mehitabel Colburn,
Widow Elizabeth Beede^
Widow Hannah Wheeler,
Widow Hannah Parker,
Widow Abiah Lincoln,
Widow Mary Locke,
Timothy Favour,
John Morgan,
John Burns,
Col. Cutting Cilley,||
Deacon Thomas Farwell,
Widow Dorothy Berry,
Widow Anna Kimball,
Widow Abigail Lowell,
Widow Jennet Cochran,
Mrs. Spear ,1]
Martha March,

Wakefield,

91.

Wolfeborougb,

93.

Chesterfield,

92.

Pelham,

95.

Pclham,

92.

Sanbornton,

96.

Amherst,

96.

Plainfield,

93.

Keene,

90.

Somerswortb,

103.

Milton,

97.

Nelson,

96.

Chesterfield,

90.

Concord,

90.

Walpole,

92.

Portsmouth,

92.

Sanbornton,

lOL

Sanbornton,

94.

Londonderry,

93.

Springfield, -

92.

Sutton,

100.

Brentwood,

99.

Salisbury,

91.

Stratham,

97.

Temple^

93.

Gilmanton,

92.

Keene,

103.

Hollis,

95.

Keene, 7

93.

Rye,

Newtown,

. 93.

New London,

93.

Milford,

92.

Northfield,

90.

Washington,

91.

Dover,

93.

Dover,

90.

Epping,

97.

New Boston,

97.

Acworth,

99.

Greenland,

92.

great grandson of William Perkins, who died in Newmarket in 1732, at
BOf 116.

r'idow of Thomas Woolson, who died at Amherst 1828, aged 93.
he was horn 22 February, 1722.

memoir of Col. Gregg may bo found in the 3d vol. of Fanner and Moore's
tions.
rothcr to the late Major General Joseph Cilley of Nottingham.

native of Ireland.

>L. II. THIRD SERIES. 38

S98

LONGEVITY IN HEW HAHFSHIBG.

1825, Widow Lydis Bouttel),*

1825, William Burroughe, New fpswich,

1835, Janiea Chase, Gilmaoton,

i8St&, Deacon William H'Keen, Deering,

1825, Col. Robert Wilson, Londonderry,

1825, Cap!. Nathan Brown, Poplin,

1825, Jonatiian Beede,t PopUn,

1825, Capt. Asa Pattce^ Canaan,

1825, Capt. John Sloan,^ Lime,

1825, Alosea jcwett, Unity,

1825, Widow Elizabeth Fergusoni PoTtamonth,

1825, Widow Mary Noble, Portsmouth,

1825, Widow Pearson, Pelham,

1825, Widow Sarah Croaby, Hilfbrit,

1825, Widow Martha Lamprey, Rye,

1825, Widow Mary Str8w,|| Hopkinlon,
Omeord, N. II. 26 Oct. 1825.

Bill of Mortalitt for Auhebst, N. H. fob Tvblt^

Years, comhencimg 1 Januabt, 1815.

Bi John Fasmik.

VdL IV. (BmooJ Boiu.}]

1
1

3
3

sil
5 Is

S
^

sfi

ISIS

ISlfi
1817
1S18
1819
1921)
I8ZI

isa2

1323
Wi4
1825

IS26

G
6
2

I
■

f
:

1 i
i

1 :;

1 2

a J
2 a

1 3
l.l!l3

1
1

2
6

2
1?

2
2

2
11

1
2

1
!
2

1
1

«-

i;i, nir,-2iii:

SI6

dS^

• FoiinerTy oF Amlienit.

!Fot ro»ny yeara ■ noted preacher tmoog tba Filendf. _

Ha ma in the baltle of Quebec under Geo. Woire, iDd MTTBd ta iV*^^
oT the revalutioD. By Itvo nives be had twenty-two cUldrao. __

6 The oldest person in (hat town, aod onu of Ifaoie who coniDWBMd ["
tlenienl, 20 IMay, 1764.

II She was a iiicmbcr of the cburcli seventy liK-yeait.
wenSM.

oflfH.

AjD'toflfH

"•r

10%

1821

625

337

1822

1350

846

1823

846

<10

1824

680

698

1S25

077

301

842

1826

1565

MORTALITY IN AMHERST, N. H. 299

AmmiujI xuMier, miti the aggregate and avtragt of agtt «neA

1815 34

WIS 20

1817 22

1818 25

1819 19
UM 20

The precediog Bill of MorUlity, with that of the ten ;earB ro-
'fcnd to ID the CoUectiooB, Volume IV, Second Series, embraceB a
IMiod of tweatf-two years, uid presents the following facta.

^he whole number of deaths for 23 years is 534.

' The KDDual average number, 24.

The arerage age of each individual, 32j^|]rearfl.

1 in ever; 5^ have lived 70 years and upwards.
1 in 65 have died anoually, on an average.
266 have died over the age of 25 yenrs.
908 have died under that aee.
3 permu have lived beyond a century.

Chitschbs and Ministers in New Hahpshibe.

[PiMkinl Iha VoL t, {Ttiid Beriaa.) p. US.]

Hampton.

TnE. Coiigregaticnal church in this town, according
[io Johnson, was gathered in the year 1639. It U
Tirohably the oldest which now exists io the State of
New Hampshire, having, it is believed^^vontinued an

^nized body from ics first establishment until the

»eiit time. The ministers who have successively

d the pastoral charge of it have been,

I. Rev. Stephen Batchelor, who came from Eng-
fhnd ia company with Hev. Thomas Weld in the ship.
[IWiUiam and Francis, and arrived at Boston, 5 June,
J632. He was probably settled when the church was
totthered, and remained its minister aboat three years.
Wov farther notices of this man, see Seuaee's WuUkrop.
Ed I. p. 78. ^^

300 CHURCHES AND MINISTERS

2. Rev. Timothy Daltouwas settled about the same
time %vith Mr. Batcbelor. He died in 1661, and is
said to be the great ancestor of several respectable
families of that name.

3. Rev. John Wheelwright, who came from Eng-
land in 1636, and after his arrival preached at Boston,
afterwards the founder of the church and town of Exe-
ter, of the church at Wells, in Maine, was settled ii
Hampton in 1647. It is uncertain how long he re-
mained here. He afterwards settled in Salisbury
where he died 16 November, 1679.

4. Rev. Seaborn Cotton, born at sea in Augusi
1633, while bis parents, Rev. John and Elizabeth Coi
ton, were on their pass<ige to this country, graduate

at Harvard college in 165h ordained at Hamptc »p

1660, died 1686, aged 63.

5. Rev. John Cotton,- son of the preceding, gradw
ed at Harvard college in 1678, ordained in 1696, di<
27 March, 1710, aged 67.

6. Rev. Nathaniel Gookin, son of Rev. Nathani-
Gookin of Cambridge, and grandson of Major Gem
ral Gookin, graduated at Harvard college in 1703, ws
ordained in 1710, and died in 1734, aged 48.

7. Rev. Ward Cotton, son of Rev. Roland Cott(
of Sandwich, son of Rev. John Cotton, of Plymoutl
son of Rev. John Cotton, of Boston, graduated
Harvard College in 1729, was ordained in 17S4, ai
dismissed in 4766.

8. Rev. Ebenezer Thayer graduated at Harva:
College in 1763, was ordained 17 September, 1
died 6 September 1792, aged 68. Dr. Thayer
Lancaster is his son.

9. Rev. Jesse Appleton, D. D. son of Francis A
pleton, a descendant of John Appleton, Esq. who dit
at Waldingfield, Suffolk, in 1436, was born at Nc
Ipswich, 17 November, 1772. He graduated at Dai
mouth college in 1792 ; was ordained at Hamptoi
22 February, 1797, dismissed upon his being chose^**^
to the presidency of Bowdoin college in 1807, an-
died at Brunswick, Me. 12 November, 1819, aged 4<

IN NEW HAMPSHIRE. 301

10. Rev. Josiah Webster, a native of Chester,

J*I. H., graduated at Dartmouth college in 1798, was

installejl in the year 1808. He had been previously

healed over the 2d church in Ipswich, where he was

ordained 13 November, 1799, and dismissed 23 July,

7806.

Hampton-Falls.

The Congregational church in this town was proba-
Ijy organized about the year 1712. The ministers
k^ftio have been ordained over it have been six, as
ollows :

1. Rev. Theophilus Cotton, the youngest son and
1 th child of Rev. John Cotton, of Plymouth, who
^^s the 2d son of Rev. John Cotton of Boston, was
^^rn 6 May, 1682. He graduated at Harvard college
^ 1701 ; was ordained 13 January, 1712, and died
G August, 1726, aged 45.

2. Rev. Joseph Whipple, who graduated at Har-
^rd college in 1720, succeeded Mr. Cotton, and was
^dained 16 January, 1727; died 17 February, 1767,
Bed 67-

3. Rev. Josiah Bayley, who graduated at Harvard
allege in 1762, was ordained 19 October, 1767; and
ied 12 September, 1762, aged 29.

-4. Rev. Paine Wingate, son of Rev. Paine Win-
^t:e, of Amesbury, graduated at Harvard college in
"^59; was ordained 14 December, 1763, resigned his
^^toral charge, 18 March, 1771. He was afterwards
'^nator in the Congress of the United States, and
•^ge of the Superior Court of New Hampshire.

^. Rev. Samuel Langdon, D. D., who graduated at
\^^irvard college in 1740, and had been the minister
t"^ the 1st church in Portsmouth from 1747 to 1774,

d President of Harvard College, was installed 18

nuary, 1781, and died 29 November, 1797, in his
'^th year.

6. Rev. Jacob Abbot, son of Abiel Abbot, Esq. of
A^ilton, grs^duated at Harvard college in 1 792, was
^^ained 16 August.

S()2 CHURCHES AND MINISTERS

Hampstead. /S|

The first minister of Hanipstead %vas the Rev. Hen-
ry True, who graduated at Harvard college ki 1760,
and was ordained 24 June, 1752. Rev. Edward Bar-
nard preached the sermon from Acts xi. 24, " For h^

was a good man." Dr. Eliot in his Biographical Die-

tionary, says of this sermon, that it would have doiK
honor to any divine in any age or country.
Charge was given by Rev. Joseph Parsons, of Brau
ford, and the night Hand of Fellowship by Rev. Ebc::.
ezer Flagg, of Chester. Mr. True died in 1782.

Rev. John Kelly, a descendant from* John Kell;^
one of the first settlers of Newbury, who came frcz3n)
Newbury in England, graduated at Dartmouth coll^ ^e
in 1791, and was ordained 5 December, 1792.

Note. It is satisfactorily ascertained that Rev. Thomaa W^l<i,
the first minister of Dunstable, II Coll. Hist. Soc. X. p. 54, -^v^
not killed by the Indians as intimated in President Alden's Col-
lection of Epitaphs, and Sperry's summary History of the QhXK^^^
in Dunstable, but died a natural death, 9 June, 1702, and -^r'^
baried June llth. '' He was an eminent preacher of the word ^
€fod ; a man well beloved and much lamented by them that
him."t

Concord, N. H. 30 June, 1825.

Newcastle.

New- Castle formerly constituted a part of
mouth, and was originally the seat of considerate'^
business. It was incorporated as a township, in 16^^^»
having before that time been known by the name ®*
Great Island. The time when the Congregatior^^I
church was first organized has not been yet ascertain ^'
ed. There might have existed one some years befc^ f^
the commencement of the 18th century. There <^ '^
exist one as early as 1704. The inhabitants app^^**
to have had a succession of preachers from an esttrly

• The late Rev. William Kelly, of VTarner, Col. Moses) Kelly, aod John Kel'/*
Ssq. of Northwood, descended from him.

t Mr. Daniel Fairfield's Journal, as copied by Rev. T. M. Harris, D. D.

IN NEW HAMPSHIRE. 303

P^Hod, but it is not easy to recover their names. Samuel
Moody, who graduated at Harvard college 1689, ap-
^rs to have been there several years, as would seem
"Ona an ancient record in the Secretary's office, con-
taining the births of his children.* The regularly stt-
^fcd ministers of this place since the year 1 704, have
^n as follows :

Gnd. Settled. Dismiited or dtod.

John Emerson, H. C. 1689, 1704, 1712.

William ShurUeff, " 1707, 1712, 1732.

John Blunt, " 1727, 1732, died 1747.

ftfcvid Robinaon, '• 1738, 1748, «* 1748 or 9.

Stephen Chase, «* 1728, 1750, ** 1778.

Oliver NobIe,t N. J. C. 1763, 1784, dis. .

Rev. John Emerson, a native of Ipswich, Mass.>
f fter his dismission, was settled over the South Church
^ Portsmouth, 23 March, 1715, and died there 21
•'une, 1732, aged 62. His successor at Newcastle^
Rev, William Shurtleff, who also succeeded him at
I^ortsmouth, was installed in 1732, and diedSMay^
-'74»7. Rev. John Blunt was ordained 20 December,
1732; died in August, 1747. His wife, by whom he
'^^^d seven children, was a daughter of Hon. John

•*'Vost, of Newcastle. Rev. David Robinson died

^ithin about 10 months after his ordination. Rev.

^tL^phen Chase had been the minister of Lynn, Mass.

^^ died in January 1776. Of Rev. Mr. Noble an

^^count will be given under Orford.

Greenland.

Conjecture would assign the date of the church in
^liis town in July, 1707, in which case it would rank

* 1. Joshua Moody> bom 11 Feb. 1695-6; died 27 May, 1696.

2. Joshua Moody, ** 81 Oct. 1697 ; perhaps grad. H. C. 1716.

3. Samuel Moody, «« 29 Oct. 1699 ; " «« H. C. 1718.

4. Maty Moody, " 16 Nov. 1701.

Mr. Moody afterwards removed to Boston. HU wife was Esther Green, of
Boston, whom he married 4 April, 1695.

t Dartmouth Catalogue calls him Obadiah Noble, and probably New Jersev
Catalogue does the same ; but the N. H. Gazetteer and Mr. Kelly call him Oh'
ver. lOUver Noble graduated at Yale college in 1756, was afterwards minister
at Newbury, Mass. Obadiah Noble graduated at Princeton, N. J. in 1763, and
died at Tinmouth, Yt Feb. 1829, aged 90. Ed.] ,

CaUBCUES AND MINISTERS

ns the 8tli church now existing, which was gathered
ill New Hampshire.

Itcv. William Allen, the first minister, who gradual'
Eiad at Harvard college, 1703, was ordaiued IS Julj,
^1707 ; died 8 September, 1760, at the aRc of 8-1.
Rev. Samuel Macclintock, D. D. who was born ai
Medford, Mass., 1 May, 1732, graduated at New Jer-
sey college, 175!, was ordaiiicd as colleague to Mr.
AllcD, 3 November, 175G, and died 27 April, 180^*,
aged 74. A biographical memoir of this worthy man
tnaj be found in Farmer and Moore's Colhtctiooi,
Tol. II, p. 273-27H.
I Rev. James Armstrong Ncal, who graduated at
■ college, succeeded Dr. Macclintock, 22 Maj,

1805, and died 18 July, 1808, aged 34.

Rev. Ephraim Abbot, ivho was born at Newcastle,
28 Septeml)er, 1779, graduated at Harvard college,

1806, was ordained 27 October, 1813, and is still b
the ministry.*

Newington.

K Bev. Joseph Adams, the fu-st minister of the chutdi
m this town, which was probably organized about the
time of liis seltlement, was son of Joseph Adams, a
grandson of Henry Adams, who came from Devon-
shire, England, about 1630 to Mount WollastoD, dow
Quincy, Mass. He was bom io Braintree in June,
1688, graduated at Harvard college 1710; ordauied
16 November, 1715; continued his miaisterial labours
until January, 1783, and died 20 May, 1783, being
almost 95 years — an age attained by no other minister
ever settled in New Hampshire. He had been a
preacher between 72 and 73 years, although he had
not quite completed the 69 year from his ordination.
He commenced preaching soon after he left college.

IN NEW HAMPSHIRE. 305

Rev. Joseph Langdon, who graduated at Dartmouth
college in 1783, succeeded Mr. Adams, and was or-
dabed 9 January, 1788, dismissed in March 1810,
and died at Portsmouth in 1 824, in the 66th year of

bis age.

Durham.

The church in Durham, the second in the county of
StrafTord, was organized 26 March, 1718, at which
tiiDe Rev. Hugh Adams was installed as the pastor of
It. He graduated at Harvard college, 1697, and be-
fore his settlement at Durham, had been the minister
of the 2d parish in Braintree, where he was ordained
10 September, 1707. He had also "been settled at
Chatham, whence he was dismissed in consequence of
the result of an ecclesiastical council, assembled on
26 April, 1716. He was one of the most eccentric
clergymen ever settled in New Hampshire. In the
office of the Secretary of State is a rery curious pe-
tition, (preserved by Dr. Belknap in his Hist. N. H.)
of Mr. Adams to the Provincial Assembly, in 1738,
complaining of the delinquency and trespasses of his ^
parishioners, in which he represents the town of Dur-
bam <^ as an Achan in the camp ; and as the seven
SODS of Saul in the days of King David, and as Jonah
in the ship of the Commonwealth of the Province."
And he prays not only for justice to himself, but that
3 neglect to pay a minister may be made penal, and
Presentable by the grand jury, as it was in Massachu-
^tts, which he considered the principal reason why
^'^e people of that Province had been " proportionably
P^red from the throat pestilence and other impoverish-
es more than New Hampshire." He had singular
^tions of the eflScacy of his prayers, and among oth-
' things, which he had accomplished by prayer, he
forms the assembly that being provoked by the in-
^tice of his people, and robbing him of the £50 ad-
tion to his salary, he prayed while it was yet more

VOL. II. THIRD SERIES. 39

306 CHURCHES AND MFNISTERS

than three months to the harvest, that <' it might
rain, and it rained not for three months after ; " wh
some of his friendly brethren prevailed upon him, i
he ^^ appointed and conscientiously sancti6ed a chui
fast from evening to evening, and abstained tbj
meals from eating, drinking, and smoking any thio(
and the Lord, he says, was pleased to hear, and grai
ed such plentiful and warm rains as to produce ^
considerable harvest ; so as was then remarkable
He concludes his petition by importunately asking!
justice, and expressing his firm belief that, qfier he k
obtained it, God will be intreated for the land
New Hampshire. Various instances of his peculia
ties may be found in the work referred to, Vol. 1
240-243, 281-284 : Vol- HI, 149-161, 193-19
He was dismissed from office, 23 January, 1739, ai
died at Durham in 1750, aged 74, where his desceo
ants are said to be numerous and respectable.
Rev. Nicholas Gilman, son of Nicholas Gilma
( Esq., of Exeter, succeeded Mr. Adams. He was bo

18 January, 1707, graduated at Harvard college 172
was ordained 3 March, 1742, and died 13 April, 174
aged 41 .

Rev. Joim Adams, son of Mr. Matthew Adams,
Boston, and nephew to Rev. Hugh Adams, succeed(
Mr. Gilman. He graduated at Harvard college 174
was ordained in 1748, and dismissed in 1778. I:
was afterwards settled in' Maine, where he died
June, 1792. [See Mr. Kelltfs Ecclesiastical Memora
da in the work referred to above, Vol. II, 364, 365.]

Rev. Curtis Cop, who graduated at Brown Univc
sity in 1776, succeeded Mr. John Adams, and wasc
dained 1 November, 1780; dismissed 1 May, 180
He preached the Convention sermon in 1802. Aft
his dismission, he was employed in the missionary si
vice in various parts of the state.

Rev. Federal Burt, A. M. at Dartmouth collcj
1819, succeeded Mr. Coe, and was ordsuned 18 Jim
1817.

IN NEW HAMPSHIRE.

307

Stratham.

Rer. Henry Rust, who graduated at Harvard college
17D7, was ordained the first minister of the church in
Stratham in April or May, 1718. He died 20 March,
1749, aged 63.

Rer. Joseph Adams, who graduated at Harvard
college, 1742, was ordained, [installed^ says one ac-
coQDt,] 24 June, 1756, and died 24 February, 1785,
aged 66. He was a Calvinist and in those days was
Chlled a New Light. " He had many peculiarities,
bot was a pious man, and much esteemed by his peo-
plc.'^

Rev. James Miltimore, who graduated at Dartmouth
college in 1774, was ordained 1 February, 178G, dis-
nissed 15 October, 1807, and afterwards settled over
the 2d church in Newbury, Mass.

Rev. Jacob Cummings, who graduated at Dart-
month college in 1819, was ordained 28 April, 1824.

Dover.

The ministers of this ancient town, in regular suc-
^^ion have been.

'• 'William Leveridge,
^ Cteorge Bardet,
j^ Hanserd Knollys,
^ Thomas Larkham,

Commencad.

1633,

about 1636,

1638,

Graduated.

Daniel Maud,
John Rayner,
John Rayner, jr.
John Pike,
Nicholas Sever,
1^^ Jonathan Gushing
«i^ ^ Jeremy Belknap,
>^ Robert Gray,

H. C. 1663,
" 1675,
" 1701,
" 1712,

" 1762,

Battled.

1642,
1657,
1671,

171 1',
1717,
1767,

1787,
1807,
1812,

RenM>Ted.

1635.
1638.

1642.'

Died or dU.

1655.
1669.
1676.
1710.
1715.
1769.
1786.
1805.
1811.
In office.

1786,
J^^ Caleb H. Sherman, Brown. 180JJ,
^* Joseph W. Clary, Mid. 1808,

^ev. William Leveridge, the first minister of Dover,
^^ whom any account can be recovered from the re-
^^1^, or from the early historians, probably com-

SOS CHURCHES AND MINISTERS

menced preaching there in 1633. He arrived
country in the ship James, with Captain Wi^
that year, and repaired to Dover soon after his s
Whether he gathered a church there or not dc
appear, but it seems hardly probable that he did
left Dover about 1635, and repaired to Plymoutl
uy ; remained a vi^hile at Sandwich, and aftei
removed to Brookhaven, on Long-Island, N. \
from that place removed in 1670, to a place
Newton. The time and place of his death c
appear in our ancient historians. Of his thre
cessors ample accounts may be found in Dr. Be
and in the Hon. Mr. Savage's edition of Wir
Knollys, or Knolles, as his name is generally sp<
turned to England, where he died 19 September,
aged 91. Larkham also returned and died in
aged 68.

Daniel Maud was admitted freeman of Mas
setts colony, 25 May, 1636, having been adm
member of Boston church the 25th October prec
• He was, according to Hubbard, ^^ a good man,
a serious spirit, and of a peaceable and quiet
sition."

Rev. John Rayner had been the minister o
mouth, and various notices of him will be found
First Series of the Collections. He died 3
1669.

Rev. John Rayner, jr. succeeded his father in
and died 21 December, 1676.

Rev. John Pike, it is supposed, was from Nei
The time of his settlement has not been ascen
He died in March, 1710.

Rev. Nicholas Sever was ordained 11 April,
and was dismissed in the spring of 1715. I
notices of him may be found in the Ecclesiastic
moranda by John Kelly, Esq. printed in Farm
Moore's Collections.

Rev. Jonathan Gushing was ordained in Sept
1717, and died in March, 1769, having been
51 years in the ministry.

IN NEW HAMPSHIRE. 309

Rev. Jeremy Belknap was ordained as a colleague
riih Mr. Gushing, 18 February, 1767. He is the
Ibtorian of New Hampshire.

Rev. Robert Gray succeeded Mr. (afterwards Dr.)
Selknap 28 February, 1787, and was dismissed in
May, 1805; died in 1822 or 3.
> Rev. Caleb H. Sherman was ordained in May,

P7, and dismissed in August, 1811. Mr. Clary was
ined 7 May, 1812.

Portsmouth.

For an account of the churches and ministers in
[smouth, the reader is referred to the sketch of
iident Alden, in 1 Hist. Coll. X.

Gmcord, N. H. 10 May^ 182G.

Rye.

The church in this place was organized 20 July,

'^\ and Rev. Nathaniel Morrill, who graduated at

^ard college 1723, and was ordained 14 September,,

same year. He continued in the ministry about

years, and was dismissed in 1734. His succes-

was

^v. Samuel Parsons, who graduated at Harvard

je 1730- He was ordained 3 November, 1736,

died 4 January, 1 789, aged 78. During his min-

206 persons were admitted into full communion

Ih the church and between 600 and 700 received

IV. Huntington Porter, son of Rev. John Porter,
Bridgewater, succeeded Mr. Parsons. He gradu-
al Harvard college 1777 ; was ordained 29
iinBer, 1784, and from that time to 1822, 8-1 per-
had been received to full communion, and 811

Plaisloiv.

The cfamch in Plaistow was gathered 2 December,
JO, and Rer. James Cushing was ordained on the

same day. He was son of Rev. Caleb Casbiog of
Salisbury, whose wire was the widow of Rev. James
Ailing, his predecessor in the niinislry, and daughler
of Ilev. John Cotton of Plymouth, second son of
Rev. John Cotton of Boston. Mr. Cushing gradii-
ated at Harvard college 1726; died 13 May, 1764,
aged about 59.

RdV, Gyles Merrill from Salisbury, Mass., succeed-
ed Mr. Cushing. lie graduated at Harvard college
1759; was ordained 6 March, 17G5, over the parish
.conslsling of Plaistow and the north parish of Haver-
hill, Mass., when Rev. Kdvvard Barnard preached the
Sermon. He died 27 April, 1801, aged 62. " He wag
a sound scholar and learned divine, and possessed that
simplicity, yet dignity of manners and kindness of
heart, which secured him the love and resfwct of all I
tiiat knew him." I

Somersivorlh. 1

Rev. James Pike, the first minister settled at Som-
^jTsworih, was born at Newbury, Mass. 1 March,
1703; graduated at Harvard college 172.5, and receiv-
ed his second degree in course. Soon after leaving
college, he taught a grammar school at Berwick, Me.
He preached his first sermon from Eph. i. 6, 7, 23
October, 1726. He commenced preaching ia the
northeast part of Dover, now Somersworth, 27
August, 1727, and was ordained 28 October, 1730.
The sermon was preached on thai occasion by Rov.
Jeremiah Wise, and was printed. Mr. Pike preached
his last sermon, 31 October, 1790, and died 19 March,
1792,. aged 89. In 1751, he published a sermon on
the " Duty of Gospel Ministers as Christ's Ambassa-
dors," from 2 Cor. v. 20. He preached a sermon before
the Convention of ministers at Newington, 9 October,
1750. Nicholas Pike, author of the '* New and Com-
plete System of Arithmetic," was his son, and was
born at Somersworth, 6 October, 1743; graduated

IN NEW HAMPSHIRE. 311

■

at Harvard college 1766, and died at Newburyport 9
December, 1819, aged 76.

Rev. PiersoQ Thurstoo was ordained as colleague
with Mr. Pike. He was a native of Sterling, Mass.,
born in December, 1763, graduated at Dartmouth
college, 1787; commenced preaching at Somersworth
in July, 1791, and was ordained 1 February, 1792.
Rev. Samuel Spring preached the sermon from ^^ Who
b sufficient for these things." He removed from town,
2 December, 1812, and was afterwards, it is believed,
settled in Vermont. He died at Leominster, Mass.
15 August, 1819, aged 66. The house in which Mr.
Thurston lived was consumed by fire 22 January,
1812 ; when the records of the church, the communion
Tessels, and a social library were destroyed.

Rev. Reuben Porter succeeded Mr. Thurston, after
a long interval, and was ordained 27 April, 1825.

Kensington.

The date of the church in this town has been re-
ferred to the year 1737, and the ministers who have
been settled over it have been as follows :

Re?. Jeremiah Fogg,
" Napthali Shaw,
** Nathaniel Kennedy,
<' Joseph A. E. Long,

Mr. Fogg was a native of Hampton ; graduated at
Harvard college in 1730; was ordained in November^
1737; died 1 December, 1789, aged 78.

Mr. Shaw was son of Mr. William Shaw, of Bridge*
water, Mass. who died in 1809, aged 79. He gradu-
ated at Dartmouth college in 1790.

Mr. Kennedy was a foreigner, having, it is believed^
come from Scotland. He was the minister of Litch*
field, N. H. from 1809 to 1812.

Mr. Long, who graduated at Harvard college 1818^
was ordained 5 June, .1822, and dismissed within
a year or two afterwards. The church has unce
been vacant.

Settltd.

Diraifapvd.

1737,

died 1789.

1793,

1812.

1813,

1816.

1822,

182-.

312 CHURCHES AND MINISTERS

East Kingston.

But one minister has been settled over the church
in this place, viz. Rev. Peter Coffin, who graduated at
Harvard college 1733; ordained in 1738 or 1739;*
and dismissed in 1772. He kept a true and exact
meteorological diary, of which that for 1762 is in
the library of the N. H. Historical Society. Mr.
Coffin, it is believed, removed to Exeter, where he
died. East Kingston has had no settled minister since
him.

Gosport.

Gosport is one of the Isles of Shoals, and was an-
ciently called AppledorCj and afterwards Star Island.
It was early invested with town privileges, and with
the other islands, enjoyed religious ordinances from a
very early period. Before the year 1641, a meeting-
house was erected on Hog Island, and a Mr. HuUf
supplied the desk. After him Mr. John Brock, who
settled in Reading, Mass. preached about 12 years.
There were other preachers between him and Re?/
John Tucke, who was settled over a regular organized
church, which was probably embodied about the lime
of his settlement. Mr. Tucke graduated at Harvard
college 1723, and was ordained 26 July, 1732. He ■
being located among a people who procured their sub-|
sistence by fishing, Mr. Fitch, of Portsmouth, who]
preached the ordination sermon, selected the follow- ^
ing pertinent text for the occasion, " I will make yoo
fishers of men." Mr. Tucke continued in the minis-
try until his death, 12 August, 1773. He left one
son, Rev. John Tucke, of Epsom^ and two daughters.
He published a sermon preached at the ordiuatioo of
his son in 1761. Mr. Tucke received a settlement of
£50, and an annual salary of £110 ; but from 1754^
his salary was paid in merchantable winter fisfa, at a

* Dr. Belknap, ny« 1738 ; Bfr. Sally, lim. i

t See 1 SavBge's Wimliiop, ICI^ MolK

=^1

IN NEW HAMPSHIRE. 313

quintal per man, making between 80 and 100 quintals
per annum. The fish being worth a guinea per quin-
tal, his salary was deemed one of the most valuable in
New England.

Concord, N. H. 30 May, 1826.

Rochester.

Rochester ^as incorporated 10 May, 1722, and its
settlement commenced 28 December, 1728. The
time when the church was organized does not appear.
TJie pastors who have been invested with the care of
it have been,

Settled. Died or dbmiMad.

AoF. Amos MaiD, 1737, 1760.

KeT. Samuel Hill, 1760, 1764.

ReT. Avery Hall, 1766, dis. 1775.

Rev. Joseph Haven, 1776, 1825.

R«T. Thomas Cogswell Upham, 1823, dis. 1824.

&ey. Isaac Willey, 1826, In office.

Rev. Mr. Main, graduated at Harvard college 1729,
^^ died 6 April, 1760, having been in the ministry
^^KHrt 23 years. " He was a great blessing to the
P^ple of his charge, and greatly encouraged them in .
^h^n concerns, spiritual and temporal."
^ Mr. Hill graduated at Harvard college 1736; was
*^«talled 19 November, 1760, and died 19 November,
^764.

Mr. Hall was the son of Rev. Theophilus Hall, of
J^Seriden, New Chester, Conn., and was ordained 16
October, 1766, and dismissed 10 April, 1776. After
*^is dismission, he removed to Wakefield and en^ged
^O agricultural pursuits, and was a magistrate of Straf-
'ord county. He died in 1820, at the age of 83.
. Mr. Haven was a native of Hopkinton, Mass., bom
^*^ May 1747, graduated at Harvard college 1774;
^''^ained 10 January, 1776, and died in January, 1826,
^S^ 77, — a worthy and good man.

iVfr. Upham, son of Hon. Timothy Upham, and
S^^ndson of Rev. Timothy Upham, first minister of
^^erfield, was ordained 16 July, 1 823 ;» dismissed ia

VOL. n. THIRD SERIES. 40

314 CHURCHES AND MINISTERS

1824, in consequence of his appointment to a profe
sorship in Bowdoin college.*

Mr. Willey was ordained 18 January, 1826.

Pembroke.

The Congregational church was organized 1 Marc
1737. The ministers have been,

'1. Rev. Aaron Whittemore, from Concord, Mas:
who graduated at Harvard college 1734. He was c
dained at the time the church was formed, and retan
ed his pastoral relation until his death, 16 Novembei
1767, at the age of 65.

2. Rev. Jacob Emery, a native of Andover, Mass.
who graduated at Harvard college 1761, succeedec
Mr. Whittemore, and was ordained 3 August, 1768
and was dismissed 23 March, 1776.

3. Rev. Zaccheus Colby, a native of Newtown
who »aduated at Dartmouth college in 1777| succeed
ed Mr. Emery, and was ordain^ 22 March, 1190
Soon after his ordination the Presbyterian cbuich ft
this town, (over which Rev. Daniel Mitchell, froi
Ireland, was settled S December, 1760, who died 1*
December, 1776, aged 69,) united with the CoBgre
gationai church under the same pastor. Mr. C^.
was dismissed 11 May, 1803.

4. Rev. Rev. Abraham Buroham, a native of Don
1>arton, who graduated at Dartmouth college ia 18Q4
was ordained 2 March, 1808, when the church wai
newly organized, consisting of 54 members, which, u
1822, had increased to more than 170.

Nottingha^n-West.

The Congregational church in this town was fom
ed 30 November, 1737, and on the same day Re
Nathaniel Merrill, who graduated at Harvard colle{

* Professor Upharo is a descendant of the sixth generation fiom Ifij. O
Daniel CtooUn, o( Cambridge, and of t^e lesrenlii from 9imw» John €Mip9]
Boston.

IN NEW HAMPSHIRE. 315

Vl!^ was ordained. His civil contract was dissolved
*m 1774, but his relation to the church continued until
liisdeathinl796.

Rev. Jabez Pond Fisher, who graduated at Brown
University 1788, was ordained 24 February, 1796;
aod dismissed in May, 1801. Mr. Fisher has since
been employed as a missionary in various places.

The Congregational church in this place has be-
come extinct, having united with the Presbyterian
church, over which Rev. W. K. Talbot is settled.

Keene.

The Congregational church in Keene was gathered
18 October, 1738.

1. Rev. Jacob Bacon, a native of Wrentham, Mass.,
who graduated at Harvard college 1731, was ordained
IB October, 1738, and continued the minister of the

K* ce until April, 1747, when the settlement being
ken up by the Indians, he went to Plymouth where
he was settled. [See Col. Mass. Hist. Soc. Vol. HI,
Second Series.] He died at Rowley in 1787, aged
Bl. [See an interesting letter from him to Meshech
Weare, Esq., published in Farmer and Moore's Col-
tectiom. Vol. IL 176-178.}

2. Rev. Ezra Carpenter, who graduated at Harvard
toUege 1720, and had been the minister of Hull,
Massr., for a number of years, was settled over Keene
and Swanzey, 4 October, 1753, and contracted with
from year to year until 1760, after which his con-
nexion with Keene ceased.

3. Rev. Clement Sumner, who graduated at Yale
college in 1758, was ordained 11 June, 1761, and
dismissed 30 April, 1772.

4. Rev. Aaron Hall, who graduated at Yale college
in 1772, was ordained 19 February, 1778, and <lfed
12 August, 1814.

6. Rev. David Oliphant was ordained 25 May,
1815, dismissed I December, 1817, and is now set-
tled in Beverly, Mass.

{

316 CBURCHBft AHD mUMTlES

&' R0T. Zedekmh SiDkh Bantowv who mdiM
at Yale college b 1813, was ordabed 1 imj^ 18li

A second Congregational church (UMtanatt)''hH
heen formed at Keene, and Rer. Thomas R. St^iiia
was ordained over it in December^ 1826.

North-Hampkm.

• The church in this place was gathered 31 October^^
1739.

1. Rev. Nathaniel Gookin, son of Rer. NatfaaiMtl
Gookin^ of Hampton, graduated at Harvard colkgi^
1 73 1 , and was ordained 31 October, 1 739, at which ifmm
the sermon was preached by Rev. William ShartleS^
of Portsmouth, from Rev. ii. 1. Mr. Gookin dietf
22 October, 1766, aged 63, having nearlj oomplenj
the 27th year of his ministry.

2. Rev. Joseph Stacey Hastings, a graduate of
Harvard college 1762, was ordained 11 Fehnmj,
1767. Sermon by Rev. Jonas Merriam, of New-
ton, Mass., from 1 Tim. hr. 12. Mr. Hastings wm
dismissed 3 July, 1774.

3. Rev. David M^Clure, D. D., a graduate.of tab
1769, was installed 13 November, 1776. Seiraioa 1^
Rev. Josiah Steams, of Epping, from 2 Tinu a
2. He resigned his office, 30 August, 1785; settled
in East Windsor, Conn, where he died 25 June, 1820,
aged 71.

4. Rev. Benjamin Thurston, a graduate of Harvard
college, was ordained 2 November, 1785. Sermon
by Rev. Mr. Allen, of Bradford, from 1 Tim. iv. 6.
Mr. Thurston resigned 27 October, 1800.

5. Rev. Jonathan French, son of Rev. Jonathan
French, was born in Andover, Mass., 16 August,
1778; graduated at Harvard college 1798, and was
ordained 18 November, 1801. Sermon by his father
from 2 Cor. ii. 15, 16. Mr. French published an in-
teresting sermon delivered at North-Hampton, 22 De-

IN NEW HAMPSHIRE. 31 7

ceniber, 1820, in commemoratioD of the landing of
the first settlers of New England, which contains
some valuable historical facts relating to Hampton and
North-Hampton. He preached the Election sermon
in 1822, which was printed.

Salem.

Salem was incorporated by charter, 11 May, 1750.
A church had been gathered a number of years before
this time. Rev. Abner Bayley, born in Newbury,
Mass., 19 January, 1716, who graduated at Harvard
college 1736, was ordained 30 January, 1740, and
died 10 March, 1798, aged 82. Rev. John Smith,
wfio graduated at Dartmouth college in 1794, was or-
dained as colleague with Mr. Bayley in 1797, and was
dismissed in 1816. Rev. William Balch succeeded
M^r. Smith in 1819. Mr. Smith is now Professor of
Theology at Bangor, Me.

Swanzey.

The* church in Swanzey was organized 4 Novem-
*^r, 1741.

Ptistors.

■ 1. Rev. Timothy Harrington, a native of Waltham,
M^ass., who graduated at Harvard college 1737, was
^^dained 4 November, 1741, and remained the minis-
^^r of the place until 2 April, 1747, when the town
^518 destroyed by the Indians. He was dismissed by
^he church, at a meeting called and holden in Rutland,
^ass., 12 October, 1748, and was installed at Lan-
^ter, Mass., 16 November, 1748, where he died 18
•Oecember, 1795, aged 80.

2. Rev. Ezra Carpenter, the same mentioned un-
^er Keene, was installed, upon the union of the two
^burches of Keene and Swanzey into one, 4 October,
X763, when Rev. Ebenezer Gay, of Hingham, preach-
ed from Zech. ii. 1. He remained the minister of
Swanzey till his dismission in 1768. He had been

318 CHURCHES AND MINISTERS

the minister of Hull, Mass., where he was ordaine
24 November, 1725.

3. Rev. Edward Goddard, from Shrewsbury, Mass
who graduated at Harvard college 1764, was ordaine
27 September, 1769, and was dismissed 6 July, 179i
He afterwards preached in various places; and die
13 October, 1811.

4. Rev. Clarke Brown, A. M. at Harvard, Yali
Dartmouth, and Brown colleges, was installed 5 Se*^
tember, 1810; dismissed 16 August, 1815, and di«
in Charles county, in Maryland, in 1817. Mr. Brov
was first settled at Machias, in Maine, and was inst^
led at Brimfield, Mass., 20 June, 1798.

5. Rev. Joshua Chandler, who graduated at Ha^
vard college 1807, was ordained in January, 1819, aoi
was dismissed in 182- ; afterwards settled in Orange
in the county of Franklin, Mass., from which place hi
was also subsequently dismissed.

South-Hampton.

South-Hampton was incorporated 25 May, 1742
and the church was probably organized the next yeai
Rev. William Parsons, who graduated at Harvard od
lege 1735, was ordained iu 1743, and dismissed <
October, 1762. Rev. Nathaniel Noyes, son of Des
Parker Noyes, of Newbury, Mass. succeeded Mr. Pai
sons. He was born at Newbury, in 1735, graduated 8
New Jersey college, 1759, was ordained 23 Februai]
1763, dismissed 8 December, 1800, and died at Neii
bury, in December, 1810, aged 75.

Nottingham.

The first minister of Nottingham was Rev. Stephe
Emery, who graduated at Harvard college 1730. H
was ordained in 1742, preached a few years, and lei
bis people without a regular dismission.
' Rev. Benjamin Butler, who graduated at Harvar
college 1752, was ordained in 1758, dismissed 1 Au

fust, 1770, became a civil magistiBte, and died 2
)ecember, 1804.

IN NEW HAMPSHIRE.

319

26 1 Epping.

Rev. Robert Cutler, the first minister of Epping,
was ordained 9 December, 1747, when it is probable,
the church was organized. The sermon was preach-
ed by Rev. John Moody, of Newmarket, from Eph. iv.
II, 12. Charge by Rev. John Odiin, of Exeter.
Mr. Cutler graduated at Harvard college 1741. He
was dismissed in 1755. He was settled in February,
1760, in Greenwich, Mass., where he died in Febru-
ary, 1786, aged 65.

Rev. Josiah Stearns succeeded Mr. Cutler, and was
ordained 8 March, 1758. He was born in Billerica,
Mass., 20 January, 1732, and descended from John
Stearns, one of the first inhabitants of that place, who
'Harried Mary Lathrop, of Plymouth colony, and af-
terwards a second wife, by whom he had all his chil-
d«"€*n who came to mature years. Mr. Stearns gradua^
^^c3 at Harvard college 1751. By two wives, Sarah
-A^Vibot, of Andover, and Sarah Ruggles, of Billerica,
"^ had 12 children, 6 of whom were sons. Rev*
^^^muel Stearns, of Bedford, Mass., is one of them%
AfXi. Stearns died 25 July, 1788, aged 66. He pub-
**^hed seven occasional sermons.

Rev. Peter Holt, who graduated at Harvard collese
1790, became the successor of Mr. Stearns in Feb«
ary, 1793, and was dismissed in 1821.

Exeter^ 2d church.

The time when the church in the second parish in
Exeter was organized has not been ascertained. The
Cbrmation of the Parish in 1748, ^^ was attended with
^ violent convulsion, and followed by a series of mu-
tual injuries and resentments, which greatly interrupt-
ed the harmony of society, for many years." [See
Mr. Kelhfs Memoranda in Farmer and Moore^s Col^
lectionsj Vol. II. p. 364.]

Rev. Daniel Rogers, was ordained the minister over
this society in 1748* He was son of Rev. John

320 CHURCHES AND MINISTERS

Rogers, of Ipswich, and grandson of President John
Rogers, of Cambridge, and was bom 28 July, 1707;
graduated at Harvard college 1725, where he was
tutor nine years. He died 9 December, 1 785, aged 78.

Rev. Joseph Brown succeeded Mr. Rogers, and was
ordained in 1792, and -dismissed in 1796. He died
at Deer Isle, in Maine, September, 1819.

On the 24th December, 1813, the church was re-or-
ganized, or a new one formed, and in 1817, Rev. Isaac
Hurd, who graduated at Harvard college in 1806, was
installed. Mr. Hurd had been previously settled at
Lynn, Mass.

Pelham.

The church in this place was gathered 13 Novem-
ber, 1751.

Pastors.

1. Rev. James Hobbs, a native of Hampton, who
graduated at Harvard college 1748, was ordained IS
November, 1751, died 20 June, 1765, aged 40. His
widow married his successor.

2. Rev. Amos Moody, born in Newbury, Mass., 20
November, 1739, graduated at Harvard college 1759,
was ordained 20 November, 1766, dismissed by mu-
rual agreement in 1792, and died 22 March, 1819,
aged 79.

3. Rev. John Hubbard Church, D. D., a native of
Rutland, Mass., who graduated at Harvard college in
1797, was ordained 31 October, 1798. He received
his Doctorate from Williams college in 1824. He has
published a considerable number of occasional sermons.

Portsmouth^ 3d church.

For an account of this church and society, see Rev.
Timothy Alden's ^' Account of the Religious Socie-
ties in Portsmouth." 1 Hist. Coll. X. Rev. Joseph
Walton, the last minister of the society mentioned by
Mr. Alden, died in 1822, aged 80.

IN NEW HAMPSHIRE. 321

Nexotown.

The first and only Congregational minister settled
in this town was Rev. Jonathan Eaines, who gradua-
ted at Harvard college 1752. He was ordained 17
Jandary, 1759, dismissed in 1791, died at Wentworth
in 180a
*

Sandown. ^

The first minister of Sandown w^as Rev. Josiah
Cotton, who was settled 28 November, 1759, and re-
mained in the ministry until his death in 1781. I have
not yet ascertained whether he was the person who
graduated at Harvard college in 1722, was ordained at
Providence, 23 October, 1728, and installed at Wo-
bum, 15 July, 1747, as noted in an interleaved Cata-
logue of the Graduates of Harvard college.
Rev. Samuel Collins succeeded Mr. Cotton about

1780, and was dismissed in 1788.
Rev. John Webber, a brother of President Webber,

of Cambridge, succeeded Mr. Collins in 1795, and

Was dismissed in 1800. He graduated at Dartmouth

college in 1792.

New Ipswich.

The church in this town, according to Mr. Kelly,
^s organized 22 October, 1760.

Pastors.

1. Rev. Stephen Farrar, son of Samuel Farrar, was
*orn in Lincoln, Mass., 22 October, 1732, graduated
•^ Harvard college 1755, was ordained 22 October,
'760, died 23 June, 1809, aged 76.
. 2. Rev. Richard Hall, who graduated at Middle-
*^Ury college in 1808, was ordained 12 May, 1812,
^^d died on a journey or visit at Newhaven, Vt., 13
^tily, 1824.

3. Rev. Isaac R. Barbour was installed 8 'March,
* 826. ' Sermon by Rev. Mr. Fay, of Charlestowu.

VOL. II. THIRD SERIES. 41

3^ CHURCHES AND MINISTERS IN N. HAMPSHIRE.

Canterbury.

Rev. Abiel Foster, first minister of Canterbury, was
born in August, 1735, graduated at Harvard college
1766, ordained 21 January, 1761, dismissed in 1779^
was afterwards a Member of Congress, and Judge of
the Court of Common Pleas, and died in February,
1806, aged 71.

Rev. Frederick Parker from Shrewsbury, Mass.,
who graduated at Harvard college 1784, was ordaiDed
in January, 1791, died in April, 1802.

Rev. William Patrick, who graduated at Williams
college in 1799, was ordained in October, 1803.

Epsom.

Rev. John Tucke, son of Rev. John Tucke, of the
Isles of Shoals, was ordained 23 September, 1761,
dismissed in 1 774. He graduated at Harvard coUege
in 1758. After his dismission, he was appointed a
chaplain in the revolutionary army, and while od bis
way to join it, died pf the Small Pox in 1776.

Rev. Ebenezer Haseltine was born in Metbuen,
Mass., 28 October, 1755, graduated at Dartmootk
college in 1777, was ordained at Epsom, 21 Januarji
1784, died 10 November, 1813, aged 59.

Rev. Jonathan Curtis was born at Randolph, Mass.)
22 October, 1786, graduated at Dartmouth collegei
1811, ordained at Epsom, 22 February, 1815, dismiss^
ed in 1824, and was installed in Sharon, Mass.^ io
October, 1825.

;.•..;:.]

323

MS. JOURNALS Or THE LONG, I^ITTLE, &C. PARLf AHENTS.
BkAkSATAOE,

You taxed me some years ago with having in-
jbrmed you that manuscript Journals of the Long and
isoffle other Parliaments existed in New York ; and I
tbefi ** of my own mere motion " became bound to
tfamine and report to you the true state of facts re-
gsffding them.

Now, though our '' own mere motion " is, in this re*
ngUic, subject to the scrutiny of our constituents and
tf tio ^* good consideration '' in the eye of the law ;
j^t strengthened by ^' other good and sufficient rea-
■M," such for example, as gratifying a friend, and my
jBini curiosity, I felt ^' firmly bound to you in this be-
" and now performing the condition, I crave the
IHng of the bond.
I* have several times essayed to perform my promise,
fifom one cause or another every attempt proved
ivoi till June last. Through the kindness of John
Id Esq., the untiring Librarian of the New York
al Society, to whom that society is under the
jmtest obligations, I then obtained access to the Li-
^fiiry, and in several days' examination of these M SS.
aided by him ; and by his kindness am now ena-
t6 present you with many of the following ex-
and to vouch for their accuracy.
^' After giving you some idea of the course pursued in
ining these volumes, I will add a description of
\f its beginning and end, that you may know, on
on, what periods are contained in the whole;
'imral extracts from each volume, that you may form
iVme notion of their contents ; and ji description of the
water marks &c., that you may have a test of the
I faithfulness of my examination and of the correctness
of my inferences.

My first object was to ascertain whether these MS.
I'olwiM were regular journals ; or were mere excerpts

324 MS. JOURNALS OF THE

made by one or more members of Parliament for ^
temporary, or limited purpose ; or by some historian,
to aid him in his labours ; or by the Board of Planta-
tions, for the use and direction of some one of our pro-
vincial Governments.

On this last point, I was soon satisfied by finding
subjects that could have no manner of bearing on any
thing this side the- Atlantic. And that they were not
mere extracts, I was as soon assured^ by the formal
opening and closing of each day and of the business
transacted.

That they were genuine Journals besides these con-
siderations 1 became entirely satisfied by the prima fe^^
cie appearance of honesty, which, as in metoposcopg^^
though indescribable, is often perfectly convincing;
by the court hands, of which you will hereafter pe
ceive there are several in the volumes ; — by the reg
lar and ample '' margents,'^ as our Lord Coke cat!
tiiese clerical " oceans ;" — by the use, in the earii
volumes particularly, of certain letters, words, and
breviations, that were common in that day, the jf for
the peculiar e, 5, A, &c. the use of peticon &c. &c., a 1
denoting the gradual subsidence of the old English te:^^
into the modern running hand.

Next the water marks of the paper were carefully
examined, of which you will also find evidence.

I then made ample extracts from the different vol-
umes for comparison, at my leisure, with the prioteif
extracts from the Journals to be found in authentic
histories, diaries, and chronicles ; in Coke, May, Dug-
dale, Whitelock, Heath, Rushworth, Baxter, Burton,
&c. Do not tremble at this display of names : It is
far from my intention to inundate you with all the
evidence I have had before me, as I shall rely upon
the effect of showing to you that I have examined in
earnest.

Lastly, (for I will have mercy on you who have, in
public sacrifices, so little mercy on yourself,) I invited
a very shrewd, discerning, and well educated English

LONG, LITTLE, &C. PARLIAMENTS. 325

gentleman to accompany me in an examination pf
these volumes ; and requested the favour that he would
take notes of several parts with a view to a compari-
son with the journals in England ; if, contrary to the
belief of several gentlemen, the journals of this period
' were found to exist in that country.

This gentleman, C. W. Stokes Esq., immediately
on his return home very kindly bore in mind my re-
quest, and with no inconsiderable trouble pursued its
object to a satisfactory result. An extract from his
letter I here subjoin, relying upon the kindness that
dictated it, to excuse the liberty I am taking in mak-
ing it public without permission.

The letter is dated London, 29 Sept. 1829. After
Jnentioning several means to which he had resorted to
accomplish my wishes, he proceeds — " I have got access
to the original journals for the period between 1650
^nd 1658: The entire series is unbroken, and there
^ no reason to doubt the authenticity of those whicl^
^re in the journal-office of the House of Commons*
They are obviously vvritten at the spur of the moment,
the handwriting being different for various entries on
the same day, and some parts better written than oth-
ers, as if from the use of a new pen. The marginal
references too, which appear as in all the other jour-
nals at earlier and later periods than from 1650 to
1658, are in a different handwriting. In order that
this may be rendered clear, I subjoin an extract made
from 1650, with as near an imitation as I can make of
the two modes of writing."

[The extract, of which a fac simile is given, will be found under date of 9 Oc-
tober, 1650.]

*' This 1 extracted from a journal from June 26,
1650, to August 14, 1651. — The water marks of one
sheet were something like the following — (the letters
N C M reversed are then given) — and of the other
sheet it was this figure almost six inches long."

[The Zany is here given as on old foolscap, of which a fac simile will be found
at the end of the article.]

US. JDIIRNALS OF TRP.

't7««UBta«iiiny memory deceives me, iho handwnt'ing

! ,Mi WVter marks arc ihc shdiu as those in the \x)Ai
in AlMlliBed together nt New Vork, tto that there u
no doubt that th<: eopU'S, (for.! am convinced ilicy ak
^y C0|riel,J were mnde at fiboiit the same time when
'the ori^oals were written. 1 have made ino^il miiiuie
il^lriliM JM the subject, and 1 bavfi learned in the
CdOrMof them, that many scores of copiea of Jour-

. Mdsiyf the BouHe are to be found in libraries in ICng-
kad, h bafiiig been formerly (he practice, before min-
tttwaad prot^eedings of the House were printed, for
■mhail to send ihoir sffrvams some every morning
to take copies. Those in New York then will, we
OMT mppOM, have been the copies made by one of thg

.. MMoiet, who took refuge in America."

' Do-yoo i^w ask, Why are the volumes peculiarly '
iMSTMCingP I answer, No copy of any of the journali
(yiMeh portions of them were printed) \s to be found
OB tins •Me the Atlantic; and detached fragmeuii
osfyr tnttan^d here and there in rare books, can here
btr^ot M. I'hese jpurnaU contain the pith and mar-
jW.<^the history of England from a short time afier
jriMf^tntritMion of Charles I., through the period of
th« reptratitf, prutectorale, &c. ^o the return to a repal
form of government. This period is most itnporfaiit
and valuable to us, from its connexion with tho nistoiy
of the foundation of our present government id tiie
principles of the republicans of that day ; from tbe
light it sheds on the tendencies and dangers of repub-
•lies, and the means of subverting them ; aod from ike
immense changes effected in favour of rational liberty,

' by alterations in the law of tenures, by requiring all
laws and legal process to be published in tbe English
language, &c.

The period is highly interesting to us, because in it
we find the germs of the royal society, which was
then intended for New England ; the foundation of
the " Corporation for Propagating the Gospel unto
tbe Indians," fostered by Cromwell, by means cf which

LONG, LITTLE, &C. PARLIAMENTS. 327

great interest in our colony was excited and kept
alive, its Indian language preserved to us, and our lit-
erary men aided and encouraged ; and because our
lathers were either members of the parliaments, or^
though living a thousand leagues distant, exercised an
almost controlling influence over their counsels and
those of the British government. A very curious evi-^
deoce of this influence I met with in a noted publica^
tion of 1660 (after the restoration), from which is the
following passage ; ^' and moreover, it is very fit to be
taken into consideration, how much mischief and sedi-
tion a press at New England may occasion and dis-
perse, in this juncture of time, if the licentiousness
thereof be connived at, and any longer tolerated."

The debate^ of the long parliament, and of the par-
iiaments of the protectorate are to be sought only in
iiaries, &c. [of which, by the way, Mr. Rutt deserves
Hir thanks for preserving Burton's and Goddard's, the
>est of a part of this period,] or in mere scraps in the
newspapers [Mercurii, &c.] of the day, which are now
^rely met with even in England. As for histories,
Spin's caution \s; '^ we have no other historians of
bose times, than the royalists,'' &c. And so long was
^ fashionable to decry as well the actors as the actions
>f that great and, with deference, most eventful andi
•iseful drama, that many of the authorities on the repub-
lican side of the question have disappeared ; and of the
Qdanuscripts yet existing, though now eagerly sought^
cnany have been so closely held by their timid or their
cavalier possessors, that the keys are lost to the
sftort hand or cipher in which they were generally
Written ; whether from the inconvenience of obtaining-
P^per, or of the bulk and tedious process of writing^
-'^e old English hand, or from the desire of security in
'^Ose troublous times, or from all of these causes, IshalL
[pt stop here to inquire : the fact is, however, unques-
ionble.

Very many of the manuscripts were without doubt disr-
^I'oyed (and you will perceive in May 1661 a disposition.

328 MS. JOURNALS OF THE

ID parliament even to mutilate these journals) by their
possessors, as evidence that might cause forfeitures of
estate or of life ; whilst others met a similar fate,. be-
cause illegible, or as waste paper. And time, edca
rerunij has the while been actively devoured not odIj
the events, but their evidences. As for the joumab
under consideration, the soldiers in Jersey, during our
revolution [we will hope they were Hessians], am
said to have found something more rapid, though not
more sure as a destroyer, than timers agents, moth and
rust, in the use of many of their pages for iighting,
not their patriotism, but their tobacco-pipes.

But to proceed. There arc many more obvious and
weighty reasons for placing great value on the vol-
umes, one only of which 1 will again allude to; that
without crossing the Atlantic we cannot elsewhere
pursue the daily proceedings of the government, during
this, to an American, most interesting and important
period, in which as much talent, to say the least, was
elicited and displayed, as at any time in the history o(
Great Britain.

You may now feel some curiosity to know in what
way the New York Historical Society became possess-
ed of these volumes ; and on this head I am not pre-
pared to gratify your wishes.

Of their nrrivjil in this country, and of their advent-
ures duriiij^ more than a century, in the midst of wars
and tumults, captures and recaptures, there is a good
deal of distTepiincy in the accounts 1 have heard.
Their arrival hert^ has i:enerally l)een ascril)ed to some
one or otJK^r of the regicides, as is sujjgested before in
the letter from London. lUit the dates of some of the
journals are intirk later than would justify this hy-
pothesis; and besides, there is no certainly, nor
is there a tradition so far as I have learned, that
the volumes immediately prior to and during the trial
of the king, accompanied those under examination to
this country ;. yet are they the volumes in which a
regicide would feel the deepest interest.

LONG, LITTLE, &C. PARLL4MENTS.

329

Other sources have been assigned. In giving you

the following memoranda, I will not vouch for my own
accuracy, since it in part depends upon memory ; much
kss will I pretend to be positive as to my authority.
With these qualifications and reservations, 1 venture
toquote John Pi^ntard Esq., a gentleman who, amongst
the numerous good deeds of a long life, was formerly
ftrj efficient as a member of the New York Historical
Society ; and he is now a corresponding member of
mown. Mr. Pintard about the year 1810, then being,
[ believe, librarian or secretary of the Society, received
I part of these volumes from his relative, the late Hon.
Ellas Boudinot ; a part from Gov. Jay, who received
them from Gov. Livingston of New Jersey, through
the late Judge Brockholst Livingston ; a few of them
Were afterwards purchased by Mr. Pintard at auction ;
and another gentleman, w hose name is not known to
me, discovered and secured the rest to the Society.

Mr. Pintard also suggested, if my memory is true,
that Lord Cornbury's widow possessed all the vol-
umes; that needing money, she received for them
ClOO, more or less, from the lawyers of New York ;
that in this way they came to the hands of Mr. Alex-
ander or Mr. Chambers ; and thence to Gov. Living-
iton, &c.

Whence these last suggestions were derived, I do
lot know ; and I should here make an ample, as I
ope it would be an acceptable, apology to my friend,
Ir. Pintard, for introducing his name to you thus un-
Bremoniously, did I not trust that he will readily
iticipate my excuse, in my earnest hope that hereby
B may be provoked to the good work of tracing the
idigree of these journals.

I have felt no inconsiderable interest in this matter
* the first arrival of these volumes ; but feared that
) further assurance on the subject could probably be
tained, than uncertain tradition or surmise, except by
jry laborious investigation. The persons are quite
imerous who might by possibility have brought them

TOL. II. THIRD SERIES. 42

330 MS. JOURNALS OF TBX

over; but in looking at probabilities this number ii
much reduced. I will venture to state the rollowin|^
which, considering the period at which the stamp wv
probably made, will be of great weight with sooi
men. Having omitted, when in New York, to exaouni
the binding of these volumes, I latelj wrote lo Hi
Delaiield to this end ; and in reply he mentioned,!
as an embellishment upon the l)ack, there was *^i
dove, wings expanded, and a coronet." In retani,f
forthwith wrote him that if his coronet were that of
earl, and he could convert his dove &c. to the folkNh'
ing : — ^' on a wreath, an eagle, with wings expanM
sable,'' (which on further examination he has nov
no doubt is the true description,) the following mijjjli
be the course of a part or the whole of these volum^
viz.

Edward, Viscount Cornbury, aqd Earl of Clarendi
Chancellor and Historian, whose daughter Anne
wife to James II, mayhap had a part of them ii
use ; the whole he could not have had, as these j
nals end in January 1677, and he died an exile ii;
France, on 29 December 167i. Thence they mi
have come to his son and successor, (if he were nol'
the ori^^iiiJil possessor,) IltMiry, Karl of Clarendon, ic.
who died 31 October 1709; and tluMice to his onlj
son jJiid hrir, Kdvvard, l^ord Cornbury (who thus be-
cinnr Karl of C'hnrndon), who was appointed Governor
of New York by his rehitiv(» Kiiii^ NVilliani in 1701,
and of New York and New Jersey, when the latitf
was surrendered to the {];overnnuMit in 1702, by QufCfl
Anne. 1 will remark here, that he died on 3| March
172«3, many years after he had left the {joveriiniert
of New York ; and hence, as well as from the feet
that his wife was heir to the Duke of Richmond anJ
Lenox, I cannot but doubt the sale of these voliimfl
by "his widow," \vhich would make her resident )•
New York so long after his return to England, (kit ^
successor Lord Lovelace arrived in New York ifl
1708,) and also the cause of sale, want. The

LONG, LITTLE, &C. PARLIAMENTS. 331

Earl of Bellomont, predecessor to Lord Cornbury,
died in New York in February 1700-1 ; whether he
left a widmo in poverty or not, I have not been able
jet to learn. After all, however, the volumes may
bave been brought by Bellomont, though this is not as-
serted, and the crest I referred to, together with the
connexion with the prominent affairs of England during
the period, lead me very strongly to Lord Cornbury,
and from any other individual. The crest in this case
is given, to wit, " the eagle with wings expanded ; "
and the earPs coronet is placed above it, as is not un-
common, to denote only that the head of the house is
an earl.

It is not necessary, however, to believe that all
diese volumes came from the same source ; and you
will perceive in my r^otice of the general appearance
and preservation of the volumes, that there may be
reason to doubt if one or two of them were originally.
^ the same series with the others.
I come DOW to the volumes themselves.

Vol. L

It will be borne in mind that Charles I. was beheaded January
80, 1648-9.

The 1st volume of the manuscripts begins on the 1st day of
tbeyear, viz. — " Lun» Die 25 Marlij 1650. Prayers. S*" Ar-
4ur Hasilrig reports from the Comm®'' at Goldsmithes Hall
touching Com pos-sions with delinq"." ll ends with ihe record of
"Mortis 25^ Junij 1650 p^ meridiem." "Die Veneris 19^
Aprilij 1650," amongst other amendments to an act for the better
observatiqn of the Lord's Day is this, " that the word Realm be
ptitt out and the word Commonwealth be putt instead thereof."

Tlie water marks in this volume arc, — the Royal Arras, viz,
t shield or escutcheon surmounted by a crown, with a lion and
Bnicorn (looking a little like 2 lions) as supporters ; a cplumn with
2 or 3 St. Andrews (Scottish) crosses upon it divides the shield.
He initials beneath the arms are H C ; on the second leaf of
<be sheet are the letters R M, probably those of the paper maker,
IT possibly monopolist.

With regard t^ water marks, the principal use in noticing them

392 UB. JOVRN ALB OF THB

« «

ik ibr G omparison with pubfie pipen of about die aame pfeiioi
In a few instaoces, I will here remark, I have done dai ; M
Inve found my belief in the genuineneas of theae. joumab cq '
orated thereby. Some fac nmil^ are hereafter gmai
others may apply the same test.

How far the plan of having the water marks dioie of ths
erament entered the minds of any, save perhaps some
makersf 1 do not know. In modern times tbe goverameat
is said, interfered in this ptortieular, and h is quite eertsia,
some of the best letter paper I have ever seen, was sent out
France and sold here at very tew pricesi beealiae h had NapolnM
be. as a water mark.

Neither the quantity of paper nor the use Ant it m die tkneof
Stuarts was as great as in our time ; and it b improbable tbft
aerious fears oi propagating rebellion by means of its water
were at that period entertabed. Hence v^ find tbe royal en
ning into the volumes of the Long Fsrliamem, Ice. Bttfas
paper seems to have been mixed at the stationer's or io '
journal oflke, for several sorts are to b^ found almost m (
widi each other. Witti recard to the arma, which I ^ve _
the omit cfthe eommanvfeaiAf I ought to remark, that by tUi
pellation is intended principally to marie the period uaed :
to assort positively, that they were the armorUs of die r
wealth. On tbis'last pomt I entertam great doubt.

Three days after the decapitatten of Charies, in
1648-9, parliament altered the style in courts of justice lo**
des libertatis Angliie auctoritate parliamenti.**

The arms of the commonwealth in 1G50, according to HowclPs
medulla, were " St. Georp;e's Cross and the Harp."

Tl)e great seal, according; to Mrs. Macauly, had the arms of
England, and the inscription, "The Great Seal of England;"
on the reverse, a portraiture of the House of Commons inscribed,
" In the First Year of Freedom by God's Blessing Restored,
1648." January 22, 1651, it was declared by Pailianient, trot'
son to counterfeit tlie great seal " of the Parliament of the
Commonwealth," — " engraven with a cross and an harp, widi .
this circumscription, The Seal of the Parliament of the Codb-
monweahh of England." Dugdale.

In 1654, April, (though Scotland had virtually been united widi
England in 1651, see 4 Burton,) an act was passed, saysDif*
dale, " making Scotland one Commonwealtli with England," ad
requiring that " the arms of Scotland (viz, St. Andrew's Cross)
should thenceforth be borne with those of the commonwealtb.
Again, in the account of the burial of Cromwell, " tlie standard
of the Lion of England " is mentioned } but I believe him not to
have been rampant.

LONG, LITTLE, &C. PARLIAMENTS. 333

But to go no further, I am inclmed to think, that the lion ram-
pant &c. may be Cromwell's own arms ; since on the beautiful
crown-piece issued by him in 1658, I.find tlie reverse as follows :
in a shield crowned w.th the imperial crown of England, quarter-
ly, 1st and 4th, St. George's cross for England; 2nd, St. An-
drew's cross for Scot and ; 3d, the harp for Ireland ; and *' iu a
scutcheon of pre ence his (Cromwell's) paternal coat, namely, a
lion rampant," h\ My only doubt arises from the fact that the
Eons in these volumes generally hold in one of their paws
(" gambs ") what appears a thunderbolt, or bundle of arrows or
twigs ; and in the other, in some instances, if not in all, a sort of
short curved sword, cal ed, in heraldry, a falchion. 1 have not
been ab e to find Cromwell's arms in Collins, or Kiraber, or
Debrett ; or the Question might be settled. In Cromwell's life
of Cromwell, vol. 1, 307, it is intimated, doubtingly, that Crom-
well used in his crest a demi'lion with a ring in the foregamb,
after he became protector, but before that, the javelin instead of
tlie ring.

Vol. 11.

The 2nd volume begins "Die Mercurij 26^ Junij .1650*
Prayers.

Resolved, That the doore be shutt. Resolved, That the
roome without be cleared. Resolved, That all the members of
Parliament be called out of Westminster Hall.

The Lx)rd Com"- Whitelock reports from the councill of state,
that in pursuance of the order of Parliament of the 9th of April
last," fee.

- " Die Veneris 28 Junij 1650," inter alia, it was "Resolved,
that Oliver Cromwell Esq. be constituted Captajn Generall and
Commander in Chief of all the forces raysed and to be raysed by
authority of Parliament within the Commonw. of England." It
was read a ist and 2nd time, and passed.

" An act for the better preventing and suppressing of pro-
phane swearing and curseing, was this day read the third time,
and upon the question passed and ord^ to be forthwith printed
and published."

" Mr. Bond reports from the counsel! of state that the counsell
finds it necessary upon the Parliaments referring of the letter of
Mr. George ffisber from Spaine relating the deatli of Mr. Antho-
ny Ascham unto the counsell of state, that a letter should be
written from the Parliament to the King of Spaine to demand
justice upon the murtherers," &c.*

* Anthony Ascham was sent in 1649 by the council of state, agent (minister)

'834

mbTi

".Ke veneris 27'' Srpicmb. 16A0," inter bIi*. »reu^
> fdii-fol ri-lt^iodS nnd )>t:aceable jit-ople Titxii ibe rigour a'
Kl9 of (MrlitiiiieiU in matters of rrliginn.*

Tile Irimbln pc-iiltuii of W'" Unritlu, prcsclwrof God'tircr^ I
', WW lliis <]h)' read. I

, Mr. Weaver repnru from the commiliee Tor suppressing Ivcok 1
' tioua and iiiiiiious prnciicos undrr prcU;ncc of rcIig'^MU bbeny I
ttc- tlie CoiiffMioii of LnwrtHct CUtrksnn, laiicliiiig the luakiii; |
and publixJiiiig of the impious aiiil bldsplicinous booke, catled iIh
Single Eye, and also Alajnr Ruinborrnwa Carriago."

ClnrkMii was swil lo iJie liou»e of (^orrectiou Cnt one monih,
und then baiii&hed, and bis book was burnt by tbe coininoa baoj.
man.

Tbis volume ends wiili "Die Veneris 11° Oclob. 16^
wben tbe House, Recording to former order, adjourned itselfeoh
tiU Tuesdaj' morning nest at ei^lit of the ctock. *

Tlitre are several diffjreiit water mnrks in tliis volume. Fic

0 Itia KJng of SjMin, and Chulea Vane to PaHngal, on board Bill e't Iml
' Beaib.
; , Dr. Darlilaua b*d Iwan Mnt la HiHUnd, and on llic Gnt day tbn bit ^
■irint at rbe ltB(Da wm murdtrad in li» houio bj Col, \Vhiltnrd, ■ mjarM,
Tha CocnmonweaLIb Ibrcalenftd lo rvlaliale il upon (how of (hat panr la
>dwlr handi ; ycl Airham', ihdr ifanl and anvov lo Spain, tome titna tllar,
iWhh hl> Interfretar, Slcaor Itltii, iva* aarvtd la Iha wn* manner, al hit am'nl
M Madrid, in hii buaWi by ona Sparki and olbar Erifliih merchaoti apa»
m >ain« acoonnt. Hsaih *

A coud of jiutica waa canriitntMl andar a *Dt* of AprtI 5, i6S0, efwUth ,
Kabl*. ona of Iba conntMlomr* of tb« *«al, wn now mad* |ir«*iil«oi, " Bud-
*baw bclnt lea hl^fa to da that jooni«r-work any l0B|[ar, being prrudral «l —
Iha <:nunclt of ilatr ; il n»i rrccled In revenge tif AichamV and Dnriiliuii
daalh. ai a vole and decl-r«li"n "f Ibe slalei anRrily ei|ire»*cJ." Ile.ih

Thi. high conn of i"«|i<'' in revn,;.' <.f nnrlflnu. nnrt \'.-h^i„. .-.rt-itrl
Sir Hann H;da, " eoudo lo .Sir Edranl (Hyde) Iba lord ebaneeltor wiik
Iha hing fnr taliln; unon him tba qualily of an embaHtdor from hli u^JeMy
to Ibe Grand Seignior at Conilanllnople," ^. Sir Hanrr wu ctMlat
Jane 4, 1AM1. Hero. Polit. qnolad Journal of Earl of Leleaitar, luO, ^t.
■• bii lime beinn likawlie to aalaa upon oar merchant!' goodi for ihm am «C~
the king of Seolland."

Aacbam wai murdered In June 1«S0. I have met irhb ■ part of th« trial aa~
tboaewho murdand him In (ha Hart. Miteell. The murderert, Spwtf, Pra|—
en, ka, eacaped (o the church and claimed Mnctnary. Uaring got tbe«K
from the ehurcb to priwn, (here irai a learned argunenl to ila II i aita^
wbelher ihey havlni killed (he F.ngliih aobauador or reddenl and fab ta

peeter, '■ frandulently by fnrecaat, wilh ■ deliberate niad and pnMlilorL

Ij," and boBilIng " In bave performed an beroicll acl," tliould faa** ite
beneRl of Ihe HnrfHOry, and IhU loo nolwilhitandinfi AxbaB and fail lalaaw
prelef bore ■ ufe cnnrluci, Tb* queillon iraa nanly arpwd on lb* ]>••«.
dani of Abner alaln liy Joab, and Soloman'a puniabmenl of Joab at Iha all^.
After great delayi Ihry were condemned, bul it wai ao contrived (ha[ 5 of
(hi II etcaned, and ihe one (hal waa eiteuled, aecarding to Hr*. " '
(a Hlat. of Eng. 86,) iraa iha only protatlant aBongU tbani.
* Sm Od. l^ 1«M.

LONG, LITTLE, &C. TARLIAMENTS. S36

similes of two from the journals irt New York, and of one from
the journals in England, are given at the end of this article. Be
pleased to bear in mind hereafter that the zany's head, and fool's
cap and bells, when mentioned in the subsequent volumes, refer
to these two tigures indiscriminately. After comparing that of
tlic zany from New York with that from England, of about or
precisely the same date, you will not doubt of their identity ; and
tills circumstance may account for the fact that the handwriting
of the two under this date differs, since two clerks must have beeo
employed.

The initials, which, let me remark once for all, are not very
easily deci|)hered, are, in this volume, according to my memoran-
<ia, cjuiie numerous, though possibly I may be wrong in this re-
spect. Upon the last leaf of each sheet, the marks looked
like some of tiie following letters, N B, IP, F B, M N, or
Af H. With regard to the initials under the zany, those in the
English journals, look " sr>melhing like NC M ; " Mr. Delafield
ibitiks they may possibly be these letters ; and I found in my
n»einorandum MC or NG put down with diffidence. For
wrliom these letters stood I have not thought it important enough
^ ascertain at the cost of much lime. The names of some of the
uisstinguished printers of that day on the republican side 1 will give
y^^tJ for your amusement. I pass over the editor, March,
^^dham, and come to Christ. Barker, John Bill, John Field,
W. Hills, G. Bishop, R. White, William Du Gard.

There is also in this volume a water mark, (of Dutch origin i )
^nich is so indistinct in all cases, as to defy an accurate delinea-
f*^n. 1 will give you a slight description, that you may recognize
^^ >n the fac simile. It seems to be a solid column, |)ossibly in-
^^nded only for a frame, in the centre of which is an escutcheon,
^^taiounted by a crown, though possibly a vase, upon which are
^*^e words Armes of England ; the base of the shield rests upon
^ square block or plinth, upon which are letters somewhat as in-
telligible and much resembling these — Foriorin Boven.

The following is the extract of which a fac simile was sent
f^iom P^)gland. On comparing the handwriting wiih that of the
5ame day in the journal at New York, I found they were not the
Same. The language however was verbatim in each, with one
exception, wliicfi to my mind goes strongly to prove the authen-
ticity of the New York journals, and that they wer** wriuen about
the lime of their respective djtes ; I refer to the fact, that the
New York journals have not a marginal reference, whereas the
journals in Kn,i!;land have after the word prayers^ in the margin,
^^ thanks to Mr. Strong." Now these words and all the marginal
reference are in the English journals added by ai different hand

from ihat of ilie body of ilie journal, doubtless in the leiioreofi
pHrlinmeiitBry rccrw.

" Die Mert-urij 9° Ociobris 1 G50. Prayers. Ordered b^
the ' PaHia"' that the thanks of ihiK House bo f^ven unto Mt
Sirotig for his grome naynea taken in his sermon pwHclied yuMtt-
day at Miirgarctu West' being a day «il a p'« for publiqm
think-^ivein^ and tlini he he desired to print his sermon and ibn
he have the like privilege in printiue as others in hke case tint
uaoallv hud and thai Cotoncirffidocr doc give him the tbanbrf
tlii» House ncrordingly."

This thanksgiving was for the victory of Dnnhnr, 1 belii
By the wiiy, I will nssuro you of the leeitimnie descent of _.
New Endiind (ere loiig I hojte to say North AAicricitn) thub-
givings, from ibeir puritan prototypes ; witness the follawiiig e»
tract from t jKiem of Butler, wlnth, I doubt, even you have oat
read, entitled "Philivi Nye's Tlwnksgiving beard," in which iMi
distinguished divine, hiippening to be like his piiritaii brethren, ii
bad odour tvith friend Iludibras, is sadly quizzed. He

" Cotftd clfti) up muIj In Limbo with h rot*,
AikI fnr Inrlr (ttt liittbatfie, and lei Ihvm onl ;

•i lirilw btm uilb lb« jiUta

Vol- in.

The third volume begins, "Die MnrtJs 15° Oclobris HJSO."
Tlie following is extracted from the doings of " Die Veneris 25"
Oeiobris 1650. Resolved, lhat nil ibe bookes of the Uweik
putt into English, and ihnt nil writis process and returns ihered
and nil patients comniisMOiis iniiirtmeiits incjuisilions ri^riifinin
jiidgenifnls and proceedings in courts ol jo^tice within (lie
COinuion wealth of England, shall be in the English tongue ondj
and not in Lniine or firencb or any other language than Ui-
glish."«

• Wb»l w«.iM •,.>.•. •^\ tnmeiriii«kcdl1ie qti»linn, WheThcr thUtoiiid

that f'l'' '■''■■-■'■ ire wrr* lo lie Irnecd tn' n tmliticil m*MCf-

ment fur 1^ ' 1 nnionf;il irvvral miniir diviiioni of rpliiitHn

woli, wi<l< 1 ixilillcal miijarlly igalnil Ihe Preib}'lerliiu .'

TH ibtiiden Hoiiid noi be new, aor UDMpporled bjrabicBDdboiieit biBdiif

Ibatlime; tt yon will now lee.

" On Ibe 1Mb of A|iril IMI, in order snd det'inia (o tboliah all BMeinfAi
JVbrmaa Tyranny (a* ibey WBr« |ilcascd l« mII It) now that th« Ea^lih n>

LONG, LITTLE, &C. PARLIAMENTS. 337

"Die Mercurij 5° ffebruary 1650 it is ordered that the late
igs armes be taken down in all publick places in all citt)'es
rroughes and markett townes throughout the commonwealth of

n had obtained their natural freedom, they resolved to manumit the laws,
i restore them to their original languages ; which they did by this ensuing
iitional act ; and forthwith all or most of the law books were turned into
glish (according to the act a little before, for turning proceedings of law
> English) and the rest written afterwards in the same tongue; but so lit-
to the benefit of the people, that as good store of game is the country-
n's sorrow, so the multitude of solicitors and such like, brought a great
I of trouble to the commonwealth, not to speak of more injuries by which
1 most honourable profession of the law was profaned and vilified, as being
iscourse out of my sphere." •

*he additional statute follows, committing the examination and approval of

translations of the act, writs, &.c. to the Speaker, Commissioners of the
at Seal, Lord C. J. of the " Upper Bench," and of the Common Pleas. A
viso to this act allows '* the certifying beyond. seas any case or proceed-
s in the court of admiralty," may still " be certified in Latin as formerly."
ath, 287.

- It is not unworthy of observation likewise, that as this signal disaster to
PrtsbyUrians " (the defeat at Dunbar) " did very much raise the spirits of
•Independent grandees ; so did it incite them to give all possible eocoar-
ment to the rest of that party, and to all other sectaries, of whose help,
n occasion, they might stand in need. They therefore first passed an act,

September 1650], intituled an act for the relief of religious and peaceable
pie from the rigour of former acts of parliament j in matter of religion ;
9ngst which (hose of prima and 35° Elis. which concern the subjects obe-
at repairing to church, were repealed. And shortly after that, another act,

iNovemberJ whereby they directed all proceedings at law, scib, writs,
idings, patents, books of reports, and other law books to be in Eng-
." — Dugdale, .399. — See also Baxter to the same effect.
>omwt;ll having, on 3d September 1650, defeated at Dunbar the Scotch
rcnanters, (Presbyterians) :— " Now whs the time of the Independent Eccle-
4ical government: — for the parliament would no longer halt between two
nions. An act was now published for relief of religious and peaceable
>ple, from the rigour of former acts of parliament, whereby the compul-
e authority of presbytery and its appurtenances of lay elders, was quHe
lihilatcd, and the Separatists and Sectaries were the only church counte-
iced then in London ; who, to make themselves more considerable and in
teful acknowledgment to the parliament, raised one regiment of horse, and
Mher of foot," Ike. making in all ilirce of foot, and two of horse, 8000
n; the command of whom was given to Harrison. Heath, 275; (whose
fginal reference is *' lAbtrty of Co^'science enacted in England.*')
Notwithstanding this act of toleration, soon after a member cf Parliament,
3 had been also one of the king's judges, John Fry, was expelled the
se, and his book burnt, which was written against the Trinity, but more
ticularly against the divinity of Jesus Christ. Noble, Lives of the Rcgo-
■9, says Fry died in 1G50.
add one further extract for your reflection.

The instrument of government," delivered by Cromwell to his parliament
UlylC53, has the following provisions: — "That the Christian Religion,

is contained by Holy Scripture, should be the public profession of the
i>n ; and that those who are to have the care thereof, should have their
K>rt from the publick ; so that it be with some other more coovenieot
itenance, and less subject to envy than by tithes.
hat no man should be, by any fine or penalty whatsoever, forced to com-

brOL. II. THIRD SERIES. 43

■itfi

538

MS. JOURNALS OF THE

England and that the commonwealth arms be sett up in iD nek
places instead thereof/' inc.

This volume ends with ** Die Veneris 14^ fiebQ 1650," iA«{
the House adjourned to meet on Tuesday.

The water marks in this volume are the zany, &c. as m vot
ume II.

Vol. IV.

Volume 4th be§,ins '^Tuesday the 3d of June 1651,^ aj
hence it seems an hiatus exists from 15 February to June 3d. I
have not endeavoured to tracn the parliament day by k]
in order to ascertain the fact that no adjournment tookphei
for a part of tliis period ; but 1 contented myself with SoS^
one or two references to intermediate days. For example, ivm
important law regarding the translating of Icjral process into EogU
above referred to was passed on the 9th of April 1651. I fey
an entire volume is here wanting to complete the series; ndl,
will here notice also, that some pages have been torn from lb
close of the volume, which ends Thursday 28th August, 1651. '

One extract from this volume will suffice. *' Wednesday lb
27th of August 1 65 1 ." ^^ Resolved by the Parliament, that til k
records, together with the regalia and insignia taken in the casdetf
Sterling in Scotland, be brought into England and placed ro ik
tower of London." The castle surrendered on articles i
Monk, August 14. It contained ** the kinjg's royal robes, thecU
of state, and all the Scotch records." licalh, 301.

The wiWvs marks tire ihc zany, foolscap, &x'. as before in rol'
ume II.

I had hoped, in nolicina; this vohnne. to have eiven you the
proceedings of parlianuMU on the petition of Massachusetts, oc-
casioned by the prohibition of trade with Virginia, Barbadoes,
tc. ; but it could not readily be turned to.

Vol. V.

Volume 5th begins ** Mercurii IG^ Junij 1652. Prajerk
Resolved, that the former commiuee for the army be continued. *

ply with the said puhlick profession, otherwise than by persuasions and irg
ments.

That no m«n, professing faith in Christ, :»hon)(l l>e prohil)ited the exercise i
his own religion, so that he disturb not iiiiy other; but thnt neither popery
prelacy should be permitted (he least favour or license ; and tliat all hxn
the contrary should be void." Du^Jah*, 416.

LONG, LITTLE, &C. PARLIAMENTS. 339

"Veneris 9^ Die Julij 1652," after" a resolution offered for pull-
ing down cathedrals, it was moved, '* that the bells of such cathe-
dralls as the parliament shall think fitt to be pulled downe shall be
8pp]yed to tlie public use for makeing ordnance for shipping."

On "Tuesday the 31st of August 1652: Mr. Lowe reports
from the counsell of state a coppie of a letter from Richard J3ea-
nett Edmund Carew and Wm. Claibourue dated at Virginia J4tb
of May 1652 with the copy of the articles agreed on and con-
cluded at James Cittie in Virginia for the surrendering and settling
that plantation under the obedience and government of the Com-
monweahh of England which was this day read."

These articles of capitulation signed March 1^2, 1651-2, may
be found in Burk, &^c. Instead oi Carew however, Burk repeat-
edly gives the name Curtis.

** The humble petition from Cecill L#ord Baltamore and divers
adventurers planters and traders into that part of America called
Manrland adjoining to Virginia was this day read."

This volume ends with 17th September 1652. The water
marks are, throughout the volume, the zany, and the foolscap and
bells &c. as in volume IL The handwriting of this volume
dbaoges about August 27, and the new hand finishes the volume.

Vol. Vi.

Volume 6th oegins " Tuesday 21st September 1662." —
"Prayers. Ordered, that it be referred to the committee of the
aavy to consider of the salary allowed," &c.

On the 7th of December 1652, it was "resolved, that Henry
Stuart third sonne of the late king be removed from the plac6
rtere he now is in the Isle of Wight." — " Ordered, that it be re-
erred to the councill of state to send the said Henry Stuart ber
fond sea to such place and with such accommodations as they
shall thinke fitt."

On the 14th of December 1652, " Mr. Speaker by way of re-
K)rt acquaints the Parliament, that he had received a copie of a
eiler from the ffrench king dated at Paris the 2nd day of De-
ember 1652 in ffrench with a translation thereof which was this
«y read. The ffrench was superscribed thus, A nos ire chers
^ grands amis les gens du Parliament de la Republique D'an-
leterre."* i-

* Card. Mazarine, who bad lately retarned from eiile, notwitbstandinc the
(ttrtions uf the queen mother, sent Mens. Bourdeaui NeurlUe who deliver^
1 hit letters in England, on December 14th ''but th^,fuperscription not
Bing as fall and as ample as other princes were, they were retomed agftln

340 MS. JOURNALS OF THE

•

The letter was not received by tlie Parliament in consequeiiee
of the informal address, and the French minister was instructed
as to the proper style.

This volume ends with 23 December 1652. The hand-
writing of the volume changes about December 20th. Wate^
marks are the zany, foolscap, be. (as given in volume II,) tQ
October 26 ; then lollow arms of the commonwealth or of Crooh
well, a garter encircling a lion rampant, in whose paw is a bunch
of arrows ; and for a crest, a en wn ; of which you will 6nd a be
simile. Letters on the opposite leaf are P jB. These msa
marks alternate, at intervals, through the volume.

The proceedings from 28 October to 3 November are veij
voluminous.

Vol. VII.

Volume 7th begins with " Fryday 24 December 1662;" and
ends with Tuesday 19tli of April 1653.

Several leaves have been torn from the end of the volume.
This is particularly unfortunate, as the account of the breaking op
of the Long Parliament by Cromwell on the 20th is thereby ht
The address of a clerk must be very considerable who coold
invent. an unobjectionable entry of this catastrophe.*

December 24tli it was '* resolved, that no observation shall be
had of fQve and 20th day of December commonly called Christ-
mas day nor any soleninity used or exercised upon that day ia
respect tlicrcof."

Tiiu celebration of tlii.s day was a i];reat annoyance to ibe
Puritans, l)ul more [Kuticularly to tin.' rcpuhlicatts. Many at-
tempts to put it down were ninde l>y the irovernment ; yolevenin
1057, a cavalii,'!* a.^seujbly, nndcM' Kev. Dr. (iinniins, was broken
U]) \)\ the sohlicry under an ()rd(M' of Parliament.

In \(\^)i'u in a dehi.te in Parliament, on a hill for its suppression,
it is saivl, '' yon se(.' how the people keep up ihobC supcrstilious
observations to your face ; stricter in many places, than iht-y do
the Lord's Day. One may pass from the lower to Woitmin-
ster and not a shop open nor a creature stirring." 1 quote from

unbroken up to tlu; cinl»ns*;a(Ic)r, who liavirii; oHirrx hi/ him (as was suppo5€(J'l
preseiilcii tlu.-in ^liortly after; \vli'u;li were well rrtwivetl, anil an Hiiswet
proniisni to !>»• uilli all >|)«'r(l n'tiiriu.'d." Heath, XV2.

• Since writini: this niinark, I have loiiml, that Mr. f'cobel, the clerk of
Ihe Louij ParliauuMit, h;lt tlje dileniina I have .siipi;(;>te(l, and made tbe (ol-
lowinj; hn:onie, entry : — '• 20 April lt>r>3. Thi> (h»y, hia Kxcellency the l/iTi
Cieneral dissolved thi.> rarlianient/' for vvhieh in January irMD-ak^ lie was
trailed to th'' tiar and the i.'jitry ordered t(» In* expuinM-d. 2 Burl 4;7.

LONG,. LITTLE, &C. PARLL^MENTS* 341

Burton. Whether this were principally a political measure or the
efifect of religious feeling, heightened by the troubles, you may
decide.

Our Massachusetts legislature by law in 1651, as you will re-
^cbDect, imposed a fine of 5 shillings upon ^^ whosoever shall be
fcund observing any such day as Christmas or the like, either by
firiearing labour^ feasting, or any other iway upon any such
apoouDt,'* &c.*

January 5, 1652-3, ^'a Proclamation commanding all Jesuits,
Semioary Priests, and other Rdmish Priests to depart out of this
Commonwealth, was this day read."

This it seems was not then considered as conflicting with the
" liberty of Conscience " allowed by the law before referred to ;
but to me it seems more pointed than '^ George Fox digged out
of his burrow " by Roger Williams.

The water marks of this volume are the zany &c., as given
voL 2d, till March 15, when the royal arms appear for a few
pages ; the^zany then recurs, and the initials H. M. to the end.

* However grateful it may be to the generous feelings of one's heart to
commemorate this day, whether as the oirth of our Redeemer, or of the'
•CHirce of most of our temporal comforts and enjoyments, or both ; we may
j9/t admire the political sagacity, which, ascribing as a cause some useless,
yoiimpy pernicious customs and junketings, aimed to remove from the minda
of the pieople one of the most important and pleasing of their associations
with royalty, Christmas and its holydays, interwoven as they were with
•torch, parliament, courts of justice, universities, and schools.

I marvel that some persons have objected to this celebration, on the
noaod of doubt, whether the day (25 December) were the actual one of
Clulst's birth. On this point I have not troubled myself; it is near enough
iir my purpose. Time is a very subtle and uncertain non-entity to deal with-
d; anci the difficulty of securing to one's self even a birth-day, if first
hrooebt within its cognizance any where about 12 at night, must be encoun-
teraa by all who advert to the fact, that, do what we may, time gains upon
•i one day to the leap year.

I do not recollect to have ever heard of a refusal to honor the birth-day of
Waahlogton, or of our Nation, on the ground that the firing at day-break,
CO the SZd of February and 4th of July at Easlport, might, ifthey could be
heard at Oregon, break the slumbers of our Yankee brethren on the nights
•f the 21st of February and of the 3d of July.

Afain, serious doubts have been entertained about the true day for cele-
hratioethe landing at Plymouth, Strawberry Bank, and Naumkeag; and
pOMtbly a doubt may be invented regarding that of the first settlement of
BoatOD. Yet in the three first cases dinners have been given and eaten,
Jodge Davis, Mr. Haven, and Judge Story have delivered orations, the
memories of the Puritans Lc. have been honored and toasted ; and do yoa
doubt that the first settlement of our goodly city will, within the year 1830,
meet its desert.^

S42 MS. JOURNALS OF THE

Vol. VIII.

Volume eighth begins " Munday, 4lh of July, 1663 ''; and
ends with Wednesday, 26 October, 1 653.

From the end of this volume a large number of leaves have
been cut. The Journal should have closed with December 12^
1 653, being the day of the ostensibly voluntary surrender of its
powers into the hands of Cromwell of his first, or as Baxter says
it was called, " the Little," or as Coke and others say, ^^
bone's" Parliament ; by which four days after, viz. 16 Decem
ber, Cromwell from " Lord General " became " Lord Protector,'
under " the Instrument of Government." You may find an^a
count of the grand ceremonies of his Inauguration as Lord
tector, as also " the Instrument of Government," in Dugdale, 41
The latter provides for a triennial or more frequent Parliament c^f
*M00 elected according to an equal distribution": 30 each fc^T
Scotland and Ireland.

The entry on the 4th of July, 1 653, is as follows : " Severall
letters haveing issued under the hand and scale of the Lord Generaill
directed unto severall persons in tliis fibrme. Forasmuch as upoo
the dissolution of the late Parliament it became necessary that tti«

Eeace, safety, and good government of this Commonwealth dxiuld
e provided for, in order whereunto divers persons fearing God^'*
and of approved ffidelity and honesty are by myself with the ad-
vice of my Counsell of officers nominated to whom the great©
charge and trust of soe weighty affaires is to be Committed, and
haveing good assurance of the love to and courage for God aod
Interest of his Cause and of the good people of this Commoo*
wealth — I Oliver Cromwell Captaine Generall and Commander
in Chiefe of all the Armyes and fro;'ces raised and to be TBised
within this Commonwealth doe hereby summon and require you
— rbeinge one of the said persons nominated) personally to bee
and appear att the Counsell commonly knowne or called by tli0
name of the Counsell Chamber in Whitehall within the cittie of
Westminster upon the fourth day of July next ensueing the date
hereof then and there to take upon you the said tfust unto which
you are hereby called and appointed to serve as a member for

* Id accordance with this suggestion of CromweU, the Parliament on Tbun*
day, July 7th, << Resolved, that no person shall be employed or admitted
into the service of this House, but such as the House shall be fint satisfied of
his real godliness/' See 1 Burton's Diary, Introd. i, and Joanial of the £arf
of Leicester, p. 160.

LONG, LITTLE, &C. PARLIAMENTS. S43

iae County of and hereof ypu are not to fayle. Given

under roy band and seale the 6th day of June 1653 : —

O Cromwell.*

Tills day there was a great appearance of those persons to -
wbome the letters were directed in the Counsel! Chamber at
Whitehall where the Lord Grenerall Cromwell deblared unto
Aem the grounds and end of calling* them and delivered unto
Aem an Instrument in Writeing under his hand and seale and
riierwards left them."

On the next day, 5th, after prayers, Mr. Rous was called to
Ae cbair, and Mr. Henry Sioble [Scobel] appointed Clerk.
A Committee was appointed to request the personal attendance
of Cromwell, viz. Sir Anthony Ashley Cooper, Sir Gilbert Rck-
aigi Mr. Strickland, Col. Sydenham, Mr. Meyer, Mr. Carew,
Gd. Bennett, Col. Jones.

Sept. 20, 1653, " Resolved, that there be an offer of Hamp-
IDD Court to the Lord Generall in exchange for Newhall.**
•That Sr Anlh. Ashley Cooper doe tender this offer to the
Lord Greneral from this House." — (Who reported its acceptance
«D 26 Sept. 1 Burton, xi.)

t On Tuesday, 11 October, the Counsell of State reported

I mdrv abuses for correction, such as the publishing of seditious

llmpnlets, and setting forth one in particular, entitled, '^ A charge

if High Treason exhibited against Oliver Cromwell Esq. for sev-

ffiD Treasons by him committed." This is also verbatim, in

1 Burton, xii.

The water marks in this volume are, zany's head, foolscap, be.
IS before, in volume 2nd : initials are P B.

I here add a description of this, Barebone's Parliament.

"These were Anabaptists and Fifth-monarchy-men, Crom-
Ml believing them to be the properest instruments to do his
Journey-work, but was mistaken." He summoned 144, ^' which
«B 12 fold the number of the Tribes of Israel." " Their prate
m to make way for Christs monarchy upon Earth, which they
Were sure was at hand, now they were got together : Therefore
iey pronounced Priesthood to be Popery ; Paying of Tithes,
hamsm; the Laws of Eneland^ the remains oftKe Roman yoke;
Schools^ and Colleges, Heathenish Seminaries of curious and
•dm Learning ; and Nobility and Honour, contrary to the haw
•f stature and Christianity J*^ This is a pretty fair specimen of

'* I htve fomewhere foand it asserted, that Cromwell effected M«ck wilk
^ Irish by using only the initial of his christian name, beiag tfcerahy €••-
adered the head of the family, as O'Rourke, OXonnell, Le.

344 MS. JOURNALS OF THE

the style of historians of that day. It is quoted from 2 Coke's
Detect. 35. 40. In Uie same style Heath calls it "an Assembly,
o^ Trim-tram."

Vol. IX.

Volume 9th begins with the opening of Cromwell's second
Parliament, " on the third day of September, 1664 ; being the
day whereon the Parliament was by writt summoned to roeete,
the same being the Lords Day, divers members mett at the Abby
Church in Westminster att the sermons there and after the sei^
mon in the afternoone about foure of the clocke the^ came from
thence to the Parliament House to the number of about three
hundred, and after a while a Message was brought that his Hi^b-
nesse the Lord Protector was come to the Painted Chamber
and desired the presence of the Members who ttiereupon went
from the House to the Painted Chamber whether being come
His Highnesse standing bare upon a place erected for that pur-
pose declared to this effect — ^That this being the Lords day which
was not to be taken up in Ceremonys, His Highnesse desired
them to meet him at the Abby tomorrow at nine of the clock at
the sermon and from thence to come again unto the Painted
Chamber where hee would communicate unto them some things
which he held necessary for the good of the Common wealth
and soe the Members depaninge came again to the House and
adjourned till to morrow eight of the clock :

Mr. Gewen standing in his place and by general! consent the
House pronounceing the adjournement." *

This last sentence is verbatim that of the English Journals,
according to I Burton, xix.

The following day, Monday, 4 September, 1654, the House
met the Protector, who " made unto them a large narratioo
of the grounds of their being called." When the membeis
had returned to the House, exception was taken by two membas
that the Clerk (Scobel) and Sergeant came into the House be-
fore they were chosen, whereupon they withdrew ; and preseollf
after the Clerk was called in, and Wm. Lenthal, Master of the
Rolls, sitting in the chair as Speaker, informed him that he had
been chosen Clerk, and commanded him to come to bis place.

* It is suggested very naturally, that CromweU' s good fortune at Dunbar
on September 3, 1()50, and at Worcester on September 3, 1661, led him to
fix Hpon that day for the meeting of this Parliament ; but I doubt if he ad-
verted tQrthe fact, that it would come on Sunday. He died on September 3»
1658.

JLONG, LITTLE, &C. PARLIAMENTS. 345

doling to the Bar, he asked leave to speak, which being granted,
be " declared that he did not presume to come into the House
out of Ambition to that place but because it was his duty to bee
there and that before the House sate, nor did he seeke that place
at 6rst, but was called to it (as Mr. Speaker well knew) by a
command from that chaire when nothinge else could have
brought him thither — ^that tlie Parliament which called him
did by an Act of Parliament appoint and constitute him Clarke
>f the Parliament during his life and alsoe granted him a Patent
inder the great seal ; but neverthelesse if his right did not con-
ist with the service of the House bee shouW accept of an easy
isinission and did lay both the Act of Parliament and Patent at
leir ffeete. Whereupon the Speaker againe commanded. him
> come to his place, which he did."

These facts regarding Mr. Scobell (the Clerk) file, are al-
ided to, as in the English Journals, in 1 Burton, xx.

This volume ends 22 January, 1654-5, on which day Crom- »
^ell dissolved this, his second. Parliament.

The water marks in the volume are Commonwealth or Crom-
well's arms, viz. a shield within a double circle with a lion ram-
'ant holding arrows he. in his paw. The initial is the letter Q
reversed), transfixed by an arrow.

• Vol. X.

Volume 1 0th begins with " Tuesday the 25th of November
1666," and ends with "Tuesday 21 Aprill 1657.'' A volume
s probably lost between volumes 9 and 10 ; there being no jour-
iJaisin the New-York series, from September 17, 1656,* wl^en
Cromwell's third parliament met, to the above date, 25 Novem-
ber.

On 27 November, 1 656. " An Act that the passing of Bills
tell not determine this present Session of Parliament was this
% read a third time. Kesolved that instead of the word Assent

D the line of the Bill, the word Consent be inserted and so

be bill upon the question passed.

Resolved that the Lord Protector's consent be desired to this
fin," he.

The House, with the Speaker he., attended his Highness to-
*y, and presented the bills for his consent, which he gave in
© words, " W^ee doe consent " ; and a very strong evidence in
Vour of these Journals occurs in this fact, that in the list of Acts,
e 5th Act is left blank in the Journals at New York ; and I

* 2 Rapin, 696 ; 1 Burton, Introd. 146.
VOL. II. THIRD SERIES. 44

• < .

346 MS. JOURNALS OF THE

find the same blank in the Englisii Journals, as quoted 1 Burtooi
cxci.

" Fryday the 5th of December 1656, Resolved that on Wed-
nesday next this House be resolved into a Grand Coraraiitee of
the whole House on the Bill for uniteing Ireland into one Com^
monwealth with England." I find that a similar bill regarding
Scotland was under consideration about the same time; bi^^
neither psssed for some time after.

On 25 December, 1656 (Christmas day), " A Bill for abc^.
ishing and takeing away of fiestivall daies commonly called Holy,
dayes was this day read the first time and upon the questioo
ordered to be read the second time tomorrow morning."

The bill was deferred principally because it was tlmiight to
take '' away the Lords day, for in the Bill the festival of Easter
and Pentecost are abolished." 1 Burton, 330. See ante, Vol. i
7, December 24, 1652.

On Monday, 19 January, 1656-7, "Mr. Secretary made a
Relation of a wicked Designe to take away the Lord rrotecttw
life and 'o ffire Whitehall and presented the examinations of
John Cecill and John Toope upon oath taken before ffinncis
White and William Jessop Esors. two of his Highnesses Justioei
of the Peace for the liberty of^ Westminster which were read."*
Other relations on the same subject having been made, the House
appointed Friday 13 February to be a clay for " publique thanks-
giving to God for this discovery and greate deliverance."

On Saturday, January 31, the day was altered to February
20ih.

On Wedncpday, the 18d), the Protector, by the Speaker, io'
vited the House to dine with him in the Banqueting House,
Whitehall, on Thanksgiving day, the 20th. I

Through March and April the time of the House was priDci*
pally occu|)iod in preparing " The Humble Petition and Advice.**
On the 25 March it was resolved, by a vote of 123 yeas "who
went forth," to 62 " noes," to introduce the following clause,
"That your Highnesse will be pleassd to assume the Name

* ThU passage is verbatim in 1 Burton, 256, preceded by tliese woidi;
" Mr. Secretary's report thus entered in the Clerk's book/* Someoflbt
particulars of this affair may be found in the same volume.

Sir Gilbert Pickering objected to its being ** deferred so long, for ire give
way for another plot before the appointed day come." Id. 35S.

** Mr. Church moved that Mr. Meade might preach for one, and ibst
charity might be better observed than when the fast was last kept in tbe
House. Nothing was given at the door to the poor." Id. 3d9, 360.

In 1640, members di:)turbing the House paid 1 shilling, one half for tbe
poor. In 1643, members coming in after 9 o'clock paid 1 shilliog to tbe
\Hior. On fast-day, January 27th, 1657, Parliament voted and made ■ ^''
lection for the poor. 2 Burton, 373.

LONG, LITTLE, &C. PARLIAMENTS. 347

Stflb Title Dignity and Office of King of England Scotland and
Iidaod and the respective dominions and Territoryes thereunto
klooginge and to exercise the same accordinge to the lawes of
ikese oatioos." The words are identical with those quoted in
|i Barton, 393. Cromwell had been petitioned by some coun-
tim to become king as early as 16i55.

''\ This celebrated paper was brought into Parliament by Sir
Christ. Pack, Feb. 23d, witli the title of '^ The Humble Address
wl Remonstrance '' &c , and on the 26 March, P. M., Lord
ipiuef Justice Glyn reported in the place of the words ^^ Address
ftod Remonstrance," be inserted " Petition and Advice."
Tou will smile at the following motion of Lprd Commissioner
who reported a clause to be added on 23 March, 1657,
I none may be suffered or permitted i by opprobrious words
writing, maliciously or contemptuously to revile or reproach
Confession of Failh, to be agreed upon by His [lighness."
393.) The whole instrument may oe found in Wbitelock.
On tlie 29 March a large Committee was appointed to acquaint
Highnesse that the House desired to attend him on business
rtance. He appointed Tuesday the 3ist, and then re-
" the Petition and Advice." April 3d he addressed a
to the House, and a Committee was in consequence ap-
;ed to wait on him. Qn Saturday, April 4th, the House
I to adhere to their Petition and Advice. On April 7th,
House appointed a Commiuee of 51 members to urge their
s on the Protector. By Cromwell's appointment, he met
the next day, and delivered an Address. On the 9th of
a Commiuee of 99 was appointed to listen to Crom-
*s doubts, who had several conferences with him ; till Tuesh
, 21 April, 1657 (the last day in this volume), Lord White-
reported tjiat his " Highnesse was yesterday pleased to
something to what had been ofTerd formerly and bad a
wherein bee said were containd some other things which
fcad to offer to the Comm'*® &tc." and begged furtlier time,
was granted.

8 is nearly verbatim with 2 Burton, 7.
The water mark in this volume is the lion rampant with arrows
and no other ; being the same that I have called Comnion-
or Cromwell's arms.

Vol. XI.

Votuine 11th begins "Wednesday 22 of Aprill 1657," and
ids with ^'Munday 15 June post meridiem."
On 23 April the Protector's doubts of accepting the Crown

were read; tnd on Tuesday, 12 May, " Mr. Spraker

to former order Reports his lli^hnesso spcpc)) on ffridtir last u

ihe HotiW! at WliitrlmU upon the ilunibie Priilinn nnd' Adric*

Csenicd ualo him by the Parliaiaent " ; which u recorded tt
glh, and in which ho declines to accept (he tillo of Kine. Tba
style and tiile having, on 22 May. been nliercd, from Kinc ta
Protector, the Houite met the Protector on Monday, the 2i May,
and he ihen consented to act under the Peliuon and Adiice.
His speech, nficr having lliiis consented, a n^rted by tbt
Speaker to the Houw on Tuevday, 2<t May, IC57.

These facts a^ree with Burton, Lmillow, &c.

The water marks in this volume are Conimonrfealih or Croo-
welt's arms, as heretofore de^fcnbcd, viz. ibo Iion rampant, »ilb
trrons iic. In this volume and the next, the falchion or unil
crooked sword, in one of the lion's paws, is nuite obvious. Thai
Bpiwors to be somclhing ii)>on ihc hon's bead ; 1 dare not call it
B craivn. The diameter of the exterior rim of the disk is ibiM
2^ inches. See fac simile, ai the end.

from June 8ih to the end of the volume the water niub,
change, and ihoiigli very intlisiinet, aj^ear to be the royal arms,
somewhat difiering from any others in these volunies ; but tbe
marks are so indistinct, as not to admit of being traced.

Several pages are torn from the end of this volume.

Vol. XII.

' . ■ 1

The l2thvofume begins Tuesday, 16 June, 1687, tod endi
ivilb " Jovis 4° die February J 657."

The early part of the volume relates principally to the eiciai,
JEc. On 23 June a Committee was appointed to draft an oaifa
to be taken by the Lord Protector. The form waa repmled B
the House on the 24th, by the Lord Chief Justice (Gljm],
which after being amended was adopted.

On 25 June tlic house ordered, that " there be a purple
robe Lyned with Ermyne — a Bible — a Sceplre, and a Sword
provided for the investment of the" Lord Protector."*

Amongst the last resolves was one for publishing Henry ScobelTs
Acts itc. of the Parliament, begun jn 1640. Another for reviv-
ing (lie readings in the Inns of Courts, tic. 2 Burton. 343.

■ In debate on Ihe day pravioai (according to 2 BariDo, 803), Mr. Liilcr 1
Mjl, "Hi* Highneu hai a iword alreadj. 1 iconld have him prcMBledwHt j
■ robe. Some undentooJ it' a rope, and it caaied ottuM riitoH. He nil
ha (poke u plain ai he could, a robe."

LONG, LITTLE, &C. PARLIAMENTS. 349

Ob ^'fiiyday,'' 36 June, the House adjourned to 20 Jan. 1657-8/
OQ which day it met and elected John Smith (or Smythe), Esq., to
be Clerk of the House. No list of members of the House is given
lo' the Journals, but the commissioners and officers are named.
With the new Clerk, the Latin dates are resumed, this meeting
bq;»nning " Mercurij 20<^ Januarij 1657." On " Jovis 21^ Die
Jtmiarij," the Speaker reports the Protector's opening speech, in
which allusion is made to ^' puritans of the nation," ^' who were
forced to fly for Holland, New-England, and almost any whither,
to find liberty for their consciences."

The following order w^s passed on " Veneris 22^ Januarij,"
^ That Mr. Shobell (Scobell) be sent unto to deliver the JournaU
Books, Records and Writings that belong to this House, to Mr.
Smith the Gierke of this House and that he be required to de-
lirer them unto him accordingly, and that they be disposed of in
the roome over this house."

The Lord Commissioner ffines' (or Fiennes') speech to the
Two Houses f (the new Lords' House being now created) as
Mr. Delafield remarks, is very singular, comparing them " to
I^eah and Rachel." It occupies 59 pages of the Journals, in
one continued strain of allegory .|

Henry Scobell, the old Clerk, refused to deliver the Journals
to the new Clerk (Smith), on the ground mentioned before fsee
ante, September 4, 1654), that he had been appointed for life.
On 26 January, 1657-8, a Committee was appointed to make
•n inventory of the Journals and papers in Scobell's possession,
and to examine the Journals ana see that the orders and pro-
ceedings of the House are truly entered, &,c.

The watermarks in this volume arc precisely those of vol. 11.

Did you recollect that tliere was a proposition in Parliament
for an Assembly of Divines in 1658 ? In a debate on this point,
.January 21, Major Beake says : ^' The gentleman that spoke last,
said, that morality was as religious as divinity. If he mean that
morality) in its kind, is as good, I shall agree : otherwise, it is
aoroewhat heterodox." 2 Burton, 333.

^ The day of the grand ceremony of inaugurating Cromwell as Lord Pro*
tector. 2 Rapin, 597.

t This title ** House of Lords," though Cromwell in his speech addressed
" My Lords and Gentlemen/* yet did not f^lease some members. On January
22d, Mr. Harvey says, We cannot allow of a Toessage from such an authority
as a House of Lords. I am one of the pott niUi, 1 find three rubs upon
me why I cannot consent to call them by that title ; 1. The Engagement;
2. The oath lately taken ; 3. The Act of Pailiament to abolish them. The
2d article of the Humble Petition and Advice provides, that a Parliament of
two Houses should be called every year.

X Mr. Rutt, in his note to Burton, notices this singular perfonnaoce of a
cBstingoished lawyer.

360 MS. JOURNALS OF THE

I win here add a few passages from other sources to connect
the present with the following volume.

On the 4 February, 1657-8, Cromwell dissolved tlie ParUa-
ment in the midst of debate ' about the appellation of the other
Hxmsey viz. the House of Lords. In his speech he accuses them
of making the petition and advice ; and creating him Lord Pro-
tector who ^' never sought it ; " and tlien abandoning both it and
him ; and he even charges some of its members with enlisting
soldiers for an insurrection in favour of Charles Stuart. He
closed by saying, '^ I think it high time that an end be put unto
your sitting, and 1 do dissolve this Parliament : and let Grod
judge between me and you," — ^" at which," adds Mr. Rutt,
" many of the Commons cried, Amen."

This speech is in 2 Rapin, 598, and also in Burton.

No Parliament was held from the above date till 27 January,
1658-9.

On the 3d of September, 1658, '^ a day consecrated by the
trophies of Dunbar and Worcester to Cromwell's military fame,
his thoughts perished, his mighty purposes were broken ofil"
Mr, Rutt says, " the tolerant spirit of ihe Protector's government,,
on every question unconnected with civil authority, and this uni-
formly discovered, amidst the evil examples of an intolerant age,
may seem almost to atone for the wrongs of his usurpation."
Many on this side the Atlantic might be quite v/illing to change
this " almost " to altogether. See 2 Burton, 279.

One of tlie most interesting and most impartial accounts
Cromwell, of his motives, he. is, after all, to be found i
Maidston's letter to my ancestor. Governor Wintlirop, in March,
1659-60 ; a copy from the original of which, you recollect, we
inserted in the last volume of the Collections, correcting some
mistakes made by Birch in transcribing from the same original
for the Thurloe State Papers.

The grand ceremonial of his burial is contained in the Ap^
dix to 2 Burton. Cromwell was buried in effigy. In the list
those who aUended his funeral, 1 observe *' Mr. John Milton,
Mr. John Hampden, and Mr. Francis Bacon."

Vol. XIII. I '

0!'

, '

-I

Volume 13th begins with Thursday, 27 January, 1658-9,
being the day on which Richard had summoned his first parlia-
ment to meet [2 Rapin, 603] ; and ends with Friday, 22 Aprils
1659, on which day the Parliament was dissolved by Proclama-
tion of Richard Cromwell, Lord Protector.

LONG, LITTLE, &C. PAELIAMENTS. 361

Coke, after saying that " ThU and Hoiker house met, when
lUv House fell at variance with Mother HousCj by what right they
sat there," mentions [2 Detection, 73] the dissolution thus, " that
fipoo the 22 April they [the Republican officers] beset White-
ball, and sent Desborough and Fleetwood to beseech him [Rich*
ard] to dissolve the Parliament ; and if 'twere not speedily done,
they would set fire to the House, and kill all who should resist ;
which so frightened Richard, that he forthwith signs a Procl»-
matbn for dissolving the Parliament ; " and to his own power
also.*

On the 14 February, 1658-9, according to our Journals, the
Act of Recognition having been under consideration during the
day, it was at length '^ Resolved that it be part of this Bill to
recognise and declare his Highness Richard Lord Protector, to
be the Lord Protector and Chiefe Magistrate," &c. &c. This
passage is verbatim, in 3 Burton, 287. Heath mistakes, I be-
lieve, the date, giving it as '' Saturday the 19th." Pray notice
the language of the Resolve : Was its singularity occasioned by
the disputes, whether Oliver should be allowed to transmit bis
powers either by descent, or by nomination of a successor ?

Iq the month of April the jealousy between the two Houses
becomes very obvious in these Journals. The Commons, says
Heath, 414, ^^ resolved not to own them in the other .House as
Lords, but called them. The persons now siuing in the other
House of Parliament ; neither would they treat and confer with
them in the usual way as with the House of Peers, and therefore
found out the new word of Transacting,^^

On " Friday the 15 Aprill 1659," the House was informed of
the death of Mr. Chaloner Chute, who at the first meeting of
Parliament had been chosen Speaker. Heath says he died " in
the heat of business," " a man fit in every respect for die Chair."
Whitelock gives the same character. The House appointed Mr.
Thomas Bampfield to succeed him ; in which Burton agrees.

On the 16 April, 1659, the* Quakers presented a petidon,
tb which the House replied with a rebuke, requiring them to
resort forthwith to their habitations, and apply them^lves to their
callings, ^' and submit themselves, adds Burton, iv. 445, to the laws
of the nation, and the magistracy they live under." The parties
presenting the petition were ordered, say our Journals, to take
off their hats before they entered the House.

^ The principal causes auifcned for his losing the latter (t^ngh I incline
to attribute it to many others united), was, that he appointed cavaliers in-
stead ot roundheads to office ; and was so irreligious as to avow, he would
trust '' Dick Ingolsby, who could neither preach nor pray."

352 MS. JOURNALS OF THE

Some of the Quakers of that period, whether from opposition
or other cause, seem to have differed entirely from our modem
Friends, whose peaceful habits are proverbial. There can be
litde doubt, from the best authorities, Baxter, Whitelock, &cc &c.,
that the Quakers of that day deliberately disturbed the congre-
gations in their worship. A Quaker was arrested at the door
of the House of Commons, three or four years before this timei
for usin^ his sword too freely. In New-England there was ao
important reason for severity against Quakers, that did not exisi
in England. I refer to the absolute necessity of every man, and
even woman, being compelled to do a share in the protection of the
country against the Indians. I would not willingly have exposed
(without some check) a descendant of " Maj. Savage/' to the
temptation of becoming a Quaker, or lugging a heav}*- musket
of that day near one of our outposts, as a regular minute man.

The water marks in this volume are like those in the last, viz.
a double circle, enclosing an escutqheon with the lion rampant,
with arrows in his lower, and a drawn sword or falchion in his
upper paw, as before described.

And here, dear Savage, [ part with my friend Burton, with
whom, though I have not always agreed, yet have I never once
disagreed in our not unfrequent meetings since July 1653, as a
comparison with these extracts from our Journals nvill betoken.
Like the old year we are putting off, he is to be laid upon the
shelf, and anotlier new friend greeted, because more useful.

Vol. XIV.

The next volume of the New Yovk Journals, which I will call
the 14th, does not begin till Tuesday, 10 July, 1660 ; it ends
with Thursday, 13 September, 1660. Many leaves have beeo
also cut from the end of this volume. A volume must be here
missing in the series, and probably from folio b02 to folio 481 of
another volume. The period gone between vols. 13 and 14 is
a year and a quarter, from April 22, 1659, to July 10, 1660.

" Oliver Cromwell's death was followed by so many alterations
in the Government," says Rapin, " that the interval between that
and the Restoration, may be justly called a time of true Anarchy.^
Of this, though in volume 13th I have given some evidence, I
shall considerately attempt neither description nor analysis ; and,
before notic'ypg the contents of this 14th volume of the Journal,
shall cast a glance only ^t a few prominent events, showing the
Journals missing ; and this I do, that, by my means, they may
not be bootlessly sought in this series.

LONG, LITTLE, &C. PARLIAMENTS. 363

The members of the Long Parliament, with some exceptions,

wiet, by invitation of the council of officers, May 7, 1659, to the

tiumber of 42 ; being only half the number of the House in

' 1648, when the Presbyterians were expelled : " Hence they

were called in derision the Rump-Parliament, in allusion to a

ibwl all devoured but the Rump.'' This Parliament was inter^

nipied by the army on 13 Oct. 1659. The "Juncto-men or

Rumpers " were permitted to reassemble on 26 December ; and

Parliament existed till it dissolved itself on 16 iMarch, 1659-60.

A new Parliament of two houses assembled on 25 April, 1660,

and continued to sit till prorogued on the 13th September (on

w^hich this 14ih volume ends), to November 6, 1660. Of the

Journals of this long and very interesting period, the portion

from July 10 to September 13, is all that remains in our series.

From this review of the sessions, it appears that the Journals
"^^anting are those of the amusing and distracted courses pursued
*^y Parliament until the " Anarcliy ; " and through Monk's con-
founding (and qu. confounded) duplicity (which won forjiim the
^tle, amongst others, of " Baron Potherige, his own patrimony ")
^^ the restoration in May, 1660; dnd thence onward through a
P9rt of the sickening effeminacy and fawning flattery to the king
(partially, let us hope, the natural effect of the subsidence of the
?^orni), whose character was such, as that an intelligent friend
*^ compliment should say of him, " that he was no Atheist,"
^ho governed himself by the dogma, "that there was neither
^^ncerity nor chastity in the world out of principle." Periods of
^is kind are, after aU, revolting to one's feelings. Hundreds of
■-K>ddingtons are ready with each a j/alinodia (to which Cicero
&ves the epitlict subturpicula, which permit me to render ihoro^^
^fise) ; few, however, leave a diary to condefnn them ; and still
fewer excuse themselves by an aim as lofty.

On 20 July, 1 660, the House of Lords (which, after having
been " useless" for 10 years, had been restored on 25 April of
4is year) by message requested the Commons " to send the In-
strument under the hands and seals of those persons who gave
•Judgement against the King, and other evidences touching that
'liaiter : " they were carried, add the Journals, by Mr. Hollis.

On 4 August, 1660, a bill for reducing the rate of interest to
" per cent, was read the first time.

August was occupied in settling the " Act of Oblivion " or In-

J^Grnnity, and die confirmation of laws and liberties. Many and

long conferences took place regarding the Act of Oblivion, as

'JPpears by the Journals. Rapin (ii. 620) corroborates the above

*^gs in August.

Vol. iu third series. 45

354 MS. JOURNALS OF THE

On Saturday, 18 August, the House ordered, ^' that the clerke
of the House doe safcfly keepe in his own Custody the warrant
for execuc-on of the late King, and that he doe not deliver the
same out of his hands to any person whatsoever."

On Saturday, 25 August, 1660, a long conference betweea
the Houses is entered at length, in which they seemed to agre^
as to the attainder of Cromwell, Bradshaw, Ireion, Pride, fa^^
(who were dead) ; but differed as to Axtell, Vane, Lambert
and Haselrigg. On this day the Sergeant at Arms was orderoi/
to deliver to the Lieutenant of the Tower " soe many t»f the
Judges of the late Kings Majestie as being committed to his
custody, he can this afternoon come by, and the rest on Wed- •
nesday."

All the rest of the Journal of this day and so forth to the 28tb
August, being from folio 809 to 816 inclusive, has been cut out
by a sharp instrument.

With the close of this volume, 13 September, 1660, the House
adjourned themselves for a recess, to 6 November.

The water- marks in this volume are the royal arms of England
on a shield, supported by the lion and unicorn, looking like two
lions, and surmounted by a crown &^., as heretofore.

Vol. XV.

I am inclined to think a whole volume is here gone between
vols. 14 and 15.* From the dose of the for trier you perceive lo
adjournment took place to 6 November ; on which day Parlii-
ment came together, nor was it dissolved till 29 December 5 the
king in his speech then saying (what we. may not gainsay), " that
this Parliament should be called to all posterity. The Healing wi
the Blessed Parliament,^^ This 1 5th volume begins with the '
new "Pensionary Parliament," 8 Mav, 1661.

In diis period, as for a long time aUerwards, alarms and insH^
rections were common. *' Clarendon, whose views were na^
rowed," says Dalrymple (I. 26) " by his profession, and wh(8e
mind was weakened by his fears, spread rumours of plots «A
insurrections incessantly in Parliament and in the nation ; tht0
throwing a gloom over the Commonweal, through excess of
attention to its welfare, and keeping the memory of divisions
alive, which should have been heard of only in their effects. Even
from the silence of party, he derived proofs of sedition : Novum
seditionis genus (said he, from Livy) silentium otiumque inter
cives." Hence " all the gaols in the kingdom were fiM-
'* Mobs were swelled into insurrections." Amongst the tenants 01

•j

LONG, LITTLE, &G. FAKLIAHKNTS. 36fi

fomier, and the leaders of ihe latter, you recollect, was
enner, a New-EDgland cooper, at the head of a rabble. I
jld liave called them " (continues Archbishop Parker, p- 1 1 )
;w monsters of fanaticism, had not Africa formerly brought
hits Circumcellions, and Germany in the last age swarmed witll
ibapiisis." Venner had been concerned in an insurrection in
i7, which you also recollect is mentioned in our last voluma
Hooke's letter. On this occasion his insurrection with the
h-Monarchists and Anabaptists, in January 16GI, pro-
ed the mischievous act for the suppression " of all conventi-
i;" and the attention of Parliament was also called to it by
speech of Clarendon : yet in corroboration Af the above re-
k from Dalrymple, Archbishop Parker speaks of " Venner's
Iness " with " a rabble of 40 enihuaasts, which arose and
lired almost the same day within the city of London."
3ut let us return to our Jonrnais : — The 1 5th volume begins
i: " Parliamentum inceptum et tenlum apud Civiiaieni West
luster die Mercurii octavo soil' die Maij Anno Regni D— ni
-fi Caroli Secunai del Gratia AngliE Scotise ffi'anciie et
•emix Regis ffidel defensoris et Decimo tertio Annoque D — ni :
il." The volume ends "Martis 30 die Julij, 1661."
Uter prayers, on 8 May, 1661, and the form of qualifying
nbers &lc., the king's speech is given iti full, including his
IP. to have a wife, and his determination to marry the daugh-
of Portugal. The king alludes to the " many overtures that

been made (o him." The Lord Chancellor's long speech
)ws, givinE; a view of the past and present, and an inkling of
future. The Speaker's address and the Chancellor's reply
also inserted at length.
b " Martis 1 4 Die Mnij 1 661," a Committee was appointed

looke into all the Journalls of the Long Parliament since his
Majestie departed from London till the dissolution thereof,
make report of what they shnll thinke fitt to he expunged
eout as treasonable and scandalous to his Majestie and to his
al father of blessed Memory." " That they likewise search
le sevcrall Courts of Justice whether the Traitorous writing
id the Instrument of Government be there remaining, and
diey report ho'w they find the same."

The Engagement," according to Heath, had been ordered
le expunged from the Journals in Marcb, 1659—60. And
■in says, every thing inconsistent with government by King,
ds, and ComnioDs, was ordered to be expunged the Journals
Y in 1 660.

'q " Sabb'' 23° J u nil 1661," the Speaker received a letter
I the king, addressed " To our trusty and well beloved S'

356 MS. JOURNALS OF THE

Edward Turner — Charles Rex." This contained a severe re-
buke for the tardy fulfilment of his desires regarding the passage
of the Act of Indemnity. The bill was passed immediately alter
the letter was read ; and the House returned humble thanks for
his majesty's " gracious letter."

A part of this letter I find in 1 Chandler, 38. Rapin faas^
I believe, mistaken in giving this date the 2d instead of the 22c\
of June; the day of tlie week, by comparison, is conclusive
against him. ,

On 29 June, according to the New York Journals, the ward^^j
of the fBete prison and the Sergeant at Arms were ordered to
bring to the bar, on the Monday following. Lord Monson, Sir
Henry Mildmay, and Robert Wallop, three of his late Majesty's
pretended judges. A bill was ordered to deprive them of their
honours and tides ; and that they be drawn from the Tower of
London upon sledges and hurdles through the streets or highway,
to and under the gallowes and Tiburne with ropes about their
xieckes and from thence to be conveyed backe to the Tower
there to remaine prisoners during their lives. Sir James Har-
rington (of the Oceana) is also mentioned in the order. It was
further ordered, that the same bill should contain a clause for
the execution of the 19 traitors in the Tower convicted and con-
demned. Harrington and John Phelps (one of the clerks of the
High Court) are ordered to be arrested. The Attorney General
was ordered to proceed at law against Sir Henry Vane and Joho
Lambert, and to prepare the evidence against Sir Arthur Hasel^
rigg, &Z.C. &c.

It is rather odd that Pepys (vol. i. 130) makes the executior*
of this order to have taken place on 27 January, 1661, "thi^
being the day of their seiUencing the king ; " whilst Chandler
(i. 42) and others agree in 30 January.

There is an Alphabetical Index of Matters in this volume at
the close of Veneris 21 Junij ; and a similar In(^ex of the i^
mainder of the volume at the end.

The water mark, of which a fac simile is hereafter given, is •
the royal arms in an escutcheon, surmounted by the crown, and
supported by the lion and unicorn (or two lions) ; a column passes
through the centre of the shield, with three crosses of St. Andrew
upon it, to support the crown.

" Lunre 20 Die Maij 1661." The letter from the (estates of)
Parliament in Scotland, addressed to his " most sacred and ex-
cellent Majestic " is entered in full.

On 27 RIaij it was Resolved, nemine contradicente, "that the
traitorous cursed writeing in parchment called an Act of the
Commons assembled in Parliament for the erecting an high Court

LONG, LITTLE, &C. PARLIAMENTS. 357

i Justice for trying and judging Charles Stuart be burned on
Tuesday morning, being the 28 of May instant, in Westminster
hdl by the hands of the common hangman," &^. &^. ; the fol-
fawiog instruments to be burned at the same time :

Act constituting the people of England to be a Commonwealth.

Act for subscribing the Engament.

Act for renouncing and disannulling the Pretender's title of
Charles Stuart.

Act for securing of his highnesse the Lord Protector's person,
fcc. &c.

So the Journals. Rapin (ii. 626) makes this to have taken
^ oa the 23d; but Noble (xliii) and Chandler (1 Hist, of
House of Commons, 38) agree in 28 May.
' 1 cannot well refrain from giving the following'text and com-
■ent, without adding either the one or the other from my own
toasts.

"The House (says 1 Chand. Hist, of Commons, 37, 38)
fnt ordered all their* members to take the Sacrament according
to die prescribed Liturgy, on pain of Expulsion ; and then, in
CQiganction widi the Lords, on 20th of May (1661) ordered
iht the Instrument of writing that had caused so much mischief,
Called The Solemn League and Covenant, should be burnt by
iie hand of the common hangman," &cc.

Vol. XVI.

I come now to the last volume of the MS. Journals, which
will be called the 16th, for convenience of reference ; though the
interval between it and volume 15th is nearly sixteen years, the
Ibrmer ending in 1661, «nd tliis beginning in 1676-7. This
period is much too long to admit of a glapce ^t the principal
occurrences, and thus to connect the volumes. Two passages
fcom Dr. Welwood may serve to characterise these occurrences.
Of Charles II. the Dr. says, " No age produced a greater mas-
rier in the art of dissimulation ; and yet no man was less upon
, Ki guard, or sooner deceived in the sincerity of others. If he
kd any one fixed tnaxiin of government, it was to play one party
igainst another, to be thereby more master of both; and no
' Prince ever understood better how to shift hands upon every
change of the scene." And again, " The rest of that reign was
ooe continued invasion upon the, rights of the people, and the
nation seemed unwilling now to contend for them any more."
. After givmg you these extracts, I do not hesitate, without more
3do, to pass this long interstice at a single stride, leaving un-

Am^

.HatxicDd evGiy thing of temporary as well as permanent impnt
. mce, HOT even stopping to renew the bold and successful nafr'
BDce of Ncw-Eri^land to the attempt of Charles II. lo impon
taxes ; nor to examine whiit Time, the great revealer of socreu,
has developed, liic dark intrigues of a siDgle " Cabal," nhefbet
here or in England.

Tbti period embraced in this ICth volume is in tlto loidu of

the Parliamentary histories, which render die facts it coDtaiDs ijidic

accessible ; nor is any very strong motive evident, that should

induce Chandler, Timberland, &ic. 10 give tlie.ie fans & f^

I ooiourinc. Hence, though a republican, (you will not admit tbt

. epiUiet Laconic !) 1 shall BESTBiDt: the period of this volume, n

1 just now did liie greut chasm, altogether Cavalicrig.

L^ The ICth volume, then, begins wliii a pan of the proceeding

'Baf li FebruaiT, 1676-7, being the day on nhicli opened tbt

Pl^Sth session of the second Pnrliamcot of Charles II., ibe fitt

less'on of which, we have already seen, began on 8 May, IGCl,

The ♦volume cuds with " Martis 16 die Jsnuarij 1677-8;" «

which day, according to Chandler, Parliament met by summooi,

but the House was again adjourned by the king to ila- 28ib of

the same monUi.

The first four pages have been torn from the volume.
The Parliament, as ap)>e3rs from Chandler and Coke, wcPt
prorogued November, 1675, nearly fifteen months before, in con-
sequence of a ''broil" between the House of Commons and ibe
Lords, arising out of an appeal from the Court of Chancery lo
the latter against one Fa gg, then a member of the House of Com-
mons, llic Ilousfi having voted, that it was a hreach ol prl\n-
lege, iic. Yet, according to these Journals, on S3 February,
1676-7, there was under consideration a report of a Committee
on the Court of Chancery, as being grievous lo the subject.

On 10 Martjj, there is entered in the Journals the address of
the House to the king, representing the dangerous power of
France, and the fears of the people arising therefrom. And I
find a part of this address accordingly in Chandler.

The long prorogation from 1675 to 1676-7 produced, as you
may recollect, the commitment by the House of Lords of Buck-
ingham, Shaftesbury, Salisbury, and Wharton for contemptof die
authority of Parliament, the first of them havir^ contended, that
the Act of 36 Ed. HI. providing for an annual Parliament having
been violated, the Parliament Was dissolv(!d.

Between the date of the beginning and that of the end of this
16th volume, Parliament was repeatedly adjourned.

On 16 April, 1677, it was adjourned to 21 May ; on the 36
May to 16 July, but without meeting, was pror<^uea to 3 DeceiB-

MS. JOURNALS or THK

LONG, LITTLE, &C. PARLIAMENTS.

969

* hetf and thence, also without meeting, to April, 1678, but the
' tkiDg called them together on 15 January, 1677-8, and then ad-
' joumed the House, as we have seen, to 28 January. The
"* adjournment on 28 May is remarkable ; the Speaker having
*^ afBrmed that, after the king's pleasure was signified for an ad-
. journment, there was no liberty of speech ; " " without any ques-
tion put, of his own motion, pronounced the House adjourned."

The water marks in this volume are various ; the zany, the
royal arms, &c., with, in some cases, the iniuals H C, and in
others I D. The latter part of the volume has a rose or '' double
quartre foil," as a water mark.

A description of the general appearance of these
volumes may enable you to form a judgment of their
authenticity, and perhaps of their origin.

The whole number of them, as you have seen, is
sixteen. They are, according to Mr. Delafield, bound
with very thick pasteboard, covered with sheepskin,
now of dark brown, with black spots. Between the
five ribs of the back are the embellishments and crest,
though these are not upon all the volumes. Timie
has destroyed the gilding, leaving its traces somewhat
distinct.

The label on the back
of one volume is thus :

COMMONS

lOVRNAL.

1650.

on a red field.

in gold letters ; and Mr. Delafield implies, tliat they
are all alike, excepting the three last. Of these he
says the binding is different from the first thirteen :
there is not a dove nor a coronet on the back of vol. 14,
nor any number other than 1660.

With regard to the periods bound up in a volume,
you will have observed in one case, in 1650, that a dif-
ference exists between the Journals in England and
those in New York. Whether this difference contin-
ues through the scries, I have not learned.

There are no original numbers stamped on these
volumes ; the distinguishing mark being the year. Num-

360 MS. JOURNALS OF THE

bers have been pasted upon them since ; but when this
took place I am not informed. The date might lead
to the knowledge of how many the series consisted
since its arrival here ; and possibly to the recovery of
missing volumes.

The edges of the paper have not been cut smooth,
in binding some of the earlier volumes ; but are left i^
the rough state.

The volumes are a little more than a foot in lengtl^ •
and within, margins of about an inch on each of tbi«
4 sides of a page are ruled off with red ink.

Some of the volumes are regularly paged : e. g.
the last page of volume 13 is numbered 302 ; arid
the first page of volume 14 is numbered 481. So of
volume 14, pages 809 to 816 are cut out ; and in
volume 15 the pages from folio 463 to 472 are mis-
placed by the binder, being inserted after folio 474.

The internal appearance of many of the volumes
do6s not indicate that they were minutes taken at the
time, and as the business of the House was transact-
ed ; nor is there evident in most of them the hur/y
and negligence that would naturally be obvious, if
taken by servants (as before suggested in the letter
from London), or even by clerks instantly after the
proceedings of the House w^ere closed ; particularly,
considering the fact, that transcripts so made, would
generally be temporary in their objects ; and hence
would rarely require formalities, and would admit of
many abbreviations. Every thing looks otherwise in
most of these volumes : but in one or two of them,
there may be some reason to suspect that they were
original entries, or at least copies taken before the
Journal was engrossed, since here and there a case
occurs in which a motion is entered at length, and
cancelled with the pen, and another of similar purport,
but different language inserted.

When these volumes were bound up, it is not easy
to determine. That it must have taken place an-

LONG, LITTLE, &C. PARLIAMENTS. 361

'ientlj, particularly as regards the earlier volumes,
Qoay be inferred from these facts ; from the gilding
being decayed, and the . colour of the leather mainly
(one, with no appearance of uncommon exposure of
he volume; from the character of the embellish-
lents : from the use of the V instead of U, in the let-
sring on the back : and many of the same facts, lead
D the belief that they were bound in England. The
ifteenth volume must have been bound or rebound
fter all its contents had been copied, because the
lages are misplaced, as before mentioned.

Of the many pages taken from these volumes, a
arge proportion of them were cut out by a sharp in-
irumentj and witU some regularity ;- indicating a
Dotive above that of mere mischief, or of convenience
a lighting a pipe. The orders of the House, to erase
r expunge certain portions of the journals, a part of
-^hich I have noticed, if literally carried into effect,
lay possibly account for the removal of some of thdse
ages. Many probable inducements for this mutila-
on may, however, be ascribed.

Whatever may have been the cause of these pages
^eing so removed, I cannot refrain from expressing a
^ope that the New York Historical Society may take
Measures to obtain transcripts of such pages of the
Journals in England, as will complete the volumes
^ey now possess ; if not of the additional volumes, ne-
cessary to complete their series, beginning* with the
decapitation of Charles I. It is possible, however,
^at the volumes missing may be in possession of
^ntlemen in New York, or its vicinity, who would
'^y gladly restore them to their places in the series,
^ ware of its existence.

Something like an apology seems due to the New
p^rk Historical Society, for an apparent interference
^\h their materials. This may, 1 hope, be found

some facts I have alluded to already, together
Vth the consideration that, as far as my knowledge

VOL. II. THIRD SERIES. 46

2 MS. JOOBNALS OF THE

extended, no one had his thoughts bent that way
aud 1 believed that a (■orresiiondetice botwcen thai
society and our owu, aod a innlual iucitcment lo «.
ertioii, mijijht possiWy grow out of my lalioiirs. Many
of ihc gc II lie men of that society might doubtless bre
done more ample justice to this suljji?ct than I hifre
done ; and ihcy may yet find it dcsiralile to pursui: ir,
or to correct my errors. My lalwurs have been pcr-
furmed to great disadvantage, at a distance from ibe
•Journals, my notes having been originally made witli
a view principally to ascertain their authcnlicity ; bbI
not to demonstrate it to you or others, al least ia
writing. The kindness of Mr. Delaticid has rt'lletai
me much; but this I put so thoruu^hly to the tesi,u
to make me unwllllug to pve him fcirtlier trouhli;, 1^
pursuing in({uiries an minutely as I desired.

- One of the diniculties atlcndaut on Iwin^ at a iJi»>
(luice from New York, has been, that my labours iun
been fitful aud hasty ; und hence, as a necessary en-
seriuence, lengthy, and, 1 tear, disorderly.

I liave endeavoured to enliven an exam i nation m-
dered dull hy the necessity of showing here and tbott
*to (ifTect my object, that the same facts, and fro(|tieiitly
in the identical words, may Ife found in two or more
places. And therefore ihal yuii have or have iioi
come at any thing new to you, is of far less iiii|>on'
ance, in my view, than that you should have learned
where you can apply for recondite matters, of the
period included in these Journals.

Should you feel inclined to pursue the examination
of their contents, I need not rn&ntloo any books foi
your attention.

And if you are disposed to make a more thorough
examination than 1 have done, of the crest on the
exterior of the volumes, or of the armorials of the
Water marks, I avail myself of your known taste foi
an occasional morceaii of an anticjuarv, bv placing
before you, with a smile, the directions of " William
Camden, Esq., Clareneeux King of Armes, sutnanied

LONG, LITTLE, &C. PARLIAMENTS. S63

the Learned," contained in his '^ Remaines concerning
Brittaine," upon page 229 ; thus, ** More might be
hereunto added, of Helmes, Creasts, Mantles, and
Supporters : but for them and such like, I leave the

reader to Edmond Bolton^ who learnedly and judi-
ciously hath discovered the first elements of Armory,
to Gerard Leigh, John Ferne^ John Guillim Portis-
mouth, Pursuivants of Armes, who have diligently
labored therein, and to others that have written or
will write hereafter in this argument, lest I should
seeme to gleaue from the one, or prevent the other."
' If now I have led you to entertain a notion that
some of these volumes were written by Clerk Scobeli
himself; that they informed the Stuarts in exile ; or,
which is more probable, that they governed Clarendon
in his conduct towards the round-heads, aftqr the res-
toration ; or that they furnished the materials for his
history ; — if I have led you to entertain any, or either,

i or all of these notions, they surely may be harmlessly,
amusingly, and mayhap profitably entertained ; at least,
till some stubborn fact, if such exist, shall hereafter
overset my surmises. But however this may be, the
facts and arguments on the existence and genuineness
of the Journals will remain, I had like to have said,
entirely conclusive.

The subject of my letter is at any rate somewhat
curious, however I have treated it. If, as I fear, some
mistakes and omissions have escaped me, after asking
pardon for them (which I know you cannot refuse),
I shall, as a last resort, screen myself behind the good
authority, ^^ Improbe facit, qui inalieno libro ingeniosus
est."

And now that my letter is become a little book, my

^ paper near being expended, and I fear my reader
nearly extinct, and my very wrist weary of writing, I
cordially join with Martial, in a similar state.

" Ohe jam satis est, ohe libelle,
Jam pervenimus usque ad umbilicos :

3S4 M3« lOUilNALS, &C. &C.

Jam lector queriturque, defecitqne ;
Jam librarias hoc et ipse dicit,
Ohe jam satis est,^he libelle.'*

Which beiDg said, I add only, that I am,
as I long have beep,

your friend and fellow labourer,

JAMES BOWDOIN^
]9oN« James Saitage.
Boston, Dec. 25, 18S^.

P. 6. In running my eye rapidly over the precescf.
ing, I feel bound to add a few words.

It was my intention to have given you in the e:r.
tracts from the Journals all the capital letters, together
with the punctuation ; and also to have preserved the
orthography, even to the single m with a circumflex
over it, instead of doubling the m. The effect of
habit and modern improvement has, I perceive too
late^ suffered these practices of other days, in
several instances, imperceptibly to be supplanted.
I regret this oversight, because to you and others
familiar with the peculiarities in the style of writing
in remote time, these would go far to convince. The
evidence is, however, so strong without them, that I
would not sacrifice the time necessary to restore
them.

In the following fac similes the general outline i^
given ; but the expression of the zany, &c. &c. &c«
has not been attempted. In a case of a more doubt*'
ful MS. than the present, it would be important to
add, that most of the figures are reduced from their
true size^ upon the paper ; e. g. the figure of the
royal arms in volume 1, including the initials at the
foot, is more than 4 inches in height. Each zany in
thb volume is more than 5 inches ; and the. figuie
bearing the words ^^ Armes of England," in the same
volume, is about 4f inches in height. In volume 6th
the figures, including the lion rampant, are about 3?
inches high. These are approximations, — not veij
exact measurements.

ACKNOWLEDGMENT OF DONATIONS* 365

Acknowledgment of Donations.

The thanks of the Massachusetts Historical Society are pre-
sented for the following donations.

A. HOLMES, Corresponding Secretary.

Transactions of the American Philosophical Society, vol. 2d
and 3d, New Series ; Biddle (Nicholas) Eulogium on T. Jef-
ferson ; Vaux (Robert) Discourse before the Historical Society
of Pennsylvania, New Year's day, 1827.

Presented by the American Philosophical Society.

Ingersoll's Discourse concerning the influence of America
on the mind, an annual Oration before the American Philo-
Bophical Society, 1823 ; and his Discourse before the Society
fer the Commemoration of the landing of William Penn, 24
October, 1825. John Vanghanj Esq.

A collection of Pamphlets and MSS. in the Winthrop family.

The Heirs of William Winthrop^ Esq.

Charter of Dartmouth College ; Reports of the American
Bible Society, 7th, 8th, and 9th ; Annual Report (23d) of the
New Hampshire Missionary Society ; Report of the New Hamp-
rfiire Bible Society ; Genealogical Memoir of the Family of
the name of Farmer, who settled at Billerica, Mass.

' John Farmer^ Esq.

Abstract of Baron de Rogniats' Considerations on the Art of
War ; Swetl's Notes to his Sketch of Bunker-hill battle ; Plan
of the batde of Bunker-hill ; Do. annexed to order of battle
and march, in MS. ; Weekly Returns of Col. Pike's Regimenti
MS. 5 Copy of Proclamation by Provincial Congress, MS.

Samuel Stoetty Esq.

Report of Committee for viewing the Cottonian Library.
Dr. Colman's Sermon on the death of Rev. P. Thatcher.

.^Iden Bradford^ Esq.

Rev. Mr. Sprague's Historical Discourse. The Author.

Orations by Professor Everett. 7%c Author.

Arte de la lingua Quichua (Peru) por Dos Torres ; Arte de
la lingua Mosca por Marban ; Arte de la lingua General de Chi-
le, por Febres. fViuiam Tudor ^ Esq.

Missions among the Senecas and Munsee's by Rev. T. Alden,
president of Alleghany College ; Catalogus Bibliothecae Coll.
Alleghan. Rev. President Alden.

Articles agreed upon by the Archbishops and Bishops of both
Provinces, and the whole Cleargie in the Convocation bolden at
London in the yeare 1562. Reprinted by his Majesties Com*
mandment. 4to. London, 1628. Bedford Webster^ M. D.

VOL. II. THIRD Series. 47

ACKNOWLEDGMENT OF DONATIONS. 367

' The Portsmouth Journal, vol. 36-7, 1825-6; a volume of
Americau Annals ; Collections of Rhode Island Historical So-
ciety, vol. 1. ; Report of a Committee on the Library of Con-
gress, with an account of MSS. and Books in possession of

0. Rich, Esq. Hon. James Savage.
Church's History of Philips War. 8vo. Edited -by Samuel

G. Drake. Uie Editor.

New England's Memorial by N; Morton jun., edited by Hon.
Jcbn Davis. The Editor.

Cases of Organic Diseases of the Heart ; Letter to the Hon.

1. Parker on the Dislocation of the Hip Joint ; A Comparative
View of the Sensorial and Nervous System of Man and Animals,
by J. C. Warren, M. D. The Author.

A cask of Pamphlets. Isaiah Lewis Green.

Two printed draughts of the Constitution of the United States
before its final adoption, with MS. notes of the late Governor
Gerry. Hon. James T. Austin.

Printed Documents of the 1st Session of the 20th Congress
of the U. S. A. Presented according to vote of Congress*

Duer's Eulogy of Adams and Jefferson.

Hon. Josiah Qutncy.
_ Willard's History of Lancaster ; Narrative of the Captivity
and Removes of Mrs. Mary Rowlandson, who was taken by the
Indians at the Destruction of Lancaster, in 1676. Written by
herself. Joseph TVUlardj Esq.

New York Spectator, continued to vol. xxxii.

V The Publishers.

Two MSS. of Rev. Andrew Croswell. Dr. Snow.

Thoughts on Education; L Mather's Believers Gain by
Death. Benjamin Guildj Esq.

Laws of the State of New Hampshire, passed June and No-
vember sessions, 1828. General Low.

Krakumal — sive Epicedium Ragnaris Lodbrog, by Professor
Rafn of Copenhagen, 1826.

His Exc. the Chevalier Pedersen^ minister from Denmark.

Projecto. de un Codigo Penal ; Facciones en lbs Gobiernos
Nacientcs ; Manifiesto del Gobierno de Colombia. By Senr.
M. L. Vidaurre. > The Author.

Cushing's History of the Town of Newburyport.

The, Author.

Dodge's Sermon delivered in Haverhill 22 December, 1820,
the 2d Centesimal Anniversary of the Landing of the New Eng-
land Fathers. The Author.

Memoirs of the Historical Society of Pennsylvania, P. 2.

The Society.

368 ACKNOWLEDGMENT OF DONATIONS.

Chancellor Kent's Anniversary Discourse before the New
York Historical Society, December 6, 1826. The Society.

Retired Man's Meditations. 4to. London, 1655. By Sir-
Henry Vane. Han, Daniel Webster.

Pitkin's Political and Civil History of the United States oft
America. 2 vols. 8vo. The Author.

Boston Recorder, 10 volumes. Mr. JVathaniel Willis.

Boston Recorder and Telegraph for 1828. The Editors.

Report in relation to the first Monitorial School in Boston
Prospectus of a new School for Young Ladies.

Mr. John S. Foster.

Alphabet of the Primitive Language of Spain, &c.

G. W. Erving, Esq.

Annals of America, 2d American Edition. 2 vols. 8vo. 1 82Qg
Specimen of Guatemala cigars. Corresp. Secretary.

Regalia of the Narraganset kings, or chiefs ; Specimens *i>««
Com dug up at the place of the Narraganset Fight.

Frederick Baylies^ Missionary to the J^arragansets.

A box of Minerals. Dr. John Smyth Rogers, of JV. York.

Portrait of Rev. John Bailey. Mr. JVathaniel Willis.

Geschichte der Menscheit, MS. by Meiners, 4to. ; MS. of
edition of Indian Wars; Sabine's 'Glory of the Latter House/
a Sermon. Mr. S. G. Drake.

Discourse of N. England Pastor [Emmons].

Rev. Dr. Jenks.

Whitman's Artillery Election Sermon, 1829.

Z. G. Whitman, Esq.

MS. Journal of Hon. Wheelwright ; Almanac for 1743;

Several folio numbers of printed journals of Massachusetts Le-
gislature. Dr. Timothy L. Jennison.

Danish Pamphlet, plate of antient armour, and fac-simile of
Danish MS. Professor Rafn, by the Chevalier Pedersen.

Medal — a specimen of the medals distributed in Lima, on oc-
casion of swearing to the New Constitution framed by General
Bolivar, 1826. W. Tudor, Esq.

Hildreth's Dudleian Lecture, 1829. JB. W. Metcalf

ERRATA.

Page 29, line 28, for " northwesterly," read southwesterly.
" 343, " 13, " " Picking," read Pickering.

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MOV ^1 1974

Stanford Unlierslty Ubranf

Stanford, Caltfornta

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