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or THE 





Ii het tcbooiuita landt ova to bonwen alf ick o^t m^n leven met roeten botrat.— 
It ii the ibiett coontry for coltivaUon that I arer In ny life set foot upon. 

Hudson's Jovmkal, qqotbd it Db Lait. 


184 1. 




Entered according lo Act of CengrMt, In tbe year 1841, 


h) the Dietrict Cenrt of tbe Southern Diatrict of New- York. 


The volume now presented to the public, the first in a new se- 
ries of the Collections of the New-York Historical Society, is 
almost exclusively taken up with the annals of the Dutch colonists 
by whom the arts of civilization were originally planted on the 
banks of the Hudson. A noble commonwealth has sprung up with- 
in the limits of their ancient jurisdiction, now rivalling in popula- 
tion and extent some of the monarchies of the old world. Be- 
ginning with the first glimpses of a discovery of our sea-coast, it 
has been our aim to bring together the earliest notices of Hudson's 
memorable voyage that disclosed the existence of * the great river 
of the mountains,' now better known under the name of the naviga- 
tor himself, and to collect the scattered traces of the first attempts 
to colonize the country. The primitive settlements on Manhattan 
island and near Albany — the gradual spread of population into the 
interior — the perils and hardships — ^the difficulties and embarrass- 
ments, with which the early colonists had to contend, and their 
final triumph over them all — ^respectively come under consideration 
in the following pages. Yet it should be recollected, that we give 
in most instances only the matericds of history — the original docu- 
ments to which historians must resort for their guidance-— and 
therefore naked facts and unembellished statements are all that can 
be expected in the volume. '^ 

It is remarked by Grahame, in his recent elaborate work upon 
the history of North America, that '* Founders of ancient colo- 
nies have sometimes been deified by their successors. New- York 
is perhaps the only commonwealth whose founders have been 
covered with ridicule from the same quarter." Whatever may be 
thought of the wit and talent displayed in the well-known travesty 
here alluded to, the regret has often been expressed that a son of New 

* Iiuiibreehtien*s work would be an exception to this remark in point of 
■tjle, had it been translated with the elegance of the original. See a fine 
article upon it, in the ninth volume of the North American Review, (Junei 
1819,) from the pen of Mr. Verplanck. 


York should hare teen fit to make the fathers of the republic the 
subjects of a * coarse caricature/ in which the inventive ingenuity of 
the author is only equalled by the grossness of his conceptions. 
The effort was well suited to the English notions of the Dutch char- 
acter, too common, perhaps, among ourselves, and thus easily ac- 
quired an ilMeserved popularity. 

" English writers," says Mr. Verplanck, in his learned dis- 
course before this Society, "have long been accustomed to 
describe the manners and customs of Holland with a broad and 
clumsy exaggeration. This is a little injudicious in them, because 
most of their wit, if wit it may be called, recoils back upon their 
own country, and strikingly resembles the flippant ridicule which 
their own more lively neighbours have lavished upon the hard 
drinking, the oaths, the gross amusements, the dingy coffee-houses, 
the boxing matches, the beer, and the coal-smoke of the proud and 
melancholy islanders. Their old maritime contests and commer- 
cial rivalry may serve to excuse this misrepresentation in English- 
men, but for us there is no apology." 

The task of preparing and editing the present volume has devolved 
exclusively upon the subscriber; and if performed in a manner satis- 
factory to the public, and to those he has the honor to represent, he 
will be abundantly compensated for the trouble it has cost him. 
Much labour has been bestowed upon a careful revision of the va- 
rious translations and in collating them with the original works; more 
perhaps, than will be apparent to the reader. But in such a variety 
of materials it is scarcely to be expected that mistakes should not 
sometimes occur, and he must crave the usual indulgence in such 

0/tk€ PMJtkmg C§mmittit, 

Kow.Torkt June lit, 1841. 



I. Chancellor Kent's Anniyenary Diicoune, .... 9 

II. Vemzzano*! Yojzge, A.D. 1524, 97 

III. Indian Tradition of the firat arriyal of the Dutch on Manhat- 
tan laland, 69 

TV. Lambrechtsen*! History of New.Netherlanda, . . • 75- 

▼. Van der Donck'i Description of New.Netherlands, . . 195 

VI. Extracts from the Voyages of De Vries, .... S43 

VII. Extracts from De Laet's New. World, S81 

VIII. Juet's Journal of Hudson's Voyagre, 317 

IX. Argall's Expedition, A.D. 1613, 333 

X. Letter of Thomas Dermer, &o. 343 

XI. Correspondence between NewJN'etherlands and New-Ply- 

mouth, A.D. 1627, 355 

XII. Charter of Liberties and other Documents, • • . . 369 

XIII. A Catalogue of Dutch Church Members, A.D. 1686, . . 389 

XrV. New-Sweden, by Rey. Israel Acrelius, 401 

Reportof A. Hudde, 438 

Governor Rising's Report, 443 

XV. A few particulars respecting the Dutch Gk>veniors, . . 449 

XVI. Historical Sketch of the Society, 457 

Complete List of Officers, 471 

List of present Resident Members, . - • . 474 

List of Honorary Members, 476 

Index, 481 

© IF [F D (D II IR @ 

or THI 


Elected Janiuurjrt 1841. 















CommiUee of Publication. 


Standing Committees, 











CPmiiteBt of tht Boeleqr,) 

DXOEMBER OtH, 1828. 


Room OF TBI Np.w York HirromcAL Sociirr, > 

D^etmUr 9th, 1828. \ 

Rewolved, That the thanki of the Society be preiented to the Honorable 
Jambs Kbmt, far hie able, appropriate, and highlj interesting Discourse, de- 
liyered in the Hall of Columbia College, on the 6th of December instant ; and 
that he be requested to furnish a copy of the same for publication. 

Re9ohed, That Dr. John W. Francis, Rev. Dr. Wainwright, and Charles 
Kingr Esq^ be a Committee to carry the foregoing resolution into eflSsct, 

From the Minutes. JOSEPH BLUNT, 

Recording Secretary, 



It is a subject of just congratulation, that we now find this 
Society in a condition to pursue, with success, the patriotic 
design of the founders of the institution. By means of the 
bounty of the legislature, and the pubhc spirit of several of the 
members, we are reUeved from our embarrassments, and are 
enabled to display, to great advantage, the valuable collection of 
books and historical documents which we possess. 

Our collections heretofore lay in such disorder, that few per- 
sons were aware of their intrinsic value. They have been re- 
deemed from confusion, and made conveniently accessible to the 
scholar and the antiquary ; and can now, with great satisfaction, 
be presented to the view of our own citizens, and of intelligent 
strangers. For this improvement, our thanks are especially 
due to Mr. Delafield, the Treasurer ; and it is to his industry, 
taste, and zeal, that we are indebted for this new and beautiful 
arrangement of our historical materials. 

When we advert to what has been done in other States, and 
particularly in Massachusetts and Pennsylvania, and perceive 
now much they have hitherto surpassed us in the extent and 
value of their researches, I trust we shall feel an additional 
stimulus to acquit ourselves of our duty, and throw back upon 
our own annals some of the Ught and lustre which emanate 
from the spirit of the age. 

As the object of the Society is to discover, collect, and pre- 
serve materials calculated to illustrate the history of our country, 
it has appeared to me to be suitable to the design of this anni- 
versary meeting, to call your attention to some reflections, arising 
upon a view of the domestic history of this State. If I do not 
greatly deceive myself, there is no portion of the history of this 
country, which is more instructive, or better calculated to em- 
bellish our national character. 

The eastern descendants of the pilgrims are justly proud of 
their colonial ancestors ; and they are wisely celebrating, on all 



proper occasions, the memory and merits of the original found- 
ers of their repubhes, in productions of great genius and classi- 
cal taste, why should we, in this state, continue any longer 
comparatively heedless of our own glory, when we also can 
point to a body of illustrious annals ? Our history will be found, 
upon examination, to be as firuitful as the records of any other 
people, in recitals of heroic actions, and in images of resplen- 
dent virtue. It is equally well fitted to elevate the pride of an- 
cestry, to awaken deep feeling, to strengthen just purpose, and 
enkindle generous emulation. 

Such historical reviews have a salutary influence upon the 
morals and manners of the times ; for they help us to detect 
pretended merit, to rebuke selfish ambition, to check false pa- 
triotism, and humble arrogant pretension. 

\. The discovery of the Hudson, and the settlement of our an- 
cestors upon its borders, is a plain and familiar story, on which 
I shall not enlarge. Our ongin is within the limits of well- 
attested history. This at once dissipates the enchantments of 
fiction ; and we are not permitted, like the nations of ancient 
Europe, to deduce our lineage from super-human beings, or to 
clothe the sage and heroic spirits who laid the foundations of 
our empire, with the exaggerations and lustre of poetical inven- 
tion. ^for do we stand in need of the aid of such machinery. 
It is a sufficient honour to be able to appeal to the simple and 
severe records of truth. The Dutch discoverers and settlers of 
New-Netherlands, were grave, temperate, firm, persevering 
men, who brought with mem the industry, the economy, the 
simplicity, the integrity, and the bravery of their Belgic sires ; 
and with those virtues they also imported the lights of the Ro- 

' man civil law, and the purity of the Protestant faith. To that 
period we are to look with chastened awe and respect, for the 
oeginnings of our city, and the works of our primitive fathers 
— our AU)ani patres, atque alt(Z nuBnia Romce, 

It does great credit to the just and moderate views of the 
Dutch during their government in this colony, that though they 
selected and settled on some of the best bottom-lands on the 
shores of the Hudson and its tributary waters, they lived upon 
friendly terms with the powerful confederacy of the Five Na- 

^ tions of Indians, whose original dominion extended over all the 
lands occupied by the Dutch. They were, at times, involved 
in hostiUties with restless clans of neighbouring Indians, but the 
original and paramount lords of the soil, and generally the Long 
Island Indians, gave them no disturbance.* The reason was, 

• Smith's History of New.Tork, vol. i. 33. TrumbuU's History of Connec 
ttent, vol. L 138—140. Collections of the New.York Historical Society, vol. iiL 
SIU> 857. Wood^Sketehof theFint8ottkineiUoiiLQagIdiii4,p.S9--33. 

cBANcsLLQR Kent's Discomtsc. IS 

diat the Indian right to the soil was recognized by the Dutch, 
and always regarded by them, as well as by the English, their 
successors, with the best faith ; and they claimed no lands but 
such as were procured by purchase.* The speech of the In- 
dian called Good Peter to the commissioners of Fort Schuyler, 
in 1 788, is a strong attestation of this fact. He observed, that 
when the white men first came into the country, they were 
few and feeble, and the Five Nations numerous and powerful. 
The Indians were friendly to the white men, and permitted 
them to settle in the country, and protected them from their 
enemies ; and they had wonderfully increased, and become like 
a great tree overshadowing the whole country.! 

The Dutch colonial annals are of a tame and pacific charac- 
ter, and generally dry and uninteresting. The civil officers, as 
well as the ministers of the Dutch churches, were well-educated 
men, who imbibed their religion and learning in Holland ; and 
in their long and sharp controversies with the New England 
Colonies, the governors of this Colony showed themselves to 
be no ways inferior in their discussions to the most sagacious 
of the Puritans, either in talent, doctrine, or manners. Their 
disputes were concerning territorial jurisdiction, and particu- 
larly in respect to the country on Connecticut river, and they 
also had contentions concerning fugitives from justice, and in- 
terferences with the Indian trade. Strength and arrogance of 
deportment were evidently on the side of tne English. Gover- 
nor Keift, in his letter to the conamissioners of the United Colo- 
nies of New-England, in 1646, observed, that their complaints 
of ill-usage were the complaints of the wolf against the Iamb.| 
Governor Stuyvesant also observed, in his letter to the Dutch 

' West India Company, in 1660, that the New-Englanders were 
in the ratio of ten to one, and able to deprive the Dutch of their The Dutch governors charged the English, in di- 
rect terms, with an insatiable desire of possessing their lands ; 
and whatever might have been the real merits of the Dutch 
title to lands on Connecticut river, founded on assumed prior 
discovery and prior Indian purchase, it appears, at least from 
the diplomatic papers of the time, that their manner of vindi- 
cating their claim, and repelling accusation, and remonstrating 

9 against aggression, was forcible, sagacious, and temperate. 
Peter Stuyvesant administered the Dutch government firom 
1647 to the surrender of the Colony to the Enghsh, in 1664, 

* Wood's Sketch, p. 12, 22, 23, fives the names of the several tribes from 
whom all the lands on Long Island, whether settled by the Dutch or English* 
were purchased. 

t Collections of the New York Historical Society, vol. ill 336. 

X Hist. Coll New.Yotk Society, toL i. 196. 

Smith's Hist of New-York, vol I 31. 

14 CHANCELLOR. Kent's dibcoitrbe. 

and he held his power in difficult times, and was surrounded 
with perils ; but he was a man of military skill, and of great 
firmness, judgment, and discretion. He manifested his desire 
for peace, and showed the magnanimity of his character, in 
going, in proper person, in 1650, to Hartford, to meet and ne- 
gotiate with the commissioners of the New-England Colonies. 
Though standing alone in the midst of a body of keen and well- 
instructed opponents, he conducted himself with admirable ad- 
dress and firmness. The correspondence between him and 
the conunissioners, is embodied and preserved in the collections 
of this Society, and it does credit to his memory.* The com- 
missioners took offence at the date of his first diplomatic note, 
which, though written on the spot, was dated New-Nether- 
lands. Governor Stuyvesant consented to date it at Connec- 
ticut, leaving out New-Netherlands, provided the commission- 

^ ers would date theirs at Hartford, leaving out New-England, 
and to this they assented. Both parties managed the contro- 
versy with great discretion and good sense. When the com- 
missioners complained of the -^gueness and harshness of some 
parts of his letters, Governor Stuyvesant replied, that he came 

"^ there firom the love of peace, and not for altercation ; and that 
they all knew he could not deliver himself so promptly and clear- 
ly in the English as in his ovm native tongue, and no advantage 
L ought to be taken of any inaccuracy of expression. The meet- 
ing adjourned without any decisive results ; and he afterwards, 
in the year 1653, sent an elaborate vindication of his rights to 
the New-England commissioners at Boston, which contained 
sound expositions of national law. The English had complain- 
ed of the exaction of duties upon them in their trade and pur- 
chases at New- Amsterdam ; and he in his turn insisted, that 
every civil government had a right to make what laws it thought 

. fit, and every person who came within a foreign jurisdiction, 
must expect to find, and not to bring laws with him. He resent- 
ed, in proper terms of indignation, the atrocious charge of be- 
ing concerned in a conspiracy with the Indians to plunder his 
neighbours, and shed innocent blood ; and he said that he re- 
posed on the mens conscia recti^ and despised the tongue of 
calumny. Though he sought nothing but peace and neigh- 
bourly intercourse, yet, if he must be driven to extremities, he 

• had confidence that a just God would smile on and bless a 
lighteous defence. 

With that wise and good man terminated the Dutch power 
in this Colony. 

• CoUectioni, voL i. 189—290, taken from Hazard's Hiatorical Colleetiooi, 


The English took possession of the government in 1664, and 
administered it in the name, and imder the authority of the 
Duke of York, who was the patentee. The terms of surrender 
of the Dutch power were exceedingly liberal. The inhabitants 
° were made secure in their persons, property, and rehgion* 
Their titles to land were previously free from the appendages 
and services of feudal bondage.t The conquest of tne Colony 
proved to be a very fortunate event for the Dutch. They were 
relieved from perilous controversies with their eastern neigh* 
bours, and they became entitled to the privileges of English 
subjects. In a few years they participated in the blessings of 
a representative government, and they exchanged their Roman 
jurisprudence for the freer spirit, the better security, and more 
eflScient energy of the English conunon law. The Dutch and 
English inhabitants became thoroughly united and formed but 
one indivisible people. The Dutch race in this colony kept at 
least equal pace with their English brethren, in every estima- 
ble qualification of good citizens. Through all the subsequent 
feriods of our eventful story, down to the present day, they 
ave furnished their full proportion of competent men. This 
they have done in every variety of situation in which our coun- 
try was placed, whether in peace or in war ; and whatever was 
the duty in which they were engaged, whether in the civil or 
military, political or professional departments .J 

Within twenty years from the conquest of the Colony, a free 
government, upon the plan of the English constitution, was 
given to it, consisting of a Governor and Legislative Council, 
appointed by the Crown, and a House of Assembly, chosen by 
the The Assembly was composed, in the first in- 
stance, of seventeen members only, and it was never enlarged, 
even down to the period of the American war, beyond the num- 
ber of twenty-seven. The members, durinff the earlier periods 
of our colony history, were elected for an indefinite period ; and 
new elections seemed to have been held only upon the dissolution 

• Smith's Hiitory of New- York, vol i. 3^. 

t This is to ba inferred from the conditions which had heen offered by the 
BnrjfomMters of Amsterdam^ in 1656, to the settlers in New.Netherlands, one 
of which was, that every farmer should have a free, Cast, and durahle property 
in his lands. — New-Yori HUtorieal ColUctiotUj trol. 1 291. 

t It is worthy of notice, that the only two re^ments of infantry from this 
state, in the line of the army of the United States, at the close of the Ameri- 
can war, were commanded by Dutchmen. I allude to the regriments com- 
manded by Col Van Cortlandt and Col. Van Schaick And I hope I may be per- 
mitted to add, without meaning any inyidious comparisons, that we have now 
living in this state, in advanced life, three lawyers of Dutch descent, who are 
not surpassed any where in acuteness of mind, in sound law learning, and in 
moral worth. The reader will readily perceive that I have in my eye Egbert 
Benson, Peter Van Schaack and Abnham Van Vechten. 

SniUifi Hietecy, voL i. ia 56. 


of the legislature by the act of the govemor. After long stran- 
gles for triennial elections, the assembly finally succeeded m 
1743, to have the assembly made septennial by law. But we 
should be creatly mistaken if we were to conclude that so small 
a body oi representatives, and chosen for such indefinite or 
protracted periods, was unable to withstand the influence of the 
executive oranch of the government. The house, almost as 
soon as it was organized, began to feel its strength, and to dis- 
play its independent genius. Through the whole period of our 
colonial history, the general assembly rarely ceased to sustain 
its rights, and assert its dignity with becoming spirit, against 
the whole weight and influence of the delegated powers of 
royalty. This character of the house, was a consequence nat- 
urally flowing from the healthy and vigorous principle of popu- 
lar election, which, like the touch by Antaeus of^ his motner 
Earth, in his struggles with Hercules, always communicated 
fresh strength and courage to renew the contest. 

The house of assembly, from the very beginning of it, exer- 
cised its discretion as to the grant of supphes for the support of 
government, both in respect to extent and the duration of the 
grants. The governors, however, constantly complained, and in- 
sisted upon a permanent provision for the omcers of government, 
and they interposed royal instructions, and sharp remonstrances, 
for that purpose. Governor Fletcher, in 1695, first began the 
struggle with the assembly upon that point, and the contest 
was continued down to the era of our revolution ; but the as- 
sembly retained the control of their funds with inflexible firm- 
ness. As the governor and council were appointed by the 
crown, and held their offices at its pleasure, and as the judges 
were appointed by the governor and held at his pleasure, the 
colonial assembly had good reason to be tenacious of reserving 
to themselves some check upon the executive and judicial de- 
partments, by means of their support 

In 1708 the house of assembly declared that it was the un- 
questionable right of every freeman in the colony to have a 
perfect and entire property in his goods and estate ; and that 
the imposing and levying of any moneys upon the subjects of 
the colony, under any pretence or colour whatsoever, without 
their consent, in general assembly, was a grievance, and a vio- 
lation of right. They further declared that the king could not 
erect a court of equity in the colony without the consent of the 
legislature. This last resolution was again and again adopted, 
between 1702 and 1735, in despite of the influence and menaces 
of the royal representative.* In 1749, the claim upon the as- 
sembly to pass a permanent supply bill, was renewed in the 

* Coloi^ JonmaJf, vol. u 988. 


most imperious and offensive manner. The crovernor told the 
assembly that he had the king's instructions for a law render- 
ing the provision for the support of government permanent ; 
and the house calmly replied, that they would never recede 
from the method of an annual support. The governor then 
went so far as to deny their autliority to act, except by the royal 
commissions and instructions, alterable at the king's pleasure, 
and subject to his hmitations ; and that there was a power 
able to punish them, and would punish them, if they provoked 
it by their misbehaviour. He proceeded to such extremities 
that the assembly, vrithout swerving in the least from iheir de- 
termined purpose, declared his conduct to be arbitrary, illegal, 
and a violation of their privileges.* 

It would be difficult to find in any of the legislative records 
of this country, a clearer sense of right, or a better spirit to de- 
fend it. There were also considerations arising from the pecu- 
liarity of their local condition, which serve greatly to elevate 
the character of our colonial ancestors. 

Whenever war existed between Great Britain and France, 
the province of New- York was the principal theatre of colonial 
contest. It became the Flanders oi America, and it had to sus- 
tain, from time to time, the scourge and fury of savage and 
Canadian devastation. We need only cast an eye upon our 
geographical position, and read the affecting details of the for- 
midable expeditions, and the frightful incursions which laid 
waste our northern and western frontiers, between 1690, and 
the conquest of Canada, in 1760, to be deeply impressed with 
a sense of the difficulties which this colony had to encounter, 
and of the fortitude and perseverance with which they were 
overcome. The leading men, who swayed the house of assem- 
bly, or directed the popular voice, never wanted valour and vir- 
tue adequate to the cnsis. 

But I hasten to cast a rapid glance over the great events in 
our domestic history, subsequent to the peace of 1763. 

The colony took an early and distinguished stand against the 
claims of the British parliament, to raise a revenue trom their 
American colonies without their consent. If she was not in 
advance, New-York was at least equal in point of time, in point 
of spirit, and in point of argument, to any of the colonies, in 
the use she made of the monitory language of remonstrance. 
In March, 1764, the English house of commons passed a de- 
claratory resolution, that it would be proper to impose certain 
stamp duties in the colonies for the purpose of raising revenue, 
and other resolutions passed at the same time, laying new duties 

* Smith's KuL of New-York, vol. il 106—110. Colony JoornaJs, vol. il. 



upon the trade of the colonieff. In October, 1764, the house of 
assembly of this ccdony, addressed the king and each house of 
parliament against all such schemes of taxation. They con- 
tended that the power of taxing themselves was interwoven fun- 
damentally in tneif constitution, and was an exclusive and in- 
extinguishable right ; and that the people of the colony could 
not be rightfully taxed w^ithout their consent, given by their 
representatives in general assembly. They declared that they 
received with the battemess of grief, the intimation of a design 
in the British parliament to infringe that inestimable right. 
They complained also of the extension of the powers of the 
Vice-Admiralty courts, which led to a dangerous diminution of 
trial by jury. The assembly reasoned the question of taxation,, 
with the British parliament, in the most eloquent and mas- 
terly manner ; they declared that the people of the colony no- 
bly disdained to claim exemption from foreign taxation as a 
privilege ; they challenged it, and gloried in it as a right. It 
was a right enjoyed by their fellow-subjects in Great Britain, 
and was the grand pnnciple of the independence of the British 
house of commons ; and they very significantly asked, " Why 
such an odious discrimination ? Why shopld it be denied to those 
who submitted to poverty, barbarian wars, loss of blood, loss of 
money, personal fatigues, and ten thousand unutterable hard- 
ships, to enlarge the trade, dominion, and wealth of the nation ?'* 

in October, 1765, the house of assembly were represented 
by a select committee-, in a congress of the northern colonies, 
which met in this city, on the subject of the grievous claima 
and laws of the British parHament. The chairman of that 
committee was Judge Livmgston, the father of the late Chan- 
cellor of that name ; and he reported to the house the proceed- 
ings of the congress, and the house approved of the conduct 
and services of the committee. They then united in fresh re- 
monstrances to the king, and each house of parliament, against 
the stamp act and other statutes imposing taxes upon the colo- 
nies without their consent, and against the unwarrantable juris- 
diction of the Vice- Admiralty courts. They declared that they 
were not, and could not, be represented in parliament ; and 
their addresses were spirited and determined, and they cer- 
tainly were lu-ged with weighty and pathetic exhortation. 

At the close of the year 1768, the house of assembly again 
remonstrated in the most decided style, and in animated ad^ 
dresses to the king and parliament, against the claims of the 
British government. They specified their essential rights, and 
enumerated their grievances. They complained of the recent 
st^^tutes imposing duties and raising revenue from the colonies 
without their consent, as being utterly subversive of their con- 
stitutional rights. They insisted that the authority of the colo* 


nial legislatures could not lawfully be suspended, abridged, or ab* 
rogated ; and they considered the suspension of their legislative 

Sower, until they should have made provision for the accommo- 
atien of the king's troops, as a most dangerous assumption of 
unlawful power. They strongly urged their complaints of the 
erection of courts dependent upon tlie will of a royal governor ; 
of Admiralty courts in which they were deprived of trial by jury, 
4B0 deservedly celebrated by Englishmen, in all ages, as essential 
to their safety ; and of the parliamentary claim of a right to ^ve 
away their estates, and bind them in all cases whatsoever. They 
asserted, in the most manly terms, their claim to a participa- 
tion in those rights and liberties, which had been declared by 
Magna Charta, and re-asserted in the petition and bill of rights, 
and confirmed at the accession of the house of Orange ; and 
they reminded ^e king and parliament of their former loyalty 
and services, and how often it had been confessed that their 
zeal had carried them to make contributions beyond their pro- 
portion, and that the excesses had been reimbursed. 

These state papers were produced in December, 1768, and 
they resemble very much in matter, spirit, and style, the reso- 
lutions and addresses of the first continental congress, in 1774, 
and they rival them in dignity and value. They were forward- 
ed to the colonial acent at the court of Great Britain, and that 
agent was Edmund Burke. And yet for those very proceed- 
ings, the assembly was severely rebuked by the governor, Sir 
Henry Moore, and the legislature was dissolved. 

As the disputes between the mother country and the colonies 
grew more serious, and were evidently approximating to an ap- 
peal to arms, the house of assembly began to pause in its ca- 
reer. The influence of the crown upon the legislature of the 
colony was sensibly felt, and it tended, in a considerable degree, 
to damp their future zeal, and neutralize their measures. But 
the spirit of the people kept equal pace with the views and 
wishes of their brethren in the other colonies ; and the promi- 
nent and splendid luminaries in the great scenes of die revolu- 
tion, now began to ascend above the horizon. The names of 
Philip Schuyler and George Clinton, appear on the journals of 
the colony assembly, as members of the house during those 
noble efforts in the year 1768 ; and they were constantly main- 
tained in that station, by their constituents of Albany and 
Ulster counties, from that year down to the termination of the 
existence of the colony legislature in April, 1775. The Dutch 
family of Schuyler stands conspicuous in our colonial annals. 
Colonel Peter Schuyler was mayor of Albany, and commander 
of the northern militia, in 1690. He was distinguished for 
his probity, and activity in all the various duties of civil and 
military life. No man understood better the relation of the 


colony with the Five Nations of Indians, or had more decided 
influence with that confederacy. He had frequently chastised 
the Canadian French for their destructive incursions upon the 
frontier settlements ; and his zeal and energy were rewarded 
by a seat in the provincial council ; and the house of assembly 
gave their testimony to the British court of his faithful services 
and good reputation. It was this same vigilant officer who 
gave intelhgence to the inhabitants of Deerfield, on the Con- 
necticut river, of the designs of the French and Indians upon 
them, some short time before the destruction of that village, in 
1704.* In 1720, as president of the council, he became acting 
governor of the colony for a short time, previous to the acces- 
sion of Governor Bumet.t His son, Colonel PhiHp Schuyler, 
was an active and efficient member of assembly, for the city 
and county of Albany, in 1743. But the Philip Schuyler to 
whom I particularly allude, and who in a subsequent age shed 
such signal lustre upon the family name, was bom at Albany in 
the year 1733, and at an early age he began to display his ac- 
tive mind, and mihtary spirit. He was a captain in tne New- 
York levies at Fort Edward, in 1755, and accompanied the 
British army in the expedition down lake George, in the sum- 
mer of 1758. He was with Lord Howe when he fell by the 
fire of the enemy, on landing at the north end of the lake ; and 
he was appointed (as he himself informed me) to convey the 
body of tiiat younff and lamented nobleman to Albany, where 
he was buriedf, wim appropriate solemnities, in the Episcopal 

We next find him, under the title of Colonel Schuyler, in 
company with his compatriot George Clinton, in the year 1768, 
on tne floor of the house of assembly, taking an active share 
in all their vehement discussions. Neither of them was to be 
overawed or seduced from a bold and determined defence of the 
constitutional rights of the colonies, and of an adherence to the 
letter and spirit of the councils of the union. The stniggle in 
the house of assembly, between the ministerial and the whig 

Sartics, was brought to a crisis in the months of February and 
larch, 1775 ; and in that memorable contest, Philip Schuyler 
and George Clinton, together with Nathaniel WoodhuU, of 
Long Island, acted distinguished parts. On the motions to give 
the thanks of the house to the delegates from the colony in the 
continental congress of September, 1774; and to thank the 
merchants and inhabitants of the colony, for their adherence to 
the non-importation and the association recommended by con- 

• Smith's Hirtory of New.York, toI. L 99. 94. 137, 138. Hoyt's Indian 
Wan, p. 185. 

t Colonj Journals, vol i. 438. 


gress, those patriots found themselves in the minority. But their 
courage and resolution gained strength from defeat. On the 
dd of March, Colonel Schuyler moved declaratory resolutions 
that the act of 4 Geo. III. imposing duties for raising a 
revenue in America ; and for extending the jurisdiction of Ad- 
miralty courts; and for depriving his majesty's subjects in 
America of trial by jury ; and for holding up an injurious dis- 
crimination between the subjects of Great Britain and those of 
the colonies, were great grievances. The government party 
seem to have fled the question, and to have left in the house 
only the scanty number of nine members, and the resolutions 
were carried by a vote of seven to two. But tlieir opponents 
immediately rallied, and eleven distinct divisions, on different 
motions, were afterwards taken in the course of that single day, 
and entered on the journal ; and they related to all the momen- 
tous points then in controversy, between Great Britain and the 
United Colonies. It was a sharp and hard-fought contest for 
fundamental principles ; and a more solemn and eventful debate 
rarely ever happened on tlie floor of a deliberative assembly. 
The house consisted on that day of twenty-four members, and 
the ministerial majority was exactly in the ratio of two to one ; 
and the intrepidity, talent, and services of the three members 
I have named, and especially of Schuyler and Clinton, were 
above all praise, and laid the foundation for those lavish marks 
of honour and confidence which their coimtrymen were after- 
wards so eager to bestow. 

The resistance of the majority of the house w^as fairly broken 
down, and essentially controlled by the efforts of the minority 
and the energy of public opinion. A series of resolutions, de- 
claratory of American grievances, were passed, and petitions 
to the kinff and parliament adopted, not indeed in all respects 
such as the leaders of the minority wished, (for all their 
amendments were voted down,) but they were nevertheless 
grounded upon the principles of the American revolution. They 
aeclared that the claims of taxation and absolute sovereignty, 
on the part of the British parliament, and the extension of ad- 
miralty jurisdiction, were grievances, and unconstitutional meas- 
ures ; and that the act of^ parliament, shutting up the port of 
Boston, and altering the charter of that colony, was also a 

These were the last proceedings of the general assembly of 
the colony of New- York, which now closed its existence for 
ever. More perilous scenes, and new and brighter paths of 
glory, were opening upon the vision of those illustrious pa- 

The delegates from this colony to the first continental con- 
gress in 1774, were not chosen by the general assembly, but by 


the suffirages of the people, manifested in some sufficiently au* 
tfaentic shape in the several counties. Among these delegates^ 
and indeed among the whole Ust of persons in this first memo- 
rable convention, which assembled at Philadelphia with more 
than Amphictyonic dignity, there is but the name of a single 
survivor. He now lives in an adjoining county, in tranquil re- 
tirement, with his faculties sound, his health comfortable, che- 
rished by his children, cheered by his friends, and displaying in 
his conversation and manners the wisdom of a sage, and the 
faith and resignation of a Christian. John Jay was one of the 
committee in that earUest congress, who drew and reported the 
address to the people of Great Britain. I was assured, in very 
early life, that ne had a special share in its composition. At 
any rate, it bears the impression of his genius, and it is a pro- 
\ duction that stands without a rival. The public papers of that 

congress were, all of them, in every point of view, of a mas- 
terly character. Lord Chatham declared in his place, in the 
House of Lords, that those productions had never been sur- 
passed in any a^e or nation, for soUdity of reasoning, force of 
sagacity, and wisdom of conclusion. 

The delegates to the second continental congress, which met 
in May, 1775, were chosen by a provincial congress, which the 
people of the colony had already created, and which was held 
m this city, in April of that year, and had virtually assumed the 
powers 01 government- The names of the delegates from this 
colony, to this second congress, were, John Jay, John Alsop, 
James Duane, Philip Schuyler, George Clinton, Lewis Morris, 
and Robert R, Livingston ; and the weight of their talents and 
character may be inferred from the fact, that Mr. Jay, Mr. Liv- 
ingston, Mr. Duane, and Mr. Schuyler, were early placed upon 
committees, charged with the most arduous and responsible du- 
ties.* We find Washington and Schuyler associated together 
in the committee, appointed on the 1 4th of June, 1775, to pre- 
pare rules and regulations for the government of the army. 
This association of those great men, commenced at such a criti- 
cal moment, was the beginning of a mutual confidence, respect, 
and admiration, which continued, with uninterrupted and unaba- 
ted vividness, during the remainder of their Uves. An allusion is 
made to this friendship in the memoir of a former president of this 
society, and the allusion is remarkable for its strength and pathos. 
After mentioninff General Schuyler, he adds, " I have placed 
thee, my friend, by the side of him who knew thee ; thy intel- 
ligence to discern, thy zeal to promote thy coimtry's good, and 
knowing thee, prized thee. Let this be thy eulogy. I add, 

* Joumtlf of Congr3ff« vol L 99. 106. 


and with truth, peculiarly thine — content it should be mine to 
have expressed it."* 

The congress of this colony, during the years 1775 and 
1776, had to meet difficulties and dangers almost sufficient to 
subdue the firmest resolution. The population of the colony 
was short of 200,000 souls. It had a vast body of disaffected 
inhabitants within its own bosom. It had numerous tribes of 
hostile savages on its extended frontier. The bonds of society 
seemed to have been broken up, and society itself resolved into 
its primitive elements. There was no civil government but 
such as had been introduced by the provincial congress, and 
county committees, as temporary expedients. It had an ene- 
my's province in the rear, strengthened by large and well-ap- 
pointed forces. It had an open and exposed sea-port, without 
any adequate means to defend it. In the summer of 1776, the 
state was actually invaded, not only upon our Canadian, but 
upon our Atlantic frontier, by a formidable fleet and army, cal- 
culated by the power that sent them, to be sufficient to annihi- 
late at once all our infant repubUcs. 

In the midst of this appalling storm, the virtue of our people, 
animated by a host of intrepid patriots, the mention of whose 
names is enough to kindle entnusiasm in the breasts of the 

{resent generation, remained glowing, unmoved, and invincible, 
t would be difficult to find any other people who have been 
put to a severer test, or on trial gave higner proofs of courage 
and capacity. 

On the 19th of June, 1775, Philip Schuyler was appointed 
by Congress the third Major General in the armies of the Uni- 
ted Colonies ; and such was his singular promptitude, that in 
eleven days from his appointment, we find him in actual service, 
corresponding with congress from a distance, on business that 
required and received immediate attention. In July, 1776, he 
was placed at the head of a Board of Commissioners for the 
northern department, and empowered to employ all the troops 
in that department at his discretion, subject to the future orders 
of the commander-in-chief. He was authorized, if he should 
find it practicable and expedient, to take possession of St. Johns 
and Montreal, and pursue any other measures in Canada hav- 
ing a tendency, in his jud^ent, to promote the peace and se^ 
curity of the United Colonies. 

* The Memoir of Jud^e Benson, from which this is extracted, has never 
met with the reception one to its intrinsic merits. This has probably arisen 
from the style and manner peculiar to that venerable man, whose habit has 
been to treat matters of fact with the dryness, precision, and severity of a 
special pleader. But the Memoir is nevertheless replete with shrewd re- 
markfl, loand principlea, jnat oriticismt keen satire, and ardsot patrioUsA. 


In September, 1T75, General Schuyler was acting tinder 
positive instructions to enter Canada, and he proceeded, with 
Generals Montgomery and Wooster under his command, to the 
Isle au Noix. He had at that time become extremely ill, and 
he was obliged to leave the command of the expedition to de- 
volve upon General Montgomery. The latter, under his orders, 
captured the garrisons of Chambly and St. Johns, and pressed 
forward to Montreal and Quebec. Montreal was entered on 
the 12th of November, 1775, by the troops under the immedi- 
ate orders of Montgomery, and in the same month a committee 
from congress was appointed to confer with General Schuyler, 
relative to raising troops in Canada for the possession and secu- 
rity of that province. His activity, skill, and zeal shone con- 
spicuously throughout that arduous northern campaign ; and 
his unremitting correspondence with congress received the 
most prompt and marked consideration. 

While tne expedition under Montgomery was employed in 
Canada, General Schuyler was calleof to exercise his influence 
and power in another quarter of his military district. On the 
30th December, 1775, he was ordered to disarm the disaffect- 
ed inhabitants of Tryon County, then under the influence of 
Sir John Johnson ; and on the 18th of January follovnng, he 
made a treaty with the disaffected portion of the people in that 
western part of the state. The continental congress were so 
highly satisfied with his conduct in that delicate and merito- 
rious service, as to declare, by a special resolution, that he had 
executed his trust with fidelity, prudence, and despatch ; and 
they ordered a publication of the narrative of his march in the 
depth of winter, into the regions bordering on the middle and 
upper Mohawk. The duties imposed upon that officer were so 
various, multiplied, and incessant, as to require rapid move- 
ments sufficient to distract and confound an ordinary mind. 
Thus, on the 30th of December, 1775, he was orderedf to dis- 
arm the tones in Tryon county. On the 8th of January, 1776, 
he was ordered to have the river St. Lawrence, above and be- 
low Quebec, well explored. On the 25th of January, he was 
ordered to have the fortress of Ticonderoga repaired and made 
defensible ; and on the 17th of February, he was directed to 
take the command of the forces, and conduct the military opera- 
tions at the city of New-York. All these cumulative and con- 
flicting orders from congress were made upon him in the course 
of six weeks, and they were occasioned by the embarrassments 
and distress of the times.* 

In March, 1776, conmress changed their plan of operations, 
and directed General Scnuyler to establish his head quarters at 

* Joomali of CongreM, vola. i and ii. 


Albany, and superintend the army destined for Canada. He 
vras instructed to take such orders as he should deem expe- 
dient, respecting the very perplexing and all-important subject 
of the suppHes for the troops in Canada ; and those orders as 
to the supplies were repeated in April, and again in May, 1T76. 
The duty of procuring supplies, though less splendid in its 
effects, is often more effectual to the safety and success of an 
army than prowess in the field. General Schuyler, by his 
thorough business habits, his precise attention to details, and 
by his skill and science in every duty connected with the equip- 
ment of an army, was admirably fitted to be at the head of the 
conunissariate ; and he gave life and vigour to every branch of 
the service. His versatile talents, equally adapted to investi- 
gation and action, rendered his merits as an officer of transcend- 
ent value. 

On the 14th of June, 1776, he was ordered by congress to 
hold a treaty with the Six Nations, and engage them in the in- 
terest of the colonies, and to treat with them on the principles, 
and in the decisive manner, which he had suggested. His pre- 
parations for taking immediate possession of Fort Stanwix, and 
erecting a fortification there, received the approbation of con- 
gress, and their records afford the most satisfactory evidence 
that his comprehensive and accurate mind had anticipated and 
suggested the most essential measures, which he afterwards dili- 

S;ntly executed throughout the whole northern department, 
ut within three days after the order for the treaty, congress 
directed his operations to a different quarter of his command. 
He was ordered on the 17th of June, to clear Wood Creek, 
and construct a lock upon the creek at Skeensborough, (now 
Whitehall,) and to take the level of the waters falling into the 
Hudson at Fort Edward, and into Wood Creek. There can 
be no doubt that those orders were all founded upon his previ- 
ous suggestions, and tliey afford demonstrative proof of the 
views entertained by him, at that early day, of the practicabili- 
ty and importance of canal navigation. He was likewise di- 
rected to cause armed vessels to be built, so as to secure the 
mastery of the waters of the northern lakes. He was to judge 
of the expediency of a temporary fortification or intrenched 
camp on the heights opposite Ticonderoga. Captain Graydon 
visited General Schuyler early in the summer of 1776, at his 
head-quarters on Lake George ; and he speaks of him, in the 
very interesting Memoirs of his own Life, as an officer thor- 
oughly devoted to business, and being, at the same time, a gen- 
tleman of polished and courteous manners. On the 1st of 
August following, he was on the Upper Mohawk, providing 
for its defence and security, and again in October we find him 


on the upper Hudson, and calling upon the Eastern States for 
their militia. 

There can be no doubt that the northern frontier, in the 
ccmnpaign of 1 776, was indebted for its extraordinary quiet and 
security, to the ceaseless activity of General Schuyler. At the 
close of that year he was further instructed to build a floating 
battery on the lake, and a fort on Mount Independence, and 
also to strengthen the works at Fort Stanwix. 

In the midst of such conflicting and harassing services, he 
had excited much popular jealousy and ill will, arising from the 
energy of his character, and the dignity of his deportment. He 
was likewise disgusted at w^hat he deemed injustice, in the ir- 
regularity of appointing other and junior oflicers in separate 
and independent commands within what was considered to be 
his military district. He accordingly, in October, 1776, ten- 
dered to congress the resignation of his commission. But when 
congress came to investigate his services, they found them, 
says the historian of Washin^on,* far to exceed in value any 
estimate which had been made of them. They declared that 
they could not dispense with his services during the then situ- 
ation of affairs ; and they directed the president of congress to 
request him to continue in his command, and they declared their 
high sense of hi» services, and their unabated confidence in his 
attachment to the cause of freedom. 

On the 9th of July, 1776, the provincial congress of the 
colony ratified the Declaration of Independence, and they im- 
mediately assumed the title of the Convention of this state. 
On motion of Gouvcrneur Morris, seconded by William Duer, 
a committee was appointed, on the 1st of August, to prepare 
and report the form of a constitution ; but it was not reported 
and finally adopted until the 20lh of April, 1777. The delib- 
erations of the convention were conducted under the excitement 
of great public anxiety and constant alarm ; and that venera- 
ble instrument, which was destined to be our guardian and 
pride, and to command the confidence and attachment of the 
people for upwards of forty years, was produced amidst the 
hurry and tumult of arms. The convention was constantly 
changing its place of residence to meet the exigencies of the 
day. From ttiis city it removed successively to Harlem, to the 
White Plains, to Fishkill, to Poughkeepsie, and to Kingston. 
The members were harassed by variety of avocation and duty. 
Some were with the troops in the field ; others were members 
of the continental congress ; others were absorbed in attention 
to local concerns, and the wants of their exiled famihes. Gene- 
ral WoodhuU, who acted a noble part in the colonial assembly, 

• ManhaU*! Life of Washington, vol. ui. 931. 


and was president of the New- York Convention when it rati- 
fied the Declaration of Independence, commanded the Long 
Island mihtia, and was slain by the enemy on Long Island, at 
the close of the battle, in August, 1 776. The drall of the con- 
stitution was in the hand-writing of Mr. Jay, and it was re- 
ported by Mr. Duane. Those individuals, together with Gou- 
verneur Morris and Robert R. Livingston, were probably 
among the most efficient professional members of the conven- 
tion in the production of the instrument ; though the names of 
other members stand in bold relief upon the records of our re- 
volutionary contest, for their wisdom in council, and their ener- 
gy in action. 

When the constitution was promulgated, and the convention 
were about to dissolve, they created a Council of Safety ; and 
by their resolution of the 8th of May, 1777, they invested that 
council with all the powers requisite for the safety and preser- 
vation of the state, until a governor and legislature should be 
duly chosen, and in a condition to act under the provisions of 
the constitution. The council, thus clothed for a season with 
absolute power, consisted of only fifteen men ; but they were 
not sunshine patriots. Their souls were formed of nobler ma- 
terials. They had every claim to public confidence, and they 
did not abuse it. Their names, m the order in which they 
stand in the resolution of the convention, were, John Morrin 
Scott, Robert R. Livingston, Christopher Tappen, Abraham 
Yates, junior, Gouverneur Morris, Zephaniah Piatt, John Jay, 
Charles Do Witt, Robert Harper, Jacob Cuyler, Thomas Tred- 
well, Pierre Van Corllandt, Matthew Cantine, John Sloss Ho- 
bart, and Jonathan D. Tompkins. 

A governor and legislature were chosen in the summer of 
1 777, and in that trying season, there was not a county in this 
state, as it then existed, which escaped a visit from the arms of 
the enemy. To add to the embarrassment of our councils in 
the extremity of their distress, the inhabitants of the north-east 
part of the state, (now Vermont,) which had been represented 
in the convention, and just then ingrafted into the constitution, 
under the names of the counties of Cumberland and Glouces- 
ter, renounced their alle^ance, and set up for an independent 
state. On the 30th of June, in that year, they were knocking 
at the door of congress for a recognition of their independence, 
and an admission into the Union. 

The memorable campaign of 1777 was opened by an expedi- 
tion of the enemy from New-York to Danbury in Connecticut, 
and the destruction of large quantities of provisions and military 
means collected and deposited in that town. In the northern 
quarter. General Burgoyne advanced from Canada, through the 
lakes, with a well-appointed army of 10,000 men, and for a 


time he dissipated all opposition, and swept every obstacle be^ 
fore him. General Schuyler was still in the command of the 
whole northern department, and he made every exertion to 
check the progress of the enemy. He visited in person the 
different forts, and used the utmost activity in obtaining sup- 
plies to enable them to sustain a siege. While at Albany, 
(which was his head-quarters as previously fixed by congress,) 
busy in accelerating the equipment and march of troops, Ti- 
conderoga being assailed, was suddenly evacuated by General 
St. Clair. General Schuyler met on the upper Hudson the 
news of tlie retreat, and he displayed, says the candid and ac- 
curate historian of Washington,* the utmost diligence and judg- 
ment in that gloomy state of things- He effectually impeded 
the navigation of Wood Creek. He rendered the roads impas- 
sable. He removed every kind of provision and stores beyond 
the reach of the enemy. He summoned the militia of New- 
York and New-England to his assistance ; and he answered 
the proclamation of Burgoyne by a counter proclamation, 
equally addressed to the hopes and fears of the country. Con- 
gress, by their resolution of the 17th of July, 1777, approved 
of all the acts of General Schuyler, in reference to the army at 
Ticonderoga. But the evacuation of that fortress excited great 
discontent in the United States, and General Schuyler did not 
escape his share of the popular clamour, and he was made a 
victim to appease it. It was deemed expedient to recall the 
general oflSoers in the northern army, and in the month of Au- 

Sist he was superseded in the command of that department by 
e arrival of General Gates. The laurels which he was in 
preparation to win by his judicious and distinguished efforts, 
and which he would very shortly have attained, were by that 
removal intercepted from his brow. 

But the advance of General Burgoyne's army was not the only 
evil that awaited us. Col. St. Leger, with a large force of regu- 
lars and Indians, pressed upon our western border, and invested 
Fort Schuyler, at the head of the Mohawk. The whole southern 
district of the state was at the same time in secure possession of 
the enemy. There was never, perhaps, in the history of a free 
people struggling for their hberties, amore portentous crisis. We 
were driven in on every side. The extremities of the state were 
destroyed. There was no pulsation but at the heart. Every thing 
seemed to be lost but hope, virtue, and trust in the providence of 
God. In that gloomy season, the country rose, met, and repelled 
the danger, with an ardour and vigour that can scarcely be con- 

• M&nhftU*! Lifo of WMhington, vol Ui. 1U7. 


ceived.* Brigadier General Herkimer commanded the militia 
on the Mohawk, and in his eflforts to relieve Fort Schuyler, he 
was attacked in the Oriskany woods by a detachment of tlie 
enemy under Sir John Johnson, and after a sanguinary and 
disastrous conflict, he fell fighting gallantly in defence of his 
country. His memory was honoured with the deep regrets 
of his countrymen, and the Congress of the United States 
voted a monument to his fame. Fort Schuyler, under the com-« 
mand of Colonel Gansevoort, was defended with great bravery, 
perseverance, and success. Colonel Marinus Willet distin- 
guished himself likewise, by his zeal and daring enterprise 
during the operations of the siege, and the enemy were com- 
pelled to retire with loss and disgrace. Those disting\iished 
oflScers received a warm eulogy from congress, and strong 
public expressions of gratitude from their own state. 

George CHnton, who had recently been elected governor, 
met the legislature, for the first time, at Kingston, on the 10th 
of September. It was then and there that tne constitution of 
this independent state first received the principle of life. But 
so rapid and so violent were the vicissitudes of events, that, 
about a month from that time, the village in which they were 
assembled was burnt by the enemy. The members of the 
legislature were dispersed in a few days after the session was 
opened, and the governor flew to the defence of the posts in 
the Highlands, to the command of which he had been assigned 
by congress in the spring preceding. They were assailed by 
a very superior land and naval force under Sir Henry Clinton, 
and when a summons for surrender was sent to Fort Montgo- 
mery, the governor peremptorily refused. He defied an assault, 
and made a gallant resistance.! It is well known that the 
fort was taken at the point of the Bayonet, and in the midst of 
the confusion of the evening, the governor and a considerable 
part of the garrison secured their retreat. This was the first 
time that this eminent man fairly disclosed to his countrymen 

* The convention of thifl state, at the close of the year 1776, had prepared 
the minds of the people for the trials of the ensuing campai^, by the admira- 
ble Address to their constituents, which they published at Fishkill, on the 23d 
of December of that year. It was understood at the time to have been 
drafted by Mr. Jay. The object was to cheer the country in its season of 
distress, and to rouse it to vigorous exertion. The address was plain, senten- 
tious, and solemn, filting the object and the crisis ; but it carried its appeal 
with irresistible force to the noblest affections of the human breast, and the 
strongest principles of action. 

t The enemy sustained a severe loss, at least in the fall of Count Grabo- 
Qski, a Polish nobleman, and aid to the British commander, and in the still 
greater loss of Lieutenant Colonel Campbell and Major Alexander Grant. 
The latter was an accomplished officer, and in the was o€ ll^^^'^n^^a ^>^«^>- 
tenant in the 43d Highland regiment. 


his military spirit. I knew him in the midst of the American 
war. He had a boldness and inflexibility of purpose, and de- 
cision and simplicity of character, which resembled the hardy 
sons of antiquity in the best days of Roman freedom, when 
her sages and heroes displayed the majestic port and stem de- 
fiance of " the lords of human kind."* 

But the successive defeats and final capture of Burgoyne 
and his army at Saratoga, dissipated the angry elements which 
menaced our destruction. The independence of the United 
States was from that time forward, regarded by us, and by the 
firiendly nations of Europe, as immoveably established. The 
history of the campaign of 1 777, and especially the condition 
of this state at the lowest point of its depression, the energy 
with which it rose, the efforts of our heroes, and the spirit of 
our people, would together form one of the noblest subjects for 
the graphic pen of the historian. I can speak of the events of 
that year with some of the impressions of a cotemporary wit- 
ness. I heard the noise and fury of the assault upon the 
fortresses on the Hudson ; t and I perfectly recollect the gene- 
ral distress, terror, and bitterness of grief, that were visible in 
the earlier part of the campaign, as well as the tones of joy, 
admiration, and gratitude, at our final and triumphant deliver- 

Having brought this rapid review of prominent events in our 
domestic history, down to within time of memory, the limits 
of this discourse will not permit me to continue it. My desire 
has been to place in fresh remembrance before you, the merits 
of your ancestors ; and to rescue some of their names, though 
it snould be but for a moment, from the dust and " dumb forget- 
fulness" of the record. The distinguished men of the last 
age have nearly all passed away, and a new generation have oc- 
cupied their places, and are enjoying the rich inheritance of 
public freedom and prosperity, bequeathed to them by the 
fathers of the revolution. Amid such a bright constellation of 
worthies, it is difiicult to discriminate. General Montgomery, 
General Woodhull, and General Herkimer, scaled their devo- 
tion to their country with their blood. Major General Alexan- 

♦ In tho full.leni^th portrait of the elder Clinton, painted by Colonel Trum- 
bull, perhaps forty years ago, and in which Fort Montgomery, and the wild 
fcenery around it, appear on tho back ground, the painter, with very great 
■kill and felicity, has thrown into the countenance and air of the hero, 
touches of the character, which I have here attempted to pourtray, from my 
own yivid recollections. 

1 1 then resided almost in the neighbourhood of those scenes, for I was born 
and nurtured m one of the beautiful and picturesque valleys of the High, 
lands. Its ** humble happiness,** and portions of its sacred soil, have never 
heeD Men or remembered by me without the deepest interest 


der M'Dougall caused his early zeal and patriotism to be re- 
corded, even on tlie colonial journals ; and after the war had 
commenced, he rose rapidly in the military service of the 
United States, and congress declared, by a special resolution, 
their sense of his zeal and magnanimity.* John Jay, Robert 
R. Livingston, and Gouverneur Morris, not only received marks 
of the highest trust and confidence in the service of this, and 
of the United States, but at subsequent periods they displayed 
their skill and fidelity as representatives of the nation at foreign 
courts. Egbert Benson rendered eminent service to this state 
throughout the whole period of the American war. He was 
zealous, firm, active, and extensively useful, from the very be- 

?;inning of the contest. In 1777 he was appointed Attomcy- 
ieneral, and in that oflSce, in the legislature and in congress, 
his devotion to the public interest was unremitted. The value 
of his services as a member of the legislature throughout the 
war, was beyond all price ; and in the able, constant, accurate, 
and faithful discharge of the duties of that station, he has 
scarcely had an equal in the legislative annals of this state. 

Of tne members of the provincial congress in 1776, in addi- 
tiorf to those who have already been mentioned, the names of 
John Morrin Scott, Philip Livingston, Abraham Ten Broeck, 
Leonard Gansevoort, Robert Yates, Pierre Van Cortlandt, 
John Sloss Hobart, Zephaniah Piatt, Ezra L'Honunedieu, 
Isaac Roosevelt, Thomas Tredwell, Robert Van Rensselaer, 
John Taylor, David Gelston, and John Broome, may be spe- 
cially noticed, as receiving, in subsequent periods of our history, 
prominent and continued marks of public confidence and es- 
teem. There may be others of equal merit whose names I 
may have unintentionally omitted, and I am obhffed to confine 
myself to the mention of those leading political and military 
characters whom I have found, by my own imperfect re- 
searches, to have left on record some striking memorial of 
public honour and confidence as early as the year 1777. There 
were many other individuals of this state, then in comparatively 
subordinate stations in the civil and military service, who after- 
wards rose to distinguished and deserved eminence. If I de- 
part from the limits which I have prescribed for myself, and 
select any one of them, niy apology is to be found in the illus- 
trious name of Alexander Hamilton. He was, even at that 
early day, the confidential aid of Washington ; but it was not 
until the latter part of the American war, that he began to at- 
tract general attention, and to display, to the admiration of his 
countrymen, the matchless resources of his mighty mind. He 
was chosen a member of congress in July, 1782, and he took 

* Journal* of Coogf ets, ¥oU ^ CA. 


his seat for the first time in November following. His efforts 
to reanimate the languid powers of the confederation, and to 
clothe congress with some essential credit and resources, were 
great, splendid, but imavaiUng. From that period his time and 
talents were almost exclusively consecrated to the service of 
the United States ; and it would have gratified me exceedingly, 
if the plan of this discourse would have permitted, to have at- 
tempted to render some tribute of gratitude to his memory, by 
a recital of his unrivalled exertions to give a constitution, and 
financial credit, and security and prosperity, to the Union. His 
transcendent services to the nation are sufficient to render his 
name inunortal. 

John Jay, Egbert Benson, John Taylor, Thomas Tredwell, 
and Marinus Willet, are the only persons, among those revolu- 
tionary characters, whom I have nitherto mentioned, that are 
now Uving ; and I perceive that one of them has this very week 
been selected to execute a high pubhc trust.* All these vene- 
rable remnants of the last age, may be considered as now liv- 
ing, in comparative seclusion, on the very verge of human life, 
waiting, with a Christian's hope, for their " bright reversion in 
the skies." But their fame accompanies them, and " enlight- 
ens even the obscurity of their retreat."t 

Suffer me to allude again to the history of General Schuyler. 
He was too pre-eminent a character to allow any portion of his 
valuable life to be left unnoticed. 

* John Taylor was chosen an elector of the President of the Unlled Statcfl, 
by the electoral college at Albany, on the 2d of December, 1838. He waa 
formerly first judge of the city and county of Albany, and continued in that 
office unlil he was obliged to retire from it, about twenty-six years ago, in 
consequence of being disqualified to hold the office any longer by arriving at 
9ixty years of -age. He was for many years afterwards Lieut. Governor, and 
in that character be was, ex-nfficio^ President of the Senate, and President of 
the Court of Errors and Appeals, and he continued to occupy the office until 
he was upwards of oigbty years of age. His case showed the striking incon. 
flistency of the constitution, which would allow a person to preside over the 
Court of Errors at the age of eighty, and yet held him disqualified by age 
at sixty to preside over a county court. Thomas Tredwell, also an Octoge. 
narian, was for many years Judge of the Court of Probates, and he at present 
fills the office of Surrogate of Clinton county. He was always distinguished 
for singular simplicity of character, and I received satisfactory evidence, even 
as far back as the American war, that lie had well founded pretensions to 
acholamhip and classical taste. 

tin looking over this Address for re-publication, it occurred to the Editor, 
that all the revolutionary characters alluded to in it as being then living, have 
aince died, and all of them at very advanced ages : — 

John Jay, in the year 1829, 83 

John Taylor 87 

Marinus Willet • ... 82 

Thomas Tredwell, in 1831 88 

Gen. P Van Cortlandt 83 

Richard Varick 78 

Egbert fienwn in 1833 87 


General Schuyler felt acutely the discredit of being recalled 
in the most critical and interesting period of the campaign of 
1777 ; and when the labour and activity of making preparations 
to repair the disasters of it had been expended by him ; and 
when an opportunity was opening, as he observed, for that re- 
sistance ancf retaliation whicn might bring glory upon our arms. 
If error be attributable to the evacuation oi Ticonderoga, says 
the historian of Washington,* no portion of it was committed 
by General Schuyler. But his removal, though unjust and 
severe as respected himself, was rendered expedient, according 
to Chief Justice Marshall, as a sacrifice to the prejudices of 

He was present at the capture of Burgoyne, but without any 
personal command ; and the urbanity of his manners, and the 
chivalric magnanimity of his character, smarting as he was 
under the extent and severity of his pecuniary losses, are attest- 
ed by General Burgoyne himself, in his speech in 1778, in the 
British House of Conunons. He there declared that, by his 
orders, " a very good dwelling-house, exceeding large store- 
houses, great saw-mills, and ether out-buildings, to the value 
altogether perhaps of JCI 0,000 sterling," belonging to General 
Schuyler, at Saratoga, were destroyed by fire a few days be- 
fore the surrender. He said further, that one of the first per- 
sons he saw, after the convention was signed, was General 
Schuyler, and when expressing to him his rcCTCt at the event 
which had happened to his property. General Schuyler desired 
him " to think no more of it, and that the occasion justified it, 
according to the principles and rules of war. He did more," 
said Burgoyne, " ne sent an aid-de-campt to conduct me to 
Albany, in order, as he expressed it, to procure better quarters 
than a stranger might be able to find. That gentleman con- 
ducted me to a very elegant house, and, to my great surprise, 
presented me to Mrs. Schuyler and her family. In that house I 
remained during my whole stay in Albany, with a table of more 
than twenty covers for me and my friends, and every other pos- 
sible demonstration of hospitality."^ 

I have several times had the same relation in substance firom 
General Schuyler himself, and he said that h^ remained behind 
a Saratoga, under the pretext of taking care of the remains of 
his property, but in reality to avoid giving fresh occasion for 
calunmy and jealousies, by appearing in person with Burgoyne 
at his own house. It was not until the autumn of 1778, mat 

• 3 Marshall, 374. 

t The penon alluded to by General Borgojn': ^as Col. Richard Varick, then 
the military secretary to General Schayler, an 1 now President of the Ameri. 
ean Bible Society. (Since deceased. — Ed.) 

t Parliamentary History, yol. ziz. p. 1183. 

d4 cHANcxUiOR Kent's discourse. 

the conduct of General Schuyler, in the campaign of lT77y was 
submitted to the investigation of a court-martial. He was ac^ 
quitted of every charge with the highest honour, and the sen- 
tence was confirmed by congress. He shortly afterwards, up- 
on his earnest and repeated sohcitation, had leave to retire from 
the army, and he devoted the remainder of his life to the service 
of his country in its political councils. 

If the military life of General Schuyler was inferior in bril- 
liancy to that 01 some others of his countrymen, none of them 
ever surpassed him in fidelity, activity, and devotedness to the 
service. The characteristic of all his measures was utihty. 
They bore the stamp and unerring precision of practical science. 
There was nothing complicated in his character. It was chaste 
and severe simplicity ; and take him for all in all, he was one 
of the wisest and most efficient men, both in miUtary and civil 
life, that the state or the nation has produced. 

He had been elected to congress in 1777, and he was re- 
elected in each of the three following years. On his return to 
congress after the termination of his mihtary life, his talents, 
experience, and energy, were put in immediate requisition ; and 
in November, 1779, he was appointed to confer with General 
Washington, on the state of the southern department. In 1781, 
he was in the senate of this state ; and wherever he was placed, 
and whatever might be the business before him, he gave the 
utmost activity to measures, and left upon them the impression 
of his prudence and sagacity. In 1789, he was elected to a 
seat in the first senate of the United States, and when his term 
of service expired in congress, he was replaced in the senate of 
this state. In 1792, he was very active m digesting and bring- 
ing to maturity that early and great measure of state poUcy — 
the establishment of companies tor inland lock navigation. The 
whole suggestion was the product of his fertile and calculating 
mind, ever busy in schemes for the public welfare. He was 
placed at the head of the direction of both of the navigation 
companies, and his mind was ardently directed for years to- 
wards the execution of those liberal plans of internal improve- 
ment.* In 1 796, he urged in his place in the senate, and after- 
wards published, in a pamphlet form,t his plan for the im- 

* The act of the legrii atureof this state of the 9th of March, 1793, ch. 49, 
displayed unbounded confidence in General Schuyler. It amended the law 
relative to lock navigration, after reciting* that '* the President of the Board o£ 
Directors of the Western and Northern Inland Lock Narigation Companies, 
in their behalf, had iijpiified to the legUlature^ that^ in hit opinion^ the 
alterations therein specified, might be made without material injury." 

t The pamphlet was entitled, '* Remarks on the Revenue of the State of 
New.York, ^ Philip Schuyler, a member of the Senate of that State. Alba. 
ay, 1796.** The pamphlet was founded on a series of arithmetical calculations, 
and General Schuyler was profoundly versed in mathematical idence. H« 
JiMd DO raperior in aptitude for such investigations. 


proveraent of the revenue of this state, and in 1797, his plan 
was almost literally adopted, and to that we owe the institution 
of the office of comptroller. In 1797, he was unanimously 
elected, by the two houses of our legislature, a senator in con- 
gress ; and he took leave of the senate of this state in a liberal 
and affecting address, which was inserted at large upon their 

But the life of this great man was now drawing to a close. I 
had formed and cultivated a personal acquaintance with Gene- 
ral Schuyler, while a member of the legislature in 1792, and 
again in 1796 ; and from 1799 to his death in the autumn of 
1 804, I was in habits of constant and friendly intimacy with 
him, and was honoured with the kindest and most grateful at- 
tentions. His spirits were cheerful, his conversation most emi- 
nently instructive, his manners gentle and courteous, and his 
whole deportment tempered with grace and dignity. His fa- 
culties seemed to retain their unimpaired vigour and untirinff 
activity ; though he had evidently lost some oi his constitutional 
ardour of temperament and vehemence of feeling. He was 
sobered by age, chastened by affliction, broken by disease ; 
and yet nothing could surpass the interest excited by the mild 
radiance of the evening of his days. 

It was observed at the beginning of this discourse, that we had 
illustrious annals in this state to appeal to, and I humbly hope that 
I have made cood the assertion. The noble monument erecting 
on Bunker's Hill to the memory of her early patriots, does honour 
to the pride and zeal of the sons of New-England ; but the re- 
cords of this state, in the hands of some future historian, are 
capable of elevating a loftier monument, and one of less perish- 
able materials, on which, not the rays of the setting sun, but the 
rays of a nation's glory, as long as letters shall endure, will 
continue " to play and linger on its srnnmit." I do not wish, 
however, to chensh or inculcate that patriotism which is purely 
local or exclusive. My object is more disinterested and liberal. 
It is to enkindle that generous zeal and ardent pubUc virtue, 
with which Scipio, and other citizens of Rome, are said to have 
been inspired, as often as they beheld the domestic images of 
their ancestors. The glory of each state is the common pro- 
perty of the nation, and our freedom was established by the 
united will, and consolidated efforts, of every part of the Union. 
Our responsibility for tlie wise and temperate use of civil liber- 
ty, is ol general obligation ; and it is our example as a nation 
that has sensibly affected the civilized world. The image of 
personal freedom, of order, of security, of happiness, and of 
national prosperity, which our country presents, has had its in- 
fluence wherever learning and commerce have ipeweVx^XftA.. I 
When our revolution began, despoUsm piev^iXed eNw^j >n\\«^> } 


except in Great Britain and her colonies ; or if civil liberty ex- 
isted at all on the continent of Europe, it dwelt in timid retire- 
ment, in the romantic valleys of Switzerland, within the shade 
of the loftiest Alps. But we have lived to witness a visible im- 
provement in the institutions and poUcy of nations, after the 
tempest of the French revolution had subsided, and its ravages 
were repaired. It left the nations upon which it had spent its 
iury, in a better and healthier condition than it found theia. 
This was some compensation for the injustice and the miseries 
which it had produced. Limited monarchies, resting on a re- 
cognition of popular rights, and constitutional restrictions upon 
power, and invigorated by the admission of the principle of 
representation, are now established in the kingdoms of France 
and the Netherlands. The energy of the press and of popular 
instruction, and the free and liberal spirit of the age, control or 
mitigate the evils of a bad administration, or chastise its abuses 
in every department of government, and they carry their influ- 
ence to the highest ranks and summits of society. Those 
miffhty causes will gradually enlarge the sphere of their action, 
and produce freer institutions, and a better administration of jus- 
tice, in every part of Europe. At any rate, we are assured that 
in our own hemisphere, from the head of the gulf of Mexico, 
throiigh all the good and bad forms of government in Spanish 
and Portuguese America, down to "the farthest verge of the 
green earth," the force of our great example is strongly felt, 
and the eye is turned, with respect and reverence, to the char- 
acter of our power, and the splendour of our rising greatness. 








A.D. 1524. 

Trmulaitdfnm tk$ arigintl JtmluM, 

Membw of Um N. Y. Bittofkal Soctotjr, Ut, 



The following paper is a new translation of the letter writ- 
ten by Verazzano, on his return from his first voyage to the 
Western Continent, giving an account of his discoveries to 
Francis I. of France, by whose orders he had undertaken it. 
It is made from a copy of the original manuscript, in the Mag- 
Uabecchian Library at Florence, which was presented to the 
New- York Historical Society, by G. W. Greene, Esq., now 
Consul of the United States at Rome. A translation of part 
of the same letter is printed in the first volume of the Society's 
Collections, which was taken from Hakluyt, who followed the 
original as given by Ramusio ; but as that varies in substance 
in some few instances from the Magliabecchian, and as Hak- 
luyt's translation is throughout obscure and antiquated in Ian* 
guage, it seems requisite to publish the one which has been 
made from the Society's copy. This letter is in itself highly 
interesting and important, and is rendered still more so from the 
fact of its being the earliest original account in existence of the 
Atlantic coast of the United States, nearly the whole extent of 
which was visited by Verazzano during the voyage described 
in it. It is worthy of remark, that the name by which the 
western continent is now known, is not used by Verazzano in 
the account of his visit to it, owing, probably, to the recent 
and not universal adoption of it ; it is possible even that he was 
ignorant of its having been applied. 

With respect to the comparative authenticity of the manu- 
script used by Ramusio, and that from which our copy is taken, 
we have nothing conclusive to offer ; we can only say, that the 
internal evidence is greatly in favour of the latter. Mr. Greene, 
who took up the whole subject, in an article in the North 
American Review, for October, 1837, remaxV^, \!tvaX^«t^ «xfe 


in Ramusio such variations from the Magliabecchian manu- 
script, as can only be accounted for by supposing that the edi- 
tor must have worked the whole piece over anew, correcting the 
errors of language upon his own authority. Something of the 
kind was evidently done ; the language of the two is very dif- 
ferent, and that used in the manuscript from which the present 
translation is made, has strong marks of being in the very form 
in which it was moulded by Verazzano. It is throughout just 
as sailors of little education conmionly write ; Uttle or no re- 
gard is paid to grammar ; the sentences run into each other ; the 
subjects are thrown together confusedly ; parenthetical clauses 
constantly break the thread of the narrative, and there are no 
points from beginning to end. From such a labyrinth of words, 
it is not easy to affirm that the precise meaning has always been 
unravelled, but all possible pains have been taken to render the 
Italian original as exactly and as clearly as the barbarous style 
in which that is written would admit. The cosmographical 
description at the close is not found in Hakluyt, and it was not 
published in the volume of Collections before cited ; it is 
now added, rather on account of the curious evidence it fur- 
nishes of the state of nautical science at that time, than of any 
valuable knowledge to be drawn from it. 

J. o. c. 

NiwYoRX, Jan. 9th, 1841. 


Captain John DE Verazzano to His Most Serene Majesty 
the King of France, writes : 

Since the tempests which we encountered on the northern 
coasts, I have not written to your most Serene and Christian 
Majesty concerning the four ships sent out by your orders on 
the ocean to discover new lands, because I thought you must 
have been before apprized of all that had happened to us — that 
we had been compelled by the impetuous violence of the winds 
to put into Britany in distress with only the two ships Normandy 
and Dolphin ; and that after having repaired these ships, we 
made a cruise in them, well armed, along the coast of Spain, 
as your Majesty must have heaxd, and also of our new plan of 
continuing our begun voyage with the Dolphin alone ; from this 
voyage being now returned, I proceed to give your Majesty an 
account of our discoveries. 

On the 17th of last January we set sail from a desolate rock 
near the island of Madeira, belonging to his most Serene Ma- 
jesty the King of Portugal, with fifty men, having provisions 
sufficient for eight months, arms and other warhke munition and 
naval stores. Sailing westward with a li^ht and pleasant east- 
erly breeze, in twenty-five days we ran eight hundred leagues. 
On the 24th of February we encountered as violent a hurricane 
as any ship ever weathered, from which we escaped unhurt by 
the divine assistance and goodness, to the praise of the glorious 
and fortunate name of our good ship, that had been able to 
support the violent tossing of the waves. Pursuing our voyage 
towards the west, a little northwardly, in twenty-four days 
more, having run four hundred leagues, we reached a new coun- 
try, which nad never before been seen by any one, either in 
ancient or modem times. At first it appeared to be very low, 
but on approaching it to within a quarter of a league from the 
shore we perceived, by the gre^i fires near the coast, that it was 
inhabited. We perceived that it stretched to the south, and 
coasted dong in tnat direction in search of some port, in which 
we might come to anchor, and examine into the nature of the 
country, but for fifty leagues we could find none in which we 
could lie securely. Seeing the coast still sttelcVxed \» ^e, ^cooSci^ 



we resolved to change our course and stand to the northward, 
and as we still had the same difficulty, we drew in with the 
land and sent a boat on shore. Many people who were seen 
coming to the sea-side fled at our approach, but occasionally 
stopping, they looked back upon us with astonishment, and 
some were at length induced, by various friendly signs, to come 
to us. These showed the greatest delicht on beholding us, 
wondering at our dress, countenances and complexion. They 
then showed us by signs where we could more conveniently 
secure our boat, and offered us some of their provisions. That 
your Majesty may know all that we learned, while on shore, of 
their manners and customs of life, I will relate what we saw as 
briefly as possible. They go entirely naked, except that about 
the loins they wear skins oi small animals like martens fastened 
by a girdle of plaited grass, to which they tie, all round the body, 
the tails of other animals hanging down to the knees ; all other 

f)arts of the body and the head are naked. Some wear gar- 
ands similar to birds' feathers. 

The comple3don of these people is black, not much different 
from that oi the Ethiopians ; their hair is black and thick, and 
not very long, it is worn tied back upon the head in the form of 
a little tail. In person they are of good proportions, of middle 
statiure, a little above our own, broad across the breast, strong 
in the arms, and well formed in the legs and other parts of the 
body ; the only exception to their good looks is that they have 
broad faces, but not all, however, as we saw many that had 
sharp ones, with large black eyes and a fixed expression. They 
are not very strong in body, but acute in mind, active and swin 
of foot, as tar as we could judge by observation. In these last 
two particulars they resemble the people of the east, especially 
those the most remote. We coula not learn a great many par- 
ticulars of their usages on account of our short stay among 
them and the distance of our ship from the shore. 

We found not far from this people another whose mode of 
life we judged to be similar. Tne whole shore is covered with 
fine sand, about fifteen feet thick, rising in the form of Kttle hills 
about fifty paces broad. Ascending farther, we found several 
arms of the sea which make in through inlets, washing the 
shores on both sides as the coast rmis. An outstretched coun- 
try appears at a little distance rising somewhat above the sandy 
shore m beautiful fields and broad plains, covered with immense 
forests of trees, more or less dense, too various in colours, and 
too delightful and charming in appearance to be described. I 
do not believe that they are like the Hercjmian forest or the 
rough wilds of Scythia, and the northern regions full of vines 
and common trees, but adorned with palms, laurels, cypresses, 
and other varieties unknown in Europe, that send forth the sweet- 


-^ est fragrance to a great distance, but which we could not ex- 
amine more closely for the reasons before given, and not on 
account of any difficulty in traversing the woods, wliich, on the 
contrary, are easily penetrated. 

As the ** East'* stretches around this country, I think it can- 
not be devoid of the same medicinal and aromatic drugs, and 
various riches of gold and the like, as is denoted by the colour 
of the ground. It abounds also in animals, as deer, stags, hares, 
and many other similar, and with a great variety of birds for 
every kind of pleasant and delightftil sport. It is plentifully sup- 

Elied with lakes and ponds of running water, and being m tne 
Ltitude of 34. the air is salubrious, pure and temperate, and free 
from the extremes of both heat and cold. There are no violent 
winds in these regions, the most prevalent are the north-west 
and west. In summer, the season in which we were there, 
the sky is clear, with but little rain : if fogs and mists are at 
any time driven in by the south wind, they are instantaneously 
dissipated, and at once it becomes serene and bright again. 
The sea is calm, not boisterous, and its waves are gentle. Al- 
though the whole coast is low and without harbours, it is not 
dangerous for navigation, being free from rocks and bold, so 
that within four or five fathoms from the shore there is twenty- 
four feet of water at all times of tide, and this depth constantly 
r increases in a uniform proportion. The holding ground is so 
good that no ship can part ner cable, however violent the wind, 
as we proved by experience ; for while riding at anchor on the 
coast, we were overtaken by a gale in the beginning of March, 
when the winds are high, as is usual in all countries, we fovmd 
our anchor broken before it started from its hold or moved 
U at all. 

We set sail from this place, continuing to coast along the shore, 
which we found stretching out to the west (east ?) ; the inhabi- 
tants being numerous, we saw everywhere a multitude of fires. 
While at anchor on this coast, there being no harbour to enter, 
we sent the boat on shore with twenty-five men to obtain water, 
but it was not possible to land without endangering the boat, on 
account of the immense high surf thrown up by the sea, as it 
was an open roadstead. Many of the natives came to the 
beach, indicating by various friendly signs that we might trust 
ourselves on shore. One of their noble deeds of friendship de- 
serves to be made known to your Majesty. A young sailor was 
attempting to swim ashore through the surf to carry them some 
knick-knacks, as little bells, looking-glasses, and other like tri- 
fles ; when he came near three or four of them he tossed the 
things to them, and turned about to get back to the boat, but he 
was thrown over by the waves, and so dashed by them. tbaJLVia 
lay as it were dead upon the beach. ^\ieTi tlkiei^e ^^^o^^^ «^:« 


him in this situation, they ran and took him up by the head, 
legs and arms, and carried him to a distance from the surf ; the 

iroung man, finding himself borne off in this way, uttered very 
oud shrieks in fear and dismay, while they answered as they 
could in their language, showing him that ne had no cause for 
fear. Afterwards they laid him down at the foot of a little hill, 
when they took off his shirt and trowsers, and examined him, 
expressing the greatest astonishment at tlie whiteness of his 
skin. Our sailors in the boat seeing a great fire made up, and 
their companion placed very near it, full of fear, as is usual in 
all cases of noveUy, imagined that the natives were about to 
roast him for food. But as soon as he had recovered his strength 
after a short stay with them, showing by signs that he wished 
'" to return aboard, they hugged him with great affection, and 
accompanied him to the shore, then leaving him, that he might 
* feel more secure, they withdrew to a little hill, from which they 
watched him until he was safe in the boat. This young man 
remarked that these people were black like the others, that they 
had shining skins, middle stature, and sharper faces, and very 
delicate bodies and limbs, and that they were inferior in strength, 
but quick in their minds ; this is all that he observed of them. 

Departing hence, and always following the shore, which 
stretched to the north, we came, in the space of fifty leagues, 
to another land, which appeared very beautiful and mil of the 
largest forests. We approached it, and going ashore with 
twenty men, we went back from the coast about two leagues, 
and found that the people had fled and hid themselves in the 
woods for fear. By searching around we discovered in the 
grass a very old woman and a young girl of about eighteen or 
twenty, who had concealed themselves for the same reason ; the 
old woman carried two infants on her shoulders, and behind 
her neck a little boy eight years of age ; when we came up to 
them they began to shnek and make signs to the men who nad 
fled to the woods. We gave them a part of our provisions, 
which they accepted with delight, but tne girl would not touch 
any ; every thine we offered to her being thrown down in great 
anger. We took the little boy from the old woman to carry 
with us to France, and would Have taken the girl also, who was 
very beautiful and very tall, but it was impossible because of the 
loud shrieks she uttered as we attempted to lead her away ; 
having to pass some woods, and being far from the ship, we 
determined to leave her and take the boy only. We found them 
fairer than the others, and wearing a covering made of certain 
plants, which hung down from the branches of tlie trees, tying 
them together with threads of wild hemp ; their heads arc with- 
out covering and of tlie same shape as the others. Their food 
is a kind of pulse which there abounds, different in colour and 


size from ours, and of a very delicious flavour. Besides they 
take birds aiul fish f(»r food, using snares and bows made of hard 
woody with reeds for arrows, in the ends of which they put the 
bones of fish and other animals. The animals in these regions 
are wilder than in Europe from bein^ continually molested by 
the hunters. We saw many of their boats made of one tree 
twenty feet long and four feet broad, without the aid of stone or 
iron or other kind of metal. In the whole country, for the space 
of two hundred leagues, which we visited, we saw no stone of 
any sort. To hollow out their boats they bum out as much of 
a log as is requisite, and also from the prow and stem to make 
them float well on the sea. The land, in situation, fertility and 
beauty, is like the other, abounding also in forests filled with 
various kinds of trees, but not of such fragrance, as it is more 
northern and colder. 

We saw in this country many vines growing naturally, which 
entwine about the trees, and run up upon them as they do in the 
plains of Lombardy. These vines would doubtless produce ex- 
cellent wine if they were properly cultivated and attended to, as 
we have often seen the grapes which they produce very sweet 
and pleasant, and not unlike our own. They must be held in 
estimation by them, as they carefully remove the shrubbery 
from around them, wherever they grow, to allow the fruit to 
ripen better. We found also wild roses, violets, lilies, and many 
sorts of plants and fira^ant flowers different from our own. We 
cannot dfescribe their habitations, as they are in the interior of 
the country, but from various indications we conclude they must 
be formed of trees and shrubs. We saw also many grounds for 
conjecturing that they often sleep in the open air, without any 
covering but the sky. Of their otner usages we know nothing ; 
we believe, however, that all the people we were among live in 
the same way. 

After having remained here three days, riding at anchor on 
the coast, as we could find no harbour, we determined to de- 
part, and coast along the shore to the north-east, keeping sail 
on the vessel only by day, and coming to anchor by night. 
After proceeding one hundred leagues, we found a very pleas- 
ant situation among some steep hiUs, through which a very lar^e 
river, deep at its mouth, forced its way to the sea ; from the 
sea to the estuary of the river, any ship heavily laden might 
pass, with the help of the tide, which rises eight feet. But as 
we were riding at anchor in a good berth, we would not ven- 
ture up in our vessel, without a knowledge of the mouth ; 
therefore we took the boat, and entering the river, we found 
the country on its banks well peopled, the inhabitants not dif- 
fering much from the others, being dressed out with the feath- 
ers of birds of various colours. They came V>vi«xdL% xsa ^w\:^ 


eYident delight, raising loud shouts of admiration, and showing 
us where we could most securely land with our boat. We 

5>assed up this river, about half a league, when we found it 
brmed a most beautiful lake three leagues in circuit, upon 
which they were rowing thirty or more of their small boats, 
from one shore to the other, filled with multitudes who came to 
see us. All of a sudden, as is wont to happen to havigators, a 
violent contrary wind blew in from the sea, and forced us to 
return to our ship, greatly regretting to leave this region which 
seemed so commodious and delightful, and which we supposed 
must also contain great riches, as the hills showed many in- 
dications of minerals. Weighing ancher, we sailed fifty 
leagues towards the east, as the coast stretched in that direc- 
tion, and always in sight of it ; at length we discovered an 
island of a triangular form, about ten leagues from the main- 
land, in size about equal to the island of Rhodes, having many 
hills covered with trees, and well peopled, judging from the 
great number of fires which we saw all around its shores ; we 
gave it the name of your Majesty's illustrious mother. 

We did not land there, as the weather was unfavourable, but 
proceeded to another place, fifteen leagues distant from the 
island, where we found a very excellent harbour. Before en- 
tering it, we saw about twenty small boats full of people, who 
came about our ship, uttering many cries of astonishment, but 
they would not approach nearer than within fifty paces ; stop- 
ping, they looked at the structure of our ship, our persons and 
dress, afterwards they all raised a loud shout together, signify- 
ing that they were pleased. By imitating their signs, we in- 
spired them in some measure with confidence, so that they 
came near enough for us to toss to them some little bells and 
glasses, and many toys, which they took and looked at, laugh- 
ing, and then came on board without fear. Among them were 
two kings more beautiful in form and stature than can possibly 
be described ; one was about forty years old, the other about 
twenty-four, and they were dressed in the following manner : 
The oldest had a deer's skin around his body, artificially 
wrought in damask figures, his head was without covering, 
his hair was tied back in various knots ; around his neck he wore 
a large chain ornamented with many stones of different colours. 
The young man was similar in his general appearance. This 
is the finest looking tribe, and the handsomest in their cos- 
tumes, that we have found in our voyage. They exceed us in 
size, and they are of a very fair complexion (?) ; some of them 
incline more to a white (bronze ?), and others to a tawny colour ; 
their faces are sharp, their hair long and black, upon the adorning 
of which they bestow great pains ; their eyes are black and sharp, 


their expression mild and pleasant, greatly resembling the an- 
tique. I say nothing to your Majesty of the other parts of the 
body, which are all m good proportion, and such as belong to 
well-formed men. Their women are of the same form and 
beauty, very graceful, of fine countenances and pleasing ap- 
pearance in manners and modesty ; they wear no clothing ex- 
cept a deer skin, ornamented like those worn by the men ; 
some wear very rich lynx skins upon their arms, and various 
ornaments upon their heads, composed of braids of hair, which 
also hang down upon their breasts on each side. Others wear 
different ornaments, such as the women of Egypt and Syria 
use. The older and the married people, both men and women, 
wear many ornaments in their ears, hanging down in the oriental 
manner. We saw upon them several pieces of wrought cop- 
per, which is more esteemed by them than gold, as this is not 
valued on account of its colour, but is considered by them as 
the most ordinary of the metals — yellow being the colour es- 
pecially disliked by them ; azure and red are those in highest 
estimation with them. Of those things which we gave them, they 
r prized most highly the bells, azure crystals, and other toys to 
nang in their ears and about their necks ; they do not value 
or care to have silk or gold stuffs, or other kinds of cloth, nor 
implements of steel or iron. When we showed them our arms, 
they expressed no admiration, and only asked how they were 
made ; the same was the case with the looking-glasses, which 
they returned to us, smiling, as soon as they had looked at 
them. They are very generous, giving away whatever they 
have. We lormed a great friendship with them, and one day 
we entered into the port with our ship, having before rode at 
the distance of a league from the shore, as the weather was ad- 
verse. They came off to the ship with a number of their little 
boats, with uieir faces painted in divers colours, showing us 
real signs of joy, brinffing us of their provisions, and signifying 
to us where we could best ride in sarfety with our ship, and 
keeping with us until we had cast anchor. We remained 
among them fifteen days, to provide ourselves with many things 
of which we were in want, during which time they came every 
day to see our ship, bringing with them their wives, of whom 
they were very careful ; for, although they came on board 
themselves, and remained a long while, they made their wives 
stay in the boats, nor could we ever get them on board by any 
entreaties or any presents we could make them. One of the 
two kings often came with his queen and many attendants, 
to see us for his amusement ; but he always stopped at the 
distance of about two hundred paces, and sent a boat to inform 
us of his intended visit, saying they would come and see oux 
ship— this was done for safety, and as bootv as \]be^ \v^ vcl«xi«^ 


8wer from us they came off, and remained awhile to look 
around ; but on hearing the annoying cries of the sailors, the 
king sent the queen, with her attendants, in a very li|^t boat^ 
to wait, near an island a quarter of a league distant from xkB, 
while he remained a long time on board, talking with us by 

^ signs, and expressing his fanciful notions about every thing in 
the ship, and asking the use of all. After imitating our modes 
of salutation, and tasting our food, he courteously took leave 
of US'. Sometimes, when our men staid two or three days on 
a small island, near the ship, for their various necessities, as 
sailors are wont to do, he came with seven or eight of his at- 
tendants, to inquire about our movements, often asking us if we 
intended to remain there long, and offering us every thing at his 
command, and then he would shoot with his bow, and run up and 
down with his people, making great sport for us. We often went 
five or six leagues into the interior, and found the country as 
pleasant as is possible to oonceive, adapted to cultivation of every 
kind, whether of com, wine or oil; there are open plains 
twenty-five or thirty leagues in extent, entirely free from trees 
or other hindcrances, and of so great fertility, that whatever is 

; sown there will yield an excellent crop. On entering the 
woods, we observed that they might all be traversed by an army 
ever so numerous ; the trees of wmch they were composed, were 
oaks, cypresses, and others, unknown in Europe. We found, 

* also, apples, plumbs, filberts, and many other firuits, but all of 
a different kind from ours. The animals, which are in great 
numbers, as stags, deer, lynxes, and many other species, are 
taken by snares, and by bows, the latter being their chief 
implement ; their arrows are wrought with great beauty, and for 

, the heads of them, they use emery, jasper, hard marble, and 
other sharp stones, in the place of iron. They also use the 
same kind of sharp stones in cutting down trees, and with 
them they construct their boats of single logs, hollowed out 
with admirable skill, and sufficiently commodious to contain 
ten or twelve persons ; their oars are short, and broad at the 
end, and are managed in rowing by force of the arms alone, 
with perfect security, and as nimbly as they choose. We saw 
their dweUings, which are of a circular form, of about ten or 
twelve paces in circumference, made of logs split in halves, 
without any regularity of architecture, and covered with roofs 
of straw, nicely put on, which protect them from wind and 
rain. There is no doubt that they would build stately edifices 
if they had workmen as skilful as ours, for the whole sea- 
coast abounds in shining stones, crystals, and alabaster, and 
for the same reason it nas ports and retreats for animals. 
They change their habitations from place to place as circum- 
stances of situation and season may require ; this is easily 


done, as they have only to take with them their mats, and they 
have other houses prepared at once. The father and the 
whole family dwell together in one house in great numbers ; in 
some we saw twenty-nve or thirty persons. Their food is pulse, 
as with the other tribes, which is here better than elsewhere, 
and more carefully cultivated ; in the time of sowing they are 
governed by the moon, the sprouting of grain, and many other 
ancient usages. They Uve oy hunting and fishing, and they 
are long-lived. If they fall sick, they cure themselves without 
medicine, by the heat of the fire, and their death at last comes 
from extreme old age. We judge them to be very aflfectionate 
and charitable towards their relatives — makinff loud lamenta- 
tions in their adversity, and in their misery canine to mind all 
their good fortune. At their departure out of Ufe, their relations 
mutually join in weeping, mingled with singing, for a long 
while. This is all that we could learn of them. This region 
is situated in the parallel of Rome, being 41^ 40' of north 
latitude, but much colder firom accidental circumstances, and 
not by nature, as I shall hereafter explain to your Majesty, and 
confine myself at present to the description of its local situa- 
tion. It looks towards the south, on which side the harbour is 
half a league broad ; afterwards, upon entering it, the extent 
between the coast and north is twelve leagues, and then en- 
larging itself it forms a very large bay, twenty leagues in cir- 
cumference, in which are fiv« small islands, of great fertility 
and beauty, covered with large and lofty trees. Among these 
islands any fleet, however large, might ride safely, without fear 
of tempests or other dangers. Turning towards the south, at 
the entrance of the harbour, on both sides, there are very pleas- 
ant hills, and many streams of clear water, which flow down to 
the sea. In the midst of the entrance, there is a rock of free- 
stone, formed by nature, and suitable for the construction of 
any kind of machine or bulwark for the defence of the harboiur.* 
Having supplied ourselves with every thing necessary, on 
the fifth of Alay we departed from the port, and sailed one hun- 
dred and fifty leagues, keeping so close to the coast as never to 
lose it from our sight ; the nature of the country appeared much 
the same as before, but the mountains were a little higher, 

* The above description applies to Narraganset bay and the harbour of New- 
port in Rhode Island, although mistaken by Dr. Miller, in his Discourse before 
this Society, as published in the first volume of the former series of Collections, 
for the bay and harbour of New. York. The latter are briefly described in a 
preceding paragraph of this translation, p. 45, with sufficient clearness to ad. 
mit of their being easily recognized. The island ** of a triangular form, 
resembling the island of Rhodes,** which Verrazzano mentions aa fi,^*^ V«a!^«» 
to the east of New.York, p. 46, is doubtleaa Block laVaikd^— F.i>. 



and all in appearance rich in minerals. We did not stop to land 
as the weather was very favourable for pursuing our voyage, 
and the country presented no variety. The shore stretched to 
the east, and fifty leagues beyond more to the north, where we 
found a more elevated country, full of very thick woods of fir 
trees, cypresses and the like, indicative of a cold climate. The 
people were entirely different from the others wc had seen, 
whom we had found kind and gentle, but these were so rude ond 
barbarous that we were unable by any signs wc could make, to 
hold communication with them. They clothe themselves in the 
skins of bears, lynxes, seals and other animals. Their food, as 
far as we could judge by several visits to their dwellings, is ob- 
tained by hunting and fishing, and certain fruits, which are a sort 
of root of spontaneous growth. They have no pulse, and we 
saw no signs of cultivation ; the land appears sterile and unfit for 
growing of fruit or grain of any kind. If we wished at any 
time to traffick with them, they came to the sea shore and stood 
upon the rocks, from which they lowered down by ^, cord to our 
boats beneath whatever they had to barter, continually crying 
out to us, not to come nearer, and instantly demanding from us 
that which was to be given in exchange ; tney took from us only 
knives, fish hooks and sharpened steel. No regard was paid to 
our courtesies ; when we nad nothing left to exchange with 
them, the men at our departure made the most brutal signs of 
disdain and contempt possible Against their will we penetrated 
two or three leagues into the interior with twenty-five men ; 
when we came to the shore, they shot at us with their arrows, 
raising the most horrible cries and afterwards fleeing to the 
woods. In this region we found nothing extraordinary except 
vast forests and some metaUiferous hills, as we infer from see- 
ing that many of the people wore copper ear-rings. Departing 
from thence, we kept along the coast, steering north-east, and 
found the country more pleasant and open, free from woods, 
and distant in the interior we saw lofty mountains, but none 
which extended to the shore. Within fifty leagues we discovered 
thirty-two islands, all near the main land, small and of pleasant 
appearance, but high and so disposed as to afford excellent har- 
bours and channels, as we see in the Adriatic gulph, near Illy- 
ria and Dalmatia. We had no intercourse with the people, but 
we judge that they were similar in nature and usages to those 
we were last among. After sailing between east and north the 
distance of one hundred and fifty leagues more, and finding our 
provisions and naval stores nearly exhausted, we took in wood 
and water and determined to return to France, having discovered 
502, that is 700 (sic) leagues of unknown lands. 

As to the religious faith of all these tribes, not understanding 
their language, we could not discover either by sign or gestiures 


any thing certain. It seemed to us that they had no religion 
nor laws, nor any knowledge of a First Cause or Mover, that 
they worshipped neither the heavens, stars, sun, moon nor other 
planets ; nor could we learn if they were g|iven to any kind of 
idolatry, or offered any sacrifices or suppUcations, or if they have 
temples or houses of prayer in their villages ; — our conclusion 
was, that they have no religious belief whatever, but live in this 
respect entirely free. All which proceeds from ignorance, as they 
are very easy to be persuaded, and imitated uswith earnestness 
and fervour in all which they saw us do as Christians in our acts 
of worship. 

It remains for me to lay before your Majesty a Cosmogra- 

Fhical exposition of our voyage.* Taking our departure, as 
before observed, from the above mentioned desert rocks, which 
lie on tlie extreme verge of the west, as known to the ancients, 
in the meridian of the Fortunate Islands, and in the latitude of 
32 degrees north from the equator, and steering a westward 

* la the remainder of this letter, which is chiefly coemogrraphic&l, Ver- 
razzano ahowi how many degrees farther westward he had sailed, than the 
knowledge of the ancients extended, and how erroneous were their notions 
aboat the relative proportions of land and water on the earth's surface* 
As to the first point, the whole calculation it will be observed is based upon 
an error in estimating his meridional distance, which is too large by nearly 
one half, and of course his difieronce of longitude in the same proportion ; but 
this is no disparagement to his nautical skill, for navigation wasia its infancy 
at the time of his voyage, and he had not the aid of a lunar observation 
or a chronometer to correct his dead reckoning. Nor does it appear from 
the letter precisely in what way he determined his ship's progress ; he says 
only that ho took observations of the sun, (probably with an astrolabe as 
the quadrant had not then been invented,) and that he kept notes of his 
daily run ; but the whole account, and particularly his deductions respecting 
the relative proportion of land and water, prove how very imperfect all 
such knowledge then was. This part of the letter is now we believe, for 
the first time, translated into English ; in giving it this now dress, we have 
endeavoured to keep as close as possible to the original, but such is its ob«' 
•eurity and confusedness of expression, that we do not venture to assert we 
have derived the exact meaning of every passage, still we are confident 
that no essential idea has been omitted or mistranslated. In the numerical 
computations the fractional parts are neglected, as they were found to be 
often wrong, owing most likely to the copyist's carelessness, and as they are 
not important to the right understanding of the a\iAem«ik\.%, 


course, we had run, when we first made land, a distance of 1200 
leagues or 4800 miles, reckoning, according to nautical usage, 
four miles to a league. This distance calculated geometricalI]r» 
upon the usual ratio of the diameter to the circumference of the 
circle, giTes 92 degrees ; for if we take 114 degrees as the chord 
of an arc of a great circle, we haTe by the same ratio 95 deg., 
as the chord of an arc on tha parallel of 34 degrees, being that 
on which we first made land, and 300 degrees as the circum- 
ference of the whole circle, passing through this plane. Allowing 
then, as actual observations show, that 62^ terrestrial miles cor- 
respond to a celestial degree, we find the whole circumference of 
300 deg., as just given, to be 18,759 miles, which divided by 360, 
makes the len^h of a degree of longitude in the parallel of 34 
degrees to be 52 miles, and that is tlie true measure. Upon this 
basis, 1200 leagues, or 4800 miles meridional distance, on the 
parallel of 34, give 92 degrees, and so many therefore haTe we 
sailed farther to the west than was known to the ancients. 
During our voyage we had no lunar eclipses or hke celestial 
phcnomcnas, we therefore determined our progress firom the 
difference of longitude, which we ascertained by various instru- 
ments, by taking the sun's altitude from day to day, and by cal- 
culating geometrically the distance run by the snip firom one 
horizon to another ; all tliese observations, as also the ebb and 
flow of the sea in all places, were noted in a little book, which 
may prove serviceable to navigators ; they are communicated to 
your Majesty in the hope of promoting science. 

My intention in this voyage was to reach Cathay, on the ex- 
treme coast of Asia, expecting however, to find in the newly dis- 
covered land some such an obstacle, as they have proved to be, 
yet I did not doubt that I should penetrate by some passage to 
the eastern ocean. It was the opinion of the ancients, that our 
oriental Indian ocean is one and without any interposing land ; 
Aristotle supports it by argimients founded on various probabili- 
ties ; but it is contrary to that of the moderns and shown to be 
erroneous by experience ; the country which has been discover- 
ed, and which was unknown to the ancients, is another world 
compared with that before known, being manifestly larger than 
our Europe, together with Africa and perhaps Asia, if we right- 
ly estimate its extent, as shall now be brieny explained to your 
Majesty. The Spaniards have sailed south beyond the equator 
on a meridian 20 degrees west of the Fortunate Islands to the 
latitude of 54, and there still found land ; turning about they 
steered northward on the same meridian and along the coast to 
the eighth degree of latitude near the equator, and thence along 
the coast more to the west and nortli-west, to the latitude of 21**, 
without finding a termination to the continent ; they estimated 
the distance run as 89 degrees, which, added to the 20 first run 


west of the Canaries, make 109 degrees and so fiur west ; they 
sailed from the meridian oi these islands, but this may vary 
somewhat from truth ; we did not make this voyage and there- 
fore cannot speak from experience ; we calculated it geometri- 
cally from the observations furnished by many navigators, who 
have made the voyage and affirm the distance to be 1600 leagues, 
due allowance being made for the deviations of the ship from a 
straight course, by reason of contrary winds. I hope that we 
shall now obtain certain information on these points, by new 
voyages to be made on the same coasts. But to return to our- 
selves ; in the voyage which we have made by order of your 
Majesty, in addition to the 92 degrees we run towards the west 
from our point of departure, before we reached land in the lati- 
tude of 34, we have to count 300 leagues which we ran north- 
east-wardly, and 400 nearly east along the coast before we 
reached the 50th parallel of north latitude, the point where we 
turned our course from the shore towards home. Beyond this 
point the Portuguese had akeady sailed as far north as tne Arctic 
circle, without coming to the termination of the land. Thus 
adding the degrees of south latitude explored, which are 54, to 
those of the north, which are 66, the sum is 120, and therefore 
more than are embraced in the latitude of Africa and Europe, 
for the north point of Norway, which is the extremity of Europe, 
is in 71 north, and the Cape of Good Hope, which is the south- 
em extremity of Africa, is in 35 south, and their sum is only 
106, and if the breadth of this newly discovered coimtry corre- 
sponds to its extent of sea coast, it doubtless exceeds Asia in 
size. In this way we find that Uie land forms a much larger 
portion of our globe than the ancients supposed, who maintain- 
ed, contrary to mathematical reasoning, that it was less than the 
water, whereas actual experience proves the reverse, so that we 
judge in respect to extent of surface the land covers as much 
space as the water ; and I hope more clearly and more satisfac- 
torily to point out and explain to your Majesty the great extent 
of that new land, or new world, oi which 1 have been speaking. 
The continent of Asia and Africa, we know for certain is joined 
to Europe at the north in Norway and Russia, which disproves 
the idea of the ancients that all this part had been navigated 
from the Cimbric Chersonesus, eastward as far as the Caspian 
Sea. They also maintained that the whole continent was sur- 
rounded by two seas situate to the east and west of it, which 
seas in fact do not surround either of the two continents, for as 
we have seen above, the land of the southern hemisphere at the 
latitude of 54 extends eastwardly an unknown distance, and that 
of the northern passing the 66th parallel turns to the east, and 
has no termination as ni^h as the 70th. In a short time^ Ihoi^^ 
we shall have more certam knowledge of tKe&e\S[v\Tv^)\rj ^^ ^^ 


of your Majesty, whom I pray Almighty God to prosper in last- 
ing glory, that we may see the most important results of this 
our cosmography in the fulfilment of the holy words of the 

On board the ship Dolphin, in the port of Dieppe in Normandy, 
the 8th of July, 1524. 

Your humble servitor, 

Janus Yerrazzanus. 


The foregoing account of the celebrated voyage of the Floren- 
tine navigator Yerrazzano, is fairly entitled to a place in this vol- 
ume, from the circumstance of its containing the earliest notice of 
the bay and harbour of New- York that has come to our knowledge. 
It was originally published about forty years after the completion of 
the voyage, in the third volume of Ramusio's Collection of Yoy- 
ages and Travels, in the Italian language, at Yenice. An English 
translation of it first appeared in the year 1600, published by Hak- 
luyt in his well-known Collection. The discovery by our country- 
man, George W. Greene, Esq., at Florence, of what appears to be 
a genuine manuscript copy of the original letter, as written by 
Yerrazzano, differing in several respects from the one in Ramusio, 
forms an interesting event in the history of American discovery. 
For the purpose of enabling the critical reader to compare the 
two texts in the original language, the manuscript copy furnished 
to the Society by the attentions of Mr. Greene, is now published. 
This is believed to be its first appearance in print.* Editor. 

II Capitano Giovanni da Yerrazzano, fiorentino di Nor- 
mandia alia Serenissima corona di Francia dice : 

Da poi la fortuna passata nelle spiagge settentrionali, Ser™* 
Signore, non scrissi a vostra serenissima et cristianissima 
Maesta quelle che era seguito delli quattro legni che quella 
mando per lo oceano ad iscoprir nuove terre, pensando di tulto 
sia stata certificata come dalle impetuose forze de' venti funmio 
costretti con sola la nave Normanda e Dalfina afflitti ricorrere 
in brettagna dove restaurati avrft V. S. M. inteso il discorso 
facemmo con quelle annate in guerra per 11 lidi di Spagna, di 

* For a full aceonnt of the reMarehea of Mr. Greene, in reference to this 
aubject, and their valuable results, aee the North Ameriean Review^ fot Oq.\a« 
ber, 1837 : Article^** The Life and Yoy«goa of VemziMAr 


poi la nuova disposizione con sola la dalfina in seguire la prima 
navigazione, daUa quale essendo ritomato daro adviso a V. S. 
M. di quello abbiamo trovato. 

Dallo deserto scopulo propinquo alia isola di Madera del 
Ser^ re di Portogallo con la delta dalfina alii 17. del passato 
mese di gennajo con cinquanta uomini fomiti di yettovagliey 
arme et altri strumenti bellici e munizione navale per otto 
mesi partimmo navigando per zeffiro spirando subsolano con 
dolce e soave levita, in venticinque giomi corremmo leghe 
800, e il di 14 di Febbrajo passammo una tormenta tanto 
aspera quanto mai alcuno che naviffasse passasse. Delia quale 
con lo diyino ajuto e bontade e Ltude, del glorioso nome e 
fortunato fatti atti a sopportare la violenta onda del mare, 
fiunmo liberi, e seguimmo nostra navigazione continuando 
verso Toccidente pigliando alquanto del settentrione, e in venti 
cinque altri giorni corremmo piu oltre leghe 400, dove ci 
apparse una nuova terra mai da alcuno antico o modemo vista. 
Mostravasi alquanto bassa al principio, ma approssimatici a un 

S quarto di le^a conosccmmo quella per li grandissimi fiiochi 
acevano al Uto del mare essere abitata : vedemmo correva 
verso I'Austro, lustrandola per trovar alcuno porto dove potes- 
simo con la nave sorgere per investigare la natura di quella in 
spazio di leghe 50 non trovammo porto prossimo alcuno dove 
sicuri potessimo posare, e visto che continuo scendeva verso 
I'Austro deliberammo tornare a rigarla verso il settentrione 
donde il medesimo trovammo sorgendo alia costa, mandando il 
battello a terra avemmo vista di molta gcnte che vcnivano al 
lido del mare et vedendo approssimarci ruggirono, alcuna volta 
fermandosi si voltavano addietro con grande ammirazione ris- 
guardando, ma assicurandoli noi con vary scgni, venivano 
alcuni di quegh, mostrando grande allegrezza, a vedcrci mara- 
vigliandosi di nostri abiti e figure e bianchezza facendone varj 
segni dove col battello dovessimo piii commodamente scendere 
offerendone di loro vivande : fummo alia terra e quello potes- 
simo di loro vita e costumi conoscere con brevita diro a V. 
S. M. Vanno del tuto nudi salvoche alio parti pudibunde 
portano alcune pelli di piccoU animali simili a martori, con una 
cintura d'erbe tessute con code d'altri animali che pendono cir- 
cuendo il corpo sino alle ginocchia, il resto nudo, il capo 
simile. Alcuni di loro portano certe ghirlande simili di penne 
d'ucceUi. Son di colore neri non molto dagli Etiopi difibrmi i 
capelli neri e folti non molto lunghi, i quali Icgano insieme 
dietro alia testa in forma d'una piccola coda. Quanto alia 
simihtudine dell' uomo sono bene proporzionati di mczza sta- 
tura e pid presto a noi eccedono in nel petto ampli, nelle 
braccia oisposte le gambe e I'altro^del corpo bene composti : non 
hanno altro salvo alquanto nel viso tendono in larghezza, non 


pero tulli chc a moiti vedemmo il viso profilato, gli occhi neri e 
grandi la guardatura fissa, non sono di molta forza ma di 
ingenio acuti agili e grandissimi corridori per quello potemmo 
per esperienza conoscere. Somigliano per due esirecni agl' 
orientali massime a quegli delle ultime regioni. Non po- 
temmo di loro coslumi mollo in particulare comprendere per la 
poca stanza facemmo alia terra, per essere suso I'onde alia 
piaggia. Trovammo non lungi di quegli altri populi de quali 
pensiamo il vivere sia conforme, e il lito e coperto tulto di una 
minuta rena alto piedi quindici, estendendosi in forma di piccoli 
colli largo passi cinquanta. Poi ascendendo si trovano alcuni 
bracci di mare die entrano per alcune foci rigando il lito dall' 
una air altra parte come corre il lito di quello. A presso si 
mostra la terra lata tanto eminente che eccede il lito arenoso, 
con belle campagne e province piene di grandissime selve, 
parte rare e parte dense, vcstite di varj colori di arbori di tanta 
vaghczza e dilettevole guardatura quanto esprimere sia pos- 
sibile, ne credo quelle sieno come la ercinea selva o le aspre 
solitudini di scitia o piaggie settentrionali piene di vili e arbori, 
ma ornate di palme, lauri, e cipressi e altre varieta d' arbori 
incogniti alia nostra Europa quali da lungo spazio spirano 
suavissimi odori i quali non possemmo conoscere per la causa 
sopra narrata non che a noi fosse difficile per le selve dis- 
correre che tutte sono penetrabili, ne pensiamo participando 
dello oriente per la circumferenza sieno senza qualche drog- 
heria o liquore aromatico ct altre divitie oro ed altro del quale 
colore la terra tutta tende, c copiosa di molti animali daini, 
cen'i, lepre, e simili. Di laghi e stagni di viva acqua copiosa 
con varj numeri d' uccelli atti e commodi a ogni dilettevole pia- 
cere di vcnagione. Sia questa terra gradi 34, I'aria salubre 
pura e tempcrata dal caldo e dal freddo. Vcnti non impctuosi 
m quella regione spirano, e quelli che piu continui rcgnano 
sono coro e zeffiro. Al tempo estivo del quale noi fummo il 
ciclo e sereno con rara pluvia, e se alcuna volta da venli 
auslrali I'aria incorre in qualche pniina o caliggine in uno 
stante non durando e disfatta tornando pura e chiara, il mare 
tranquillo c non flultuoso le onde del quale sono placide ancora 
che il lito tutto renda in bassczza, e nudo di porti non pero e 
infesto a naviganti essendo tutto netto e senza alcuno scojmlo c 
profondo che per insino a 4 o 5 passi si trova presso alia terra 
senza flusso o riflusso piedi venti d'acqua crescendo tal pro- 
porzione uniforme alia profondita nel pclago con tanto buono 
tenitorio che qualsivoglia nave da tempesta afflitta mai in 
quelle parti non rompendo le funi potra perire, c questo abbi- 
amo provato per esperienza. Impcrocche per valere nel 
principio di Marzo come sempre ogni regione csscie ^v\o\^ \^ 
ibrze de venti sendo noi in alto mare switi da pxoc^a o^yc^^"^^ 


prima trovammo la ancora rotta che nel fondo arasse o facesse 
movimento alcuno. 

Partimmo di questo Inogo continuo scorrendo la costa qual 
trovammo tornava alio occidente veggciido per tulta quella 
grandissimi fuochi per la moltitudine delli abitatori. Surgendo 
in quella alia piaffgia per non tenere porto alcuno, per neces- 
sita d'acqua mandammo il battello a terra con 25 uomini, per 
le grandissime onde gittava il marc al lito per essere la piaggia 
aperta non fu possibile senza pericolo di perdere il battello che 
alcuno potesse in terra scendere, vedemmo molta gente veni- 
vano al lito facendo varj segni d'amista mostrando fussimo a 
terra, fra quali vidi uno atto magnifico come intendera V. S. M. 
Mandando noi a nuoto uno giovane de' nostri marinari a terra 
portando a quegli alcune fantasie come sonagli specchi ed altre 
gentilezze, ed essendo 3 o 4 giunti prossimo a quegli gittando 
loro le mcrce e volendo adietro tomarsi fu tanto dalle onde 
rimosso che quasi morto cadde trasportato alia riva del lito 
quale visto la gente della terra. Subito corsono pigliandolo 
per la testa e gambe e braccia lo portarono alquanto lontano, 
onde vcggendo il giovane in tal forma portarsi da terrora spa- 
vcntalo metteva grandissimi gridi — il che loro in loro lingua 
simile facevano dimostrando non temesse — di poi quelle in terra 
a pie d'uno coUctto posto facevano grandissimi atti di ammi- 
razione guardando la bianchezza delle sue carrii per tutto lin- 
eandolo e spogliandogli la camicia ed i calzamonti e restate 
nudo feciono appresso di quelle uno grandissimo fuoco appros- 
simandolo al calorc. II che visto i marinari che crano al bat- 
tello restati picni di spavcnto come in ogni case nuevo e co- 
stume di quclli pcnsavano che per cibo lo volessero arrostire, 
riavuto lui le forze, con quelli alquanto dimorato per segni 
dimostro volersi tomare alia nave e quelli con grandissimo 
amore tencndolo sempre stretto, con varj abbracciamenti T ac- 
compagniorno fine al mare e per piu assicurarlo allargandosi 
in uno colle eminente stettero a riguardarlo fino che quelle fu al 
battello. II giovane di queste gente conobbe che tali sono di 
colore nero come gli altri e le came molto lustre, di mediana 
statura, il viso piu profilato, il corpo e l' altre membra assai 
piu dilicati di molta poca forza opiu presto d' ingegno altre 
non vide. 

Di qui partiti seguendo sempre il lito che tornava verse set- 
tentrionc pervenimmo in spazio di leghc 50 a un' altra terra 
che molto si mostrava bella e piena di grandissime selve. 
Guignemme a quella andando 20 uomini cirea due leghe fra 
terra e trovammo le gcnti che per paura s'crano fuggite alle 
selve, cercando per tutto scontrammo una femina molto vec- 
chia ed una giovane d' anni 18 in 20, le quali per timere si 
tmno ascose fra 1' erbo. Avcva la vecchia due fanciullctto 


quale porlava sopra le spalle e dietro al coUo uno fanciullo 
lutli d' el^ d' anni VIII in circa, giunti noi a quelli cominciomo 
a gridare e fame segni agli uomini che s'erano fuggiti alle 
selve. Donammoli noi a mangiare delle nostre vivande quale 
con gran gusto acceltorno, la giovane tutto rinunziava e con ira 
a terra gittava e pigliammo il fanciullo alia vccchia per menare 
in Francia, e volendo prendere la giovane quale era di molta 
bellezza, e d' alta slatura, non fu mai possibile per i grandis- 
simi gridi spandeva la polessimo condurre al mare avendo a 

[)assare per alcune selve ed esscndo dalla nave lungi deliberammo 
asciarla portando solo il fanciullo. Trovammo costoro piu 
bianchi che i passati, vestiti di certc erbe che stavano pendenti a' 
rami degli alberi quale tessono con varie corde di canape silves- 
tra, il capo nudo nella medesiraa forma degli altri, il vivere loro in 
genere e di legumi de quali abondano differcnti nel colore a 
grandezze de' noslri di ottimo e dileltevole sapore. In oltrc di 
venazione pesci ed ucelli quali pigliano con lacci ed archi fanno 
di duro legno, le freccic di calamo c nella estrcmita mettono 
ossi di pesci, e d' altri animali. Sono in questa parte le fiere 
piu salvaltiche che non sono in la nostra Europa per la continua 
molesta hanno dei venatori. Vedemmo raolte delle loro bar- 
chette construtte d' un solo albero lunghc piedi 20 larghe picdi 
4 non con fcrro o pietra o altro genere di metallo sono fabbricatc 
imperocche tutta quella terra in spazio di Icghc dugento che vi 
corremmo alcuna pielra d' alcuna sorta mai da noi fu vista. 
Auitansi del quarto elemcnto del legno tale parte quanto basti 
alia concavita dela barca cd il simile della prora e poppa tanto 
che navigando possa solcare le onde del mare. La terra del 
sito, bonta e bellezza e come Y altre selve vare di vario genere 
d' alberi piene ma non di tanto odorc per cssere piu settcntri- 
onale e fredda. Vedemmo in quello molte vite dalla natura 
produtte, quali alzandosi avvoltano agli alberi come nella cisal- 
pina Gallia costumano, le quali se dagli agricoltori avessino il 
perfetto ordine di cultura senza dubbio produrrebbono oltimi 
vini, perche piu volte il frutto di quello beendo, veggendo suave 
e dolce non dal nostro difierente sono da loro tenuti in estima- 
zione imperocche per tutto dove nascono levano gli arbuscoli 
circustanti ad causa il frutto possa germinare. Trovammo rose 
silvestre e viole gigli e molte sorte di erbe e fieri odoriferi da nostri 
differenti. Le abitazioni loro non conoscemmo per essere dentro 
infra terra, estimiamo per molti segni vedemmo sieno di legno e 
di erbe composte, credendo ancora per varie congetture e vestigii 
molti di quegU dormirc alia campagne ed altra che il cielo non 
abbiano per copertura. Altro di costoro non conoscemmo, pensia- 
mo tutti gli altri della passata terra vivino nel medesimo modo. 
Essendo in questa terra dimorati tre giomi, surti alia costanet 
la rarita de' porti deliberanuno partire scotxeivdo ^eav^x^ ^ \v\ft 


infira settentrione ed oriente, il di solamente navigando e la 
notte posando la ancora in termini di leghe cento trovammo un 
site molto ameno posto infra piccoli colli eminenti nel mezzo 
de' quali correva al mare una grandissima riviera, la quale 
dentro alia foce era profonda e dal mare all' eminenza di quella 
col ricrescimento delle aequo quali trovammo picdi otto e vi 
saria passata ogni oneraria nave e per essere surti nel la costa in 
buono obbligo non volemmo senza intelligenza della foce av- 
venturarci fummo col battello ed entrando nella riviera alia ter- 
ra quale trovammo molto populata e le genti quasi conformc all' 
altre vestiti di pennc d' uccelli di vaij colori venivano verso di 
noi allegramente mettendo grandissimi gridi di ammirazione 
mostrandone dove col battello avessimo piu sicuramenle a 

f)osarc, entrammo in detta riviera dentro alia terra circa mezza 
ega dove vedemmo faceva un bellissimo lago di circuito di leghe 
tre in circa, per lo quale andavano discorrendo dall' unaall* alira 
parte al numero di trenta di loro barchette con infinite genti che 
passavano dall' una all' altra terra per vederci. In uno stanle 
come advenire suole nel navicare movendosi impetuoso contra- 
rio vento dal mare fummo forzati tornarci alia nave lasciando 
la detta terra con molto dispiacere per la commodita e vaghezza 
di quella pensando non fosse senza qualchc facolta di prezzo 
mostrandosi tutti li colli di quella minerali. Levata V ancora 
navicammo verso 1' oriente che cosi la terra tornava, discorse 
leghe ottanta. Sempre a vista di quella discoprimmo una isola 
in forma triangolare lontano dal continente leghe X di gran- 
dezza simile alia isola di rodi piena di colli, coperta d' alberi, e 
molto populata per li continui fuochi, per tutto intomo al lito 
vedemmo che facevano. Battezzammolo in nome della voslra 
clarissima geni trice. Non surgendo a quella per la opposizione 
del tempo venimmo a un' altra terra aistante dalla isola leghe 
XV trovammo uno bellissimo porto e prima in quelle entrassi- 
mo vedemmo circa XX barchette di genti che venivano con 
varj gridi e maraviglie intomo alia nave non approssimandosi 
piQ che cinquanta passi fermavansi vcdendo lo edifizio nos- 
tro effigie ed abiti : di poi tutti insieme spandevano un altro 

frrido, significando rallegrarsi, assicuratigli alquanto imitando 
oro gesti si approssimomo tan to che gittammo loro alcuni so- 
nagh e specchj e molte fantasie quale presc con riso e riguar- 
dandole sicuramente nella nave entromo. Erano infra quelli 
duo re de tanta bella statura e forma quanto narrare sia pos- 
sibile il prime d' anni 40 in circa V altro d' anni 24 V abito de* 
quali tale era — il pill vecchio sopra il corpo nudo aveva una 
pelle di ccrvo lavorata artifiziosamente alia damaschina con 
varj ricami, la testa nuda, li capelli aditro avolti con varie 
legature, al coUo una catena larga omata di molte pietre di di- 
versi colori. II giovane quasi nella medesima forma. Era ques- 


ta la piO bella gente e la piCl gentile di costumi abbiamo 
trovata in questa navigazione, eccedono noi di grandezza, sono 
di colore bianchissimo, alcuni pendono piil in bianchezza ma 
altri in colore flavo, il viso profilato, i capegli lunghi e neri nei 
quali pongono grandissimo studio in adornargli, gu occhi neri e 
pronli, la aria dolce e soave imitando molto V antico. Delle altre 
parti del corpo non diro a V. S. M. tenendo tutte le propor- 
zione del corpo V appartiene a uno bene composto. Le donne 
loro sono della mcdesima forma e belleza molto graziose e di ve- 
nusta aira e grato aspetto di costumi e continenlia, nude con solo 
una pelle di cervo ricamata come gli uomini alcune alle braccia 
portano pelle di lupi cervieri molto ricche, il capo con varj oma- 
menti di treccie composte de' medesimi capegli che pendono dall' 
uno e r altro lato del petto. Alcune hanno altre acconciature 
come le donne d' Egitto e di soria usano, e queste sono quelle 
che eccedono alia eta e giunte in sposalizio agli orecchi tcngono 
varie fantasic pendenti come gli orientali costumano cosi gli 
uomini come le donne a quali vedemmo molte lamine di rame 
lavorate da quelli tenute in pregio piu che I'oro ; il quale per il 
colore non stimano : imperocche ira tutti i metalli da loro per 
il piQ vile d tenuto per il giallo colore che aborrono, lo azzurro 
ed il rosso sopra ogni altro esaltando. Quello che da noi gli 
fu donato che piu tenessino in prezzo erano sonagli, cristal- 
lini azzurri cd altre fantasic da tenere agli orecchj ed al coUo, 
non prezzano drappi di seta o di'oro o di'oltri gencri di drappi, 
ne si curano quelli avere, simile de' metalli come acciajo 
ferro, perche piu volte mostrandoli delle nostre armi non ne 
pigliavano ammirazione e di quelle domandavano solo lo arti 
nzio risguardando — delli specchj il simile facevano subito 
quelli guardando, ridendo renfinziavano. Sono molto liberali 
che tutto quello hanno donato. Facemmo con loro grande 
amista ed uno giomo avanti entrassimo con la nave nel porto 
stando per li tempe adversi una lega nel mare surti venivano 
con un numero di loro barchette jJla nave puntata ed acconci 
il viso con varj colori mostrandoci vero segno di allegrezza, por- 
tandone delle loro vivande, facendoci segno dove per salva- 
zione della nave nel porto avessimo a surgere di continue ac- 
compagnandone perfino a quello posammo la ancora, pel quale 
posamma giorni quindici restaurandone di molta opportunita, 
dove ogni giomo veniva gente a vedere alia nave menando le 
loro donne delle quali sono molto curiosi imperocche entrando 
loro in quella dimorando lungo spazio facevano le loro donne 
aspettare nelle barchette e con quanti pri'eghi li facessimo of- 
ferendo donare loro varie cose non era possibile che laciassino 
quelle in nave entrare e molte volte venendo uno delli duo re 
con la regina e molti gentili uomini per suo piacere a vedere. 


in prima si fermava sempre a una terra distante da noi 200 
passi, mandando una barchetta, ad avisame della sua venuta, 
dicendo volare venire a vedere la nave, questo facendo in spe- 
zi6 di sicuria, e come da noi avevano la risposla subito venivano 
e stati alquanto a risguardare senlendo il nojoso clamore della 
turba mariuima memdava la regina con le sue damigelle in una 
barchetia molto leggiera a riposare ad una isola distante da 
noi un quarto di Icga rcstando in grandissimo spazio ragio- 
nando per segni e questi di varie fantasie riguardando tutte le 
sostanze della nave domandando in particolare la proprieta di 
quelle, imitando i nostri saluti, gustando i nostri cibi, di poi 
bcnignamente da noi si partiva ed alcuna volta due e tre 
giomi stando le nostre genti ad una isola piccola vicina alia 
nave per varie necessita come e costume de' Marinaj veniva 
con 7 o 8 de suoi gcnlili uomini in quella guardando nostre 
operazioni, domandandone piu volte se volevamo restar quivi 
per lungo tempo offercndone ogni sua faculta, di poi tirando 
con V arco correndo faceva can li suoi genlili uomini varj giuo- 
chi per darne piaccre fummo piu volte in fra terra V o VI 
leghe quale trovammo tanto amena quanto narrare sia possibile, 
alta a ogni genere di cultura, frumento, vino, olio imperocch6 
in quella sono campagne larghe XXV in XXX Icgne apcrte 
c nude d* ogni impedimento d' arbori, di tanta fcrtilita che 
qualsivoglia seme in quella produrebbe ottimo frutto. Entrando 
poi nelle solve tutte a ogni numeroso esercito in qual mode 
sia sono penetrabili, delle quali gli arbori sono qucrcie, cipressi, 
cd altri incogniti nella Europa. Trovammo pomi luculliane 
pnmc, avcllane c molte altrc frulte. II genere di esse e differ- 
ente dalle nostre. Animali vi sono di grandissimo numcro, 
cer^'i, daini lupi cervieri, e di allre spezie quali ncl modo degli 
altre pigliano can lacci, archi, che sono per loro principale anne, 
le freice de quali sono con molta pulchritudine , lavoratc po- 
ncndo nella estremita per ferro smeriglio, diaspro e duro mar- 
more ed altre taglicnti pietre, delle quali si scrvono per ferro 
nel tagliare alberi e fabricare le loro barchette di un solo fusto 
di legno con mirabile artifizio concavo, nella quale commoda- 
mcnte andr^ X o XII uomini, ed il remo corto nella estremita 
larga opcrando quel solo con forza di braccia in pclago senza 
alcuno pericolo, con tanta velocita quanto a loro piace e stcn- 
dendoci vedemmo loro abitazione in forma circolare di X in 
XII passi di ambito fabricate di semicircoli di legno sepa- 
rate I'una dall altra sensa ordine d' architectura, coperte di 
tele di paglia sottilmente lavorate che da vcnto e pioggia li di- 
fendono, non e dubbio se avessimo la perfezione degli artifizj, 
noi abiamo che conducessino magni edifizj, imperocche tutto 
il lito marittimo di vive pietre d' auralee e cristalline e di ala- 
baslro c pieno e per tale causa e copioso di porti e ricettacoli 


di animali. Permutano le dette cose di uno in altro luogo se- 
condo la esperienza del cito ed il tempo in quello dimorati — 
levano solo le tele, in uno stante hanno altre abitazioni fabri- 
cate, e dimora in ciaschediina padre e fainiglia in grandissimo 
numero e in qualche iina vedemmo XXV o XXa anime ed 
il vivcre lore e come gli altri di legumi i quali producono con 
piu ordine di cultura, degli altri asservando nolle semenze lo 
influsso lunarc il nascimento dclle biade e molti modi dall an- 
tichi dati — in oltre di venagione e pesci — vivono lungo tempo. 
In egritudine incorrono se da * * * * * * 
sono oppressi senza flemito col fuoco da loro medesimi si 
sanano ed il fine loro e della ultima vecchiezza giudichiamo 
sieno di loro prossimi molto pietosi e caritativi, facendo nolle 
adversita gran lamenti, nolle miserie ricordando tutte le loro 
felicita ed i parenti V uno con 1' altro nel fine di loro vita 
usano il pianto siciliano misto con canto per lungo tempo 
durando. E questo 6 quanto di loro potessimo conoscere. 
Questa terra e situata nel paralello di Roma in gradi 41§ ma 
alquanto piu fredda per accidente, non per natura, come in allra 
parte narrero a V. S. M. descrivendo al presente il sitodi detto 
posto guarda verso lo austro angusta mezza lega dipoi entran- 
do in quello infra oriente e settentrione s'cstende leghc XIT 
dove allargandosi causa uno amplissimo seno di circuito di 
leghe XX in circa nel quale sono V isolette di molta fertilita 
e vaghczza piene di alti e spatioso alberi infra le quali isole 
ogni numero di classe senza timore di tempesta o di altro im- 
pedimcnto di fortuna sicura puo quiescerc. Tornando por 
verso raeridio alia entrata del porto all' uno e 1' altro lato sono 
amenissimi colli con molti rivi che dalla eminenza al mare 
scaturiscono chiare aequo. Nel mezzo della bocca si trova 
uno scoglio di viva pietra dalla natura prodotto alto a fabbri- 
carvi qual si vuole macchina o propugnacolo per custodia di 

Essendo di ogni nostra opportunita restaurati il giorno sei 
di maggio partimmo dal detto porto conlinuando il lito non 
perdendo mai la vista della terra navigammo leghe 150, trovan- 
dola di una medesima natura ed alquanto piu alta con alcune 
montagne che tutte si mostravano minerali, non posammo a 
quclla per la prosperita del tempo ne serviva in rigare la costa 
pensammo fosse all' altra conforme — correva il lito alio oriente, 
in spazio di leghe 50 tenando piu al settentrione trovammo 
una terra alta piena di solve molto folte delle quali li alberi fu- 
rono abeti, cipressi, e simili che si generano in regione fredda, 
le gcnte tutte dalle altre diflforme e quanto i passati erano d' 
ogni gesto gentili, questi erano di ruvidezza e visi tanto bar- 
bari, che mai potemmo con quanti segnali li facessimo avere 
coa loro conversazione alcuna. Vesloivo d\ ^0\^ ^\ ati\^ ^ 


lupi, cervieri marini e d' altri animali* II vivere loi'o per quello 
potemmo consocere, andando piCl volte dove avevano la abita- 
tazionc stimiamo le pill volte sia di venagione e pesci e di alcu- 
ni frutti che sono s^ezie di radici quale la terra per se medesi* 
ma produce. Non hanno legumi ne vedemmo segno alcuno 
di cultura nemmeno farebbe la terra per la sterilita non atta a 
producere frutto o seme alcuno. Se da quegli alcima volta re- 
nunziando volevamo delle loro cose ne venivano al lito del 
mare sopra alcune pietre dove, piu frangeva e stando noi nel 
batello con una corda, quello che volcvan dare ci mandevano, 
continuo gridando alia terra non ci approssimassimo, doman- 
dando subito il cambio alio incontro/non pigliando se non col- 
tclli, lami da pescare e metallo tagliente, ne stimavano gentili- 
ezza alcuna, e quando non avevamo piu che permutare da loro 
partendo gli uomini ne facevano tutti gli atti di dispregio e vere 
condia che puo fare ogni brutta creatura. Funamo contra lore 
volonta dentro fra terra due o tre leghe XXV uomini e quando 
scendevano al lito ci tiravano con loro archi mettando gridi 
grandissimi, poi si fuggivano nelle selve. Non connoscenmio 
in questa terra facolta di memento alcuno sc non grandissime 
selvc con alcuni colh possono avere qualche metallo che a molti 
vedemmo pater nostri di rame alii orecchi. Partinuno scor- 
rendo la costa infra oriente e settentrione quale trovammo piik 
bella, aperta e nuda di selve con alte montagne dentro infira 
terra diminuendo verso il lito del mare— in leghe cinquanta dis- 
coprimmo XXXII isole tutte propinque al continente, piccolo 
e di grata prospettiva, alte tencndo la vcrzura della terra fra le 
quali si causava beUissimi porti c canali come ncl scno adriat- 
ico, nclla Illiredc e Dalmazia fanno. Non avcmma con la gente 
conoscenza e stimiamo come le allre lasciate di costumi e natu- 
ra siano. Navigando infra '1 subsolano ed acquilone in spazio 
di leghe 150 e di gia avendo consumalo tutte le nostre sostanze 
navali c vettovaglie, avendo discoperlo leghe 502 cioe leghe 
700 piu di nuova terra fomendoci di acque e legne deliberammo 
di tornarc in Francia. 

Quanto alia fede tengono tutti qucsti popoli abbiamo trovati 
per mancamento di lingue non possemmo conoscerc ne per 
segni gesti alcuni. Consideriamo tenessino legge o fede 
alcuna, ne conoscono una per una causa e motore ne venera- 
sino cielo o stelle, sole luna o altri pianeti, ne manco tenessino 
spezie di idolatria ne conoscemmo facessino sagrificio o altre 
preci ne in la loro populazione hanno tempj o case di orazione. 
Stimiamo non tenghino fede alcuna ma vivino in questa libertA, 
e tutlo dalla ignoranza precede perche ^ono molti facili a 
pcrsuadere tutto quello hanno i cristiani circa il culto divino 
vedevano fare e facevano con quello stimolo e fervore che noi 


Restami a narrare a V. S. M. Pordine di delta navigazione 
circa la cosmograiia. Come di sopra dissi partendo dalli prefati 
scoperti che son situati nel fine dello occidente alii antichi noto, 
e nel meridiano descritto per le insule fortunate in latitudine 
gradi 32 dallo equatore del nostro emisperio navigando alio 
occidente perfino alia prima terra trovammo leghe 1200, che 
contengono miglia 4800, computando miglia quattro perlega 
secondo lo uso marittimo degli navilerii geometrice giusta la 
proporzione tripla settima del diametro alia circonferenza 
gradi 92,^f |;f |j con cid sia che cssendo la corda del arco del 
massimo circolo gradi 114/y e la corda del paralello gradi 34, 
della prima terra da noi trovata alia medesima proporzione gradi 
96f If , essere si mostra I'ambito di tutto il circolo gradi 300xiVi 
che dando per ogni grado come confermano la maggiore pane di 
quelli che hanno sperimentato rispondere in terra aUa propor- 
zione del cielo, miglia 62 j fariano miglia 18759 ^Vr quale 
ripartite in 360 perveneria per ciascheduno migho 52jJ|} e 
tanto vale imo grado di longitudine in detto paralello di gradi 
34. Sopra il quale per la retta del meridiano di detti scoperti 
che stanno in gradi 32 abbiamo calculata la ragione in questo 
che le dette leghe 1 200 per retta linea in gradi 34 da occidente 
in oriente abbiamo trovato, perverria adunque per quella gradi 
9244iT33® tanto abbiamo navigato piu alio occidente e non fu 
cognito alU antichc, nel detto paralello di gradi 34, questa dis- 
tanza a noi fu nota per la longitudine con vaij strumenti na- 
vigando senza eclissi lunari o altro aspetto per al moto solare 
pigliando sempre la elevazione a qual si voglia ora per la dif- 
lerenza faceva dall uno all' altro orizzonte correnao la nave 
geometrice, ne era noto lo intervallo dall uno meridiano all' altro 
come in un libretto tutto amplamente notato insieme col cresci- 
mento del mare in qualsivoglia clima ad ogni tempo ed ora il 
quale non inutile stimo abbia a essere anaviganti, spero meglio 
per la teorica conferirlo a V. S. M. Mia intenzione era di 
pervenire in questa navigazione al Cathaj alio estremo oriente 
dell Asia pensando trovare tale impedimento di nuova terra 
quale ho trovata, e se per qualche ragione pensava quella trovare 
non senza qualche futo di penetrare alio oceano orientale essere 
stimava questa opinione di tutti gli antichi e stata credendo cer- 
tamente il nostro oceano orientale di India uno essere senza 
interposizione di terra questo afferma Aristotile argomentando 
per varie similitudini la quale opinione e molto contraria 
k modemi e la esperienza falsa imperocche la terra e stata 
trovata da quegU antichi incognita un altro mondo a rispctto di 
quella a loro lu noto — manifestamente essere si mostra e di 
maggiore della nostra Europa, della Africa e quasi della Asia 
se rettamente speculiamo la grandezza di quella come sotto 
brevita ne faro un poco di discorso a Y. S. 'Nl. 0\\x^\;i 

66 VBRHASZAliro's V0Y4OB. 

equatore distante dal meridiano dalle insule fortunate yerso lo 
occidente gradi 20}{|{f gli spani verso lo austro gradi 54, 
hanno navigato dove hanno trovato terra senza fine tomando 
poi al settentrione giusta la detta linea meridionale correndo 
il lito perfino in 8 gradi propinqui alio equatore piu alio occi- 
dente partecipando piQ al settentrione giusta la detta linea 
meridionale continuando il lito perfino in gradi 21, non trovando 
termine gradi 89}|f f | hanno navigato quali giunti con gradi 
20||fH, fanno gradi llOl^fjl e tanto hanno navigato del 
detto meridiano dalle isole fortunate piu alio occidente nel 
paralello gradi 21 della altitudine, questa distanza da noi non e 
stata sperimentata per non avcre fatta detta navigazione potria 
variare poco piu o manco abbiamo quella calcolata geometrice 
per la notizia di molti navicaheri che la hanno irequentata 

auali aflfermano essere leghe 1600 giudicando per lo arbitrio il 
iscorso della nave secondo la quaht^ del vento per la continua 
navigazione spero in breve ne avremo ottima certitudine dall' 
altra parte noi in questa nostra navigazione fatta per ordine di 
V. S. M. oltra i gradi 92 che dal detto meridiano verso lo occi- 
dente dal la prima terra trovammo gradi 34 navigando leghe 300 
infra oricnte e settentrione leghe 400 quasi alio oriente continuo 
il lito della terra siamo pervenuti per infino a gradi 50, lasciando 
la terra che piQ tempo fa trovomo li Lusitani quah seguirno piu 
al settentrione pervenendo sino al circulo artico il fine lasciendo 
incognito. Giunta adunque la latitudine scttentrionale con la 
meridionale vidcUcet i gradi 54 con H gradi 66 fanno gradi 120 
che tanto contiene di latitudine la Africa con la Europa pcrche 
giungendo lo estremo della Europa che sono i limiti di Norvegia 
che stanno in gradi 71 con lo estremo dell' Africa che e il pro- 
montorio di capo di Buona Speranza in ^adi 35, faranno solo 
gradi 106 e se lo equestre di aetta terra m parte corresponde 
al lito marittimo non e dubbio di grandezza la Asia ecceda in 
tal forma troviamo il globo della terra mollo maggiore non 
hanno tenuto gli antichi a ripugnanza matemalici quelle rispctto 
alia acqua sia minima il che per esperienza lo opposilo vcggiamo 
e quanto alio aree corporale, di spazio non meno la terra che la 
acqua possedere giudichiamo come alia presenza meglio spero 
e con pui ragione esperimentare e mostrare a V. S. M. tutta 
quella nuova terra o nuovo mondo che disopra abbiamo narrate 
contiene. Insieme congiungendo alia Asia ed Africa et che 
sappiamo certo porria giungere alia Europa con la Norvegia e 
Russia che sarebbe false secondo gli antichi quali dal promon- 
torio de cimbri quasi tutto il scttentrionale dicono essere state 
navigato alio oriente circuendo circa il mare caspio il medesimo 
affermano resterebbe adunque solo interclusa da due mari 
situati dallo orientaleed occidentale, e equelle due ne chiude I'uno 
e Taltro perchfe oltre a' gradi 64 della equinoziale verso lo austro 


s^cstcnde alio oriente per lungo spazio e dal settcntrionale pas- 
sando i gradi 66. Segue tornando in verso lo oriente giun- 
gendo perfino a gradi 70. Spero con lo ajuto di V. S. M. ne 
avremo in breve migliore certitudine, la quale Dio omnipossente 
prosperi in diutuma fama ad causa veggiamo ottime fine di 
questa nostra cosmografia che si adempie la sacra voce dello 
evangelio — nella nave Delphina in Norraandi^ in porto di Diepa, 
a di 8 Luglio, 1524. 

Humilis Servitor, 

Janus Yerazzanus. 









The following paper is derived from the manuscripts deposited 
among the collections of the Society by the Rev. Samuel Miller, 
D. D., to whom it was communicated by the Rev. John Hecke- 
WELDER, for many years a Moravian missionary to the Indians of 
Pennsylvania. In a letter accompanying it, dated at Bethlehem, 
Jan. 2Gth, 1901, Mr. Ileckeweldcr says, " As I receive my infor- 
mation from Indians, in their language and style, I return it in 
the same way. Facts are all I aim at, and from my knowledge of 
the Indians, I do not believe every one's story. The enclosed ac- 
count is, I believe, as authentic as any thing of the kind can be ob- 

A voluminous correspondence of Mr. Heckewelder with Mr. 
Du Ponceau, concerning the languages of the Indians, together 
with an account of the history, manners, and general character of 
the native tribes, derived from personal observation, w^as published 
by the American Philosophical Society, at Philadelphia, in 1819. 
This paper, in a somewhat altered, perhaps improved, form in re- 
spect to its phraseology, was comprehended in that publication; 
but as the original draft is more likely to convey accurately the 
language and style of Mr. Heckc welder's Indian informants, there 
seems to be a manifest propriety in adopting it for publication in 
the present connexion. 



The following account of the first arrival of Europeans at 
York Island, is verbatim as it was related to me by aged and 
respected Delawares, Momeys and Mahicanni, (otherwise 
called Moliigans, Mahicanders,) near forty years ago. It is 
copied from notes and manuscripts taken on the spot. They 

A long time ago, when there was no such thing known to 
the Indians as people with a white skin, (their expression,) 
some Indians wno nad been out a-fishing, and where the sea 
widens, espied at a great distance something remarkably large 

' swimming, or floating on the water, and such as they had 
never seen before. They immediately returning to the shore 
apprised their countrymen of what they had seen, and pressed 
them to go out with them and discover what it might be. 
These together hurried out, and saw to their great surprise 
the phenomenon, but could not agree what it might be ; some 
concluding it either to be an uncommon large fish, or other 
animal, while others were of opinion it must be some very 
large house. It was at length agreed among those who were 
spectators, that as this phenomenon moved towards the land, 
whether or not it was an smimal, or anything that had life in it, 
it w^ould be well to inform all the Indians on the inhabited 
islands of what they had seen, and put them on their guard. 
Accordingly, they sent runners and watermen off to carry the 
news to their scattered chiefs, that these might send off in 
every direction for the warriors to come in. These arriving in 
numbers, and themselves viewing the strange appearance, and 
that it was actually moving towards them, (the entrance of the 
river or bay,) concluded it to be a large canoe or house, in 

"* which the great Mannitto (great or Supreme Being) himself 
was, and that he probably was coming to visit them. By this 
time the chiefs of the different tribes were assembled on York 
Island, and were counselling (or deliberating) on the manner 
they should receive their Mannitto on his arrival. Every step 
hacl been taken to be well provided with a plenty of meat for a 
sacrifice ; the women were required to prepare \JAa b^'sX. ^1 

V victuals ; idols or images were examined axA '^xsx m ^x^^x \ 


and a grand dance was supposed not only to be an agreeable 
entertainment for the Mannitto, but might, with tlie addition of 
a sacrifice, contribute towards appeasing him, in case he was 
angry with them. The conjurors were also set to work, to 
determine what the meaning of this phenomenon was, and 
what the result would be. Both to these, and to the chiefs 
and wise men of the nation, men, women, and cliildren were 
looking up for advice and protection. Between hope and fear, 
and in confusion, a dance commenced. While in this situation 
fresh runners arrive declaring it a house of various colours, 
and crowded with living creatures. It now appears to be cer- 
tain that it is the great Mannitto bringing them some kind of 
game, such as they had not before; but other runners soon 
after arriving, declare it a large house of various colours, full 
of people, yet of quite a different colour than they (the Indians) 
are of; that they were also dressed in a different manner from 
them, and that one in particular appeared altogether red, which 
must be the Mannitto himself. They are soon hailed from 
the vessel, though in a language they do not understand ; yet 
they shout (or yell) in their way. Many are for running off to 
the woods, but are pressed by others to stay, in order not to 
- give offence to their visiters, who could find them out, and 
might destroy them. The house (or large canoe, as some will 
have it,) stops, and a smaller canoe comes ashore with the red 
man and some others in it ; some stay by this canoe to guard 
it. The chiefs and wise men (or councillors) had composed a 
large circle, unto which the red-clothed man with two others 
approach. He salutes them with friendly countenance, and 
they return the sajute after their manner. They are lost in 
admiration, both as to the colour of the skin (of these whites) as 
also to their manner of dress, yet most as to the habit of him 
who wore the red clothes, which shone* with something they 
could not account for. He must be the great Mannitto (Su- 
preme Being,) they think, but why should he have a white 
skin ?\ A large hockhackj is brought forward by one of the 
(supposed) Mannitto's servants, and from this a substance is 
poured out into a small cup (or glass) and handed to the Man- 
nitto. The (expected) Mannitto drinks ; has the glass filled 
again, and hands it to the chief next to him to drink. The 
chief receives the glass, but only smelleth at it, and passes it 
on to the next chief, who does the same. The glass thus 
passes tlu-ough the circle without the contents being tasted by 
any one ; and is upon the point of being returned again to the 
red-clotlied man, when one of their number, a spirited man and 

• Laco. 

t Their own ezpreMion. 

/ Their word for ^oard, bottle, decanter, &c. 


great warrior juiripe up — ^harangues the assembly on the im- 
propriety of returning the glass with the contents in it ; that 
the same was handed them by the Mannitto in order that they 
tshould drink it, as he himself had done before them ; thnX 
this would please him ; but to return what he had given to 
them might provoke him, and be the cause of their being de- 
stroyed by hmi. And that, since he believed it for the good of 
the nation that the contents offered them should be drank, and 
as no one was wilKng to drink it he would, let the consequence 
be what it would ; and that it was better for one man to die, 
than a whole nation to be destroyed. He then took the gla^s 
• and bidding the assembly a farewell, drank it off. Every eye 
was fixed on their resolute companion to see what an effect this 
would have upon him, and he soon begimiing to stagger about, 
and at last dropping to the ground, they bemoan him. He falls 
into a sleep, and they view him as expiring. He awakes 
again, jumps up, and declares that he never folt himself before 
so happy as after he had drank the cup. Wishes for more. 
His wish is granted ; and the wholg^assembly soon join him, 
and become intoxicated.* 

After this general intoxication had ceased, (during which 
time the whites had confined themselves to their vessel,) the 
man with tlie red clothes returned again to ihcm, and dis- 
tributed presents among them, to wit, beads, axes, hoes, stock- 
ings, &c. They say that they had become familiar to each 
other, and were made to understand by signs ; that they now 
would return home, but would visit them next year again, when 
they would bring them more presents, and stay with them 
awhile ; but that, as they could not live without eating, they 
should then want a little land of them to sow some seeds in or- 
der to raise herbs to put in their broth. That the vessel arrived 
the season following, and they were much rejoiced at seeing 
each other ; but that the whites laughed at them (the Indians,) 
seeing they knew not the use of the axes, hoes, dec, they had 

* The Delawarcfl call this place (New. York Island) Mannahatianink or 
Mannahachtanink to this day. They have frequently told me that it deriyed 
its name from this general intoxication, and that the word comprehended the 
same as to say, the island or place of f^eneral intoxication. 

The Mahicanni, (otherwise called Mohi^gans by the English, and Mahic 
anders by the Low Dutch,) call this place by the same name as the Delawaros 
do ; yet thbk it is owing or given in consequence of a kind of wood which 
grew there, and of which the Indians used to make their bows and arrows. 
This wood the latter (Mohicanni) call ** gawaak." 

The universal name the M onseys have for New. York, is Laaphawachking, 
which is interpreted, the place of stringing beads (loampum). They say this 
name was given in consequence of beads bein^ here distributed among them 
by the Europeans ; and that after the European vessel had returned, wherever 
one looked, one would see the Indians employed in stringing the bcada ^\ 
wampum the whites had given them. 



given them, they having had these hanging to their breasts as 
ornaments ; and the stockings they had made use of as tobacco 
pouches. The whites now put handles (or helves) in the 
former, and cut trees down before their eyes, and dug the 
ground, and showed them the use of the stockings. Here 
(say they) a general laughter ensued among them (the Indians), 
that they had remained for so long a time ignorant of the use 
of so valuable implements ; and had borne with the weight of 
such heavy metal hanging to their necks for such a length of 
time. They took every white man they saw for a MannittOy 
yet inferior and attendant to the supreme Mannitto, to wit, to 
the one which wore the red and laced clothes. Familiarity 
daily increasing between them and the whites, the latter now 

f)roposed to stay with them, asking them only for so much 
ana as the hide of a bullock woiSd cover (or encompass,) 
which hide was brought forward and spread on the ground 
before them. That they readily granted this request ; where- 
upon the whites took a knife, and beginning at one place on 
this hide, cut it up into a rope not thicker than the finger of a 
little child, so that by the time this hide was cut up there was 
a great heap. That this rope was drawn out to a great dis- 
tance, and then brought round again, so that both ends might 
meet. Tliat they carefully avoided its breaking, and that upon 
the whole it encompassed a large piece of ground. That they 
(the Indians) were surprised at the superior wit of the whites, 
but did not wish to contend with them about a little land, as 
they had enough. That they and the whites lived for a long 
time contentedly toeether, although these asked from time to 
time more land of them ; and proceeding higher up the Malii- 
canittuk (Hudson river), they believed they would soon want 
all their country, and which at this time was already the case. 
[Here ends this relation.*] 

* At the head of this article there is a typographical error in the name of a 
tribe of Indians, — Momeya should be Monbets, oi\en written MinBia, For an 
exact accoont of this and other Delaware nations, see Gallatin's '* Synopsis 
of Uie Indian Tribes,** a work of extraordinary ability, contained in TroM- 
actiona of American Antiquarian Society, vol. ii. p. 44, &c. 



07 TBB 




Knight, &.c. 

Tra*slat»d from the original Dutcky 

Honorary Member of the N. T. Ilktorical Boclcty. 


It is with peculiar satisfaction that the following translation of 
the Chevalier Lambrechtsen's History of the New Netherlands is 
submitted to the public. Locked up in a language too often 
regarded as semi-barbarous, the authentic account which it 
contains of the early discovery and colonization of the Hud- 
son, and the noble tribute paid by its distinguished author to 
the enterprising character and manly virtues of the hardy pioneers 
on our soil, have been wholly lost to most readers on this side of 
the water, for whom the work possesses an especial and high de- 
gree of interest. A copy of it was received by the Society as 
long ago as the spring of 1818, from the author himself, and a 
translation was furnished, in manuscript, by Mr. Van der Kemp the 
following year ; but with the exception of two or three historical 
writers into whose hands the manuscript translation has passed,* 
few among us, it is believed, even of those who profess an interest 
in historical inquiries, have given themselves the trouble to obtain 
a knowledge of the only complete history of the first European 
colony on the banks of the Hudson. Under these circumstances, 
the present attempt to introduce the Chevalier's labours to an 
American, and especially to a New- York public, is made, as before 
remarked, with peculiar satisfaction. 

The author, who is believed to be still living, is a gentleman 
of considerable rank and reputation in his own country, having 
been Grand Pensionary of Zealand, and connected with many 
learned societies in Europe ; he is also well known to many of 
our countrymen who have visited Holland. In 1816, he applied 
to this Society, through a gentleman at Amsterdam, for informa- 
tion concerning the early history of this city and state, when the 
Corresponding Secretary was directed to forward to him a copy 
of the two volumes of Collections then published. • He was at the 
same time elected an Honorary Member; from which circum- 
stance he was probably led to dedicate his work to the Society, 
together with others to which he sustained a similar relation. 

* Bancroft, Moulton, and perhaps others. 


07 TBI 




Knight, dtc. 

TrMulat^ from the originMl Dutch^ 

Honorary Member of the N. T. Hiitorlcal Society. 


transmit a map illustrative of that work, begging you to accept 
both for yourself, and to present to the Society another copy, 
of a more decent exterior, enclosed in the same packet. 

I pray you forward one of the accompanying letters to my 
cousin, Van Polanen, a resident of your city, and the other to Mr. 
Van der Kemp. 

It will afford me great pleasure to learn that my labours have not 
proved entirely useless, and that the work has met with a favoura- 
ble reception from your respectable Society. 

With the assurance of my respect for the Society, I have the 
honour to be» sir, with the most distinguished consideration, 

Your very humble servant, 

N. C. Lambrechtsen, 

Of Ritthem. 

The translator, the late Francis Adrian Van der Kemp, Esq., was 
the same gentleman to whom the task of translating the records of 
the Dutch Colony was committed by Gov. De Witt Clinton, in 1818, 
which he is believed to have executed with great clearness and 
accuracy. These documents, (liiing twenty-live folio volumes, de- 
posited in the office of the Secretary of State at Albany, form an 
invaluable repository of materials for the future historian. Mr. 
Van der Kemp was originally from Holland, but resided for many 
years at Oldenbameveldt, a village about two miles from Trenton 
Falls, near Utica, where, with his friend, Col. Mappa, he was among 
the original proprietors of the soil. He is said by Mr. SpafTord to 
have been " a fine classical scholar, and a volunteer patriot m the 
cause of America while struggling for independence."* 


♦ Gazetteer of the State of New-York, (second edit) Article, — Trenton. 


07 Tm 




07 THK 






Of Ritthem, 

Knight of th* Eqaeitrlan Order of the Nethe.iand Lion, Preiident of the Zetland Sooiety of 
Scienees, Honorary Member of the New- York Hiitorlcal SodeQr, See, 

S. VAN BENTHEM, Printer of the Zealand Society of Sciences. 













By their ABtoeiate^ 

Of Ritthem. 



As often as I recall the illustrious periods of the history of 
our Fatherland, and contemplate the heroic achievements of our 
ancestors, I cannot avoid being enraptured by them to such a 
degree that they- overpower my whole soul, and keep my 
curiosity and ardour for inquiry bound, as it were, by the spell 
of enchantment. The great associations of the East and West 
India Companies, who imported such immense treasures into 
the Fatherland, were the happy results of bold and often hazard- 
ous individual enterprises, which immortahzed the names of 
those noble Netherlanders who directed or executed them. 

Money, the sinew of war, was required to resist the power- 
ful forces of Philip ; and what could be better undertaken at that 
period, than, following the advice of the French Admiral de 
CoUgny, to try their fortune at sea, and endeavour to take from 
the enemy wnat he had acquired in distant countries, at the 
risk of his hfe and an immense expense. This was successfully 
executed by the Water geuzen^ (water beggars,)* while others 
preferred to assail the enemy in his foreign possessions, conquer 
these and his ships on foreign' coasts, and plant colonies where 
thus far the name of Netherlands was unknown. Instructed in 
the defence of the noble cause of liberty, so boldly and success- 
fully undertaken, and longing to share in the profits with which 
the transatlantic countries enriched that nation, they pursued 
him into every part of the globe. 

* Thus were the confederated Dutch nobles, headed by Brederode, sti^a- 

tized before Margaret of Parma, by the count of Barlaimont, to anuage the 

fears of the Dutchess, **ces ne sont que de Gueux.** Hooft Hist. 77. 

Strada, p. 233. By drinking a nappe, (goblet,) which was with a beggar's.bag 

hung by each guest in his turn on his neck, they pledged themselves, one 

to another, with these words : — 

** Par ee patn, psr ce mI, et par cette besnc^^ 
Jamais Iw Gueax ne ehangtroiw, poor chose qu« Foa DuBaJ"— IhUcK Ia|t.— ^y>)i»%% 



The mariners ceased to be a band of poor fishermen, a 
gang of pirates or stragglers, and became soldiers, who en* 
dured perils on land and at sea, under the Boisots, the de Moors, 
and other naval commanders, and were trained up by them, 
eagerly fastenins on spoil, with a deep inveterate hatred 
against Spain and the Inquisition. 

Such were the inhabitants of our seaports. If men of war or 
privateers were to be equipped against the enemy, or fishinc 
vessels to be despatched, to collect the treasures of the North 
Atlantic or Frozen seas ; were there required expert steersmen, 
and undaunted sailors, the merchants, as well as the states, 
found here always a rich supply. 

It is true, many, very many perished in these perilous expedi- 
tions, but their loss could not be observed in the seaports. On the 
contrary, these became the refuge to other nations, who smarted 
and signed under the iron sceptre of despotism and the Inquisi- 
tion, and were lured hither, partly by the advantages of conunerce 
and navigation, partly by their prospect of enjoying tolerance in 
religion. How many reformed families amved here firom 
Flanders and Hainault, forming congregationb yet bearing their 
name, and transporting hither with their virtues and industry, 
their manufactures and commerce. How many EngUshmen 
sought a refuge in the tolerant Netherlands, to save themselves 
from episcopalian power and insufferable domination.* 

It is not my province to detail the beginning, the progress, 
and struggles of the societies of conunerce in our Fatherland, 
particularly those of the once powerful East and West India 
Companies. Several authors have recorded their glorious un- 
dertakings, and preserved the memory of many brave Nether- 
landers, who opened the richest springs of commerce, either by 
the discovery of unknown coasts, or by the conquest of trans- 
atlantic countries. 

The East India Company was indeed more fortunate than 
that of the West Indies. The latter made important conquests 
in the Brazils, but was finally compelled to surrender the 
whole again to the Portuguese, the first conquerors. They pos- 
sessed in North America such an extensive country, that they 
were justly entitled to give to it the name of New-Netherlands ; 
but this the Netherlanders were obUged to give up to the Eng- 
lish, who established themselves there, and thus exchanged the 
name of New-Netherlands for that of New-England.f 

* The same remark is made bj Lucj Aikin in her Memoirs of Qaeen Elixa. 
bcth, with regard to the Dutch emigrants at Norwich, where the/ found pro- 
tection, (vol. ii. p. 53.) — ^TaANs. 

t More correctly, New.Yokk.— Eo. 


Discovery of New-Netherlands. 


The events relative to the New-Netherland possessions in 
the Brazils, and alons the coast of Guiana, are recorded by 
several historians in the Netherlands ; but what is the reason 
that we know so little of the events in New-Netherlands, in a 
connected view and chronological order, although this beautiful 
and extensive country was in the possession of the Netherlands 
during a period of more than fifty years ? Why is there so 
little, deserving any notice, preserved of it in the records of the 
West India Company, at least in so far as it was in my power to 
inquire ? or was it the department of Amsterdam aJone* that 
superintended the commerce of New-Netherland, while Zea- 
land had appropriated to herself that on the Brazils ? I am in- 
cUned to believe this, as I discovered several proofs of the jeal- 
ousy of the merchants in Holland in respect to the conunerce 
of those of Zealand, to which unhappy propensity, agreeably to 
the observation of impartial historians, the loss of tne Brazils 
ought to be ascribed, since those of Holland declined to assist 
that colony, notwithstanding those of Zealand [solicited it most 

But whatever may be the fact, I feel a pleasure in fixinff my 
attention on that beautiful and blessed country in North Ame- 
rica, formerly named New-Netherlands ; and in preparing, as far 
as my abilities extend, a short description of its discovery, colo- 
nization, and events relative to it, till that period in which it 
changed its ancient name for that of New-England. 

I shall for this purpose make use of the most accredited his- 
torians, and endeavour to execute my plan in a chronological 
order, by comparing them carefully one with another. 

I flattered myself to be much benefited by a little but rare 
work, having the title of ** Description of New-Netherlands as 
it now is, by Adrian Van der Donck, who resides yet 
in NeiV'Netherlandsy'* with documents and a small map ; the 
second edition published at Amsterdam in 1656 ; but I was 
disappointed, as it contained chiefly a description of the pro- 
ducts of the soil, its climate, customs (manners) of the savages, 
animals, &c. ; while the reader is referred^ with reffard to the 
right of possession of our nation in New-Netherlands to a cer- 
tarn ** Exposition {Vertoog) of the Community in New-Nether- 
landsy^ which was published ; while the author further mentions 
a small Treatise on the North river, and a Letter of Johannis 

* Thia 18 made evident by the colonial Dateh reeord*, preserved jet in the 
Secretary's office of the State of New- York*— Trans. 

t Zewnd and Holland are proyinoes of the Netherlands ; hot with ns the 
name of Holland is commonly used ibr the whole country, instead of Nether, 
landa— Ed. 

X The work of Van der Donck is in the library of Oi«\3myem\.7 ^W^l^^xw. 

84 lambrechtsen's 

Megapolensis, junior, formerly a minister of the gospel in tLe 
colony of Rensselaerwyck ;* out I could not obtain either of 
those three pieces.t 

The work of A. Van der Donck contains, neverthdess, a fclr 
particulars, and is adorned with a small map, which desenres 
attention for the Dutch names therein appearing. 

The commerce to the Indies, whose rich products were thus 
far imported from Portugal, originated before the end of the 
16th century. The voyage was undertaken along the cape 
(the Good Hope) to India, and so on to China. The first 
trials were successful, but the voyages tedious by their length. 
The merchants of Zealan4 had already attempted, before those 
of Amsterdam, to discoyer a passage to India through the 
north, or along the strait bf Way-gats. 

The enterprise was ihore than once rendered void. Jacob 
Heemskerk, encourag<kl by munificent gifts, engaged in this 
expedition for the third time, in the year 1596, but was equally 

Now the prospect was given up in our Fatherland of reaching 
India by such a perilous course, although neither here nor in 
England were they utterly deterred from attempting it.J 

Henry Hudson, sent out by the Netherland East India Cam" 
party on a voyage, discovers New-Netherlands. 

A certain Henry Hudson, a bold Englislunan, offered his 
services to the directors of the Netherland East India Com- 
pany in the year 1609, to search once more for a passage to 
China by the north or northeast. Hudson was, no doubt, a most 
proper person for such an enterprise. He had already under- 
taken a voyage, in the year 1607, in behalf of a few EngUsh 
merchants, and arrived at the Island Spitzbergen, previously 
dicovcred by tlie Hollanders. He had gained the confidence 
of his masters, in so far, that tlicy sent him again to sea the 
next year (1608) with the same view.|| 

* Probablj the treatise of Megapolensis here alluded to is the same pah. 
lished in the first yolume of Hazard*s State Papers, under the title of ** A 
Short Aecount of the Maquaas (Mohawk) Indians, in New.Netherlands, &e.; 
written m the year 1644, by John Megapolensis, jun., Minister there. Trans. 
lated from the Dutch."— Ed. 

t Compare the interesting work of the industrious Scheltema, lately pub. 
lished, RuBiia and the Netherlands, torn. i. p. 41, 43. 

t Compare Witzen's "Voyage to Tartary," d. ii.p. 899 Holland Mer. 
eury, 1664, p. 155. Rymer's Acta Publica Regum Angl., torn. yii. p. S 
p. 156. Robertson's History of America, y. 5, p. 19. 

H The ioumals of both these yoyagct of Hudson are from Purekat^ Pit. 
grim§t ▼01. iii. p. 567 — 610. London fol. ed. 1635. Inserted in the Coll of 
the New.York Hist. Soc. vol. i. p. 61^103. 


The inclinations of the directors of the East India Company 
were much at variance upon the proposals of Hudson. The 
directors of Zealand opposed it; they were probably dis- 
couraged by the fruitless results of former voyages, con- 
cerning wmch they could obtain sufficient information from 
their coUea^e Bcuthasar Moucheron, who long before had 
traded 40 me north.* It was, said they, throwing money 
away, and nothing else. If private merchants would run 
the risk they had no objection, provided the Company was 
not injured by it. The Amsterdam directors, nevertheless, 
would not give up their plan, and sent Henry Hudson, in the 
same year, 1609, with a yacht called the Iialf-Moon,^ man- 
ned by sixteen Englishmen and Hollanders, again to sea. 

This vessel left the Texel on the 6th of April, 1609, sailing 
towards the north. Prevented by the ice from reaching the 
latitude of Nova Zembla, they went to New-Foundland, and 
from there to Acadia or New-France, till they were driven into 
a bay known only to the French, who arrived there annually to 
purchase hides and furs from the savages. Hudson, unwilling 
to approach these chilling shores, returned to sea, and steering 
soutnwest discovered land, which was first considered to be an 
island, but which was soon discovered to be a part of the con- 
tinent, named Cape Cod.t 

This industrious navigator felt (although bom in England) 
so sensibly his relation to the Holland East India Company, 
who had employed him in discoveries, that he could not have 
hesitated a moment to give the name of his adopted Father- 
land to this newly discovered country. He called it New- 
Holland. But not wishing to fix his permanent residence on 
this spot, Hudson preferred the sea, taking a southwest course 
tiU he discovered a flat coast in 37° 35', which he followed in 
an opposite direction. 

At this time he discovered a bay, in which several rivers 
were emptying, which, no doubt, must have been the South 
river, afterwards named Delaware. It has a projecting 
point, which then, or afterwards, obtained the name 01 Cape 
Henlopcn, probably from the family name of the first dis- 
coverer. Now the bay was again left, and they steered N.E. 
along the coast at 40° 18\ where between Bamdegat and 
Godinspunt, named thus afterwards in remembrance of him 
who first discovered this Cape, there was a good anchorage, to 

* Balthas&r Moucheron wu one of the first founders of the East India 
Company, and one of the first trading merchants in Muscovy. His name 
is perpetuated in the Moucheron's river, on which is Archan^l. 

t This yacht is named in the Notulen of the Departm. of XVII., the Chad 

t Robertson, t. t. p. 42. 


explore the country^ and to open a communication with the 
inhabitants. But Hudson's curiosity was not so easily satisfied. 
He went again to sea, foUowing tne coast in the same direc- 
tion, till the mouth of a large river was discovered, which then 
was named by the sailors the North river, and afterwards, in 
honour of the name of the first discoverer, Hudson's river. 

This river was sailed up as far as could be effected, viz. to 
43®. They became acquainted with the natives, and fully 
persuaded, as far as their inquiries went, that this river and 
country had never been visited by any Europeans. I dare 
not, nevertheless, decide if in this they were correct. The 
Rev. S. Miller, D.D., one of the ministers of the first Pres- 
byterian church at New- York, and member of the Historical 
Society in that city, mentioned in a discourse delivered before 
that Society in 1809, that one John de Verrazzano, a Florentine, 
who was in the service of the French king, Francis the First, 
must have discovered, in the year 1524, in the ship Dolphin, 
the American coast in the latitude of SV^ and followed it to 
41® ; that he entered a large bay containing five islands, which 
may be taken, with great probability, for the present iVct£>- 
York ; that he stayed there fifteen days, conversing much with 
the natives. The Kcv. Mr. Miller refers to tlie journal of Verraz- 
zano of July 8, 1524, which he borrowed from Hackluyfs 
Voyages, vol. ii. 295 — 300, which, with the conclusions of the 
Rev. Mr. Miller, is inserted in the Collections of the New- 
York Historical Society, vol. i. 19 — 60. 

Certain it is, that Van dcr Donck, who resided several years 
in New-Netherlands, asserts, that he often heard tlie ancient 
inhabitants, who yet recollected the arrival of the ship, the 
Half-Moon, in the year 1609, saying, that before the arrival 
of the Netherlanders they were entirely ignorant of the exist- 
ence of any other nation besides their own, and that they looked 
at the ship as a huge fish or sea monster.* 

The evidences of this writer, nevertheless, as well as those 
of Hudson himself, render it not improbable that Verrazzano 
landed in the bay of the present New- 1 ork, but the event must 
have taken place eighty-five years before, and might have 
been obUterated by the departure of a whole generation. 

But whatever may have been the case, the vigilant Hudson 
resolved to return to Amsterdam, to communicate his report 
of the voyage to the directors. 

The voyage was prosperous. But when he approached the 
English coast a mutiny was stirring among the crew, among 
which were several EngUshmen. They compelled the skipper 

* Van der Donck's Description of New-Nethorl&nda, p. 3. 


to enter Dartmouth, from which the rumour of his discoreries 
ere long reached the capital. 

Nothing was more averse from the views of King James, 
than of allowing to the Netherlanders 'any advantages from 
transmarine colonies, while he, in imitation of Queen Elizabeth^ 
desired to convert the whole to the profit of his own subjects. 
Hudson was considered as a person of importance, and he was 
forbidden to pursue his voyage towards Amsterdam, with the 
intention, ere long, to make use of his services. 

I could not discover that a voyage to the South or North 
river was ever repeated by Hudson, but well, that he dis- 
covered, in the year 1610, a narrow pass of the sea to the 
North of Terra Labrador, called by him the Strait of Hudson, 
and a large bay to the south of Canada, to which he gave 
the name of Hudson's bay. This was the last voyage of this 
man. He was placed, with his son and five men, by a muti- 
nous crew, in an open boat, a prey to the sea, and never was 
heard of any more.* 

Account of the Discovery. 

After the ship, the Half-Moon, had been detained 'at Dart- 
mouth for some time, it was at length permitted to return to the 
Fatherland, where it arrived in the beginning of the year 1610. 

And now did the directors obtain such favourable reports of 
the countries discovered by Hudson, that, in their opinion, 
these were a full compensation for their disappointment in 
their principal aim, the passage to India by the north. 

De Laet, one of the Holland directors of the West India 
Company, who pubhshed in the year 1624 a history of the 
West Indies,! preserved a part of Hudson's journal, and made 
us further acquainted with the country of New-Netherlands, 
its inhabitants, climate, and natural productions. 

It was yet, like other climates to which no Europeans had 
penetrated, in a state of nature, as it was formed by the hand 
of the Creator, or left by unknown events. Immeasurable 
woods with numerous swamps covered the soil. The savages 
hved along the rivers, and covered themselves with the skms 

* Burke, Hist, des Coloniea Eorop^ennes dam I'Am^rique, torn. ii. p. 386. 
Rajnal Hist. Philos. et Polit. tom.^i. p. 389. There is an extract of the journal 
of Hudson's last Tojrage in the Collections of the New* York Hist. Soc torn, u 

t De Laet, 1. c. p. 100. Van Meteron, Ned. Hist. p. 636. The first 
writer has a small map, entitled Nova Angiitis Novum Belgium^ et Virginia. 
(This map was not contamed in the edition referred to, but in a tubiwqaent 
on». — Ed.) 

88 lambrschtsen's 

of wild beasts, increasing in the forests with great rapidity* 
These precious: furs, so highly valued by luxurious Euro- 
peans, were the first objects of trade. The same woods 
supplied an inexhaustible provision for the construction of 
vessels. The soil's fruitfulness exceeded the warmest imagina- 
tion, principally so along the rivers, when overflowing their 
borders, they left a rich loam behind. There was found not 
only Indian wheat, but grapes too, with other fruits. 

The rivers were replenished with every sort of fish, and the 
adjoining seas were rich in cod-fish, tunnys, and whales. In 
short, iSlew-Netherland, to make use of Hudson's own words, 
was the most beautiful country on which you could tread 
with your feet. The natives were good-natured, peace- 
able, and obliging ; the climate pretty near at par with ours ; 
so that therefore rfew Netherland was very properly adapted 
for our nation, to be settled by it, as there seemed notning 
wanting but domestic cattle. 

Several tribes of savages inhabited this imcultivated terri- 
tory, and were in continual warfare one with another. Sus- 
taining themselves by hunting, they roved along the nmnerous 
immeasurable plains of America, to return to the borders of 
rivers and bays, laden with the furs of beavers, otters, and 
other wild beasts, where the Netherland colonists and mariners 
were ready to barter other articles of comfort for these fiirs, 
then so highly valued in Europe. 

Further Voyages to New-Netherlands in 1610 and 1614. 

Hudson's favourable account of the country which he visited 
in America, was favourably received in our Fatherland, and 
inflamed the zeal of some merchants to equip a ship thither^ 
which was carried into execution in the year 1610. They 
addressed too the States General of the United Netherlands, 
soliciting their privilege and encouragement, so that their 
High Mightinesses satisfied their desires by a placard of the 
17th April, 1614, granting to the discoverers of thus far miknown 
countries, the exclusive right, besides other advantages, to 
make four voyages towards such lands.* 

Hendrick C&istianse and Jacob Helkens seem to have 
been the first who, in virtue of this grant, undertook a voyage 
to New-Netherlands, followed or assisted by Adrian Bl(«, 
Godin, and others,! 

♦ Gr. Placard Book i. D. f. 563. 

t Hendrick Chriitiann and Adrian Blok gaye Uieir names to two iaiands 
on the coast of America. The two caoes on the South river are probably 
taken from Jelmer Hinlopen, (Scheltema I 53.) and Cornelia Jaoob Mej — 
be'ng named Cape Hinlopen and Cape Maj, and the west cape of the North 
riycr Godin's Point. 


They constructed, in the year 1614, a small fort on an island 
on the west side of the North river, of very little significance 
in itself, but fully sufficient to protect the colonists in their 
trade, and keep the natives in awe. 

This fort was encircled by a moat eighteen feet wide, armed 
with two pieces of cannon, twelve stone-pieces, {steenstuk- 
ken*) and ten or twelve men, under the command of the 
aforesaid Hendrick ChrisUanse, and in his absence by Jacob 

If wc may depend on De Lact,! the company must have 
established itself on a special grant of the States General, 
and built this fort in the year 1614. But as the West India 
Company did first obtain their grant (ocirooy) in the year 1621, 
it is probable that it ought to be understood of a society of 
mercnants who traded to the West Indies, and were the cause 
of the establishment of the West India Company. 

Settling of the Swedes in New-Netherlands, 

It cannot be well ascertained when the Swedes first visited 
this country. Agreeably to Sprengel they must have settled 
on both sides of the South river in the year 1631, while Raynal 
asserts that it happened about the year 1636.$ 

Burke places the Swedes in the same rank with the Hol- 
landers, saying, " It is not certainly known at what time the 
Swedes and Dutch made their first establishment in North 
America; but it was certainly posterior to our settlement in 
Virginia, and prior to that of New-England. The Swedes, 
who were no considerable naval power, had hardly fixed the 
rudiments of a colony there, ere they deserted it. The inhabi- 
tants, without protection or assistance, were glad to enter into 
a cosdition with the Dutch, who had settled there upon a better 
plan, and to submit to a government of the States.*'] 

The author of the British Empire in America acknow- 
ledges too,§ that the first Europeans who settled in the Jerseys 
were Swedes, who construct^ there a few small forts, as 
Christiana, Helsingburg, and Gothenburg, and that their prin- 

• Steen^ukken, as defined by Holtrop, ^Datch and English Diet., 1824.) 
means "pedereros, or swivel ^uns used in ships.*' — Ed. 

t De lAot's Description of the West Indies, p. 106. 

i Sprengel Grescbichte der Eoropeers in America, i. D. p. 93. Rajnal, t. vi. 
p. 363. 

II Burke's Account of the first European SetUements in America, vol. ii. 184. 
Ed. 1765.) The author quotes a French translation. — Eo. 
(} British Empire in America, 113. 



cipal possessions were situated on the borders of Pennsylyaniai 
opposite Helsingburg.* 

If we can trust the narrative of Thomas Campanius Holm, 
whose grandfather had been a minister of the first Swedish 
settlers in America, the first colonization must have taken 
place in the reign of Gustavus Adolphus, who, upon the favour- 
able reports which he received^ did give a grant on the 2d 
July, 1626, to erect a West India Company, with intentions to 
navigate to New Sweden, (as this author calls it.) 

The first colonists, as this author says, desired to live in 
peace with the natives, purchasing therefore from them the 
whole country between Cape Henlopen, and the large waterfall 
on the South river ; while the English renounced, upon the 
entreaties of the ambassador Oxenstiem to king Charles J., in 
the year 1631, their claim arising firora more early discoveries, 
and the Swedes succeeded in pacifying the Hollanders, who 
had constructed three forts in that district, but which had been 
destroyed by the natives, when they purchased every claim 
from tne States, to which the Netherlanders, in virtue of prior 
possession, were supposed to be entitled; and the aforesaid 
author, T. C. Holm, appeals, in proof of these facts, to two 
reports of Governor John Rising.t 

Although there are several reasons to question the accuracy 
of these reports, I will nevertheless believe, that the Swedes 
receiving no succours, after the deatli of king Gustavus Adol- 
phus, in the year 1632, from their government, and thus of 
course, threatened with expulsion from the country by the na- 
tives, were obliged to call for the aid of their Holland neigh- 
bours, and at last to place themselves under their protection, 
after a trial of sixteen years, as reported by Raynal.f 

If the Swedes acted in this manner by necessity, it had in 
the end a tendency to promote their welfare, as they now 
shared with the Hollanders in the fur trade, which diminished 
from time to time, and was never the most flourishing in the 
vicinity of the rivers ; so that, which however happened at a 
later period, they were obliged to look out for a more profitable 
trade with the savages in Canada. 

The want of mutual harmony between the two nations must 
in tlie mean time have increased, and have given birth to dis- 
trust and quarrels ; of which the English, no doubt, took 
advantage, and at length open hostiUlies ensued, as will appear 
in the sequel. 

* This Holsingburgr ii mtinuned in our maps Elzenhurg, Some other 
Swedish colonies existed on the west side of the South river, as Finland, Up- 
land, Gripsholm, New Vasa, and others. 

t This is borrowed from a treatise named, ** An extract from a translation of 
(he History of New Sweed.Iand, in America, written in Sweed by Thomas 
Campanma Holm,** &.c. in the Collections of the Historical Society of New. 
VorA, torn, ii. p. 345, Ac. 
t RstynaJ, I c. torn. vi. p. 382. 


The Netherland West India Company engaged in voyages to 


What thus far, viz. in ten or twelve years after the discovery 
of Hudson, was effected by Holland merchants or adventurers, 
neither corresponded to tne jy^reat hopes that had been raised 
nor overcame the jealousy felt towards the more successful 
EngUsh and other neighbours, to whose competition they were 

It was reserved for the West India Company, when ac- 
knowledged by the States General, in the year 1621, and 
authorized to send all vessels to the countries in America and 
the West Indies, beginning from the south of Newfoundland, 
and empowered to plant colonies and construct forts, und make 
treaties with the natives, to transform New-Netherlands into a 
fruitful and flourishing country. 

It cannot be doubted that the great advantages which the 
Endish received from Virginia, were contemplated in the 
Fatherland with envy, as the tobacco was transported from there 
in large quantities to Holland and Zealand!, particularly to 
Middleburg and Vlissingen, in both which cities magazines 
were erected for tobacco.* 

Some vessels were then equipped to the North river, not 
only to make new discoveries, but to settle the country and 
provide it with dwclUngs. 

A negociation was opened with the natives for the purchase 
of several tracts on the continent and islands, at a settled, and 
no doubt very moderate price. In this manner were acquired 
Staten and Nut islands,Pavonia, Hoboken, and the island Man- 
hattan on the North river, well situated for trade, and provided 
with a safe anchorage. 

The West India Company made a farther purchase near 
Cape Henlopen from the natives, of a large tract of land, named 
Zwanendaal, (Swan-vale,) while they built on the east side of the 
same river a small fort, known by tne name of Fort Nassau. 

Construction of New-Amsterdam and Fort Orange. 

A fort was constructed on the island Manhattan, now the 
property of the company, under the superintendence of the first 
governor, Hendrick Christianse, which was named Fort Am- 
sterdam. But commerce required very soon the enlargement 
of the capital. Many houses were built, and ere long a small 
city was laid out. It was secured by walls and moats, a church 

• Bobertaon, L o. torn. v. p. B^ 

92 lambrbchtsen's 

was built, a prison, and a mansion for the governor, besides 
several houses for individuals, chiefly merchants of Amsterdam. 
It was natural that the new city obtained the name of New- 

A large tract of land to secure the fur-trade was purchased 
&om the natives on the west side of the North river, at a distance 
of one hundred and seventy miles from the capital, where a 
fort was constructed, named Fort Orange, afterwards Albany. 
Here a lucrative trade was opened in Canadian furs with the 
Iroquois, then at war with the French, with which they cheer- 
fully parted for brandy and small trinkets, but chiefly for gun- 
powder and fire-arms. 

The honesty with which the Netherlanders traded with the 
savages, was unquestionably a great cause of the profit which 
they obtained from this trade. They kept their word in all 
their contracts, and never tried to impose upon the ignorance of 
these barbarians. 

Opposite to the continent was Long Island situated; sepa- 
rated from it by the East river and stretching itself to the mouth 
of the North river. Its fertility was known, which induced the 
company to obtain its property, partly by purchase, partly by 
taking possession of the remainder, so as clearly appears by 
the names of several villages, known on the maps, as New- 
Utrecht, Amersfoort, Breukelen,Heemstede, Vlissingen, s'Grave- 
zande, and others ; not to mention the islands along the coast, 
distinguishable by their Nethcrland denominations. 

So many fruitful districts were no doubt very important as 
well as extensive. These were neverthless yet increased in the 
year 1633 by the purchase of the territory of Connecticut, situ- 
ated to the west of Fresh-water river, {the Connecticut y) twenty 
to twenty-one miles from the sea-coast, being a most beautiful 
and fertile tract of land.t The Governor General van Twiller 
made that purchase from the Pequatos, who conquered it from 
other tribes. He too constructed at a very early period a block- 
house in its defence, named Fort Good Hope 4 

* An enjpavin^ of Now-Amiterdam may be teen in Montanus, in hie De- 
■cription of the new or unknown World, p. 134, and at the foot of the Map 
in Van dor Donck*8 New-Netherlands. (Both of theie now rare booki are 
contained in the library of this Society.— Ed.; 

t With regard to the beauty and fertility of the Connecticut see Brissot's 
Voyage to America, t. i. p. 143. 

X I have followed in my narratiye chiefly the deeeription of the borders of 
New.Netherlandi, joined to a memoir on the limits of its jurisdiction, being 
an App. to a Mem. of the directors of the West India Company to the States 
General on the 39th Sept. 1634, to be found in Beyemingk, p. 604. 


First form of government. 

Of whatever importance to the prosperity of the Fatherland 
were the conquests in the West Indies, from the Spanish, Por- 
tuguese, and natives, they were not left to the arbitrary whims 
of the conauerors and naval commanders ; no, the States Gene- 
ral estabUshed about the year 1629, some articles of order and 
government, whose prompt and faithful execution they required 
m the conquered places. 

They authorized the different departments of the West India 
Company to appoint a Council of nine persons, who should be 
entrusted witn the command of the whole* The precautions 
which had been taken to secure its success, may seen from 
the privileges and exemptions for patrons, masters, and private 
individuals, who shall plant colonies in New-Netherlands, or 
import there any cattle, &c., from the 10th of March, 1628.t 
The following were the principal points : — 

The West India Company should reserve to itself besides the 
fur-trade, tha island of Manhattan also, both to cultivate it, and to 
erect there a staple place for commerce, while the colonists were 
privileged to settle lour miles alone the coast, or along navigable 
rivers, or two miles on both sides of these, provided they did sat- 
isfythe natives for the lands, of which they had taken possession. 

The colonists might navigate along the whole coast of Flo- 
rida to Newfoundland, provided they imported their merchan- 
dise to the Manhattans and paid a recognition of 5 per cent. 

They were privileged to sail for fishing cod all along the 
coast of New-Netherlands, provided they carried it directly to 
Italy, and paid six guilders per last to the company. 

Wherever they took any vessels of the enemy, within the 
limits of this grant, they were holden to conduct them to the 
Fatherland, enjoying then two-thirds of their value. 

The colonies were farther entitled to send from each river or 
island, a deputy to the council of the Director General and his 
Councillors in New-Netherlands. 

The States General added another restriction to these mea- 
sures of the West India Company, for the encouragement of 
merchants and colonists, viz., when they published in the year 
1633, an order and regulation in conformitywith which all armed 
vessels, privateers, were permitted to sail from the United 
Netherlands within the limits of the grant to the West 
India Company, "except the coast of Africa, New-Nether- 

ffGreat Placard Book, t. ii. p. 1335. 

t This is to be found in the Notulen of the department of XIX, in March^ 
1G38. Theee too were teparately pabliihed at AnnUidua, \^\. 


lands, and all other places whatever, to which the Company 
was trading."* 

Extension ofNeW'Netherlands,and delineation of its districts. 

To form an idea of the situation and extent of New-Nether- 
lands, one ought to inspect the annexed map, which, to prevent 
geographical mistakes, I ordered to be drawn on the scale of the 
new map of North America by Arrowsmith, adopting the Low- 
Dutch names of the maps of Montanust and Van der Donck, at 
least in so far as these in my opinion might be subservient to il- 
lustrate history; while the sea-coast and islands in the same 
direction are given in the sea-atlas of Arend Hoogeveen.J 

The country, as far as it was discovered and taken posses- 
sion of by the Netherlanders, extended from 38 deg. 63 min. 
to 42 deg. north, beginning on the south-west, at the South, 
river or Delaware, and ending on the north-east at Cape Cod, 
including Long Island, Nut Island, Staten Island, Manhattan 
Island, and different other islands, as well along the coast, as in 
the bays and on the rivers. || 

It is more difficult to determine the inland extent of New- 
Netherlands. On the North river it may, at least, be calcu- 
lated to extend as far as the colony Rensselaerwyck and Fort 
Orange, one hundred and fifty miles from its capital New- 
Amsterdam, and on the Fresh-water river, (the Connecticut,) 
to Fort Good Hope. The other limits arc uncertain. 

No doubt it was a happy choice of the Netherlanders in lay- 
ing the foundation of llicir possessions on the island Manhattan, 
and on both sides of the North river, a charming deep stream, 
navigable for sea vessels till above Fort Orange, as it opened 
the most favourable prospects ; but the jealousy of their English 
neighbours, on cither side, obscured soon these bright pros- 
pects, and finally extinguished them. 

The West India Company, so gloriously victorious over 
the Spanish silver fleet, by their admiral Piet Hein, spared no 

• Or. Placard Book, t i. p. 599. 

t The map of Montanus incladcB Uie country between 37o and 49* north, and 
is thus much larger than the small map of Van der Donck. In the ii. t. of the 
Atlas of Blauw is another map with tnc inscription, ** Nova Belgica et AngUa 

t Arend Hoogeveen published his maps in 1675, under the title of "Brandend 
▼een" (Burning pcat-soil) ; among these are Nr. 27— 28— S9, relative to New- 
Netherlands. He obtained authority from the States General to navigate to the 
Australian Sea, on which he published a treatise at Middelburg in 1676. 

11 The coasts and limits of New.Netherlands would probably bo better diatin- 
guished on the figurative map, which the directors of the West India Com- 
^ pany piesented on the 36th September, 1654, to their H. M., as BeTeminffk 
^^ meatioiuh bat I could never diicovei iU 


longer any expense to secure the possession of New*Nether- 
lands by the construction of forts and fortifications around the 
capital. But its extensive possessions, both in America and 
on the coast of Guinea, with the equipment of numerous armed 
vessels, required such vast sums of money, and the warnings 
of sound politics, so much prudent circumspection towards 
England, that it seems they were more anxious to defend 
themselves against the natives than against their neighbours ; 
trusting rather on their mutual interest, and on measures ojf 
equity and discretion. But the event proved soon that in 
this they miscalculated. 

EngUnKTs relation to North America and its Emigrations 


If Virginia, (discovered by Walter Raleigh in 1584,) was 
at first scantily peopled, and at last abandoned, the EngUsh 
king (James 1.) soon took notice of the advantages of trans- 
marine colonies. He established in tlie year 1606 two com- 
panies, one in London and the otlicr at Pl)miouth, of which 
the one should direct the trade to Virginia, the other that on 
the northern part of America, afterwards called New-England 
by his son. 

The Plymouth company was less successful than that of 
London. The first ship was taken by the Spanish ; and a 
small fort, constructed in the following year at Sagadahoc, a 
cape at 44° north,* abandoned ; tlie climate being so severe, 
that the whole enterprise was confined to a few small vessels 
to assist the fishing at Cape Cod. 

The famous English sca-conunander, John Smith, who visited 
Cape Cod in 1607, surveyed again in 1614 the higher coast 
of North America, between the bay of Penobscot and the 
aforesaid Cape Cod, and made himself a map of this coast. 
But however favourably his report was received in England, 
it seemed they were not inclined there as yet to exchange 
the paternal soil for the savage and bare coimtries of North 
America.! But ere long the disputes in England about the 

Eublic exercise of religion gave it a new spiu*. Queen EUza- 
eth, although inclining towards the Protestant religion, would 
nevertheless preserve many ceremonials of the Romish church, 
nothwithstanding the contrary opinion of a large number of 

* Robertson, 1. o. t. v. p. 129. 

t An account of Smith's Toyacro and discovery is to Ite met with in the 
famous voyages to the East and Westlndies, Leyden, by Van der Aa, in fol. t. 
iin in whicn m a small map of the seaooast of North America^ between. C%\(^ 
Cod and Penobecot, visitea by J<^ Smith. 



her soSjjectc, vfao w e fen e d the simple srsiem cf Cahin, and 
hni^ut were called Purhanff. 

*n^y rejecV:^ the usai^es and difcipline of the £ii^b4i 
ciiurcii — tiifc farm of prayer — the kneeling at the Loid^s sop- 
j>er — the prayer* for the dead — the pravere and thanksginiigs 
ua tije churches — calliro; all these antickzistian abominatioiis.* 

QaarrtU anvms five English emigrants considered as the 

cause of their dispersion^ 

Tlif: ffiicceKi»^>r« of Queen Elizabeth on the throne, James I. 
htifi Ctiar'eti I., adopted imprudently these and yet more scTere 
ffieai!ijre£y and this was the cause of the riolent religious con- 
U'.niHf [Miri^^rMiums, and emigrations. 

I 'rorn the Puritans were distinguished the adherents of the 
iirownii$t»9 or Independents, among whom were men of probi^ 
mA lttW:r% but every one of them zealously attached to their 
prirK;iples. They exceeded all the other puritans in their ob- 
uUnaUi contempt of the hierarchy, by a spirit of independence 
and Jntolf;rancc, 

'i'he Urownists had left their country long before the end of 
the 10th century, and lead by Johnson, Ainsworth, Smith, 
and Itobirmon, established congregations in conformity to their 
tenets at Middclburg, Amsterdam, and Lcyden. 

Koh<!rt Brown, the chief of that sect, and formerly a minister 
of the Hishoprick of Nor\vich, emigrated before, with some of 
his Hrjclarians, in the year 1588, to Middelburg, established 
there a rongregjilion, which was, however, soon dissolved, 

Imrlly l)y their natural dissensions, as by the departure of 
Jrown to Kngland in the following year ; although it was 
afterwards re-established by the arrival of new members, but 
it tulopted at last the liturgy of the Nelherland churches.t 

Tlie congregation of Brownists established at Amsterdam in 
the Ixjginning of the 17th century by Johnson and Ainsworth 
was of a longer (hiration, but was at last entirely destroyed ;X 
while tlie congregation at Leydcn, estabhshed about the same 
time on the orinciples of the Brownists, by Dr. Robinson, and 
(linu't**.!! by liini with much prudence, was already dissolved, 
partly by the death of the aged members, partly through the 

* Compftre,' about their doctrine, Neal's Hist of the Puritans, t i. ch. 6 ; 
IIuinu*« Hist, of Groat Briuin, vol. y. p. 155, &c. ; Wendeborn's State of 
Hcionotis in Ctroat Britain, t. ii. p. 333. 

t Noinonrlaturu of the English Congregation at Middelburg, p. 1, Sec. ; 
Neal, t. i. 1. o. 1 diy. n. 56. 

t Wagonaer's Dtfbn. of Amsterdam, t. iii. b. ii., and sea 15 of t ii. p. 174, 


apprehension of Robinson and other leaders, that the discovery 
of the truth, as made in the Holy Scriptures, was in danger of 
becoming limited, after the example of the Protestant churches*, 
whose doctrine, as pure, he otherwise respected. 

It was then agitated to leave Holland, and transfer their 
doctrine and morals to another hemisphere ; at last, in the 
year 1620, after a solemn fasting and praying, it was con- 
cluded upon by the younger part of the congregation to remove 
to America, imder the protection of the king of England. They 
particularly had in contemplation that part of North America 
which was abready inhabited by some English families, viz., 
Massachusetts ; and now it was not a difficult task to associate 
with a few Enslish merchants, and oijtain as well the consent 
of the king of England as of the Virginia Company to estab- 
lish themselves there, save their civil and religious liberties. 

Whether any members of the congregation of that sect in 
Amsterdam and Middelburg, or members of other puritanical 
churches in Holland* joined the Brownists at Leyden, it has 
not been in my power to ascertain ; neither does it appear pro- 
bable, as the emigrants only made use of twcyShips, one of sixty 
and the other of one hundred and eighty tons for this voyage, 
taking with them many necessaries lor this new colony, 
besides that their number is only calculated at one himdred 
and twenty. 

When every preparation was made for their departure to 
North America, a fast and prayer day was celebrated, when 
Robinson took his leave of tne rcmainmg members of the con- 

Segation with a sermon, preserved by Neal.t He declared 
at he bewailed the Protestant churcnes, that they would not 
go further than the reformers Luther and Calvin. They had 
been, indeed, burning and shining lights, but did not penetrate 
the whole counsel of God ; and would, were they yet alive, 
cheerfully embrace a greater illumination, just as they had 
showed themselves in receiving that which they first accepted. 
He, therefore, admonished the congregation to leave behind 
the name of Brownists, and be always ready, in conformity 
with the rules of their society, to embrace every truth, which 
should be communicated to them from the written word of 
God ; provided, that they should be always on their guard, 
trying and cor^paring what they ought to accept as truth, &c. 

* Many PoritanB, abhorring the abuse of clerical power, had left England, 
tegether with their ministers, and established themselves in Amsterdam, Rot. 
ieraam, the Hague, Leyden, Utrecht, and other places, where English 
churches of the Presbyterian caste had been established, and which were 
maintained by the government Neal, I. c. d. i. p. 2, 31. [This valuable 
work, was republished by Dr. J. Toulmin ; and at Newburyport, 1816, in 5 
vols. 8vo. — I'eams.] 

t Neal, t. i. p ^. p. 86, 87. 


98 lambrbchtsbn's 

In August, 1620, they left Holland, with the yiew, as Rob- 
ertson says,* to establish themselves on the Hudson riyer; 
but, by an unfortunate accident, they arrived much farther to 
the north, and in November, about the beginning of it, at 
Cape Cod. 

They unloaded their goods in an opposite bay, and began to 
build a city, to which they gave the name of New-Ply- 

It was about this time that the English king (James) re- 
formed the Plymouth Company, who had effected scarcely any 
thing to facihtate an establishment in North America, by found- 
ing the Great Council of Plymouth, granting to it the power by 
letters-patent, to settle a colony in New-England, and to dis- 
tribute lots among the colonists. He died in the year 1625, 
but no alteration took place, by his death, in the politics of 
England with respect to the Puritans. They united therefore 
in larger numbers, and resolved to search for an asylum in 
North America, and to solicit the favour of the Great Council 
of Plymouth. This company, too, made them a gift of an 
exU^nsive tract of land to the north of the river Merrimack, and 
tlirce miles to the south of Charles river, and along the breadth 
of the Atlantic to the South Sea ; while King Charles I., not 
less liberal than the Plymouth council, autnorized them to 
govern their own colony. 

Increased about the year 1629 to the number of three hun- 
dred persons, chiefly zealous Puritans, they left England, and 
settled in America, on a spot which they called Salem, in the 
bay of Massachusetts. Somewhat later the foundation was 
laid of Boston, Charleslown, Dorchester, Roxborough, and 
other cities ; to pass by the settlements in Providence, Rhode 
Island, New-Hampshire, &c. 

Thus far it seems the English emigrants settled and extended 
themselves rather to the north and east of the South river, 
without encroaching upon the districts, possessed by the Nether- 
land West India Company, particularly not in the district of 
Connecticut ; but the unhappy intolerance and fanaticism of 
the puritans in Massachusetts caused soon the disturbance of 
this peace. It might have been expected, that they in gratitude 
for the Dutch hospitality, which they had enjoyed during such 
a long period, at Leyden, Amsterdam, and other cities in Hol- 
land and Zealand, would have left the Nethcrland colonics un- 
molested ; but pride and self-interest had eradicated entirely 
all sentiments of discretion and gratitude from their hearts. 

It can scarce be believed, that men, so conscientious, that 
they considered themselves in duly bound not to make the least 

• Robertson, p. 148. Neal, t i. b. iv. p. 36. 


concession in any disputed point about religious rituals ; men, 
so highly revering the Holy Scriptures, that they considered 
themselves in duty bound to distinguish their cities and viUagcs 
by Biblical names, should so Uttle care about th/eir Netherland 
neighboiu-s of the same religious profession, should so Uttle re- 
spect their anterior possession. 

Two ministers at Salem, a small city in Massachusetts, per- 
haps unequal in talents, but both obstinate in the defence of 
their principles, occasioned such excessive broils, that a sepa- 
ration became unavoidable, so that the Rev. Mr. Hooker with 
his followers left the city of Salem in the year 1633, retiring to 
the country of Connecticut, and the plantations of the Nether- 
landers, leaving the congregation at Salem under the care of his 
colleague. Cotton.* 

Deplorable consequences of ignorance and intolerance, so much 
more pernicious, yea, so much more contemptible, in men who 
had tasted by experience their bitter fruits. 

The emigrants from Salem on the west shore of the great 
river in Connecticut, without paying any regard to the more 
early possession of the Dutch colonists, much less even to the 
local grant, in behalf of the colony of Massachusetts, expelled 
two EngUsh noblemen who had settled there before their 

They built on a spot, which appeared to tliem convenient, a 
few miles above the Netherland fort Good Hope, a small city 
named Hartford, afterwards the capital of Connecticut's colony, 
and the irreconcileable enemy of tne Dutch. 

Encouraged by so much success, and perhaps guided by the 
advices of Cromwell, who correspondeci continually with the 
leaders in each colony,^ they threw away their mask, declined 
to acknowledge the authority of the original colony, and formed 
a government for themselves. Confiding in their numbers, they 
drove off their peaceable neighbours, as far as power could go. 
They built a fort on the Fresh-water river, calling it Tamhert 
Fort, to defend by it their colony against the east, having 
stretched themselves out towards the west, to the Bay of 
Greenwich, so that ere long the puritans of Salem approached 
the capital of New-Netherlands, within 

. Even Lonff Island, separated by the East river from the 
continent, and without any question first discovered and settled 
by the Netherlanders, yea, as they declare, bought from the 
Indians, and adorned with several Netherland villages and forts, 
was a fertile country and blessed with several good harbours. 

• Robertson, p. 179. Neal. p. 176. 

t Robertson, p. 180. 

t lb. p. 5M)0. 

il About twentj-four Enjrlish miles. Tamhert is probably a eormpiion of 
Stamford, whieh is not, boweyer, on ComiftcUc\\l iWei,W\im>2stt».N«»^^=^ 
forty milea of the city of New- York.— Ed. 


Such a faroorable situation, so desirable for the fishery, WM 
alluring to the increasing English. Thus several of them set- 
tled on the east of that island, building two villages there, 
South Hampton and Southold, from which they afterwards 
claimed the naif of the island.* 

It is not here the proper place to give an account of the set- 
tling and progress of the English colonies in North America, 
but it ougnt to be remembered, how the revolution in England 
in the year 1642 animated tlie courage of the emigrants, since 
they now embracing the same religious principles with the po- 
pular party in both nouses, might expect a firm support from 

Four of the principal colonies formed themselves, ere long, 
into a political body ; Boston and Plymouth in Massachusetts, 
and New-Haven and Hartford in Connecticut, concluding with 
anotlicr in the year 1 643 a Treaty of Union, similar to that of 
the Union of Utrecht, with whicii the Brownists, during their 
residence in Holland, had become acquainted.! 

Behold, as was foreseen by sagacious men, the foimda* 
tion laid for the Republic of the United States of North Ame* 
rica, which we, after a severe struggle, have seen increased in 
population, respectability and prosperity, and at last, in the year 
1782, acknowledged as a free and independent state ; and which 
we yet lately, alter a short but obstinate warfare, have seen 
concluding a peace with that same potent realm, which two 
centuries before laid the foundation of that independence by its 
religious intolerance. 

It Elizabeth, and still more, if both her successors on the 
throne of England, James and Charles, had followed other 
politics, and been less attached to the outward solemnities of 
religion and the authority of bishops, they would not have 
compelled their subjects, among wnom were many excellent 
and learned men, to fly to the barren soil of North America ; 
and the fertile lands between the Hudson and the Connecticut 
(Fresh-water river,) might have remained perhaps a part of 

But Providence had determined it otherwise — and its plans 
are always wise and beneficial, however dark and injudicious 
her ways and means may appear to us. If a true and increas- 
ing civilization was destined to take place in the wilderness of 
America, and an illustrious republic of different independent 
states to be formed, it required inhabitants who carried witli 
them industry and religion, and who might perhaps be instru- 
mental in communicating the doctrine of the gospel to the sa- 

* Narntiye of Beyerningk^ p. 607 — 9. 
t Robertion, p. 196. 

KKW-lRTHBRUafM. 101 

Tftge tribes of that extensire country. This was promoted by 
the emigrations from England, Scotland, Ireland, and many 
other realms and states ; and the intolerance of the Englisn 
government, as well as the fanaticism of the emigrated pmi- 
tans, who, persecuting one another, spread themselves over the 
country of America, and co-operated to effect what a sound 
policy seemed to forbid. 

Had Charles and Philip his son known the advantages of 
tolerance and exercised it, as recommended by reU^ion and 
sound policy, never would the Republic of the United Nether- 
lands have obtained existence and a rank among the powers of 
Europe, and rescued themselves from the dominion of intoler- 
ant Spain. 

Had Louis XIV. consulted more his sacred duty, and the 
rights of his Protestant subjects, nor listened to the insinua- 
tions of his courtiers and priests, and not repealed the edict of 
Nantes, our Fatherland would never have received so many 
French emigrants in its bosom, who, by their industry, valour, 
and scientific endowments, were, agreeably to the plan of Pro- 
vidence, ordained to extend the population, promote the com- 
merce and manufactures of Netherlands, and to maintain its in- 
dependence ; never would European discipline, brought hither 
by the French exiles, and eafferly adopted, have been intro- 
duced in the armies of Peter the Great, at least not at such a 
momentous period ; and thus that intelligent monarch would 
have been unable to support his own authority, to protect his 
extensive empire, and execute his gigantic plans, so that 
he could not nave laid the foundation for that greatness and 
power, of which France, in our days, felt all the energy, and to 
which the existence of that famous Holy Alliance must be 

Intolerance in religion finds at last its own grave in itself, 
and is, in the hand of^Providence, the efficacious means to pro- 
duce the most glorious effects in behalf of other nations to her 

But let us return from this digression to New-Netherlands — 
to contemplate there the development of great events, which 
English intolerance prepared against her wm. 

Mutual Jealousy between the Netherlanders and English. 

The extension of the English colonies in North America, and 
the arbitrary measures of their leaders, must have disquieted 
the Directors of the West India Company, who received from 
there continued complaints, as much as the States General ; 
but they were too well acquainted with the pernicious effects of 
the envy and jealousy of their neighbours, on account of the in- 


crease and extension of the prosperity of Netherland, to exp< 
much ffood from serious representations. 

Oh, liad not this unhappy propensity betrayed itself on I 
first discovery of this laud by Henry Hudson, when, being 
England, he was prevented from making his report of his vo 
age and discovery to his masters, what influence might Nctlu 
land^s increasing prosperity and sound politics have had on t 
commerce and manufactures of England ! If we credit rcspc 
table authority, the Nctherlanders possessed then thrice 
many vessels as the EnjjHsh : their navy was equal. T 
Nctherlanders made use ot six hundred vessels in their trade 
England, and England with no more than sixty to HoUanc 
The whale fisher}', thus far only in the possession of the En 
lish, awoke the thirst for gain in the merchants of Netherlar 
and was favoured by a grant of the States, against which t 
English made a fruitless opposition.! What dissensions oi 
ginatcd between the two nations about the trade m cloth, 
whicli the city of Middleburg was so highly interested ! the 
the English cloth was imported. But King James, imagini: 
that the colouring of the cloth, as well as the wearing, ought 
be performed in his realm, it occasioned coloured cloth to 
imported from England into this country, which in the bcginnii 
was opposed, but was yielded at lenglli.J 

If tlie trade in cloth caused a misunderstanding, not less d 
that of the redemption of the cities Vlissengen and the Bin 
with the Fort Kammckcns ; a masterpiece of poUtics, 1 
which Oldcnbarneveld artfully surprised the English kin 
and delivered his Fatherland from bondiu^ 

I pass by the eslablisliment of tlie West India Compan 
in 1621 ; the famous controversy about the events at Ai 
boyna ;f^ Tronip's heroic attack on the Spanif^h fleet at ll 
Downs ;T[ many other gallant and glorious enterprises agair 
the Spanish and Portuguese in Asia, on the coast of Guiar 

Jrea, even in Africa, which rendered the niune of the Nethc 
ands formi(lai)le ; but these also awoke the jealousy of the En 
lish, liieir competitors in so many places and pursuits. '\ 
these general reasons of jealousy must be joined, particular 
with regard to North America, the displeasure of the Englii 
government at the exportations of tobacco from that counlrv 
Sliddleburg and Vlissengen, and somewhat later, tlie smugglL 
trade between Virginia and New-Netherlands. ** 

• Hume's Hist, of England, t. vi. p. 136, 7, 

t Wagnacr Vailert. Hist. H. t x. p. 67—71. Rapin Thoyras, Hist. D*A 
glctero t. z. p. 133. 

I Luzac. Holland's Riches, t. i. p. 3.56. Vad. Hist. t. x. p. 105 

II Hume's HiHt. of Great Britain, t. vi. p. 35, and Vad. Hist. t. x. p. 101. 
§Vad. Hist. Lxi. p. 31. 

t Aitzema Trans, of State and War, t. ii. p. 539. 
** RobcrtMon, p. 83—117. 


I will not, however, deny that the Netherlander might, now 
and then, have given a handle to strengthen such suspicions. It 
must be confessed, Uiat at first, the Endish controlled the com- 
merce of Muscovy ; but it lasted not long, as the Hollanders 
and Zealanders not only were at their side, but possessed suf- 
ficient strength to press them out of the road. So that after 
the death of Charles I., the English lost all the advantages of 
commerce in Muscovy, while their competitors retained them.* 

Netherlands compelled not to offend England. 

It would have been a wonder indeed, if the descendants of 
two such nations, settled in a foreign country, so near one 
another, and dissimilar in power, had lived together in an un- 
interrupted peace ; not less wonderful indeed would it have 
been, if proposals for accommodation and harmony by the 
weaker had been adopted by the stronger. 

In proportion as the English increased in numbers, to which 
the continued emigrations of the Puritans and other mal-con- 
tents very much contributed, they were obliged indeed to ex- 
tend the limits of their plantations. Had now the Netherland 
West India Company possessed the power to defend their 

Kjssessions with an adequate military force, and to impress 
eir neighbours with respect, perhaps the English colonists 
might have looked out for other districts. 

But how great were the advantages of the Company in the 
beginning, so that even they paid fifty per cent. ! How im- 
mense was the spoil which the conquests of the Spanish silver 
fleet poured into her bosom in the year 1628 ! Tne preserva- 
tion, nevertheless, of the Netherland Brazils, New-Netherlands, 
Tobago, St. Eustatius, and many other possessions and strong- 
holds along the river Essequibo, and on the coasts of Guiana, 
required such enormous sums of money, that it seems they 
were compelled to confine themselves to the fortification of 
the capital, New Amsterdam, the preservation of the forts on 
the rivers, on Long Island, and Fort Nassau on the east of the 
South river. Fort Orange on the North river, and more particu- 
larly Fort Good Hope on the Fresh-water river, (Connec- 
ticut,) confiding for the rest in measures of equity and discre- 
tion as well towards the natives as EngUsh. 

The States General were obliged to treat the English with 
deference, as long as the war with Spain continued, more so dur- 
ing the troubles between Charles I. and the parHament, while 

•Scheltema, Rossia and the NetherUndi, t. i. p. 70. 80. 168. 307. and 379. 

104 lambrechtsen's 

the king himself, who by the compact concluded on the 17 
April 1632, at St. Germain, surrendered all the places in Nei 
France, Acadia and Canada to tlie French, was to be caref 
in not displeasing his subjects by any concessions to the clain 
of this state or New-Netherlands • 

After the peace was concluded at Munster, some misunde 
standing arose with Cromwell, which soon ended in an op< 
war. What then remained for the West India Conipan; 
which had work cnougli at hand with tlie defence of Braa 
against the Portuguese, but tlie way of negotiation, and ho 
little success might be promised by it ? 

Disputes with the English colonists about the limits. 

The most serious disputes had in the mean while arisen 
America between the director and council in New-Netherland 
and the commissioners of the United Colonies of Boston, Ne\ 
Plymouth, New-Haven and Hartford, partly on the settling of tl 
limits, partly on account of mutual insults to the inhabitant 
which threatened open hostilities. The directors of the We 
India Company commanded the director, Peter Stuyvesant, 
endeavour to i)rcvent it by reasonable proposals for a provision 
division of the limits. 

In consequence of this the aforesaid Director, who went 
Hartford in the year 1650, appeared before the legislature, a 
semblcd for this purpose, where uncourteously was negotiated 

f)rovisional division of the limits between the Dutch and Euj 
ish possessions. 

It appears, that after the departure of Stup-esant, this affair Wi 
seriously considered, as three commissioners were despatchc 
to New- Amsterdam, to enter into a further deliberation witli tl 
director on this subject, and endeavour to bring the division 
the limits to a final conclusion. This happened so indeed- 
although with the loss of an indisputable right and previoi 
possession of the Ncthcrlanders. 

A line was to be drawn on the continent from the bay 
Greenwich, four miles from Stamford — towards tlie nort 
twenty miles long, j)rovidcd it remained at a distance of t( 
miles from the North river. 

The Nelherlniidcrs were not to build within six miles fro 
the division of the boundary. 

The inhabitants of Greenwich were to remain as yet undi 
the Dutch government, and the Netherlanders to retain the lai 

* Conduct des Fran^ ais par raport a la Nouvellc France, traduit de I* An 
loia, avcc dcs Notci d'un Fran^aia. Londrei 1735. p. 103. 


which they actually possessed, as far as Hartford, while all the 
lands on both sides ofthe Fresh-water river (Connecticut,) should 
belong to the English. And thus it should remain, till a final 
decision should have been made between England and Holland.* 

The Director Stuyvesant made his report of this agreement, 
as equitable as circumstances permitted him to obtain, to the 
Department of XIX, in a letter of 26th November, 1650. 

During these disputes between the Netherland and EngUsh 
colonies m America, the dissensions in England burst out in open 
war. The parliament triumphed over the king. The unhappy 
Charles lost his head on the scaffold the 9th February, 1649, 
while the helm of government was entrusted to the hands of 
the fanatic and obstinate Cromwell, a man whom the acknow- 
ledged independence and prosperity of Netherlands so much 
displeased, that it was to be foreseen that open war must 
ere long be the consequence ; especially when the States Ge- 
neral refused an audience to his ambassadors, and had per- 
mitted the Prince of Wales, (afterwards Charles II.,) so near 
allied to the house of Orange, a residence in this country. 

These were the circumstances of the times in the beginning 
ofthe year 1651, when the letter of the Director Stuyvesant 
was brought before the States General. 

The embassy sent to England in the latter part of this year, 
to put an end to the already begun hostilities, was authorized 
also to propose to the Enghsh parliament the adjustment of the 
limits in North America. But there was so little inclination to 
negotiate with this Republic a treaty upon any equitable terms, 
that entirely new and most unreasonable proposals were made, 
which had nothing less in view than the entire annihilation of 
Netherland commerce and naval power, and even looked to- 
wards the dominion over the sea. 

In tliis manner the negotiations were drawn out till tlie end 
of May, 1652, when the well known rencontre happened be- 
tween the Netherland and English Admirals Tromp and Blake, 
before Dover, and the ambassadors of Holland were compelled 
to depart, without having attained their object.t 

After an obstinate war of two years' duration, both parties, 
weary of fighting, concluded, after Holland had resolved on the 
act of seclusion, which was delivered to the English Protector, a 
treaty of peace between the State and England of the 15th 
April, 1654, without any express mention in the prelimi- 

♦ Great Placard Book, t. ii. p. 1278. 

t Fatherl. Hist. xv. p. 215—219 comp. the Not. of Zealand in Febr. 1652. 
Their High Might, reaofyed, on the fourth of March, 1653, that no mandamus 
of appeal ahotild be admitted of any judgments given in New-Netherlands. 


106 lambejbchtbbn's 

naiies of the American ccmTention with regard to the settle- 
ment of the Umits.* 

The subject, nevertheless, was not forgotten in ourFatherlancL 
The directors communicated to the States General, by a letter 
of the 29th Sept., the provisional division of the limits of 1650, 
with a figurative map, soliciting that this might be delivered to 
the ambassadors, who in the meanwliile remained in England 
to negotiate a treaty relative to navigation and the compensation 
of damages, to make use of it at a proper season,! to which 
their High-Mightinesses agreed, without approving the divi* 
sion of the limits concluded at Hartford ; eitlier because they 
had some objections against it, or that they deemed it improper 
to explain themselves upon it. 

The ambassadors of the Netherlands proposed then to the 
English commissioners, provided that it should be reciprocally 
approved, either to sanction the aforesaid division of the limits, 
or to leave it to the decision of the two governments of the colo- 
nies in America, as they were better informed of this afiair, 
and«so in their opinion would be most likely to promote their 
mutual peace and welfare, but with the approbation of both Re- 
publics, j They communicated this to the States General by a 
letter of 27lh Nov. 1654, complaining, however, that they had 
not been provided with the necessary proofs relative to the first 
occupation of the Nelherlanders, and the subsequent purchase 
of those districts from the natives, nor with the lesraJ evidence 
of the concluded division of the Hmits, while tlic English pre- 
tended to be ignorant that this state had any possession in that 
district, or that any division of limits had taken place.) 

I find nothing farther about tliis negotiation, except that the 
States General on the 22d Nov., 1656, approved tliat division, 
probably with the view to promote the negotiations between the 
West India Company and the city of Amsterdam, with regard 
to the transfer of a part of New-Nelherlands.^ 

New-Netherlands transferred to the city of Amsterdam, 

The department of Amsterdam, to which it seems the govern- 
ment of New-Netherlands was transferred by the department of 

* Gr. Plac. Book, t. ii. p. 522. Verbal of Beverningk, p. 357. 

t VerbacI van Beycrningk, p. 602. 

X lb. p. 688. 

II lb. p. 693. 

^ Gr. Plac. Book, t. ii. p. 1278. After I had written this narrative, I met 
with the Coil, of the Hist Soc. in New-York, t. i. p. 189—303, in which is a 
collection of the letters and other documents, interchanged between the Nether. 
land and English government in North America, taken from Ebenezor Hax- 
ard*8 Hist. Coll., wnich spread much light upon the history of that period. 


XIX, finding the task too difficult to provide for all theemenses 
of its government, and believing that the authority of the ci^ 
of Amsterdam virould obtain from the States General more em- 
cacious means to support the colony, and possess influence 
enough to remove the disputes about the division of the limits, 
determined to transfer a part of their possession in New- 
Netherlands to the city of Amsterdam; and clearly, as it appears 
to me, pointed to that part which was situated between the 
South and North rivers, and which justly was possessed titulo 
emptioms by the West India Company, as is evident from the 
resolution of the Council of Amsterdam of 3 March, 1656. 

The magistrates, acquainted with tlie interests of that colony, 
presumed that by its cultivation all products were obtainable, 
which now were imported from the eastern seas, even masts, soon 
negotiated with the directors so successfully, that the purchase 
was concluded in the spring of 1656, for 700,000 guilaers.* 

As soon as this transaction was approved by the States 
General, six commissioners were chosen by tlie burgomasters, 
who should direct the concerns of the colony.t The magis- 
trates of Amsterdam adopted some further measures in behalf 
of those who were willing to settle in that colony.t 

Here again religious intolerance offered its ready aid. More 
than three hundred Waldenses, (inhabitants of the pays de 
Vaud,) had taken refuge in Amsterdam, to avoid the perse- 
cution of the Duke of Savoy. They were there provided with 
necessaries, and departed, yet before the winter season, to 
New-Netherlands. They were followed in the next spring by 
three hundred more, and somewhat later by a respectable 
number of persons of diflercnt ranks. 

Troubles between the colonists in Virginia and the Swedes. 

There had existed, as we have already seen, serious dis- 

Kutes between the Netherlanders and their northern neigh- 
ours ; but peace had been preserved between them and the 
southern colonies in Virginia.! 

♦ Le Clercq Hist, of the United Netherl., t. iii. p. 129 ; the agreement itself 
is Inserted in the Muniment Reg. of Amsterdam, b. 1. p. 118, &.c. So it is said 
in Not. of the council of 12th July 1656, p. 121. 

t The directors of New-Netherlands were Messrs. Conrad Burch, CTun- 
cillor and late Alderman, (outLSchepen,) in Amsterdam ; Hendrick Rosters, 
first commissary of Baak of exchange ; Edward Man, Isaac Van Beek, Hec 
tor Pietersz, and John Tajspil. 

t These conditions were inserted among the documents of the Description of 
New.Netherlands, by A. Van der Donck, and in the CoUections of the New- 
York Hist. Soc., Tol. I 991 

Van Beremingk, p. 603. 

108 lambrschtsen's 

Mutual interests probably co-operated in this, and {)erhap0 
a coincidence in political principles, principally so after the 
death of King Charles, whose favoiurs they so highly valued 
that they refused to acknowledge the authority of Cromwell. 
And when he, in 1651, had despatched a strong fleet to keep 
the Virginians in awe, the Netnerland colonists did not hesi- 
tate to support with their vessels the resistance of their 
brethren, altnough it proved to be in vain.* 

History leaves us more in darkness with regard to the 
Swedes, who settled on both sides of the South river, and in 
New-Jersey. It appears, nevertheless, that they united with 
the Netherlanders xmwillingly, only looking out for a favour- 
able opportunity to recover their ancient rights, and defend 
their independence ; that they, to obtain this end, profited of the 
confusion, which, by the fall of Charles I., in the year 1649, 
took place in the government of Virginia, and still more in 
England ;t that they further endeavoured to hire the natives to 
enter with them into a separate treaty of amity, so that they 
succeeded in the year 1654 ; and lastly, that they took posses- 
sion of and repaired the forts, from which the Netherlanders had 
been expelled by the savages, before the arrival of the Swedes. 

Fort Casimir was one of these. It was situated on the 
western shore of the South river, (the Delaware,) towards the 
lower part, and opposite to Helsingburg. It was in a state of ut- 
ter decay, although for us of great importance. It was, of course, 
resolved, to repair it, and probably to conquer the other forts 
situated on that river. I could not discover if they succeeded 
in this, neither if any hostihties took place between the Nether- 
land and Swedish colonists ; but I found that the Virginian 
planters, (either that they were instigated by the Swedes, or 
that the repair of Fort Casimir appeared to them full of dan- 
ger,) headed by Colonel Nathaniel Utie, assaulted and level- 
led it to the ground in the fall of 16541:. 

If we can place confidence in the narrative of a Swedish 
writer, II these quarrels between the Netherlanders and Swedes 
would have been terminted through the intervention of the 
governors, Stuyvesant and Rysing, with no further conse- 
quence, had not the former, notwithstanding the treaty of peace, 
renewed hostihties the following year ; and having sailed up 

* Hist, de la Virsrinie, p. 31, Amit. 1707. 

t Bachiene on mibner** General Geogn:ghjt t. v. p. 673. 

t See the documents in the city hall at Amsterdain«.iiamed the DeolaratioB 
and Manifesto to the Governor and Cooncil of Maryland, 6lh Oct., 1659 ; 
and Extract from the Journal of Anio^asUne Heerman, relative to the preten* 
sions of Colonel N. Utie on Uie Sooth river. 

il ThoB. Gamp. Holm, in vol. ii. of the Collections of the New- York 
Soc., p. 357. 


the South river (the Delaware) with seven ships and six or 
leven hundred men, captured all the Swedish forts, particu- 
larly the fortress Christiania, after a siege of fourteen days, 
taking all the military officers and the principal inhabitants 
into custody, who were conveyed to mw-Amsterdam, and 
afterwards to Holland. 

This was unquestionably a severe measure, and perhaps 
not undeserving of reproach ;* at least, the King of Sweden 
complained to the States General on the capture of these forts. 
It appears, nevertheless, to me highly probable that the con- 
duct of our coimtrymen was justified by circumstances, as the 
aUiance between the Swedes and the Indians seems to have 
been the cause of this renewed quarrel. And it is a fact, that 
in the fdl of 1655, Fort Casimir was assaulted by more than 
five hundred Indians, instigated, as it may be presumed, by 
the Swedes. It was so far ofi" that they could compel the for- 
tress to surrender,! but it was brought by its defenders into a 
secure state of defence, and called New-Amstel ; while the 
command of it, in 1656, was given to John Alrichs, by the 
directors of New-Netherlands, at Amsterdam. He, however, 
arrived there only in the spring of the following year, having 
been shipwrecked on Long Island.^ 

Situation of New-Netherlands since the war between the 

Netherlander s and the English, 

The expenses of this colony were in the meanwhile far 
exceeding the calculations of the magistrates at Amsterdam, pro- 
bably on account of the means employed for its defence, so 
that they deliberated, in the year 1660, respecting the surren- 
der of New-Netherlands to the West India Company, who, 
nevertheless, decUned its acceptance ; there were, therefore, 
some sacrifices unavoidable in the hope of harvesting some 
firuits. The aflfairs, indeed, of this colony bore ere long a 
more favourable aspect, and some profits were of course ob- 
tained. The navigation and commerce to this part of the 
country soon increased so much tliat, if the war with Great 
Britain had not been rekindled again in the year 1664, 
New-Netherlands, whose riches and products could, as it was 
wildly thought, be compared with the East India possessions,! 

♦ Kalm»i Tnveli in North America, d. i. p. 6. 218—223, where he throwi 
tome light on the poor situation of the first Swedish planters, their manners, 
and cnstoms. 

t Not. of Holland, 24th March, 1658. 

X Holland Merc., 1658, p. 43. 

In the opinion of the Erectors of the West India Company. See Bever- 
ningkf p. 604 


might have become a gold mine for Amsterdam and the States 
of the United Netherlands.* 

But whatever may have been the truth, the commissioners 
and directors on the South river, (the Delaware,) in New- 
Netherlands, felt themselves incUned, in the year 1668, to sur* 
render the half of the colony to the city. The Count d'Es- 
trades wrote, in one of his letters,t to the commissioners at 
Amsterdam, that it was not in the power of the States to 
transfer New-Netherlands to them, of which they, above the 
purchase money of seven hundred thousand guilders, had ex- 
pended yet two miUions, and of which the city of Amsterdam, 
after a deduction of all the expenses, collected more than sixty* 
three thousand guilders in rents annually. 

But these splendid prospects were exactly the causes of the 
loss of this colony ; as already, in the beginning, this dis- 
covery in the year 1609, by Henry Hudson, as well as the 
settlement and extension of the country, had excited the jeal- 
ousy of the English, degenerating soon, and still more since 
the time of Cromwell, into a bitter hatred between the two 
nations, which, though unequal in power and population, and 
obUged by the mutual bonds of religion and politics to respect 
one another, nevertheless eradicated these softer feelings 
through envy and avarice, and the colonists eagerly imbibed 
similar impressions. 

The director of New-Netherlands left in the meanwhile 
nothing untried to preserve the peace, maintaining the bound- 
ary division of 1650, and providing by an express proclamation 
against the abuses which had crept in by the obtaining and 
alienation of the soil.t 

Prudence and wisdom may by such means have prevailed 
here and there over open force ; but the people of Hartford 
gradually became more obstinate, so that all endeavours to 
bring about an amicable settlement became fruitless. It was 
in vain that the director general Stuyvesant complained to the 
congress of the general assembly of the four English colonies, 
convened at Boston, in October, 1663, which he visited in per- 
son ; it was in vain that the transactions of the people of Hart- 
ford were disapproved by the deputies of Boston, New-Ply- 
mouth, and New-Haven. They remained unmoved, pretendinff 
that their disputes had no respect to the general assembly, and 
related exclusively to their own colony. It was equally vain 
that the deputies of the director and council in New-Nether- 

* Wa^naer** Deaerip. of Amsterdam, t. p. 694, Slc, 
t It it a letter of the Count d'Estrades to Lionne, of 17th Sept., 1665. See 
Mem. d'Eftrades, t. ii. p. 329. 
t HolL Mercurial, 1653, p. 43. 


lands went thither, where they left nothing untried to preserve 
peace and harmony. It was in vain, too, that the people of 
Hartford declared that they knew no New-Netherlands, con- 
sidered the possession of the West India Company imlawful, 
as not supported by any grant of the king of England, and 
therefore were resolved to extend their plantations as far as 
they pleased, yea, to take the whole of New-Netherlands by 
force, if they were opposed. A few zealots endeavoured, 
during the negotiations at Boston, to stir the Dutch villages to 
mutiny, while the savages of Esopus conunitted the grossest 
cruelties, by murdering several Netherlanders in their neighr 
bourhood, hanging their heads before their huts. s^Grave- 
zande and Heemstede, {Gravesend and Hempstead^) villages on 
Long Island, were lured to acknowledge the king of England. 
Those of the village of Vlissincen, (Flushing,) uiough cniefly 
consisting of EngUsh, remained faithful to their ancient mas- 
ters, saying, that, having always been well-protected by the 
States General, they were averne to acknowledge others, and 
thus sprung up in the colony the greatest discord and confusion.* 

What a deep sensation this misconduct of the EngUsh 
caused in the colony, may be seen in a letter of the West In- 
dia Company, of 21st January, 1664, as literally inserted in 
the Holland Mercury of that year, and its principal contents 
by Aitzema.t 

Foreseeing that a similar lot threatened them as the colonists 
in the Brazils, who, naked and plundered, were finally left at 
the mercy of the Portuguese, they despatched a few depu- 
ties to the Hague, to make the most solemn entreaties, as well 
to the States General as to the directors, soliciting that they 
might be soon reUeved in their distresses by the arrangement 
of a just division of the Umits, and that emcacious measures 
might be taken to stop the threatened violence. 

These complaints were presented in the beginning of Janu- 
ary, in the year 1664, and it was resolved to make an inquiry 
by a conmiittee, but the received accounts of the conquests of 
the Enghsh Admiral Holmes soon put a stop to all further 

But let ufl return to Europe and take a view of events there. 

NeW'Netherlands conquered by the English in 1664, and 

abdicated in 1667. 

It might justly have been expected after King Charles II. 
had ascended the throne, in 1660, that peace with this state, to 

♦ Hon. Merc. 1663. p. 168, and that of 1664, p. lO^lS. 
t Aitzema, t. t. d. 64. HolL Merc 1664, p. 13, 14. Riehoa oC Holiixid, V^. 
Lazac,) t. u. p. 146. 


which his majesty did lay under such high obligations, would 
have been perpetuated. But it appeared veiy soon diat the 
refusal to elect the young prince sti^tholder displeased highly 
the king, and that he reluctantly concluded the treaty between 
the two states in 1662.* 

The government, to protect itself against the malice of Eng- 
land, and on that account little inclined to execute the con- 
cluded treaty, entered into engagements with the French king, 
Louis XIV. ; but this monarch, discontented at a secret nego- 
tiation between this republic and Spain, stirred in secret 
Charles II. against this state. 

Ere long hostilities were conunenced out of Europe. The 
Duke of York, the king's brother, had been despatched with a 
few vessels in the year 1663 to the coast of Africa, and was 
instructedt to take Cape Cors, and afterwards New-Nether- 
lands. The enterprize was successful. Several Netherland 
ships and forts on the coast of Afirica, were in February, 1664, 
conquered by the enemy, who then steered for America. The 
English fleet was respectable ; a successful resistance was uXr 
terly impossible ; so that New- Amsterdam was surrendered to 
the English in August, 1 664, without a single blow. They con- 
quered ere long all New-Netherlands, with the islands of To- 
bago and St. Eustatius.t They called the conquered country 
New- York, and gave the same name to the capital, New- 

The directors of the West India Company, as soon as they 
were informed of it, reported the event to the States General, 
24th October, 1664. Their High Mightinesses received this 
report with regret, and transmitted copies of the memorial of 
the directors to the different provinces, admonishing them to 
promote, bj^^ their speedy consents, the negotiation of money to 
prosecute the war, and avert further calamities, as well in as 
out of Europe ; while the ambassador. Van Goch, in England, 
was commanded to make tlie most serious representations to 
the king to restore the captured colonies and prevent similar 
enterprises. With deep regret, however, this loss was heard 
in this country, since, as it had not been in their power to pre- 
vent it, they were not prepared to re-conquer what was lost. It 
seemed further that Amsterdam acquiesced in this loss, in the 
prospect of gaining three times as much, as orders had been 
issued to assail the possessions of the English in the East 

• Vadcr. Hist, d. xiii. p. 47. 

t This wms openly acknowledged by' the kingf. Lcttcra of the Court, t. !▼. 
p. 387. 

t Vad. Hist t. ziii. p. 118. The conditions of the capitulation in New-Neth- 
erlandt are inserted in the Holl. Merc., 1664, p. 153 ; and in a Short Namu 
tire of the English Wars, Amst, 1667, p. 38 and 39. 


Indies, of which they either would retain thepossession or ex- 
change them again for New- Netherlands.* The hope was fos- 
tered, indeed, that the Republic of the United Netherlands 
would, at the conclusion of the negotiations for a treaty of 
peace, commenced in 1665, under the guidance of French 
deputies, and at tlie particular entreaties of Louis XIV., be 
re-established in the possession of New-Netherlands, whose 
loss was yet so deeply regretted. 

The king of France proposed, in the meanwhile, on his own 
authority, to the states, to make a cession of New-Netlicrlands 
to the king of Great Britain, provided he left them the posses- 
sion of tlie island Pouleron, occ. Such proposals were unac- 
ceptable in this country, more so, as the hope was fostered that 
France would, at last, declare itself against England.! 

This war was continued for years : they fought bravely on 
botli sides, and at last peace was concluded at Breda, on the 
31st July, 1667, and by it stipulated that each should preserve 
the places, cities, and forts, which during the war had been 
taken, the one from the other, till the 20th of the preceding 

New-Netherlands, which had been during three years in the 
possession of the English, was now completely and finally 
relinquished, and so was lost, at once, the fruit of more than 
fifty years' labour, with all the innumerable sums of money be- 
stowed in the Fatherland in settling and improving this colony, 
the most flattering prospects of commerce and prosperity ren- 
dered vain, and numerous Netherland families reduced to 
poverty, whose support depended on the preservation of the 

However deeply the loss of this respectable colony was de- 
plored, it was nevertheless in some respect lessened by the 
capture of the English colony Surinam, in April, 1667, by a 
Zealand captain, Abraham Krynzoon,] despatched thither with 
three vessels by the states of Zealand ; which colony of course 
was brought, in virtue of the treaty of peace at Breda, imder 
the dominion of this state.^ 

As often as we reflect on Surinam, the only New-Nether- 
land colonv on the coast of Guiana, we remember with 
gratitude the memory of its conqueror, Abraham Krynzoon, 

• D'Estndea' Mem., b. ii. p. 294. 

t The kinfr excuses himself on this point in a letter to d^Estrades, of 1 7th 
August, 16G3, saying, '*That the condition of peace had been propose 1 to 
him by the Grand Pcnsionarj De Witt, which his majesty desired that, with 
the knowledge of De Vi^itt, at a convenient season, should bo communicated to 
the States to prevent mistrust** Oeuvr. de Louis XIV., t iii. p. 315. 

X Vad. Hist., t. xiii. p. 265. 

)| See on this valiant Zealander, De la Rue Her. Zealand, p. 190, 

4 Vad. Hist., p. 406. Hart2ink*8 Descrip. of Guvnoa. 


114 lahbrechtsbn's 

our Zealand countryman, who annexed it in compensation for 
lost New-Netherlands to the crown of our Fatherland, which it 
yet adorns. 

It is, nevertheless, a difficult task to give a fair decision, 
whether the loss of New-Netherlands was, in the course of 
time, compensated by the conquest of Surinam This is cer- 
tain, at least, that the surrender of the first named colony caused 
a great joy in England ; and well might it have this effect, 
as by this the division wall, which prevented the union 
of the southern colonies of England in Virginia with those of 
the north, was removed ; by this a new spring of agriculture 
and commerce was opened, and a dangerous neighbouring rival 
turned adrift. 

The uncertainty of sublunary affairs and speculations was 
made evident in these prospects. It was suspected, when the 
English concluded this treaty, that it would not last long. It 
was not long before a dispute arose about striking the colours, 
when the war fire burned with far greater violence than even 

NetO'Netherlands recovered by the Netherlander s and re- 


The State was assaulted in the year 1672^ not only by the 
crowns of England and France, but by the bishops of Cologne 
and Munster too. 

The losses on land were immense, but at sea the honour of 
our flag was maintained valiantly. 

Captain Cornelius Evertsen, son of the vice-admii-al of the 
same name who fell in battle, being in the latter part of the 
year 1672 despatched by the states and admiralty of Zealand 
with a small fleet to the West Indies, steered towards the 
English colony in Virginia, where he took and burned a num- 
ber of vessels. Meeting at Martinique a small squadron of 
four men-of-war, sent to sea by the admiralty of Amsterdam, 
under the command of Commodore Jacob Binkes,* he imited 
with it, taking a large number of English and French vessels. 

And now Evertsen and Binkes steered for New-Nether- 
lands. The city of New- York was provided with forty pieces 
of cannon, but the governor was absent, so that confusion took 
place, and the conquest was made without great opposition. 

Every seaport was taken, and ere long the whole colony, to 
which, by the conqueror, the ancient name of New-Nether- 

* Jacob Binkes wat a bold Bcaman. and fell in batUe 1G77, in the conqoest of 
Tobago, bj the Count d'Estrades. Vad. Hist. L xiv. p 37G. 401. 443. Lives 
of Sea, HeroeB, p. 438. 


lands was restored. This happened on the 9th August, of the 
year 1673.* 

It is easily to be conceived what joy this illustrious triumph 
occasioned among the Netherland colonists, who had remained 
there. The valiant Evertsen, anxious and soUcitous for the 
preservation of the colony, provided for a regular adminis- 
tration, and sufficient garrisons which had been sent with him, 
for the forts, the capital, and all such places as necessity 
required ; taking a further precaution of leaving there two 
armed vessels for its greater security. 

The government of conquered New-York, now named New- 
Orange, on the Island Manhattan,! communicated, in a letter 
of 8lh November, 1673, to their High Mightinesses notice of 
this important event, despatching with it Comelis Van Ruy- 
ren, Esq., who had been invested with different respectable 
offices in the colony, and Was thorouffhly acquainted with all 
its affairs ; but having been compelled by a very heavy gale, 
which threatened the loss of his ship and life, to enter a har- 
bour in New-England, he was despatched again with another 
letter, of the 10th of January, 1674, to the Netherlands. 

It was said in that letter, that it had pleased God to bless 
the arms of the State in such a manner that the whole Province 
of New-Netherlands, consisting of three cities and more than 
thirty villages, was brouglit again under the obedience of their 
lawful sovereign, to the great joy of the inhabitants, and that 
great advantages might be foreseen from this event, especially if 
some families, who by the invasion of the French were nearly 
bereft of every thing, should be willing to settle in New-NetK- 
crlands, and some support might be afforded them during the 
first year ; that this province, which scarcely wanted anything 
to promote its agriculture but seniors, would increase so much 
in value that, in process of time, it might become the magazine 
of grain and other necessaries for the Fatherland, which were 
now carried thither from the Sound, as the district of Esopus, 
consisting of three villages, produced already and delivered 
about 25,000 schepels of grain; that in the meanwhile Ca- 
raccas and Surinam might supply the wants of New-Nether- 
lands, and trade there with their products ; that New-Nether- 

* Not. of Zealand, 1673, p. 176^179, and of 1674, p. 21. 24. HoU. Merc, 
1673^. 170—363. Obs. on ihe Vaderl. HUt., t xiv. p. 102. 

t Tjie magistrates called themselves the burgomasters and schepens of the 
city of New.Orange, on the island Manhattan, in New.Netherlands, and were 
the following persons : Anthony de Mill, Johannis de Pjster, Aegidius Lujck, 
Johannis Van Brag of Burg, Michiel Beekman, Jeronimas Ebbinck. Jacob 
Kip, Laurens Van de Spiegel, GuiUiam Verplanck. This letter was kindlj com- 
municated to roe by Jonkhcer J. C. do Jonge, Adjunct Archivarius of the Realm 
of the Netherlands, whom I cordially thank for this and other communi. 

116 lambrechtsenV 

lands was favourably situated for vessels cruising along to the 
west to bring tlieir prizes there ; that above all, an oversight 
might be exercised there on the conduct of England, which, 
being once the mistress of the northern parts of America^ 
would be enabled to equip there men-of-war, without the 
knowledge of other potentates, with which to assail our 'state 
and her allies ; to all which ought to be added the great 
advantages of the beaver and fur trade, besides other objects, 
which would be communicated by Mr. Van Ruyven. 

They concluded, that for the recovery and preservation of 
the Province of New-Netherlands, immediate assistsince and 
provisions were unavoidably required, without which they re- 
mained in danger of the machinations of their English and 
French neighbours, by whom they were surrounded, and who 
would continue to exert every nerve to take their revenge for 
the triumph of their High Mightinesses in this part of the 
world, by which the NeUierland nation, being in that country 
only 6000 to 7000 strong, could expect nothing else than utter 
ruin and devastation. They therefore solicited their High 
Mightinesses to interest themselves in the preservation of this 
province, and to afford it all such aid, as might be deemed re- 
quisite for its safety. 

Evertscn had, in the meanwhile, departed with his small 
squadron towards Cadiz, where he arrived in safety in De- 
cember of the same year, after he had conquered the island of 
St. Eustatius. 

The struggle of the allied powers had been, during this expe- 
dition, very violent and bloody. No wonder then, that the 
states, who had no other ally but the king of Spain, were in- 
clined to peace. They made their various proposals to King 
Charles 11., among others, to surrender New-Netherlands with- 
out any compensation. 

A more flattering lure could not have been offered to the Bri- 
tish prince. He accepted it \vithout delay; and peace was 
concluded under this proviso on the 19th of February, 1674, at 

The States General resolved on the 1 6th of April to surrender 
New-Netherland to the English, which the West India Com- 
pany was authorised to perform,! while the inhabitants of the 
colony were referred with their petitions to the king of Enff- 
land.f Thus New-Netherlands became once more an English 
colony, and separated for ever from the Fatherland ; while the 
Island of St. Eustatius, and the colony of Surinam, remaining 
till this day possessed by this state, are unquestionable monu- 

• Vid. Hilt, t xiv. p. 298, 299. Valckcnicr. t. ii. App. No. 12. p. 68. 
t Not. of T. H. M. 5. 11. 13. June, 1674. 
; lb. 4 Jurte, 1674. 


ments of the heroic courage and prudence of the heroes of Zea- 
land, Krynsoon and Evertsen. 

Among the numerous heroic achievements of the Evertsens, 
this triumph deserves our gratitude. The Conunodore ComeHs 
Evertsen, not degenerating from the courage and valour of his 
father and uncle, wlio both died in battle in the same year with 
glory, would have recovered New-Netherland for his Father- 
land, had its preservation been possible, and this sacrifice not 
been required for the restoration of peace .t 

Inquiry into the right of possession of New-Netherlands, 

Here the concatenation of events, relative to New-Nether- 
land, might be concluded, if it was not desirable to devote a 
few moments to the claims of right, on which the Repubhc of 
the United Netherlands defended their possession of New- 

Nothing, indeed, more substantial can be broueht forward in 
its defence, than the reasons by which the English government 
controverted them. 

It pretended, that King James made a grant of this land to 
the Earl of Stirling by letters patent, under the great seal of 
. England ; that the Scots, long before the arrival of the Holland- 
ers, made a beginning of cultivating that colony ; that the Duke 
of York purchased the right of the heirs of the Earl of StirUng, 
and that of course the country calledNew-Netherlands, belonged 
legally to the English ; that besides they only connived at the 
settling of the Hollanders, even as when they had settled in Eng- 
land or anywhere else, without acquiring by it any right of sove- 
reiffliity for their Fatherland.^ 

These then are the grounds on which, as D'Estrades relates, 
the chancellor of England tried to defend the rights of his 
master ! Let us bring these shortly and fairly to the test. 

If it was the question, whether King James had granted, at 
an earlier period than the States General, among his other gifts, 
the country named afterwards New-Netherland, for settling and 
cultivation, then perhaps the decision might be in his favour, as 
it is known, that King James, in his extravagant zeal to form 
transmarine colonies, granted as early as 1606, to two different 
societies of commerce, the exclusive right to trade in America, 

* Cornelia EvertMn, born at Fliningen, 16th Nov. 1643, was the sixth son 
of the Lt. Admiral Comelis Evertsen. See De la Rue, Heroic Ze^and 
p. 154, and J. de Kanter, PhiL i. 

i Oration for the repair of the tomb of the Lt. Admirals Johan and Cor- 
nelis Evertsen, delivered at Middelborgr, 18th April, 1818. 

t Mem. D'Estrades t. u. p. 389. 

118' lahbrscutsen's 

which he divided into two equal parts, between 85 and 45 deg«| 
and thus from Nova Scotia to the south-western shore of Caro- 
lina, calling the one part, **The first colony of Virginia," or the 
Southern colony, and the other, " The second," ot the Northern 
colony.* Neither can it be disputed,- that King James approved 
and confirmed by different letters patent, the authority and 
privileges of these colonies, which he afterwards extended 
or Umited ;that he even in the year 1620, granted to the 
Duke of Lenox, the Marquis of Buckingham and other 
grandees, a more extensive right, than before, incorporating 
them under the title of " The great Council of Plymouth," to 
settle a colony in New-England .t But it is not less certain, 
that all the king*s endeavours were fruitless, and that the enter- 
prizes of this new company remained unsuccessful ; % and why 
should, without a direct possession, the grant of navigation, trade 
and land-holding between the 34 and 45 degrees, by Ring James, 
even if it had been of an earher date, be of more value and in- 
terest than that of the States General of the United Netherlands, 
who granted similar rights to the West India Company in the 
year 1621, between the 37 J degr. and 41 i, when there existed 
already at that period Dutch plantations and forts ? 

Botn these grants possess, in my opinion, except with an 
actual possession, no more value than those of the Romish pope 
Alexander VL, when he in his bull of 1493 divided all South 
America between Portugal and Spain. The whole unquestion- 
ably depends upon the original discovery and possession. These 
are the only titles of right, which nations can bring forward, the 
one against the other, to justify their permanent possession.! 

For this reason I made no mention of the voyage of discovery 
of John and Sebastian Cabot, who, sailing by the authority of 
Henry VIJ., king of England, to discover a passage through the 
North-west, probably did see the coasts of America, although 
they did not visit them.^ 

As on this basis, therefore, cannot be doubted the right of 
the English to the colonies of Virginia, which they first dis- 
covered and took possession of, much less could tliat realm dis- 
f)ute the right of the West India Company, which the Nether- 
anders acquired by the discovery, settling, and cultivation of 

In respect to the grant by letters patent in the year 1621, to 
the Earl of StirUng, secretary of state in Scotlandf, these were 

* Robertson** Hiit of Amer., t v. p. 46. Britt. Domin. in Amer., p. 172. 

t Robertson, ib. p. 62. 71. 93. 152. 

t Robertson, p. 156. Spren^I, Gesch. der Europ. in Amorika, p. 178. 

11 Puffendorf, Droit de la Nat. et des Gent. 1. iv. cap. 6 §. 4. 

§ Disc, of Dr. S. Miller in the ColL of the N. Y. Hist. Soc., 1 1 p. 23. 


confined to Acadia, or Nova Scotia, as it had pleased King James 
to denominate that countiy, situated between 42 and 44 deg* 

This grant had been farther limited by the express clause, 
" if these lands were uninhabited or possessed by infidels." The 
author of the British Dominions in America! mentions, it is true, 
that King James rewarded the Earl of Stirling with Long Island, 
but observes at the same time, that it happened at a period 
when the Netherlanders had already settled that colony, and that 
the colonists transported by the said Earl to Long Island, were 
driven away to its eastern parts by the Hollanders. 

But, can it be, that the Scots, as England's chancellor pre- 
tended, had made an earlier discovery of that country, and took 
possession of it before the Netherlanders ? Nothing at first sight 
is more improbable. The ghost of the Scottish nation, when 
James ascended the throne of England, did not contemplate dis« 
coveries of lands, or commercial calculations. Even the atten- 
tion of the prince was more fixed on China and Japan, to which 
he presumed to discover a passage by the North .J Neither could 
I discover any evidence that any naval expedition was under- 
taken by the Scots towards America. Before the obstinate sup- 
port of the episcopal church-discipline, with the emigrations 
from Scotland as well as from England, seemed to render it ne- 
cessary, and at that period the Hollanders a long time had been 
established in New-Netherlands. 

Robertson, the accurate historian of America, acknowledges 
in so many words, that the Hollanders, having discovered the 
island of Manhattan, and the river Connecticut, with the districts 
along its shores, acquired all the rights to these which can b^ 
given by the first possession.! 

And Burke, who wrote a history of the EngUsh colonies in 
America, does admit, that the land-possessions of the Hol- 
landers and Swedes were anterior to those of New-England.^ 

To say, that they had only been permitted, even as foreigners, 
who settle in England and elsewhere, without acquiring by it in 
behalf of their Fatherland, the right of sovereignity, is ludicrous 
indeed ; as would it be permitted to any foreigner in any realm 
to build a city, to construct fortresses, and secure them by an 
armed force ! 

The oldest natives of New-Netherlands, who did yet remember 
the arrival of the ship, the Half-Moon, in the year 1609, often 

* Although I have not found -the s^rant, not even in Rymer, it is mentioned 
in the work entitled, Conduite dea Frany ais par rapport k la Nourelle Eco«i6, 
p. 29 ; and bj Sprengel, i. t. p. 40« 

t P. 104. 

t Rymer, Acta Pub!., t yii. p. 115. 116. 

Ij Hitlory of America, t. v. p. 180. 

§ Hist, des Coloniea Europ^ennea dans TAm^rique, t. ii. p. 307 

120 lambrechtsen's 

declared, as observed before, that, before the arriyal of the 
Netherlanders, they were utterly ignorant of the existence of 
any other nation, besides their own, and that tliey took the ship 
for a huge fish or sea-monster, while Hudson and his crew were 
convinced, that never before them any Christian nation landed on 
this shore. 

There is no greater weight in what the author of the Bri- 
tish Dominions in America* relates, that the Hollanders pur- 
chased their right to New-Netherlands in 1608, of Captain Hud- 
son, which purchase, as made without the consent of the king, 
was always considered as null and void;— that the Puritans, 
who settled afterwards the colony of New-Plymouth, first in- 
tended to settle along the bay of New-Haven and on Long Island, 
but had been steered to the north by the skipper, who, being a 
Hollander, and bought by his countrymen, had compelled them 
to abandon their plan ; that the Hollanders, having made a be- 
ginning of settling that country, had been expelled from there 
by the Knight Argal, then governor of Virginia, when they ad- 
dressed themselves to King James I., and obtained liberty, to 
construct some cottages along the shore, to assist their vessels, 
sailing to the Brazils, with water and victuals ; of which pretext 
they had made use, to settle there gradually with so much suc- 
cess, that they built several cities and forts, cultivated planta- 
tions, and within a short period increased to a large and popu- 
lous colony. Thus far the anonymous English author. Let us 
now see, what truth there is in Iiis narrative. 

Hudson sold his right to the Hollanders, and the king never 
sanctioned this purchase ! But where is there a shadow of 
proof of such a negotiation ? Hudson was despatched with a 
ship of the Nctherland East India Company. He was un- 
questionably the first who discovered the North river with its 
adjacent coasts, but not the first who took possession of tliem. 
This was performed by other Netherlanders at a later period, 
probably first in the year 1674, as we observed before. 

That the Puritans, in their passage to North America, should 
have been imposed upon by a Holland skipper, is founded upon a 
tale without any proof. But even if such could be produced, 
this certainly would not invalidate the occupancy of the Neth- 
erlanders, which had taken place six years before. 

Lastly, as it regards the expulsion of the Netherlanders from 
North America by the knight Samuel Argal, Governor of Vir- 
ginia, it is possible that this man in his zeal for extending the 
English colonies, when he on his own authority undertook to 
drive the French from Canada, permitted himself some depre- 
dations upon the Nelherland plantations upon the Hudson river, 

* Hist def Colonics Europ^nnos dans l'Am^rique» t. ii. p. 100. 


but this proves nothing against the right of the Netherlanders 
to an eanier possession, as they, as well as the French, being 
at peace with the English, had not deserved such violence. 
Neither was the conduct of Governor Arcal approved, as he 
was the next year recalled to England, and removed from his 

Or shall it be said that the right of possession by the Neth- 
erlanders is of no value, because the country of which they 
took possession was inhabited by barbarous nations ? the same 
would be of force against the English. Besides that, as the 
Directors of the West India Company declared in their memo- 
rial of 29th September, 1654, (to be found in the Verbael of 
Bevemingk, page 604,) her ministers as soon as the grant was 
obtained, exerted themselves to purchase from the natives sev- 
eral islands and districts ; so that they then, by way of pur- 
chase, became the legal proprietors of various spots along the 
North river, as Pavonia, Hoboken, Staten and Nut Islands, the 
Island of Manhattan, a large tract of land named Zwonendaal^ 
not far from Cape Henlopen, on the South river, and the 
whole territory of Connecticut. 

We may thus conclude with safety that the English cannot 
make out any pretence of a right of possession to the countries 
in North America wliich were occupied by the Netherland 
West India Company, but rather that these countries ought to 
be regarded as a Netherland colony, witli the same right as 
Virginia was entitled to the name of an English colony ; and 
that, indeed, nothing else than jealousy with regard to com- 
merce on the part of the English, and weakness and want of 
power of the Netherlanders, were the causes of the loss of a 
colony, which unquestionably would have become a rich 
source of wealth to our fatherland, and fully compensated the 
loss of the Brazils. 


Thus have I fulfilled the task which I took upon me, per- 
suaded that it contains many defects, notwithstanding my exer- 
tions. If I could have obtained Uie treatise or the remon- 
strance of the conmiunity of New-Netherlands, mentioned by 
Van der Donck ; or could I have obtained access to the ancient 
records (Notelen) of the West India Company Department of 
Amsterdam, I might probably with greater accuracy have de- 
lineated as well the voyages to, as the increasing population, 
civilization ; and further history of New-Netherlands, but in this 

^ Brjtith Empire in Ainehcii,p. \%4. 

122 lambeechtsen's, etc. 

I was disappointed. Perhaps some particulars relative to that 
part of the colony which was transferred to the city of Am- 
sterdam, might be discovered in the documents preserved 
among the state papers of Amsterdam, in the Muniment Re- 
gister, B, foho 26, and D, foUos 89 and 148; but I do not 
believe that these would be very interesting with regard to the 
events in New-Netherlands. 

The English authors, perhaps, to whom Robertson refers in 
the fifth volume of his History of America, may throw some 
light upon my narrative. But my endeavours to consult them 
having proved fruitless, I was compelled to acquiesce in wiiat 
I possessed, fostering the hope that my labour may be improved 
by a more expert hand.* 


After I had wriUen, in the years 1813 and 1815, this sketch 
of the origin and history of New-Netherlands, I had the honour 
of receiving in the year 1817, my election as an honorary mem- 
ber of the Historical Society of New- York, while at the same 
time was transmitted, as a present, a copy of the two published 
volumes of their transactions, under the title of Collections of the 
New- York Historical Society, printed at New- York, 1811 and 

I discovered in this Collection several documents which 
spread light over the great events on which my attention had 
been fixed, and therefore made use of them cither to illustrate 
or extend my narrative, referring to them in tlie notes. 

And whereas, I respectfully thank the Historical Society of 
New-York for the honour bestowed upon mc, so I am confident 
that the Society, in consequence of its general invitation, will 
accept my remarks, however defective otherwise, as well-inten- 
tioned endeavours for the discovery of truth and illustration 
of history ; albeit I have been unable to answer tlie several 
questions whose investigation the Society has proposed, and 
which came first to mv notice after I had written this memoir. 

• FruitleM, too, wa« my inquiry of one of the members of the family of Van 
Rensselaer, resident here, whoso ancestors settled a rcBpectable colony in New- 
Netherlands, named Rens-elaerwyck* to discover if any documents to illustrate 
the history were yet preserved ; as I was informed that all those a few yean 
past had been delivered to Mr. R. S. Van Rensselaer, on his return to America, 
where that gentleman, as I am informed, is yet residing. 


In translating the foregoing work, Mr. Van der Kemp laboured under 
the disadvantage of an imperfect knowledge of our language ; and on this 
account, his sentences and phraseology are often obscure, following the 
idiom of his own vernacular tongue rather than the English. Frequent 
alterations were thus rendered absolutely necessary, in order to make the 
sense of the author intelligible ; and the Editor, in performing this duty, 
has been compelled to resort constantly to the original work. In conse- 
quence of these alterations, and the general obscurity of the Translator's 
handwriting, a critical eye may discover occasional errors of the press. 

On page 109, there is an omission of a note by the Translator, which 
in the original work is as follows : — Blijkens Papieren ten Raadhuize vctn 
Amsterdam, Alrichs was in December, 1656, uit Texel vertrokken, en 
na geleden Schipbreuk op U Lange-EUandin April, 1647, met 128 Zielen 
in Hfort Casimir aangekomen. Correcting the misprint, 1647, it may be 
translated as follows: — See Documents in the City Hall, at Amsterdam, 
Alrichs left the Texel in December, 1656, and after the above-mentioned 
shipwreck on Long Island, in April, 1657, with 128 souls, arrived at 
Fort Casimir, (on the Delaware.) This note should have been inserted in 
the place of the third note, on page 109 ; the third note should take 
place of the second ; and the reference to the second be placed at the 
end of the ninth line on that page, after the word ^ forts.'' The reference 
to Holland Merc, on the same page should be p. 113, instead of p. 43. 

On page 120, in the note, the reference should be to the " British Em- 
pire in America. " On page 104, near the middle, instead of uncourteously, 
read very courteously. This error was corrected in the greater part of 
the edition. — Ed. 



or THE 



ADRIAEN VAN der DONCK, j.u.d. 

Tranalated from the original Duteh^ 


Of Brooklyn, N. Y. 


The following work is the production of a Dutch scholar who in early 
times joined a colony of his countrymen on the banks of the Hudson. 
As his little volum^ has never appeared until now in an English dress, it 
has been less known and appreciated, probably, by succeeding writers, 
than its merits deserre. It is, indeed, rather a description of the nat- 
ural features of the country, for the purpose of commending it to the 
attention of a Netherland public with a view to promote emigration, than 
an account of its civil condition, or of what had previously transpired in 
relation to its affairs. Such as it is, however, it will not be found desti- 
tute of interest either to the historical student, or to those descendants of 
the ancient burghers, who, having lost their ancestral tongue, are only 
able to converse with their forefathers through the medium of an inter- 

The author, Adkiakn Vait der Donck, enjoys the distinction of having 
been the first lawyer in the Dutch colony. He was educated at the Uni- 
versity of Leydon, and, uder pursuing a course of legal study, received 
the usual degree of Juris utriusque Doctor, or as the title-page of his 
book has it, Deyder Rechten Doctoor — Doctor of both laws, that is, 
the civil and canon. He was subsequently admitted to the practice of an 
advocate in tlie supreme court of Holland. His standing and reputation 
in the Fatherland may be inferred from his having been appointed by the 
patroon of Rensselaerwyck, who must have known something of bis 
character, to the important office of Sheriff of that colony. 

Van dcr Donck arrived here in a bark of the patroon Killian Van 
Rensselaer, in the autumn of 1643, and immediately entered upon the 
discharge of the duties of his ofBce. The colony of Rensselaerwyck, 
which embraced an extensive territory on cither side of the Hudson, 
was yet in its infancy. Van Rensselaer himself had been only ^y^ 
years in the country ; and although a trading-house was established in the 
same quarter as early as 1614, yet the first successful efforts to plant a 
colony were not made until 1630, when the patroon through an agent 
obtained his first title from the Indians, and despatched a body of colo- 
nists from Holland under a liberal charter of privileges from the West 
India Company. He followed them himself in 1637. The seat of the 


colony was at Fort Orange, where Albany is now situated, and there our 
author at first resided.* 

A few years after, Van der Donck purchased an estate on the Hndsen near 
the upper extremity of Manhattan Island, aboat sixteen miles from this city, 
afterwards known as Yonkers. One of his grants of land at that place was 
made to him in 1648, under'the name of Jonkkr (pronounced Yonker) Van 
der Donck, and it appears that he was familiarly called the Yonker, a com- 
mon appellation for a gentleman among the Dutch farmers. His land was 
Spoken of, as we find in the Colonial Records, as the Yonker^s land, and 
there can be little doubt that the name of the present town of Yonkers 
was in this way derived from him.f Van der Donck made several pur- 
chases from the Indians in that neighborhood, and altogether acquired an 
extensive tract of land, bounded on the south by the creek Paprimenin, to 
which the Dutch name of Spyten-duyvel was afterwards given. On the 
north was the Zaeg KU, or Saw-Mill creek, at the mouth of which is the 
present village of Yonkers, or Phillipsburg, where our author erected 
mills and laid out a plantation. The land and river of Bronck, or Bronx, 
another Dutch planter, bounded the estate on the east. Nearly twenty 
years after, in 1666, when the New- Netherlands had passed into the 
hands of the English, this estate was re-granted, or confirmed, to the 
widow of Van der Donck, who had married a second husband of the name 
of Oneale. 

A controversy arose at that period between the government of the 
colony anil several of the colonists, among whom was our author, 
which led to a remonstrance, addressed to the States General, against 
the powers exercised by the West India Company, in which the ad- 
ministrations of Kieft and Stuyvesant were violently assailed. This 
document, signed by Van der Donck and a few others, was printed in 
Holland, in 1650, and formed a small quarto volume of about fifty pages, 
entitled, Vertooffh van Nieuw Nederlandt, weghens de Ghelegenheydi, 

Vruchlbaerheydt, en sohcren Staet desselfs. In s*Graven Hage, 1650. 
(An Exposition of the New Netherlands, in respect to the situation, 
fertility, and wretched condition of ihe country. At the Hague, 1650.)t 

* For a clear and comprehcneive sketch of the colony and manor of Rens. 
dclaerwyck, bcc the DiscuurBO of D. D. Barnard, on the life and aervices of the 
late patroon, Stephen Van Rensselaer. 

t Sec a Memoir read before this Society, in 1816, by the late Judge Egbert 
Benson, second edition, page 56. Mr. Moulton, author of a volume relating 
to the early history of New. York, has furnished the editor with several ex. 
tracts from the Colonial Records in reference to this matter. 

X This is the volume referred to by Lambrechtsen, p. 83, which he regrets 
not having been able to procure. It is also mentioned by Van der Donck in 
the following work. A copy of it has been recently imported from Holland 
by f I. C. Murphy, Esq., of Brooklyn, which the Editor has had an opportunity 
of examining. *Vertoogh ' is sometimes translated remonftranee. 


Whatever gave rise to this attempt to shake the antbority of the West 
India Company, on the part of Van der Donck and his associates, it 
proved entirely fruitless in its results, and only served to re-act unfavora- 
bly upon the disaffected parties. In consequence of it, he was permitted 
only a limited access to the records of the colony for the composition of 
the present work ; and on his application to the Directors of the West 
India Company for leave to pursue the practice of his profession, he was 
only allowed to give advice, being forbidden to plead, on the novel ground 
that, ** as there was no other lawyer in the colony, there would be no one 
to oppose him." This was in 1653.* 

It does not appear with certainty in what year the first edition of the 
present work was published ; the second, from which the following transla- 
tion is made, was issued from the press in 1656, under the auspices of 
Evert Nieuwenhof, a bookseller at Amsterdam. As the privilege, or 
copyright, bears date May 14th, 1653, it is highly probable that the first 
edition appeared about that time. 

A translation of the work was prepared some yeais ago by the late Rev. 
John Bassett, D.D., formerly of Albany, who issued printed propo- 
sals to publish it by subscription ; but sufficient encouragement not being 
afforded to induce him to give it to the press. Dr. Bassett offered to dispose 
of his manuscript to this Society for publication. The subject was 
referred to a committee, who reported, at the August meeting in 1820, that 
the expense of printing an edition of one thousand copies would be from 
eight hundred to a thousand dollars.^ Nothing further appears to have 
been done on the subject, although a volume of Collections was published 
by the Society the ensuing year. 

The present translation is from the pen of the Hon. Jeremiah Johnson, 
late Mayor of Brooklyn, a gentleman who combines with Dutch descent 
a familiar acquaintance with the language of his colonial ancestors. The 
translation was made by him several years ago, and the Editor having ap- 
plied for permission to insert it in the present volume, the request was at 
once cheerfully acceded to, and a copy subsequently furnished, from which 
the publication is now made. Editor. 

* The answer to this application of Van dcr Donck is among the Albany 

t Minutes of the Society. The memoir on the Mohawk Indians by Rev. J. 
Megapolcnsis, jr., was included in the estimate ; but that essay is so brief as 
to occupy only eight or nine pages of Hazard's State Papers, published 
in 1792. 


or THE 


(as the same are at the present time;) 













Doctor of both Lawi, at present in the New Netherlanda. 



With a Map of the Country. 

At Amsterdam, published by Evert Nieuwenhof, Bookseller. 




Following the title page in the original work there is, in the first place, 
an extract from the Privilege or Copyright, granted to the Author by the 
States-General of the United Netherlands for the term of fiAeen years^ 
on condition that he obtain a like authority from the Province or Provinces 
in which the book shall be printed and sold : Dated at the Hague, May 
24th, 1653. 

Next succeeds a similar lieense from the States of Holland and West 
Friesland, in which the book was published : Dated at the Hague, July 
21st, 1653. 

Lastly, an extract from the Mmutes of the Directors of the West India 
Company, at the Chamber of Amsterdam, February 25lh, 1655, setting 
forth the request of Evert Nieuwenhof, bookseller, for the approbation of 
the Company in reference to the same work, which was accordingly 
granted. Certified in the absence of the Advocate, by E. Van Seventcr, 
1655. Editor. 


To the Illustrious, Most WisCy and Prudent Lords, the 
Honourable Ruling Burgomasters of the far-famed com- 
mercial City of Amsterdam, 

John Huvdekooper, Knight, Lord of Maerseveen and 

Neerdyck, &c., 
Cornelius de Graef, Free Lord of South-Poelsbrook, 
John vande Pol Hermansz, 
Hendrick Dircksz Spiegel: — 

My Lords, 

The glory and renown of this good city of Amsterdam are 
not only spread throughout the world by reason of the extensive 
commerce of which it is the seat, but also, in an especial man- 
ner, from the fact that a great number of far distant lands have 
been sought, discovered, and visited by sea from its port. Amongst 
those by whom such discoveries have been made in this last cen- 
tury, not the least in consideration are the two Companies of the 
East and West Indies, under whose direction voyages have been 
performed ; and although the West India Company seems to bo now 
in a declining condition, yet that part of North America called New- 
Netherlands, (of which this book treats,) possesses so great an in- 
trinsic value, that it deserves to be held in high estimation, as well 
as on account of the extensive trade with it, which is constantly on 
the increase. For which cause, and especially in view of the 
good and noble disposition manifested by your Honours, more and 
more every day, for the support and restoration of the, alas ! almost 
ruined West India Company, I have ventured to dedicate to you, 
with becoming reverence, this little and inconsiderable treatise, 
containing a description of that part of the world ; trusting that it 
will not be taken ill of me for so doing, inasmuch as it is a sincere 
expression of respect from one who is, and ever will be. 

My Lords, 
Your Lordships' very humble, faithful. 

And obedient citizen and servant, 

E. Nieuwenhof. 


JBtill Amsters ftithful Bargrher.Lords do lire, 

Ulio Eut mnd West extend their &ithful care; 
To Unds and men ^ood lawa the/ wiacl j give, 

7*hat like the beasts ran wild in open air. 
With a^ed care Holland's gardens still they save — 

And in Xcw-Nothcrlands their men will ne*cr be slaves. 

Why mourn about Brazil, full of base Portogneie ? 

Wlicn Van dt.-r Donck shown so far much better fare ; 
When; wheat fills golden cars, and grapes abound in trees; 

Where fruit and kino are good with little care ; 
Men may mourn a loss, when vain would be their voice, 
But when tlieir loss brings gain, they also may rejoice. 

Then, reader, if you will, go freely there to live. 
Wo name it NsTiiEaLAND, though it excels it far ; 

If you dislike the voyage, pray duo attention give. 

To Van Dca Donck, his book, which, as a leading star. 

Directs toward the land where many people arc. 

Where lowland Love and Laws all may freely share. 

Evert Niiuwexbof. 


Where New-Netherlands is situated. 

This country is situated in the New American World, be- 
ginning north of the Equinoctial Line, 38 deg. and 53 min., ex- 
tending north-easterly along the sea-coast, to the 42d deg., and 
is named New- Netherlands^ by the Nethcrlanders, for reasons 
to be related hereafter ; l)ring in the latitude of Sardinia and 
Corsica, m the Mediterranean Sea, and of Spain and France 
along the Ocean ; the South River* corresponding exactly with 
the Flemish Islands, with the rivers of Lisbon, with tlie south 
point of the Island of Sardinia, and of the Punctum Meridionale\ 
of the Orientals, reckoning an easterly course from the Canary 
Islands l)y west, upon the 316th degree, or counting due west 
44 degrees from the Punctum Meridonale, whereon we hold the 
Canary Islands, being 660 miles, corresponding with Cape 
Mesuratta on the Barbary coast in Africa, in the kingdom of 
Tripoli, and with Cape Spartivento, being the uttermost corner 
of Italy against the Mediterranean Sea. New-Netherlands is a 
fine, acceptable, healthy, extensive and agreeable coimtry, 
wherein all people can more easily gain a competent support, 
than in the Netherlands, or in any other quarter of the globe, 
which is known to me or which I have visited. 

IMien, and by whom, Netv- Netherlands was first discovered. 

This country was first found and discovered in the year of 
our Lord 1609 ; when, at the cost of the incorporated East In- 

• Tlie river Delaware. . 

t The Punctum Mtridionale of the orientals, is probkbly the meridian as. 
Buxned by Ptolemy, which passed through the farthest of the Canary Islands. 
The Dutch geographers and mariners pitched upon the Peak of Teneriffe for 
their meridian. See Chambers. The Arabian geographers chose to fix their 
meridian upon the utmost shore of the Western ocean, which was then the 
most westerly part of the known world, and may bo the Oriental Meridian re- 
ferred to, and adopted by Ptolemy, who flourished 150 years before Christ, and 
reduced Geography to a regular system. After the fall of the Roman empire, 
Europe was enreloped in darkness, when the arts and sciences were ^t««et^«^ 
by the Arabians and the oriontaLi of Alia. — T&ikm. 


dia Company, a ship named the Half-Moon was fitted out to 
discover a westerly passage to the kingdom of China. This ship 
was conmianded by Hendrick Hudson, as captain and super- 
cargo, who was an Englislmian by birth, and had resided many 
years in Holland, during which he had been in the employment 
of the East India Company. This ship sailed from the Canary 
Islands, steering a course north by west ; and after sailing twenty 
days with good speed, land was discovered, which, by their 
calculation, lay 320 degrees by west. On approaching the land, 
and observing the coast and shore convenient, they landed, and 
examined the country as well as they could at the time, and as 
opportunity offered ; from which' they were well satisfied that 
no Christian people had ever been there before, and tliat they 
were the first who by Providence had been guided to the dis- 
covery of the country. 

Why this country is called New Netherlands. 

We have before related, that the Netherlanders, in the year 
1609, had first discovered this country, of which they took pos- 
session as their own in right of their discovery, and finding the 
country fruitful and advantageously situated, possessinc good 
and safe havens, rivers, fisheries, and many other worthy ap- 
purtenances corresponding with the Netherlands, or in truth 
excelling the same ; for this good reason it was named New 
Netherlands, being as much as to say, another or a new-found 
Netherlands. Still the name depended most upon the first dis- 
covery, and upon the corresponding temperatures of the climates 
of the two countries, which to strangers is not so observable. 
We notice also that the French in the same quarter of the new 
world, have named their territory Canada or Nova Francia, only 
because they were the first Europeans who possessed the lands 
in those parts, for the temperature of the climate is so cold and 
wintry, that the snow conunonly lies on the earth four or five 
months in succession and from four to five feet deep, which 
renders it costly to keep domestic animals there ; and although 
this country lies no farther than fifty degrees north, still the air 
in winter is so fine, clear and sharp there, that when tlie snow 
once falls, which it commonly does about the first of December, 
it does not thaw away except by the power of the sun in April. 
If a shower of rain happens to mil in winter, (which is seldom,) 
then it forms a hard crust on the surface of the snow, that 
renders the travelling difficult for man and beast. The air there 
is clear and dry, and the snow seldom melts or thaws away 
The Swedes also have a possessVoiv oiv x\\^ ^ou^ ^Oivw^re^ 


river, which they name New-Sweden. The cUmate of this 

Elace by no means corresponds with that of Sweden, as it Ues in 
ititude 39 degrees north. But, although they have formed a 
settlement there, still their title is disputed, for they can show no 
legal right or claim to their possessions. 

The country having been first found or discovered by the 
Netherlanders, and keeping in view the discovery of the same, 
it is named the New-Netherlands. That this country was first 
foimd or discovered by the Netherlanders, is evident and clear 
from the fact, that the Indians or natives of the land, many of 
whom are still living, and with whom I have conversed, declare 
freely, that before the arrival of the Lowland ship, the Half- 
Moon, in the year 1609, they (the natives) did not know that 
there were any other people in the world than those who were 
like themselves, much less any people who differed so much in 
appearance from them as we did. Their men on the breasts 
and about the mouth were bare, and their women like ours, 
hairy ; going unclad and almost naked, particularly in summer, 
while we are always clothed and covered. When some of them 
first saw our ship approaching at a distance, they did not know 
what to think about her, but stood in deep and solemn amaze- 
ment, wondering whether it were a ghost or apparition, coming 
down from heaven, or from hell. Others of tliem supposed her 
to be a strange fish or sea monster. When they discovered men 
on board, they supposed them to be more like devils than human 
beings. Thus they differed about the ship and men. A strange 
report was also spread about the country concerning our ship 
and visit, which created great astonishment and surprise amongst 
the Indians. These things we have frequently heard them de- 
clare, which we hold as certain proof that the Netherlanders 
were the first finders or discoverers and possessors of the New- 
Netherlands. There are Indians in the country, who remember 
a hundred years, and if there had been any other people here 
before us, they would have known something of them, and if 
they had not seen them themselves, they would have heard an 
account of them from others. There are persons who believe 
that the Spaniards have been here many years ago, when they 
found the climate too cold to their liking, and again left the 
country ; and that the maize or Turkish com, and beans found 
among the Indians, were left with them by the Spaniards. This 
opinion or behef is improbable, as we can discover nothing of 
the kind from the Indians. They say that their corn and beans 
were received from the southern Indians, who received their 
seed from a people who resided still farther south, which may 
well be true, as tne Castilians have long since resided in Florida. 
The maize may have been among the Indians in the warm cli- 
mate long ago ; however, our Indians say that they did eat roots 



and the bark of trees instead of bread, before the introduction 
of Indian com or maize. 

Of the limits of the New-Netherlands, and how far the 

same extend. 

New-Netherlands is bounded by the ocean or great sea, which 
separates Eiu-ope from America, by New-England and the Fresh 
(Connecticut) river, in part by the river of Canada, (the St. 
Lawrence,) and by Virginia. Some persons who are not well 
informed, name all North-America Virginia, because Virginia 
from her tobacco trade is well known. These circumstances, 
therefore, will be observed as we progress, as admonitions to 
the readers. The coast of New-Netherlands extends and stretch- 
es mostly north-east and south-west. The sea-shore is mostly 
formed of pure sand, having a dry beach. On the south side, 
the country is bounded by Virginia. Those boundaries are not 
yet well defined, but in the progress of the settlement of the 
country, the same will be determined without difficulty. On 
the north-east the New-Netherlands abut upon New-England, 
where there are differences on the subject of boundaries which 
we wish were well settled. On the north, the river of Ca- 
nada stretches a considerable distance, but to the north-west it 
is still undefined and unknown. Many of our Netherlandeni 
have been far into the country, more than seventy or eighty miles 
from the river and sea-shore. We also frequently trade with 
the Indians, who come more tlian ten and twenty days' journey 
from the interior, and who have been farther off to catch beavers, 
and they know of no limits to the country, and when spoken to 
on the subject, they deem such enquiries to be strange and sin- 
ffular. Therefore we may safely say, that we know not how 
aeep, or how far we extend inland. There are however many 
signs, which indicate a great extent of country, such as the land 
winds, which domineer much, with severe cold, the multitudes 
of beavers, and land animals which are taken, and the great 
numbers of water-fowl, which fly to and fro, across the country 
in the spring and fall-seasons. From these circumstances we 
judge that me land extends several himdred miles into the in- 
terior; therefore the extent and greatness of this province 
are still unknown. 

Cf the forelands and sea-havens. 

The coast of New-Netherlands extends south-west and north- 
east, as before mentioned, and is mostly clean and sandy, diy- 
ing naturally ; and although the bare, bleak and open sea breaks 


on the beach, still there is good anchor&Ke in almost eyeryplace, 
because of the clean, sandy bottom. There seldom are severe 
gales from the sea, except from the south-east, with the spring 
tides. When the winds blow from the north-west, which domi- 
neer the strongest, then there is an upper or windward shore, 
with smooth water and little danger. For those reasons, the 
coast is as convenient to approach at all seasons, as could be 
desired. The highlands, which are naturally dry, may be seen 
far at sea, and give timely warning. 

The forelands are generally double, and in some places 
broken into islands, (affordinc convenient situations for the 
keeping of stock,) which would lead seamen to suppose, on 
approaching the shore, that the same were the main land, when 
the same are islands and forelands, within which lie large 
meadows, bays, and creeks, affording convenient navigable 
passages, and communications between places. 

It has pleased God to protect against the raging sea those 
parts of the coast which have no double foreland, with natural 
barriers of firm, strong, and secure stone foundations, that 
preserve the coast from the inundations of the mighty ocean, 
(which are ever to be feared,) where the coast, if not thus pro- 
tected, might be lessened and destroyed ; particularly the 
nearest sea lands, against which the sea acts with most vio- 
lence. Nature has secured those positions with firm, high, 
and accommodated rocky heads and cliffs, which are as perfect 
formations, as the arts and hands of man, with great expense, 
could make the same. 

There are many and different sea havens in the New-Neth- 
erlands, a particidar description of which would form a work 
larger than we design this to be ; we will therefore briefly no- 
tice this subject, and leave the same for the consideration of 
mariners and seamen. Beginning at the south and terminting 
at Long Island, first comes Godyn's bay, or the South (Dela- 
ware) bay, which was the first discovered. This bay lies 
in 39 degrees north latitude, being six (Dutch) miles wide 
and nine miles long, and having several banks or shoals, 
but still possessing many advantages ; convenient and safe 
anchorages for ships, with roomy and safe harbours. Here 
also is a good whale fishery. Whales are numerous in the 
winter on the coast, and in the bay, where they frequently 

? round on the shoals and bars ; but they are not as fat as the 
Greenland whales. If, however, the fishery was well-managed, 
it would be profitable. After ascending the bay nine miles, it 
is terminated in a river, which we name the South river, to 
which we will again refer hereafter, and pass on to the bay, 
wherein the East and North rivers terminate, and wherein 
Staten Island lies ; because the same is most frequented, and 


the country is most populous, and because the greatest nego- 
tiations in trade are carried on there ; and also because it is 
situated in the centre of the New-Netherlands. Hence it is 
named qicasi per excellentiam^ " The Bay." But before wc 
speak more at large of this place, we will attend to the places, 
and their advantages, whicn he between this bay and the 
South bay. 

Between those two bays, the coast, almost the whole dis- 
tance, has double forelands, with many islands, which in some 
places lie two or three deep. Those forelands as well as 
the islands, are well situated for seaboard towns, and all kind of 
fisheries, and also for the cultivation of grain, vineyards, and 
gardening, and the keeping of stock, for which purposes the 
land is tolerably good. Those lands are now mostly over- 
grown with different kinds of trees and grape-vines ; having 
many plums, hazel-nuts and strawberries, and much grass. 
The waters abound with oysters, having many convenient banks 
and beds where tlicy may be taken. 

Besides the many islands which lie between the aforesaid 
bays, many of which are highland, there are also several fine 
bays and inland waters, which form good sea harbours for those 
who are acquainted with the inlets and entrances to the same, 
which at present are not much used ; particularly the Bear-gat, 
Great and Little Egg Harbours, Barnegat, &c., wherein the 
anchorages are safe and secure. But as New-Netherlands is 
not yet well peopled, and as there are but few Christians set- 
tled at those places, these harbours arc seldom used, unless 
the winds and weather render it necessary for safety. 

The before-mentioned bay, wherein Staten Island lies, is the 
roost famous, because the East and North rivers empty therein, 
which are two fine rivers, and will be further noticed hereafter. 
Besides those, there are several kills, inlets, and creeks, some 
of which resemble small rivers, as Uie Raritan, Kill van Col, 
Neuversinck, &c. Moreover, the said bay affords a safe and 
convenient haven from all winds, wherem a thousand ships 
may ride in safety inland. The entrance into the bay is rea- 
sonably wide or roomy, without much danger, and easily found 
by those who have entered the same, or are well instructed. 
We can also easily, if the wind and tide suit, in one tide sail 
and proceed from the sea to New-Amsterdam, (which lies five 
miles from the open sea,) with the largest ships fully laden ; 
and in like manner proceed from New-Amsterdam to sea. 
But the outward bound vessels usually stop at the watering- 
place under Staten Island, to lay in a sufficient supply of wood 
and water, which are easily obtained at that place. We also 
frequently stop far in the bay behind Sand Point (Sandv Hook) 


in waiting for the last passengers and letters, and to avail our- 
selves of the wind and tide. 

Along the seacoast of Long Island, there are also several 
safe, commodious inlets for small vessels, which are not much 
frequented by us. There also are many spacious inland bays, 
from which, by the inlets, (at full tide,) the sea is easy of 
access ; otherwise those are too shallow. The same also are 
not much frequented by us. With population several of the 
places would become important, which now, for brevity's sake, 
we pass over. 

Between Long Island and the main land, there are through- 
out many safe and convenient places for large and small ves- 
sels ; which may be occupied, if necessary. For in connec- 
tion with the whole river which is held by many to be a bay, 
there are in the main land and in the island opposite to the 
same, many safe bays, harbours, and creeks, which are but 
little known to us, and which tlie EngUsh, by their devices 
have appropriated. Although this subject is spoken of in the 
remonstrances of the New-rfetherlands, we will pass over it 
without waking the sleepers^ and attend briefly to the most 
important rivers, waters, and creeks. 

Of the South River {Delaware River), 

The right which the Netherlanders have to the South River, 
and how they acquired their right, has been suflSciently shown 
already, which it is unnecessary to recapitulate at length 
again. This is the first place of which the men of the Half 
Moon took possession, before any Christian had been there. 
There we have built our forts, commenced agriculture, and 
have driven trade many years in succession, without the inter- 
vention or molestation of any persons ; until by wrong meas- 
ures (which we design to notice) a small band of Holland- 
Swedes set themselves down along the river. We acknow- 
ledge freely that we arc imable fiilly to describe the value and 
the advantages which this river possesses, for in addition to 
the negotiation and trade, which are great, and not to be 
despised, there are fourteen navigable rivers, creeks, and 
streams which fall into this river. Some of the same are 
large and beatable a great distance, and may well be named 
rivers, as the ordinary tides flow several miles up the same, 
where the waters meet and are fresh, and still remain wide 
and tolerably deep. There are also many streams presenting 
rich and extensive valleys, which afibrd good situations for vil- 
lages and towns. The river itself is roomy, wide, clean, clear 
and deep, not foul or stony, with good settings and anchorage. 



The tides are strong and flow up near to the fells. The land 
is fine and level on both sides, not too high, but above the 
floods and freshets, except some reed-land ana marshes. Above 
the falls the river divides into two large beatable streamSy 
which run far inland, to places unknown to us. There are 
several fine islands in this river, with many other deUghtfiil 
advantages and conditions, which are estimated by those who 
have examined the river, and who have seen much of the 
world, not to be surpassed by any other river which is known. 
Equalling in many respects the celebrated river of the Ama* 
zons, although not in greatness, yet in advantages with which 
this river and the neighbouring land is favoured, we would 
regret to lose such a jewel by me devices and hands of a few 

Of the North River. 

We have before noticed the name of this river, with the 
population and advantages of the country ; and, inasmuch as a 
particular and ample account of the same is preparing for pubU- 
cation, we will at once say, that this river is the most famous, 
and the country the most populous of any in the New-Nether- 
lands. There are also several colonies settled, besides the city 
of Ncw-Amslerdam, on the island of Manhattan, where the 
most of the trade of this river centres. The river carries flood 
tides forty miles up the same.t Several fine creeks enipty 
into this river, such as the Great and Small Esopus kills, Kats 
kill, Sleepy Haven kill, Colondonck's kill or Saw kill, Wap- 
pincke's kill, &c. Wc can also pass from the North river be- 
nind Manhattan island by the East river, without approaching 
New- Amsterdam. This river still remains altogether in the 
possession and jurisdiction of the Nethcrlanders, witliout being 
mvadcd ; but if the population did not increase and advancci 
there would be great danger of its long continuation. This river 
is rich in fishes : sturgeon, dunns, bass, shccp-hcads, &c. I 
cannot refrain, although somewhat out of place, to relate a very 
singular occurrence, which happened in the month of March, 
1647, at the time of a great freshet caused by the fresh water 
flowing down from above, by which the water of the river be- 
came nearly fresh to the bay, when at ordinary seasons the salt 
water flows up from twenty to twenty-four miles from Uie sea. 
At this season, two whales, of common size, swam up the river 

* Van der Donck alludes to the Swedes. They were subdued by Governor 
Stujrresant. — ^Trans. 
t A Dutch mile is about three English miles. 


forty miles, from which place one of them returned and stranded 
about twelve miles from the sea, near which place fo\^ others 
also stranded the same year. The other run farther up the river 
and grounded near the great Chahoos falls, about lorty-three 
miles from the sea. This fish was tolerably fat, for although the 
citizens of Rensselaerwyck broiled out a great quantity oi train 
oil, still the whole river (the current being still rapid) was oily 
for three weeks, and covered with grease. As the fish lay rot- 
ting, the air was infected with its stench to such a degree that 
t hesmell was offensive and perceptible for two miles to leeward. 
For what purpose those whales ascended the river so far, it 
being at the time full forty miles from all salt or brackish water, 
it is diflScult to say, unless their great desire for fish, which were 
plenty at this season, led them onward. 

Forty-four miles from the sea this North river is divided. 
One part by four sprouts ascends to the great falls of the Ma- 
quas kill, which is named the Chahoos, of which we will 
treat presently. The other part which retains the name of the 
North river, is navigable for boats several miles farther, and, 
according to the information of the Indians, rises in a great 
lake, from which the river of Canada also proceeds. This 
should be the lake of the Iracoysen (lake Ontario), which is as 
great as the Mediterranean sea, being about forty miles wide, 
when in the middle of the sea, no eye can see land or see over 
it. The lake also has extensive reed and brocklands of great 
breadth, wherein great multitudes of water-fowl breed in sum- 
mer. When the Indians intend to cross this lake, they know 
certain islands which lie therein, and proceed from one to 
another by daylieht, to the number of three or four, without 
which they could not find their way over the same. This, 
however, we relate on the information of the Indians. They 
also assert that we can proceed in boats to the river of Canada, 
which we deem incredible. 

The other arm of the North river runs by four sprouts (as we 
have related) to the great fallsof the Maquas At7/(Mohawk river), 
which the Indians name the Chahoos, and our nation the Great 
Falls ; above which the river is again several hundred yards wide, 
and the falls we estimate to be one hundred and fifty or two hun- 
dred feet high.* The water glides over the falls as smooth as if 
it ran over an even wall and fell over the same. The precipice 
is formed of firm blue rock ; near by and below the falls there 
stand several rocks, which appear splendid in the water, rising 
above it like high turf-heaps, apparently from eight, sixteen, to 
thirty feet high ; very delightful to the eye. This place is well 

* This if carelem goMsmg, the falla being seventy feet high. — Trans. 


calculated to exalt the fancy of the poets. The ancient fabulouft 
writers would, if they had been here, have exalted those works 
of nature, by the force of imagination, into the most artful and 
elegant descriptive illusions. The waters descend rapidly 
downwards from the falls, over a stony bottom, skipping, foam- 
ing and whirling boisterously about the distance of a gunshot or 
more ; when it resumes an even course, and flows downwards. 
Wc name this tlie Maquas Kill, but still it is wider in most 
places than the Yssell of the Netherlands. It however always 
runs one way ; is navigable for boats ; being tolerably deep and 
not rapid ; but it extends above sixty miles, and runs through the 
Maquas and Senecas countries to a lake, remaining boatable all 
the way. The river passes tlirough fine land, and abounds with 
fish. The Indians, when they travel by water, and come to 
trade, usually come in canoes made of the bark of trees, which 
they know how lo construct. When they come near the fallSi 
they land, and carry their boats and their lading some distance 
below the falls, and proceed on their voyage ; otherwise, they 
would be driven over the falls and destroyed. An occurrence 
of this kind took place here in our time. An Indian, whom I 
have knowTi, accompanied by his wife and child, with sixty 
beaver skins, descended the river in his canoe, in the spring, 
when the water runs rapid and the current is strongest, for the 
purpose of selling his beaver to the Netherlanders. This Indian 
carelessly approached too near to the falls, before he discovered 
his danger, and notwithstanding his utmost exertion to gain the 
land, his frail bark with all on board was swept over by the 
rapid current and down the falls ; his wife and child were killed, 
his bark shattered to pieces, his cargo of furs damaged. But 
his hfe was preserved. I have frequently seen the Indian, and 
have heard him relate the perilous occurrence or adventure. 

Of the Fresh River [Connecticut river). 

This river is called the Fresh river, because it affords more 
fresh water than many other rivers. It has advantageous navi- 
gable situations. It also has finely situated land, and the coun- 
try affords a tolerably good fur trade. But as this river with its 
advantages is mostly in the occupancy of the English nation, 
to the injury and disadvantage of the Hon. the West India Com- 
pany, wnich they continue to occupy, whereby the Company is 
mjured every year. It will be painful to us to recapitulate the 
subject, as the same is stated in the remonstrance of the New- 
Netherlanders ; where we leave the matter and pass to the East 


Of the East River. 

This river is thus named, because it extends eastward frcmi 
the city of New- Amsterdam. By some this river is held to be 
an arm of the sea, or a bay, because it is very wide in some places, 
and because both ends of the same are connected with, and 
empty into the ocean. This subtility notwithstanding, we 
adopt the common opinion and hold it to be a river. Be it then 
a river or a bay, as men may please to name it, still it is one 
of the best, most fit and most convenient places and most advan- 
tageous accommodations, which a country can possess or desire, 
for the following reasons : — Long Island, which is about forty 
miles in length, makes this river. The river, and most of the 
creeks, bays and inlets joining the same, are navigable in winter 
and in summer without much danger. This river also stfTords 
a safe and convenient passage at all seasons to those who desire 
to sail east or west ; and the same is most used, because the 
outside passage is more dangerous. Most of the English (of 
New-England) who wish to go south to Virginia, to South river, 
or to other southern places, pass through this river, which brings 
no small traffic and advantage to the city of New- Amsterdam. 
This also causes the Enghsh to frequent our harbours, to which 
they are invited for safety. Lastly, this river is famous on ac- 
count of its convenient bays, inlets, havens, rivers, and creeks, 
on both sides, to wit, on the side of Long Island and on the side 
of the fast or main land. In the Netherlands, no such place is 
known. Of this and the other rivers of New-Netherlands, enough 
has been said, in our opinion, for this time and for our purpose. 

Of the several Waters^ and their Diversity. 

In this place we will briefly notice the waters, before we 
notice other matters. In general, we say, to describe per species 
would take too long, and draw us from our original plan. We 
find in New-Netherlands many fine waters, kills, brooks and 
streams which are navigable, large and roomy, as well on the 
sea-board as far inland : also many runs oi water, sprouts, 
stream-kills and brooks having many fine falls, which are suit- 
able for every kind of milling work. Inland, there are also 
several standing waters and lakes, as large as small seas, also 
large rivers abounding with fish. The rivers have their origin 
in sprouts which flow from valleys, and in springs, which con- 
nected form beautiful streams. But inasmuch as a report has 
already been published of a principal part of the waters, near 
the sea, and of the rivers betore mentioned, there stilL t^tc^isL 


several which deserve the names of rivers. There are also 
several inland waters ; some are large, and others of less di- 
mensions, which mostly lie near the sea-shores south of the 
North River ; many oi which are navigable and roomy kills 
and creeks suitable for inland navigation ; and those hy the in- 
dustry of man are susceptible of great betterments and improve- 
ments, as may be seen by the chart of the New-Netherlands. 
There also are, as before remarked, several falls, streams and 
running brooks, suitable for every kind of water-work for the 
convenience and advantage of man, together with numerous small 
streams and sprouts throughout the country, serving as arteries 
or veins to the body, running in almost every direction, and 
affording an abundance of pure living water. Those are not 
numerous near the sea-shore, where the water in some places 
is brackish, but still tlic same is of service, and is drank By the 
wild and domestic animals. Many of the springs run into the 
rivers, and thence into the sea. In addition to those, there are 
also many fine springs and veins of pure water inland and in 
places where no other water can be obtained, as upon the 
mountains, high elevated rocks and cliffs, where like veins the 
water flows out of fissures and pours down the cliffs and 
precipices, some of which are so remarkable that they are es- 
teemed as great curiosities. Other streams rise in bushy 
woods, through which the summer sun never shines, which are 
much trodden by the wild beasts, and wherein the decayed 
leaves and rotting vegetation falls, all which tend to render the 
water foul. Those however in their course again become clear 
and wonderfully pure. Some of them possess the extraordinary 
quality of never freezing in the bitterest cold weather, when 
they smoke from their natural warmth, and any frozen article 
immersed in those waters thaws immediately. If the unclouded 
sun shone on those springs for whole days with summer heat, 
the water would still remain so cold that no person would bear 
to hold his hand in it for any length of time in the hottest 
weather. This peculiarity makes these waters agreeable to 
men and animals, as the water may be drank without danger ; 
for however fatigued or heated a person may be who drinks of 
these waters, they do no injury m the hottest weather. The 
Indians, gunners, and other persons use those waters freely at 
all seasons, a»d I have never heard that any pleurisy or omer 
disease had been caused by their use. 

The Indians inform us that there are other waters in the 
country diflfcring in taste from the common water, which are 
good for many ailments and diseases. As this is intimated by 
the Indians, therefore we do not place full confidence in the in- 
formation, not knowing the facts ; yet we deem the reports prob- 
able^ because the land abounds in metals and minerals, through 


which spring veins may filter and partake of the mineral quali- 
ties, and retain the same. 

It is a great convenience and ease to the citizens of New- 
Netherlands, that the country is not subject to great floods and 
inundations, for near the sea, or where the water ebbs and rises, 
there are no extraordinary floods. The tide usually rises and 
falls from five to six feet perpendicular, in some places more, 
in others less, as by winds and storms afiected. The flood 
and ebb tides are strong but not rapid. Sometimes where 
the wind blows strong from the sea, at spring tides the water 
rises a foot or two higher than usual ; but this is not conunon, 
hence, of little inconvenience. But, at the colony of Rensse- 
laerwyck, Esopus, Catskill, and otlier places, from which the 
principal upper waters flow, they are entirely fresh at those 
places. The lowlands are sometimes overflowed once or twice 
in a year when the wind and current are in opposition ; but 
even then, they who guard against those occurrences in time 
suffer but little. Sometimes the water may wash out a little 
in places, but the land is manured by the sediment left by the 
water. Those floods do not stand long ; as they rise quick, 
they also again fall off" in two or three days. 

Of the Formation^ Soily and Appearance of the Land. 

Having spoken of the waters, we will now treat of the land, 
with its natural, superficial appearance, beginning with the forma- 
tions of the earth. Near and along the seashores, the soil is light 
and sandy, with a mixture of clay, which enriches the land. The 
productions are difierent kinds of wood, various fruits and vege- 
tables. Barrens and sterile heath land are not here. The whole 
country has a waving surface, and in some places high hills and 
protrudmg mountains, particularly those named the Highlands, 
which is a place of high, connected mountain land, about three 
miles broad, extending in curved forms throughout the country ; 
separated in some places, and then again connected. There also 
is much fine level land, intersected with brooks, afibrding 
pasturage of great length and breadth, but mostly along the 
rivers, and near the salt water side. Inland most of the coun- 
try is waving, with hills which generally are not steep, but 
ascend gradually. We sometimes in travelling imperceptibly 
find ourselves on high elevated situations, from which we over- 
look large portions of the country. The neighbouring eminence, 
the surrounding valleys and the highest trees are overlooked, and 
again lost in the distant space. Here our attention is arrested 
in the beautiful landscape around us, here the painter can find 
rare and beautiful subjects for the employment of his pencil, 


and here also the huntsman is animated when he views the en- 
chanting prospects presented to the eyes ; on the hills, at the 
brooks and in the valleys, where the game abounds and where 
the deer are feeding, or gamboling or resting in the shades in 
full view. 

The surface of the land generally is composed of a black soSl 
intermixed with clay, about a foot or a foot and a half deep, in 
some places more, and in some less ; below, the stratum is 
white, reddish and yellow clay, which in some places is mixed 
with sand, and in others with gravel and stones. Here and there, 
large rocks and stones appear on the surface. There are also 
hills of pure clay, but sand hills I have not seen, except near 
the seashore, which have been cast up or formed by the ocean. 
There also are very rocky places which our naturalists suppose 
abound in minerals. The mountains and highlands are in some 
places tillable and fertile, the soil being composed of clay inter- 
mixed with stone. Other parts are composed of rocks, of vari- 
ous colours, but all overgrown with wood, growing in the seams, 
rents, clefts, and ravines. Such are the aspects of the moun- 
tains, the hills and inland country. Near the rivers and water 
sides there are large extensive plains containing several hundred 
morgens;* in one place more and in another less, which are very 
convenient for plantations, villages and towns. There also are 
brooklands and fresh and salt meadows ; some so extensive that 
the eye cannot oversee the same. Those are good for pasturage 
and hay, although the same are overflowed bv the spring tides, 

{)articularly near the seaboard. These meadows resenable the 
ow and outlands of the Netherlands. Most of them could be 
dyked and cultivated. We also find meadow grounds far in- 
land, which are all fresh and make good hayland. Where the 
meadows are boggy and wet, such failings are easily remedied 
by cutting and breaking" the bogs in winter and letting off the 
water in the spring. There also would be much more meadow 
ffround, but as the soil is natural for wood, and as the birds and 
the winds carry the seeds in every direction ; hence, those moist, 
low grounds are covered with timber and imderwoods which 
we call cripple bushes. The situations are curious to behold 
where those lands are cleared and cultivated. They are wonder- 
fully fertile, which in short, is the general quality of such land, 
and of most of the places we have noticed. Thus we tender 
to the kind reader the fruitfulness of this land, subject to his 
own judgment. I admit that I am incompetent to describe the 
beauties, the ffrand and sublime works, wherewith Providence 
has diversified this land. Our opinions are fonned by the eye 
alone, therefore we cannot do justice, and give assurance to the 

* A Morgon ii tomewhEl lets ihtn two acrci . 


Of the woody the natural productions and fruits of the land. 

The New-Netherlands, with other matters, is very fruitful, 
and fortunate in its fine woods ; so much so, that the whole 
country is covered with wood, and in our manner of speaking, 
there is all too much of it, and in our way. Still it comes 
to hand to build vessels and houses, and to enclose the farms 
&c. The oak trees are very large ; from sixty to seventy feet 
high without knots, and from two to three fathoms thick, being 
of various sizes. There arc several kinds of oak, such as white, 
smooth bark, rough bark, grey bark and black bark. It is all 
durable wood, being as good as the oak of the Rhine or the 
Weser when properly worked, according to the opinion of our 
woodcutters, who are judges of timber and are sawyers. The 
nut-w^ood grows as tall as the oak, but not so heavy. It is prob- 
able that this kind of wood will be usefiil for many purposes, it 
grows straight and is tough and hard. We now use it for cogs 
and rounds in our mills and for threshing-flails, swivel-trees and 
other farming purposes. It also is excellent firewood, surpas- 
sing every other Kind, and setting at naught our old adage, 
" The man is yet to come, who can find better wood to bum 
than oak." This wood is far better as well for heat as duration. 
It possesses a peculiar sap, which causes it to bum freely, 
whether mreen or dry. If we draw it up out of the fresh water 
where it nas lain a long time, still, on account of its hardness, 
it is even then uncommonly durable on the fire. We all agree, 
that no turf, or other common fuel is equal to nut-wood. When 
it is dry, it keeps fire and sparkles like matches. Our women 
prefer nut-coals to turf for their stoves, because they last longer, 
and arc not buried in ashes. This kind of wood is found all 
over the New-Netherlands in such abundance, that it cannot 
become scarce in the first hundred years with an increased 
population. There also is oak and ash enough to supply its 
place for many purposes. The land also is so natural to pro- 
duce wood, that in a few years large trees will be grown, which 
I can say with certainty from my own observation ; and that 
unless there be natural changes or great improvidence, there 
can be no scarcity of wood in this country. 

It has happened when I have been out with the natives, 
( Wilden, for so we name those who are not bora of Christian 
parents,) that we have come to a piece of young woodland, 
when I have told them, in conversation, that they would do 
well to clear off such land, because it would bear good com, 
that they said, " it is but twenty years since we planted com 
there, and now it is woods agam. I asked them severally if 
it were true, when they all answered in the aflSrmative. This 


relation was also corroborated by others. To return to the sub- 
ject : this woodland was composed of oak, nut and other kinds 
of wood, but principally of oak and nut ; and there were seve- 
ral trees in tne same which were a fathom in circumference. 
The wood was so closely grown that it was difficult to pass 
through it on horseback. As the wood appeared young and 
thrifty, I give credit to the relation of the natives. 1 have also 
observed that the youngest woodlands are always covered clos- 
est with wood, and where the growth is small, the woods are 
so thick as to render walking through the same difficult. But 
where the woods are old, the timber is large and heavy, where- 
by the underwood is shaded, which causes it to die and peHsh. 

The Indians have a yearly custom (which some of our 
Christians have also adopted) of burning the woods, plains and 
meadows in the fall of tne year, when the leaves have fallen, 
and when the grass and vegetable substances are dry. Those 
places which are then passed over are fired in the spring in 
April. This practice is named by us and the Indians, " Bush 
bumingy'^ which is done for several reasons ; first, to render 
hunting easier, as the bush and vegetable growth renders the 
walking difficult for the hunter, and the crackling of the dry sub- 
stances betrays him and frightens away the game. Secondly, 
to thin out and clear the woods of all dead substances and grass, 
which grow better the ensuing spring. Thirdly, to circum- 
scribe and enclose the game within the lines of the fire, when 
it is more easily taken, and also, because the game is more 
easily tracked over the burned parts of the woods. 

The bush burning presents a grand and sublime appearance. 
On seeing it from without, we would imagine that not only the 
dry leaves, vegetables and limbs would be burnt, but that the 
whole woods would be consumed where the fire passes, for it 
frequently spreads and rages with such violence, that it is awful 
to behold ; and when the fire approaches houses, gardens, and 
wooden enclosures, then great care and vigilance are necessary 
for their preservation, for I have seen several houses which 
have recently been destroyed, before the owners were apprized 
of their danger. 

Notwithstanding the apparent danger of the entire destruction 
of the woodlands by the burning, still the green trees do not suf- 
fer. The outside bark is scorched three or four feet high, which 
does them no injury, for the trees are not killed. It however 
sometimes happens that in the thick pine woods, wherein the 
fallen trees lie across each other, and have become dry, that 
the blaze ascends and strikes the tops of the trees, setting the 
same on fire, which is immediately increased by the resinous 
knots and leaves, which promote the blaze, and is passed by 
the wind from tree to tree, by which the entire tops of the trees 


are sometimes burnt off, while the bodies remain standing. 
Frequently great injuries arc done by such fires, but the burn- 
ing down of entire woods never happens. I have seen many 
instances of wood-burning in the colony of Rensselaerwyck, 
where there is much pine wood. Those fires appear grand at 
night from the passing vessels in the river, when the woods are 
burning on both sides of the same. Then we can see a great 
distance by the light of the blazing trees, the flames being dri- 
ven by the wind, and fed by the tops of the trees. But the dead 
and cfying trees remain burning in their standing positions, 
which appear sublime and beautiful when seen at a distance. 

Hence it will appear that there actually is such an abundance 
of wood in the New-Netherlands, tliat, with ordinary care, it 
will never be scarce there. There always are, however, in 
every country, some people so improvident, that even they may 
come short here, and for this reason we judge that it should not 
be destroyed needlessly. There, however, is such an abun- 
dance of wood, that they who cultivate the land for planting and 
sowing can do nothing better than destroy it, and thus clear off 
the land for tillage, which is done by cutting down the trees and 
collecting the wood into great heaps and burning the same, to 
get it out of their way. Yellow and white pine timber, in all 
their varieties, is abundant here, and we have heard the North- 
erners say (who reside here) that the pine is as good here as 
the pine of Norway. But the pine does not grow as well near 
the salt water, except in some places. Inland, however, and 
high up the rivers, it grows in large forests, and it is abundant, 
and heavy enough for masts and spars for ships. There also 
are chestnuts here, like those of tne Netherlands, which are 
spread over the woods. Chestnuts would be plentier if it were 
not for the Indians, who destroy the trees by stripping off the 
bark for covering for their houses. They, and the Netherland- 
ers also, cut down the trees in the chestnut season, and cut off 
the limbs to gather the nuts, which also lessens the trees. We 
also find several kinds of beech trees, but those bear very little. 
Amongst the other trees, the water-beeches grow very large 
along the brooks, heavier and larger than most of the trees of 
the country. When those trees begin to bud, then the bark 
becomes a beautiful white, resembling the handsomest satin. 
This tree retains the leaves later than any other tree of the 
woods. Trees of this kind are considered more ornamental 
and handsomer than the linden trees for the purpose of planting 
near dwelling-houses. We can give no comparison with this 
species of trees, and can give the same no better name to make 
the wood known.* There also is wild ash, some trees large ; 

* The author tmdoubtedly refera to our buttonwood tree. {Platanu$ occidefi. 
talis) otherwise called Sjcamore.—- Tiuivs 


and maple trees, the wood resembling cedar ; white-wood txees, 
which grow very large, — the Indians frequently make their 
canoes of this wood, hence we name it Canoe-wood ;* we use 
it for flooring, because it is bright and iree of knots. There 
are also two kinds of ash, with linden, birch, yew, poplar, sa- 
pine, alder, willow, thorn trees, sassafras, persimmon, mulberry, 
wild cherry, crab, and several other kinds of wood, the names 
of which are unknown to us, but the wood is suitable for a va- 
riety of purposes. Some of the trees bear fruit. The oak 
trees in alternate years bear many acorns of the chestnut spe- 
cies. The nuts grow about as large as our persimmons, but 
they are not as good as ours. The mulberries are better and 
sweeter than ours, and ripen earlier. Several kinds of plums, 
wild or small cherries, juniper, small kinds of apples, many 
hazel-nuts, black currants, gooseberries, blue India fij^, and 
strawberries in abundance all over the country, some ot which 
ripen at half May, and we have them until July ; blueberries, 
raspberries, black-caps, &c., witli artichokes, ground-acorns, 
ground beans, wild onions, and leeks like ours, with several 
other kinds of roots and fruits, known to the Indians, who use 
the same which are disregarded by the Netherlanders, because 
they have introduced every kind of garden vegetables, which 
thrive and yield well. The country also produces an abun- 
dance of fruits like the Spanish capers, whicn could be preserv- 
ed in like manner. 

Of the Fiixit Trees brought over from the Netherlands. 

The Nctherland settlers, who are lovers of fruit, on observing 
that the climate was suitable to the production of fruit trees, 
have brought over and planted various kinds of apple and pear 
trees, which thrive well. Those also grow from the seeds, 
of which I have seen many, which, without grafting, bore de- 
licious fruit in the sixth year. The stocks may also be grafted 
when the same are as large as thorns, which, being cut off near 
the root and grafted, are then set into the ground, when the 

g-aft also strikes root : otherwise the fniit is somewhat hard. 
ut in general, grafting is not as necessary here as in the 
Netherlands, for most of the fruit is good without it, which 
there would be harsh and sour, or would not bear. The English 
have brought over the first quinces, and we have also brought 
over stocks and seeds which thrive well. Orchard chemes 
thrive well and produce large fruit. Spanish cherries, fore- 
runners, morellaes, of every kind we have, as in the Nether- 

♦ The Liriodendron tulipifera^^TKAM. 


lands ; and the trees bear better, because the blossoms are not 
injured by the frosts. The peaches, which are sought after in 
the Netherlands, grow wonderfully well here. If a stone is put 
into the earth, it will spring in the same season, and grow so 
rapidly as to bear fruit in the fourth year, and the limbs are 
frequently broken by the weight of the peaches, which usually 
are very fine. We have also introduced morecotoons (a kind 
of peach,) apricots, several sorts of the best plums, almonds, 
persimmons, cornelian cherries, figs, several sorts of currants, 
gooseberries, calissiens, and thorn apples ; and we do not doubt 
but that the olive would thrive and be profitable, but we have 
them not. Although the land is full oi many kinds of grapes, 
we still want settings of the best kinds from Germany, for 
the purpose of enabling our wine planters here to select the 
best kinds, and to propagate the same. In short, every kind of 
fruit which grows in the Netherlands is plenty already in the 
New-Netherlands, which have been introduced by the lovers 
of agriculture, and the fruits thrive better here, particularly such 
kinds as require a warmer climate. 

Of the Grape Vines and Vineyards, 

It will not readily be credited how numerous the vine stocks 
are in the New-Netherlands, where they grow wild throughout 
the country. We do not find a district or a nook of land with- 
out grape vines. Many grow in the opeji fields ; many in the 
woods under the wild trees ; many along the rivers and the 
brooks ; many along the hills and at the foot of the mountains, 
and run up the trees ; some run over the scrubby bushes, sonje 
over the brush and weeds, some over the grass and ground, so 
that we are frequently, on horseback and on foot, entangled in 
the vines, and arc extricated with difficulty and with loss of 
time. The vines which run up the trees bear grapes, but not 
many except in some years, when they bear everywhere in 
great abundance, and then it is gratifying and wonderful to see 
these natural productions, and to observe such excellent and 
lovely fruit growing wild ; and very little attention is paid to 
the same. The country when the vines are in bloom, is 
perfumed with the lovely fragrance of the blossoms, and it is 
delightful to travel at this season of the year. It is a pitiful 
sight to see the grape vines run up the trees, over the bushes, 
and hidden among the weeds, neglected, untrimmed, and uncul- 
tivated, where the roots never feel the sun, by reason of which 
the grapes do not ripen in the proper season. This, however, 
is true. Many of the vines extend to the tops of the trees, and 
to the* outer branches, where they are hidden and covered by the 


leaves, and never nourished by the rays of the sun, which causes 
the fruit to be sour, harsh, fleshy and strong, which with proper 
attention would be good. As a proof of this subject, we nnd 
tliat the vines which run up the dead and dry trees, (from which 
the bark has been stripped by tlie Indians, to cover their dwell- 
ings,) and arc of course exposed to the sun, bear sweeter and 
earlier grapes than ordinary. The like also occurs where the 
vines run along the brooks in a southern exposure, where the 
sun shines direct on the vine. I, with others, have seen this 
diflerence, and in such situations have found, gathered, and 
eaten, delicious ripe grapes in tlie middle of August. For the 
grapes to ripen thus early is not common; but we may infer, 
and it is our opinion, that the fruit would be much earlier, if 
the vines were dressed, trimmed, and manured, than it now is, 
but this is never done to the wild vmes. That the wild vines, 
with proper care and management, will produce as good grapes 
and as good wine as is made in Germany and France, is clear 
and undeniable. Proofs and examples of this fact are seen at 
the South river, where the Swedes reside, who have laid down 
vines from which others have sprung, which they name suck- 
ers, from which they make delightful wine year after year. 
The grapes and their juice are not all of one kind or colour. 
They have blue grapes, of different shades ; others are reddish, 
and others entirely white, like the Muscatels ; hence tlie colour 
of the wine is also different. The grapes and the clusters are 
also of different sizes. The white and the reddish grapes grow 
as large as the Netherland Muscatels. Of the blue grapes, 
some are large, and others small ; the largest are conunonly 
fleshy, and are therefore called pork grapes by the citizens. 
But those who have a proper knowledge of vineyards say, that 
discreet cultivation will remove this objection, and that the juice 
of the grape may be as good as in other places. Some of the 
native wine is while ; some is also reddish ; anoUier kind is as 
dark as the wine Fran(;aise^ but this kind is only made from the 
blue grapes, and to my knowledge from no others. They press a 
juice out of the blue grapes, 'W'hich runs thick and is of a dark 
red colour, resembling dragon's blood more than wine ; a 
small glass of this wine will colour a can of water as deep red 
as the common red wine in Spain. 

Our Netherlanders are unaccustomed to the management of 
vineyards, and have not given much attention to the cultivation 
of the vine. Some of them have occasionally planted vines, 
but they have never treated them properly, and for this reason 
they have derived very little profit from their labour. I have, 
however, frequently drank good and well tasted domestic wine, 
and remark, that the fault is in the people, not in the grapes. 
Within the last few years, the lovers ot the vineyard have paid 


more attenion to the cultivation of tlie vine, and have informed 
themselves on the subject. They have also introduced foreign 
stocks, and they have induced men to come over from Heidelberg 
who are vine dressers, for the purpose of attending to the vine- 
yards ; and to remedy every oefect in the management of the 
grape, men are also coming over, who posses the most perfect 
skill in the planting and management of vineyards. 

At this time, they have commenced the planting in good 
earnest, and with proper care. Several persons already have 
vineyards and wine hills under cultivation, and Providence 
blesses their labours with success, by alBfording fruit according 
to the most favourable expectation. Hereafter, from year to 
year, the cultivation of the vine will increase ; for every one 
takes hold of the business — one man learns from another — and 
as the population increases rapidly, it is expected that in a few 
years there will be wine in abundance in the New-Netherlands.* 

Of the Flowers. 

The flowers in general which the Netherlanders have intro- 
duced tliere, are the white and red roses of different kinds, the 
cornelian roses, and stock roses ; and those of which there 
were none before in the country, such as eglantine, several kinds 
of gillyflowers, jenoffelins, difierent varieties of fine tulips, 
crown imperials, white lilies, the lily frutularia, anemones, bare- 
dames, violets, marigolds, summer sots, &c. The clove tree 
has also been introduced ; and there are various indigenous trees 
that bear handsome flowers, which are unknown in the Nether 
lands. We also find tliere some flowers of native gowth, as for 
instance, sun flowers, red and yellow lilies, mountain lilies, 
morning stars, red, white, and yellow maritoffles, (a very sweet 
flower,) several species of bell flowers, &c. ; to which I have 
not given particular attention, but amateurs would hold them In 
high estimation, and make them widely known. 

Of the Healing Herbs, and the Indigo. 

No reasonable person will doubt that there are not many 
medicinal and healing plants in the New-Netherlands. A cer- 
tain chirurgeon who was also a botanist, had a beautiful garden 
there, whereinagreatvariety of medicinal wild plants were col- 
lected, but the owner has removed and the garden Ues neglected. 
Because sickness docs not prevail much, I suppose the subject 

* A chapter on the products of kitchen gardens follows next in the original, 
but having been omitted by the Translator, will be inserted hereafter. See p. 
185.— Ed. 


has received less attention. The plants whioh are known to us 
are the following, viz : Capilli veneris, scholopendria, angelica^ 
polypodium, verbascum album, calteus sacerdotis, atriplex 
nortensis and marina, chortium, turrites, calamus aromaticus, 
sassafras, rois Virginianum, ranunculus, plantago, bursa pas- 
toris, malva, origaenum, geranicum, althea, cinoroton pseudoi 
daphine, viola, ireas, indigo silvestris, sigillum salamonis, san- 
guis draconum, consolidae, millefolium, noli me tangere, caido 
benedictus, agrimonium, serpentaris, coriander, leeksy wild 
leeks, Spanish figs, clatine, campcrfoUe, petum male and fe- 
male, and many other plants. The land is full of different kinds 
of herbs and trees besides those enumerated, among which 
there undoubtedly are good simpHcia^ with which discreet per- 
sons would do much good ; for we know that the Indians with 
roots, bulbs, leaves, &c. cure dangerous wounds and old sores, 
of which we have seen many instances, which, for the sake of 
brevity, we pass by. 

The Indigo silvestris grows naturally, without the attention 
of any man, and there is no doubt but that with proper care and 
attention, much profit might be derived from its cultivation. 
We have seen proofs of this, in the colony of Rensselaerwyck, 
where Kilian Van Rensselaer, (who always has been a zealous 
lover of the New-Netherlands,) sent seed, wliich was sown 
late on Bear Island, which has not above a foot of soil above 
the rock, and where no grass would grow well. The seed came 
up fine, but the dry summer turned the crop yellow, and dried 
the plants. We however saw, that if ihe seed had been sown 
in season, in a proper place, the result would have been good. 
Afterwards a certain citizen named Augustin Heerman, who is 
a curious man, and a lover of the country, made an experiment 
near New- Amsterdam, where he planted indigo seed, which 
grew well and yielded much. Samples of this indigo were 
sent over to the Netherlands, which were found to be better 
than common. Ridge planting has not been tried, but as the 
land is rich and strong, there is no doubt of success when the 
experiment is made. Mr. Minuit writes that he has sown Ca- 
nary seed, and that it grew and yielded well ; but he adds, 
that the country is new, and in a state of beginning, and tliat 
the time of the cultivators should not be spent on such experi- 
ments, but to the raising of the necessaries of life ; for which, 
God be praised, there is plenty and to spare, for a reasonable 
price. And we begin to supply provisions and drink in com- 
mon with our Virginia neighbours to the West Indies and 
tlie Caribbee Islands, which we expect will increase from year 
to year, and in time become a fine trade, in connexion with our 
Netherlands and Brazil commerce. 


Of the Agricultural Productions, 

The pursuit of agriculture is not heavy and expensive there, 
as it is in the Netherlands. First, because the fencing and en- 
closing of the land docs not cost much ; for instead of the 
Netherlands dykes and ditches, they set up post and rail, or 
pahsado fences, and when new clearings are made, they com- 
monly have fencing timber enough on the land to remove, 
which costs nothing but the labour, which is reasonably cheap to 
those who have their own hands, and without domestic labour 
very httle can be effected. The land whereon there are few 
standing trees, and which has been grubbed and ploughed twice, 
we hold to be prepared for a crop of winter grain. For sum- 
mer grain one ploughing is sufficient. K it is intended to sow 
the same field again with winter grain, then the stubble is 
ploughed in, and the land is sowed with wheat or rye, which 
m ordinary seasons will yield a fine crop. 

I can affirm that during my residence of nine years in the 
country, I have never seen land manured, and it is seldom 
done. The land is kept in order by tillage, which is often done 
to keep down weeds and brush, but for which it would have 
rest. Some persons, (which I also hold to be good manage- 
ment,) when tlieir land becomes foul and weedy, break it up 
and sow the same with peas, because a crop of peas softens 
the land and makes it clean ; but most of the land is too rich for 
peas, which when sown on the same grow so rank that the 
crop falls and rots on the land. Some of the land must be re- 
duced by cropping it with wheat and barley, before it is proper 
to sow the same with peas. We have frequently seen the straw 
of wheat and barley grow so luxuriant that the crops yielded 
very httle grain. 

I deem it worthy of notice, that with proper attention, in or- 
dinary seasons, two ripe crops of peas can be raised on the same 
land m one season, in the New-Netherlands. It has frequent- 
ly been done in the following manner, viz. The first crop was 
sown in the last of March or first of April, which will ripen 
about the first of July ; the crop is then removed, and the land 
ploughed, and sowed again witn peas of the first crop. The 
second crop will ripen in September, or about the first of Oc- 
tober, when the weather is still, fine and warm. The same 
can also be done with buckwheat, which has firequently been 
proved ; but the first crop is usually much injured by finches 
and other birds, and as wheat and rye are plenty, therefore there 
is very httle buckwheat sown. The maize (Indian com) is 
carefully attended to, and is sufficient to the wants of the 


The Turkey wheat, or maize, as the grain is named, many 
persons suppose to be the same kind of grain which Jesse sent 

{arched by his son David to his other sons of the army oi 
srael. This is a hardy grain, and is fit for the sustenance of 
man and animals. It is easily cultivated, and will grow in al- 
most every kind of land, in the worst and strongest in the 
country, even in a foul and worn-out soil. It is a good crop 
to subdue new land, and to prepare it for other purposes. 
When the timber has been removed, and the brush burnt up, 
then we take a broad hoc, and cut out hills about six feet apart, 
and plant five or six grains in a hill, with which some persons 
also plant Turkey beans (as before noticed). After the 
grain shoots up and grows, it requires two dressings. The 
weeding and cleaning is done with a broad adze, without 
breaking up the ground, and is not very laborious work. The 
weeds and trash in the first dressing, are cut off and placed in 
a row between the hills. The second dressing is easier. Then 
the weeds and sprouts are cut off around the hills, and the 
weeds and riibbisn of the first cleaning, are drawn roimd the 
corn-hills, wliich afterwards grow high and tall, and smother 
all the weeds, stumps, and trash, and kill all other vegetation 
except pumpkins ; those will grow among the maize. 

When the land has been treated as above described for one 
summer, it is fit for any other use ; or it may be planted with 
maize again, which will then grow better than in tne first year, 
and be easier kept clean, and with less labour. Tobacco may 
be planted on the land, or it may be ploughed and broken up 
for other purposes, which can then be easily done, because the 
roots arc in a state of decay and easily broken up. After a 
corn crop is gathered, the land may be sowed with winter 
grain in the fall without previous ploughing. When this is 
intended, the corn is gathered, the stalks are pulled up and 
burnt, the hills levelled, and the land sown and harrowed 
smooth and level. Good crops are raised in this manner. I 
have seen rye sown as before described, which grew so tall 
that a man of common size would bind the ears together above 
his head, which yielded seven and eight schepels,^ Amsterdam 
measure, per vin of 108 sheaves, of which two vtns made a 
wagon load. 

The Rev. Johannis Megapolensis, Junior, minister of the co- 
lony of Renssclaerwjxk, in certain letters which he has written 
to his friends, which were printed (as he has told me) without 
his consent, but may be fully credited, he being a man of truth 
and of great learning, who writes in a vigorous style, — states, 
with other matters, that a certain farmer had cropped one field 

* A achepel it three pecki English. 


with wheat eleven years in succession, which to many persons 
will seem extraordinary, and may not be credited. Still it is 
true, and the residents of the place testify to the same, and 
they add, that this same land was ploughed but twelve times 
in the eleven seasons — twice in the first year, and once in 
every succeeding year, when the stubble was ploughed in, the 
wheat sown and harrowed under. I owned land adjoining the 
land referred to, and have seen the eleventh crop, which was 
tolerably good. The man who did this is named Brandt Pelen ; 
he was bom in the district of Utrecht, and at the time was a 
magistrate (schepen) of the colony of Rensselaerwyck. We 
acknowledge that this relation appears to be marvellous, but in 
the country it is not so, for there are many thousand morgens 
of as good land there, as the land of which we have spoken. 

During the period when I resided in the New Netherlands, 
a certain honorable gentleman, named John Everts Bout, (who 
was recommended to the colonists by their High Mightinesses, 
&c.) laid a wager that he could raise a crop of barley on a 
field containing seven morgens of land, which would grow so 
tall in every part of the field, that the ears could easily be tied 
together above his head. I went to see the field of barley, and 
found that the straw, land by land, was from six to seven feet 
high, and very little of it any shorter. It has also been stated 
to me as a fact, that barley has frequently been raised, although 
not common, which yielded eleven schepel, Amsterdam measure, 
per vin of 108 sheaves. Therefore, all persons who are ac- 
quainted with the New-Netherlands, judge the country to be as 
well adapted for the cultivation of grain, as any part of the 
world which is known to the Netherlanders, or is in their pos- 

With the other productions of the land we must include to- 
bacco, which is also cultivated in the country, and is, as well 
as the maize, well adapted to prepare the land for other agri- 
cultural purposes, which also, with proper attention, grows fine, 
and jrields more profit. Not only myself but hundreds of 
others, have raised tobacco, the leaves of which were three- 
fourths of a yard long. The tobacco raised here is of different 
kind, but principally of the Virginia kind, from which it differs 
little in flavour, although the Virginia is the best. Still it does 
not differ so much in quality as in price. Next to the Virginia 
it will be the best ; many persons esteem it better, and give it 
a preference. It is even probable, that when the people extend 
the cultivation of the article, and more tobacco is planted, that 
it will gain more reputation and esteem. Many persons are 
of opinion that the defect in flavour arises from the newness 
of the land, and hasty cultivation, which will gradually be 


Barley grows well in the country, but it is not much needed. 
Cummin seed, canary seed, and the like, have been tried, 
and Commander Minuit testifies that those articles succeed 
well, but are not sought after. Flax and hemp will grow fine, 
but as the women do not spin much, and tne Indians hare 
hemp in abundance in the woods from which they make strong 
ropes and nets, for these reasons very little flax is raised ; but 
the persons who do sow the seed, find that tlic land is of the 
proper quality for such articles.* 

Of the Mineralsy EartJis, and Stones. 

To the persons who will please to notice the formation of 
the country of the New Netherlands, which is mostly elevated 
above the floods, and free from the overflowings of its upper 
waters ; and that it is mountainous in many places, and tnat 
it is situated in a temperate climate, such persons wiU, on con- 
templation, readily conclude that the country possesses mine- 
rals ; although the Nctherlanders have not been at much 
cost or trouble to examine and search for mines and minerals, 
which has not happened so much from ignorance and negli- 
gence as may be imagined, but from other good considerations. 
The prevailing opinion of the common people has been, 
that the country abounds in minerals ; and it is true and cer- 
tain that it possesses many valuable minerals, including gold 
and other precious metals. But such must be sought for by 
men of science. It cannot be done by the common people, 
which our rulers have had no disposition to encourage ; while, 
on tlic other hand, the common citizens have other employ- 

Considering that tlie Nctherlanders are not numerous in the 
countrj'^, the discovery of minerals of more value than iron 
would attract the attention and cupidity of powerful and 
jealous fri(mds, who in time might easily oust us, and shut the 
door against us, and then occupy and rule in our possessions. 
Passing by such speculative probabilities, and to satisfy the 

• The peas referred to on jpasre 157 of this translation, the author 8ty», are 
the large grey kind, called Old Wives, having blue and white large pods or 
■hells. Few are sown on an arrc, but most in the gardens. The author does 
not state what kind of barley ho refers to, whether it was winter or summer ; 
but we judge it to have been winter barley. We have seen oat straw six feet 
.long, but have never seen barley above five feet high. We, however, have seen 
ten acres of winter barley, which yielded 600 bushels of merchantable grain, 
and sixteen acres of summer barley, which yielded 42 bushels per acre. We 
have also conversed with a respectable fanner of Yates county, (Mr. Doz,) 
who stated that he had cropped one field with wheat seven years in successiony 
and that the last crop was fine wheat. Van der Donck*8 relation on the subject 
of wheat and barley may therefore be credited. — Tranm. 


inquiries of our real friends, we will describe more particularly 
some facts and occurrences which have passed at several 

§ laces, on the subject of minerals. It is now placed beyond a 
oubt that valuable minerals abound in the country, as experi- 
ments and satisfactory proofs have been made to establish those 
facts by the direction of Governor Kieft, in several instances, 
as well of gold as of quicksilver. I was present, and an eye- 
witness to the experiments, when the minerals proved to be 
rich and good, and know that specimens of the same from time 
to time were sent for the Netherlands which were all lost in the 
sea. In the year 1645, a mine was discovered on the Raritan, 
by accident or chance, which is held to be richer and better 
than any other before known. This discovery was the subject 
of much conversation at the time. For the information of the 
curious, we will briefly relate an account of another occurrence 
according to the trutli. 

In the year 1645, we were employed with the officers and 
rulers at the colony of Rensselaerwyck in negotiating a 
treaty of peace with the Maquas, (Mohawk Indians,) who 
then were and still are the strongest and fiercest Indain na- 
tion of the country ; whereat the Director General, WilUam 
Kieft, of the one part, and the chiefs of the Indian nations of 
the neighbouring country, on the other part, attended. To 
proceed with the treaty, the citizens of Rensselaerwyck pro- 
cured a certain Indian, named Agheroense, to attend and serve 
as an interpreter, who was well known to the Christians, hav- 
ing been much among them, and who also spoke and under- 
stood all the Indian languages which were spoken by the 
parties that attended the negotiations. As the Indians are 
generally disposed to paint and ornament their faces with se- 
veral brilliant colours, it happened on a certain morning that this 
Indian interpreter, who lodged in the Director's house, came 
down stairs, and in presence of the Director and myself sat 
down, and began stroking and painting his face. The Director 
observed the operation, and requested me to inquire of the 
Indian what substance he was using, which he handed to me, 
and I passed it to the Director, who examined the same atten- 
tively, and judged from its weight and from its greasy and 
shimng appearance, that the lump contained some valuable 
metal, for which I commuted with the Indian, to ascertain what 
it contained. We acted with it, according to the best of our 
judgment, and gave the same to be proved by a skilful doctor 
of medicine, named Johannes La Montagne, of the Councilinthe 
New-Netherlands. The lump of mineral was put into a cru- 
cible, which was placed in a nre, and after the same according 
to my opinion) had been in the fire long enough, it was taken 



out, when it delivered two pieces of gold worth about three 
guilders. This proof was kept secret. 

After the peace was made, an officer with a few men were 
sent to the Berg mountain, to which the Indian directed tlienif 
for a quantity of the mineral, who returned with about a bucket 
full, intermingled with stones, as they deemed best. They did 
not observe that the place from which they took the earth had 
been dug before. Of this mineral several experiments were 
made, which proved as good as the first. We supposed that 
we had secured the discovery safely. The Director General 
thought proper to embrace the first opportunity to send a small 
quantity of the mineral to the Netherlands, for which purpose 
he despatched a man named Arent Corsen, with a bag of the 
mineral to New-Haven, to take passage in an English ship for 
England, and to proceed to Holland. This vessel sailed at 
Christmas, and was lost at sea. Misfortune attended all on board. 
The Director General, William Kieft, left the New-Nether 
lands for the Netherlands, in the year 1647, on board of the 
ship Princess, taking with him specimens of the proved mine- 
rals, and of several others. This ship was also lost, and the 
minerals remained in the sea. 

Now we have Cornelius Van Tienhooven for Secretary of the 
New-Netherlands. Being here in Holland, he states that he 
had tested several specimens of the mineral, which proved sa- 
tisfactory ; the subject therefore need not be doubled. 

This example I have deemed it proper to state, to which 
others might be added, but it would then become tedious. We 
find in the country up-drifls, and signs of many mines, but 
mostly of iron. The people of New-England already cast their 
own cannon, plates, pots, and camion balls, from native iron. 
We now have people in the New-Netherlands who understand 
mining, who declare that there are much belter and richer me- 
tals of difierenl kinds there, than in New-England. But in our 
feeble opinion, il would not be advisable to go any furllier in 
disclosing and exposing those matters, as long as the place lias 
so small a population. 

The country has hills of fuller's earth, and several sorts of 
fine clay, such as while, yellow, red and black, which is fat 
and tough, suitable for pots, dishes, plates, tobacco-pipes, and 
the like wares. It is known from experience that bricks and 
tiles can be baked of the clay, and there is no doubt but that the 
business would be profitable, and the country be benefited if 
the trade was driven. Meantime crj^stal, like that of Muscovy, 
is found there ; there is also an abundance of serpentine stone, 
but of a deeper green than that which is sold in Holland ; there 
is also grey flagging, slate, grit or grinding-stone, but mostly of 

*Tho mineral thuii mistaken for gold wai probably pyri/f 9. The English 
BetOcrB often made the tame miBtaVLe.->Ili>. 


a red kind ; much quarry stone, several kinds of blue stone, 
suitable for mill-stones, for walls and for ornamental work. 
Wc also find a kind of stone like alabaster and marble with 
others of that species. But as the population is small, such 
things are not valued. When the population^ increases, and 
pride advances, then the same will be held in high estimation. 

Of the Dyes and Colours, 

The original colours of the New-Netherlands may properly 
be represented in two classes, viz. paints and colours com- 
posed of minerals, and made from the same, and from stone ; 
and those prepared from vegetables. The natives, as has been 
remarked, paint and ornament their faces and bodies with dif- 
ferent colours, in various ways, according to their customs. 
For this purpose, they usually carry small bags of paints with 
them, keeping their colours separate, such as red, blue, green, 
brown, white, black, yellow, &c. The coloius which they 
esteem most, are such as possess the most brilhancy, whicn 
shine like pure metals. Sucli was the kind Spoken of as proved 
in the year 1645. Colours of this kind are mostly made of 
stone, which they know how to prepare by pounding, rubbing 
and grinding. Such they hold in higher estimation than the 
colours derived from herbs and plants. Tliere, however, are 
various plants from which the Indians prepare several fine, 
lovely and bright colours, differing little in appearance from 
the stone colours, except in the glossy metallic appearance of 
the latter. 

To describe perfectly and truly how the Indians prepare all 
these paints and colours, is out of my power. Their stone 
colours, they have informed me, are prepared as before stated ; 
but whether they add any greasy or adhesive substances to the 
preparations, I know not ; but I do know that all their paints of 
tliis kind have a fat and greasy feeling. 

With the other colours which they prepare from plants and 
herbs, they usually pursue the same process. Without detain- 
ing the reader long, I will relate the process which I have seen 
performed \ others may be done in the same manner. A cer- 
tain plant springs up and grows in the country, resembling the 
Orache, or golden herb, having many shoots from the same 
stalk, but it grows much larger than the Orache. This plant 
produces clusters of red and brown berries, which the Indians 
Druise, and press out the juice, and pour the same on flat 
pieces of bark, about six feet long and three broad, prepared 
for the purpose ; these are placed in the sun to dry out the 
moisture. If it does not dry out fast enough, or if they intend 


to remove, which they frequently do in summer, then they heat 
smooth stones, and place the same into the juice of the I>errie8 
on the bark, and thus they dry out the moisture speedily. The 
dry substance which remains on the bark is then scraped out, 
and put into small bags for use. This produces the finest 
purple colour I have ever seen. The Indians, when they use 
this colouring, temper the same with water ; hence it comes oflf 
easily ; but we believe if it was properly prepared by artists, it 
would be highly esteemed. 

The paintings of the Indians are of httle importance, being 
mostly confined to the colouring of their faces, bodies, and the 
skins which they wear. We have seen some counterfeit repre- 
sentations of trumpets in their strong houses or castles, wherein 
they hold their council assemblies, but their paintings are not 
spirited and ingenious. They also paint then: shields and war 
hammers or clubs, and in their houses on the rail-work, they paint 
representations of canoes and animals, which are not well done. 

On this subject I have another case which I have seen wor- 
thy of notice. The Indians use instead of plumes, a beautiful 
kind of hair, some of which is long, coarse and stiff, and some 
of it shorter and very fine. This they know how to unite and 
fix together in such a manner as to make the same appear beau- 
tiful, when they are dressed and ornamented with it. The hair 
they tic with small bands to suit their own fancies and fashions. 
They also know how to prepare a colouring, wherein they dye 
the hair a beautiful scarlet, which excites our astonishment 
and curiosity. The colour is so well fixed that rain, sun, and 
wind will not change it. It, however, appears better and 
more brilliant in the fine than in the coarse hair. Although the 
Indians do not appear to possess any particular art in this 
matter, still such beautiful red was never dyed in the Nether- 
lands with any materials known to us. The coloured articles 
have been examined by many of our best dyers, who admire the 
colour, and admit that they cannot imitate the same, and remark 
that a proper knowledge of the art would be of great impor- 
tance to their profession.* 

Of the Animals of the New-Netherlands. 

We will now speak of the cattle and animals of the New 
Netherlands, including such as have been introduced by the 
Christians, and those which arc native to the country ; begin- 
ning with the tame stock, which at the settlement of the country 
were brought over from the Netherlands, and which differ little 
from Uie original stock. The horses are of the proper breed 

* The colourin^r matter gpoken of bj the auUior, wg believe to hare been 
niMde from the Poke 6tfTiet.^TB.u». (.PKytolacca decandra.— ^t>.^ 


for husbandry, having been brought from Utrecht for tha. 

?urpose, and this stock has not diminished in size or qual ity 
'here are also horses of the English breed, which are lighter, 
not so good for agricultural use, but fit for the saddle. These 
do not cost as much as the Netherlands breed, and are easily ob- 
tained. There are Curaqoan and Arabian horses importedi into 
the coimtry, but those breeds are not very acceptable, because 
they do not endure the cold weather of the cUmate well, and 
sometimes die in winter. The whole of this breed require great 
care and attention in the winter. Fine large horses are bred in 
the country, which live long and are seldom diseased. There 
however is a plague, wliich is natural to the country, and des- 
troys many horses. A horse which takes this plague is well, 
and dead m a short time. There appears to be no remedy for 
this distemper. The distemper appears Uke a paralytic affec- 
tion ; the aiseascd animal staggers Uke a drunken man, falls 
down, and dies in a short time. This malady has attracted the 
attention of many men, and there are those who have preserved 
the lives of many horses. It is therefore not considered as 
dangerous now as formerly. The origin of this disease has 
excited much attention, but tlie cause remains undiscovered. 
There also is an opinion prevailing that scientific horsemen, who 
are plenty in many places, but scarce in the New-Netherlands, 
will discover a remedy for this disease and ascertain its cause. 
The cattle in New-Netherlands are mostly of the Holland 
breed, but usually do not crow as large, because the hay is not 
so good, and because the heifers are permitted to play in the 
second year for the purpose of increasing the stock. When 
this is not permitted until the proper time, they raise as fine 
cattle as we do in Holland. The Holland cattle, however, were 
subject to diseases when they were pastiured on new ground, 
and fed on firesh hay only. This at the first, before a remedy 
was discovered, was very injurious ; but it is now prevented by 
feeding with salt, by giving brackish drink, and by feeding with 
salt hay. There are also cattle brought over from the pro- 
vince of Utrecht, which are kept on the highlands at Amers- 
fort, where they thrive as well as in Holland ; the increase is not 
quite as large, but the stock give milk enough, thrive well in 
pasture, and yield much tallow. 

They also have English cattle in the country, which are not 
imported by the Netherlanders, but purchased from the Eng- 
Usn in New-England. Those cattle thrive as well as the Hol- 
land cattle, and do not require as much care and provender ; 
and, as in England, this breed will do well unsheltered whole 
winters. This breed of cattle do not grow near as large as the 
Dutch cattle, do not five as much milk, and are much cheaper ; 
but they fat and taUow well. They who desire to cross the 


breeds, and raise the best kind of stock, put a Holland bull to 
their English cows, by which they produce a good mixed breed 
of cattle without much cost. Oxen do good service there, and 
are not only used by the EngUsh, but by some of the Nether- 
landers also, to the wagon and plough. The grazing of cattle 
for slaughtering, is also progressing, as well of oxen as of other 
cattle, which produces profit in beef and tallow. 

Hogs are numerous and plenty. Many are bred and kept 
by the settlers in the neighbourhood of the woods and lowlands. 
Some of the citizens prefer the English breed of hogs, because 
they arc hardy, and subsist better in winter without shelter ; 
but the Holland hogs grow much larger and heavier, and haTC 
thicker pork. In some years acorns are so abmidant in the 
woods, that the hogs become fine and fat on the same, their 
pork frequently being a hand-breadth in thickness. WTien it 
is not an acorn year, or where persons have not an opportunity 
to feed their swine on acorns, in those cases they fat their hogs 
on maize, or Turkey wheat, which, according to the accepted 
opinions, produces the best pork, being better than the West- 
phalia pork. The heavy pork is frequently six or seven fingers 
m thickness, and will crack when cut. The persons who de- 
sire to raise many hogs, take care to have sucking pigs in 
April. When the grass is fine, the sows and pigs are driven 
woodwards to help themselves. At a year old the young sows 
have pigs. Thus hogs are multiplied, and are plenty in the 

Sliecp arc also kept in the New-Netherlands, but not as 
many as in New-England, whore the weaving business is 
driven, and where much attention is paid to sheep, to wiiich 
our Nethcrlanders pay little attention. The sheep tlurive well, 
and become fat enough. I have seen mutton so exceedingly 
fat there, that it was too luscious and offensive. The sheep 
breed well, and are healthy. There is also good feeding in 
summer, and good hay for the winter. But the flocks reciuirc 
to be guarded and tended on account of the wolves, for wliich 

1)urpose men cannot be spared ; there is also a more important 
linuerance to the keeping of sheep, which are principally kept 
for their wool. New-Netherlands throughout is a woody 
country, being almost every where beset with trees, stumps 
and brushwood, wherein the sheep pasture, and by which they 
lose most of their wool, which by appearance does not seem to 
be out, but when sheared turns out light in the fleeces. These 
are reasons against the keeping of sheep. The inhabitants 
keep more goats than sheep, which succeed best. Fat sheep 
are in great danger, when suffered to become lean ; of goats 
there is no danger, (loats also give good milk, which is al- 
ways necessary, and because they cost little, they arc of im- 


portance to the new settlers and planters, who possess small 
means. Such persons keep goats instead of cows. Goats cost 
little, and arc very prolific ; and the young castrated tups afford 
fine delightful meat, which is always in demand. 

The New-Netherlanders also have every kind of domestic 
fowls, as we have in Holland, such as capons, turkeys, geese 
and ducks. There are also pigeoners, who keep several kinds 
of pigeons. In a word, they have tame animals of every de- 
scription, including cats and dogs. Respecting tlie dogs which 
arc trained to the gim for hunting, and to tlie water, better dogs 
are not to be found, and it is useless and unnecessary to take 
any to the coimtry. 

Of the Wild Animals, 

Although the New-Netherlands lay in a fine climate, and 
although the country in winter seems rather cold, nevertlieless 
lions are found there, but not by the Clu*istians, who have 
traversed the land wide and broad and have not seen one. It 
is only known to us by the skins of the females, which are 
sometimes brought in by the Indians for sale ; who on inquiry 
say, that the lions are found far to the southwest, distant fifteen 
or twenty days' journey, in very high mountains, and that the 
males arc too active and fierce to be taken.* 

Many bears are found in the country, but none like the grey 
and pale-haired bears of Muscovy ancl Greenland. The bears 
are of a shining pitch black colour ; their skins are proper for 
muffs. Although there are many of these beasts, yet from the 
acute sharpness of their smelhng, they are seldom seen by the 
Christians. Whenever they smell a person they rim off. When 
the Indians go a-hunling, they dress themselves as Esau did, 
in clothes which have the flavour of the woods, (except in their 
sleeping and hiding season, whereon we will treat hereafter,) 
that they may not be discovered by their smell. The bears 
are sometimes seen by the Christians, when they are approached 
from the leeward side, or when tlicy swim across water courses. 
The bears arc harmless unless they are attacked or wounded, 
and then they defend themselves fiercely as long as they can. 
A person who intends to shoot a bear, should be careful to have 
a tree near him to retreat to for safety ; for if his shot does not 
take good effect, and the bear is not killed instantly, which, on 
account of their toughness, seldom happens, then the hunter is 
in danger ; for then the bear instantly makes a stopper of leaves 
or of any other substance, as instinct directs, wherewith the 
animal closes the wound, and directly proceeds towards the 

* The animal here referred to is probablj the Cougar, {Ftlia concolor,) 
known at the north under the various names of panther, p^mlei^aivdc^VaiAnMXAx 
and in South AmericsLf as the puma, or South AiYiencau lion. — -^^^ 


hunter, if in sight, or to the place whence the smoke ascends 
and the gun was fired. In the meantime the hunter should he 
up the tree, which should be tliick and full of limbs, otherwise 
the bear would also climb the tree easily. In this position the 
hunter has the advantage, and should be prepared to despatch 
his adversary ; otherwise he must remain in his sanctuary until 
the rage of the animal is abated, which has frequently lasted 
two hours, and he retires. Hunters have relatea these parti- 
culars, who have preserved themselves as related. 

The bears of tnis country are not ravenous, and do not sub- 
sist on flesh and carrion, as the bears of Muscovy and Green- 
land do. They subsist on grass, herbs, nuts, acorns and chest- 
nuts, which, we are told by the Indians, they will gather and 
eat on the trees. It is also affirmed by the Christians, that 
they have seen bears on trees gathering and eating the fruit. 
When they wish to come down, then they place their heads be- 
tween their legs, and let themselves fall to the earth; and 
whether they fall high or low, they spring up and go their way. 
Bears are sometimes shot when on the trees. 

The Indians and the Christians are firmly of opinion that the 
bears sleep and lay concealed twelve weeks in succession in a 
year. In the fall they always are fat. During the winter they 
eat nothing, but lie down on one side widi a foot in the mouth, 
whereon ihcy suck growling six weeks ; they then turn on the 
otlier side and lay six weeks more, and continue to suck as be- 
fore. For this purpose they usually retire to the mountains, and 
seek shelter under projecting rocks in a burrow, or in a thick 
brushy wood, wherein many large trees have fallen, where Uiey 
also seek shelter from the wind, snow and rain. The Indians 
say that the greatest number of bears are taken during their 
sleeping season, when they are most easily killed. The hea- 
viest bears which are taken, (judging from their skins,) are 
about the size of a common heifer. The animals also are very 
fat, as before stated, the pork frequently being six or seven 
fingers in thickness. Tlie Indians esteem the fore quarters and 
the plucks as excellent food. I have never lasted tlie meat, 
but several Christians who have eaten bear's flesh, say it is as 
good as any swine's flesh or pork can be. 

BufTaloes are also tolerably plenty. These animals mostly 
keep towards the southwest, where few people go. Their meat 
is excellent, and more desirable tlian the flesh of the deer, al- 
though it is much coarser. Tlieir skins when dressed are 
heavy enough for collars and harness. These animals are not 
very wild, and some persons are of opinion that they may be 
domesticated and tamed. It is also supposed that a female 
buffalo, put to a Holland bull, would produce a cross breed 
which would give excellent milking cattle, and that the males 


would form fine hardy working animals when castrated. Per- 
sons who have got tnem when young, say they become very 
tame as they grow older, and forget the wild woods, and that 
they fatten well. It is remarked that the half of those animals 
have disappeared and left the country, and that if a cross breed 
succeeded, it would become more natural to the cUmate. 

The deer are incredibly numerous in the country. Although 
the Indians throughout the year and every year, (but mostly in 
the fall,) kill many thousands, and the wolves, after the fawns 
are cast, and while they are young, also destroy many, still the 
land abounds with them everywhere, and their numbers appear 
to remain undiminished. We seldom pass through the fields 
without seeing deer more or less, and we frequently see them 
in flocks. Their meat digests easily, and is good food. Veni- 
son is so easily obtained that a good buck cashes for .five guil- 
ders, and often for much less. 

There arc also white bucks and docs, and others of a black 
colour in the country. The Indians aver that the haunts of the 
white deer are much frequented by the common deer, and that 
those of the black species are not frequented by the common 
deer. These are the sayings of the Indians. The truth re- 
mains to be ascertained relating to the preference between 
the animals. 

There is also another kind of animals in the country, which 
are represented to be large, and which are known to tlic people 
of Canada, who relate strange things concerning the same. I 
have heard from the mouth of a Jesuit, who had been taken 
prisoner by the Mohawk Indians and released by our people, 
and come to me, that there were many wild forest oxen in 
Canada and Nova Franciaj which in Latin they name boves 
silvestres, (the moose, or elk,) which are as large as horses, 
having long hair on their necks like the mane of a horse, and 
cloven hoots ; but that, like the buffalo, the animals were not 
fierce. I have also been frequently told by the Mohawk In- 
dians, that far in the interior parts of the country, there were 
animals which were seldom seen, of the size and form of horses, 
with cloven hoofs, having one horn in the forehead, from a foot 
and a half to two feet in length, and that because of their fleet- 
ness and strength they were seldom caught or ensnared. I 
have never seen any certain token or sign of such animals, but 
that such creatiu-es exist in the country, is supported by the 
concurrent declarations of the Indian hunters. There are 
Christians who say that they have seen the skins of this species 
of animal, but witnout the horns. 

Wolves are numerous in the country, but these ar« not so 
large and ravenous as the Netherlands wolves are. They will 
not readily attack any thing, except small animals, such as deer, 

170 VAN DER donor's 

(but most commonly when young,) calves, Bheep, goats, and 
liogs. But when a drove of hogs are together, they do not per- 
mit the wolves to do them any injury, as those aimnals defend 
and assist each other. 

The wolves in winter know how to beset and take deer." 
When the snow is upon the earth, eight or ten wolves, hunter- 
like, prowl in the chase in company. Sometimes a single wolf 
will chase and follow a single deer, until the animal is wearied, 
and falls a prey ; but if the deer in the pursuit crosses a stream 
of water, then the wolf is done, because he dare not follow, and 
remains on the margin of the stream to see his chase escape. 
Wolves frequently drive deer into tlie rivers and streams. 
Many are taken in the water by persons who reside in the 
neighbourhood of rivers and streams, by the means of boats, 
with which they pursue the animals. If the deer is so near 
tlie shore as to be likely to gain tlie land before the boat can be 
near enough to take the prize, the person or persons in the boat 
shout and holloa loudly, when the eciio from the land and woods 
frightens the animal off from the place to which it was swim* 
ming, and fearing to land it is easily taken by these stratagems. 

Some persons are of opinion, that a driven deer will not be- 
take itself to fresh water for safety, but we of the New Nether- 
lands know to the contrary, and that there is no difference. 
When deer arc chased upon an island near the sea, or on land 
near the sea, they will enter the open ocean, and frequently 
swim so far from shore that they never find their way to the 
land again. 

Beavers are numerous in the New-Netherlands. We wiU 
treat at large of these animals hereafter. There are also fine 
otters in the country, very fine fishes, and ,wild cats, which 
have skins nearly resembling the skin of tlie lioness ; — ^these 
animals also resemble them in form, but they have short tails, 
like the hares and conies. Foxes and racoons are plenty; — the 
skins of the latter arc streaked, resembling seals, and are excel- 
lent aj)plications for bruises and lameness. When their meat 
is roasted, it is delicious food, but when stewed, it is too 
luscious, on account of its fatness. The racoons usually shel- 
ter in hollow trees, wherein they lay up food for tlie winter, 
which they seldom leave, except for drink. It is a pleasure to 
take racoons ; the trees wherein they shelter are discovered by 
the scratching of the bark, which is done by the racoons in 
climbing and descending the trees. When Uieir haunts are 
discovered, the trees are cut down. By the fall of a tree, the 
racoons are stunned, and on leaving their holes they stagger as 
if drunk, and fall an easy prey to the hunter. Minks, nares, 
and conies (rabbits) are plenty in the country. Tame rabbits 


run at large in New England. Musk-rats are abundant ; these 
creatiures smell so strong of musk, that it can hardly be endured : 
when the skins are old and dry, the smell is retained, and all arti- 
cles which are kept with the skins, are impregnated with the 
musky smell. Maeters, and black and gray squirrels, are also 
numerous. One kind of squirrels can fly several rods at a- 
time ; — this species have a thin skin on both sides from the fore 
to the hind legs, which they extend and flap like wings, with 
which they fly swiftly to the desired place. Ground hogs, 
English skunks, drummers, and several other kinds of animsds, 
for which we have no names, are known and found in the coun- 
try. Their description is passed over. 

Of tJie Land and Water Fowls ; and first, of the Birds of 


Birds of prey are numerous in the New-Netherlands ; among 
which there are two species of eagles, so diflferent in appear- 
ance lliat they hardly resemble each other. The one is the 
common kind, which is known in Holland. The other kind is 
somewhat larger, and the feathers are much browner, except 
the whole head, a part of the neck, the whole tail, and the strik- 
ing feathers, which are as white as snow, and render the bird 
beautiful. This kind are called white-heads, and they are 
plenty. Falcons, sparrow-hawks, sailing-hawks, castrills, 
church-hawks, fish-hawks, and several other kinds, for which 
I have no name, are plenty ; but every kind feed on flesh or 
fish, as they can best take tlie same. Those hawks might 
easily be trained to catch game, to which nature with art would 
perfect them. The small kind live on small birds, the larger 
kinds watch for woodpeckers, corn-birds, quails, &c. ; each 
that kind which it can overcome. But the eagles look for 
higher game, and bring terror where they appear. They usu- 
ally frequent places where the trees are old, and where the 
ground is firee from underwood, near the bay sides, or near 
large rivers, where from the tops of the trees they can have 
their eyes over the fish, the swans, the geese and the ducks, 
with which they can supply themselves ; but they do not com- 
monly feed on fowl, because they prefer fish. They frequently 
strike a fish, and jerk it hving from the waters. When a bird 
is crippled by a gunner, or is otherwise disabled, then the 
eagle's eye will see them, where the human eyes have looked 
in vain. The eagles soar very high in the air, beyond the 
vision of man, and on those nights they are always looking 
out for prey, or for a dead carcase, near which they are com- 
monly seen. They seldom kill corn birds, or fowls which live 


on fruit. Eagles are fond of the flesh of deer, for which they 
watch the places where the wolves kill deer, and have left a 
carcase partly eaten, which they discover on (tie wing. Man^ 
persons who know the nature of the eagle, and observe their 
sailing, have followed in their direction and have found the 
deer for which the eacle went, partly destroyed and eaten 
by wolves. It also happens that the hunters wound deer 
which escape, and die from the loss of blood. Such are also 
sometimes found uninjured by the direction of the eagles. 
There is also another bird of prey in the country, which has a 
head like the head of a large cat. Its feathers are of a Hght 
ash colour. The people of the country have no name for the 
bird. The Director Kieft says, the bird is known in France, 
and is named Grand Dux, where it is held in high estimation 
by the nobility, who have them trained for sporting. They are 
diflScult to break, but when well trained they are frequently sold 
for 100 French crowns per bird.* 

Of the Land Birds and Fowls. 

The most important fowl of the country is the wild turkey. 
They resemble the tame turkeys of the Netherlands. Those 
birds arc common in the woods all over the country, and are 
found in large flocks, from twenty to forty in a flock. They 
are large, heavy, fat and fine, weighing from twenty to thirty 
pounds each, and I have heard of one that weighed thirty-two 
pounds. When they are well cleaned and roasted on a spit, 
then they are excellent, and differ little in taste from the tame 
turkeys ; but the epiciu'es prefer the wild kind. They are best 
in the fall of the year, when the Indians will usually sell a 
turkey for ten stivers, and with the Christians the common price 
is a daelder each. Sometimes the turkeys are caught with dogs 
in the snow ; but the greatest number are shot at night from 
the trees. The turkeys sleep in trees, and frequently in large 
flocks together. They also usually sleep in the same place 
every night. When a^ sleeping place is discovered, then two 
or three gunners go to^t]^ place together at night) when they 
shoot the fowls, and in such cases frequently bring in a dozen 
or more. The Indians take many in snares, when the weather 
changes in winter. Then they lay bulbous roots, which the 
turkeys are fond of, in tlie small rills and streams of water, 
which the birds take up, when they are ensnared and held until 
the artful Indian takes the turkey as his prize. 

There are also several kinds of quailst in the country, some 

* A grood price for a CaUOwL — TftANg. t The Dutch word is patrijten-^ 
the European partridge, which ia abobt the lize of our quail. — £o. 


of which are smaller, and others larger than those of the 
Netherlands. The sportsmen have given them distinguishing 
names, and they affoid fine sport. In the Netherlands it is not 
believed that they will alight and sit in trees ; but it is true 
that many are shot from trees in this country. I have done it 
several times, and have killed a hundred or more from trees. 
I have also heard from respectable authority, that eleven heath- 
fowls have been killed at a shot at Renssclaerwyck, off of a pa- 
lisade fence, with which fields are enclosed. In some places, 
in the hedges and brush, the small quails are abundant, and 
they are so tame that they run along the roads and enter the 
ffardens, and sometimes fly into houses ; and they frequently 
lay in the grass, as it were under the traveller's feet, and in 
rising sometimes fly against them and frighten them. Many of 
those kinds of bird.s are killed with rods and sticks. There 
are also woodcocks, birch-cocks, heath-fowls, pheasants, wood 
and water snipes, &c. and many cranes, of which great num- 
bers are shbt on the mowed lands in the fall of the year, and 
they are fine for the table. Quacks and bitterns are also plenty. 
The pigeons, which resemble coal piffcons, are astonishingly 
plenty. Those are most numerous in the spring and fall of the 
year, when they are seen in such numbers in flocks, that they 
resemble the clouds in the heavens, and obstruct the rays of the 
sun. Many of those birds are shot in the spring and fall, on 
the wing, and from the dry trees whereon they prefer to alight, 
and will sit in great numbers to see around them, from which 
they are easily shot. Many are also shot on the ground, and 
it is not imcommon to kill twenty-five or more at a time. The 
Indians, when they find the breeding places of the pigeons, 
(at which they assemble in numberless thousands,) frequently 
remove to those places with their wives and children, to the 
number of two or three hundred in a company, where they 
live a month or more on the young pigeons, which they take, 
after pushing them from their nests with poles and slicks. 

There are also quails, (qiiartelsj) differing from those in the 
Netherlands in their drumming, and somewhat in size.* Wood- 
peckers (spechten) are also found there ; these birds are spotted 
with handsome feathers, and have a fine top-knot. The coun- 
try people call them tree-peckers,, which is their common em 
ployment, and they peck with such power, that at a distance 
the noise resembles the striking of a hammer. I have seen 
many trees into which those birds had pecked large holes, 
wherein they built their nests. Large blackbirds also are very 
plenty, to which the people have given an appropriate name, 
calling them {males dieven) com thieves, to which they have a 

♦ The drumming noise is made by the partridge of the eastern States — the 
pheasant of the south, {Tetiao umbellu9^) whicli \% ^toXwlVA'J V\»^Wi^>a«t^^ifc- 

174 TAN DER DONCk's 

Strong propensity. It is necessary after planting, to watch the 
com fields to keep off those birds, whereon they frequently 
alight in large flocks, and are so stout that shooting will not 
drive them away. In places frequented by eagles, tne black- 
birds do very little injury. I have been informed by men of 
veracity, that a certain Jacob Van Curler had killed one hun- 
dred and seventy of those blackbirds, which he took up, at a 
shot, besides the cripples which escaped. From this occur- 
rence an opinion of the probable niunbers of those birds may 
be formed. There are also ravens, crows, kaws, owls, swal- 
lows, land-nmners, with many other kinds of small birds, such 
as finches, chipping birds, wrens, hedge-sparrows, &c. Some 
of the birds sing beautifully ; others have handsome plumace. 
I have seen birds of a lustrous blue colour, shining much; 
others of a yellow and orange, resembUng the aurora, with a 
high flame colour ; but those have black beaks, and some black 
wing feathers. 

There is also another small curious bird, concerning which 
there are disputations, whether it is a Wrd, or a large West In- 
dia bee. We will pass over those disputations, and describe 
the bird, its form, manner and appearance. The bird is about 
the length of a finger, exclusive of^its beak ; its tail is about the 
breadth of a thumb ; its feathers are of various shining colours ; 
having a beak and feet like otlier birds. I have not observed 
that it pecks and eats with its beak ; but it sucks its nourish- 
ment from (lowers like the bees, for which it has members in 
its beak like the bees. It is everywhere seen on the flowers 
regaling itself; hence it has obtained the name of tlie West 
India bee. It is only seen in the New-Netherlands in the sea- 
son of flowers. In flying they also make a humming noise, 
hke the bees. They are very tender, and cannot well be kept 
alive. We however prepare and preserve them between paper, 
and dry tliem in the sun, and send them as presents to our 

Of the Water Fotoh. 

Among other subjects wherewith the New-Netherlands is 
abundantly provided, are the fowls that keep to the waters, 
which we find there principally in the spring and fall of the 
year. At other seasons they are not as j)lenty. But at those 
seasons, the waters by their movements appears to be alive with 
the water fowls ; and the people who reside near the water 
are frequently disturbed in their rest at night by llie noise of 
the water fowls, particularly by the swans, which in their sea- 
sons are so plenty, that the bays and shores where tliey resort 
appear as if they were dressed in white drapery. The swans 


are like those of the Netherlands, and come regularly in their 
proper seasons. 

There are also three kinds of wild geese. The first and best 
kind are the grey geese, which are larger than the Netherlands 
geese, but not so large as the swans. Those fowls do much 
damage to the wheat fields which are sown near the places to 
which they resort. There are persons who believe this species 
to be the trap geese ; but this cannot well be credited, be- 
cause they are so numerous. A great many of those fowls are 
shot, and they are esteemed before the other kinds for the table. 
I have known a gunner named Henry de Backer, who killed 
eleven grey geese out of a large flock at one shot from his gun. 

The other kinds are the black geese, and the white heads. 
Some of the latter kind are almost white, like unto our tame 
geese. Those kinds, in cold weather, frequent and resort to 

E laces near the sea shores in great numbers, where many are 
illed, often eight or ten at one' shot. A Virginia planter of my 
acquaintance has killed sixteen geese at a snot, which he got, 
when several which he wounded escaped. 

There also are several kinds of ducks, with widgeons, teal, 
brant, and many species of diving fowls, such as blue bills, 
whistlers, coots, eel-shovellers, and pelicans, with many strange 
fowls, for which we have no names, being of less importance ; 
but which to persons who understand the art of preserving birds, 
might afford them a profitable business, as they are plenty and 
cheap. After the increase of our population, the fowls will di- 
minish. Even feathers are now considered of little value or 

Cff the Fishes. 

x\.ll the waters of the New-Netherlands are rich with fishes. 
Sturgeons are plenty in the rivers at their proper season ; but 
these fish are not esteemed, and when large are not eaten. No 
person takes the trouble to salt or souse them for profit ; and 
the roes from which the costly caviar is prepared, are cast 
away. Salmon are plenty in some rivers, and the striped bass 
are plenty in all the rivers and bays of the sea. The bass is a 
fish which in its form differs but little from the salmon. The 
inside of the latter is red, and of the other white. The bass are 
also a fine fish, and their heads are delicious food. The drums 
are a tolerably good fish, somewhat like the cod in form, but not 
80 stout. I have heard it said, that the drums were named 

* The swans, the pelicans, the grey and white-headed ffeese, and the grej 
ducks, have now forsakenthe waters of the State of New- York. — Trans. 


ThirteenSy when the Christians first began fishing in the New- 
Netherlands. Then every one was desirous to see the fishes 
which were caught, for the purpose of discovering whether the 
same were known to them, and if they did not know tlie fish, 
then they gave it a name. First in the fishing season they 
caught many sliad, which they named Elft. Later they caught 
the striped bass, which tliey named Twalft, hater still they 
caught the drums, which they named Dertienen. For those 
fishes succeedjcd each other in tlicir seasons, and the same are 
still known by the names which were thus derived. There are 
also caip,' snook, forrcis, pike, trout, suckers, tliickhcads, floun- 
ders, eels, palings, brickensaud lampreys. Some of the latter are 
as large as a man's leg, and above an ell in length.* There are 
also sun-iish tasted like the perch, having small shining scales, 
with brilliant spots> from which they have derived tlie name of 
sun-fish. In tiic winter season, the creeks and back waters 
abound with a small kind of fish which comes from the sea, 
about the size of a smelt. Some call them little mullets. 
Those fishes are so tame that many are caught with the hand; 
and as those come with the frost, we call them frost-fish. Out- 
side at sea, and in some of the bays of the East river, the cod- 
fish arc very plenty ; and if we would practice our art and ex- 
perience in fishing, we could take ship loads of cod-fish, for it 
can be easily accomplished. There are also shell-fish, week- 
fish, herrings, mackerel, roah, hallibut, scoU, and shecps-heads. 
The latter arc formed like the sim-fish, but much heavier, with 
cross stripes, being about the weight of tlie largest carps. They 
have Iceth in the fore part of the mouth like a sheep, but are 
not voracious, and are an excellent fish. There is another 
species of fish, called black-fish, which arc held in high esti- 
mation by the Christians. It is as brown as a seek, formed like 
the carp, but not so coarse in its scales. When this kind of 
fish, which are plenty, is served upon the table, it goes before 
all others, for every person prefers it. There are also porpoises, 
herring-hogs, pot-heads or sharks, turtles, &c. and wlitdes, of 
which there arc none caught, but if preparations were made for 
the purpose, then it might be easily eflfecled ; but our colonists 
have not advanced far enough to pursue whaling. A lost bird, 
however, is frequently cast and stranded, which is cut up. 
Lobsters are plenty in many places. Some of those are very 
large, being from five to six feet in length ; others again are 
from a foot to a foot and an half long, which are the best for the 
table. There are also crabs, hke those of the Netherlands, 

* There is a tradition that there were but ton species of fishes known to the 
Dutch when the^ discovered America, and that when they caught the aha^, 
they named the nsh {Elftj Eleventh ; the bass ( Twalft) Twelfth; and the drum 
{Dertienen) Thirteenth. The numbers in the Dutch are good names. — ^TaANt. 


some of which are altogether soft. Those the people call 
weak crabs, and they make excellent bait for hook fishing. 
There are also sea-cocks, (homed crabs) sea-colls, sea-concks ; 
and periwinkles are very plenty, which in some seasons are 
cast ashore by the sea in very great numbers. From these the 
Indians make wampum. Oysters arc very plenty in many 
places. Some of these arc like the Colchester oysters, and 
are fit to be eaten raw ; others are very large, wherein pearls 
are fre(iucntly found, but as they are of a brownish colour, they 
are not valuable. The large oysters are proper for roasting and 
stewing. Each of these will fill a spoon, and make a good 
bite. I have seen many in the shell a foot long, and broad in 
proportion. The price for oysters is usually from eight to ten 
stivers per hundred. Muscles of different kinds arc plenty ; 
the St. Jacobs and mother of pearl shells, with Alis or stone 
crutches. There are also several other kinds of shell-fish, for 
which there are no names. There are also shrimps and tortoises 
in the waters and on land. Some persons prepare delicious 
dishes from the water terrapin, which is luscious food. There 
are also sea-spiders, and various other products of the ocean, 
which arc unknown in Holland, and are of Uttle consideration, 
as they contribute httle to the wants of human society. 

Of the Poisons, 

During my residence of eight or nine years in the New- 
Netherlands, I have not discovered more than one poisonous 
plant in the country, which is named the poison artichoke^ al- 
though it does not resemble the artichoke much, as it bears 
blue flowers in clusters, which are handsome to the eye, resem- 
bling pope's caps, or moon-heads, as they are named in Brabant. 

Several kinds of black, speckled and striped snakes are found 
in the country. Some of these have bellies of the colour of the 
rainbow, and keep on the land and in the water, and are said 
to have connections with tlie eels. Snakes of those kinds do 
no damage except destroying young birds. Unless they escape 
from travellers and farmers, they are usually put to death. 
The Indians do not fear snakes of this kind, for they will run 
after and take them by their tails, and then take hold of them 
behind their heads and bite them in their necks ; thus they 
kill them. There is also another snake about the size of a 
tobacco pipe. This kind of snake keeps in the weeds and 
high grass, and is seldom seen. Many are of opinion that it is 
venomous, but I have no proof of it. Rattlesnakes like those 
of Brazil, are found in tne country. To persons who have 
never seen any of those reptiles, a aescription of them will ne- 



cessaiily be imperfect. Many affirm that the fiery serpents 
which plagued the Israelites in the wildemessy were rattle* 
snakes ; but this is uncertain. Those are vile serpents, which 
seldom go out of the way of man or beast. They are speckled 
with yellow, black and purple colours, chub-headed, with four 
sharp teeth in the front of the mouth, which the Indians use for 
lancets. The body, except the tail, is fashioned like the bodies 
of other snakes ; at the end of the tail it has a hard, dry, homy 
substance, which is interlocked and jointed together, with whicn 
these snakes can rattle so loud that the noise can be heard se- 
veral rods; but they never rattle unless they intend to bite. 
The rattling is made by the thrilling of the tail, to the end of 
which the rattles arc by nature attached. The rattles increase 
one joint every year. Snakes with six or seven rattles are very 
common, and I have seen one with fourteen rattles (which is 
an uncommon instance). When those snakes intend to bite, 
they have a dreadful appearance. The head is then spread 
out, and they open a wider mouth than they appear to have, 
and then also they open a bluish skin or valve, which lies at the 
root of the teeth of tlie upper jaw, from which the poison issues 
by the teeth into the wound inflicted by the serpent. In ap- 
pearance the poison resembles a bluish salt, whicn I have seen 
by causing the snake to bite at a long slick for observation, on 
Long Island. When persons are bitten by those serpents and 
the poison enters the woimd, their lives are in great danger. 
I have seen persons who were bitten by the serpents that were 
not bad, and others whose whole bodies became coloured like 
the snakes by which they had been bitten, before death. The 
Indians also dread those snakes, and when bitten by this species 
they also frequently die of the bite. Fortunately the rattle- 
snalces are not numerous, and a person who does not frequent 
the woods and fields much, may reside in the country seven 
years without seeing one of those snakes. There is a certain 
plant which grows in the country, named snake-wort, which is 
a sovereign remedy for the bite of the rattlesnake. I have wit- 
nessed an experiment made on Long-Island with snake-wort, 
on a large rattlesnake, when a person chewed a quantity of the 
green plant, and spit some of the juice on the end of a stick, 
which was put to the nose of the snake, and it caused the crea- 
ture to thrill and die instantly. The Indians hold this plant in 
such high estimation, that many of them always carry some of 
it, well dried, with them to cure the bites of those serpents. 
Adders also are found in the coimtry, but I have never heard of 
injuries done by them. 

Lizards Hke those found in Holland are in the country, and 
also another species which have pale bluish tails. Those are 
much feared by the Indians, because (as they say) this kind 


will crawl up into their fundaments, when they lay asleep on 
the ground in the woods, and cause them to die in great mi- 
sery. When the toads are added, I have given an account of 
the poison and of the poisonous reptiles which I have disco- 
vered in the country, and according to my original design, 
hereafter will treat of the winds, air, sea, seasons, and of the 
natives of the land ; and alsa give a particular description of 
the beavers. 

Of the Winds. 

The swift and fostering messengers of commerce are 
the winds that prevail in the New-Netherlands. They 
blow from all qu2irters of the compass, without any mon- 
soons or regular trade winds. In winter, the cold comes 
with the northerly winds; in summer, the south and south- 
westerly winds prevail. It is seldom calm in winter, as it 
is in Holland. In the hejirt of winter, when it is calm, 
loof stiUy and cold, turn either way, and you have it in your 
face. The north-west winds which bring the most cold 
weather usually blow sharp and steady, except at the foot of 
the mountains, which break the winds. All the storms which 
arise, usually come with easterly winds from the sea, at the 
spring tides, and seldom last more than three days. If they 
come more from the south, then it usually blows hard, and with 
more warmth, and a hazy sky or rain, which frequently hap- 
pens. The westerly wind usually blows severe and squally, 
but as it comes from the land, and blows across most of the 
rivers to the sea, it gives windward stations and is not feared. 
The north-west and north winds bring the cold, as the east and 
north-east winds do in Holland. Should it be warm southerly 
weather, whenever a northerner rises, the air will change from 
heat to cold in a short time. On these occasions it will blow 
hard and severe, but as it leaves an upper shore, it seldom does 
damage at sea. The sea then washes against a windward 
shore ; hence no damage is apprehended. The damage arises 
from the easterly winds, wnen the north-west gales blow, 
then much damage is done in the timber lands, by the blowing 
down and cracking of the trees, and then is the proper time for 
the gunners to approach their game. In summer, a southerly 
sea breeze usually sets in on the flood-tide at New- Amsterdam, 
which blows over a cool element, and brings refreshment with 
it. The warm weather in summer frequently brings thunder 
storms from the west, when it will frequently rain one, two or 
three hours, after which it will blow from the north-west, and 
be succeeded by fine cool weather : so that within an hour the 
clouds will appear as if they would spew caXa, ^.Tv^L Vcv wvoJOcvrx 


hour scarcely a cloud will be seen. The easterly winds sel- 
dom blow in the interior parts of the country, sometimes not 
once in a year : those winds appear to be stayed by the high- 
lands and the mountains. 

Of the Air. 

The sweet niler that influences the wisdom, power and ap- 
pearance of man, of animals, and of plants, is the air. Many 
name it the temperament, or the climate. The air in the 
New-Netherlands is so dry, sweet and healthy, that we need 
not wish that it were otherwise. In purity, agreeableness, 
and fineness, it would be folly to seek for an example of it in 
any other country. In the New-Netherlands, we seldom hear 
of any person who is afflicted with a pining disease. Many 
persons from the West-Indies, Virginia, and other quarters of 
the world, who do not enjoy health in those parts, when they 
come into Uie New-Netherlands, there become as active as 
fishes in the waters. The Galens have meagre soup in that 
country. Wc may say tliat there are no heavy damps or stink- 
ing mists in the country, and if any did arise, a northerly breeze 
would blow them away, and piuify tlic air. Hence the healthi- 
ness of the country deserves commendation. The smnmer heat 
is not oppressive in the warmest weather, for it is mitigated 
by the sea breezes, the northerly winds, and by showers. The 
cold is severer than the latitude seems to promise, which arises 
from the purity of the air, which is sensitive and penetrating, 
but always dry with northerly winds, against which nature di- 
rects us to provide, and to clothe ourselves properly. Cold 
damp weather seldom arises. Such weather is caused by 
southerly winds ; and whenever tlie wind blows from the south 
in winter, the cold ceases. If the south wind rises in the middle 
of winter, which frequently occurs, and blows some time, then 
the weather becomes as warm as in Lent, and the ice ffives 
way. The country is seldom troubled with much moist damp 
weather, nor does it last long. Still there is plenty of rain, but 
more in some seasons than in others. When it rams the water 
falls freely, which extends to the roots of the vegetation. By 
the thunder and lightning, which is common in the warm wea- 
ther, the air is purified, and the state of the atmosphere cor 
rected. This is regulated by the seasons, and adherent to par- 
ticular seasons of tlie year. 


Of the Seasons. 

The changes of the year, and the calculations of time, arc 
observed as in the Netherlands ; and although these countries 
differ much in their situations in south latitude, still they do not 
differ much in the temperature of cold and heat. But to dis- 
criminate more accurately, it should be remarked that the win- 
ters usually terminate with the month of February, at New- Am- 
sterdam, which is the chief place and centre of the New-Ne- 
therlands. Then the spring or Lent-like weather begins. 
Some persons calculate from the 21st of March, new style, after 
which it seldom freezes, nor before this does it seldom summer ; 
but at tliis season a change evidently begins. The fishes then 
leave the bottom ground, the buds begin to swell ; the grass 
sprouts, and in some places the cattle are put to grass in 
March ; in other situations they wait later, as the situations 
and soils vary. The horses and working cattle are not turned 
out to grass until May, when the grass is plenty everywhere. 
April is the proper month for gardening. Later the farmers 
should not sow summer grain, unless they are not ready ; it 
may be done later, and still ripen. 

Easterly winds and stormy weather are common in the spring, 
which then cause high tides ; but they cannot produce high 
floods. The persons who desire to explore and view the coun- 
try, have the best opportunity in April and May. The grass 
and herbage at this season causes no inconvenience in the 
woods, and still there is grass enough for horses. The cold 
has not overcome the heat produced by the wood burnings, and 
the ground which has been burnt over, is yet bare enough for 
inspection. The flowers are then in bloom, and the woods are 
fragrant with their perfume. In the middle of May, strawber- 
ries are always plenty in the fields, where they grow naturally ; 
they are seldom planted in the gardens, but there, in warm si- 
tuations, they are earlier. When the warm weather sets in, 
then vegetation springs rapidly. It is so rapid as to change 
the fields from nakedness to green in eight or ten days. There 
are no frosts in May, or they are very uncommon, as then it is 
summer. The winter grain is in frill blossom. The sum- 
mer may be said to berin in May, but it really is calcu- 
lated from the first of June, and then the weather is fre- 
quently very warm, and there is seldom mych rain. Still 
there are no extremes of wet and dry weather, and we 
may freely say, that the summers are always better in the 
New-Netherlands than in Holland. Rainy weather seldom 
lasts long. Showers and thunder-storms are frequent in sum- 
mer, and will last an hour, an hour and a half, and sometimes 
half a day. It seldom rains three Vvo\\xa m %>\cc^%«v^Ti^ ^s^\ *^^ 


rains seldom do any injury, because the earth is open, and the 
water settles away, and on the high lands the rains are always 
desirable. A summer shower frequently will produce water 
sufficient to extend to the roots of the vegetation, and be imme- 
diately succeeded by a north-west wind, which will clear off the 
sky, as if no rain had fallen. Heavy dues are common, which 
in the dry seasons, are very quickening to the vegetation. 

Now when the summer progresses finely, the land rewards 
the labor of the husbandman ; the flowers smile on his coun- 
tenance ; the fishes sport in their element, and the herds play in 
the fields, as if no reverses were to return. But the tobacco, 
and the fruit of the vines, come in in September. There is 
plenty here for man and the animal creation. 

The days are not so Ions in summer, nor so short in winter, 
as they are in Holland. Their length in summer, and their 
shortness in winter, differ about an hour and a half. It is 
found that this difference in the len/^h of the days, causes no 
inconvenience ; the days in summer arc long and warm enough 
for those who are inclined to labour, and do it from necessity ; 
and for tliose who seek diversion. The winters pass by with- 
out becoming tedious. The reasons for this, and the objections 
thereto, wc leave to the learned, as we deem the subject not 
worthy of our inquiry. The received opinion on this subject 
is, that the difference in the length of the days and nights arises 
from the difference of latitude of the New-Netherlands and Hol- 
land. The former lies nearer the equinoctial line, and nearer 
the centre of the globe. As they differ in length, so also they 
differ in tvvili<^ht. When it is midday in Holland, it is morning 
in the New-Netherlands. On this subject there arc also differ- 
ent opinions. Most men say that the New-Netherlands lay so 
much farther to the west, that its situation causes this variation ; 
others go further, and dispute the roundness of the globe. As 
the creation of the world is connected with this subject, which 
none will deny, and as the difference in the appearance of the 
eclipses supports the truth of the first position of the roimdness 
of the globe, therefore the other position appears to be un- 

The autumns in the New-Netherlands are very fine, lovely 
and agreeable ; more delightful cannot be found on the earth ; 
not only because the summer productions are gathered, and the 
earth is then yielding its surplusage, but also because the sea- 
son is so well tempered with heat and cold, as to appear like 
the month of May, except that on some mornings there will be 
frost, which, by ten o'clock will be removed by the ascending 
sun, leaving no stench or unwholesome air, and causing hltlc 
inconvenience. On the other hand, the vegetation and grass 
produced in summer falls, and is trodden down, which is suc- 
cceded by a fall crop, growing as il do^^ 'm Yi^w\.,\iTffi%vcL^de« 


light to man and pasturage for animals. There is not much 
rain in autumn except in showers, which do not last long ; yet 
it sometimes rains two or three days. Otherwise there is day 
after day, fine weather and a clear sunshine, with agreeable 
weather. In short the autumns in the New-Netherlands are as 
fine as the summers of Holland, and continue very long ; for 
below the highlands, towards the sea coast, the winter does not 
set iUf or freeze much before Christmas, tlie waters remaining 
open, the weather fine, and in many places the cattle grazing in 
the fields. Above the highlands, advancing northerly, the wea- 
ther is colder, the fresh waters freeze, the stock is sheltered, 
tlie kitchens are provided, and all things are put in order for the 
winter. The fat oxen and swine are slaughtered. The wild 
geese, turkeys and deer are at their best in this season, and 
easiest obtained, because of the cold, and because the woods 
are now burnt over, and the brushwood and herbage out of the 
way. This is also the Indian hunting season, wherein such 
great numbers of deer are killed, that a person who is unin- 
formed of the vast extent of the country, would imagine that all 
tliese animals would be destroyed in a short time. But the 
country is so extensive, and their subsistance so abundant, and 
the hunting being confined mostly to certain districts, therefore 
no diminution of the deer is observable. The Indians also af- 
finn, that before the arrival of the Christians, and before the 
small pox broke out amongst them, they were ten times as 
numerous as they now are, and that their population had been 
melted down by this disease, whereof nine-tenths of them have 
died. That then, before the arrival of the Christians, many 
more deer were killed than there now are, without any percepti- 
ble decrease of their numbers. 

We will now notice the winters of the New-Netherlands, 
which are different at different places. Above the highlands, 
towards Rensselaerwyck, and in the interior places extending 
towards New-England, (which we still claim,) there the winters 
are colder and last longer than at New-Amsterdam, and other 
places along the sea coast, or on Long Island, and on the South 
River, (Delaware.) At the latter places, there seldom is any 
hard freezing weather before Christmas, and although there 
may be some cold nights, and trifling snows, still it does not 
amount to much, for during the day it is usually clear weather. 
But at Rensselaerwyck the winters begin earlier, as in 1645, 
when the North River closed on the 26th day of November, 
and remained frozen very late. Below the highlands and near 
the sea coast, as has been observed, it never begins to fireeze so 
early, but the cold weather usually keeps off until about Christ- 
mas, and ftreouently later, before the rivers are closed ; and then 
they frequently are so full of drifting ice during the north-west 


winds, as to obstruct the navigation ; and whenever the wind 
shifts to the south or south-east, the ice decays, and the riven 
are open and clear. This frequently happens two or three 
times in a winter, when the navigation will be free and unob- 
structed again. Much rainy weather, or strong winds which 
continue to blow from one quarter a long time, are not com- 
mon, or to be cxi)ecled in the country. 

It is probable, (and many persons support the position with 
plausible reasoning,) that the subtlety and purity of the atmos- 
phere changes the water before it comes to the earth, or whilst 
It is still retained in the clouds, or in its descent to the earth, 
into hail or snow. The latter is sooner to be credited, for dur- 
ing the winter much snow falls, which frequently remains 
weeks and months on the earth, without thawing away entirely. 
But below the circle of the highlands, the southerly winds are 
powerful ; there the snow cannot lay long, but is removed by 
the southerly weather. 

It frequently happens once or twice in a winter, that the trees 
are silvered over with sleet, which produces a beautiful and spe- 
culative appearance when the sun shines on the same, particu- 
larly on the declivities of the hills and mountains. Many per- 
sons say that sleets and heavy hail are signs of good firuit sea- 
sons in the succeeding year . 

It is strange and worthy of observation, and surpasses all 
reasoning, that in the New-Netherlands, without or with but 
httle wind, (for when the weather is coldest, there seldom is 
much wind,) although it lies in the latitude of Spain and Italy, 
and the summer heat is similar, that the winters should be so 
much cold(?r, as to render useless all the plants and herbs which 
grow in those countries, which will not endure the cold wea- 
ther. The winter weather is dry and cold, and we find that the 
peltries and feltini^s are prior and better than the furs of Mus- 
covy. For this diirerencc several reasons are assigned, which 
we will relate, without controverting any, except in remarking 
that in most cases wherein many different reasons are assigned 
to estal)lish a subject, all are frequently discredited. Some say 
that the New-Ncthcrlands lie so much further west on the 

globe, and that this causes the difference ; others who compare 
le summer heat with Spain and Italy, deny this position; 
others declare that the globe is not round, and that the country 
Ues in a declining position from the sun. Others assert that the 
last discovered (juarler of the world is larger than the oUier 
parts, and ask, if the world formerly was considered round, how 
that theory can be supported now, when about one-half is added 
to it ? Some also say that the higher a country is situated, tlie 
colder it is. Now, say they, the New-Netherlands he in a 
high westerly position ; ergo^ it must be re^*^ -^^--re in winter, 


and as warm in summer. Many remark, and with much plausi- 
bility also, that the country extends northerly many hundred 
miles to tlie frozen ocean, and is accessible by Dayis Straitt^ 
(which by some is doubted,) and that the land is intersected and 
studded by high mountains, and that the snow remains lying 
on them and in the valleys, and seldom thaws away entirely ; 
and that when the wind blows from and over those cold regions, 
it brings cold with it. Receiving the cold from above and from 
beneath, (both being cold,) it must of course follow that the 
cold comes with the north-westerly winds. On the con- 
trary they say, that whenever the wind blows from the sea, if 
it be in the heat of the winter, then the weather becomes sultry 
and warm as in Lent. 

The cold weather, however, is not so severe as to do much 
injury, or to become tedious ; but for many reasons it is desirar 
ble for the benefit of the country, which it frees from insect* 
and every other kind of impurity in the air, and fastens firmly 
in their positions all the plants, and screens the same from the 
effects of the cold, against which nature has thus carefully 

There is everywhere fuel in abundance, and to be obtained 
for the expense of cutting and procuring the same. The super- 
abundance of this country is not equalled by any other in the 
world. The Indians do not clothe as we do, but frequently go 
half naked and withstand the cold, in faishion, and fear it little. 
They are never overcome with the cold, or injured by it. In 
bitter cold weather, they will not pursue their customary plea- 
sures, particularly the women and the children ; for the men 
do not care so much for the cold days in winter as they do for 
the hot days in summer. 

Of the products of Kitchen Gardens.* 

The garden products in the New-Netherlands arc very nu- 
merous ; 8(Mne of them have been known to the natives from 
the earhest times, and others introduced from different parts of 
the world, but chiefly from the Netherlands. We shall speak 
of them only in a general way ; amateurs would be able to 
describe their agreeable quaUties in a more scientific manner, 

* The omission of Uiis chapter by the Translator was discorered too late for 
its insertion in the proper place, (paf^e 155,) and the absence of Mr. Johnson in 
attendance upon the State Legislature, of which he is a member, has rend ^red 
it necessary for the Editor to supply the omission by translating the chapter, and 
inserting it out of its original connexion. 


186 TAM mUL 0ORCK'f 

but having been necessarily occupied with other sabjects, 
we have had no leisure to devote to them. They consist, then, 
of various kinds of salads, cabbages, parsnips, carrots, beets, 
endive, succory, finckel, sorrel, diil, spinage, radishes, Spanish 
radishes, parsley, chervil, (or sweetcicely,) cresses, oni(»is, leeks, 
and besides whatever is commonly found in a kitchen garden. 
The herb garden is also tolerably well supphed with roseniaiy, 
lavender, hyssop, thyme, sage, marjoram, balm, holy onions, 
(ajuin hej/ligy) wormwood, belury, chives, and claiy ; also^ 
pimpernel, dragon's blood, five-finger, tarragon, (or dragons- 
wort,) &c. together with laurel, artichokes, and asparagus^ 
and various other things on which I have bestowed no 

The inquirers into nature inform us that plants are there 
less succulent, and therefore more vigorous than here. I have 
also noticed that they require less care and attention, and mm 
equally well ; as for instance, the pumpkin grows with little or 
no cultivation, and is so sweet and dry that it is used, with 
the addition of vinegar and water, for stewing in the sams 
manner as apples ; and notwithstanding that it is here generally 
despised as a mean and unsubstantial article of food, it is there 
of so good a quality that our countrymen hold it in lugh estima- 
tion. I have heard it said, too, that when properly prejpared 
as apples are with us, it is not inferior to them, or tnere is bat 
httle difference, and when the pumpkin is baked in ovens it is 
considered better than apples. The English, who in general 
think much of what gratifies the palate, use it also in pastry,* 
and understand making a beverage from it. I do not mean aU 
sorts of pumpkins and cucurbites that may be found anywhere, 
and of course in the New-Netherlands ; the Spanish is con- 
sidered the best.f 

The natives have another species of this vegetable peculiar 
to themselves, called by our people quaasiens^ a name derived 
from the aborigines, as the plant was not known to us before 
our intercourse with them- J It is a delightful fruit, as well to 
the eye on account of its fine variety of colours, as to the mouth 
for its agreeable taste. The ease with which it is cooked rctt- 

• By the English thn author menns the inhabitants of New-England, when 
pumpkin pies siill hold a prominent place among the luxuries of the land. — En. 

t The Spanish or mammoth pumpkin is still preferred. Bee Bridgewmi*9 
Gardener, New-York, 1840. 

I Roger Williams, the celebrated founder of the colony of Rhode Island, 
describes the same plnnt in the fnllonir g manner: — **J9skvta»qyaskt their Tine^ 
apples, which the Eltgli^h from ih.m call tqwuhet ; about the bignett nf 
apples, of spveial colours, a sweet, lii?h', whol«Nome refieshine.** — Ktff imU fie 
Lmiguages of the hidtanM. London, 164S. Reprinted in Colleciions of Meet. 
Hist. Society, 1st series vol. iii. Dr. Webster, m his quarto DietiofMiry, 
file name of this regetable from a Qretk loot. — Ed. 


den it a favourite too with the young women. It is gathered 
early in summer, and when it is planted in the middle of April, 
the firuit is fit for eating by the first of June. They do not 
wait for it to ripen before making use of the fruit, but only un- 
til it has attained a certain size. They gather the sauashes and 
immediately place them on the fire without any farther trouble. 
When a considerable number have been gathered, they keep 
them for three or four days ; and it is incredible, when one 
watches the vines, how many will grow on them in tlie course 
of a single season. The vines run a little along the ground, 
some of them only two or three steps ; they grow well in newly 
broken wood-land, when it is somewhat cleaored and the weeds 
are removed. The natives make great account of this vegeta- 
ble ; some of the Netherlanders too consider it quite good, but 
others do not esteem it very hichly. It grows rapidly, is easily 
cooked, and digests well in tne stomach, and its flavour and 
nutritive properties are respectable. 

Melons, likewise, ^ow m the New-Netherlands very luxuri- 
antly, without requiring the land to be prepared or manured ; 
there is no necessity for lopping the vines, or carefully dressing 
them under glass, as is done in this country ; indeed, scarcely 
any attention is paid to them, no more than is bestowed here 
in the raising of cucumbers, and the people in that part of the 
world have every reason to be well cont^t. They plant no 
more than they think will come to maturity, but when it unfor- 
tunately happens that any are destroyed, they put fresh seeds 
into the ground. Melons will thrive too in newly cleared wood 
land, when it is freed from weeds ; and in this situation the 
firuit, which they call Spanish pork, grows large and very 
abundant. I had the curiosity to weigh one of these melons, 
and found its weight to be seventeen pounds. In consequence 
of the warm temperature of the climate, the melons are quite 
sweet and pleasant to the taste, and however many one may 
eat, they will not prove injurious, provided only that they are 
fully ripe. 

• The citrull or water-citron,* {citerullen qfte water'Umoe- 
nen,) also grows there, a firuit that we have not in the Nether- 
lands, and is only known from its being occasionally brought 

* The water-melon, &■ it is now called. The French eive the name of dtrull 
or cUrmgUU^ to the pumpkin. The fruit mentioned oy our author under 
the name of mtUm^ seems to have been the musk-melon, which, being then 
eultivated in Holland, did not require a particular description. But the 
water-melon at that period was comparatively little known, as Van der Donck 
ttates, and not regarded as a melon. On this account he describes the fruit so 
minotely that it cannot well be mistaken. It was sometimes termed by English 
writers the CitrvU ewemahtr. BotanisU place the waier-melon in the same 
genus as the pumpkin, caltiiig it CutwrkUm ettmttiM.— £0. 


firt>m Portugal, except to those who have traTelled in wann 
mates. This fruit grows more rapidly and in greater abundance 
than melons, so much so that some plant them, even ammff 
those who arc experienced, for the purpose of clearing ani 
bringing into subjection the wild undressed land to fit it far 
cultivation. Their juice is very sweet Uke that of apricots, and 
most men there would eat six water-citrons to one melcm, al- 
though they who wish can have both. They grow ordinarily to 
the size of a man's head. I have seen them as large as the big- 
ffest LfCyden cabbages, but in general they are somewhat oblong. 
Within they are white or red ; the red have white, and tibe 
white black seeds. When they are to be eaten, the rind is 
cut off to about the thickness of" the finger ; all the rest is good, 
consisting of a spongy pulp, full of Uquor, in which the seeds 
are imbedded, and if the fruit is sound and fully ripe, it mehs 
as soon as it enters the mouth, and nothing is left but the 
seeds. Women and children are very fond oithis fruit. It is 
also quite refreshing from its coolness, and is used as a beverage 
in many places. I have heard the English say that they obtain 
a hquor from it resembling Spanish wine, but not so strong. 
Then there is no want of sweetness, and the vinegar that is 
made from it will last long, and is so good that some among 
them make great use of it.* 

Cucumbers are abundant. Calabashes or gourds also grow 
there ; they are half as long as the pumpkin, but have within 
very little pulp, and arc sought chiefly on account of the shell, 
which is hard and durable, and is used to hold seeds, spices, 
&c. It is the common water-pail of the natives, and I have 
seen one so large that it would contain more than a bushel.t 
Turnips also arc as good and firm as any sand-rapes that are 
raised in the Netherlands. There arc likewise peas and various 
sorts of beans ; I shall speak of the former under the head ofy?cW 
products. Of beans there are several kinds ; but the large 
Windsor bean, which the farmers call lessen, or house beans, 
and also the horse-bean, will not fill out their pods ; the leaf 
grows well enough though delicate, and ten, twelve, or more 

• Prof. Pnllas, in the account of hia journey to tlic southern provinces orRnii- 
sia, in 1793-4, spcakinpj of a colony of iMoravinns at Sarepta, orSapa, on the 
Volga, Biys, " The ingenious inhnbitnntR of this town brew a kind of bver from 
their very abundant and chcnp water-melons, wiih the addition of hops ; they 
also prepare a conserve or marmalade from this fruit, which is a good substitute 
for syrup, or treacle." Other instances of a similar character might be adduced 
to confirm the jrcncral correctness of the aui)ior*s observations and statcmenti, 
but it seems to be unnecessary. His remnrks betray no want of familiarity 
with the subject of gardening, notwithstanding the modest disclaimer which he 
makes at the outset. — Ed. 

t The Dutch bushel {scheptl) is about three pecks English. 


Stalks firequendy shoot up, but come to little or nothing.* The 
Turkish beans which our people have introduced there grow 
wonderfully ; they fill out remarkably well, and are much cul- 
tivated. Before the arrival of the Netherlanders, the Indians 
raised beans of various kinds and colours, but generally too 
coarse to be eaten green, or to be pickled, except the blue sort, 
which are abundant ; they somewhat tend to cause flatulency, 
like those we raise in Holland, but in other respects they fur- 
nish an excellent food, of ^hich the Indians are especially 
fond. They have a pecuUar mode of planting them, which our 
people have learned to practise : — ^when the Turkish wheat, 
(Indian com,) or, as it is called, maizey is half a foot above the 

Sound, they plant the beans around it, and let them grow toge- 
er. The coarse stalk serves as a bean-prop, and the beans 
run up<m it. They increase together and tmive extremely well, 
and thus two crops are gathered at the same time. 

•Bridgeman makes a similar statement in regard to the 'lar^ Windsor 
Iwan,' and other rarieties of the English Dwarf t. He says, " the pnneipal cause 
of these garden beans not succeeding well in this country, is the summer heat 
overtaking them before they are podded, causing the blossom to drop off pre* 
maturely ; to obviate this difficulty they should be planted as early in the year 
■« poesible." p. 31. 



First: — Of their bodily form and appearance^ and why toe 

named them ( Wilden) Wild Men> 

Having briefly remarked on the situation and advantages d 
the country, we deem it worth our attention to treat concerning 
the nature of the original native inhabitants of the land ; that after 
the Christians have multipUed and the natives have disappeared 
and melted away, a memorial of them may be preserved. 

Their appearance and bodily form, as well of the men as of 
the women, are well proportioned, and equal in height to the 
Netherlanders, varying Uttle from the common size. Their 
limbs are properly formed, and they are sprightly and active. — 
They can run very fast for a long time, and they can cany 
heavy packs. To all bodily exertions they are very competent, 
as far as their dispositions extend ; but to heavy slavish labour 
the men have a particular aversion, and they manage their af- 
fairs accordingly, so that they need not labour much. Mis- 
shapen or ill-formed persons are very rare amongst them. — 
During the whole time of my residence in the country, I have 
not seen more than one who was bom deformed. Cripples, 
hunch-backed, or other bodily infirmities, are so rare, that we 
may say that there are none amongst them ; and when we see 
or hear of one who is crippled or lame, we on inquiry find the 
same to have originated by accident or in war. They are all 
properly formed and well proportioned persons. None are 

Soss or uncommonly heavy. Although nature has not given 
em abundant wisdom, still they exercise their talents with dis- 
cretion. No lunatics or fools are found amongst them, nor any 
mad or raving persons of either sex. The men and women 
commonly have broad shoulders and slender waists. Their 
hair, before old age, is jet black, sleek and uncurled, and near- 
ly as coarse as a horse's tail. Hair of any other colour they 
dfislike and despise. On the skin, the breast, under the arms, and 
on other parts of the body, they have little or no hair, and if any 
appear on their chins they pluck it out by the roots, and it sel- 
dom sprouts again. Their old men sometimes have a little 
stubble on their chins. The men and women all have fine 
brown eyes, and snow white teeth. Purblind, or cross-eyed 


persons are rare objects, and I have never heard of a native who 
was bom blind, and they seldom lose their sight by accident.— 
One I have seen who had lost his eye-sight by the small pox ; 
and when they become old, their sight does not fail so early in 
life as ours. The colour of their skin is not so white as ours ; 
still we see some of them who have a fine skin, and they are 
mostly bom with good complexions ; otherwise they have a 
yellowish colour like the Tartars, or heathen who are seen in 
Holland, or like the Outlanders who keep in the fields and go 
uncovered as they do. Their yellowness is fio fault of nature, 
but it is caused by the heat of the scorching sun, which is hot- 
ter and more powerful in that country than m Holland, which 
from generation to generation has been shining on that people, 
and exhibits its effects stronger. Although this yellowness ojf 
the skin appears more or less on all this race, still we find very 
comely men and women amongst them. It is true that they 
appear singular and strange to our nation, because their com- 
plexion, speech and dress are so different, but this, on acquaint- 
ance, is disregarded. Their women are well favoured and 
fiBUK:inating. Several of our Netherlanders were connected with 
them before our women came over, and remain firm in their at- 
tachments. Their faces and countenances are as various as 
they are in Holland, seldom very handsome, and rarely very 
ugly, and if they were instructed as our women are, there then 
would be little or no difference in their quaUfications. 

The original natives of the country, (for now there are native 
bom Christians also,) although they are composed of different 
tribes, and speak different tongues, all pass by the appellation 
of (Wilden) wild men ; and this name was given them, as far as 
we can learn, at the first discovery of the country, which for 
various reasons seems very appropriate. First, on account of 
their religion, of which they have very little, and that is very 
strange ; and secondly, on account of their marriages, wherein 
they differ from civilized societies ; thirdly, on account of their 
laws, which are so singular as to deserve the name of wild re- 
gulations. And the Christians hold different names necessary 
to distinguish different nations, such as Turks, Mamelukes, 
and Barbarians ; and as the name of Heathen is very little 
used in foreign lands, therefore they would not distinguish the 
native Americans by either of these names ; and as they trade 
in foreign countries with dark and fair coloured peojMe, and 
with those who resemble ourselves, in distinction from negroes, 
and as the American tribes are bordering on an olive colour, 
the name of wUd men suits them best. Tnus vrithout delibera^ 
tion, and as it were by chance at the first word, (as we suppose,) 
they were called Wild Men. And as unlearned persons never 
tmect much but speak their first th(m|^tA,\xiud% taksebaei >x 


has probably happened that this people received their natiooal 
name, because they seemed to be wild and strangers to the 

Christian religion.* 

Of the Food and Subsistence of the Indians. 

In eating and drinking the Indians are not excessiTe, eves 
in their feast-days. They are cheerful and well satisfied wliea 
they have a sufficiency to support nature, and to satisfy hunger 
and. thirst. It is not with them as it is here in HoUand, where 
the greatest, noblest, and richest Uve more luxuriously than s 
CaliSf or a common man ; but with them meat and drink are sufr 
ficient and the same for all. Their common drink is water from 
a hving spring or well, when it can be had, wherein they seldom 
fail, as in days of old. Sometimes in the season of grapes, and 
when they have fresh meat or fish, and are well pleased, they 
will press out the juice of the grapes and drink it new. They 
never make wine or beer. Brandy or strong drink is unknown 
to them, except to those who firequent our settlements, and hav9 
learned that beer and wine taste better than water. 

In the Indian languages, which are rich and expressive, they 
have no word to express drunkenness. Drunken men they 
call fools. When they associate much with our pe<^e, and 
can obtain hquor, they will drink to excess, when they become 
insolent and troublesome, and are malicious. To prevent this, 
the government has forbidden the sale of spirituous liquors to 
the Indians. Most of them however will not taste liquor. Be- 
fore they are accustomed to spirituous liquor, they are easily 
made drunk, for which a small glass or two is sumcient ; bat 
in time they become accustomed to it, and bear it as well as 
our own people do. The rheumatic gout, red and pimpled 
noses, are snares unknown to them ; nor have they any dis* 
eases or infirmities which are caused by drunkenness. 

Their common food is meat, and fish of every kind, accord* 
ing to the seasons, and the advantages of the places where they 
reside. They have no pride, or particular methods in prepar- 
ing their food. Their nsh or meat they usually boil in water* 
without salt, or smauty^ and nothing more than the articles yield. 
They know of no stewing, fiicasseeing, baking, firying, or the 
Uke methods of cooking, and seldom do they warm up or boil 
any food, unless it be small pieces of meat or fish, when they 

* The lezes are admirably di8tinfi;uished in the Dutch language, in tba 
nf the Indians. IFtflismale; IFiMm is female. The tsrms an muoh aoftar 
thnn the Elnglith* of Indian and squaw.— TaANt. 

t A sort of oil— En. 


tnTel or are hunting, and have no other opportunity to prepare 
their food. 

For bread they use maize, or Turkey com, which the women 
pound fine into meal, (as the Hebrews did their manna in the 
wilderness,) of which they bake cakes, for they know nothing of 
mills. They also use pounded maize, as we do rice, and samp, 
with their boiled meat. Their common food, and for which their 
meal is generally used, is pap, or mushy which in the New-Ne- 
iherlands is named sapaen. This is so common among the 
Indians, that they seldom pass a day without it, unless they are 
on a journey or hunting. We seldom visit an Indian lodge at 
any time of the day, without seeing their sapaen preparing, or 
seeing them eating the same. It is the common food of all ; 
yoimg and old cat it ; and they are so well accustomed to it, 
and tond of it, that when they visit our people, or each other, 
they consider themselves neglected unless they are treated 
with sapaen. Without sapaen they do not eat a satisfactory 
meal. And when they have an opportunity, they frequently 
boil fish or meat with it ; but seldom when the meat or fish is 
firesh, but when they have the articles dried hard, and pounded 
fine. This food they usually prepare at the close of the winter 
and in the spring, when the nunting season is past, and their 
stock of provisions is nearly exhausted. They also use many 
dry beans, which they consider dainties. Those they boil son 
with fresh meat. They use for their siihsistcnce every kind of 
fiah and flesh that is fit for food, which the country and the 

Places of their settlements afford, and that they can obtain, 
['hey observe no stated times for their meals, as our people do, 
but they suppose it best to eat when they are hungry. They 
can control their appetites, bodies and stomachs in a wonderful 
manner ; for widi very Uttle or no food, they can pass two, three, 
or four days, and when afterwards they a^ain have it plenty, 
they will make up for the arrears lost without overcnarging 
thenr stomachs, or oecoming sick ; and although they eat fireely, 
they have no excessive eaters or gluttons among them. 

Ceremonies of high or low seats, or of beginning to eat their 
meals first or last, or to be waited upon, I have never seen 
among diem. Seldom will they invite each other to eat with 
them, except at great feasts, but every person who is with them 
at meal time, without exception, can partake of their fare with- 
out pay or compensation. It is not customary with them to 
receive C(»npensation for their hospitality. Cm extraordinary 
occasions, when they wish to entertain any person, then they 
prepare beavers' tails, bass heads, with parched com meal, or 
jevf fat meat stewed with shelled chestnuts bruised. 

When Uiey intend to go a great distance on a hunting ex- 
cursion, or to war, where they expect to fimd no food^ \!aBa^k«^ 


proride themselves severally with a small bag of parched oon 

meal, which is so nutritious that they can subsist on the same 
many days. A quarter of a pound of the meal is sufficient for 
a day's subsistence ; for as it shrinks much in the drying, it 
also swells out again with moisture. When they are hungij, 
they eat a small iiandful of the meal, after which they taikt a 
drink of water, and then they are so well fed, that they can 
travel a day. When they can obtain fish or meat to eat, then 
their meal serves them as well as fine bread would, because it 
needs no baking. 

Cf the Clothing and Ornaments worn by the Men and Women. 

Their clothing usuaDy is of one fashion, and they are net 
proud of their dress, except some of their young persons, who 
forget it when they become old. Their women are more in- 
clined to dress, and to wear ornamental trinkets than the men 
are ; but they are not so proud as they are in Holland. The 
males until they are twelve or thirteen years old, run neady 
naked in sununer. The females when they are able to nm 
about, wear a little covering. They are all accustomed to wear 
a leathern girdle, which is usually ornamented with pieces of 
whales' fins, whale-bones, or wampum (zewant). When the 
men can procure duffels cloth, then they wear a piece of the 
same hali an ell wide, and nine quarters long, which they gird 
around their waists, and draw up a fold to cover their naked- 
ness, with a flap of each end hanging down in front and rear. 
This dress does not appear uncomely, and it is light and airy 
in summer ; and they frequently go without any other coverinj^. 
It hides their nakedness, and bears the name of a breech-cloth. 
Before they could obtain duffels cloth, and when it is not to 
be had, they wear a dressed skin cut in a proper form, and 
prepared for the purpose, which we commonly call a {cloot-^ap) 
breech-cloth, which word in Holland may appear impoUte; 
but as words are intended to convey ideas, and to express the 
things intended, the term therefore has a common significatiim 
in that country, and will not offend the ear of a lady, or the dc- 
Ucacy of a maiden's taste. 

The women also wear a cloth around their bodies, fastened 
by a girdle which extends down below their knees, and is as 
much as an under-coat ; but next to the body, under this coat, 
they wear a dressed deer-skin coat, girt around the waist. 
The lower border of this skirt they ornament with creat art, 
and nestle the same with strips, which are tastefully decorated 
with wampum. The wampum with which one of those skirts 
is ornamented, is frequently worth from one to three hundred 


guilders. The men and women usually wear a plaid of duffels 
cloth of full breadth, and three ells long. This is worn over 
the right shoulder, drawn in the form of a knot about the body, 
with the ends extending down below the knees. This plaid 
serves them for a covering by day, and for a blanket by nighL 
Stockings and shoes (moccasins) made of deer and buffalo skins, 
are worn by both sexes ; some of those they ornament curi- 
ously with wampum, &c. ; but those articles are bad to wear. 
They also make shoes out of com husks, which are not durable. 
Some of them purchase shoes and stockings from us, which 
they find to be most comfortable. 

The men usually go bare-headed, and the women with their 
hair bound behind, in a club of about a hand long, in the form 
of a beaver's tail ; over which they draw a square cap, which 
is frequently ornamented with wampum. When they desire to 
appear fine, they draw a head-band around the forehead, which 
is also ornamented with wampum, &c. This band confines 
the hair smooth, and is fastened behind over the club, in a beau's 
knot. Many believe these head-bands are like those worn by 
the ancient women. Their head-dress forms a handsome and 
lively appearance. Around their necks they wear various or- 
naments, which are also decorated with wampum. Those they 
esteem as highly as our ladies do their pearl necklaces. They 
also wear hand-bands, or bracelets, ciu'iously wrought, and in- 
terwoven with wampum. Their breasts appear about half 
covered with an elegantly wrought dress. They wear beautiful 
girdles, ornamented with their favourite wampum, and costly 
ornaments in their ears. Their young women and their cour- 
tiers, when they desire to appear superfine, also paint a few 
black stripes on their faces. They usually appear sedate, as 
if they possessed no amorous feelings ; they however only thus 
disguise nature. The men paint themselves uniformly, parti- 
cularly their faces, with various colours, by which they can so 
effectually disguise themselves as to deceive an acouaintance. 
In their parade time they appear very deceitful, and they will 
scarcely turn their heads to notice an object. Some of them 
wear a band about their heads, manufactured and braided of 
scarlet deer-hair, interwoven with soft shining red hair. With 
this head-dress, they appear like the delineations and paintings 
of the Catholic saints. When a young Indian is dressed in this 
manner, he would not say plum, for a bushel of plums. They 
however seldom decorate themselves in this manner, unless 
they have a younfi^ female in view. Otherwise they naturally 
are filthy ana negligent in their dress. In winter, when the 
weather is cold, the women and children do not go abroad 
much, and when they do, they cover themselves with duffils 
and other articles. The men, to defend themsebre^ ^jgbaMX^Saa 


cold, grease themselves with bear and racoon fiat. They also 
wear clotliin^ made of weasel, bear, deer, and buffido skins, &c. 
Witli such dresses they can withstand the cold easily. At a 
word, they Iiave all necessary raiment to defend themselves 
against the inclemency of the weather. In Uieir best apparel, 
they know not how to appear proud and foppish. To white 
linen they formerly were strangers, but now many begin to 
wear shirts, which tliey buy from our people, and those they 
frequently wear witliout wasliing until the same are worn out. 

Of their Houses^ Castles, Villages^ and Towns, 

Their houses are usually constructed in the same manner, 
without any particular costliness or curiosity in or to the same. 
Sometimes they build their houses above a hundred feet long; 
but never more than twenty feet wide. When they build a 
house, they place long slender hickory saplings in the ground, 
having the bark strip])cd off, in a straight line of two rows, as 
far asunder as they intend the breadth of the house to be, and 
continuing the rows as far as it is intended the length shall be. 
Those saplinff poles are bent over towards each other in the 
form of an jircTi, and secured togetlier, having the appearance of 
a garden arbour. The sapling poles are then crossed with 
split poles in the form of lathing, which are well fastened to the 
upriglit work. The lathings are hciiviest near the ground. A 

Kace of al)()ut a fool wide is left open in the crown of the arch. 
)r covering ihey use the bark of ash, chestnut, and otlier 
trees, whicli they jiecl off in pieces of about six feet long, and 
as broad as th(;y can. They cover their houses, laying the 
smooth side inwards, leaving an open sj)ace of about a foot wide 
in the crown, to let out the smoke. They lap the side edges 
and ends over each other, having regard to the shrinking of the 
bark, sccurini^ the covering with withes to the lathings. A 
crack or rent they shut up, and in this manner they make their 
houses j)n)of aganist wind and rain. They have one door in the 
centre of the house. When the Ijark of the ash and chestnut 
trees is not loose, they have recourse to the timber trees, which 
grow along the brooks, the bark of which can betaken off dur- 
ing the whole sinnmer season. Durability is a primar}' object 
in their houses. In short, their houses are tight and tolenibly 
warm, but they know notliing of chambers, halls, and closet- 
ings. They kindle and keep their fires in tlie middle of their 
houses, from one end to the other, and the opening in the crown 
of the roof lets out the smoke. From sixteen to eighteen fami- 
lies frequently dwell in one house, according to its size, Tlie 
fire being kept in the middle, the people lay on either side 


thereof, and each family has its own place. K they have a place 
for a pot or kettle, with a few small articles, and a place to 
sleep, then they have room enough ; and in this manner, a hun- 
dred, and frequently many more, dwell together in one house. 
Such is the construction of an Indian dwelling in every place, 
unless they are out on fishing and hunting excursions, and then 
they erect temporary huts or shanties. 

In their villages and their castles they always build strong, 
firm works, adapted to the places. For the erection of these 
castles, or strong holds, they usually select a situation on the 
side of a steep high hill, near a stream or river, which is diffi- 
cult of access, except from the water, and inaccessible on every 
other side, with a level plain on the crown of the hill, which 
they enclose with a strong stockade work in a singular manner. 
First, they lay along on the ground large logs of wood, and fre- 

Siuently smaller logs upon the lower logs, which serve for the 
oundation of the work. Then they place strong oak pali- 
sades in the ground on both sides of the foundation, the upper 
ends of which cross each other, and are joined together. In 
the upper cross of the palisades they then place the bodies of 
trees, which makes the work strong and firm. Thus they se- 
cure themselves against the sudden invasion of their enemies. 
But they have no knowledge of adding flankings and curtains to 
their fortifications. Those belong not to their system. Near 
their plantations they also frequently erect small works, to se- 
cure meir wives and children against the sudden irruption of the 
small marauding parties of their enemies. When their castles 
and forts are constructed according to their rude custom, they 
consider the same very safe and secure places. But in a war 
with the Christians, those afibrd them no security ; on the con- 
trary, they do them more injury than good. In their castles, they 
frequently have twenty or thirty houses. We have measured 
their houses, and found some of them to be a hundred and 
eighty yards long, and as narrow as before stated. In those 
places, they crowd an astonishing number of persons, and it is 
surprising to see them out in open day. Besides their strong 
holds, they have villages and towns which are enclosed. Those 
usually have woodland on the one side, and corn lands on the 
other sides. They also frequently have villages near the wa- 
ter sides, at fishing places, wnere they plant some vegetables ; 
but they leave those places every year on the approach of win 
ter, and retire to their strong places, or into the thick woods, 
where they are protected from the winds, and where fuel is 
plenty, and where there is game and venison. Thus they sub- 
sist by hunting and fishing throughout the year. 

Their castles and large towns they seldom leave altogether. 
From other situations they remove frequenll^, ^ivi\!cvff^ ^^^'crav 


remain long at other places. In the summer, and in the fishiiur 
seasons, many come to the water sides and rivers. In the fall 
and winter, when venison is best, they retire to the woods and 
hunting grounds. Sometimes towards the spring of the year, 
they come in multitudes to the sea shores and bays, to take oys- 
ters, clams, and every kind of shell-fish, which they know hov 
to dry, and preserve good a long time. 

Of their Marriages^ AccouchementSy Children^ 4^. 

Havinff treated of the manners of the natives, of their appear 
ance, of tneir clothing, of their ornaments, of their subsistence, 
and of their dwellings ; we will continue the description, and 
treat of their customs in their marriages and connections, with- 
out which they could not be. Marriages, and the fruits of mar- 
riage connections between males and females, keep up the suc- 
cession of every living species in the world ; and there has 
been no nation discovered or known, so barbarous as not to be 
benefited by marriage connections, and who have not upheld 
and supported the same. With the natives of the New-Nether- 
lands, (for the Christian usages are the same as in HolIand,).we 
can still observe the old and ancient customs in their marriage 
ceremonies. But to illustrate the subject properly, it will be 
necessary to notice their distinguishing names of man and wo- 
man, father and mother, sister and brother, uncle and aunt, 
niece and nephew, husband and wife, married and unmarried, 
which are all known and distinguished among the natives by 
different and appropriate names, and give strong evidence of 
their attachment to their relatives, and of their preference to 
marriage connections. The natives generally marry but one 
wife, and no more, unless it be chief, who is great and power- 
ful ; such frequently have two, three, or four wives, of the neat- 
est and handsomest women ; and it is extraordinary, that the 
people can, by the light of nature, so effectually control their 
women, that no feuds or jealousies do arise and exist between 
them ; for on inquiry, we have never discovered that any 
strife, hatred, or discord existed in an Indian family between 
the women about their family affairs, their children, or of the 

f)reference of their husband, whom they all esteem and implicit- 
y obey. Concerning their marriages, they do not use as many 
ceremonies as the people of fashion do in Holland ; but they 
act more Uke common citizens on such occasions. With the 
natives there is no established time of marriageable years, but 
they judge their apparent fitness from their appearance, about 
which they are not very particular even to experimental proof. 
When the parties are young and related, the marriage usually 


takes place upon the counsel and advice of their relatives, hav- 
ing regard to their families and character. When the parties 
are widows or widowers, whether by death or otherwise, of 
whom there are many, then also it lakes place sometimes 
upon the advice of friends ; but it is not common for relatives 
to interfere in such marriages. The men, according to their 
condition, must always present their intended and betrothed 
bride, with a marriage gift, as a confirmation of their agree- 
ment, and of his intention, being similar to the marriage pledge 
of the ancients. When the parties are a widow or widower, 
who unite without the advice of friends, and the parties after- 
wards do not agree, for good cause or otherwise, then the hus- 
band frequently takes the gifts from his wife, forbids her his 
bed, and if she does not leave him, he turns her out of doors 
Marriages with them are not so binding but that either party 
may altogether dissolve the union, which they frequently do. — 
I have known an Indian who changed his wife every year, al- 
though he had little or no reason for it. We have also noticed 
that the dissolution of their marriages for unchastity, arises 
more from the improper conduct of men, than of the women. — 
In their marriage dissolutions, the children follow their mother, 
which is also usual in many other nations, who calculate their 
descent and genealogies from the mother's side. The longer a 
marriage exists among the natives, the more the parties are 
esteemed and honoured. To be unchaste during wedlock, is 
held to be very disgraceful among them. Many of their wo- 
men would prefer death, rather than submit to be dishonoured. 
Prostitution is considered baser by day than by night, and in 
the open fields than elsewhere, as it may be seen, or shined 
upon oy the sun, which they say beholds the deed. No Indian 
will keep his wife, however much he loved her, when he knows 
she is unchaste. When their women are young, free, and un- 
married, they act as they please, but they are always mercenary 
in their conduct, and deem it disgraceful to be otherwise; neither 
is the fruit of iUicit connexions despised, but the same are disre- 
garded in a marriage connexion. Few females will associate 
with men in a state of concubinage when they will not marry. 
Those women are proud of such conduct, and when they be- 
come old they will frequently boast of their connexion with many 
of their chiefs and great men. This I have heard from several 
aged women, who deemed themselves honoured for having 
been esteemed, and gloried of their '* quasi bene gesta," in 
their speeches. When one of their young women is njjj, (for 
that is the native term,) and wishes to be married, it is cus- 
tomary on such occasions that they veil their faces completely, 
and sit covered as an indication of their desire ; whereupon pro- 


positions are made to such persons, and the practice is common 
with young women who have suitors, whereby thev give pub- 
licity of their inclination. The men seldom make the fint 
overtures, unless success is certain and they hope to improve 
their condition in hfe. Whenever a native female is pregnant, 
in wedlock or otherwise, they take care that they do no act that 
would injure the offspring. During pregnancy they are gener- 
ally healthy, and they experience httle or no sickness or painfiil 
days, and when the time of their delivery is near, (whicn they 
calciilate closely,) and they fear a severe accouchement, or if it 
be their first time, then they prepare a drink made of a decoc- 
tion of roots that grow in the woods, which are known by them, 
and they depart alone to a secluded place near a brook, or 
stream of water, where they can be protected firom the winds, 
and prepare a shelter for themselves with mats and covering, 
where, provided with provisions necessary for them, they await 
their delivery without the company or aid of any person. After 
their children are bom, and if they are males, although the 
weather be ever so cold and freezing, they immerse them some 
time in the water, which, they say, makes them strong brave 
men, and hardy hunters. After the immersion they wrap their 
children in warm clothing and pay them great attention from 
fear of accidents, and after they have remained several da]^ in 
their secluded places, again return to their homes and friends. 
They rarely are sick from child-birth, suffer no inconveniences 
from the same, nor do any of them die on such occasions. Upon 
this subject some persons assign, as a reason and cause for 
their extraordinary aelivcries, that the knowledge of good and 
evil is not given to them, as unto us ; that therefore they do not 
suffer the pains of sin in bringing forth their children; that such 
pains are really not natural, but the punishment which follows 
the knowledge of sin, as committed by our first mother, and is 
attached to those only ; others ascribe the cause of the differ- 
ence to the salubrity of the climate, their well-formed bodies, 
and their manner of living. 

Of the Suckling of their Children, and the associations of the 

Men and Women. 

The native Indian women of every grade always nurse their 
own children, nor do we know of any who have trusted that 
parental duty to others. About New- Amsterdam, and for many 
miles and days' journey into the interior, I have never heard of 
but a few instances of native women, who did not take good 
care of their children, or who trusted them to the nursing and 
care of others ; when they suckle or are pregnant, they in those 


cases practise the strictest abstinence, because, as they say, it 
is beneficial to their offspring, and to nursing children. In the 
meantime, their women are not precise or offended, if their hus- 
bands have foreign associations, but tliey observe the former 
custom so religiously, that they hold it to be disgraceful for a 
woman to recede from it before her child is weaned, which 
they usually do when their children are a year old, ami those 
who wean their children before that period are despised. 
During a certain season, tlieir women seclude themselves, 
and do not appear abroad, or permit themselves to be seen oiF 
men ; if they are at one of their great feasts or public assem- 
blies, and the fountain springs, they retire immediately if pos- 
sible, and do not appear abroad again until the season is over. 
Otherwise when all is well, and they are not betrothed, they 
frequently are light of behaviour, as well the women as the 
men, and yield to temptation without shame; but foul and 
impertinent language, which is common with the lower class 
with us, is despised with them. All romping, caressing and 
wanton behaviour they speak of with contempt, and say that 
they are indirect allurements to unchastity. If they observe 
sucn behaviour among the Netherlanders, they reprove the 
parties, and bid them seek retirement. What better reproof can 
be given to such levity ? Some of their chiefs and great men 
have two or three wives, who will readily accommodate a visit- 
ing friend with one of his women for a night ; but if it takes 
place without his consent, the act is deemed a disgrace, and the 
woman is chastised and sent away. 

Manner of burying their Dead, — Lamentations and Mourning, 

Whenever an Indian departs this hfe, all the residents of the 
place assemble at the funeral. To a distant stranger, who has 
not a friend or relative in the place, they pay the like respect. 
They are equally careful to commit the body to the earth, witli- 
out neglecting any of the usual ceremonies, according to the 
standing of the deceased. In deadly diseases, they ai*e faithful 
to sustain and take care of each other. Whenever a soul has 
departed, the nearest relatives extend the limbs and close the 
eyes of the dead ; and after the body has been watched and 
wept over several days and nights, they bring it to the grave, 
wherein they do not lay it down, but place it in a sitting posture 
upon a stone or a block of wood, as if the body were sitting 
upon a stool ; then they place a pot, kettle, platter, spoon, with 
some provision and money, near ihe body in the grave ; this 
they say is necessary for the journey to the other world. Then 
they place as much wood around the body as will keep the 

902 Tijc VOL mhck's 

earth from it. Above the grave they place a large pile of woodf 
stone or earth, and around and above the same they place pdi- 
sades resembling a small dwelling. All their burial places are 
secluded and preserved with rehgious veneration and care, and 
they consider it wicked and infamous to disturb or injure their 
burial places. The nearest relatives of the deceasedy particu- 
larly the women, (the men seldom exhibit much excitement,) 
have tlieir periods of lamentations, when they make dreadful 
and wonderful wailinff, naming the dead, smiting iipon their 
breasts, scratching and disfiguring their faces, and showing aD 

Eossible signs of grief. But where a mother has lost a diildy 
er expressions of grief exceed all bounds, for she calls and 
wails whole nights over her infant, as if she really were in a 
state of madness. If tlie deceased are young persons, or per- 
sons slain in war, then their lamentations are of a particular 
kind, and the women shave off their hair, which they keep the 
customary time, and then they bum the hair upon the graves of 
the deceased or slain, in the presence of the relations. In short 
they possess strong passions, and exhibit the same with much 
feeling when mourning over their dead relatives and friends. For 
the purpose of removing tlie existing causes of grief, and not to 
excite sorrow in the mind of the bereaved, and as far as possible 
to promote forgetfulness of the friends lost, the name ot the de- 
ceased is never mentioned in the presence of the relations ; or 
when the name is mentioned, it is received as if desimed to 
produce mortification, and as an act of unkindness. The use 
of tokens of moiiniing is common, which usually are black 
signs upon their bodies ; when a woman loses her husband, she 
shaves off her hair, and paints her whole countenance black as 
pitch, and men do the same when their wives die, and they also 
wear a buckskin vest next to their skin, and mourn a whole 
year, even if they have not been long married, or if the coimec- 
tion had not been happy — still they observe the ceremonies re- 
ligiously, without marrying again until the season of mourning 
is over. 

Of their Feast Days and Particular Assemblies, 

Feasts and great assemblages are not common among the In- 
dians, yet they occur sometimes, and on special occasions, as 
on the subjects of peace, war, alliances, treaties and devotions ; 
or to counsel the devil on some approaching event, or in rela- 
tion to the fmitfuluess of the seasons, or to celebrate some suc- 
cessful occurrence by frolicking and dancing, as at the conclu- 
sion of peace, or to make war with some neighbouring people. 
They do not resolve and decide hastily and by a small number. 


Vm on all important matters, all the chiefs and persons of any 
distinction in the nation assemble in their councils, when each 
of them express their opinions freely on the subject before the 
council, as briefly or as extendedly as they please without any 
molestation. If the speaker even digresses from the matter in 
handy or opposes others, he is heard with attention ; if they ap- 
prove of what has been said, at the conclusion they shout and 
cheer the orator. Their councils assemble in the morning while 
the sun is ascending, and if the business is not done before noon 
they adjourn until the next morning. When they wish to hunt 
<Hr drive the devil (as they do by spooking and deception), then 
they assemble in the afternoon towards evening, and then some 
of them do, most singularly indeed, endeavour to enchant and 
charm the devil and carry on witchcraft, wherein the common 
people believe. They begin with Jumping, crying, and grin- 
ning, as if they were possessed and mad. They kindle large 
fires, and dance around and over the same, lengthwise and 
across ; they roll, tumble overhead, and bend themselves, and 
continue their violent exercises until the sweat pours out and 
streams down to their feet By their distortions and hideous 
acts, they appear Uke devils themselves ; their awful conduct 
will astonish those who are not accustomed to see them. 
During those operations, all their devil-drivers join in the roll- 
ing and howling, when they altogether appear to be crazy. 
When their charming has continued some time, then the 
devil, as they say, appears to them in the form of a beast. If 
the beast be a ravenous animal, it is a bad omen ; if it be a 
harmless creature, the sign is better ; the animal gives them 
strange answers to their inquiries, but seldom so clear and dis- 
tinct that they can comprehend or interpret the same, which, 
however, they strike at, as a blind man does at an egg. If 
they interpret the answers incorrectly, the fault is theirs — some- 
times they utter things beyond the devil's texts. If there be 
any Christians present on those occasions, who observe all 
their doings, then their devil will not appear. Their devil- 
drivers sometimes bewitch some of their common people, and 
cause them to appear possessed or besotted, which otherwise 
is not seen, when they cast themselves into glowing fires with- 
out feeling it. When the person who has been afflicted for 
some time, and one of the charmers whisper in his ear, he 
again becomes as gentle as a lamb. When they assemble to 
rejoice or dance, they meet at mid-day. On those occasions, 
an orator first delivers an address on the occasion and cause ojf 
their meeting, after which they entertain themselves by eating 
and feasting ; this they also do sometimes at their councils. 
They eat lustily on such occasions, and every one devours as 
much food as would serve each of them for three days, as no- 


thing may be left at their frolics ; what is not eaten by them or 
by meir dogs must be carried back. When they haye stiiflfed 
themselves like cattle and can scarcely move, then the old and 
middle-aged conclude with smoking, and the young with a iw- 
tecaw, singing and dancing, which uequently is continued until 

How Men and Animals came on the American Continent, 

There are various opinions on this subject, and many persons 
have endeavoured to snow how those, whom we name Indians, 
first came to this part of the world, which is separated from the 
other parts by the great seas, and which appears always to have 
been thus separated. Some are of the opmion that they were 
planted as a colony ; others ask, by wliom ? and how UcHis, 
Dears, wolves, foxes, serpents, with poisonous reptiles, and other 
ravenous beasts came on the continent, because such are never 
carried or transported in ships. When we speak to the natives 
of the creation, we can never satisfy them on the subject, or 
receive from them any affirmation that they believe in the doc^ 
trine. Many remark that an unknown chronicle writer has 
observed, that in former days, when, according to some Ror 
tiones Gentium, people were accustomed to adventures, some 
persons well equipped and provided, sailed from a psurt of Nor- 
way or Sweden in search of a better country, under the com- 
mand of a certain chief named Sachema, and that they had 
never been heard from after they sailed ; and as all the native 
chiefs of the New-Netherlands who reside along the rivers and 
the sea-shore are called sachems, they conclude that the coun- 
try was peopled by those adventurers. We, however, do not 
concur in this opinion, although the subject seems mysterious.* 
Others go much farther, and incjuirc whether the natives of the 
new world have descended from Adam, and whether there has 
not been a separate creation of men and creatures for the same. 
This theory they endeavour to support by various reasons. 
They assert that there has been no deluge over America, and 
speak of the same as a separate and entire new world, being 
entirely different in formation and condition from the old world, 
and by connecting other matters in support of their proposition, 
they render their subject plausible. They also doubt whether 
the new world will be judired at the judgment day with the old 
world. In support of their doctrine they affirm that the period 
is not long since sinners came there ; that the natives were 

♦ It is now well ft^rorfBi' ed tliat rhisconiinpnt wis visited by the Noithmen, 
(from -Norway, Sweden, &c.) about A. D. 1000.— Ed. 


innocent ; that the land had not been cursed on their account ; 
and that no righteous punishment can be inflicted on them with 
the other inhabitants of the old world. A more probable opin- 
ion is advanced by others, who affirm that many years ago the 
sea between Cape de Verds and America was as narrow or of 
less breadth than the strait between Calais and Dover, and that 
by the help of the adjacent and intervening islands, people and 
animals could pass and re-pass from Africa to America. If the 
communication was not tnere, (which is not to be credited,) it 
must have been elsewhere ; and as memorials of Chinese 
origin are found at the Brazils, it is evident that the Chinese 
have foimerly been there, and that they came to the country 
along the broken coast of the strait of Magellan, or overland 
from the shore of tlie Pacific ocean; or that that they had 
driven a trade in the country. It is necessary that we support 
the planting of a colony, and the removal of people from the 
old world, and not a separate creation, as by the latter the doc- 
trines of the Holy Scriptures would be subverted and mined. 
Those who hold other opinions, ask, if at any time people 
could see across from Cape de Verds to America, whether, in 
such a case, Columbus or Amcricus can have found a country 
which was never lost ? It is not our intention to follow those 
disputations, but we will leave every person to the enjoyment 
of his own opinion on the subject, and proceed in our work. 

Of the different Nations and Languages. 

The nations, tribes and languages are as different in America 
as they are in Europe. All those who are of one tribe or nation, 
form one separate society, and usually keep together ; every tribe 
or nation has its own chief, and is a separate government, sub- 
ject to its own laws and regulations. They however all appear 
to have descended from one parent-stock, but they seldom marry 
out of their own tribes. They always are jealous of each 
other as it respects their national power ; and every tribe endea- 
vours to increase its ovvrn strength. As they have chiefs over their 
nations, tribes, and settlements, so also every family has its head, 
who is regarded as the most eminent and famous by descent, — 
from which their rank in the tribe is usually settled. Their lan- 
guages and dialects are very different, as unlike each other as 
the Dutch, French, Greek and Latin are. Their declensions 
and conjugations have an affinity with the Greek and accord to 
it. Their declensions, augmentations, cases and adverbs, are 
like the Greek ; but to reduce their language to any of ours, 
would be impossible, for there is no resemblance between the 
same. Before we have acquired a knowledge of any of their 


languages or dialects, we know no more of what they say than 
if a dog had barked. In some of their languages the letter r, 
is not sounded, and in others scarcely a syllable is spoken with- 
out it ; otherwise they are not very different, and the tribes usu- 
ally can understand their dialects. Their various tongues may 
be classed into four distinct languages, namely, Manhattan^ 
Minquas, Savanoos, axid Wappanoos, With tlie Manhattans, we 
include those who live in the neighbouring placesalong the North 
river, on Long' Island, and at the Neversink. With the Minquas 
we include the Senccas, the Maquaas, and other inland tribes. 
The Savanoos are the southern nations, and the Wappanoos are 
the eastern nations. Their lan^ages are seldom learned per- 
fectly by any of our people, and tliose who by long and continued 
intercourse and conversation with the Indians learn to speak 
their language, are not men of education ,and are unable to com- 
pose grammatical rules for the same, and of course are unaUe 
to instruct others. 


Of their Money or Circulating Medium, 

That there should be no miserly desire for the costly metals 
among the natives, few will believe ; still it is true, the use of 
old and silver or any metallic coin is unknown among them. 
he currency which they use in their places to which they re- 
sort is called wampum, the making and preparing of which is 
free to all persons. The species are black and white, but the 
black is worth more by one half than the white. The black 
wampum is made from conck shells, which are to be taken from 
the sea, or which are cast ashore from the sea twice a year. 
They strike off the thin parts of those shells and preserve the 
pillars or standards, which they grind smooth and even and re- 
duce the same according to their thickness, and drill a hole 
through every piece and string the same on strings, and after- 
wards sell their strings of wampum in that manner. This is the 
only article of moneyed medium among the natives, with which 
any traffic can be driven ; and it is also common with us in pur- 
chasing necessaries and carrying on our trade ; many thousand 
strings are exchanged every year for peltries near the sea shores 
where the wampum is only made, and where the peltries are 
brought for sale. Among the Netherlanders gold and silver be- 
gin to increase and are current, but still the amoimt diflfers much 
from that of the Netherlands. 


Of the Nature and Diversions of the Indians. 

The Indians are naturally (with few exceptions) of taciturn, 
iteady and pensive dispositions and tempers, and of few words, 
which are well considered, uttered slowly, and long remem- 
bered ; they say no more than is necessary to the subject in 
hand. When tney want to buy or to sell any article, they say 
no more than is necessary to the bargain. On the other occasions, 
they talk of no subjects except hunting, fishing, and war. Their 
young men frequently entertain each other on their gallantry with 
young female connections. They despise lying, and still they 
are not very precise in the performance of their engagements. 
Swearing and scolding are not heard among them, unless it be 
among those who have learned those habits from us. They do 
not possess great wisdom or extensive knowledge, but reasona- 
ble understanding, resulting from practical experience, which 
they certainly possess without any desire for further instruction ; 
they are naturally civil and well disposed, and quick enough to 
distinguish between good and evil, but after they have associated 
amongst us, they become cunning and deceitful. They are slo- 
venly, careless, and dirty of their persons, and are troubled with 
the evils which attend filthiness. They are very revengeful and 
obstinate even unto death, and when in trouble they disregard 
and despise all pain and torture that can be done to them, and 
will sing with proud contempt until death terminates their suffer- 
ings. They are all stingy and incUned to beggary, and cannot 
be trusted too far because they also are thievish ; denying them 
the least trifle does not offendf them. They are all free by na- 
ture, and will not bear any domineering or lording over them ; 
they will not bear any insult, unless they have done wrong, and 
they will bear chastisement without resentment. Delicious 
food or drink they disregard ; they fear no accidents, and can en- 
dure heat, cold, hunger, and thirst, in a wonderful manner, and 
they can all swim Uke ducks from their childhood. When 
abroad they spend their time in hunting, fishing or war; at home 
they smoke tobacco, and play a game with pieces of reeds, re- 
sembling our card playing. The old men knit nets, and make 
wooden bowls and ladles. Labour among the yoimg men is un- 
common, and nearly all the necessary labour is done by the 

Of their Stistenance and Medicines. 

Famine they do not fear, nor do they regard medicines and 
purgatives much. When they are unwell, they fast ; if that 
will not remove the complaint, they then liwe xewwxwfc \» 


sweating and drinks ; but the latter they take very spaTing^^« 
Their sweating places are made of clay, and enclosea ti^t in 
the earth, with a small entrance to admit the patients within the 
apartments. Where Uie place is needed there many stones are 
heated, and placed around and within the same ; and then the 
patient enters and sits down, naked and singing, wherein he 
remains as long as it is possible to endure the heat, and on leaf- 
ing the stewing apartment, they usually lay down in cold spring 
water. By those means they say that they gain relief, and cure 
most diseases. They can heal fresh wounds and dangeroui 
bruises in a most wonderful manner. They also have remedies 
for old sores and ulcers, and tliey also cure venereal afiections 
so readily, that many an Italian master who saw it, would be 
ashamed of hi$ profession. All tlieir cures are made with 
herbs, roots and leaves, (with the powers of which they are ac- 
quainted,) without making any compounds. Still it must be ad- 
mitted that nature assists them greatly, for they indulge in no 
excesses of eating or drinking, otiierwise they could not accom- 
plish so much with such simple and small means. When any 
of them arc very sick, and they apprehend the disease to be ^ 
a deadly character ; then, they all, or at least the nearest relar 
tives of the sick persons, have recourse to devil-hunting or 
driving, and make noise enough to frighten a person in extremity 
to death ; which they say they do to learn from the devil whe- 
ther the patient will live or die, and when hope of recovery is 
given, what remedies are to be used for the restoration of the 
sick. They seldom however receive any positive answers, but 
directions to use remedies, and when their hope for the recovery 
of the sick, then food is presented to the person, who is per- 
suaded to cat heartily, whether the food is relished or not. 

Of their Agriculture, Planting, and Gardening. 

All their agriculture is performed by their women. The men 
give themselves very little trouble about the same, except those 
who were old. They, with the young children will do some 
labor under the direction of the women. They cultivate no 
wheat, oats, barley or rye, and know nothing of ploughing, spa- 
ding and spitting up the soil, and are not neat and cleanly in 
their fields. The grain which they raise for bread, and mush or 
sapaen, is maize or turkey-corn, and they raise various kinds of 
beans as before remarked. They also plant tobacco for their 
own use, which is not as good as ours, and of a different kind, 
that does not require as much labour and attendance. Of garden 
vegetables, they raise none, except pumpkins and squashes, as 
beiore observed. They usually leave their fields and garden 
spots open, unenclosed, and unprotected by fencing, and take 


my Utile care of the same, though they raise an abundance of 
com and beans, of which we obtain whole cargoes in sloops 
and ffalleys in trade. 

Of manuring and proper tillage they know nothing. All their 
tillage is done by the hand and with small adzes, which they 
purchase from us. Although littie can be said in favour of 
their husbandry, still they prefer their practice to ours, because 
our methods require too much labour and care to please them, 
with which they are not well satisfied. 

A Relation of their Hunting €md Fishing. 

To huntinff and fishing the Indians are all extravagantly in- 
dined, and tEey have their particular seasons for these engage- 
ments. In the spring and part of the summer, they practise 
fishing. When the wild herbage begins lo grow up in the 
woods, the first hunting season begins, and then many of their 

rng men leave the fisheries for the purpose of hunting ; but 
oul and thoughtful men remain at the fisheries until the 
second and principal hunting season, which they also attend, 
but with snares only. Their fishing is carried on in the inland 
waters, and by those who dwell near the sea, or the sea-islands. 
The latter have particular advantages. Their fishing is done 
with seines, set-nets, small fikes, wears, and laying hooks. 
They do not know how to salt fish, or how to cure fish proper- 
ly. They sometimes dry fish to preserve the same, but those 
are half tainted, which they pound to meal to be used in chow- 
der in winter. Their young and active men are much engaged 
in hunting bears, wolves, fishers, otters, and beavers. Near 
the sea-shores and rivers where the Christians mostly reside, 
they hunt deer, where many are killed. Those are mostly 
caught in snares, they also shoot them with arrows and guns. 
The Indians sometimes unite in companies of from one to two 
hundred, when they have rare sport. On those occasions, they 
drive over a large district of land and kill much game. They 
also make extensive fikes with palisades, which are narrow at their 
terminating angles, wherein they drive multitudes of animals and 
take great numbers. At a word, they are expert hunters for 
every kind of game, and know to practise the best methods to 
insure success. The beavers are mostly taken far inland, there 
being few of them near the settlements — particularly by the 
black Minquas, who are thus named because they wear a black 
badge on their breast, and not because they are really black, by 
the Senecas, by the Maquas, and by the Rondaxes or French 
Indians, who are also called Euyrons {Hurons), For beaver 
hunting the Indians go in large parties, andiemaAXi ouX. \iQax.^x«i 


210 TAN DXR 1X>NCK'8 

to two months, during which time they subsist by hunting and on 
a little com meal which they carry out wilh them, and they fre- 
quently return home wilh from forty to eighty beaver skins, 
and with some otter, fishers and other skins also, even more 
than can be correctly stated. We estimate that eighty thous- 
and beavers are annually killed in this quarter of the countiy, 
besides elks, bears, otters, deer and other animals. There 
are some persons who imagine that the animals of the countiy 
will be destroyed in time, but this is unnecessary aniie^. 
It has already continued many years, and the numbers brought 
in do not diminish. The country is full of lakes, seas, rivers, 
streams and creeks, and extends very far, even to the great 
south sea ; hence we infer, that there will not be an end to the 
wild animals, and also because there are large districts where 
the animals will remain unmolested. 

Of their Orders and Distinctions, by birth or otherwise. 

Distinctions are supported and observed .among all the Indi- 
an nations, but not as much as amongst us. They remark, that 
they do not know why one man should be so much higher than 
another as we represent them to be. Ands till they have those 
among them whom they hold as nobles, who seldom marry be- 
low their rank, and they also have their commonality. No 
chief among them has the power to confer rank. Rank de- 
scends in families, and continues as long as any one in the fam- 
ily is fit to rule, and reffcnts frequently govern in the name of a 
minor. The oldest and first of a household or family, repre- 
sent the same with or unto the chief of the nation. Military 
distinction is not observed, except in war ; and then it is confer- 
red by merit, witliout regard to families or birth. The lowest 
among them may become a chief, but the rank dies with the 
person, unless his posterity follow in the footsteps of the parent; 
and then, the rank of the parent and his situation will descend 
in the family. It may well be supposed that such is the origin 
of the rank and distinction which prevails among them. Their 
chiefs feel proud of their stations, but not as much as ours do. 
Still their commonality do not regard them much, unless they 
are distinguished for understindincr, activity and bravery ; and 
then they honour them greatly. Such persons, for their artful- 
ness and activity, they compare with the devil, the master of 
evil arts, and name them, Manitto or Ottico. 


Of their Wars and Weapons. 

The principal command and authority among the Indians is 
developed in war, and in their councils on war. In times of war 
they do not organize armies, troops or regiments. In their best 
postures they are without regular order. They are artful in 
their measures, furious in their attacks, and unmerciful victors. 
When their plans are hazardous, then they are conducted 
covertly and privately by night. They always practise hinder- 
ances, deceptions, and ambuscades agamst their enemies. Face 
to face, in the open field or on water, they are not soldiers. 
They usually run away in time, if they can ; but when they 
are surrounded and cannot escape, then they fight obstinately, 
and as long as they can stand, to the last man. The victors ac- 
cept of no ransom, nor are the captives certain of their lives, until 
they are given over to persons who have previously lost connec- 
tions by blood in war. They seldom destroy women and chil- 
dren, unless it be in their first fury, but never afterwards. If it 
be in their power, tliey carry them all with them to their own 
abode. The women they treat as they do their own, and the 
children they bring up as their own, to strengthen their nation. 
They all serve as volunteers in war, and they receive no pay to 
retain them in service. They cannot subsist long in a body to- 
gether, nor can they conduct sieges. Their men will not readi- 
ty divulge any of tneir secret designs, unless it be to their own 
women, and Uiey usually do not know enough to withold a secret 
from the Christians, particularly when they expect to derive 
any advantages firom tne development. 

When they intend to carry on any offensive measures, and 
iN^n they fear approaching danger ; in those cases, the wo- 
men and children are removed to places of safety, where they 
hope to secure them from danger until their purposes are exe- 
cuted, or until the apprehended dangers are past. 

Their weapons formerly were bows and arrows, with a war- 
club hung to tlie arm, and a square shield which covered the 
body up to the shoulders ; their faces they disfigure in such a 
manner that it is difficult to recognize one known before ; they 
bind bands or snake-skins round the head, and place a fox's or 
wolf's tail perpendiciJarly upon tlie head, and walk as proud as 
peacocks. At present many of them use fire-arms, which they 
prize highly ana learn to use dexterously. They spare no pains 
m procuring guns and ammimition, for which they trade with 
the Christians at a dear rate. At present they also use small 
axes (tomahawks) instead of their war-clubs, and thus they 
march onwards. 


Of their Laws and Punishments^ 

The common rules of order in the administratioii of jiutioe 
aie not observed among this people, and are not exerciied to 
protect the innocent or to punish the guilty. There is so link 
order observed among them that the Netherlanders, who reside 
there and traffic with them, are astonished to find that such so- 
cieties' can remain united, where there is no regard paid to 
the administration of justice. All minor offences, such » 
stealing, adultery^ lying, cheating, and the like wrongs against 
civil Older, pass unpunished among them. I have known thit 
an unmarried woman murdered her own child, and although 
the fact was well known, still she went unpunished ; and also 
that an Indian, on several occasions, violated several women 
whom he found alone in the woods and in lonely places, who 
also passed unpunished. With those exceptions, during a resi- 
dence of nine years in the country, I have not heard of any 
capital oifenccs. Stealing is qiiite common among them, bat 
not of articles of great value, it may be a knife, an axe, a pair 
of shoes, a pair of stockings, or such like articles. When we 
detect them with the coods, we may retake the same and chas- 
tise them freely ; and when the thief is not known and the m^ 
ter is represented to the chief, the property is usually restored. 
On those occasions the thief is reprimanded by the chief for 
his conduct, and although reprooi is the highest punishment 
suffered by the culprit, yet it will not readily show how much 
they fear such treatment, and how uncommon crimes are among 
them. With us a watchful police is supported, and crimes are 
more frequent than among them. 

Murder or personal injuries are not attended to by the chief, 
or friends, except for the purpose of reconciling the parties, for 
which they use all possible means, and give liberally to effect 
their object when the offender is deficient in means, which is 
usually the case. A murder among them is never atoned for 
without heavy payment. The nearest relative by blood always 
is the avenger, and if he finds the murderer within twenty-four 
hours after the act, he is slain instantly, but if the murderer 
can save himself until one day is past, and the avenger slays 
him afterwards, then he is liable to be pursued and slain in like 
manner. A murderer seldom is killed after the first twenty- 
four hours are past, but he must flee and remain concealea ; 
when the friends endeavour to reconcile the parties, which is 
frequently agreed to, on condition, that the nearest relatives of 
the murderer, be they men, women, or children, on meeting the 
relatives of the person murdered, must give way to them. 


Persons are very seldom doomed to death among them, ex- 
cept captives taken in war, whom they consider to have for- 
feited the rights of man. Such they condemn to be burned. 
This they usually do slowly, beginning with their hands and 
feet. The torture sometimes lasts three days before the victim 
expires, who continues to sing and dance until life is extinct, 
reproaching his tormentors, deriding their conduct, and extol- 
ling the bravery of his own nation. 

Of their Religion, and whether they can be brought over 

to the Christian Faith, 

The natives are all heathen and without any religious devo- 
tions. Idols are neither known nor worshipped among them. 
When they take an oath they swear by the sun, which, they 
say, sees all things. They think much of the moon, and believe 
it has great influence over vegetation. Although they know 
all the planets from the other stars, by appropriate names, still 
they pay no idolatrous worship to the same, yet by the planets 
ana other signs they are somewhat weatherwise. The offering 
up of prayers, or the making of any distinction between 
days, or any matter of the kind, is unknown among them. 
They neither know or say any thing of God ; but they possess 
great fear of the devil, who they believe causes diseases, and 
does them much injury. When they go on a hunting or fish- 
ing excursion they usually cast a part of what is first taken into 
the fire, without using any ceremony on the occasion, then say- 
ing, " stay thou devil, eat thou that."* They love to hear us 
speak of God and of our religion, and are very attentive and 
still during divine service and prayers, and apparently are in- 
clined to devotion ; but in truth they know nodiing about it, and 
live without any religion, or without any inwaiti or outward 
ffodly fear, nor do they know of any superstition or idolatry ; 
fliey only follow the instilled laws of nature, therefore some 
suppose they can easily be brought to the knowledge and fear 
of (jrod. Among some nations the word Sunday is known by 
the name of Kintowen. The oldest among them say that in 
former times the knowledge and fear of God had been known 
among them, and they remark, that since they can neither read 
nor write, in process of time the Sunday will be forgotten, and 
all knowledge of the same lost. Their old men, when we rea- 
son earnestly with them on the matter, seem to feel pensive or 
sorrowful, but manifest no other emotions or agitations — when 

•The ofTerine here said to be made to the devil is certainly a g!ro«**^<><»^ 
tupersiition. — ^1^ ans. 


we reprove them for bad conduct and reason with them on iti 
impropriety, and say that there is a God in heaven above whom 
theyoffencl, their common answer is — 'We do not know that 
God, we have never seen him, wc know not who he is — if yoa 
know him and fear him, as you say you do, how does it tboi 
happen that so many thieves, drunkards, and evil-doers aie 
found among you. Certainly that God will punish you se- 
verely, because he has warned you to beware of those deeds, 
which he has never done to us. We know nothing about it, 
and therefore we do not deserve such punishment.' V'ery sel- 
dom do they adopt our reUgion, nor have there been any political 
measures taken for their conversion. When their chilaren are 
young some of them are frequently taken into our families for 
assistants, who are, according to opportunity, instructed in our 
religion, but as soon as they arc grown up, and turn lovers and 
associate again with the Indians, they foi^et their religious im- 
pressions and adopt the Indian customs. The Jesuits have taken 
ffreat pains and trouble in Canada to convert the Indians to the 
Roman Church, and outwardly many profess that religion ; but 
inasmuch as they arc not well instructed in its fundamental 
principles, they fall off lightly and make sport of the subject 
and its doctrine. 

In the year 1639, when a certain merchant, who is still 
livinff with us, went into that country to trade with an Indian 
chief who spoke good French, after he had drank two or three 
glasses of wine, they began to converse on the subject of reli- 
gion. The chief said that he had been instnicted so far that 
he often said mass among the Indians, and that on a certain 
occasion the place where the altar stood caught fire by accident, 
and our people made preparations to put out the fire, which he 
forbade them to do, saying that God, who stands there, is al- 
mighty, and he will put out the fire himself; and we waited 
witli great attention, but the fire continued till all was burned up, 
with your almighty God himself and with all the fine things 
about him. Since that time I have never held to that rehgion, 
but regard the sun and moon much more, as being better than 
all your Gods are ; for they warm the earth and cause the 
fruits to grow, when your lovely Gods cannot preserve them- 
selves from the fire. In the whole country I know no more 
than one Indian who is firm in his religious profession, nor can 
any change be expected among them, as long as matters are 
permitted to remain as heretofore. If they are to be brought 
over to the Christian faith, then the pubhc hand must be ex- 
tended to them and continued ; we must establish good schools 
at convenient places among them, for the instruction of their 
children ; let them learn to write our catechism, and let them 
be thoroughly instructed in the fundamental principles of our 


religion, so that in process of time they may be enabled to in- 
struct each other and become attached thereto. It certainly 
would be attended with some trouble and expense to the govern- 
ment, still, without such means and measures, it will be diffi- 
cult to do any good among them. Our negUgcnce on those 
matters is very reprehensible, for the Indians themselves say 
that they are very desirous to have their children instructed in 
our language and religion. 

Of their hope after this present life. 

It is a wonderful truth wliich affords strong evidence against 
unbelievers and free-thinking spirits, that this barbarous wild race 
of people of whom we have treated, should know that there is a 
distinction between the body and the soul, and bcUeve, as they 
actually do, that the one is perishable and the other immortal. 
The soul, they say, is that spirit which directs all the actions of 
the body, and is the producing cause of all good and evil con- 
duct, which, when the body dies, separates from it and removes 
to a place towards the south, where the climate is so fine that 
no covering against the cold will be necesssary, and where the 
heat will never be troublesome. To this place the souls of all 
those who have been good and valuable in this hfc will go, where 
they will be satisfied and have an abundance of good things, 
without any trouble or labour for the same, forever ; and they 
who have been bad in this life, after death will go to another 
place, where their condition will be directly contrary to the 
first ; where they will never enjoy peace and contentment, as 
the good will do. But I have never been able rightly to dis- 
cover whether they believe the soul will be hereafter united to 
the body. I have, however, spoken with Christians who re- 
mark, that they have heard them state such to be their belief. 
But they do not affirm to this fact. When they hear voices 
or noises in the woods at night, which frequently happens, and 
which, we believe, usually proceed from wild animals, but 
which they declare, with fear and astonishment, are made by the 
wicked, tne souls of whom are thus doomed to wander at night 
in the woods and solitary places for punishment in unhappy 
situations. The Indians, because they fear those subjects, do not 
travel by night unless it be necessary, and then go in parties or 
companies ; when they go alone they always carry a fire-brand 
with them, with which they believe they can keep off those evil 
spirits and prevent them from doing them any injury, which, 
they say, are always disposed to frighten them and do them 
%vrong. They acknowledge also that the soul proceeds from 
God, and that the same is his gift. This we sometimes learn 


from their old men of understanding, when an opportunity pre- 
sents itself in conversation, and we probably would discoTer 
more of them in relation to this matter, if we did perfectly un- 
derstand their languages. Among their common or young 
people we do not hear those spoken of. In this we stiu see 
the providence of God, who, by the common light of nature, has 
given to this people the knowledge that there is, after this life, 
a reward for the just, and a punishment for the unjust, which 
all mankind may expect. 

Of their knowledge of God, and their fear of the devils. 

Although the original inhabitants of the New-Netherlands be 
heathen and are unbelievers, they however believe and ac- 
knowledge that there is a God in heaven from all eternity, who 
is almignty. But they say God is good, kind, and compas- 
sionate, who will not punish or do any injury to any person, 
and therefore takes no concern himself in the common affairs of 
the world, nor does he meddle with the same, except that he 
has ordered the devil to take care of those matters. For they 
say that all which happens to persons on the earth, is ordered 
and directed by the devil as he pleases. God, the chief of all, 
who dwells in heaven, is much greater and higher than the 
devil, over whom he has power, but he will not meddle in, or 
trouble himself with, those concerns. 

When, on those subjects, we answer them conclusively, that 
the devil is deceitful and wicked ; they acknowledge it to be true, 
and that he to the extent of his power, directs such matters in 
the most wicked and injurious ways (wherein he takes pleasure). 
They say that all accidents, infirmities and diseases, are sent and 
forced upon them by the devil, to whom they ascribe it by the 
common name, saying that the devil is in them, and is the cause 
of all their misfortunes and ailments. For instance, if they 
have any inward complaint, they say there is a devil in me ; if 
they have a defect in arm or leg, foot, or hand ; shoulder or in 
the head ; they devote the part, and say there is a devil in the 
same. And because he is so unkind to them, they must, whe- 
ther they be willing or not, fear him, and preserve his friend- 
ship, and sometimes (as before related) cast a piece to him into 
the fire. Where we refute those follies, by saying that God 
knows all things, and is almighty, and has a perfect knowledge 
of the devil, and observes his conduct, and will not permit him 
to rule over man, who is created in the image of God, and is the 
noblest part of the creation ; nor will the devil be permitted to 
tyrannize over man, provided they will rightly confide and trust 
in God, and not withdraw from his commandments to do evil ; 


then they repay us, with strange and fabulous replies, saying — 
** You lazy Dutchmen say so, and when we observe the matter 
outwardly it would appear to be true — what you say ; but in 
fact you do not understand, the matter. That God, who is the 
highest good, almighty and gracious, and Lord of heaven and 
earth, in whom all power is, exists in heaven, but not aione, 
and without pastime ; for he has there with him a goddess, 
a female person^ the most beautiful ever known and beheld. 
With this goddess or beautiful person, he is so much engrossed, 
that the time is passed away and forgotten. Meantime the 
devil plays the tyrant and does what he pleases." 

This beUef and feeling is deeply impressed in them, and 
when we with stronger reasons sift the subject and drive them 
from their positions, they fall into more abominable absurdities, 
and like the dogs return to their vomit, and say they must serve 
the devil because he has the power to do them injuries. 

Tlieir Opinions of the CreatioUy <J-c. 

From the young Indians who frequent our settlements, and 
continue somewhat wild, we cannot derive any certain informa- 
tion of their behef on these matters ; but we must have recourse 
to their aged men of imderstanding, when we desire to know 
their belief on those important subjects. 

It sometimes happens when we enter into a curious discourse 
with them, that they ask us our opinions on the origin of man, and 
how they came to this country ; and when we inform them in 
broken language of the creation of Adam, they cannot believe, 
or will not unoferstand relative to their people and the negroes, 
on account of their great difference and the inequality of colour. 
According to their opinion the world was not created as described 
in the first and second chapters of the book of Genesis ; but 
they say the world was before all mountains, men and animals ; 
that God then was with that beautiful woman, who now is 
with him, without knowing when or from whence they came, 
then was all water, or the water covered all ; and they add that 
if there had been any eyes in being, there was nothing but water 
to be seen, and nothing else visible in every direction. 

It happened at this period, they say, that the before mentioned 
beautiiul woman or goddess, gradually descended from heaven, 
even into the water, gross or corpulent like a woman, who ap- 
pai^ently would bring forth more than one child. Having gradu- 
ally settled into the water, she did not go under it ; but imme- 
diately at the place where she descended, some land appeared 
under her, whereon she remained sitting. This land increased, 
and in time became greater and dry around the place where 



she sat ; like one who is placed on a bar, whereon the waterii 
three or four feet deep, which by the ebbing of the tide becomet 
dry land. 

Thus they say and mean to be understood, it occoiTed with 
this descended goddess. And that the land became of greata 
extent around her, until its extent was unbounded to the 8i|^ 
when vegetation appeared ; and in time finiitfiil and unfiruitfiil 
trees began to grow throughout the world as it now aroeazt. 
Whether the world of which you speak originated at this time^ 
we cannot say. 

At this period of time, when those things had taken place and 
were accomplished, this sreat person was overtaken m labour, 
and brought forth three distinct and different creatures. Hie 
first was like a deer as those now are, the second like a bear, 
and the third like a wolf in every respect. The woman suckled 
those animals to maturity, and remained a considerable time 
upon the earth, cohabiting with those several animals, and 
bringing forth at every birth more than one of a different 
species and appearance ; from which have originated and pro- 
ceeded all the human beings, animals and creatures, of every 
description and species, as the same now are and appear ; being 
propagated according to nature, each in their peculiar oider, as 
the same are in succession continued. 

When all those subjects were brought to a state of perfection, 
and could continue, this common mother rejoiced greatly, and 
ascended up to heaven, where she will contiue to remain and 
dwell, enjoying pleasure, and subsist in goodness and love, 
which her upper Lord will afford her, for which she is particu- 
larly desirous, and God also loves her supremely above all 

Here on the earth, in the meanwhile, the human species, and 
the animals after their kind, have multipUed and produced so 
many different creatures, and increased exceedingly : which 
every other thingthat was created also does, as tlie same at pre- 
sent is seen. Therefore it is at this time, that all mankind, 
wherever they be, are always bom with the nature of one or the 
other of the aforesaid animals. They are timid and innocent like 
the deer ; they are brave, revengeful, and just of hand, like the 
bear ; or they are deceitful and blood-thirsty hke the wolves. Al- 
though their dispositions are apparently somewhat changed, 
this they attribute to the subtlety of men, who know how to con- 
ceal their wicked propensities. 

This, they say, is all they have learned from their fathers on 
the subject of the Creation ; which has been handed down to 
them, and which they beUeve to be true. And they add if they 
had been able to write as you are, they would have transmitted 


and left us all the particulars on these matters, which they could 
not do, because they know not the art of writing. 

Here, esteemed reader, you have all, both general and parti- 
cular, that was worth writing, concerning the manners, opin- 
ions, and acts of the Indians in the New-Netherlands, which I 
could discover, and also which any of our Christians from the dis- 
covery of the country, could ascertain from them ; and although 
much is fabulous and. contrary to truth, I have nevertheless com- 
mitted the same to writing. The more discerning f and I have 
heard some of them philosophize on the matter) taJie a more 
extensive view, and have high speculations, and know, as we 
«ay, with Virgil, how to extract gold from the filth of Euvius.* 

* Probably a misptint for JE^nitif. But Virgil does not mention his indebted- 
ness to Ennius, whom another Roman poei deacribes as ingenio maximut^ arte 



Under the title of the wild animals of the New-Nethcrlaiidsy 
we remain indebted for a description of the uncommon and nat* 
ural habits of the beavers. Having said much of the manners 
and customs of the natives, we will in this place fulfil our 
promise on the subject of the beaver. This animal has attract- 
ed many persons to the country. We will begin by stating the 
opinions of the ancient and later writers on the beaver, and 
by following the truth show how far they have wandered from 
it on this matter. 

Pliny, the great naturalist, in his XXXII Book, Chap. 3, 
says that the Umbs of the beaver, whereby he means the testi- 
cles, arc very useful for many purposes in medicine. And that 
the animals when sought by the hunters for their tests, and 
when closely pursued, would castrate themselves with their 
teeth and leave the parts for the hunters, which the creatures 
knew to be the prize sought after. This most of the old nat* 
uralists and physicians believed to be true ; altliough some de 
nicd the same, still they held that the beaver cods, which they 
named castorium, possessed many medicinal virtues. 

They wTite that the beavers could bite very sharp ; that they 
could lell trees as if cut with an axe. Ofaus and Albertus 
remark on their carrying of wood for their houses. They also 
stale that the beavers' tails are very long, and that tliat part is 
fish ; that beavers will attack men and bile them severely, with 
many other things differing widely from the truth. Hence it 
may be inferred, that neither of them have ever seen a beaver, 
but have related their uncertain propositions upon the credit of 
ignorant, unlettered persons. VVe may give credit to their 
dechurations, when they relate that they used beaver flesh and 
cods for medicines. This was their art; the virtue of tho 
specific lay in the faith of the patients, which they saw suited 
their designs. 

We will now relate in connection the disorders for which lliey 
say the medicines prepared from beaver testicles were infallw 
ble remedies. The smelhng of beaver-cods will produce sneez- 
ing and cause sleep — connected with the oil of roses and hogs- 
lard, and rubbed on the head of a drowsy person, it will pro- 
duce wakefulness. Taken in water, it serves to remove idiocy. 
The sleeping are awakened by rubbing witli cod oil. Two 
quarts of the oil, mixed with polay-water, will restore the menses 
to women, and remove the second birth. Beaver oil is good 
for dizziness, for trembling, for the rheumatism, for lameness, 
for the pain in the stomach, and for apoplexy, when the stomach 
»« greased with it. Again, when taken inwardly, it removes 


the falling sickness and stoppages in the body, pain in the 
bowels, and poison. It cures the tooth-ache ; dropped in tlie 
eai*, it cures the ear-ache. Tingling and rustling in the cars is 
cured by a few drops of Macolim sap. Beaver oil, mixed 
with the best honey and rubbed on the eyes, restores the sharp- 
ness of sight. Beaver water is an antidote for all poisons, but 
to preserve it good it must be kept in the bladder. Those who 
have the gout, should wear slippers and shoes made of beaver 

After relating all those things we will proceed to an accurate 
description of the beaver, as we have found and known the ani-r 
mal. And that none may believe tliat I treat upon a subject 
which is unknown to me, the re^derwill please observe that in 
the New-Netherlands, and in the adjacent country, about eighty 
thousand beavers have been killed aimually, during my reside 
ence of nine years in the country. I have frequently eaten 
beaver flesh, and have raised and kept their young. I have 
also handled and exchanged many thousand skins. 

A beaver is a four footed animal that feeds on vegetables, 
and keeps in water and on land, coated with fur and hair, short-^ 
legged, quick, timid and subtle, and commonly as thick as it is 
long. The Greek name of this animal is castor^ tlie Latin is 
eyber* the Dutch is heever. The other names by which it is 
known in Europe, are mostly derived from the foregoing. 
It has feet like tne otter, or like other wild and tame creatures 
l^hich keep on land. 

The fo(xi of the beaver is not, ajs some suppose, fish and prey 
like the otter's ; to which end the beaver ha^ been described 
and delineated witli a fish in its mouth, and to be part fish and 
part flesh. It feeds on the bark of several kinds of wood, on 
roots, rushes and greens, which it finds in the woods, fields and 
bushes, near the water sides. The kinds of bark whereon it 
feeds, are of the water willow, birch, and maple trees, which 
grow plentifully near the water sides, and of all other trees, 
which are not sour or bitter to the taste, which they dishke. 

The beavers keep, (as is said, which is true,) in tlie water 
and on land ; therefore they may be named land and water anir 
mals, but they are mostly on the dry land, and get most of tlieir 
food on land, consisting of bark and herbage. The wood and 
grass used in the construction of their house are got on tlie land ; 
they remain whole nights on land, and they cannot live and 
remain long under the water, particularly when they are chased 
and fatigued. In the water they obtain a scanty subsistence 
from the bark of roots of trees which extend into the water from 
the margin of the water courses, and the weeds and bushes 
which grow in some places, but mostly on the margin of tlie 
water. Tlie true and certain reason why the beavers keep so 

• Misprint for/lbcr.— lA, 


much in the water arises from their natural timidity, which is 
^supported by the testimony of the great beaver catcners. Be- 
ing naturally timid, the creature can best preserve and secure 
itself much better and easier in the water than on land. To 
that end, as will be detailed hereafter, they construct their abodes 
over the water, having apertures in the lower stories that 
communicate with the water, from which tliey can readily 
retreat under water to places of safety, which they have alwajB 
prepared near their houses ; these consist of a hollow or hole 
entwining under water from the side of the stream whereon 
their houses are erected and ascendinff under the bank, into 
which they retreat on the approach of danger — wherein they 
seem to be so safe and secure that no person can molest them. 
The beaver's skin is rough, but very thickly set with fine 
wool (fur) of an ash grey colour, inclinmg to blue. The out- 
ward points also incline to a nisset or brown colour. From the 
beaver fur, or wool, the best hats are made that are worn, which 
are named beavers or castoreums, after the materials from which 
the same are made, being at present known over all £urq)e. 
Outside of the coat of fur many shining hairs appear, which are 
called wind hairs, that more properly are winter hairs, foi 
those fall out in summer and appear again in the fall. This 
outer coat is of a chestnut brown colour — the browner the bet- 
ter — it sometimes will be somewhat reddish. When hats are 
made of the fiir, tlie rough hairs are plucked out, bein^ useless. 
The skins usually arc first sent to Russia (Muscovy) wliere they 
are highly esteemed for the outside shining hair, and on that 
their greatest recommendation depends with the Russians. 
There the skins are used for mantle linings, and are also cut 
into stripes for borders, as we cut the rabbit skins. Therefore 
we name the same peltries. Whoever there has the most and 
costliest fur trimmings is esteemed the greatest, as with us, the 
finest stuffs and gold and silver embroidery are considered the 
appendages of the great. After the hairs have fallen out, or are 
worn, and the peltries become old and dirty, and apparently use- 
less, we get the articles back and convert the fiur into hats, be- 
fore which it cannot be well used for this purpose, for unless the 
beaver has been worn and is greasy and dirty, it will not felt 
properly — therefore those old peltries are most valuable. The 
coats which the Indians make of beaver skins, and have worn 
a long time around their bodies, until the same have become 
foul with sweat and grease — those afterwards are used by the 
hatters and make the best hats. They also work it with the 
combed wool or fur (which is so called) because the beaver 
skins before the same are sent to Russia are combed, by which 
process much of the fur is taken out of the long hair (or wind 
liair) with a comb— this is also worked witli thepeltry fur, after 
its return from Russia. 


The beavers have very short legs, appearing as if there were 
no middle bones, and when they run, their legs are scarcely 
observable, and appear as if their feet were joined to their bo^ 
dies, with which they move. Their claws or paws are bare 
and blackish, with strong, brown nails, bound with a thick, 
strong skin, like swans' feet, which they resemble, but are not 
80 broad, being shorter before than behind. The hinder part of 
the body is short, much like that of a goose or swan. The 
forefeet (as the creature has a short neck, or is almost without 
a neck, tbe head being near the shoulders) stand near the head, 
Therefore when they run, which they do with great activity, 
their whole body appears to touch the ^ound and appears to 
be too heavy for their small short legs : but far from it, they are 
well provided by nature with strong sinews and muscles and 
are very strong. 

The beavers are so quick, that they not only can run wonder- 
fully over the earth, when we consider their formation, avoid- 
ing men and dogs ; but in the water they seem as active as 
fishes. Therefore the Indians must take them in traps ; or 
when they lay in their burrows in the earth, they know now to 
take and kill them with long rammers (which have lances 
affixed at the ends) inserted at the holes of their burrows. That 
the beavers according to the meaning of Olaus Magnus and 
Albertus, will be inclined to bite and wound persons dreadfully^ 
is a mistake ; for it is a timid creature, whicn seeks to preserve 
itself by flight if possible, and as it has a sharp scent and hear-^ 
ing, we seldom happen to see it on the land. Nor will it ever 
keep near man like the otters, which the latter sometimes do. 
The beavers keep in deep swamps, at the waters and morasses,, 
where no settlements are. Still when they are beset and bitten 
by dogs, they can defend themselves very well, and do great in- 
jury to a common dog, when they take hold of the same with 
their foreteeth ; but as to their attacking men with violence, it 
is erroneous. I have seen and conversed with hundreds of 
beaver hunters, but have never known more than one who had 
been bitten by a beaver in his shoulder and received a bad 
wound. This happened when the hunter's dog and a beaver 
were striving for the mastery, and the hunter stooped down to 
help his dog ; when the beaver missing the dogprobably, in terror 
and misery, bit the hunter in his shoulder. 

That the beavers are subtle animals appears by the construc-^ 
tion of their houses, and in rearing their young, which we will 
presently relate, with their continual watch, which they keep 
to prevent surprise and being taken ;: which, we are informed^ 
they keep at every house, for "the beavers commonly have six 
or seven in a feunUy in every house, at which they in turn keep 
watch. It is certain that when it freezes Vvax^^ ^\as3gl ^x^a^ 


quently does where the most and best beavers resort, there al- 
ways sits one, not as AJbertus and Magnus assert, with half of 
the body in the water (for this would be impossible in severe 
frost). The beaver can keep above water without pain, whick 
they nevetherlcss on tlie contrary feel ; but I assert that one of 
the family always sits near the running water, for they always 
build on running waters, that with tlie striking of their taib 
they keep it open ; the noise of which resembles the continual 
striking of a person with his flat hand, by which means they p^^ 
vent the freezing of the water and keep it open. This is not 
done because, as the doctors say, they cannot remain out of 
water without pain, but to keep the entrance of the houses 
open, so that tney can seek food, and in case of danger, that 
they can readily with little difliculty retreat to their strongholds, 
which they always have near their houses under tlie banks of 
the water courses. 

The form of a beaver resembles the shape of a cucumber 
which has a short stem, or a duck that has the neck and head 
cut off, or like a ball of yarn wound in long form and flattened a 
little, being often thicker than long, or like a swine which is 
flat on the back, with its belly hanging down. The dead bea- 
ver resembles a dead mole wliich is somewhat flattened with 
the foot. 

When full grown, the skins are about an ell long and an eH 
broad ; they are not round, but frequently nearly square. From 
this size up to five quarters, llic skins arc merchantable— they 
arc seldom larger. From December to the first of June, tlie 
skins are good, and then they arc killed. The fall skins have 
the winter hairs in part, with very little fur. The summer 
skins and those taken from ungrovvn beavers are of little value. 
Still the Indians kill all they find when they are hunting. 

Their houses, as SextiuSy AlbertuSy and Olaus say, tliey con- 
struct always over a running stream, with several stories, four, 
five, or more, above each other, of curious workmanship, and 
worthy of speculation. Every apartment and story in their 
houses is made perfectly tight wilji wood, grass and clay to the 
top, which keeps out the rain. They loclge in those houses in 
whole families, and parts of families, and break out hke bees, 
with their increase when disturbed. The wood used in the con- 
struction of their houses is of the soft kind, such as maple, pine, 
white-wood, &c. which they find laj-ing along the water courses. 
When this suj)j)ly is insufficient, they have recourse to the near* 
est trees, wliich is done as follows. When a beaver intends to 
fell a tree, it selects one of a proper size, of about six inches 
diameter, the bark of which is not bad tasted. The beaver then 
begins cutting with its front teeth, of which it has two in the 
upper and two in the lower jaw ; very strong and about half 


ui inch long, more or less, according to its age. Those teeth are 
yellow on the outside. When this is scraped off and taken in- 
wardly, it will cure the jaundice. With those teeth, which are 
common to the squirrels and other animals, they commence 
gnawing, making a cut of about a hand's breadth or more around 
the tree, which they work at until the tree falls, and then the 
ends resemble the turned whip-tops used by children. Whether 
they look up when the tree falls, to observe its direction, I have 
never heard. But I have seen many trees which had been cut 
down by the beavers, that had fallen fast against trees that sto od 
near by, that were left by the animals. After a tree has fallen 
down, they then gnaw off the wood into proper lengths for th eir 
work. They carry the wood together, and nearly all the inhab it- 
ants of the New-Netherlands know that many skins are sold from 
which the outside wind hairs are worn off on the back, which 
are called wood-carriers' skins, because they carried wood for 
the construction of their houses ; this is not done as the an- 
cients relate, between their legs, as upon a sled or waggon ; 
but the Indians who have seen the beavers labour, have 
frequently told me, that after the wood is cut off and ready 
for removal, the female places herself under the piece to be re- 
moved, which the male and the young ones support on her back 
to the place where it is used. In this manner every stick is 
carried. That the carrier is dragged by its tail with the wood, 
lying on its back, by the other beavers, is a fabulous tale. The 
tail of a beaver is not large and long, as the ancients remark. 
The largest are not larger and broader than a man's hand, with- 
out the thumb. Their tails also are tender and would not bear 
pulling by the same with the sharp teeth of another beaver. 

The beaver tails are flattish, without hair, coated with a skin 
which appears as if set with fish scales, and when chopped up 
with the flesh of the beaver, it is a delicate food, and is always 
preserved for the Emperor's table, whenever a beaver is caugnt 
m Germany, which seldom happens. The beaver tails excel all 
other flesh taken on land and in the water. Wherefore the In- 
dians deem it a special favour to permit us to partake with them 
of apart of a beaver's tail ; and they will seldom part with any 
beaver flesh. The most of the settlers in the New-Netherlands 
have never tasted it — ^but the best and most excellent part of a 
beaver is its tail. The Indians will seldom part with it, unless 
on an extraordinary occasion as a present. 

The beaver like the swine goes with young sixteen weeks ; 
they bear once a year and in summer, some earlier than others, 
ana have four in a Utter, except at the first, when they some- 
times have but two or three. The young beavers, whenever 
they are brought forth, cry Uke children, so that a person coming 
to a place where there is a young beaver, if he did not know to 


the contrary, would suppose a child was at hand. The beaven 
have two paps between the fore-legs at the breast, resemblii^ 
the paps of a woman, and no more. She suckles her you^g 
sitting and permits two to suckle at the same time, like chikben 
standing at the breast. Meanwhile the others lay, as if they 
were crying, in their nest — they are suckled in turn. A young 
beaver is a beautiful creature ; is easily raised and will become 
as tame as a dog, and will feed on any food, like cats, except flesh 
and fish, wliich tliey will cat when boiled. When they are taken 
very young tliey require milk, which they readily learn to suck 
from a rag-teat, out of a horn. They are gentle to handle as a 
young dog, and will not get cross or bite. When grown they 
are fond of the water, and will sport and play in a stream wito 
astonishing agility; and if they are not confined in locked 
waters, by going into streams every day they stroll away and 
become wild, and do not return agam, Uke the deer, which also 
can be made venr tame. 

The doctors of medicine, as before related, ascribe many me- 
dicinal virtues to the beaver cods, which they name castorium. 
Aristotle, Pliny, and the writers of those days meant that the 
beavers seldom castrated themselves. But Olaus Magmu^ 
Agricolay Albertus, and Sextius have not admitted this, but sa^ 
much fraud was practised in the sale of beaver-cods, which is 
evident. And as I have been at great pains to arrive at a cer- 
tainty on this subject, for which purpose I have not only exam- 
ined many Indians carefully, who were most acquainted with 
the matter, but have also with my own hands opened many 
beavers, which I have examined curiously ; the result of which, 
friendly reader, on this occasion will not be withheld from you. 

I have heard, that for medicinal purposes, small kegs of dried 

and salted cods have been shipped to be sold by druggists, but 

for the most those were beaver kidneys, dugs, or not the real 

castor cods, therefore the article did not sell well. Several 

persons also have left the New-Netherlands for Holland, who 

took with them, as they supposed, the real cods, which they had 

obtained from the Indians ; but on their arrival, they were foimd 

to be a spurious article. Having heard of tliis several times, 

my curiosity became excited, and I even doubted whether I had 

seen real castor cods. All I had seen were round, some larger 

than others, but as long as they hung to smoke or dry, the fat 

drof)pcd out as from pork hung in the sun. Finally I observed 

one somewhat long, like a preserved pear, shrivelled and a little 

musky. This I presented to on experienced physician in the 

New-Netherlands, who pronounced it to be a true beaver cod, 

of the proper kind, and as the article should be. It happened 

at this time that beavers were found not far from my residence, 

and several were brought to me by the Indian hunters, unopened 


ind fresh; these I opened and examined with great care 
for the real castor cods, but to no purpose. I found deep in the 
body, under the os pubis, or eys bone, small ballats hke a 
fleur-de-lis f which in Holland were pronounced spurious. At 
last, a discreet Indian hunter, who had assisted me in my ex 
perimental dissections, after I had represented to him that th^ 
subjects sought for were flattish, and in fonn somewhat resembled 
a pear, advised the opening of a female beaver. We took 
in hand a female which was with young, to see how the young 
lay ; upon which I found against the back bone two testiculos, 
of Uie form which I souglit after, flattish like some pears, re- 
sembling young calves' testSy and yellowish, covered with a tol- 
erable tough neece or skin. I took them out, and for further 
certainty imd assurance, that it was a female beaver, I removed 
four young from the body. After some time I presented those 
testicles to the doctor before mentioned, at the Governor's house, 
before much company. The doctor and all present pronounced 
the articles real beaver testicles. After I had related to them 
the whole procedure, they were amazed, but adhered to their 
first opinion, and that the same were the real beaver castor cods. 
Afterwards I have opened more beavers with the like result ; 
therefore, without prejudice to the feelings of any person, I am 
decidedly of opinion, that the real castorium is found in the fe- 
males aiKl not in the males. The round balls of the males the 
Indians carve fine, and suck much with their tobacco : — it is 
healthy and well tasted. The fat or pork around the body of a 
beaver is frequently two or three fingers thick, of which the In- 
dians are very fond. It resembles fed pork. The tails are 
great deUcacies. The Indians always burn the beaver bones, 
and never permit their dogs to gnaw the same ; alleging that 
afterwards they will be unlucky in the chase. 

The beavers are usually all of the same colour ; a few are a 
little browner than others. Among all the beaver skins I have 
seen, no more than one was of a different colour, and that 
was white. The outer wind-hairs were golden yellow. This 
skin was shipped on board the ship Princess, with Director 
Kieft, which was lost at sea. 





vrov tHi 

My worthy friend : — I have heretofore embraced several op- 
portunities and read with attention the particular description of 
the natural formation of the New-Netheriands, and of the appear- 
ance and customs of the country, and have arrived at the con- 
clusion that a burgher, farmer, or mechanic, and all other per- 
sons, can gain a comfortable subsistence in that country. I 
have, however, long desired to know your opinion in rela- 
tion to other subjects connected with tne settlement of that 
coimlry, and therefore request your answers to the following 
propositions : — 

First. — Whctlicr it would be of any service to this city, if 
the said country arrived at a flourishing condition, and wherein 
those advantages would consist and be continued. 

Secondly. — If there should be a great increase of population 
and riches in the country, whether the land presents situations 
for defence against an enemy, or robbers, by the construction 
of fortifications ? 

Thirdly. — Whether the country presents proper situations 
for commerce and at what places, and in what articles we 
could trade to advantage; and, in short, please to stale the 
sulijecl.s in connection and solve the same according to your 
own reflections ? 

Nnr-Net/icrlandrr, Although T am not as well informed 
on the subjects of inciuiryas I would wish to be, still I will en- 
deavour to answer your propositions. And first : — whether it 
would be of service to this city, if New-Netherlands were 
flourishing ? 1 answer, yes — for the following reasons— or to 


come closer to your question, the advantages which this city 
may derive from that country are as follow : — 

First. — ^If difficulties should arise with Spain, (which God 
forbid!) there then is no place in the world better situated, 
from which to strike at the heart and vitals of that nation, than 
from the New-Netherlands, where we have all things together, 
such as provisions, ship-timber, plank, knees, masts, &c., that 
are necessary to equip our ships, in abundance. Whenever we 
desire to improve those advantages, we can do so without 

Secondly. — If it should happen that iron, timber, ashes, 
grain, and other articles which we now receive from the 
east, should fall short, tbe deficiencies can be supplied from 
the New-Netherlands in abundance, if we encourage and ad- 
vance the settlement of the country, without which it is worth 

Thirdly. — By so doing we shall always have a free and 
unobstructed commerce to and fro, and enjoy a free and profit- 
able trade with the Lords' colony, from and to their own 
country, which in time will increase so much as now is deem- 
ed incredible. We see how much the trade has advanced in 
two or three years since we have encouraged the settlement of 
the country, and by going on from year to year, the gain 
will advance proportionally. But more of this upon the third 

Fourthly. — By pursuing this course and encouraging the 
population of the country, we could derive formidable assist- 
ance from the same in men and means in times of need, which 
causes all repubKcs to be respected by those who envy their 

Fifthly. — And as we well know that this country is visited 
by many people who seek emplojrment, and who always found 
business ; but since the peace, there is not much employ- 
ment, and there are many persons injuriously idle — hence it 
certainly appears, that it would be of service to the country to 
settle another Netherland with the excess of our population, 
which can be easily done, as a sheet-anchor and support to the 
state. By this I consider your first question answered. 

Patriot, In common I observe some reasons advanced by 
you ; but I have frequently heard persons of understanding say 
that Spain need not thank herself for her outlandish colonies, 
beer use they attract so many persons from home as frequently 
to create internal troubles and injury, and leave dwellings vacant 
and neglected. Now we know well, that the most important 
subjects require most attention — the shirt before the coat. 
Please to solve me this difficulty. 

New-Netherlander. As for Spain, it is certaixv\baXNd>Ia»N^ 

230 ▼AN DER D0NCK*8 

her outlandish colonies, she would not be as powerful as Aeis, 
This is a round O. Still, that her colonies withdraw her pq»- 
lation, by which it may follow that many of the poor places in 
Spain are left uncultivated, all this maybe true. But between 
tlic advantages of Spain and the United Netherlands this differ- 
ence is so great that all the reasons which are contra there are 
pro lierc. It would be tedious to enter into detailed reasoniu 
on the subject. To be brief, we consider the countries whicfl 
lay contiguous to Spain, as Italy, France, and Portugal, as good 
as Spain itself, where there is abundant cmplo3mient for Ti^laot 
native citizens, who are more frequently consumed and destrov- 
ed by wars than with us ; but here, around the Netherlands, in 
Eastland, Germany, Westphalia, Bcrgland, Walland, &c., from 
which Uie people came in numbers to seek employment, and 
gain a living, as they should do, otherwise this emigFatioD 
would cease, and the reputation of our country be injured— we 
could spare from the Netherlands thousands from year to year, 
and send them abroad without injury ; and if ever there should 
happen to be any defect in our population, this would be sup- 
plied from the neighbouring countries. At a word, we could 
use those people and make them Nethcrlanders. Our neigb- 
bours must put up with it, and the people who now go to die 
New-Netherlands arc not lost or destroyed, but are as if they 
were placed at interest, for we know how fast the population 

Patriot. Do you then conclude that the Netherlands are 
belter than the eiistern countries of Germany, &c. are ? 

NetV'N ether lamlcr. We evidently have not intended to ad- 
vance this, but when that question occurs, it will solve itself. 
But that, in the provinces of this city, there are at present (by 
the goodness of Ciod) more prosperous merchants, manufactur- 
ers, mechanics and traders, than in the countries mentioned, is 
certain ; the H arise towns not excepted — ^wherc the bait is, there 
the eagles gather. The habits of the Nethcrlanders are as 
favourable to strangers as to native citizens. Thus they arc 
induced to come to us, particularly craftsmen of every profes 
sion, who can always find advantageous employment, and in 
time, by confomiing to our customs, become as citizens. 
Hence I conclude that out of this country we can send as many 
colonial settlers as Spain can, and one-half more, without miss- 
ing any man out from the Netherlands. We could increase 
our strength by so doing ; for they who are colonists in tlic 
New-Netherlands become Nethcrlanders as well as they do 
who become burghers here, and remain devoted to us. 

Patriot. This I would now begin to understand with you ; 
that the population of this city might not be unserviceable there, 
but this objection arises. When men of property and fashion 


go to that country, which is the case already, where, it is said, 
something may be gained, and where careful and industrious 
people flourish and prosper, for such become persons of import- 
ance, or at least their descendants do — what certainty can such 
persons have for themselves, and their property? I mean cer- 
tainty, without circumstances ? 

IseW'Netherlander. I take this well, sir ; but this is evi- 
dently the sound question which you propounded to me, wherein 
I have already given you a clear and decisive answer. 

Patriot. Not so certain and satisfactory as you suppose. 
For I consider that to be a country which we have found, which 
is easy of access by sea and by land, open and unsupplied, or un- 
furnished with any considerable fortifications. The EngUsh and 
the Indians are strong and numerous around it. The Portu- 
guese and other pirates can easily invade the place on the sea- 
board, in a short time ; for it is easy of access, and near the 
ocean, and what is more, you well know that our nation is 
particularly attached to commerce. This I understand to be 
their principal object. They arc industrious as merchants ; but 
to the security of the country they pay but Uttlc attention ; they 
trust to the miUtia, who are few in numbers. In fact I see great 
danger there, for if we took property to that country, or gained 
property therein, we are still insecure in our possessions. * 

New-Netherlander, Will you be pleased to answer yourself, 
or refer to previous remarks ; then I may be silent ; for if I 
showed you the country, nothing would be gained. And although 
there may appeSir to be some reason in your remarks, they lay 
undistinguisned and unconnected, appearing like something, but 
in truth imfounded. 

Patriot. I will frankly admit your explanation under a 
promise not to prejudge the subject on party grounds, according 
to your request, for that would be useless argument. 

New-Netherlander. You do well, sir; for that is the only 
way to elicit truth; and if my memory extends far enough, 
your objections will be answered. What kind of a country the 
New-Netherlands is, and how its possession was acquired, i» 
fully detailed in the history of its discovery, whereon it is unne- 
cessary to dilate in a particular manner. The West India Com- 
pany, m connection with others from time to time, have expended 
many tons of gold in the establishment, and for the security of 
their colony. It has not been brought to its present situation 
without much cost and trouble. 

You say in the second place, that the country is unprovided 
with proper fortifications lor its defence, and that its seaboard is 
unprotected, the land sides also. You advance too much. Ob- 

• The invasion of Col. Nicholls, in 1664, provci ihc correctnws of the Patri»iU 
remarks. — Trans. 


serve, sir, that the South and the North riTers, are lead-menU 
waters,* and for those who are unacquainted, the risk is great and 
the entries almost impossible. The bars and sand flats frequenl* 
ly shift their positions, and when an enemy has entered, his 
work is not done, he must come to places where he will find 
business, and pass forts of considerable strength on advanta^ 
ous positions, equal to the forts of this country ; and by tM 
increase of men and means, as necessity requires, all is safe. 
The land fortifies itself, and presents positions which can be 
easily rendered impassable. Sandy Hook, the Highlands, HeO- 
Gate, and the head lands of the bays, can be rendered impreg- 
nable against human skill, whenever it is necessary. Where 
we have little, we hazard little. He who will take a stirer 
from another, will not readily hazard two. 

Patriot, This is well ; but if I could be there, I would not 
seek your bays and havens, for I have read that the whole coast 
presents a sand beach. It is not subject to heavy winds from 
the sea, and has good anchor ground. There I would cast m 
ground hooks, and attack you in your rear, where you are un- 
prepared. How would that suit you ? 

New- Netherlander. This is easily said, but innmossible to 
perform. It is true you might with great hazard effect a land- 
mg, but your work would not be over, for the whole coast of the 
New-Netherlands presents double forelands, between which lay 
broad shallow waters, or there are islands two or three deep ; and 
if you overlook and despise the inside waters, tell me where you 
will find boats to cross your men over the bays ? This is work 
for madmen. It cannot be done ; and if any person would at- 
tempt such work of folly, vvc would know it before a landing 
was effected from the Indians who watch the seashore, and are 
rewarded for giving intelligence whenever ships appear on the 

Patriot. But what do you say of Long Island? 

New- Netherlander, There also nothing can be done ; for 
Long Island has double fore-lands nearly its whole length ; and 
admit that you were upon it, how would you get off? and 
what would it benefit you ? Nothing but damage and great 
danger. If there was to be anything done, it must be at New- 
Amsterdam. If you now answer, I would be there ; I place 
before your nose, first that you can hardly get there, on account 
of your ignorance of the navigable waters. We would always 
know it a day or two before hand. The Hook and .the head 
lands will be fortified, and what is more, without passing under 
the cannon of Fort Amsterdam, you cannot get there, whereon 
there are so many cannon mounted, that I am of opinion the half 
will not be required to repel any invading foe for fifty years to 

^That is, requiring the aid of a lootUman, or pilot— Eo. 


Patriot, Very good. All this appears favourable against 
an outward invasion from the sea ; but you have the Indians 
within, and the EngUsh are numerous on either side. You know 
very well how dangerous it is to have such powerful and tickhsh 
neighbours. What do you say to this ? 

Neto-Netherlander, As for the native Indians they need not 
be feared. They may terrify a stranger or a new comer. 
Read the History of the New-Netherlands, under the title of 
their Wars, you will find no organized regiments, companies, or 
regular military force, they are impatient under restraint, and 
cannot effect much. The last war we had with them, when We 
were not half as strong as we now are, they remember so well 
that they will not readily begin again. When we speak of the 
beginning of the troubles with them, there was little fault on their 
side ; still it is done and past. But respecting the English, that 
subject deserves deep reflection, and presents diflSculties and dan- 
gers, and I assure you that we of the New-Netherlands are not so 
proud as to be easily enticed, nor do we desire to get into diffi- 
culties or war with those of Virginia or of New-England. 

Patriot. Get into quarrels, man ! we would anxiously desire 
to avoid the same. But you can no longer have rest or peace, 
unless your neighbours agree with you in the same opinion. 

New- Netherlander, This does not appear clear, nor do I 
know how the matter stands between you and them ; but I have 
read, and understand that it is not always wise not to justify 
yourself in necessary cases, and at once to call the party to ac- 
count. This should be done, unless intercession follows, when 
we may for various reasons effect our purpose, before a third 
party plays. I would refer you to many historical examples, to 
prove this position, but because they all agree in the same con- 
clusion, and as those are tender and delicate matters, (for good 
reasons) we pass them over and return to the New-Netherlands. 
To satisfy you on this subject. The Virginians can do nothing 
imless they come by sea. Their account is answered already. A 
land march presents insurmountable difficulties. The people of 
New-England are much stronger than we are ; but that it will 
suit them better than it will us to enter into unnecessary disputes, 
is a matter I do not profess to know, seeing they possess a coun- 
try wherein commerce must prosper, ivhich they cannot pur- 
sue to advantage southward of Cape Cod without passing our 
channel within Long Island. Agam, they lie open along the 
coast above one hundred miles, without forts, soldiers, or arma- 
ments for their security. Their planters and inhabitants are 
trained for defence jgainst the Indians, for which they are suffi- 
cient ; and if we suner any afiront from them, they must know 
that we, with few men, and less than we can spare in New- 
Netherlands for the purpose, in small parties, can ransack their 



whole country, seeing they lie widely dispersed in amaB de- 
fenceless villages contiguous to the woods, which may be sur- 
prised and destroyed by night, and the parties again retire id 
safety through the woods ; so that I do not fear them much. 
Nor would tlicy trouble us without an express command of 
Parliament, which will not be readily given, as in so doin^ open 
war with England would follow, whicn they desire as luue here 
as we do there. You may not incUne to believe that the peofde 
of New-England are not madmen. Can you discern that it is 
not their interest to give offence, or to war against us ? Not 
that I ascribe all this to their good will ; but their interest and 
advantage bind them to peace. Danger and difficulties lie in a 
contrary course. 

As for the Portuguese and pirates spoken of, there is little to 
be feared from them. The difficulties already stated are a pro- 
tection against such invaders. But admit that a pirate entered 
with a sloop in disguise — what would it amount to? The 
place would be his grave before he could do any injury. With- 
out an army no danger need be apprehended. 

Our national character is well known. They delight in com- 
merce. It is apparent in their habits. But mark, sir, the dif- 
ference between national governments. Where is the govem- 
ment on earth which is inclined to do more by art and money, 
to fortify and secure their country than the Netherlanders are? 
There are no people under the sun as liberal for such purposes 
as our nation. Still it must be well financiered. Every one 
enjoys the freedom to talk about it, when it frequently wouJd be 
better to let it alone. But to speak freely of the New-Netherlands 
before persons in power there, it would be proper to have au- 
thority from their superiors here for tliat purpose ; and then we 
must commonly observe how their humour leads, and take the 
proper time to have our requisition answered. The same is 
also frequently practised here, though this is, salva et integrare^ 
thus spoken. But in instances of immediate need, we must on 
the occasion make and found the law. And herewith, sir, I 
trust that your firm conclusions are somewhat weakened. 

PatiHot. Since now, though not wiUingly, I admit that 
the dangers are not so great as was supposed by me, we will 
therefore drop that subject, and speak of the commerce ; and 
tell me, at once, how that is to be supported in time by the pop- 
ulation ? 

New-Netherlander, It is a pleasure to me to have satisfied 
you thus far. Upon the fourtn proposition you will receive 

Patriot, Places which will suit us must possess convenient 
situations for trade ; otherwise they will not please us> although 
the territory be ever so great. In Germany, under the Electors 


ef Brandenburg, in the Palatine, and other places near at hand, 
there is land and territory enough ^ but that amounts to nothing, 
as they possess few places for trade, and therefore the countries 
cannot prosper. 

New-Netherlander. We must look to commerce, and there 
we can have it ; and that which at present is carried on in the 
New-Netherlands, consists mostly in grain, as wheat, rye, peas, 
barley, &c., and in pork, beef, fish, beer and wine, and what is 
necessary for families, for the back and the belly. All other 
things are plenty, which, with the commerce of navigable 
streams, of which we will treat, quantities are sent to the islands 
in the West Indies, with which we have long since assisted the 
islands ; and as the population increases, the productions will 
increase. The settlers who now come to the country raise their 
own provisions in the second year, and in the third year they 
have a surplus, which they exchange for wares and tobacco. 
They who can import articles, find many kinds of peltries, such 
as beaver skins, otters, bears, elk and deer skins, &c., as 
may be seen in the History of the country. The planting of 
vineyards is progressing, ana in time will be of importance. So 
also are the outland fisheries. If a hundred ship loads are re- 
quired, the fish are there during the whole winter. Train oil 
can be made at the South bays, where whales are plenty. 

Item. Timber, hemp, tar, ashes, and iron, &c., as treated of 
in the History, can be had there. But on leaving tliis subject, 
I will advance those reasons as I progress. 

First. — It is now about fifteen years since the New-Nether- 
lands has in earnest begun to be settled by freemen. In that 
time we have endured a destructive war, otherwise it would 
have been double to what it now is. For that which before had 
been done by the company, except the fortifications and a few 
houses, of little importance, the residue was destroyed in the war. 
Until now few people of property have emigrated to the country. 
All who went over wouM gain much and bring nothing, except 
the merchants, who brought something, but carried much more 
away, which is common. Thus in new countries at the first, 
there are few churchmasters but persons who anoint their own 
breast, and are careless about the means and the latter end, and 
regardless of the common good, worthy citizens not included. 
Still there are without deception many ffood men, who love 
orderly behaviour, and have erected good dwellings. 

Item. Many fine farits, plantations, pasturages, grain fields, 
gardens and orchards, with many fine cattle ; and if the land was 
not good, how could such things be there ? From that which is 
not good, nothing extraordinary can be derived. 

Secondly. — If we say yes to those things that cost the parties, 
the Company and others money enough, then we answer, that 

236 TAN DE& donck's 

here never has been sent as much to New-Netherlands as has 
been taken from it with interest. This you may deem strangey 
because there are so many accounts in arrears. But I do not 
say thtit the returns liave been recived by their proper owneis; 
for tlien I would speak contrary to my better knowledge. Con- 
sider what quantities of peltries were purloined from the com- 
Eany, before the trade was tlu'own open, that may be best known 
y comparing tlic quantities then accounted for with the present 
sliipments, although now the whole is not reported. Alter the 
trade has been free, little has been lost. All those who have 
knowledge on the subject know that the faith-penny which has 
been gained on the company's goods never came into their cof- 
fers, while all losses fell upon them. They also paid unneces- 
sary and extravagant monthly wages to those wtio defrauded 
them, and made good cheer every where, whereby they did 
themselves little good ; for it will go as it came. Yet I will add 
that much has been gained in ^ew-Netherlands which is not 
seen, because much has been fooled away, or has been brought 
over here, where j)ersons fare well with it; still it has at mst 
come from that country, or been gained upon its productions. 

Thirdly.— The country is well calculated and possesses the 
necessaries for a profitable trade. First, it is a fine fruitftil 
country. Secondly, it has fine navigable rivers extending far 
inland, by which the productions of 3ie country can be brought 
to places of traffic. The Indians, without our labour or trouUe, 
bring to us their fur trade, worth tons of gold, which may be in- 
creased, and is like irocxis found. To which may be added the 
grain and ])r()visi()n trade, which we proudly enjoy. 

Fourthly. — Tlie country is so convenient to the sea, that its 
value is enlianceil l)y its situation. On the northeast, within 
fuur or {ixc days sail, lay the valuable fishing banks. 

Itrm. Canada and New-England will bring a profitable in- 
land trade. On the southwest we have Virginia, which affords 
us a profitable tobacco trade with the Floridas, the Bahamas, 
and the other continent and West India islands, upon which 
reliance may be made. 

Patriot. ' But hy the treaty of peace those jiorts and harbours 
ar(i shut against us on every side. You cannot expect business 
in .«!uch places. 

Nf'wycthcrhf/uJrr, I acknowledge this, and believe, also, 
as all o\n- merchants have seen, what profit our country would 
have dcTived, if those i)orts had not been shut, and how ad- 
vantageously the West India Company would have been placed, 
if the shutting up of those places had not been consented to. 
Our trade should have extended to those places. 

Patriot, Oh, sir, you err ; that subject was not neglected. 

e did enough for it, but it would not take. The subject was 
nded to. 


New-Netherlander, Attended to ? I have nothing against 
it ; but the King of Spain was so situated that he could not have 
avoided the privilege, if we had abstained from his views, and 
insisted on the right ; at least, he might have been subjected to 
allow the taliter qtuditer^ with Spanish commissions to trade. 
In time we would have got on well enough in the business. At 
present it affords no prospect of succesful enterprise. Still the 
country remains. In New-Netherlands we have good courage, 
that when we have a more powerful population, we will be able 
to drive on a profitable trade by conomissions or otherwise to 
those places. We have the means, and they cannot easily 
hinder us. The island of Guraloa [Curacoa] belongs to New- 
Netherlands and lies within eight miles of Carthagena, on the 
main land, and in sight of the same. In addition to this, we 
have the advantageous trade of the Carribee Islands, which will 
increase as as our power increases. Hence we have nothing to 
fear, although timid persons may have heavy minds about us, 
and say, after we have produced many articles, where will you 
shift and vend the same f Lastly, what will hinder the New- 
Netherlanders ? Can they not visit France, Spain, Portugal, 
and the whole Mediterranean, as well from thence as from this 
country, when they have men and means ? which two things 
their imfailing population will produce, if no more emigrate to 
the country. In such a case their own increase would in time 
be suflScient. The land, in process of time, will cover those ad- 

Patriot. I will readily tell you what will obstruct and place 
hinderances in the way — the distance from those places ; for if 
you have not the articles necessary for negotiation, then you 
cannot send them and exchange for consumption, as we can 
from this country. 

New-Netherlander, It is true, sir, we provide now too far 
ahead, but the distance cannot support your positions; for we 
can from thence sail with one wind and come through a free and 
open sea, without the danger of shoals or enemies, and navigate 
the whole outer coast of Europe from Ireland to the Straits, 
without uncommon hinderances, in four weeks or less. Hence 
then is httle difference — ^what you gain in the one, you lose in 
the other. 

In conclusion, a country like the New-Netherlands, possesing 
such advantages for conunerce, and that of and within itself, and 
abounding with articles for commerce beyond its own wants, 
which it can spare — when attention is paid to the subject and 
the same be properly directed, will it not prosper? Judge for 

Patriot. It does not appear strange to me, and we would a 
not do wrong, in taking proper measures to advance the pros* Jr 

238 VAN DER donck's 

perity of that land, but more of this on another occasion. At 

})resent I deem my inquiries answered. In time I may think 
iuther upon the matter, and renew my inquiries. 

NeW'Netlierlander. That must then be done in the New- 
Netlierlands, for my departure is at hand, and I have now no 
leisure to enjoy your company. 

Patriot. Return, then, to that country, with good wiU, and 
may you find the same as you expect. 

rfew'Netherlander. With the help of God, my hope and 
design is such, and thus I take my leave and departure. 

Patriot. Well, sir, I wish that the Lord our God may grant 
you a prosperous voyage, and bless you with his special favour, 
and those who dwell in tiie New-Netherlands, in time and for- 
ever, to the furthering and magnifying of his Holy Name and 
Glory. Amen. 


Entered into and made between the Lords the Burgomastert 
of the city of A?nsterdam,and the West India Coffipany^ by 
the approbation of their High Mightinesses, the States 
General of the United Netherlands. 

Whereupon the following is presented to all those who, as 
colonists, desire to withdraw to the New-Netherlands, and who 
shall address themselves to the Hon. Lord Coenraed Burgh 
Counsellor and former Schepen, Henrick Roeters, Uj)per Com- 
missary of the Exchange, Efiwar/ Ma/i, Isaac Van Becck, Hector 
PietersZy and Johan TayspeJ, as Commissioners and Directors 
thereunto appointed, and named by the Burgomasters, upon the 
authority of the Council of this City, and commissioned, who 
will hold their sittings provisionally at the West India House, 
on Tuesdays and Thursdays, in the afternoon at half-past three 

Article 1. The colonists going thitherward, together with 
their families, needful household furniture, and other necessa- 
ries, shall be carried over in proper ships. 

Art. 2. The city of Amsterdam shall agree with the ship- 
pers, as they best can, for the transportation of persons and 

Art. 3. The same city shall pay the transport money, by 
form of advance, which shall hereafter be repaid in the manner 
hereafter mentioned. 

Art. 4. The said city shall advance to the colonists, to ena- 
ble them to settle honorably and prosperously, as foUows, viz : 


Art. 5. First, the said city shall provide and direct to a fruit- 
ful land, of a temperate and healthy climate, watered and lying 
against a salt, navigable river ; for which an agreement has 
been made with the West India Company, and where no per- 
sons can set up any adverse claims. 

Art. 6. That the said city shall provide a suitable piece of 
land on the bank of a river for a secure and proper dwelling 
place for the colonists. The place shall be provided with a 
trench and wall on the outer side, and the inner ground be laid 
out with streets, a market, and in lots for the advantage of 
merchants, mechanics, and those who will pursue agriculture— 
the whole to be done at the cost of the said city. 

Art. 7. The city of Amsterdam shall send to the said place 
a capable person to serve as a schoolmaster, who by provision 
shall be a preacher of the Holy Scriptures, and also a leader 

in psalmodv. 

Art. 8. The city shall also provide for and pay the salary of 
the school master. 

Art. 9. And to the end that the colonists may be provided 
with necessaries as far as is practicable, the said city shall sup- 
ply them with clothing and necessaries for one year, and also 
with seed grain ; and for the assurance and certamty of having 
the necessary supplies on hand, the city shall erect a large ma- 
gazine or warehouse in said place for the storage of clothing 
and necessaries for the people, wherein they shall keep their 
factor, who shall supply every colonist with necessary clothing, 
household necessaries, and husbandry articles at the same prices 
of this coimtry, the toll of the company not charged. 

Art. 10. Concerning the toll (commissions) of the company, 
the same shall be paid according to the annexed Ust of rates, and 
the city shall also provide in time that the tolls which are paid in 
the New Netherlands shall be there employed and expended, in 
the erection and support of such public works as shall be author- 
ized by this city and the West India Company. 

Art. 11. The said fortified place, destined for the dwelling 
of the colonists, whether it be named a city or town, (vZcA,/ 
shall be governed for political justice, in the manner of succes- 
sion, according to the present practice of the city of Amsterdam. 
Art. 12. They shall first have a Schout (sherifi*,) as chief of 
the police, {justicia,) installed as is done here. 

Art. 13. The Schout shall be installed in the name of their 
High Mightinesses, and of the West India Company, for the 
Deputies of Amsterdam, who, for that purpose, by procuration 
shall give authority to the Director. 

Art. 14. There shall also be three Burgomasters, to be 
cliosen by the common burghers from the honestest, richest^ 
and most capable men. 


Art. 15. There shall be five, or seven magistrates {Schep' 
enenjj for which purpose the burghers shall nominate a douUe 
number, from which a choice shall be made by the Directors 
upon procuration according to Art. 13. 

Art. 16. Whenever the city or town shall have increased to 
the number of 250 families or more, then the burghers shall elect 
a council of twenty persons, who shall assemble in council with 
the burgomasters and schepens, and resolve upon all sub- 
jects relating to the state of the said city. And this coun- 
cil, after it shall have been thus formed, shall have power to 
fill vacancies arising in their number by deaths or otherwise, 
by ordering the election of other persons by a fair majority of 
votes to fill such vacancies in the said city council. Elections 
for the burgomasters and for the council shall be held annually. 
The said body shall also have the nomination of the double 
number of schepens, from which the same shall be appointed 
as aforesaid. 

Art. 17. The Schepens may give final judgment upon 
arrests for all smns not exceeding 100 guilders. For sums ex- 
ceeding 100 guilders, the aggrieved party may appeal to the 
Director General and council. 

Art. 18. The said Schepens shall also have power in all 
criminal cases, but it is provided that appeals may be taken 
from their decisions. 

Art. 19. The city of Amsterdam shall agree with a smith, 
a wheelwright, and a carpenter, to remove to the said place for 
the benefit and service of the colonists. 

Art. 20. The aforesaid city of Amsterdam shall cause the 
land lying around and contiguous to such city or town, to be 
laid out into fields for tillage, pasturage and hay-land, and pro- 
vide ways to the same. 

Art. 21. To every person who desires to pursue farming, 
there shall be granted in firm and continued ovniership, as 
much tillable, pasture and hay-land, as he with his family can 
till and require, from twenty to thirty morgens or more, upon 
condition that all such land granted to any of the colonists 
shall, within two years after the same is granted, be brought 
into cultivation, upon pain of forfeiture and of the same being 
granted unto another. 

Art. 22. Every colonist shall freely hold and occupy his 
land without papng any per centage, horn-money, or salt- 
money, for ten years, calculatinff from the time his land was 
first sowed or mowed. When tnese ten years have expired, 
they shall not be burthened higher than the residue ot any 
neighbouring district are who stand under the administrators of 
the West India Company in the New-Netherlands. They 
shaQ also be free from the tenths for twenty years from the 


time of sowing or mowing as aforesaid. After said twenty 

J ears are exp red, a tenth snail be given to the city of Amster- 
am, with the understanding that then the half of the tenth shall 
be used there for the support of the pubhc works, and of thepersons 
employed in the public service for preserving and keeping of 
the same. And also, whenever any poundage or other assess- 
ments shall be paid, the same shall be employed for Uie erec- 
tion and maintaining of the public works, and for the payment 
of the persons who are in service in the same. 

Art. 23. The city of Amsterdam shall provide, that ships 
be regularly sent from Holland for the grain, seeds, timber and 
merchandise of the colonists, and to bring the same over 
for their benefit. They shall also be at liberty to freight ves- 
sels, upon consigning the same to the city of Amsterdam. 

Art. 24. The city of Amsterdam shall provide warehouses 
in Holland for the benefit of the colonists,- and for the recep- 
tion of their grain and articles of merchandise, and shall sell the 
same for the profit of the shippers, and again invest and remit 
the proceeds in such articles as shall be ordered, retaining a 
commission of two per cent, and a tenth of the net profits, 
to reimburse the said city for the money it has advanced for 
the transportation of the persons and goods of the colonists. 
This to continue until the advances are repaid, and no longer. 

Art. 25. The colonists of the New-Netherlands, whenever 
they want necessaries, may be supplied from the city ware- 
house, at the set price ; the accounts of such sales shall be 
remitted here, to have the same credited to the merchant, or 

Art. 26. The colonists may, for the building of houses, 
vessels, and also for sale, cut and procure timber in the nearest 
woods of their district, and from any other place in the jurisdic- 
tion of the West India Company in New-Netherlands, at their 
pleasure, from any land which has not been particularly reserv- 
ed, already granted, or that may be granted, subject to the fur- 
ther conditions also of Art. 28. 

Art. 27. The burgomasters of Amsterdam, as founders, 

()atrons, and having the jurisdiction, shall appoint a secretary 
egate for advancing the subalterns. 

Art. 28. The hunting in the wilderness, and also the fishing 
in all waters and rivers which have not already been granted, 
shall be free to all the colonists, subject to such regulations as 
shall be made under the authority of the Company, or of the 
Art. 29. The city of Amsterdam shall provide that all 

242 N£W-NET11ERLAND9. 

necessary implements of husbandry shall be shipped for the 
colonists free from recognition charges. 

Art. 30. If any of the colonists, by himself, his family, or his 
servants, shall discover any minerals, chryslals, precious stones, 
alabaster, &c., <kc., of whatever nature or kind soever the same 
may be, he shall possess the same as his own, free from any 
impost for ten years ; and at the expiration of ten years, he shall 
pay over to the company one-tentli part of the net profits pro- 
ceeding from the same. 

Art. 31. The city of Amsterdam shall provide a warehouse 
in said city, wherein shall be brought all tlie goods to be im- 
ported and examined, by a person appointed on the part of the 
West India Company, and another person on the part of the 
city of Amsterdam. After the inspection the same shall be 
marked with the marks of the city and of the Company, and the 
impost upon the same paid by the Company, according to the 
list of the rates. 

Art. 32. The goods shall be laden, to tlie knowledge of tbc 
Company, on board of such ships as the city shall provide for 
that purpose. 

Art. 33. If the said city should send over any jgoods on 
board of a ship on freight, the same must be sent to New- Am- 
sterdam, subject to the same regulations, and the cit)'' be subject 
to their own rules as well as others. 

Art. 34. But whenever the city of Amsterdam will send 
their own or any kind of ship laden only with their own goods, 
they may send such vessel direct to their city, place or colonv, 
with all the lading, to be delivered into the warehouse of the 
said city, consigned and committed to any of the said Company 
to whom the commission and letters shall be delivered. 

Art. 35. As all the wares, productions, and merchandise of 
the colony of the said city, and coming from thence, must be 
brought here into this city and deposited in its warehouses to 
the credit of the company and sold, and the right of the land 
and of the Company paid out of the same — the followinsf list 
of specifications is annexed. 

[We deem it unnecessary to enter and translate the list of 
specifications referred to in the preceding articles, and deem it 
sufficient to remark, that 1 0| per cent, covered all charges. All 
articles employed in atrriculture, and used by meclianics in 
their trades, came over free. All the productions of the soil, 
including salted and dried fish, were exported free. Peltries 
paid from 8 to 10 per cent. In the New-Netherlands, 4 per 
cent, in light money, in addition, was charged upon all goods 
entered subject to any charges. Tlie rix dollar passed at 
sixty-three stuyvers.] 







Muter of Artillery in the service of the United Provinces, Ac. 




- 4 


.r. I 



■ J^' 


Among the early founders of colonies on the hanks of the Hud- 
son was David Pieterszen de Vries, the author of the work 
from which the following extracts have heen made, containing 
descriptions of his voyages to different parts of the world. He 
was from Hoorn, a port in North Holland, one of those nurseries 
of hold and skilful seamen hy whose means the maritime suprem- 
acy of the republic was maintained at that period.* In the year 
1630, De Vries was associated with De Laet, Van Rensselaer, 
and other patroons, for the purpose of planting colonies within the 
limits of the New-Netherlands. Their first enterprise was to the 
South or Delaware river, and towards the close of that year our 
author embarked in person, accompanied by about thirty emigrants, 
who commenced a settlement near the present site of Lewistown, 
in Delaware. " The voyage of De Vries," says the eloquent and 
exact historian of the United States, " was the cradling of a state. 
That Delaware exists as a separate commonwealth is due to the 

colony of De Vries." t 

Having returned to Holland, De Vries again embarked for the 
South river in the autumn of 1632, where he had the unhappiness 
to find his colony destroyed and laid waste, without so much as a 
solitary survivor to make known their fate. But it was sufficiently 
apparent that it had been the work of the neighbouring Indians, and 
after endeavouring for some time to ascertain the perpetrators of 
the horrid tragedy, he sailed for Virginia, and afterwards to the 
New-Netherlands, where he remained until the summer of 1633. 
The following year he was engaged in establishing a colony on 
the coast of Guiana, in South America, which proving unsuccessful, 
he abandoned the attempt| and bent his course for the Hudson and 


* It was an enterprising Toyager from the same place, WUHiam ComeKt Schouten^ 
who led the way into the western ocean around Cape Horn, which he named in coro-» 
pliment to his native town. 

t Bancroft's History of the United States, ii. fSl. 


New Amsterdam, where he arrived in June, 1635. He returned 
to Holland the same year. 

'J'ho last voyage of I)e Vries was performed in 163*?, when be 
again visited the New-Netherlands, for the purpose of plantings 
colony on Statcn Island, of which he had obtained a grant from 
the West India Company. Failing in this enterprise for the want 
of settlers, who were not sent out to him from Holland as had 
been agreed between himself and Frederick de Vries, his partner 
in the undertaking, and a Director of the West India Company, 
our aullior turned his attention in the first place to a small planta- 
tion situated a few miles above the fort of New Amsterdam, on 
Manhattan Island, where he resided for a time. But not satisfied 
with this property, De Vries, in the spring of 1640, made an ex- 
cursion up the Hudson for the purpose of examining the country 
and purchasing an estate. The first day he reached Tappaan, 
about tweutv-rtve miles from the mouth of the river, where he 
obtained a tract of more than six hundred acres of land from the 
Indians, to which he afterwards gave the name of Vriesendale. 
Continuing his route, ho arrived at Fort Orange, (now Albany,) on 
the fourteenth day after leaving New Amsterdam. But we must 
refer to our author's own narrative for further particulars of his 
journey, and of liis subsequent residence in the country, which 
furnishes an interesting sketch of the state of the colony during a 
part of the administration of Governor Kieft.* De Vries returned 
to Holland in the spring of 1641, discouraged probably by the 
little success that had attended his various enterprises in the new 

His voyages were published at Alekmaer, North Holland, in 1655, 
with the following title, viz : — " Brief historical and journalized 
Notes of several Voyages to the four quarters of the globe — 
Europe, Africa, Asia, and America, by David Pieterszen de Vries, 
Master of Artillery to the Most Honourable Lords, the Committee 
Council of the States of West Vrieshind and the North Quarter ; 
wherein are described several naval battles in which he has been 

• In ihe yoar 1641, when troubles occ.irrcd with tlie Indians, the Governor r«>n8ulU-d 
with several prominent citizens of the colony, whoHe names are mentioned in the 
Colonial Records of that period ; among them is the name of David Pieterszen do 
Vries.— MS. Dutch Records, vol. u,^ 137. 


engaged ; each country, its animals, birds, different kinds of fishes, 
and various savage nations drawn from life, together with the 
woods and rivers, and their products. Hoorn, for David Pieters- 
zen de Vries, Artillery Master of the North Quarter ; Alckmaer, 
by Simon Conielis Brekgcest, 1655."* 

Such is the title of the book as contained in the extracts made 
from it by the late Mr. Du Simitierc, of Philadelphia, and now 
deposited among the manuscripts of the Library Company of that 
city. These extracts are in the original Dutch, and consist of 
about thirty pages large folio, handsomely engrossed. A transla- 
tion of nearly all of them was made a few years ago by Dr. G. 
Troostjof Philadelphia, at the expense of Joseph W. Moulton, Esq., 
whose valuable contributions to the early history of New-York are 
well known to the public. The Editor was indebted in the first 
instance for a copy of this translation to George Bancroft, Esq., 
the historian of the United States, and subsequently to Mr. Moul- 
ton, for this and other documents relating to De Vries. 

In regard to the original work, after the most diligent inquiry, 
no copy of it has been discovered in this country ; and, indeed, the 
only one of which Mr. Bancroft has succeeded in ascertaining 
the existence, is contained in the Royal Library of Dresden, Sax- 
ony.f Professor Ebeling, of Germany, in his great work upon the 
Geography and History of America, refers to two supposed edi- 
tions of De Vries, but adds that he was unable to obtain a copy 
of either. " Beider konte ich nichl habhaft trcrJcn.'-f The Cheva- 
lier Lambrechtsen also sought in vain for it, when in pursuit 
of materials for the composition of his History of the New- 

* *' Korte HiKloriael eude Journacl aenleyckeninge van verscheyJcn Voyagiens in de 
vicr deelen des Wereldu Ronde, aU Europa, Africa, Asia, cnde America, gcdaen door 
David Pietorazen dc Vri^TS, Artillery-Meeiter van de Ed : M. Hucrcn gecommittcerde 
Rdden van Staten van West Vriealandt eiide l* Noorder Quartier ; waer in verhaelt werd 
wat batailjes hy te water gedaen heef\ : yder landtachap zyn gedierte, gevogel, wat 
BtMjrt van vischen, ende wat wilde menschen naer^l levcn geconterfeit, ende van de 
Bodchcn cnde Riviercn met haer vruchten. t* Hoorn, voor David Pieterszen de Vriet , 
ArliHery-Mec8tcrvan*t Noorder Quartier ; tot Alckmaer, by Simon Cornelia Breck- 
g'»ei«t, Anno 1656." 

t Communicated in a letter from Dr. Julius, of Hamburgh. 

X Christoph Daniel Ebelings, Professors der Geschichte am Hamburgischcn Gym- 
nasium and Bibliothekars, Erdbeschreibung und Gevchichte von Amerika. 
iTctatuarC* ^ ▼• ^32. — This raluabU German work remains to be translated. 


It may be well to add, that the title of the book in question if 
somewhat varied by different writers ; thus, Ebeling gives it u 
follows : — "ATor/c historiad endc journals aentekeninge van vers* 
cheyden Voyaff'iens, 1618-1644," <&;c. A French bibliographical 
work, professing to contain the titles of all books of voyages and 
travels ever published, has the following : — **Korte historiad ends 
journaales aentrykeninge van verscheyden Voyagiens in de vier 
deelen der Wercldis van de 1018-1644, door Simon de Vria, 
Hoorn, 1655, in ^to^* By comparing these with the title as fur- 
nished by the Du Simitiere MS., it will be seen that the dates 
(1618-1644) are added, and, in the second at least, compose a 
part of the title, which circumstance, together with tho change in 
the name of the author to Simon de Vries, almost leads us to con- 
clude that there were two publications of a similar character by 
different writers. 

The name of Dc Vries was not an uncommon one among 
the Dutch at that period. Frederick de Vries, a Director of 
the West India Company, has been already mentioned as a 
partner of our author in the business of colonization. The name 
of Jan de Vries often occurs in the colonial records. He resided at 
New Amsterdam, and owned land east of the KoJcJc, now in the 
vicinity of Chatham-street. There was also a distinguished navi- 
gator, Martm Girritson de Vries, who performed a voyage to 
Japan in 104.3 ;t and an island near the bay of Jcddo, in that 
country, still l)cars his naine.J 1^ would not be strange, therefore, 
if two persons of the name of De Vries, who had visited various 
parts of the world, should have published the journals of their voy- 
ages in the same year. Ihit, nevertheless, it seems more probable 
that the writers to whom we have referred, may have fallen into an 
accidental error in reijard to tlie title of the hook. And although 
the four voyages of David Pieterszen de Vries, as described in the 
Du Simitiere MS., were performed from 1630-1644, the original 
work may have contaiiied notices of others that took place at a 
prior dato, and as early as 1618. 

* Bihiiotlidqiio Uiiivcrscrio dea Voyages, par G. B. dc URicharlerie, t, i. 171. 
t Bio;;ra;»liio Univcrsellc, Ancionnc et Modcrnr, t. xlix. Art. Vribs. 
^ Voya<;o or thn Morriston and Ilimmaleh to Japan, i. 19S. New- York, 1839. See 
also Kruscnstcrn*;i Voyage round the World, and Atlaa. 

nrrtODtrerMiT woti. t40 

The following translation, being the production of a gentleman 
whose mother tongue was not the English, is not altogether such 
in point of style as could be desired, but its general accuracy may 
be relied upon. As the work has never before appeared in an 
English dress, the noyelty of its details, and their intimate 
connexion with the affairs of the Dutch colony, cannot fail to 
reconmiend it to the favour of all who take an interest in our 
early history. 





moM A 




Master of Artillery in the service of the United ProrinceSy Jtc 

Two months after my arrival from the East Indies, I met with 
a merchant at Amsterdam, named Samuel Godyn. He offered 
me a comraandership in the New-Netlierlands. They hadi 
mind to form there a colony, and they would employ me there, 
as second patroon, as was granted by the States, and by the 
19th of the West India Company's charter. I answered him 
that I was willing to accept the offer, upon condition that I 
should be a patroon equal in every tiling with the others. This 
was agreed upon ; and in conseqiience we have formed a pat- 
roonship, viz. Samuel Godyn, Killian Van Rensselaer, Samuel 
Blocmart, Jan do Laet, and I, David Picterszen de Vries. Since 
thai time several more more patroons have been added to the 
number, viz : Matlhys van Kculcn, Nicolaes van Siltorigh, Har- 
nick Koeck, and Hendrick Hamel. We have mutually made a 
contract, in which we have put one another on an equal footing; 
and have prepared a ship and yacht for our voyage, as well for 
the whale fishing in those parts, as for the colony purpose, the 
planting of tobacco, raising of grain, dec. This ship and yacht 
sailed from Tcxcl, Dec. 12, 1630, for the South River, (the 
Delaware,) in lat. 38° 30', in order to plant there the colony. 
Godyn being informed that the whales were plenty in those 
regions, and fish oil being 60 guilders the hhd., the vessel was 
laden with utensils for the fishing, and planters and cattle 
for the colony.* 

• Our traveller speaks here only of the "whalc fishery, which seemii not to haTe 
answered the expectation. He went home again, and undertook a second trip 
for the same purpose j and was njw sole commander and patroon of the expedi- 
tion. — Trans. 



We learned before we left the Texel, that our little post had 
been destroyed by the Indians, and thirty-two men killed 
who were working in the field. 

Dec, 1. We sounded at 39^ — had fifty-seven fathom, and 
smelled land, the wind being N. W., occasioned by the odour of 
the underwood, which at this lime of the year is burned by the 
Indians, in order to be less hindered in their hunting. We smell 
the land, therefore, before it can be seen. At thirteen to four- 
teen fathom, we saw land, from 34"" to 40^. 

Dec, 3. We saw the opening of the South Bay, or South 
River. On the 5th, we went into the bay. We had a whale 
near the vessel. We promised ourselves great things, plenty of 
whales, and good land for cultivation. 

Dec. 6. We ran with the boat up the Kill, and were well 
armed lest we should meet with any Indians. We found our 
house destroyed. It was surrounded with palisades, instead of 
parapets or breastwork, but the most of them had been burned. 
We found the ground bestrewed with the heads and bones of our 
murdered men, but saw no Indians. Went on board again, and 
ordered a gun to be fired, to see if the Indians would come down. 

Dec. 7. Saw two or three Indians near our destroyed house. 
They did not come near us ; wanted we should go to them. I 
resolved to go to them next morning in the yacht, in order to 
have a shelter from their arrows. 

Dec. 8. We went in the yacht up the creek to the house. 
The Indians came on the shore, but would not at first come on 
board. At last one came. I gave him a dress of cloth, and we 
told him that we wished to make peace with them. There now 
came more Indians, who expected also a dress, but we gave them 
only some trinkets, and told them that we had presented the other 
with a dress, because he had shown more confidence in us, as 
being the first that ventured to enter the boat. We told them 
to come the next day with their chief, whom they call Sakimas^ 
with whom we would make a satisfactory peace, which they 
called Rancontynmarenit. One of the Indians remained with us 
during the night in the yacht. We asked him the reason why 
they had killed our people? He showed us a place where our 
people had emptied a pillow, to which was attached a piece of tin, 
upon which was figured the emblem of Holland. One of their 
cniefs wanted to take this piece of tin to make of it tobacco 
pipes, not knowing that it was improper. Those who had 
the command at the house showed much dissatisfaction, so 
that the Indians did not know how to make amends. They 


went away and killed the chief who had taken the tin, and faroag^ 
a token of it to those who had the command at the house, who 
told them that they had done wrong ; that they ought to hare 
come with him to the house, and they would have only told him 
not to do so again. They then went away; but the firiendi of 
the murdered chief (tlicse people having much the character cf 
the Italians, who are greatly addicted to vengeance) had resdr- 
ed to be revenged. I'hey attacked our people when they were 
working in tlic held, leaving but a single sick man in the oouBe, 
and a large bull-dog, which was chained out of doors. The 
man who had the command of the house stood near the door. 
Three of the boldest Indians, who were to perpetrate the deed, 
came and offered him a parcel of beavers to barter, aud contrived 
to enter the house. He went in with them to transact the busi« 
ness. Tliat being done, he went to a garret where the stores 
were. Coming down, one of the Indians cleaved his head with 
an axe, so that he dropped dead on the floor. They then mur^ 
dercd the sick man, and then went to the dog, which they 
feared most, and shot at least twenty-five arrows at him 
before he was killed. They then went in a treacherous mamier 
to the people in the field, approaching them under the appear- 
ance of friendship, and murdered one after the other. Thus 
terminated our firs^ colony, to our great loss. 

Dec, 9. The Indians came witli their chief. They sat down 
in a circle, and concluded peace. We presented them with some 
duffil,* bullets, axes, and Nuremberg trinkets; and they 
promised to present us reciprocally with some articles, having 
been a huntiui^. They j^arted then with much joy from us, 
seeing that \vc did not take any notice of ihoir behaviour to- 
wards us, wliich \vc let ])ass by, well knowing that we had no 
chance to take vcnireancc, they having no fixed abode. 

Wc made now preparations for the fishery and boihng of oil, 
and formed a lodging place of some boards. 


Jan. 1. I went in the yacht up the South River to see if I 
could obtain some beans Trom the Indians. We saw a whale 
before the emhoudnirr, of the river. 

Jan. 5. Went before the little fort, where formerly lived 
some families of the West India Company. It is called Fort 
Nassau.! There were now collected a few Indiana, who wanted 
to barter some furs, but I wanted only Indian corn, having no 

• A kind of cloth r^s^mblin^ blankets. 

t This fort was built by ihc Duir.h in 1623, on the east side of the Delaware. 
a few miles below Philadelphia.— £o. 


articles to barter for fiirs, having presented them all at 
Swaenendal (valley of the Swans,) where we had made the 
peace. They told us we should go to the Timmerkill, (now 
Cooper's creek,) when an Indian woman belonging to the San- 
kitans, came and warned us not to go far up the creek, knowing 
that we should be attacked. We gave this woman a dress of 
cloth, to make her tell all she knew. She then informed us that 
they had murdered the crew of an EngUsh boat, which ascend- 
ed the Count Ernest river. 

Jan. 6. We weighed anchor, and lay before the Timmerkill, 
prepared fully to see what the Indians intended to do. A 
parcel of Indians now approached the boat, ofTcrinff some skins 
of beavers, entering as many as forty-two or forty-three into the 
yacht. Some of them began to play on reeds, so as to give no 
suspicion; but we being only seven in the yacht, were upon 
our guard, and when wc judged that it was high enough, we 
ordered them all on shore, or we would fire at them ; when their 
sachem took an armful of beaver skins and offered them to us, 
probably as a trial, but we refused them, and ordered them again 
to go to the shore, well knowing that they intended some villany 
or other; that Manatee, as they call the devil, had told us 
so. They then went again to the shore, so that their 
villanous undertaking miscarried. These were Indians of the 
Roodehoek, also called Mantes; they were partly dressed in 
English jackets, which gave mc much suspicion, as they could 
not have obtained this clothing in a fair way, as they never 
formed part of the goods taken for barter. 

Jan. 8. In the morning we came again before the fort. The 
fort was now crowded with Indians, and they were collecting 
more and more. There came a canoe to us with nine chiefs 
from different places, amongst whom was the man with his 
English jacket, which nevertheless he wore not now. They 
sat down in a circle, and called for us, saying that they saw we 
were in fear for them ; that they came on purpose to conclude a 
permanent peace with us, presented us with ten beaver skins, 
the gift of every one being accompanied with some cere- 
monies, saying at the same time in whose name it was given, as 
a token of eternal peace ; and that we must now banish all sus- 
picion, as they had rejected all evil thoughts. I then offered 
them by the translator some presents for each, consisting of an 
axe, adze, and a pair of small knives, but these they refused, 
saying that they did not give their presents to receive others 
in the place of them, but in order to make peace. We told 
them that we would give them something for their wives ; but 
they told us we must give it them on shore. On the 9th, and 
10th, got some Indian corn and furs in barter of them. 



In the mominff of the 19th, went upwards of a mile bom 
Jaques Eyland (the island of Jacques). Went up a fine creek; 
the country was handsome, with an abundant growth of vines; 
and gave it therefore the name of WjTigaert's kill (Vine cieek). 

As we had failed to get Indian com in tlic South river, we 
resolved to go to Virginia of the J^nglish, it not being probable 
that we should fnid any in the large river near Fort Amsterdam, 
for provisions for our returning voyage. None of the Dutch 
had been there before us ; and us I had been in some danger 
in the South river, I would incur more, and would be the 
first who visited these places. 

[Our traveller is now going to Virffinia. He found the land 
there in a more advanced and settled state. He sees for the 
first time a peach tree ; (one would suppose from this thai the 
peach tree was indigenous.) He saw the governor, who, under- 
standing that he came from the South river, told him tliat this 
river belonged to the British ; that some time ago Lord Delaware 
had taken possession of it ; but finding the same, from its nume- 
rous sand banks, not navigable, did not ascend the same ; that he 
sometime ago had sent a sloop there witli a few men, who 
never had returned, being j)robably upset at sea. Our travel- 
ler told him then that he was mistaken ; that for many years 
it had belonged to the Dutch, who had built there a fort called 
Nassau ; that it was a fine navigable river ; and as to the crew 
of the boat of which he spoke, that he had learned from the 
Indians on that river, among whom he had seen the English 

Jackets, that this crew had been murdered. The governor gave 
lim six goats to be introduced into his new colony. He bought 
some provisions for the ship, and returned. He found that 
there wenj taken seven whales, which gave thirty-two cartels 
fish oil, and also found that the whale fishery in those reijions 
was too expensive and the fish too poor to yield any profit. 
He accordingly prepares to return to Europe. The remainder 
of tlie narrative is mere observations of navigation, &c.] 


April 16. — We weighed anchor and went to Staten Island, 
where we arrived about noon, opposite Fort Amsterdam. We 
found there the ship l)e Zoutberg, belonging to the West India 
Company. It had on board the new Conmiander, Woutcr van 
Twiller, from Nieuwkerke. He had been a clerk of the West 
India Company at Amsterdam, and he left Holland after we 
had gone. I went on shore near the fort. He bade me wel- 
come, and asked how the whale fishery had fallen out. I told 
him I had a sample of it, and that they were unwise who came 
here at such expense to fish for whales. The Company could 


have ascertained how this fishing was, by using two or three 
sloops from the settlement here ; at least Godyn, who since the 
West India Company had been in existence was one of its di- 
rectors, and was also a director of the Greenland Whale Com- 
pany, ought to have known that these things should have been 
tried with less expense. 

April 18. — There arrived an Englishman firom New Eng- 
land. He wanted to ascend the river to trade. There was 
on the river a koopman,* named Jacob Elkens, who acted then 
as commander. He was not better qualified for this office, 
than this commander Van Twiller, who came to his office firom 
a clerkship — an amusing case. The EngUshman invited this 
Commander to dine with him. I witli some others was of the 
company. The people soon got intoxicated, and began to 
quarrel. The Englishman was astonished that such irregulari- 
ties could take place amongst the officers of the company, and 
that the commander had no more control among them — such 
things not being customary among the EngHsh. He remained 
before the fort six or seven days, and then told them he wanted 
to go up the river ; that the land belonged to the English. This 
was denied, as the English had never landed any people there. 
The Englishman answered, that the river had been cuscovered 
by David Hudson^ who was an Englishman. It was true, they 
replied, that this river was discovered by him in 1609, but that 
he was sent by the East India Company of Holland, and that 
the river was called Mauritz-river, in honour of the Prince of 

On the 24th April, the Englishman weighed anchor, and 
sailed up the river to Fort Orange, where this Jacob Elkens 
formerly resided in the capacity of superior officer {opporhooft^ 
Uterally chief). Wouter van Twiller, the commander, collect- 
ed thereupon all his people in the fort before his door ; ordered 
a barrel of wine to be brought, and having taken a bumper, 
cried out, *' Those who love the Prince of Orange and me, 
emulate me in this, and assist me in repelling the violence com- 
mitted by that Englishman !" But the Englishman was 
already out of sight, and quietly saihnff up the river. He was 
now laughed at by all the people. They knew well how to 
get at the bottom of a cask of wine, being a beverage just fitted 
to their taste. Even if there had been six casks of wine, they 
would have mastered them. But as for the Englishman, they 
concluded they would not trouble him, saying the Enghsh were 

* Of five officers, the lowest was assistant ; the second under>koopman ; 
the third koopman ; and the fourth upper- koopman. From these degrees 
they were advanced to superior officers. Our friend here was only koopman. 
There was another officer called book keeper. 


their friends. When I took dinner with him that day, I told 
him he had acted indiscreetly, as the Englishman had no com- 
mission, having only a paper of the custom house, (tol hriefy) 
from which it simply appeared that he had paid so much, add 
had so many passengers on board, being bound for New Eng^ 
land and not for New Netherlands. I spoke then as if it had 
been my case, and told Iiim tliat I would have made him so 
from the fort by the persuasion of some iron beans sent him 
by our guns, and *would not have allowed him to go up tha 
river. I told him that we did not put up with those things ia 
the East Indies. There we taught them how to behave ; and 
this is necessary, otherwise nothing can be done with thost 
people, being of so haughty a nature that they think cTerj 
thing belongs to them. That if it had been my case, I would 
have sent alter him the ship the Zoutberg, and nave forced him 
down, and driven him out of the river, til] he came vnth a bet* 
ter commission than a mere paper of the custom house ; and 
that they (the English) only made a joke of him. 

On the 20th of May, I wanted to sail my yacht up to the north 
of Hellegat (literally, the hole of Hell*), beginning to prepare to 
return to Holland. It was then that this Commander bc^an to 
play his pranks again, and to juggle as if he were drunk. He 
did not want that the yacht should go to the north, and ordered 
schepen along side, (boats big enough to contain the whole 
yacht) and would unload the yacht, which had only six last (a 
last is of the weight of nearly two tons) of stone as ballast in. 
I protested against this, showing him the privileffes I had of the 
Nineteen, (the number of the Directors of the West India Com- 
pany,) and approved by the government, and that I would not have 
the yacht unloaded. He then told me he would search the yacht, 
as was customary amongst all princes and monarchs, to see if it 
had any thing on board, which was subject to the Company ; and 
then ordered the guns of the fort to be pointed towards the yacht, 
and would fire at it. Thereupon I ran to the point where he 
stood with the secretary, and one or two of his council, and told 
them that it seemed the country was full of fools ; that if they 
would fire at something, they ought to have fired at the Eng- 
lishman, who was violating the rights of their river against 
their will. This made them desist from firing. They then 
loosened a yacht which lay next ours, and so both sailed to the 

Having now every thing prepared, and being ready to take 
leave of the governor, he came again to vex me. He would 
not that I should go on board with my boat before his boat had 
been there to visit my vessel. I told him that my vessel was 

Oai, as a sea term, oflen means a narrow passage or strait, as C§ii§-fttf 
Batnegai, kc &c.~-Ed. 


nol to be visited ; that I was bound to the father*land (patria) ; 
that if he had letters, he could send them after me ; that X would 
go to my boat. He tlien sent immediately twelve armed men 
after me to prevent us from going. I asked my people if they 
would row. I told them if I was in tlic boat I would row away ; 
and if they were possessed of my courage, they would do the 
same. They then rowed away ; so that the armed men were 
heartily laughed at by the by-standers, who ridiculed them, say- 
ing in common that they ought to have used their arms and guns 
against the Enghshman, and prevented his passing the fort to 
go up the river, and not against our own patroons of the land, 
who were endeavouring to be beneficial to the colony. I went 
shortly after to Long-Island, where I had ordered my boat be- 
hind me Nooten Eiland (Nut Island); but before I went off, I 
went once more to the fort, to take my leave of the governor. 
I admonished him not to play the fool in that manner ; that he 
acted very inconsiderately in sending three armed men to pre- 
vent me from going away ; that he made himself a laughing 
stock for his people. I told him then that if he wanted to sena 
letters to his masters the Directors of the Company, he could 
do so, and send them to me. I then went away. Coming to the 
boat on Long-Island, night came on and the tide besan to turn, 
so that we rowed to Pavoma. We were there well received 
by Michael Poulaz, an officer in the service of the Company, 
and passed the fort again before day break. 

We arrived about noon on board the ship, and about the same 
time arrived the yacht of the fort, with letters. I bid them wel- 
come. There came on board the sheriff Notelman and the sec- 
retary Remimt. I then ordered the goods out of the boat to be 
put on board. When they saw a dozen of beaver skins, the 
secretary said inunediately, " These must be confiscated, hav- 
ii^ not been entered at the fort.!' I told him to take them, 
when the sheriff interfered, sajring, " We are not now at the fort, 
but let us taste of your wine," he beinff somewhat of a bouser^ 
and this being the case with nearly all of them. I told them 
that water was good enough for them — they might fall overboard. 
At last the sheriff cried out, "What are we talking longer 
about !" — ^he was dry, and would go to the cabin. If he did wrong 
the patroon could make his complaints in Holland. I told the 
sheriff, as he was speaking so handsomely, he could enter the 
cabin, and diat I would give him a glass out of the best cask. If 
the others made much ado, they could go. I was now in my 
ship, and not under their control. The secretary replied, that 
he could send the ship, the Friedberg, after me. I toU him 
to do so, as du5 Friedberg had sugar on board, and my crew 
would be very glad to eat some sugar with their barley, and I 
supposed we would have some chance. I moreover toU the 



secretary, that I was astonished that the West India Companj 
should send such fools to the colonics, who knew nothing bitt 
how to drink themselves drunk. They would in the East Indies 
not be fit for assistants ; that in this way the Company wouU 
soon go to destruction. In the East indies nobody was ad- 
vanced to Commander, but after a long service, and after it wu 
known that he was competent for the office ; that he had fint 
to serve as an assistant, then under-koopman, then koopman, 
before he came to be upper-koopman ; and advanced farther ac- 
cording to merit. But the West India Company send out at 
once as superior officers people who had never seen any serricci 
and must of course go to destruction. They then retunied 
to the fort. 

July 24. Arrived at Amsterdam, where I found my associ- 
ates at variance with one another, and with other directors of the 
West India Company, because I had traded two or four beaTer 
skins, certainly a circumstance not worth the while to talk of, it 
beinc granted by the 15th Art. that a Patroon shall have the 
privilege to do so, when the Company has an officer or commis- 
sioner. So that our colony-making was now suspended. The 
Directors have done nothing but to fight with tlieir own shadows. 
As I was at variance with my associates, and they being all 
Directors of the West India Company, and continually quarrel- 
ling with one another, I have resignecl. 

Dc Vrics calls this his first voyage ; but this voyage, in 
fact contains two trips. In the first he established the house, 
which he found destroyed and his people murdered when he 
arrived the second time. 

Extracts from the Second Voyage to the coast of America^ 

by David Pieterzen de Vries. 

Anno 1634. 

I have again with my friends entered into a partnership to 
form a colony on the coast of Guyana, or the wild coast, of 
which Mr. Jan Bicker is one of the principal patroons. I was 
again the first patroon who landed there from Holland. 

July, 10. We left the Texel in the ship Koning David, car- 
rying 14 guns, twenty-five head of cattle, and thirty planters. 



April 30. We arrived in New-Netherlands the first of 
June. I went on shore with the boat near Fort Amsterdam, 
where I found W outer van Twiller still governor. I requested 
him to send me some cai-penters, which was done. I then went 
to Virginia, &c. 

[This second voyage has little of interest respecting the New- 
Netherlands. De Vries spent most of his time in Guiana and 
Virginia. He learned that the people who had been placed 
in his new colony on the wild coast had deserted, by instigation 
of the British. When he was at the house of Wouter Van 
Twiller, there arrived a boat of the Company, with fourteen or 
fifteen Englishmen, who wanted to take Fort Nassau.] 


June 25. I went to the fort, and found there the govemofy 
and the minister of Pavonia in the colony of Michael Pauw, 
where Cornelis van Vorst acted as superior officer. He had 
been at the north, and brought with him some good claret; 
knowing that the governor was fond of this article, he went there 
also. The governor and minister got a quarreling with Cornelis 
van Vorst, about a manslaughter which had been committed 
there; but soon matters were made up, and Cornelis van 
Vorst, willing to give a salute to the governor from a stone gun 
that stood on a pillar near the house, a spark of it lodged on the 
roof, which being covered with reed, caught fire, and the whole 
house was consumed in less than half an hour. 

Aug. 8. The constapel (first gunner) of the fort gave a 
frolick. On one of the points of the fort a tent was erected and 
tables and benches placed for the invited people. When the 
glee was at its height, the trumpet began to blow, which again 
occasioned a quarrel, and the koopman of the stores, and the 
koopman of the cargasoons, gave the trumpeter names. The 
trumpeter, in revenge, gave them each a drubbing, when they 
ran home for their swords, and would take revenge of the trum- 
peter; and swaggering and boasting much, went to the house of 
the governor, ana would have eaten the trumpeter ! But when 
the wine was evaporated in the morning, their courage was 
somewhat lowered, and they did not endeavour much to nnd the 

Aug. 13. I requested Wouter van Twiller to put StaSea 

S60 T0TA6E8 or DS TBIX8. 

Island down to my name, intending to form a colony that, 
which was granted. 

On the 15th I undertook my home voyage. 

Third Voyage to New-Netherlandsy in order to erect a CoIm) 
on Staten Island^ for me and Frederick de Friei, 
Secretary of the city of Amsterdam^ and 
Director of the West India Company, 

Anno 1638. 

Sept. 25. On board the ship of the West India Compiifi 
sailea from Holland. 

Dec. 26. Got sight of Sandy Hook. The captain, imagimng 
he saw land covered with snow, wanted to go to the West Indiei 
to pass the winter there, and return against spring. I told him thit 
he certainly could enter into South river, but he having o^ 
my imperfect chart, did not know that such a river existed. Ht 
then, at the request of the passengers, who all had their homei 
in the New-Netherlands, solicited me to pilot his ship in, which 
I did, and anchored the same evening before Staten Island, 
which was my property, and put my people on shore. 

On the morning of the 27lh, we anchored opposite the Fort, 
where we were received with much joy, as they did not expect 
to sec a vessel at that time of the year. I now found there a 
governor named William Kieft. lie bade me welcome, and in- 
vited me to his house. 


Jan. 5. — Send my people to Staten Island, to commence 
the colony and buildings. 

June 4. — Went northward with a yacht up the Versche 
Rivier (Connecticut river), where the West India Company 
possess a small fort called hvys de Hoop, (house of hope,) 
and anchored about even in the eastern haven, being a large 
commo<lious haven on the north of Long Island. This 
haven is in the island, where it is upwards of two miles wide. 
We found fine oysters there also. Tne Dutch call it the Oyster 

* De Vrics ca'Is the difTcrent Bettlements Colonies, and the whole eomUrr 
A pl'iiitdtinn. 


)ay or haven. We arrived the next evening at Roodeberg, a 
ine haven, and found that the EngUsh were building a fine town, 
laving already erected upwards of three hundred houses and a 
lULDdflome church.* 

In the morning of the 7th, we came opposite de Versche 
Rwier. We went up the river, and on tlie 9th arrived with 
my yacht at the fort het hays de Hoop, where we found one 
Grysbertvan Dyck as commander, with 14 or 15 soldiers. This 
fort is situated near the river and a small creek, forming there a 
fell. The English had also begun to build here a town {Hart- 
ford) against our will, and had already a fme church and more 
than a hundred houses erected. The commander gave me orders 
to protest against their proceedings. He added that some of his 
souiiers had prohibited them to put a plough into the ground, 
as it was our land that we had bought of the Indians and paid 
for ; but they opposed them, and had given a drubbing to the 
aoldiers. When I came to the settlement, the English gover- 
nor invited me to dinner. I told him during dinner, that he 
acted very improperly in taking the lands of the company, which 
were bought and paid for by them. He answered me that 
these lands were lying uncultivated ; that we had been here 
already several years, and nothing was done to improve the 
ground ; that it was a sin to leave so valuable lands unculti- 
vated, such fine crops could be raised upon them ; that they had 
now already built three towns on this river, in which was 
abundance of salmon, &c. The English here live soberly. 
They drink only three times every meal, and those that become 
drunK are whipped on a pole, as the thieves are in Holland. 

[Our traveller here speaks at length of the rigorous conduct 
of the English in that settlement. It was with extreme difficulty 
that the servant of the minister who had been tipsy, got free 
from being whipped. While he was there, a young man who 
had been married two months was accused before the elders of 
the church by his brother, that he had slept with his wife before 
marriage. They were both imprisoned and whipped, and during 
the space of six weeks separated from each other.] 

June 14. — I took leave of the buys de Hoop, and arrived the 
next morning at the mouth of the river. We passed several 
places where the English were building, and arrived about eve- 
ning at the Manattes, opposite Fort Amsterdam,when we learned 
the arrival of two vessels from Holland ; the one a company's 
ship, den Hamink, and the other a private ship, de Brand 

Van Trogen, firom Hoom, laden with cattle, belonging to 
Joachim Pieterz, former commander in the East Indies for the 
king of Denmark. 

* New HaYen, ealled by the Dutch RoeMtrg, wc'VU^HiWj— ^a« 

262 TOTAOEs or dx tubs. 


Feb. 10. — I commenced with my plantation four and a half to 
six miles above the fort, being there a fine situation, haTing 
upwards of 31 morgen of com land, (a morgan is upwards ot 
two acres of ground,) where we had no trees to cut down ; and 
besides for 200 head of cattle in hay land, which is there 
very valuable, and situated along the river. I intend to go and 
live half the time there, and visited the plantation of Statea 
Island, because they did not send me any people from HollaiKl, 
as was agreed upon in the contract entered into with Frederick 
de Vrics, director of the West India Company. 

April 15.— Went with the boat up the river to Fort Orange, 
in order to examine the lands which are situated on the river 
We arrived about even at Tappaen. There is here under the 
mountains an extensive valley, containing upwards of 200 or 
300 morgen clay land, which is three or four feet above water 
mark. A creek coming from the highlands runs through it, 
containing numerous good mill seats. I bought this valley from 
the Indians, being only three miles above my plantationB, and 
five miles from the fort. There was also much com land, but 
it was too stony to be ploughed. 

April 25. — Opposite Tappaen lays a place called Wickquaes- 
geck. This land is also fit for corn, but too stony and sandy. 
We got there good masts. The land is mountainous. 

April 26. — Went up the river ; passed Averstro ; there is a 
creek forming a fall ; the water made here a tremendous noise ; 
the land is high. About noon wc passed very high lands, which 
extended for about a mile. The river is here the narrowest, 
being only from 500 to GOO paces wide, according to my con- 
jectures. Wc passed at evening the Dans Kamer (dancing 

April 27. — We came to Esopus ; there is a creek ; and 
the Indians arc in possession of much com land, but it is 
stony. Arrived about evening opposite the Catskill. Thus far 
the shores of tlie river were very rocky and mountainous, and 
not well fit to enn^t dwellings. 

Avril 28. — We arrived at Bccren Eyland ; we tliere found 
the Indians fishing ; the land here is less mountainous, and is 
low and well adapted for cultivation. About evening we arrived 
near the island of Brant Pylen, below which the Fort Orange 
is situated, of which the owners are the Patroons Godyn, Rens- 
selaer, Jan de Laet, and Bloemaert ; and they had besides three 
other farms, which they had very much embellished at the cost 
of the West India Company ; the cattle having been sent with 
great expense by the Company, and those person8,being commis- 
sioners in the New-Netherlands, had well known how to turn 


things to their own advantage ; so that the company had nothing 
but the naked fort, and the commissioners the farms in its vicin- 
ity and the trade, and every farmer was a koopman. 

July 16. — Cornelius Van Tienhoven, secretary in the New 
Netherlands, got a commission of the government of the New 
Netherlands to go at the head of about 100 armed men to the 
Raritans, a tribe of Indians Hving near a small river, about 
five miles behind Staten Island, to ask satisfaction of these 
Indians for the hostilities committed by them at Staten Island, 
in the killing of my hogs and those of the Company, which 
were guarded by a negro, the robbing of the watch house, the 
attack upon the yacht de Vrede, Capt. ComeUus Pieters, and 
other trespasses committed. Van Tienhoven being arrived 
there, demanded satisfaction according to his orders ; nis troops 
wanted to kill and plunder, but Tiennoven told them that this 
was against his orders ; and at last vexed by the insolence of 
his troops, left them, telling them that they were responsible 
for the mischief which their disobedience would produce. Van 
Tienhoven had hardly gone three quarters of a mile from them, 
when the troops had already shot some of them, and captured 
the brother of their chief ; for whom Van Tienhoven remained 
securitv bound for eighty fathom of seawan ; otherwise they 
would have killed us, and burned the house that belonged to me, 
David P. de Vnes. I learned from Van Tienhoven that a certain 
Lookmans had mangled very much the body of the chief's 
brother, standing on a mast with a split wood ; and similar ty- 
ranny was committed by others in the service of the Company. 
Jvly 20. — Went with my boat to Tappaen, to barter some 
com from the Indians. I there met with a boat of the Company, 
asking from the Christian Indians a contribution of com. The 
Indians asked me for what purpose I came ? I told them I 
wanted to barter com for cloth. They answered that they 
could not help me, but I must go up the river. At the same time 
they tried to get clear of the Company's boat, and would then 
enter on business with me. They told me that they were 
much astonished that the Sakima of the fort dared to exact 
such things ; that he must be a poor fellow ; had not invited 
them to come and live here, and he came now to take away 
their com, &c. 

Dec. 10. — I commenced to form an establishment at Vries- 
sendale. It is a fine place situated along the river, sheltered 
by a mountain, and fumishing at least 200 head of cattle hay, 
with 30 moreen com land, and well adapted for the raising of 
wheat, containing also some mill sites. In fact I could very 
well commence with erecting new plantations ; but unluckily I 
was not seconded by my partner, F. de Vries, who was boiind 
by contract to fiimisn the necessaries. He ^^> *\X «^«csa^ ^ 

264 Y0TA0E8 OF DB T1UX8. 

opinion that colonics arc to be erected without people and meaniy 
thinking that such was the case in regard to Godyn, GiUiame 
Van Rensselaer, Bloeinaert, and Jan de Laet ; but it waa done 
by thctn at the cost of tlic company. Having sent them farmen 
and cattle, they being at the same time directors of the West 
India Company and commissioners of the New Netherlands, 
they saved themselves afterwards by some sinister merchant*! 
trick ; and the Company having at that time obtained the fine prise 
Piet Ileyn,* did not think of their lost colony at Fort Orange, 
and it was inditferent to tlie directors if any farms were erected 
there ; but these fellows deprived Rensselaer, (who was used 
to refme pearls and diamonds,) and proceeded so far that they 
turned out of office their associates. When Michael Pauw 
got to know that the lands of Fort Orange were appropriated 
for themselves, he went immediately and had that part below 
the fort where the Indians cross the river to bring their bea- 
vers, put down in his name, and called it Pavonia;t which afte^ 
ward, when it was known by the Company, occasioned much 
quarreling and jealousy, and prevented the colonies prospering 
as they would have done. 


Aug. 20. — Arrived the ship Eyckenboom, and had on board 
a person named Mal}^, who said he was the owner of Staten 
Island, that it was given to him and to Mr. Van der Horst by 
the Directors of the Company. I could not behove this, having 
left the country, in the year 1()39, to take possession of this 
island, and in that time have settled there. I could not think 
that tlie Directors of the Company would act in this way, it being 
granted by the sixth article, and we being tlie furst occupants, 
and of course it could not be Uikcn from us. 

Septemher 1 . — My people were nmrdered on Staten Island 
by the Indians of Raritans. They told an Imhan who was as- 
sisting my people, that we should now come to fight for the 
killing of the men as we formerly had done for the hogs, with 
the stealing of which they were wrongfully accused. It was 
done by the servants of the Company, Uien going to the South 
river, who landed first at Staten Island to take in wood and wa- 
ter, when they stole the hogs, and the blame was laid on the in- 
nocent Indians, who, though cunning enough, will do no harm if 
no harm is done to them. And so my colony of Staten Island 
was smothered in its birth, by the management of Governor 
Kieft, who wanted to avenge the wrongs of his people on tlie 

* tlrfrrrin^ to ilio naval victory of Admiral H«yn OTer the Spanish ailTer 
fleet in 1G28. Lambrechtsen, supra p. 94. — Ed. 

t 'rise Luiin of pauw (pcucock) \s povo — hence the name Pmsmmm This 
colony UHS opposite Fori Knvaletdam.'vtv't^^'w )«t^^. — ^E». 


Sept 2. — An Indian chief, belonging to the Tankitekes, call- 
ed Pacham, came to the fort in much triumph, with the hand 
of a dead man hanging on a stick, saying it was the hand of the 
chief who had killed our people at Staten Island, who had 
revenged the wrongs of the Swannokins, whose friend he was. 


As I was every day with Commander Kieft, dining generally 
at his house, when I happened to be at the fort, he told me one 
day that he had now built a fine tavern of stone for the English, 
who, passing continually there with their vessels, in going 
from New England to Virginia, occasioned him much incon- 
venience, and could now take lodgings there. I told him this 
was excellent for travellers, but that we wanted very sadly a 
church for our people. It was a shame when the Enghsh 
passed there, and saw only a mean barn in which we performed 
our worship.. In New England, on the contrary, the first thing 
that they did when they ha^ built some dwellings, was to erect 
a fine church. We ought to do the same ; it being supposed 
that the West India Company were very zealous in protecting 
the reformed (Calvinist) church against the Spanish tyranny ; 
that we had good materials for it ; fine oak wood ; fine building 
stone ; good lime made of oyster shells, being better than our 
lime in Holland. Kieft asked me then who would like to su- 
perintend this building ? I replied, the friends of the reformed 
religion ; certainly some of tnem could be found. He told me 
that he supposed that I myself was one of them, as I made the 
proposition, and he supposed I would contribute a hundred 

giilders ? I replied that I agreed to do so ; and that as he was 
overnor, he should be the first. We then elected Jochem 
Pieterzen Kuyter, who having a good set of hands, and being 
also a devout Csdvinist, would soon procure ffood timber. We 
also elected Damen, because he lived near tne fort ; and thus 
we four formed the first consistory to superintend the build- 
ing of the church. The Governor should furnish a few 
thousand guilders of the Company's money, and we would try 
to raise the remainder by subscription, llie church should be 
built in the fort, where it would not be exposed to the depreda- 
tions of the Indians. Soon the building was started of stone, 
and was covered by Endish carpenters with oak shingles, 
which by rains and winds become blue, and look like slate. 

About this time a man named Claes Rademaker was murder- 
ed by an Indian. When the Indian was asked why he had 
murdered the man, he said that when the fort was built, he with 
his uncle and another Indian came to barter some beaver skins ; 


266 VOTAOE8 OF DX TXin. 

when some of the Swannekins robbed his uncle of his skiiit nd 

killed him. He was al Uiat time a small boy, and resolYedtht 

when he should become grown to take vengeance of the Dutch, 

and no opportunity was ofifered until now. Commander 

Kicft sent out parties of armed men to retaliate for the muidei; 

but ihcy all miscarried. When Wilhelm Kieft saw that all 

his attempts failed, and that it would occasion some mischief 

and the people began to complain and upbraid him that he 

was locked up iu a good fort, out of which lie had not slept one 

night us long as he had been there ; that the wars which k 

wanted to make were only calculated to give in bad accounti 

to the Company — when he saw that every tiling was laid athii 

door, he called a meeting of the community, and proposed l» 

them to elect twelve men, who should with him take the reini 

of government.* I was elected one of the number. Gov. Kieft 

proposed the question, whether or not tlie death of Claes Kede- 

maker should be retaliated ? and whether we should dedue 

war against the Indians ? It was answered tliat this required 

time, as the cattle were all spread throuj^h the woods, and the 

people themselves scattered in all dirccUons ; that it was Ml 

advisable to fight the Indians before we were more numerouit 

as the English were also in possession of our towns and 

villages. I then told Commanaer Kieft, that it wouM not k 

beneficial to war against the Indians ; that he was the cause 

why my people of the new colony on Staten Island, in the jrcar 

1640, had been murdered; that I knew very well that the 

Directors of the West India Company were very much opposed 

to any hostilities against the Indians ; and when we were 

erecting a colony in 1630, on South river, at Swaenendael, od 

the Hocren creek, and all our people were murdered by the 

Indians, occasioned by some trifling quarrels of our commander, 

Gilles Osset, as 1 have narrated in the beginning of this my 

journal — it was then requested of the West India Company to 

be allowed to war against the Indians ; but the Company did 

not permit it, and gave as a reason that we must live in good 

harmony with the natives. I related this to the Governor 

Kieft, but he did not wish to listen to me. Indeed, the Directr 

ors of the Company ought to have been more careful, and better 

acquainted with the officers they sent. 

I shortly after met with an Indian who was intoxicated. He 
told me that the Swannckins had sold to him brandy mixed with 
water, and stolen his dress of beaver skins ; that he was going 
homo for his bow and arrows, and would shoot one of them. 
I advised him not to do so, and left him. I was scarce home, 

* Srp liflnw, p. 277, extmcu from the Colonial Records in oonfimuiiion of 
this ftaiemeniof DcVries.— Ed. 

TOTAGffS or DE TRIES. 807 

when in came some of the chiefs of Ackinghsack and Recka^ 
wangk, not far distant from us, who told me that one of their In- 
dians, being intoxicated, had shot a man dead who was working 
on the roof of the house of Mr, Van der Vorst. They asked me 
what they should do ; that they dared not enter Uie fort ; that they 
were willing to pay 100 or 200 fathom of seawan (wampum) to 
pacify the widow. 1 told them to go with me to the fort and 
speak with the Commander ; but they dreaded to go there, fear- 
ing that he would not let them depart again ; but I gave them 
courage, and promised that I would see them home again. At 
last they consented, went with me to the fort, and we related to 
the Commander what had happened. He told the chiefs that 
they must deliver up the man who had committed the murder. 
They replied that they could not, he having nm off to the Tandi- 
tekes ; but if the Commander would permit them, they would 
try to satisfy the widow for the death of her husband with sea^ 
wan. And they said that the Europeans were the cause of it; 
that we ought not to sell brandy to the young Indians, which 
made them crazy, they not being used to their liquors ; and they 
saw very well that even among our people who were used to 
drink it, when drunk they committed foolish actions, and often 
fought with knives. And therefore to prevent all mischief, they 
wished we would sell no more spirituous liquors to the Indians ; 
and fearing that the Governor would keep them there, they told 
him that they would endeavour to take the man and deliver him 
to the Governor, when they took their leave ; but going home 
they told me that it was impossible for them to deliver the man, 
he being also the son of a chief, and so it was dropped. 


Feb. 22. Hostilities commenced about this time between the 
Indians, the Mayekanders, who came from Fort Orange, and 
those of Wickquaesgeck, Tappaen and vicinity, whom they 
wanted to put under contribution. Eighty or ninety Indians 
armed with muskets came from Fort Orange to fight them. 
Four or five hundred of the other Indians came to me, begging 
for assistance. I told them they ought to be ashamed, they 
being so many hundreds to fear 80 or 90 men ; that I had heara 
diem boasting that they were good soldiers, even as good as 
Mannetoe himself; besides those of Fort Orange were our 
friends, and therefore would not meddle with their affairs. Be- 
ing only five of us in the house, I went to the fort and request- 
ed of the Governor some soldiers, in order to remain master in 
my house. The Governor told me that he had no soldiers, that 
I should remain there that night, and he would see in the 


morning what could be done. I remained there that m^. Hie 
next day in the morning came aeyeral flocks of Indians going Id 
Pavonia, near the oyster bank, and encamped there. Some d 
them crossed the river and came to the fort. I spoke to tomecf 
them, who told me that the Indians had left my place. Thne 
Indians went to the farm of Corlaers, where ttiere were tarn 
Indians of Rockewack, opposite the fort on Long-Island, amongpt 
whom was a chief whom they called Hummerus, whcxmlknew 


Feb. 24. Sitting at the table with the Governor, he begin ti 
tell me a piece of his mind. He had a great desire, he sud, ti 
make these savages wipe their chops ; tnat he had o rdered Jn 
Claes Damen with Jacob Planck, ^ho had requested it, ti 
commence the job. I answered him that they were not calci- 
lated for this undertaking ; and that such things could not be 
done but by the order of the twelve men, and not without 1117 
consent, as I was the head-man of that committee. *' Conskla 
once, sir," said I, " what good it will do — knowing that we km 
our settlements by mere jangling with the Indians at Swanoh 
dael, in the Hocren Creek, in 1630, when thirty-two of our mea 
were murdered ; and now lately, in 1640, at Staten-Island, when 
my people were murdered, occasioned by your petty contrivan- 
ces of killing the Indians of Raritan and manghng the brother 
of their chief for mere bagatelle." But it seems my words 
would take no hold of him. Every thing was settled by luB 
assertions about this slaughter, desiring now to perform a feat 
worthy of the ancient heroes of Rome. And this was resolved 
upon without warning the Dutch, who were settled all over the 
country, to be on their guard and to escape the vengeance of 
the surviving Indians, as it was certain he could not kill all rf 
them. Having now amply discussed this intention during the 
whole dinner, we arose. The Governor asked me if I would 
like to see his new parlour which he had been building ? While 
there, seeing all the soldiers ready to cross the river to go to Pa- 
vonia to commence the massacre, I again spoke to the Governor, 
Wilhelm Kicft, and told him to desist from this undertaking. 
" You will go," said I, " to break the Indian's heads ; but it is 
our nation that you are going to murder. Nobody in the coun- 
try knows any thing of it. My family will be murdered again, 
and cverj^ thing destroyed." He told me I might be assured 
there would be no danger. He would send some soldiers for 
the defence of my place ; but these were promises spent in the 

It was in the night between the 25th and 26th of February, 
1 643, tlial they executed these fine deeds. I remained that night 
at the Governor's, and took a seat in the kitchen near the fire; 
ar.d at midnight I heard loud shrieks. I went out to the parapets 


of the fort, and looked towards Pavonia ; I saw nothing but 
the flash of the guns, and heard nothing more of the yells and 
daaiour of the Indians, who were butchered during their sleep. 
I again went to the fire. Shortly after I had been there, an 
Indian man and woman whom I knew entered, and told me 
that they had fled firom Pavonia; that the Indians of Fort 
Orange had surprised them, and that they came there for shel- 
ter. I told them immediately to go away, it not heins advisable 
for them to seek refuge here ; and that it was not me savages 
of Fort Orange who were murdering those of Pavonia, but it 
was the Swannekins, the Dutch themselves. ' They then asked 
me how they would get away out of the fort ? I conducted 
them out of the door where there was no sentinel, and they went 
into the woods. About day the soldiers returned again to the 
fort, havinff murdered eighty Indians. And this was the feat 
worthy of me heroes of old Rome — to massacre a parcel of In- 
dians m their sleep, to take the children from the breasts of their 
mothers, and to butcher them in the presence of their parents, 
and throw their mangled limbs into the Are or water ! Other 
sucklings had been fastened to little boards, and in this position 
they were cut in pieces ! Some were thrown into the river, 
and when the parents rushed in to save them, the soldiers pre- 
vented their landing, and let parents and children drown ! 
Children of five or six years old were murdered, and some aged 
decrepid men cut to pieces. Those who had escaped these 
horrors^ and found shelter in bushes and reeds, making in the 
morning their appearance to beg some food, or warm themselves, 
were killed in cold blood, or thrown into the fire or water. Some 
came running to us in the coimtry having their hands cut off. 
Some had their arms and legs cut ofi" — some who had their legs 
cut off, were supporting their entrails with their arms. Others 
were mangled in other horrid ways, in part too shocking to be 
conceived ; and these miserable wretches, as well as some of 
our people, did not know but they had been attacked by the 
Maquas of Fort Orange. 

After these exploits the soldiers were rewarded for their 
services, and heartily thanked with a shaking of the hands by 
Governor and Director Kieft. On the same night forty In- 
dians were attacked in their sleep and murdered at Corlaer's 
Hook and at Corlaer's plantation. 

As soon as the Indians learned that it was the Swannekins 
who had treated them in this manner, they murdered in the 
country all the men they could find, but did not kill any females 
or children. They burned all the houses and farms, bams, 
grain, haystacks ; destroying every thing they could lay hands 
upon ; in one word, they carried on a most destructive war. Tliey 
burned my fieurm and bam, destroyed my cattle, tobacco^ and 


ereiy thing they found. My people saved themselTes by tak- 
ing refiige in my dwelling, which, being constructed with em* 
brasures, they defended themselves through these. My people 
being thus stationed for defence, the very same Indian who 
came to me that horrid night when I was sitting near the fire at 
the Governor's, and whom I had conducted out of the fort, made 
his appearance. He told the other Indians that I was a good 
chief, Uiat I had assisted him, and was very much opposed to 
the murdering of their people. They cried then to my people 
not to fire ; that if they had not destroyed my cattle and farm, 
they would not do it now ; they would now leave every thing as 
it was, and break up the siege of the house. 

I now went to Governor Kieft, and asked him if it was 
net now as I had foretold, that he was only murdering a parcel of 
Christians ? Who should now make good our damages ? He 
did not give me any answer. He only said he was astonished 
that none of the savages came to the fort. I asked him why 
they should come to him, who had treated them so barbar- 

March 4. Three Indians bearing a white flag came near the 
fort, and wanted to be heard. The governor asked who woukl 
like to go ? Only one, besides myself, Jacob Olferszen, had the 
courage to go. We approached the Indians, who told us that 
they were sent by their chief to ask the reason why we had 
murdered some of his people, who had never done any harm to 
the Dutch ? We told them that we did not know that any of 
his tribe were amongst the number. They told us we must go 
and speak with their chief, who had fled some miles oflF near 
the sea-shore ; and as we knew Uiat they were well disposed to 
us, we ventured to ffo with them. We arrived about evening 
at Rechquaakie. We found the chief, who had only one eye, 
with 200 or 300 Indians, and about thirty horses. He brought 
us into his house, and offered us what he had, as oysters, fish, &c. 
He told us we were tired now, and must rest, and in the mom- 
ng we would speak about business. I had occasion during the 
night to go out of the house. It being moonlight, an Indian ap- 
proached me and requested me to come into his dwelling. 
When I had entered the house, and saw the man in the light, I 
knew him, as he lived only half a mile from my farm Vriessen- 
dael. He was there with his wife. They told me that I was 
a good chief, and that I came to Rancontynmarinet ^ that is, to 
make peace. I asked them how it came that they were so far 
firom their family. They told me they had been a hunting with 
their people &c. I now returned to the house of the chief, as 
day began to break. We were awakened and led by one of the 
Indians in the woods upwards of 400 paces from the house, 
where we found sixteen chiefs from Long-Island, who placed 


themselves in a circle around us. One of them had a bundle 
of small sticks. He was the best speaker, and commenced his 
speech. He related, that when we first arrived on their shores, 
we were sometimes in want of food ; they gave us their beans 
and corny and let us eat oysters and fish ; and now for recom- 
pense we murdered their people. He here laid down one Httle 
stick — this was one point of accusation. The men whom in 
your first trips you left nere to barter your goods till your return, 
these men have been treated by us as we would have done by 
our eye-balls. We gave them our daughters for wives, by 
whom they had children. There are now several Indians, who 
came from the blood of the Swannekins and that of Indians ; 
and then their own blood were now murdered in such villanous 
manner. He laid down another stick. I became tired, seeing 
that he had a great many sticks in his hand, and told him that 
I knew all that ; that ii some of their Indians were amongst 
those of Long-Island, the Dutch did not know it ; and if it were 
the case, they should go with us to the fort, and the governor 
would give them presents to make peace with them. Their 
speech finished, they presented each of us with ten fathom of 
seawan, (every fathom being equal to four guilders.) They arose 
and told us, that they would go with us to the fort, and speak 
with our governor. We went to the canoes. Being there, an 
Indian armed with bows and arrows came running to us. He 
came six miles distance from a chief who had not been with us, 
and asked the other Indians if they were fools, to ao to the fort 
to such villains who had murdered their friends T When so 
many chiefs come to die fort, said he, tlie Governor will keep 
them all, so that all the Indians would be without chiefs ; that the 
chief from whom he came disapproved verymuch that they should 

fo. They then asked me, if I understood what had been said? 
told them that this Indian was wrong ; that if they would go to 
the fort, they would find the contrary, and return with presents. 
One of the chiefs who knew me very well, told them that upon 
my word they would go to the fort ; that the Indians had never 
heard any lie firom me, as was the case with manv Swannekins. 
We then went, twenty in a canoe, and arrived about 3 o'clock, 
P. M. at the fort. Went to W. Kieft. Peace was made, and 
some presents given to the chiefs, and we requested them to 
brinff those chiefs who had lost so many of their men also to 
the tort; that the governor wanted to make peace with them, 
and give them presents. Some of them then went out, and re- 
turned with Inaians of Ackingsack andTappaen, and their vicin- 
ity, and the chiefs of those soon came also. The governor 
gave them some presents, but they were not well satisfied and 
parted grumbling. 

JtUt/ aO. — One of the chiefs told me he was melancholy. I 


asked him the reason. He said there are many of the young 
Indians much dissatisfied, and want to war with you. The 
one having lost liis father, the other his mother^ a third anin 
his uncle or some other of his friends ; that the presents giren 
bore no proportion to their loss and is therefore no recompenie. 
He had tried to satisfy them by presents out of his own piine, 
but could not reconcile them, wherefore he advised me not to 
go alone in the woods, there being no danger from those who 
knew me, but it might happen that I should meet with Indiaai 
who did not know me, and would then kill me. I requested 
him to go with mc to Governor Kieft and tell him the same 
things. We went to the fort, and the chief told the Govemcr 
the same things he had communicated to me. The Gorenor 
told him, that he being a chief ought to kill those boobies iriio 
wanted to war again with the Swannekins, and he would give 
him for recompense 200 fathom of seawan. He answered that 
he could do no such things ; that he had endeavoured to quid 
them, but feared he should not long succeed, they calling con- 
tinually for vengeance. 

Oct. 1. — Nine Indians came to Paronia, at which place were 
stationed three or four soldiers, who were there for defence of a 
farmer, Jacob Staffelsz. They were well disposed towards this 
man, and did not want to kill him ; so they went to him ud 
pretended that they wanted to cross the river and so to the foit 
when he was gone, they came under the cloak of friendship to 
the soldiers, who having no muskets in their hands, every one 
was killed, except a fore-son of the wife of Staffelsz, whom 
they carried off to Tappaen. They burned the farm and all 
the houses at Pavonia, and thus commenced again a new war. 
The next day the Governor came to my house, with the step- 
father of the little boy who had been carried off by the Indians. 
He asked me if I would go to the Indians to ransom this bovt 
as nobody dared to go amonc^t them but myself. I told them 
I would procure one or two Indians, but when they should be 
in the fort no harm must be done to them, because I wouki 
make myself responsible for them. I then went over to Liong 
Island, and brought witJi me two Indians to go to Tappaen to 
free the boy. When I came over, every one wanted to kill the 
Indians, and I had much ado to prevent it. I brought them on 
board of a privateer which was then in the river, and sailed 
with them to go and free the boy. When I returned with the 
boy, I went to the fort to take leave of the Governor. I told 
Wilhelm Kieft, that I doubted not that vengeance for the inno- 
cent blood which he had shed in his murderings, would sooner 
or later come on his head. And then I left him, and sailed on 
board of a Rotterdam fisherman's boat to Virginia, in order to 
proceed from thence to Europe. 


[The remainder of this voyage consists only of local descrip- 
tions of some of the Virginia coasts and groimds, of interest only 
to navigators. When he reached the South river, he found the 
Swedes had taken possession of many places, and built several 
forts. The first fort of the Swedes he found on the Varckenkill. 
They fired at his boat, and ordered him to strike his flag. The 
conmiander of this fort was Capt. Printz. It appears firom 
the sequel of this narrative that in 1630, when De Vries had a 
settlement on Swanendael, no Swedes were known on the river, 
and now they already had three forts. The poor Dutch were 
robbed in this way in the north by the sober and pious English- 
men, and in the south by the Swedes, who it seems were not 
very sober, as they bought from the captain of the vessel a good 

Juantity of wine and sweet meats. And De Vries says, that 
*rintz was a man weighing upwards of 400 lbs., and doubts 
not that he drank three drinks at every meal ; and that neither 
there nor in Virginia, was intoxication, or incontinence, pun- 
ished with whipping. Fort Nassau lay three miles higher up 
the river, where were yet some of the people of the West India 
company. The had also a fort at the Minquaes Blill, 
with a lew houses. The first fort was called Elsenbxirg, on 
which they had eight metal guns of twelve pounds; the se- 
cond was Christina, and the third New Gottenberg. They 
then went to James River ; arrived on the 22d at Jamestown, 
and spent one night at the house of Capt. Matthews, who was 
among the first that settled in Virginia. On the 28th he went 
on board, and arrived May 1, 1644, in the Downs, and on the 
21st June, at his Patria Hoorn, — Trans.*] 

A few extracts from a Description of New-Netherlands in 
1649, contained in the Du Simitiire MSS. 

When the Dutch first arrived, the Indians never having seen 
a vessel, nor knowing that there existed any other country but 
theirs, did not know what to make of those large ships. They 
thought they had dropped from heaven. Some thought it was 
the devil ; others again that it was a large fish, or sea monster. 
We ourself have often heard all this said by the Indians. 

• 1 saw in the nnan map of the New-Netherlands on the North River tiie 
word rock, often repeated. ThU word is obsolete ; its significaUon being an 
almost straight running part of a river or road.— TaAMs. 



The forts situated on the different riyers were paxticulazly 
erected to protect the possessions of the colonists, and preTCEl 
forci^ nations from settling on the lands of the Comranr. 
This nevertheless has not prevented some, particularly the Eng- 
lish, from building towns and villages from Cape Cod, (wheitift 
1609 the arms of their High Mightinesses were erected, and 
called by us New-Holland,) to the distance of eighteen miks 
from the North river ; the British having now a village called 
Stam-Foort, from which a man can walk to the North Kiver and 
return again in one day. Also the English of New-Haven have 
erected a house of commerce on the east side of Magdalcna 
island, not more than eighteen miles from the North river- 
this island being only seventy and a half miles above Fost 
Amsterdam, and is only erected there that they might take to 
themselves the whole of the trade of the Nortli river, or to njin 
the same. They also eight or nine years ago endeavoured to 
purchase from the Indians large tracts of land situated three or 
four miles distant from the colony of Rensselaerwyck, This 
they now want to make appear as consistent with their most 
purified consciences ; notwithstanding that it is mentioned in 
the grant of King James that they should remain, the one from 
the other, a distance of one hundred miles. 

All the islands, bays, rivers, havens, creeks and places far 
beyond Cape Cod, have received Dutch names, because it was 
the Dutch who first discovered them, and this is well known to 
the English. But this bcin^ against their interest, they want 
to make it ai>])car that ihey know nothing about it. Even tJjosc 
of Fresh river liave ofl'crcd to compensate, give an annual 
rt'vonue, or to buy out. Certainly this shows that they know well 
thai wc are ihc rii^Iil owners, and that it seemed that they 
be^an to feel that it was not exactly consistent with their most 
puritanical consciences. Nevertheless llicy have from lime to 
time been al)le to find out some palliative to keep that con- 
science at eas(», and have continued to lake our land. 

[It seems that all our Dutch writers who spent some time in 
New-Netherlands, were more cxas})eratcd against the pious 
Ncw-Knirlanders than ai^ainsl the \'irginians.— Trans.J 

Also tliose of Itliodc Island {Roodc EyhnuU which literally 
signifies Ked Island) when they were al variance with those of 
tlic Bay, bejrirod shelter and to be ailopletl amongst the Dutch. 
In short it is thus situated, that the English know very well ihe 
Dutch, when it is] their interest to know them ; or if they can 
use iheni as a cloak lo cover when necessary some of their 
deeds ; but otherwise they do not mind them a fig, and set them 
up as a lau^llinir stock ; and this is only produced by their ego- 
tism and self-interest. 


Long Island, which by its fine situation, noble bays and 
havens, as well as by its fine lands, may be called the crown of 
the province, is also entirely invaded by them, except at the 
western extremity, where are two Dutch villages, Breukelen and 
Amersfoort, which are not of much consequence, and a few 
English villages, as Gravesant, Greenwyck, Mespat, where 
dunng the war the inliabitants were expelled, and since 
confibcated by the Director Kieft. But the owners having appeal- 
ed, it is yet in statu quo. There are not many inhabitants now. 
Also VUssingen, a fine village, well stocked with cattle, and 
fourthly and last, Heemsted, better than the others and very rich 
in cattle. 

But as we are now on Long Island, we will (as it seems the 
British are craving this in particular) say a little more about iu 
From the beginning of our settling here, this island has been in- 
habited by the Dutch. In 1640, a Scotchman came to Director 
Kieft, having an English conunission, and claimed the Island, 
but his pretence was not much regarded, and he departed again, 
without efiecting any thing except to rouse a little of the mob. 
Afterwards the Director Kieft subdued and destroyed the British 
who wished to trade in Oyster Bay ; and thus it remained for 
some time. Another Scothman came in 1647, named Captain 
Forester, and claimed this island in the name of the dowager 
van Sterling, whose governor he pretended to be. He had a 
commission dated the 1 8th year of king James's reign, but it 
was not signed by the king, nor any body else. An old seal 
was attached to it, which was almost entirely obliterated. His 
commission covered the whole of Long-Island, with five sur- 
rounding islands, as well as the main land. He also had a power 
of attorney from Maria dowager van Sterling. Nevertheless 
the man valued these papers much, and said on his arrival that 
he would examine the commission of the Governor Stuyvesant. 
If it was better than his, he would give it up ; and if not, Stuy- 
vesant must. In short, the Director took copies of these papers, 
and sent the man over in the Valkemer, but the vessel touch- 
ing in England, he did not arrive in Holland. 


Aug, 30, 1645. This day, being the 30th August, appeared 
in Fort Amsterdam before the Director and Council m the pres- 
ence of the whole Commonalty, the Sachems in their own be- 
half, and for Sachems in their neigbourhoods, viz : Oratany, 
chief of Ackkinkeshacky, Sesekennick and Willem, chief of 
Tappaans and Reckgawawank, Pokam, Pennekeck^ wko weta 


here yesterday, and did give their power of attorney to the 
former, and took upon them the responsibility for those of Ouaoy 
and its vicinity, viz: tliose of Majanwetinneminy those at 
Marcchhourick, Nayeck and their neighbours, and Aepjen, who 
personally appeared, speaking in behaJf of Wappinex, ^Viq^la^ 
shex, Sintsings, and Kichtawanghs. 

1. They conclude with us a solid and durable peace, which 
they promise to keep sincerely, as we oblige ourselves to do in 
tlie same manner. 

2. And if (which God in his mercy avert) there should arise 
any difficulty between us and them, war shall not be renewed, 
but they shall complain to our governor, and we to their sa- 
chems ; and if any person should be murdered or killed, justice 
shall be directly administered on the murderer, and henceforth 
we shall hve together in amity and peace. 

3. They may not come on the island Manhattan with their 
arms in the neighbourhood of Christian dwellings ; neither will 
we approach their villages with our guns, except we are con- 
ducted thither by a savage to give them waniing. 

4. And whereas there is yet among them an English giri 
whom they promised to conduct to the English at Stamfort, 
which they yet engage to do ; and if she is not conducted there, 
she shall be guided here in safety, while we promise to pay 
them the ransom which has been promised by the English. 

All which we promise to keep religiously throughout all 
New-Netherlands. Done in Fort Amsterdam, in the open air, 
by the Director and Council in New-Netherlands, and llie 
whole Commonalty, called together for this purpose ; in the pre 
sence of the Maquas ambassadors, who were solicited to assist 
in this negociation, as arbitrators, and Comclis Anthonisson, 
tlieir interpreter and arbitrator with them in this solemn aifair. 
Done as above. 

The original treaty was signed with the mark of Sisindogo, 
the mark of Claes Norman, the mark of Oratany, the mark of 
Auronge, the mark of Sesechemis, the mark of William of 
Tappaan. William Kicft, La Montagnc, the mark of Jacob 
Stoffelsen, Jan OnderJuUy Francis Donthey, George Baxter, 
Richard Smith, Gysbert Opdyck, the mark of Acpjen, Sachem 
of the Mohicans, Jan Evertson Bout, Oloft Stevenson, Corne- 
hs van Hoykens, the mark of Cornelis Tcunissen. 

By my order, Cormelius Van- Tienuoven, Secret. 

* This is supposed to haye been a daughter of the famous Ann Hutchinson, 
who was banished from Boston for religious heresy, and took refuge among ilie 
Dutch near Stamford, where she was killed by the Indians in Sept. 1G43. Her 
daughter^ eight years of age, was taken prisoner, and aiVcrwards restored by the 
interfention of uovernor ^ieil.— £d. 


Extract from the translated Colonial Records, in the office of 
the Secretary of State, at Albany* Vol. II. p. 137. 

** November, 1641, Articles proposed to the chiefs and 
masters of families, subjects to the West India Company, and 
residing here, by the Honourable Director and Council of New- 
Nethcnands : — 1. If it is not just that the murder lately com- 
mitted by a savage upon Claes Smits, be avenged and punish- 
ed ; and in case that the Indians will not surrender the murderer 
at our requisition, if it is not just to destroy the whole village 
to which he belongs ? 2. In what manner and when this ou^t 
to be executed ? 3. By whom can this be eflfected ?" 

"Answer of the twelve select men chosen by the conmion- 
alty to answer the above Articles. To the first: They deem 
it in every respect expedient that this murder be punished and 
avenged, as it was proposed by the Honourable Director, 
while God and the opportunity ought to be taken in consider- 
ation ; meanwhile all the means may be prepared and provided, 
^and especially the Director General is requested to provide a 
sufficient number of coats of mail for the soldiers, as well as 
for the freemen who are willing to pay their share in these ex- 
penses. 2. That meanwhile the kind intercourse and the 
trade in com should be continued with them as before, till God's 
will and proper opportunity is offered ; but that no person of 
whatever state or condition he may be, shall presume to adopt 
any hostile measures against the savages either by water or by 
land, except against the murderer, while all are warned to be on 
their guard. And further, when the Indians are on their hunting 
excursions, then it may be advisable to divide ourselves into two 
parties, viz., the one to land near Rapela, the other party by 
Miqua's creek, to surprise them from both sides ; while the 
Honourable Director may employ in this expedition as many 
negroes of the strongest and most alert, as he can spare, anid 
arm them with a tomahawk and a small half pike. 

" 3. Whereas wc do not acknowledge another chief besides 
the Honourable Director, who is as well our ruler as he is the 
Commander of our soldiery, therefore the Honourable Director, 
to prevent confusion, ought to lead the van, while we offer our 
persons to follow his steps and obey his commands. 

" We deem it further advisable, that the Honourable Director 
send further once, twice, yea, even for the third time, a shallop 
to demand the surrender of the murderer in a friendly manner, 

^ See abore, p. 866. 


to punish him according to his deserts, to lure the savages into 
security, without using any threats. 

" On which the following persons (the select men, who had 
been chosen for the purpose) took their oath to keep their advice 
secret, viz. Jaqucs Bentyn, Moryn Adriaensen, Jan Damen^ 
Hendrick Janscn, David rieterszen de Vries, Jacob Stoffels, 
Abraham Molenaer, Frederick Lubbers, Jochen Pieterszen, 
Gerrit Derksen, George Rapalje, Abraham Plane. So truly 
help them God." 

In addition to the foregoing answer to the questions proposed 
by the Governor, (or Director General^ as he was usually 
•tylcd,) tlie advisory opinion of each of the twelve was taken 
separately, and most of them were duly recorded ; as tlie opin- 
ion of De Vrics is not entered upon the Records with the res% 
it was probably omitted on account of his disagreement with 
his associates and the Governor as to the course expedient to 
be pursued towards the Indians. That he was opposed to war 
in any event, appears clearly enough from his own account of 
the matter. 

The following document, which we have also copied from 
the Colonial Records, may be interesting in this connexion. 

" Sergeant Rodolf is commanded and authorized to take 
imder his command a troop of soldiers, and lead them to Pavonia, 
and drive away and destroy the savages being behind Jan Even- 
sens, but to spare as much as it is possible their wives and child- 
ren, and to take the savages prisoners. He may watch there for 
the proper opportunity to make his assault successftil; for 
which end Hans Stecn, who is well acquainted with every spot 
on which the savages arc skulking, accompanies him. He 
therefore shall consult with the aforesaid Hans Stcen and the 
corporals. The exploit ought to be executed at night with the 
greatest caution and prudence. Our God may bless the expe- 

"Done 25 February, 1643." 

A Fast day was appointed for the fourth of March following, 
in consequence of the troubles with the Indians, which continu- 
ed to disturb the colony. Peace being at length restored, the 
government ordered a general Thanksgiving to be observed 
Uuroughout the hmits of the New-Netherlands. It is generally 
supposed that this festival was peculiar to the Puritan colonies ; 
but its occasional occurrence, at least, among the Dutch, is 
fully shown by the following Proclamation of Governor Kieft, 
issued in accordance with a resolution of the Council, August 
31st, 1645:— 

" Whereas, God Almighty has been pleased, by his grace 

and mercy, and in addition to the numerous blessings that we 

Jiave enjoyed, to bestow on this coimtry that long desired peace 


With the savages — so has it been deemed becoming to proclaim 
this good tidings throughout the New-Netherlands, with the 
intention that in all places where there are any English or Dutch 
churches, God Almighty shall be thanked and praised, on the 
sixth day of September next, in the forenoon. The words of 
the text must be applicable to the occasion, and the sermon 
likewise." ' 

WouTER van Twiller, Director General. 

This personage of whom De Vries speaks with so httle re- 
spect, was superseded by WilUam Kieft in March, 1638. The 
following deposition appears in the records of that period, 
and tends to confirm tne charge of incompetency brought 
against him by our author : — 

"This day appeared before me, Cornelis van Tienhoven, 
Secretary in the New-Netherlands, at the request of William 
Kieft, Director General of the privileged West India Com- 
pany in New-Netherlands, Jacob Hoffclsen, Overseer, aged 
about thirty-seven years, Gillis Petersen van der Gouw, house 
carpenter, aged twenty-seven years, Tymen Jansen,* ship car- 
penter, aged thirty-six years, who jointly declared in presence 
of the midersigned witnesses, that it is true, that in the year 
1638, the twenty-eighth day of March, being the day on which 
William Kieft arrived here in the ship the Having, said Director 
Kieft did find Fort Amsterdam in a decayed state ; that it was 
open on every side, so that nothing could prevent to go in or 
out of the same except at the stone point ; all the guns from 
their carriages ; five farms without tenants thrown in commons 
without one single creature remaining in property to the Com- 
pany, all having been disposed of in other hands. Further, 
every vessel was in the worst condition, except the yacht 
Prince WilHam, which might be employed, besides a new one 
on the stocks. The house in the fort required considerable re- 
pair ; so likewise five other brick houses, frame houses, the 
Church, the lodge and smith's shop. One grist and saw mill in 
operation ; another out of repair, and a third burned. The 
place of the magazine for the wares and merchandize with 
difficulty can be discovered where it once stood. Besides thi» 
the late Director van Twiller has undertaken different works on 
account of other persons. All which we witnesses declare to 
be true, willing if required to sanction this by a solemn oath, 
and this we attested, to pay our homage to the truth, particular- 
ly when requested to do it. 

" Done in Fort Amsterdam, 16th April, 1039. 

• Anglic^, Timoihij Johtison. 


" Signed as above, and witnessed by Wybrant Petersen and 
Mauntz Jansen." 

Van Twiller continued to reside for some time at New- Am- 
sterdam after he bad retired from the office of director general. 
The following document, showing a transaction to which lie 
was a party, is taken from the first volume of the Colonial Re- 
cords, pp. 3 — 4, which conunence witli the administration of 
Gov. Kieft : — 

" This day appeared before me, Comelis van Tienhoven, 
Secretary in beMf of the privileged West India Company, 
here in New-Netherlands, the Honourable, Wise and Prudent 
de Heer* William Kieft, from one side. Director General of 
New-Netlierlands, and the Honourable, Wise and Prudent de 
Heer Wouter Van Twiller, ci-devant Director General, from the 
other side, who amicably agreed about the rent of the farm 
(bouwery) No. 1, belonging to the Directors of the privileged 
West India Company, Department of Amsterdam, viz. that 
the noble Director Kieft has rented to de Heer Wouter van 
Twiller, who too acknowledges to have rented said farm, and 
well for three successive years, to begin May 1st, 1638, and to 
end May 1st, 1641, and this for the sum of two hundred and 
fifty caroliguilder\ annually ; besides this a fair sixth part of all 
the produce with which God shall bless the field, either growing 
on the spot, or gathered in shocks, as then may be agreed to 
receive by the present Director ; with the stipulation that said 
Honourable van Twiller shall be obliged at the expiration of 
the said three years to sow again said farm, and to keep said 
lands in good order, for all which said contracting parties submit 
their persons and property, real and personal, present and future, 
without exception, to the supreme court of the Province of 
Holland, besides any other courts of justice, all in good faith 
without any fraud or malice. In truth of which two similar 
copies have been made, signed by the respective parties. 

" Done at the Fort of New- Amsterdam in New-Netherlands, 
this twenty-second day of April, Anno Domini, 1638. 

/^. ,v William Kieft, 
^Mgncti; Wouter Van Twiller.'' 

* The translator renders this title by the English "Sir," ("Sir Wilh*am 
Kieft,") which is evidently a mistake, as the title of Sir belong to a knight, in 
Dutch, Ridder, Lambrechtsen applies the address de Heer to Rev. Mr. Miller, 
{de Heer Miller) with the force of little more than Mr, 

t A Dutch guilder or florin, of which two and a half are equivalent to a 
dollar. — Ed. 









Dirtdflr of tli« Dutch West India Companj, dee. 

TSwuhiti frtm tkt wigimml Dnick, 



In tracing the history of American colonization few writers 
have taken the trouble to examine fully the original authorities 
to be found among those nations that were the first to engage in 
enterprizes to the new world. The English, the French, and the 
Dutch, were nearly equally active at one period in planting ciril- 
ization upon the coasts of North America ; but the jealousy enkin- 
died by the common pursuit of commercial advantages led to a 
mutual disposition to undervalue each other's share in the glory of 
maritime discovery. The right of occupying the country thus 
came into dispute among the different powers, and conflicting 
claims of title arose, that oflen rendered the shores of the new 
world a scene of bitter and sometimes bloody contention. It is 
obvious enough that in such a state of things the truth of history 
would require something more for its support than the pardal 
statements of any one side in the controversy ; and in order to 
arrive at a satisfactory result it would be necessary to compare 
the pretensions of the various rival states with one another. Thus 
while England extended her claim to the whole country from 
Labrador to Florida, and conferred upon it the names of New Eng- 
land and Virginia, the French were not far behind in asserting 
their title to a jurisdiction of nearly equal extent, who, blot- 
ting out from their maps the English names, denominated the 
whole New France. The Dutch were more modest in their pre- 
tensions, as well as more equitable in the distribution of territory ; 
conceding to their rivals what each seemed to have fairly merited 
by successful efforts to colonize the countrj^ they inscribed on 
their maps the names of New France, Virginia, and New England, 
but at the same time set up a claim of their own to those parts of the 
North American continent that had been first explored, if not dis- 
covered, and colonized by themselves, to which they gave the 
name of New Netherlands. The careful historian before under- 

tantas componere lites, 


'^ftrin have recourse to the statements of the respective parties 
wherever they are to be found, and diligently investigate the grounds 
upon which tliey severally rest. 

The ultimate predominance of England, together with the gene- 
ral spread of her language and literature throughout so large a 
part of the new world to the exclusion of almost every other, has 
given a manifest advantage to the advocates of her original claims of 
title over those of her less fortunate rivals. American histori- 
ans have written with English prejudices, expatiating with ardour 
upon the heroic enterprize and religious zeal that led to the coloni- 
zation of Virginia and New England, while they have almost for- 
gotten to record the earlier sprinklings of French hamlets on the 
St. Lawrence and the bay of Fundy, as well as the undaunted 
and persevering efforts of the Dutch skippers in exploring the 
coast from Cape Cod to Chesapeake bay, and dotting the banks of 
its rivers and estuaries with hardy settlers before an English ship 
had ascended the Hudson or the Delaware. The obstacles pre- 
sented by the intervention of a foreign language, in which alone 
many of the earlier accounts are to be found, have contributed 
without doubt to increase the measure of injustice on the part of 
our own writers, especially in the case of the Dutch, whose lan- 
guage presents too repulsive an exterior to induce even the histori- 
cal student to explore its treasures. Thus the indefatigable annalist, 
the late Dr. Holmes, whose noble work is a monument of patient 
labour and learned research, ascribes the discovery of I«ong Island 
Sound and Connecticut river to Thomas Dermer, an Englishman, 
in 1619 ; when, had he perused the Dutch authorities of that 
period, he would not have hesitated to give the credit of the 
achievement to skipper Block, who, in the year 1614, sailed 
through the East river into the Sound, and ascended the Connecti- 
cut as far, or nearly so, as the present site of Hartford.^ 

The Dutch author to whom we are chiefly indebted for recording 
the early voyages of his countrymen to the new world, is JotiN de 
Laet, one of the most distinguished of European geographers, 
from whose principal work the following extracts have been 
made. He was a native of Antwerp, but appears to have resided 
during the latter part of his career at Leyden, where the greater 

* See below, p. S96. 

884 PRBUMnfART vonci. 

part of his works were issued from the unriTtUed press of the 
Elzevirs. His last publication was an edition of YitraTios on 
Architecture, which he dedicated to Christina, Queen of Sweden, 
in 1649 ; he died during the same year.* Among his writings 
not the least interesting is the controversy in which he was 
engaged with his countryman the celebrated Grotius, or Hugo d$ 
GfvUy as the name was written in his vernacular tongue, on the 
origin of the native American race. De Laet, in the first instance, 
published an edition of the essay of Grotius on that subject widi 
annotations, in 1643 ; to which the latter replied, and De Last 
afterwards rejoined. Both wrote in the Latin language. 

But the work on which his reputation chiefly rests, was entitled^ 
the "New World,or a Description of the Westlndies," d&c, origin- 
ally composed in Dutch, and published in a black-letter folio at Ley- 
den, in 1625.t It was inscribed by the author to the States Gene- 
ral of the United Provinces in a handsome dedication, dated at 
Leyden, November 15th, 1624. This work contains the earliest 
published account of which we have any knowledge relative to 
the Dutch settlements on our river; tracing the discoveries of 
Hudson and other navigators upon the coast, whose MS. journals of 
their voyages the author evidently had before him when he wrote. 
This circumstance is distinctly stated in his preface, in which, 
after enumerating the various publications to which he had been 
indebted, he adds, ^' Together with various manuscript journals of 
different shipmasters and steersmen, whose names we have here 
and there mentioned in our descriptions." {Beneffens verscheyden 
gheschreven Journalen van verscheyden Schippers ende Stier- 
lied en, welcher namen wy hier ende doer in onse Beschryvinge 
hebben vyd'gedrackf.) De Laet not only mentions the name of 
Hudson, but quotes several passages from his journal, the more 
interesting as no other portions of it are known to be in existence \X 
the meagre log-book kept by his mate, Robert Juet, being all that 

♦ Biographic Universellc, t xxiii. Art Laet. 

t The title is as follows ; " Nibuwb Wbrbldt ofle BeachryTinghe ran West 
Indien, uit veelderhandc Schrifien ende aen-teekeninghen Tan verscheydeo 
natitn by een versamelt Door Joannes de LneL Ende met noodighe kaerten 
ende tafels voorsien. Tot Leydeo, in de Druckerye Tan Itaack EUeTier. 
Anno 1625/' 

See below, pp 899, 300. 


preserved of the original accounts of the voyage during which 

lie discovered the noble river that bears his name.^ It is equally 

^ear that our author possessed the journals of Adhaen Block, and 

Oomelius Jacobson May, whose explorations of the coast were 

made from 1614 to 1623. 

The name of New Netherlands first appears in the work of De 
Lmet, who describes its boundaries, and assigns the grounds on 
which the Dutch claimed the country. The period at which he 
wrote is the one in which the first attempts are supposed to have 
been made for the regular settlement of a colony, although trading 
houses had been previously erected on the river. The colonial 
records seem to point, though indirectly, to that date, as the com- 
mencement of a regular administration of affairs, under Peter Minuit 
as governor; and a respectable Dutch author, who wrote the 
Annals of the Netherlands, briefly alludes to the settlement of 
" Nieuto Nederlandt, nu Nieujork^^ by several Dutch families 
{hutBgezinnen)^ under the year 1624. f The publication of De Laet 
without doubt exerted a favourable influence on the enterprize, 
which was begun under the auspices of the West India Company, 
of which he became a director. It was not, however, until the 
year 1630, that the principal impulse was given to the growth of 
the infant colony. A charter of privileges for the benefit of indi- 
viduals who would transport settlers to the New Netherlands, or 
emigrate thither, was then promulgated by the West India Compa- 
ny, which induced many influential persons to engage in the settle- 
ment of the country. Under this charter. Van Rensselaer planted 
his colony near Fort Orange, one hundred and fifty miles from the 
mouth of the river ; and with him were associated in other enter- 
prizes of a similar character a number of prominent citizens, 
among whom was our author. It does not appear that De Laet 
visited the country, although he evidently took a deep interest in 
its prosperity, as one of the patroons or founders of colonies, and 
a director in the West India Company. His daughter Johanna de 
Laet, the wife of Jeronimus Ebbingh, afterwards resided here ; and 

* By a singular coincidence, the journal of Juet was published by Purchase 
in his collection of Toyages, at London, the same year (1685) that De Laet*s 
work appeared at Ley den. 

tKort Verhaal der Nederlantsche Geschiedenissen, etc door Hermanut 
Meijer, te Groniogen, 1747. 


we find the latter among the schepens or magistrates of New 
Amsterdam, as late as 1673.^ In the tax list of the same year, 
£bbingh*s estate is one of the largest assessed. 

Among the publications of De Laet was a history of the West 
India Company, which appeared from the press of the Elzevirs, in 
1644^ It is a folio volume, in the Dutch language, entitled a 
" History or yearly relation of the transactions of the chartered 
West India Company, from its beginning to the end of the year 
1636, in thirteen books, ornamented with various copperplate en- 
gravings. By John de Laet, a director of the company. Leyden; 
by Bonaventuer and Abraham Elzevir. Anno 1644." t The affairs 
of the New Netherlands occupy, however, a comparatively small 
•space in this work, since the operations of the Company in other 
quarters were of much greater magnitude and importance. 

None of the writings of De Laet appear to have been translated 
into our language, although most of them were well known to 
English scholars through the medium of the Latin and the French, 
in which he seems to have composed with as much facility as in 
his vernacular tongue. A Latin edition of the New World was 
published in 1633, under the title of " Nocus Orbis, seu description 
nis India: Occidentalism Aulore Joanne de Laet Antuerpiensi,^^ &c. ; 
and another appeared in French, in the year 1640, both from the 
press of the Elzevirs at Leyden. These editions became exten- 
sively known, and gave the author at once a distinguished place 
among the savans of Europe 4 The success of the work was 
complete ; it furnished the best account of the New World that had 
yet appeared, containing, as Charlevoix justly remarks, the fruits 
of great research, not only in relation to the political establishments 
of the European powers in America, but also in respect to the 
natural history of the country, and the character and manners of 
the native races. He drew his materials, continues the same 

* Moulton's New Orange, 13, note. 

t Historie oftc Jaerlijck Verbael van de verrichtinghen der geoctroyeerde 
West Indische Compagnie, &c 

} The original edition in Dutch was so completely eclipsed by its successors, 
that its existence seems to have escaped the notice of ^tbose wiiters who have 
given a list of De Laci's publications. It is not mentioned by Charlevoix, Bru- 
nei, or Watt, nor by the author of the valuable article concerning him in the Bt- 
cgrajihii UniverseUe, 


writer, from good sources, and used them with skill and discern- 
ment, except when he consulted only protestant authors, and per« 
mitted his judgment to be warped by religious prejudice.* A late 
English writer, after mentioning that De Laet was a great profi- 
cient in the languages, and composed or edited several works re- 
lating to geography and civil history, adds, " These works are 
■till in considerable repute, as well on account of the historical and 
geographical information which they contain, as on account of the 
great beauty of the Elzevir t3rpes."t 

In preparing the Latin edition of his " New World," De Laet 
inatead of translating the Dutch text recomposed the work anew, 
condensing and altering many of the chapters, and interweaving 
the new materials collected in the interval of publication. The 
original work was divided into fifteen books, to which three were now 
added, besides many new chapters and additional maps. Among 
the latter was a map of " Nova Anglia, Novum Belgium^ et Ftr- 
ginia" containing also " Nov€b Francue Pars" on which the ter- 
ritory claimed by the Dutch is distinctly laid down. The French 
edition of 1640, is an exact counterpart to the Latin ; containing 
the same number of books and chapters, and the same maps and 
other illustrations. The text is also the same, being for the most 
part a faithful translation of the Latin. 

The following extracts comprise all that the original edition of 
De Laet contains on the subject of the New Netherlands ; and 
for the purpose of enabling the reader, who may not have the means 
of referring to the work itself, now rarely to be met with, the chap- 
ters of the Latin edition, corresponding exactly to the French, 
are also added. It will be seen that the original edition enters 
much more fully into a description of the discoveries of the Dutch 
in this quarter than the others ; while in the latter new matter is 
added relative to the productions of the country, and the character 
of the native inhabitants. The brief vocabulary of the language of 
the Sanhickans, a nation of the Delawares, who inhabited the west 
side of the Hudson from the Highlands to the sea, forms a valua* 
ble contribution to the materials for instituting a comparison of the 
different American dialects. 

In making the translation, we have endeavoured to conform as 


* Histoire de la Noavelle France, U i. riviii. f Reet' Cyclop. Art Last. 


Strictly as possible to the literal sense of the original, the object 
being not so much to furnish an agreeable narrative, as to present 
in a plain English dress the few chapters devoted by the author 
to the discoveries of his countrymen upon our shores. At the 
period when the description was written, the first efforts were 
making to establish a colony within the bounds of our present 
populous and flourishing commonwealth ; a company of merchants 
had already erected their trading houses upon the banks of the 
river, and under the charter of 1621,^ preparations were in progrea 
to colonize the country from the Connecticut to the Delaware. In 
1624 a few families had probably come over, as we have already 
seen, but nothing had been done towards effecting a settlemeirt 
worthy of commemoration by the pen of the historian. The plan, 
however, had been marked out ; the name of New Nethbrlanm, 
appearing now for the first time, and the careful description by onr 
author of the limits of the territory comprehended under that name, 
indicate with sufficient distinctness what was intended to be done. 
And had the government of the United Provinces, instead of leaft- 
ing th^ gigantic undertaking to the unassisted enterprise of a few 
merchants, lent her aid and employed a portion of her nndoobled 
resources in promoting its success, the result must have been far 
more satisfactory, and the colony of New Netherlands might have 
existed to the present day, a monument of the commercial pros- 
perity and maritime vigour of the parent State. 


* Sm the charter of the West India Company in Hazard's StaU PmptT9. 



Chapter VII. 

iTie first discovery and general description of that part of 
the country called by our countrymen New-Netherlands. 

In the foregoing chapters we have spokgn of that portion of 
the West Indies lying to the north, which m? French, as relat- 
ed in the last book, some years since more fully discovered and 
explored, and to which the English at a later period had begun 
to give the name of New-England. We had thus reached in our 
description the promontory called by the English Cape Cod^ 
and following the route of the French navigators, had arrived in 
our last book at Cape Malebarre and Port Fort\m6*. The 
main land bends inwardly from riiis point, and forms, as it were, 
a large bay, that extends nearly east and west to a great river, 
from which the coast aeain stretches to the south-west, or nearly 
so, to the extremity of Florida. This part of the coast, situated 
as we have described, including numerous islands, and two 
large rivers, the most southerly in latitude 38° and fifty 
odd minutes, and the most northerly in latitude 40° 30', wliich 
flows from the north, a great distance inland — this portion 
of the West Indies, I say, our countrymen call New-Neth- 
erlands, because it was first more fully discovered at the charge 
of Netherlanders, and some years after was visited by others of 
our people, and provided by them with a fort and habitations, 
under the authority and special grants of their High Mighti- 
nesses the Stales General of the United Provinces. 

As to the first discovery, the Directors of the authorized 
East India Company, in the year 1609, despatched the yacht 

* The French discoreries here referred to, were those of Champlain and 
othen, in 1603-4, &c when they ransred the coast from Nova Scotia to Cape 
Malebarre, the southern extremity of the peninsula of Cape Cod. Port Fortuni 
was a harbour at the tame place, probably the same now called Chatham Harbour. 
Gosnold, an English navigator, had visited and named Cape Cod in 1609, at 
well as other parts of the coast of New England ; hence De Laet does not claim 
for the French the merit of making original discoveries in that (quarter* It will- 
be perceived that he applies the term Wt$t Indies to the continent ; in this lie 
follows the Spanish writers, some of whom still adhere to that usage. 


290 BB laet's description 

Half-Moon, under the command of Henry Hudson, captain and 
supercargo, to seek a passage to China by the north-east. But 
he changed *his course and stood over towards New France, and 
having passed the banks of New Foundland in latitude 43** 23', 
he made the land in latitude 44° 15', with a west-north-west and 
north-west course, and went on shore at a place where there 
were many of the natives, witli whom, as he understood^ the 
French came every year to trade.* Sailing hence he bent his 
course to the south, until running south-south-west and south- 
west by south, he again made land in latitude 41° 43', which he 
supposed to be an island, and gave it the name of New-Hollamd, 
but afterwards discovered that it was Cape Cod, and that accord- 
ing to his observation, it lay two hundred and twenty-five 
miles to the west of its place on all the charts.t Pursu- 
ing his course to the south, he again saw land in latitude 37° 15' ; 
the coast was low, running north and south, and opposite to it 
lay a bank or shoal within which tiiere was a depth of eight, 
nine, ten, eleven, seven, and six and a half fathoms, with a 
sandy bottom. Hudson called this place Dry Cape.X 

Cnanging his course to the northward, he again discovered 
land in lat. 38'' 9', where there was a white sandy shore^ and 
within appeared a thick grove of trees full of creen foliage. 
The direction of the coast w^as north-north-cast and south-south- 
west, for about twenty-four miles ; then north and south for 
twcnty-onc miles, and afterwards south-cast and nortli-wcst for 
fifteen miles. They continued to nni along ths coast to the 
north, until they reached a point from which the land stretches 
to the west and north-west, where several rivers discharge 
into an open bay. Land was seen to the east-north-east, which 
Hudson at first took to be an island, but it proved to be the 
main land,and the second point of the bay, in latitude 68° 54*.| 
Standing in upon a course north-west by cast, they soon found 
themselves embayed, and encountering many breakers, stood 
out again to the south-south-east. Hudson suspected that a 
large river discharged into the bay, from the strength of the 
current that set out and caused the accumulation of sands and 

• Probably near the mouth of Penobscot, (called by the French PmtagotQ 
river; there wns a small Fi-ench settlement at the same date, considerably 
farther to the eastward, named Port Royal, now Annapolis, Nov.i Scotia. 

t In the translation we shall convert the Dutch miles into English; in the 
nresent instance settnty-five miles in the original become in English measure Ivo 
hundred and ticenty-five, 

I Near the mouth of Chesapeake Bay ; the description of the coast corres- 
ponds to the vicinity of Cape Charles. 

II This was wiiliout doubt Cape May, now laid down in latitude 3£» .57', 
varying only 3 from the observations of Hudson. The remainder of the def- 
waintion nnplics well enough to Delaware bay and river, now first discovered, 
M claimed by the Dutch. 


Continuing their course along the shore to the north, thej 
observed a white sandy beach and drowned land within, beyond 
which there appeared[ a grove of wood ; the coast running 
north-east by east, and south-west by south. Afterwards the 
direction of the coast changed to north by east, and was higher 
land than they had yet seen. They at length reached a lofty 
promontory or head-land, behind which was situated a bay, 
which they entered and run up into a road-stead near a low 
sandy point, in lat. 40^ 18\* There they were visited by two 
savages clothed in elk skins, who showed them every sign of 
friendship. On the land tlicy found an abundance of blue 
plums, and magnificent oaks, of a height and thickness that 
one seldom beholds ; together with poplars, linden trees, 
and various other kinds of wood useful in ship-building. Sail- 
ing hence in a northeasterly direction, they ascended a river to 
nearly 43° north latitude, where it became so narrow and of so 
little depth, that they found it necessary to return. t 

From all that they could learn, there had never been any 
ships or Christians in that quarter before, and they were the 
first to discover the river and ascend it so far. Henry Hudson 
returned to Amsterdam with this report ; and in the following 
year, 1610, some merchants again sent a ship thither, that is to 
say, to the second river discovered, which was called Manhattes^ 
from the savage nation that dwelt at its mouth. And subse- 
quently their High Mightinesses the States General granted to 
these merchants the exclusive privilege of navigating this river 
and trading there; whereupon, in the year 1615, a redoubt or 
fort was erected on the river, and occupied by a small garrison, 
of which we shall hereafter speak. Our countrymen have con- 
tinued to make voyages thither from year to year for the pur- 
pose of trafficking with the natives, and on this account the 
country has very justly received the name of New-Nether- 


Chapter VHI. 

Situation of the coast of New-Netherlands from Pye Bay to 

the Great River of the Mountains, 

The better to understand the bearing of the coast and the 
extent of the country, we should begin somewhat farther to the 

^ Thia is about Uie latitude of Sandy Hook. The highlands of New Jersey 
formed the lofly promontory referred to. 

t The latitude of Albany is 42" 39*. It appears from Juet's Journal of the 
Toya^e, that Hudson sent bis small boat several miles farther up the river than 
his ship proceeded, and in this way he probably reached the latitude of Albany, 
described as ntatly 43 ^. 


north, namely at Pye Bay, as it is caUed by scxme of our na?!- 
gators, in latitude 42' 30', to which the limits of New-Nether- 
lands extend. The distance from thence to the extreme point 
of the Lizard, according to the observations and reckoning of 
Captain Adrian Block, is two thousand and seventy miles, or 
thereabout. On the cape in this bay the ground is very sandy; 
a numerous p^coplc inhabit there, who are extremely well-look- 
ing, but timid and shy of Cluristians, so that it requires schdc 
address to approach them.* From this place to a point named 
by Captain Block Cape Bevechier^ (from its great resemblance 
to Bevechier, the land being clammy, and not very elevated,) 
across Wick Bay, (another bay so called by our people, 
extending to the south-east,) the distance is thirty-six miles, 
and the course to the south-east by east and north-west by west 
The coast trends from this cape, in the first place, north-west 
and south-cast, for fifteen miles, and then north-east and south- 
west for eighteen miles, towards another sandy point. From 
the latter to Cape Malebarrc, the distance is twenty-seven miles, 
and the direction of the coast north-east by north and south- 
west by south. This cape was also called by our countrymen 
Flat Iiook ; the. surf breaks very much upon the point at its 
extremity, although there is three fathoms' water at low tide, in 
as much as the currents here meet, rendering the navigation 
dangerous to those who are not acquainted with the coast.t 

Our Netherland ship-masters have not in a single instance 
had the misfortune to (rd stranded upon the shoals in this 
quarter, althouiili according to some accounts there is a reef 
extending out to sea in a southerly direction for the distance of 
ninety miles. Not that it is very shallow for so great a dis- 
tance, but only that the bottom can be reached with the lead; 
and there is the least depth of water twenty-four or twenty- 
seven miles off from the shore and out of si<i:ht of land. The 
soundinfTs arc very unequal, sometimes thirty fathoms, and 
then only seven or ci;rht. Ikit on the other hand it is said by 
some navigators, that no such reef lies so far to the south of 

• The Intimdo of Pye Bay corrospontls to that of Mnrblehcad, a few milei 
nnrth-f.'iMt r)f Hf»st«.n ; from to the Lizard, at tlic entrance of the English 
Channel, the distance is murh greater than it was romputrd hy the Dutch nav- 
igator. Th« name of Pye Bay was not adopted by the English after the sculc- 
nicnt of the country. 

t Capo Bevechier «ecms to have been on the western side of the peninsula of 
Cape Cod, but the land in all that region is the reverse of the character given it by 
tlie author; instead of being clammy, or adhesive, it is mostly composed of loose 
wind. There are banks of clay, however, on the east side, called Clay Pounds, 
but not far enougli from Capo Malebarrc to answer the description of Cape Be- 
vechier. The second sandy jwint noticed, without being named, twenty-seven 
miles from Capo Malebarrc, may have Iwen Race Point on the extremity of 
Capo Cod, althouijh iho distance between them is somewhat greater. 


Cape Malebarre, but only to the eastward of it ; we shall leave 
this matter to be settled by the more complete discoveries of 
our skippers hereafter.* 

Nine miles to the west of Cape Malebarre lies an island 
about six miles from the shore, and three miles in extent, or 
thereabout ; but at a distance one might suppose that it was 

fart of the main land ; it was called by some, as I conjecture, 
^etochnock. In respect to the beanng of the coast in this 
quarter, I do not find it laid down on any charts of our country- 
men that have come to my hands. But a number of islands 
lie off in that direction, as, for instance, one that was common- 
ly called by our Dutch captains, Texel, and by others Cape 
Ack.t It is a large island, and appears white and clayey, accord- 
ing to the description of Capt. Cornehs Jacob May. About a 
mue and a half from the south-west extremity of this island, 
lies another small island, which was named by our countrymen 
Henry Christian's Island, and by otliers Marten-vinger's Is- 
land.t In this vicinity are likewise several small islands, called 
Elizabeth's Islands, which are upon the starboard side in 
coming from the river or bay of Nassau ; and in order to run 
on the outside of Henry Christian's Island, it is necessary to 
steer a south-east course. Beyond these Ues also an island to 
which our countrymen have given the name of Blocks Island, 
from Captain Adrian Block. Tliis island and the Texel 
above mentioned are situated east by north and west by south 
from one another, and the distance is such that you can see both 
from the quarter deck when you are half way between. 

To the north of these islands and within the main land, is 
situated the river or bay of Nassau, || which lies from the 
above named Block's Island north-east by east and south-west 
by west. This bay or river of Nassau is apparently very 

* The most satisfactory account of these shoals, now know as George's Bank, 
18 contained in the late editions of Blunt's Coast Pilot, from a sunrey made at the 
expense of the author of that work, in 1821. They are also laid down on a chart 
of the north-eastern coast by the same indefatigable hydrographer, with great 
minuteness and acknowledged accuracy. A new survey of them has been re- 
cently made (1837) by the direction of our ffOTcmment, under the superinten- 
dence of LieuL Com. Charles Wilkes. U. S. N., from which it appears that the 
shoalest water found upon the bank wa« 2| fathoms, or fifteen feet, and that the 
soundings varied suddenly, in frequent instances, from seven or eight to thirty 
fathoms, thus confirming the Dutch account of them. Their distance from land 
is also ascertained to be the same as stated by our author, namely, ninety miles. 
They are laid down on the Dutch maps under the name of the Great Malebarre 
Reef, (<' Groof R^ van MaUbarre,) and by the English in early times, as the 
Malabar Shoals. It may be well to add, that none of our gazetteers or geo- 
graphical publications contain a tolerable description of this remarkable feature 
upon our coast ; the excellent nautical work already mentioned being the only 
authority relative to them of any val ie« 

t Martha*8 Vineyard. 

X Now called M-man!^s4aiuU 

y Narraganset Bay. 

294 DE last's BESCRIPTIOlf 

large and wide, and according to the description of Captab 
Block must be full nine miles m width ; it has in the miast of 
it a number of islsmds, which one may pass on either side. 
It extends east-north-east about twenty-iour miles, after which 
it is not more than two petard shots wide, and has generally 
seven, eight, nine, five, and four fathoms of water, except in a 
strait in the uppermost part of the bay, at a petard shot's 
distance from an island in that direction, where there is but nine 
feet water. Beyond this strait we have again three and a half 
fathoms of water ; the land in this vicinity appears very fine, 
and the inhabitants seem strong of limb and of moderate size. 
They are somewhat shy, however, since they are not ac- 
customed to trade with strangers, who would otherwise go there 
in quest of beaver and fox skins, &c., for which they resort to 
other places in that quarter. 

From the westerly passage into this bay of Nassau to 
the most southerly entrance of Anchor bay, the distance is 
twenty-one miles, according to the statement of our skippers, 
and the course is south-east and north-west. Our countrymen 
have given two names to this bay, as it has an island in the 
centre and discharges into the sea by two mouths, the most 
easterly of which they call Anchor bay, and the most westerly 
Sloop bay.* The south-cast shore of this bay runs north-east 
by north and north-north-east. In the lower part of the bay 
dwell the Wapenocks, a nation of savages Uke the rest. Capt. 
Adrian Block called the people who inhabit the west side of 
this bay Nahicans, and their sagamore Nathattow ; another 
chief was named Cachaquant. Towards the north-west side 
there is a sandy point with a small island, bearing cast and 
west, and bending so as to form a handsome bay with a sandy 
bottom. On the richt of the sandy point there is more than two 
fathoms water, and farther on three and three and a half fath- 
oms, with a sharp bottom, where lies an island of a reddish 
appearance. From Sloop bay, or the most westerly passage, 
it is twenty-four miles to the Great Bay, [Long Island Sound,] 
which is situated between the main land and several islands,! 
that extend to the mouth of the Great River [Hudson]. In this 
great bay are many islands both large and small, that have no 
particular names, so far as is known to us, except that on a chart 
of this quarter made some years since, several small islands are 
laid down at the entrance to this great bay, near what we should 

• These names appear lo have been giren to the difTerent entrances into 
Narra^nsct Bay. 

t On ihe early Dutch maps, Long Island is laid down as a group of islands, 
into which it was supposed to be divided by the various inlets. Tne imperfect 
map accompanying the La'jn edition of this work, (1633,) has tliis error 
among others. 


call Fisher's Hook [Montauk Point,] to which the name of 
Gesellen (the Companions,) is applied. And another, called 
Long Island, lies over across the bay, to avoid which, when 
approaching Fisher's Hook and running for Fresh river, one 
must steer to the north-west. 

Towards the main land within the bay lies a crooked point, 
behind which there is a small stream or inlet, which was called 
by our people East river, since it extends towards the east. 
There is another small river towards the west where the coast 
bends, which our countrymen called the river of Siccanemos 
after the name of the Sacimos or Sacmos ; here is a good har- 
bour or roadstead behind a sand-point about half a mile from 
the western shore in two and a half fathoms water. The river 
comes for the most part from tlie north-east, and is in some 
places very shallow, having but nine feet of water at the con- 
fluence of a small stream, and in others places only six feet. Then 
there are kills or creeks with full five fathoms water, but navi- 
gation for ships extends only fifteen or eighteen miles. Salmon 
are found there. The people who dwell on this river, according 
to the statements of our people, arc called Pequatoos, (Pequods) 
and are the enemies of the Wapanoos.* 

A small island lies to the south-west by south from this river, 
as the coast runs ; near the west end of it a north-west by west 
moon causes low water. We next find on the main a small 
stream to which our people gave the name of the Little fresh 
river, where some trade is carried on with the natives, who are 
called Morhicans. 

Next, in the south-west, succeeds a river named by our 
countrymen Fresh river, (the Connecticut,) which is shallow at 
its mouth, and Ues between two courses, north by east and 
west by north ; but according to conjecture, allowing for both, 
its general direction is from the north-north-west. In some 
places it is very shallow, so that at about forty-five miles up the 
river there is not much more than five feet of water. There 
are few inhabitants near the mouth of the river, but at the dis- 
tance of forty-five miles above they become numerous ; their 
nation is called Sequins.f From this place the river stretches 
thirty miles, mostly in a northerly direction, but is very crook- 
ed ; the racks or reaches extend from north-east to south-west, 
and it is impossible to sail through them with a head wind. 
The depth of water varies from ten to twelve feet, which is the 

* The river here described is the Tkamts, navigable fourteen miles to Nor 
wich, in Connecticut. 

t Trumbull, Hittory qf Conttedicul, mentions a Pyquaug sagamore called 
Sc^tn, who was living when the English commenced their settlements on Con* 
neticut river. Pyquaug^s, aAerwards Weathersficld, was just forty*five miles 
from the mouth of the river. 

296 Di laet's description 

greatest, to eight or rune, and sometimes to four and five, and 
then to eight and nine again. The natives plant maize, or In- 
dian com, and in the year 1614, they had a village resembling 
a fort for protection against the attacks of their enemies. They 
are called Nawaas, and the sagamore was named Morahieck. 
They term the bread made of maize in their language, leganick. 
This place is situated in latitude 41° 48'. The river is not 
navigable with yachts for more than six miles farther, as it is 
very shallow and has a rocky bottom. Within the land dwells 
another nation of savages, who are called Horikans ; they 
ascend the river in canoes made of bark. This river has al- 
ways a downward current, so that no assistance is derived from 
it in going up, but a favourable wind is necessary.* 

From Iresh river to another called the river of Roodeberg, 
it is twenty-four miles, west by north and east by south ; 
this stream stretches cast-north-east, and is about a bow-shot 
wide, being a depth of three and a half fathoms at high water. 
It rises and falls about six feet ; a south-east by south moon 
causes high water at its mouth. The natives who dwell here 
are called Quiripeys.f They take many beavers, but it is neces- 
sary for them to get into the habit of trade, otherwise they aie 
too indolent to hunt tlie beaver. 

Twelve miles further to the east there lies a small island, 
where good water is to be found ; and twelve miles beyond 
there arc a number of islands, so that Captain Block gave the 
name of Archipelagos to the group. The great bay is there 
about twelve miles wide. There is a small stream on the main 
that docs not extend more than a mile and a half from the shore, 
when it becomes perfectly dry. The natives are here called 
Siwanoos, and dwell along the coast for twenty-four miles to the 
neighbourhood of Hellegat. At the entrance of this bay, as 
we have already mentioned, are situated several islands, or 
broken land, on which a nation of savages have their abode, 
who arc called Matouwacks; they obtain a livelihood by fish- 
ing within the bay ; whence the most easterly point of the 
land received the name of Fisher's Hook, and also Cape de 
Baye (now Montauk Point). This cape and Block Island are 
situated about twelve miles apart, in a course east by north and 
west by south. 

* This description of the Connecticut was probably derived from the Journal 
of Captain Adrian Block, and is the earliest account of the river extant. Block 
tvas unq'iestionably the first European who explored iu Trumbull, History rf 
Connetieutt says, "None of the ancient adventurers, who discovered the conti- 
nent of North America, in New-England, made any discovery of this river. It 
does not appear that it was known to any civilized nation until some years after 
the settlement of the English and Dutch at Plymouth and New-Nctherlands.** 
Blnck*s discovery was, it would seem, before both, viz. A. D. 1614. 

t (luiMiepi'Ock was the Indian name of New-Haven ; Roodeberg, or Red hill, 
the Dutch name. 


Hellegat, as named by our people, is another river, according 
to the description of Captain Adrian Block, that flows from 
the great bay into the great river ; and the current according to 
his statement, comes a distance of about one hundred and eleven 
miles east of the great river. The two currents of the great 
river and the Hellegat, meet one another near Nutten Island 
(now Governor's Island).* In coming from the creat river to 
the bay, the reaches extend east by north, and east-north- 
east and east-south-east, formed almost entirely by islands. 
The natives here brin^ on board the ships oysters, squirrels^ 
and wild ducks. We nave now come ,to the great nver, of 
which we shall next speak. 

Chapter IX. 

Of the great North river of the New-Netherlands, and its 


The great north river of the New-Netherlands was called 
by some the Manhattes river, from the people who dwell near 
its mouth ; by others, also, Rio de Montaigne, or River of the 
Mountain ; but by our coimtrymen it was generally called the 
Great River. There is a large bay at its entrance, which is 
now named by our captains Port May, barred at its mouth by 
a sandy point ; and off the eastern hook of the river extends a 
reef, tfiat must be very bold, since while we have twelve fath- 
oms water on one part of it, there are only five or six on another^ 
and again but one and a half, with a firm bottom. About five 
miles within the hook of the river, near the eastern shore, lies 
an island not more than a mile and a half in extent, to which our 
people gave the name of Nutten Island, because excellent nut 
trees grow there. On the east side, upon the main land, dwell the 
Manatthans, a bad race of savages, who have always been 
very obstinate and unfriendly towards our countrymen. On 
the west side are the Sanhickans, who are the deadly enemies of 
the Manatthans, and a much better people ; they dwell within 
the sandy hook, and along the bay, as well as in the interior of 
the country. 

The entrance to this river hes in latitude 40^* 28' or SV. 
Over against Nutten Island, or the western side of it, there are 
four other small islands.f The river is fourteen or fifteen fath- 

* What is now called East river it here described at Hellegat river, and its 
current is reckoned from the eastern entrance of Long Island Sound. The word 
got has the sense of gul when used nautically, as the Gtil t^f Canto. kc» 

t Only two of these islands are now remaining, but it is said that the rocki 
wlier* the others once lay^ are to be seen at low water. 



oms deep at its mouth, and continues of that depth in a straight 
channel ; it is for the most part a musket shot wide, but varies 
somewhat in its width. Its course is between north-east and 
north-'north-west, according as the reaches extend. Within the 
first reach, on the western bank of the river, where the land is 
low, there dwells a nation of savages, named Tappaans. The 
river here is quite shallow in the middle, but deep on both sides. 
The stream is greatest and flows north and south out of the 
northern entrance, and a south-east and north-west moon causes 
the highest tides. About three miles inland there is a bay 
sheltered from all winds, nearly twenty miles in circuit ; there 
flows here a strong flood and ebb, but the ebb is not more than 
four feet, on account of the great quantity of water that comes 
from above, overflowing ihc low lands in the spring. 

The second reach of the river extends upward to a narrow 
part, named by our people Haverstroo ; then comes the Seyl- 
maker's reach, as they call it ; and next a crooked reach, in 
the form of a crescent, called Kock's reach. Next is Hogerack, 
and then follows Vossen reach, which extends to Klinckers- 
bergh ; this is succeeded by Fisher's reach, where, on the east 
bank of the river, dwells a nation of savages called Pachami. 
This reach extends to another narrow pass, where, on the west 
side of the river, there is a point of land tliat juts out covered 
with sand, opposite a bend in the river, on which another natioo 
of savages, the Waoranecks, have their abode, at a place called 
Esopus. A little beyond on the west side, where there is a 
creek, and tlie river becomes more shallow, the Warana-wan- 
kougs reside; here arc several small islands. Next comes 
another reach called Klaverack, where the water is deeper on 
the west side, while the eastern side is sandy. Then follow 
Backerrack, John Playsier's rack, and Vastcrack, as far as 
Hinnenhoek. All these reaches are dotted with sand and shal- 
low, both on the east side, and in the middle of the river. 

Finally, the Hcrtcnrack succeeds as far as Kinderhoek ; at 
this place and beyond, the river at its greatest depth has but 
five fathoms of water, and generally only two or three. Beyond 
Kinderhoek there are several small islands in the river, one of 
which was called Becrcn Island {Bears' Island). After this 
we come to a sheltered retreat named Ouwec Rec, and farther 
on are Sturgeon's Hook and Fisher's Hook, over against which, 
on the east side of the river, dwell the Mohicans. On the east 
hes a long broken island, through which several creeks find a 
passage, forming several islands ; on which a fort was erected, 
in latitude 43 . The tide flows to this place, and the river is 
navigable for ships. Higher up it becomes so shallow that 
small skiffs can with difficulty sail there ; and one sees in tlie 
distance several lofty hills, from which most of the water in the 


river flows. Judging from appearances, this river extends to 
the great river St. Lawrence, or Canada, since our people as- 
sure us that the natives come to the fort from that river, and 
from Quebec and Tadoussac. 

A fort was built here in the year 1614, upon an island on 
the west side of the river, where dwell the Mackwaes, the ene- 
mies of the Mohicans. Almost all those who Uve on the west 
aide, are enemies of those on the east, and cultivate more in- 
tercourse and friendship with our countrymen than the latter. 
The fort was built in tlie form of a redoubt, surrounded by a 
moat eighteen feet wide ; it was mounted with two pieces of 
cannon and eleven swivels, and the garrison consisted often or 
twelve men. Henry Christians first commanded here, and in 
his absence James Elkens, on behalf of the Company, who, in 
1614, received authority from their High Mightinesses, the 
States General. This Fort was constantly occupied for three 
years, after which it was suffered to go to decay. On this 
river there is a great traffick in the skins of beavers, otters, fox- 
es, bears, minks, catelossen^ and the like. The land is excellent 
ami agreeable to the eye, full of noble forest trees and grape 
vines, and nothing is wanting but the labour and industry of man 
to render it one of the finest and most fruitful lands in that part 
'of the world ; for the Indians who inhabit there are indolent, 
and some of them a crafty and wicked people. 

Chapter X. 

Of the appearance of the land, and the manners of the people 

on the great river of the Mountains, 


Henry Hudson who first discovered this river, and all that 
have since visited it, express their admiration of the noble trees 
growing upon its banks ; and Hudson has himself described the 
manners and appearance of the people that he found dwelling 
within the bay, in the following terms : — 

"When I came on shore, the swarthy natives all stood 
around, and sung in tlicir fashion ; their clothing consisted of 
the skins of foxes and other animals, which they dress and 
make the skins into garments of various sorts. Their food is 
Turkish wheat, (maize or Indian corn,) which they cook by 
baking, and it is excellent eating. They all came on board one 
after another in their canoes, which are made of a single 
hollowed tree ; their weapons are bows and arrows, pointed 
with sharp stones, which they fasten with hard resin. They 
had no houses, but slept under the blue heavens, sometimes on 
mats of bulrushes interwoven, and sometimes on the leaves of 

300 ra ulkt^b dbscrifhok 

trees. They always carry with them all their ffoods, such as 
their food and green tobacco, which is strong and good for use. 
They appear to be a friendly people, but have a great propen- 
sity to steal, and are exceedingly adroit in carrying away wnat- 
cver they take a fancy to/* 

In latitude 40** 48', where the savages brou^t venr fine 
oysters to the ship, Hudson describes the country m the follow- 
ing manner : — ^' It is as pleasant a land as one need tread 
upon ; very abundant in all kinds of timber suitable for ship- 
building, and for making large casks or vats. The people had 
copper tobacco pipes, from which I inferred that copper mig^ 
naturally exist there ; and iron likewise according to the testi- 
mony of the natives, who, however, do not understand pre- 
paring it for use." 

Hudson also states that they caught in the river all kinds d 
fresh-water fish with seines, and young salmon and sturgeon. 
In latitude 42** 18', he landed :* — "I sailed to the shore," be 
says, " in one of their canoes with an old man, who was the 
cmef of a tribe consisting of forty men and seventeen wcHnen ; 
these I saw there in a house well constructed of oak-bark, and 
circular in shape, so that it had the appearance of being buih 
with an archea roof. It contained a great quantity of maize or 
Indian com and beans of the last year's growth, and there lay 
near the house for the purpose of drying enough to load three 
ships, besides what was growing in the fields. On our coming 
into the bouse, two mats were spread out to sit upon, and im- 
mediately some food was served in well made red wooden 
bowls ; two men were also despatched at once with bows and 
arrows in quest of game, who soon after brought in a pair of 
pigeons which they had shot. They likewise killed a fat dog, and 
skinned it in great haste with shells which they had got out of the 
water. They supposed that I would remain with them for the 
night, but I returned after a short time on board the ship. The 
land is the finest for cultivation that I ever in my life set foot 
upon, {Is het schoonste landt om te houwen ah ick oyt myn 
leven met voeten betrat,) and it also abounds in trees of every 
description. The natives are a very good people, for when they 
«aw that I would not remain, they supposed tliat I was afiraid 
of their bows, and taking the arrows, they broke them in pieces 
and threw them into the fire. &c." 

He foimd there also vines and grapes, pumpkins and other 
firmts ; from all of which there is sufficient reason to conclude, 
that it is a pleasant and fruitful country, and that the natives 

• The present cilv of Hudson is in lat. 42 14', near where the adrenturovs 
navigator went on shore. The time occupied by him in exploring the river was 
^m Sspt. 13th to Ocu 3d, m appears from the Journal of his mate, Robert 


are well disposed, if they are only well treated ; although they 
are very changeable, and of the same general character as all 
the savages in the north. They have no religion whatever, nor 
any divine worship, much less any poUtical government, except 
that they have their chiefs whom they call Sackmos, or Sagi- 
mos. On different occasions some of our people have been en- 
countered by them and slain ; for they are revengeful and very 
suspicious, and on this account often engaged in wars among 
themselves, although remarkably timid and deficient in courage. 
But with mild and proper treatment, and especially by inter- 
course with Christians, this people might be civilized and 
brought under better regulation; particularly if they were 
placed in contact with a sober and discreet population that cul- 
tivated good order. They are, besides, very serviceable, and 
aUow themselves to be employed in many things for quite a 
small compensation ; even to performing a long day's journey, 
in which tney discover greater fidehty man could be expected 
of such a people. 

As to tne climate and seasons of the year, they do not ill 
agree with our countrymen, although it is somewhat colder there 
than is pleasant ; it freezes and snows excessively in winter, so 
that the river often becomes a soUd mass of ice. But this 
occurs some years more than others, as with us. There is also 
a great variety of winds in that coimtry, and in summer much 
thunder and lightning with violent gusts. In short, it is a 
country well adapted for our people to inhabit, on accoimt of the 
similarity of the cUmate and me weather to our own ; especially 
since it wants nothing that is needful for the subsistence of man, 
except domestic cattle, which it would be easy to carry there ; 
and besides producing many things of which our own country 
is destitute. Wine can be made there with industry, since 
vines are already found that require nothing but cultivation. 
We have before stated how much the country abounds in timber 
suitable for ship-building ; it is sought by our people for that 
purpose, who nave built there several sloops and tolerable 
yacnts. And particularly Capt. Adrian Block, when his ship 
was accidentaUy burnt in the year 1614, constructed there a 
yacht with a keel thirty-eight feet long, forty-four and a half 
feet firom stem to stem, and eleven and a half feet wide. In 
this vessel he sailed through Hellegat into the great bay, and 
explored all the places thereabout ; continuing his course as far 
as Cape Cod, wnere he fell in with the ship of Henry Chris- 
tian. He afterwards returned home, and left the yacht on that 
coast for further use. 

302 DB LA1T*8 DSBCEimOlf 

Chapter XI. 

Further description of the coast to the second great river^ {the 
DeUnoare^) and from thence to latitude 38^ north. 

In coming out of the bay that lies at the mouth of the great 
river of the mountains, we have a tolerably deep chamiel bj 
keeping the river or its mouth to the north-east, and the outer 
cape of the high land of the bay to the south-east. From the 
sandy hook of the bay or Port May to Fishers' Hook {MorUauk 
Point), or the eastern extremity of the broken land where the 
Matouwacks dwell, the land stretches to the east and north-east 
and the distance is about eighty-one or eighty-four oiiles, ac- 
cording to the report of some navigators, but according to Cor- 
neUus Jacob May only seventy-five miles. When one is out- 
side of the above mentioned hook of Port May, and bound to 
the south, the coast tends to the south-south-west and north- 
north-east, and land is visible on both sides. Beyond, the coast 
runs south-west by south, and north-east by north, and presents 
a fine, bold shore, with tolerably high sand hills, extending to a 
lofty foreland within the land. But farther south the coast is 
somewhat lower, with but one foot of water along the shores 
beyond which water is visible within, and here and there a low 
sandhill. Continuing our course we meet with a gut or inlet, 
and farther on another gut, in about latitude 39^ 50', which is 
called by our people Ever haven, {Egg-harbour,) and also Bay 
haven. This is a small river or kill, within which all is broken 
land, and in the bay arc severed inconsiderable islands. A Uttle 
beyond, in the same direction, a toleraljly high forest is seen 
upon a low promontory, and then succeeds a flat sandy shore 
with very small sand hills or downs ; towards the south lofty 
woods are again visible, with here and there slight elevations.* 

From thence to Cape Mav the coast trends mostly to the 
east north-east and west south-west, and the guts or inlets are 
so numerous that there appears to be one for every short mile. 
But one should be cautious not to approach loo near tlie coast, 
since there are polders or low places enclosed with banks, on 
which the sea breaks with great violence ; and tlie water con- 
stantly grows more shallow, so that at one cast of the lead there 
may be seven fathoms, at another but five, and a third only 
three or less. As we approach Cape May, the coast runs west 
south-west and east-north-east, ana twelve or sixteen miles out 
to sea hes a bank or shelf of sand, where there is but four and 

* Drommeltien — an obscure and obsolete expression; the meaning as giTen 
above is somewhat conjectural. Drommcl van huysen means the raising of a 


a half fathoms water, while nearer to the land we have seven 
fathoms or more. 

The second river lies also within a great bay, called by our 
people New Port May : it has two capes or headlands, of which 
the northern is named Cape May, and the southern Cape Cor- 
nelius, and these two capes lie east-north-east, well to the north, 
and west south-west, well to the south, of one another, so far 
distant that one is scarcely able to see across with the eye. 
To the south-west of Cape May, and full half-way over towards 
Cape Cornehus to the south-south-east, there are sandbanks ; 
the bay also within is full of sand bars and shoals, so that 
numerous channels are formed, rendering the bay highly dan- 
gerous to those unacquainted with it. Within this bay is 
another large river, called the South river, of which we have spo- 
ken in the seventh chapter ; and several smaller streams, which 
I shall describe hereafter, as the true bearing and further situa- 
tion of the coast, as observed by our navigators, have not reach- 
ed me, although some of them are well acquainted with these 
rivers, which they discovered and have visited for several 
years. Several nations of savages inhabit the banks of these 
rivers, namely, the Sawanoos, Sanliickans, Minquaas, Capita- 
nesses, Gacheos, Sennekaas, Canomakers, Naratekons, Kone- 
kotays, Matanakouses, Armeomeks, &c. nearly all of whom 
are of the same chEiracter and condition as those we have alrea- 
dy described. They plant and raise maize, beans, and whatever 
else other natives possess. 

The most southerly cape, called by us Cape Cornehus, has 
a white shining appearance, and a reef runs off from it to the 
•outh-south-east, to the sea ; it is situated in latitude 38^ 54\ 
Twelve miles from this cape hes another, which our countrymen 
call Cape Hinlopen, and the course is north-east by east and 
south-west by south. From here the coast stretches first most- 
ly north and south, and then south-west and north-north-east, 
and also south-west and north-east. Along the shore there is 
six and seven fathoms water, and the bottom is excellent ; then 
again in two or three tacks we have only three fathoms. From 
hence to latitude 38° 18' the land trends to the south-west, well 
to the south, and north-east, well to the north, with a very small 
foreland, and within there is a spacious body of water together 
with low broken land ; this continues for about twenty-four 
miles. To the south the land runs mostly north-east by east 
tod south-west by west, and is a very uneven bottom, varying 
from six to seven and five fathoms water. 







Book III. — Chapter. VII. 

Description of that part ^of the continent of North America 
which was first more fully explored and settled by our 


Thus far wc have treated of that part of North America which 
the French first explored, and liaving planted colonies therein, 
had for some time occupied ; but which the EngUsh have of late 
endeavoiured to reduce into possession, setting up a claim thereto, 
and distinguishing it by the names of New England and New 
Scotland. In our preceding book, we took a survey of this 
coast as far as the promontory called by the French Cape Ma- 
lebarre, but in the former chapters of the present book, following 
the more recent explorations of the English, we reachea 
Cape Cod. From Cape Malebarre, (taking our departure firom 
that point,) the coast makes a great bend to the west, and forms 
as it were a bay, into whose bosom a laree river discharges 
itself, and finally into the sea ; and from the mouth of which 
the coast again bends to the south. This territory including a 
number of islands, extending firom lat. 38° 30', (where another 
large river discharges,) to lat. 44°, and beyond within the land, 
we now denominate New Netherlands, because this part of 
the country was first more fully explored under the auspices 
and at the expense of our people, and afterwards, having oecn 
"onstantly visited and finally colonized under the authority of 


the most illustrious States General, first received the arts of 
civilization'from the Nethcrlanders, who erected a fortification 
on its soil with the consent of the native inhabitants. 

The bend in the coast had, indeed, been observed by others, 
and the shores even seen and approached in the neighbourhood 
of Cape Malebarre, but none had noticed, so far as appears, 
that a noble river, covered with boats and inhabited by nume- 
rous and varied tribes of people, flowed into the farther part of 
the bay thus formed, until the discovery was made by our peo- 
ple in the year 1609. The East India Company had des- 
patched Henry Hudson, an Englishman, in a small bark, 
towards the northern coast of America, for the purpose of dis- 
covering a passage to Tartary and China ; in which proving 
unsuccessful, he changed his course, and approached New 
France in lat 44° 15'. Afterwards running to the south, he saw 
land in lat. 41° 43', and supposing it to be an island he named it 
New Holland ; but it soon alter appeared that it was a part of the 
main land, and the promontory of Cape Blanc or Cod, which, 
judging firom his reckoning and observations, was seventy-five 
miles nirther to the west than it was laid down on the charts. 
When they had examined the coast in various places, and had 
gone as far south as lat. 37°, (either from necessity or other- 
"wise,) they returned along the coast as far as lat. 40°, where 
they entered a spacious bay, and cast anchor behind a low and 
sandy cape. Here they were visited by two savages clothed 
in elk sUns, and hospitably received ; and on the shore they 
gathered blue plums that were ripe, and saw around them noble 
oaks, poplars, and other trees. Afterwards weighing anchor 
they entered the river itself, and ascended to lat. 43°, where 
the channel became narrower, and too shallow for large vessels, 
and it appeared from indubitable signs, that no Europeans had 
before visited the river. 

When, therefore, Hudson had returned towards the end of 
outonm to Amsterdam in his bark, and made known what he 
had discovered respecting this river, (which he called Manhattes^ 
from the name of the people who dwelt at its mouth,) immedi- 
ately, in 1610, some Amsterdam merchants sent thither a ves 
sel loaded with a variety of goods, and having obtained from the 
States General exclusive authority to visit the river and neigh- 
bouring regions for purposes of trade, they carried on a commerce 
"with the natives for several succeeding years ; for which pur- 
pose our people remained there during vrinter, and finally, in 
1615, built a fort under the auspices of the States General, and 
garrisoned it with soldiers, as we shall relate hereafter. Such 
was the commencement of what resulted in the application of 
the name New Netherlands to that part of the nortnem contH 
nent, which continues to this day. 


806 91 I.A1T^8 DBfCRIPnOK 

Chapter VIII. 

A particular description of New-Netherlands in respect to the 

situation of the Coast. 

The main land, as we haye already itated, changes its diieo 
tion from Cape Malebarre to the west, being studdoi with many 
islands, and the coast itself being so much intersected by bays 
and inlets that it is doubtful whether it deserves most the name 
of continent or island, about which authors differ. Having 
passed the Cape, a small island presents itself at the bend (» 
the shore, six miles from the main land, and not more than three 
miles in extent, which is called Petockenock. Near this, to 
the west, is an oblong and spacious island, which our people, 
on account of its resemblance to Tcxel call by the same name. 
Next on the south, at the distance of three or four miles, lies 
another, which they call from its discoverer Henry Christian's 
Island, but the English apparently Martlia^s Vineyard^ in lat 
41® 16'. It is said to be fifteen miles in circumterence, and 
abounds in trees and birds, with every convenience for fishing. 
A small island succeeds near the main land, which they c2l 
from its appearance Dover clifi"; and two miles beyond is Eli- 
zabeth's island, in lat. 41° 10', in the middle of which is a pool 
of pure water, and a rocky elevation that the English undertook 
to fortify, but abandoned it. The last of these islands is the 
one which Capt. Adrian Block called after his own name. 

But let us return to the continent. Here first a bay discloses 
itself, (which some consider a river,) called Nassau, six miles 
wide at its entrance, which is obstructed by islands, and about 
eight fathoms deep ; afterwards it becomes narrower, terminat- 
ing as it were in a point, with a depth of four, five, and some- 
times nine fathoms, except in the extreme recess where it is 
more shallow. It is surrounded by a pleasant and fertile coun- 
try, inhabited by sturdy barbarians, who are diflicult of ac- 
cess, not being accustomed yet to intercourse with strangers. At 
the distance of twenty-one miles west of this bay, there is another, 
divided by an island at its entrance, so that it has two names ; 
for the part on the cast is called Anchor, and that on the west 
Boat bay. The savages who dwell around this bay are called 
Wapenokes, though it is said bv others that the western side is 
inhabited by the Nalucans. Twenty-four miles or thereabout 
beyond, we enter a very large bay, enclosed by the land for a 
long distance, or rather by islands intersected by channels, of 
which there is a great number, imtil we reach the mouth of the 


great river. There are also numerous small islands, to which 
no particular names have been given, navigators taking the 
liberty of changing them arbitrarily. Near the entrance oi this 
bay the main land forms a crooked prominence in the shape of 
a sickle, behind which an inlet receives a small stream, that 
flows from the east and has received its name from our people. 

Another little river discharges on the same part of the coast, 
which derives its name from a chief of the natives, called Sic- 
canamos ; here is a very convenient roadstead. Behind a small 
promontory there is another stream that is navigable for fifteen 
or eighteen miles ] here salmon are taken. The native inhabi- 
tants are called Pequatoes, who are the enemies of the Wapa- 
nokes. From thence the coast turns a little to the south, and 
a small river is seen which our people named Frisius, where a 
trade is carried on with the Morhicans. Next comes a river 
Called by our countrymen De Versche Riviere, or Fresh river, 
which is shallow and. shoaly at its mouth, so that it is difficult 
for small vessels to ascend it ; near the sea there are but few 
inhabitants, but within the interior of the country dwell the 
Sequins, at the distance of forty-five miles ; the Nawes are the 
next above, who cultivate the land and plant maize, from which 
they bake cakes, called by them /c^amcA. In the year 1614, 
they were defended by a kind of palisade in the form of a camp 
against their enemies, in lat. 41° 48*, as I find it was observed 
by our people. Beyond live the Horikans, who are accustomed 
to descend this river in boats made of the bark of trees sewed 

Another river meets us twenty-four miles west of this, to 
which the name of red hills has been given ; the Querepees in- 
habit its banks ; many beaver are taken here, since a demand 
for our goods has stimulated the naturally slothful savages. 
Twelve miles west an island presents itself, and soon after 
many more are seen, whence our people called this place 
Archipelago. The bay is here twelve miles wide ; on the 
main reside the Suwanoes, similar in dress and manners to the 
other savages. 

I have remarked that the large bay was enclosed by several 
islands, separated from one another only by small channels. 
These are inhabited by a race of savages who are devoted to 
fishing, and thus obtain their subsistence ; they are called Ma- 
touwacks. The name of Fisher's Hook has thus been given 
to the eastern cape of these islands, which somee consider the 
head of the bay. In the interior of this bay a branch of th^ 
great river, or another river as others consider it, discharges, 
which our people call Helle-gat, or the entrance to the infernal 
regions {infemi os). The current of the sea setting from the 
east to the west, meets another current of the great met tv^ast 


an island^ which our countrymen called Nutten Island, from the 
great abundance of nuts which it produces. 

Chapter IX. 

Of the Great or North River of the New-Netherlands^ and 
the different people who dwell near it. 

The great river of New-Netherlands is called by some Man- 
hattes, doubtless from the people who reside near its mouth ; by 
others the river of the mountain ; by some also Nassau, but 
more frequently by our countrymen the Great North river, 
to distinguish it from another which flows into the same ocean 
more towards the south. Near the mouth of this river there is a 
bay of moderate extent which our people commonly call Port 
May, from the name of Capt. Cornelius May ; it is snut in from 
the ocean by several islands and a sandy point extending to- 
wards the east, and on account of rocks and shoals is dangerous 
to navigators, although behind the point tliere is a convenient an- 
chorage for ships. The people who dwell about this bay are 
called Aquamachuques. In entering the river from the sandy 
point, at the distance of three miles or more within the entrance, 
there is an island which derives its name from tlie nut trees 
that grow on it, as wc liavc already stated ; opposite to which 
on the left or western side of the river lie three or four islands 
near shore. The mouth of this river is in 40^ 28' or 30' north 
latitude. The channel at its mouth is fourteen or fifteen fath- 
oms deep, and preserves nearly the same depth in its course, 
sometimes wider and sometimes narrower ; and with various 
windings it ascends towards the north and north-west. 

On the right or eastern bank of the river from its mouth dwell 
the Manliatt(2 or Manalthanes, a fierce nation and hostile to our 
people, from whom nevertheless they purchased the island or 
point of land which is separated from the main by Helle gat, {le 
trou d*enfer, of which we have ahrcady spoken,) and where they 
laid the foundations of a city, called New Amsterdam. On the 
left or western side of the river dwell the Sanhikans, tlie deadly 
enemies of the former nation, and a better and more decent 

I)eople ; they hve along the shores of the bay and within tlie 
and. Opposite to the Manhattans dwell the' Machkenfiivomiy 
and within the first bend of the river on the same side the 
Tappaunes. The river is here shallow in the middle, but 
along its banks on each side it preserves its depth, and forms a 
bay which is about eighteen miles in circuit, and protects ships 
against the uncertainty of tlie winds, when necessary. The 


flowing and ebbing of the sea are here suflBiciently strong, but 
on account of the immense quantity of water which comes 
firom above, the river falls not more than four feet, and very 
often in the spring overflows its banks where they are low. 
The second bend of the river is toward the north-west extend- 
ing to a narrow part which our people call Haverstroo, and 
thus with various windings it reaches a place which our coun- 
trymen call Vischer's Kack, that is, the fisherman's bend. 
.AjmI here the eastern bank is inhabited by the Pachami ; a httle 
beyond where projects a sandy point, and the river becomes 
narrower, there is a place called Esopus, where the Waorane- 
kySy another barbarous nation have their abode. To these suc- 
ceed after a short interval the Waranawancougysy on the oppo- 
site side of the river ; from hence ascending by various wind- 
ings of the shore which our people distinguish by particidar 
names, we reach another small point where the channel dimi- 
nishes in depth and has not more than three or four fathoms, 
being interrupted by frequent shallows and sand bars, occasion- 
ing greater delay than danger ; then comes Bears' island, ( f/r- 
sorum insula, or Beer en eylandt), and behind it a small bay 
which they call Old Harbor. 

On the right bank of the river opposite this island dwell the 
ManhicanSy and along the shore extends an oblong island in- 
tersected by various channels, so that it seems to be several 
islands ; then we reach another island where our countrymen 
formerly had a small fort. The tide flows as far as this place 
and the river is covered with large vessels ; but above the river 
diminishes rapidly in depth and is scarcely sufficient for small 
boats. Lofty mountains are seen in the distance ; from them 
the greatest part of the water with which this river is filled, de- 
scends ; but its sources are supposed not to be very far distant 
firom the great river of Canada, since not unfrequently the 
Indians come to our fort from Quebec and Tadousac. This 
fort which we call Orange, is situated on an island adjacent to 
the left bank of the river, which a nation of barbarians inhabit 
whom they call Mackwas, the enemies of the Manhikans who 
occupy the right bank of the river. Nearly all the savages on 
the western side are hostile to those on the eastern side of the 
river. In this fort were formerly placed several pieces of can- 
non and a small garrison of solaiers under the auspices of the 
illustrious States General of the United Provinces of the Nether- 
lands, which Henry Christian and afterwards Jacob Elkens 
commanded ; and thus our people from the year 1614, for seve- 
ral successive years, occupied it, until the West India Company 
having received a new and most ample charter from the same 
powerful Lords, began soon to send their ships to this river, and 
the colonization of the country was more fully vuvdetV;^^^^. 


Chapter X. 

The nature of the climate and soil^ the fruits^ plants^ 4^. of 

the New Netherlands. 

Our countrymen who first explored this river, and those who 
subsequently made firequent Yoyages thither, describe the won- 
derful size of the trees, (a good proof of the luxuriance of the 
soil,) suitable for edifices and vessels of the largest class. Wild 
crape vmes are abundant, and walnut trees, me firuit of which 
difiers from ours, being smaller and the shell harder and smooth- 
er. This is also the case with other trees, shrubs, and plants 
that grow spontaneously ; but when cultivated with the laboor 
and industry of man, maize or Indian com, for example, yields 
a prolific return. So with various kinds of pulse, especially 
beans, which have an admirable variety of colours ; pumpkins dT 
the finest species, melons, and similar fruits of a useful charac- 
ter ; so that nothing is wanting but human industry. Our peo- 
ple have begun in different places to sow wheat and several 
other kinds of grain, and also flax, hemp, and other European 
seeds, to which the soil is extremely well adapted. There is 
a great variety of herbaceous plants, some of which bear splen- 
did flowers, and others are considered valuable for their medi- 
cinal properties. I cannot avoid describing here two of this 
class, although it is not known whether they possess any useful 

Two plants were sent to me from New Netherlands that 
grew finely last year in a medical garden of this city, one of 
which I have caused to be figured below, but the other was de- 
stroyed by the inclemency of the winter before it could be 
drawn. They were congeners, though diflcring somewhat in 
shape and the slnicture of the leaves and stalks. They agreed 
in having their leaves of the form of the iron head, witn which 
the East Indians and Africans point their darts ; both likewise 
had tender and very flexible stalks, either four or five angled, 
rough with small prickles, {exiguis sentilms asperi,) and no- 
dose or jointed ; the leaves growing from the joints, and other 
footstalks springing from the axils of the leaves. They differed 
in these respects ;— the leaves of the one that perished, were 
broader and smooth on both sides ; of the other, beside being 
narrower, the under side was rough and of a less deeper green ; in 
the second place, the leaves or the fonner were supported by 
long petioles, while those of the latter had very short ones ; 
thirdly, the stems of the former were of a greenish red colour, 
of the latter wholly green ; and finally, wliile the first seemed 


to bear no flowers, on the latter, both from the joints and the 
summit of the principal stalk sprang minute flowers of a red- 
dish white colour, resembling in form and general appearance 
the flowers of the water pepper, except that tliose oi the Ame- 
rican plant are somewhat handsomer, and grow in clusters of 
a more globular form. Some one has remarked that one of 
these plants might be the male and the other the female, per- 
haps not without good reason. Both perished last winter, on 
which account I was unable to make farther observations. I 
here add a figure of the flowering plant.* 

The forests every where contam a great variety of wild ani- 
mals, especially of the deer kind, and other quadrupeds that are 
indigenous to this part of North America. Innumerable birds 
are also found here, both large and small, those that frequent 
the rivers and lakes, aS well as the forests, possessing a plu- 
mage of great elegance and variety of colours. In winter supe- 
rior turkey cocks are taken ; they are very fat, and their flesh 
is of the best quality. The rivers produce excellent fish, such 
as the salmon, sturgeon, and many others. 

The temperature of the climate difiers little from our own ; 
for althoum the country is many degrees nearer to the equator 
than the Netherlands, yet it is not less cold in winter ; the frost 
is very intense ; deep and frequent snows fall and cover the 
ground for a long time, with the same variety of seasons as with 
us. The winds are equally changeable ; and in summer there 
is much thunder and ligntning with violent showers. I am 
therefore of the opinion that scarcely any part of America is 
better adapted for the settlement of colonies from this quarter, 
especially since nothing is wanting that is necessary to sustain 
life, and the soil can be rendered still more productive by labour 
and industry ; cattle only are wanted, which can be easily 
transported there and kept with the utmost convenience on ac- 
count of the abundance of fodder found almost every where. 
The grape vines also, if properly attended to, seem to promise 
a rich supply of wine.t 

* A drawing of the plant appears in both the Latin and French editioni of 
Uie work, from which, in connexion with the imperfect description in the tezt» 
It appears to have been a species of Polyganumf probably from the shape of 
its leares, P. tsftflafiim, or scratch grass, a common weed. 

t The author's interest in the coantry as a patroon and a director of the West 
India Company, leads him to speak farorably of it, but without exaggeration. 
It will be noticed that but a small portion of these chapters is contained in the 
originalDutch edition. 

312 DE last's DBlCftlPTIOM 

Chapter XL 

The Manners and Customs of the Natives of New^Nether- 
lands y and the language of the Sankikans. 

The barbarians being divided into many nations and peopki 
differ much from one another in language though very Little in 
manners ; they possess the same constitution of body as those 
that inhabit a great part of New France. Their clothing is 
composed of the skins of wild animals, especiallv beavers, foxes, 
and the like, sewed together in the manner ot savages, with 
which they cover themselves entirely in winter, and slightly in 
summer. Their food principally consists of maize or Indian 
com, from which they bake cakes resembling bread ; fish, 
birds, and wild game. Their weapons are bows and arrows, 
the latter pointed with sharp flint stones or the bones of fishes. 
Their boats are one piece of wood, hollowed out by fire from 
the soUd trunks of trees. Some of them lead a wandering life 
in the open air with no settled habitations ; lying stretched upon 
the ground or on mats made of bulrushes, they^take both theif 
sleep and food, especially in summer, when they so nearer to the 
sea for the sake of fishing. Others have fixed places of abode, 
and dwellings built with rafters in the form of an oven, covered 
above with the bark of trees, so large that they are sufficient 
for several families. Their household furniture is mean and 
scanty, consisting of mats and wooden dishes, together with 
hatchets made of hard flint stone by dint of savage labour, and 
tubes for smoking tobacco formed likewise of flint stone ingeni* 
ously perforated, so that it is surprising how, in so great a want 
of iron implements, they are able to carve the stone. They 
neither know nor desire riches. 

They have no sense of religion, no worship of God ; they 
indeed pay homage to the devil, but not so solemnly nor with 
such ceremonies as the Africans do. They call him in their 
language Menutto or Menetto, and whatever is wonderful 
and seems to exceed human capacity, they also call Me- 
netto ; evidently in the same manner as we have mentioned 
above the Canadians use the word Oqui, They have no form 
of political government, except that they have their chiefs 
whom they call sackmos and sagamosy who are almost always 
the heads of families, for they rarely exceed the limits of one 
family connexion. They are like most barbarians suspicious 
and fearful, although greedy of revenge ; they are fickle, but 
if humanely treated, hospitable and ready to perform a ser- 
vice ; they ask only a small remuneration for what they do, and 




will make very long journeys in a short time with greater fide- 
lity than could be justly expected from such a barbarous people. 
Nor is it to be doubted that by associating with Christians they 
could be imbued with religion and correct manners, especially 
if there should be planted among them colonies of well ordered 
people, who would employ their services without violence or 
abuse, and by degrees accustom them to the worship of the 
true God and the habits of civilized life. 

I cannot omit giving some idea of the language of these bar- 
barians, (as I have done with others,) and espccijilly of the 
SankikanSy who dwell on the upper part of the South river, as 
we shall presently relate. 

• Their names of nmnerals are the following : — 

1 Cott6 

2 Nyssfi 

3 Nacha 

4 Wywe 

5 Parenagh 

The parts 













are thus named. 

6 Cottash 20 Myssynach 70 Nyssastigen 

7 Nyssas 30 Nackynagh 80 Gahashynagh 

8 Gechas 40 Weywynagh 90 Pescongynach 

9 Pescon 50 Parathgynah 100 Cottapach. 
10 Terren 60 Cottegynagh 

of the human body 






































The names of the sexes are — 

Male, Renoes. Female, Orquoywe. 

The elements, &c. : — Fire, Tinteywe ; Water, Empye ; 
Frost, Kepatten ; Snow, Wynoywee ; Tree, Hitteocke ; River, 
Soukeree ; Hail, Tasseckii. 

The names of animals: — Deer, Atto; Bear, Machquoyvo ; 
Beaver, Temaquoy ; Wolf, Metumnu ; Lion, Synquoy 
Mackyrgffh ; Otter, Counamoch ; Dog, Aram ; Fox, Woucous. 

Of birds : — Swan, Wynkyckso ; Duck, Comconcke ; Tur- 
key, Sickenum ; Partridge, Ourikinck ; Crane, Tarccka ; Tur- 
tle Dove, Mymy ; Goose, Ciahack, 


S14 im hkwifm nsKmimoir 

Offishet:— Pike, Caopyte; Eel, l^rtdniMck; Trant, 
Cackykane ; Perch, Caycakanesae. 
Qualities :— Good, Oinet ; Bad, MateU* 

CHApm xn. 

A Description cf the numtime coast to tho other rwoTf ami 

to 38^ north latUude. 

Between the sandy [>oint (Sandy Hook) that we have said 
shuts in the bay, as it were, at the entrance of the North 
river, and the extremity of the islands which the Jlfotton- 
wacky inhabit, the distance is serenty-five miles, according to 
the most correct observations of our countrymen, from north- 
east to south-west, and the sea preserves almost half the dis- 
tance a channel sufficiently deep. In leaving this bay and sail- 
ing along the coast to the south, the land appears first lofty and 
visible on both sides, extending towards the south and then bend- 
ing a little more to the west without breakers or shoals ; near 
the shore on the main land are seen sand hills, but a Utile be- 

^ond the land sensibly declines and becomes lower, the shore 
eing separated from the continent by intermediate water. The 
surface of the sea is almost uninterrupted except that here and 
there small banks of sand are seen, and the snore being inter- 
sected by inlets affords a passage for the water of the ocean 
in several places ; this is the case in an especial manner in lat. 
SQ'^ 15' at a place our countrymen call Eeg Harbour, or Bay- 
port ; for here the shore being penetrated hy the waters of tne 
ocean receives them into an open bay in which several small 
islands are dispersed. After passing this harbour, woods are 
observed near the shore, and presently a number of sandy hills ; 
then the shore becomes low ; forests and sometimes one or 
more hillocks are seen. All this coast bears to the south-west 
as far as the entrance of another bay of considerable extent, 
lying between two promontories several leagues apart, of which 
the one on the north is called Cape May, and tne one on the 
south Cape Cornelius from the first discoverer. This bay is 
extremely hazardous to navigators on account of the firequent 
shoals and sand bars, so that it cannot be entered without the 

Seatest danger, except with a very skilful pilot ; neverdieless 
ere are channels of sufficient depth among the shoals. 
Into the bosom of this bay flows a great river, descending 

* This Toeabalary eonsitts of words in the language of the Delawares, and 
prores that the Sanhiekana belonged to that nation. See Qallatut on the 
IiKlian languages, in Transcetiona Am. Antiq. Soc. voL iL 


firom the interior of the country, which is called South river 
to distinguish it from the other of which we have akeady 
spoken, and it has been explored by several of our navi- 

SLtors. There are besides a number of smaller streams that 
scharge into this bay. But since a satisfactory account of 
this river has not yet reached us, I shall omit saying any thing 
more concerning it. I only add that various nations of savages 
inhabit its banks and possess the interior districts. On a small- 
er stream that flows mto the bay a little below the mouth of the 
large river, dwell the Sewapoos ; immediately above on the 
right hand are the Siconysy, and on the left the Minquasy ; 
higher up are the Naraticongy, Mantaesy^ Armevvamexy^ all 
of whom in the order of which we have mentioned them, 
inhabit the right bank near the smaller streams that empty into 
the larger river. Farther removed from the river are the M«- 
roahkongy^ Amakaraongky, RemkokeSy Minquosy or Machoi- 
retinij Atsayongky ; and the farthest removed of all are the 
Maliikongy and Sankikanes, who extend to the fortieth degree 
of north latitude and are about fifty-four miles from the mouth 
of the river ; some of them are adjacent to the Sawanos, Capi- 
tanassesy Gacheos, and others who differ little or nothing in 
their mode of life and manners from those whom we have al- 
ready described ; they cultivate the land and subsist on maize 
and Deans. Moreover Cape Cornelius, as they call it, is in 38° 
and 65' north latitude ; from thence following the direction of 
the coast which trends to the south-west, we meet at the dis- 
tance of twelve miles with another cape which our people call 
Hinlopen, from which the direction of the coast is at first south 
erly and afterwards south-west as far as latitude 38°, where we 
stop for the present. 


It has probably been observed that a slight discrepancy exists in 
the statements of our author in respect to the precise date of the 
erection of the first fort on the river. In one place, (p. 291,) he 
refers to the year 1615, as the tirae; and in another, (p. 299,) he 
mentions the building of a redoubt on an island nearly in the lati- 
tude of Albany during the previous year. The later editions of 
the wbrk contain the same statements without any material varia- 
tion. Bancroft supposes that De Laet confounded the fort near 
Albany with one built at the mouth of the river in 1614, where 
Adrian Block (not ' BloJ^) had his quarters in that year ; adding 

316 Ds last's description, Sec. 

that <' tlie Dutch Records prove there was no fort at Albany till 
1615."* This supposition does not, however, reconcile the dis- 
crepancies in De Laet, who in mentioning the year 1615 evidently 
intends it as the date of the first fort on the river, without stating 
its particular locality. 

Mr. Barnard, whose excellent memoir of the late Stephen Van 
Rensselaer has been already cited, considers the proof to which 
Bancroft refers as " too indefinite and uncertain to control the 
direct testimony in the case."t The " direct testimony** is the 
statement of De Laet ; but since that author is not consistent with 
himself in this matter, as we have seen, no reliance can be placed 
on the precise accuracy of the dates given by him. The colonial 
records are therefore appealed to with manifest propriety for the 
determination of the point in dispute. 

A greater importance has been attached to this question than 
really belongs to it, from the circumstance that the priority of set^ 
tlement on the river seemed to depend upon it. Smithy and other 
writers have stated the matter in such a way as to lead to the pre- 
valent impression that Albany was settled before the city of New- 
York. But granting for the sake of argument, that the fort at Alba- 
ny was built prior to any on Manhattan Island, it does not follow 
that the settlement was made earlier at the former place ; since it 
is quite certain that an establishment for the purposes of trade 
existed on Manhattan island in the year 1613, before it is pretended 
that any fort was erected on the river. The testimony bearing on 
this point will be fully given hereafter ; at present it is sufficient 
to say thai it is drawn from an early account of the hostile visit of 
Capt. Samuel Argall, of the Virginia colony, to our waters on his 
return from an expedition against the French settlements in Acadie, 
called by the English Nova Scotia, The forts were doubtless 
built as soon as practicable after this occurrence, but it would be 
necessary in the first place to send advices to Holland, and to ob- 
tain from thence the ordnance and other means of defence necessa- 
ry for the purpose of completing the forts. This may have been 
partially done during the following year, 1614, but it is not likely 
to have been fully accomplished, all things considered, (especially 
the great length of the voyages at that early period,) before the arri- 
val of the second season. 


• Hist. United States, iL 272—3, notet. 

t Discourse on ihe Life and Sn tIccs o Stephen Van Rensselaer — with an 
Appendix, containing an Historical Sketch of the Colony of Rensselaerwyck, 
p. 46. 

t History of New- York, I 3. 











It is not our intention to republish the entire journal of the menKH 
rable voyage during which Hudson discovered the noble river that 
now bears his name, since it has already appeared in a former 
volume of this Society's Collections. But for the purpose of ena- 
bling readers who may not have the means of referring to thst 
publication, to compare Juet*s account of the discoveries in this 
quarter with the description of De Laet, derived from Hudson's 
own journal, which that author unquestionably had before him 
when he wrote, we have thought best to reprint that portion of the 
journal, or logbook of the Mate, (for it is little more,) which re- 
lates to the great event of the voyage. The zeal of the Rev. 
Samuel Purchas, of London, in the cause of maritime discoveiy, 
led him to collect all the original accounts of voyages to distant and 
unknown parts of the globe on the accuracy of which he could 
depend, and his diligence in this respect has never been surpassed. 
To him we are indebted for the preservation of this journal, con- 
taining the only original account of Hudson's voyage ever published, 
which first appeared in his great andnowrare work, the "Pilgrims," 
in 1625. The writer, Robert Juet, accompanied Hudson on his 
next and last voyage, in 1610, which proved fatal to both of them; 
the latter, having been turned adrift by a mutinous crew in a small 
boat upon the open ocean, with little or no means of sustenance, 
was never again heard from. Juet remained in the ship, but perish- 
ed with famine before her arrival in port. 

It will be recollected that Hudson left Amsterdam on the fourth 
of April, 1609, and during the early part of his voyage sailed to 
the north toward Nova Zembla ; returning southwardly he passed 
over the banks of Newfoundland, touched on some part of the 
coast of Maine in the latter part of July ; thence ran over to Cape 
Cod, where he landed, and afterwards stood to the south as far as 
the latitude of South Carolina. He then retraced his course, keep- 
ing near the land, looked in at the entrance of Chesapeake bay, 

NOTE. 319 

where Juet says " our Englishmen are," ref<5rringr to the colony of 
Jamestown, then recently planted ; thence his course lay to the 
north, and on the 28th of August he arrived at the capes of 
Delaware bay, of which there was no previous account. At this 
point we take up the thread of the journal, and follow it to the end 
of the voyage. 

It will be noticed that the orthography of the original edition 
has been changed to that of the present time. The days of the 
week have also been added in some instances, together with a 
few explanatory notes. The reader is referred to Moulton's His- 
tory of New- York for an interesting analysis and illustration of 

this journal. 



Friday 9 Aug. 28. Fair and hot weather, the wind at south- 
south-west, m the morning at six o'clock we weighed, and 
steered away north twelve leases till noon, and came 1o 
the point of the land ; and being hard by the land in fim 
&thoms, on a sudden we came into three fiuhcms ; then we 
bore up and had but ten foot water, ^ and joined to the point 
Hien as soon as we were over, we had five, six, seven, ei^d^ 
nine, ten, twelve and thirteen fathoms. Then we found the 
land to trend away north-west, with a great bay and liven. 
But the bay we found shoal ; and in the offing we had ten fiub- 
oms, and had sight of breaches and dry sand. Then we were 
forced to stand oack again ; so we stood back south-east by 
south three leagues. And at seven o'clock we anchored in eij^ 
&thoms water ; and found a tide set north-west, and north-north- 
west, and it rises one fathom, and flows south-south-east. And 
he that will thoroughly discover this great bay, must have a 
small pinnace, that must draw but four or five foot water, to 
sound before him. At five in the morning we weighed, and 
steered away to the eastward on many courses, for the more 
norther land is full of shoals. We were among them, and once 
we struck, and we went away ; and steered away to the south- 
east. So we had two, three, four, five, six, and seven fathoms, 
and so deeper and deeper.* 

August 29. Fair weather, witli some thunder and showers, 
the wind shifting between the south-south-west, and the north- 
north-west. In the morning we weighed at the break of day, 
and stood towards the northern land, which we found to be all 
islands to our sight, and great storms from them, and are shoal 
three leagues on; For we coming by them, had but seven, six, 
five, four, three, and two and a half fathoms, and struck the 
ground with our rudder, we steered off south-west one glass, 
and had five fathoms. Then we steered south-east three glasses, 
then we found seven fathoms, and steered north-east by east, 
lour leagues, and came to twelve and thirteen fathoms. At one 

* Lord Delaware touched at this bay on his passage to Virginia in 1610,— 
and thence was probably supposed by the English to have discoTcred it, as it was 
named from him. The earliest notice of it under the name of Ddmomrt bay with 
which we have met, is in a letter of Captain Argall written from Yiiginia, in 
May, 161t, contained in Purchas. 

just's journal. 321 

o'clock, I went to the top-mast head, and set the land, and the 
body of the islands did bear north-west by north. And at four 
oiciock, we had gone four leagues east-soulh-east, and north- 
east by east, and found but seven fathoms, and it was calm, so 
we anchored. Then I went again to the top-mast head, to see 
how far I could see land about us, and could see no more but the 
islands. And the southern point of them did bear north-west 
by west, eight leagues off. So we rode till midnight. Then 
the wind came to the north-north-west, so we weighed and set 

Sunday^ August 30. In the morning between twelve and 
one, we weighed and stood to the eastward, the wind at north- 
north-west, we steered away and made our way east-south-east. 
From our weighing till noon, eleven leagues. Our soundings 
were eight, nine, ten, eleven, twelve and thirteen fathoms till 
day. Then we came to eighteen, nineteen, twenty, and to 
twenty-six fathoms by noon. Then I observed the sun, and 
found the height to be 39^ 5', and saw no land. In the after- 
noon, the wind came to north by west; so we lay close by 
with our fore-sail, and our main-sail, and it was little wind 
until twelve o'clock at midnight, then we had a gale a little 
while. Then I sounded, and all the night our soundings were 
thirty, and thirty-six fathoms, and we went little. 

August 31. Fair weather and little wind. At six o'clock in 
the morning we cast about to the northward, the wind being at 
the north-east, little wind. At noon it fell calm, and I found 
the height to be 38° 39'. And the streams had deceived us, 
and our sounding was thirty-eight fathoms. In the afternoon I 
sounded again, and had but thirty fathoms. So that we found 
that we were heaved to and fro with the streams of the tide, 
both by our observations and our depths. From noon till four 
o'clock in the afternoon, it was calm. At six o'clock we had a 
little gale southerly, and it continued all night, some times calm, 
and sometimes a gale ; we went eight leagues from noon to 
noon, north by east. 

Tuesday, Sept, 1 . Fair weather, the wind variable between 
east and south, we steered away north-north-west. At noon we 
found our height to be 39° 3'. We had soundings thirty, twen- 
ty-seven, twenty-four, and twenty-two fathoms, as we went to 
tne northward. At six o'clock we had twenty-one fathoms. 
And all the third watch till twelve o'clock at mid-night, we had 
soundings twenty-one, twenty-two, eighteen, twenty-two, twen- 
ty-one, eighteen, and twenty-two fathoms, and went six leagues 
near hand north-north-west. 

Sept. 2. In the morning close weather, the wind at south 
in the morning; from twelve until two o'clock we steered 
north-north-west, and had sounding tweniy-one fathoms, and in 


828 jvbt's jomiHAL 

nmning one glass we had but sixteen fathoms, then serenteen^ 
and so shosJer and shcvaler until it came to twelve fathoms. 
We saw a great fire, but could not see the land, then we came 
to ten ^thorns, whereupon we brought our tacks aboard, and 
stood to the eastward east-south-east, four glasses. Then the 
sun arose, and we steered away north again, and saw land from 
the west by north, to die north-west by north, all like broken 
islands, aiid our soundings were eleven and ten fathoms. Then 
we luffed in for the shore, and fiBur by the shore we had seven 
fathoms. The course along the land we found to be north-east 
by north. From the land which we first bad sight of, until we 
came to a great lake of water, as we could judge it to be, bei^g 
drowned laml, which made it rise Uke islands, which was in 
length ten leagues. The mouth of the lake hath many shoals, 
and the sea breaks upon them as it is cast out of the mouth of 
it.* And firom that lake or bay, the land Ues north by east, and 
we had a great stream out of the bay ; and from thence oor 
sounding was ten fathoms, two leagues firom land. At five 
o'clock we anchored, being little wind, and rode in eight fiithoms 
water, the night was fair. This night I found the land to haul 
the compass 8 degrees. For to the northward off us we saw 
hij;h hills.t For the day before we found not above two degrees 
oivariation. This is very good land to fall in with, and a pleas- 
ant land to see. 

Sq^t. 3. The morning misty until ten o'clock, then it clear- 
ed, and the wind came to the south-south-east, so we weighed 
and stood to the northward. The land is very pleasant and high, 
and bold to fall wilhal. At three o'clock in the afternoon, we 
came to three great rivers. So we stood along tlie northern- 
most, thinking to have gone into it, but we found it to have a 
very shoal bar before it, for we had but ten foot water. Then 
we cast about to the southward, and found two fathoms, tliree 
fathoms, and three and a quarter, till we came to tlie southern 
side of them, then we had five and six fathoms, and anchored. 
So we sent in our boat to sound, and they found no less water than 
four, five, six, and seven fathoms, and returned in an hour and a 
half. So we weighed and went in, and rode in five fatlioms, 
ooze ground, and saw many salmons, and mullets, and rays 
very great. The height is 40° 30'.^ 

• Great and Little Epg Harbours, and Bamegat bay, on the coaat of New 
Jersey, form a continuous body of water, containing numerous islands of salt 
marsh that are often overflowed. The sea breaks at the entrances of the differ* 
ent inlets by which these bays communicate with the ocean, 

t The Nevisink hills. 

t The lighthouse on Sandy Hook is in latitude 40" 87|', Tarying but littl« 
from Hudson's observation, which seems to have been taken after he had passed 
the extremity of the Hook. Two of the "three great rivers" mentioned in 
th« Joomal, were doubUess the Narrows and Suten laland Sound ; and the 

OF Hudson's yotage. 338 

Sept, 4. In the morning as soon as the day was light, we 
saw that it was good riding farther up. So we sent our boat to 
sound, and found that it was a very good harbour ; and four and 
five fathoms, two cables length from the shore. Then we 
weighed and went in with our ship Then our boat went on land 
with our net to fish, and caught ten great mullets, of a foot and 
a half long a piece, and a ray as great as four men could haul 
into the ship. So we trimmed our boat and rode still all day. 
At night the wind blew hard at the north-west, and our anchor 
came home, and we drove on shore, but took no hurt, thanked 
be God, for the ground is soft sand and ooze. This day the 
people of tlie country came aboard of us, seeming very glad of 
our coming, and brought green tobacco, and gave us of it for 
knives and beads. They go in deer skins loose, well dressed. 
They have yellow copper. They desire clothes, and are very 
civil. They have great store of maize or Indian wheat, where- 
of they make good bread. The country is full of great and 
tall oaks. 

Sept. 5. In the morning as soon as the day was light, the 
wind ceased and the flood came. So we heaved off our ship 
again into five fathoms water, and sent our boat to sound the 
bay, and we found that there was three fathoms hard by the 
southern shore. Our men went on land there, and saw great 
store of men, women and children, who gave them tobacco at 
their coming on land. So they went up into the woods, and 
saw great store of very goodly oaks, and some currants. For 
one of them came aboard and brought some dried, and gave me 
some, which were sweet and good. This day many of the 
people came aboard, some in mantles of feathers, and some in 
skins of divers sorts of good furs. Some women also came to 
us with hemp. They had red copper tobacco pipes, and other 
things of copper they did vfeai about their necks. At night 
they went on land again, so we rode very quiet, but durst not 
trust them. 

Sunday, Sept, 6. In the morning was fair weather, and our 
master sent John Colman, with four other men in our boat over 
to the north side, to sound the other river, being four leagues 
from us.* They found by the way shoal water two fathoms ; 

third, being the Rorthernmost, with a shoal bnr bf fore it, having but ten feet 
waler, was probably Rockaway Inlet, which is laid down on the map of De Laet 
as a river intersecting Long Island, This inlet is barred at its mouth, with seven 
feet of water at low tide. From thence Hudson apparently stood over towards 
the Hook, where he anchored in five or six fainoms water, and sent the 
small boat round the point to ascertain the soundings ; afler its return he again 
weighed anchor, and went inside of the Hook, where he rode in five fathomst 
havine: probably anchored in the road-stead called the Horae'shoe, or Sandj 
Hook bay. 
• The Narrows. 

SM nnrr's jovshai. 

but at the north of the liTer eighteen, and twmtj fiiAnmi, tnd 
and very good riding for ihipe ; and a narrow river to the wea^ 
ward between two islands.* The land they told us were ai 
pleasant with grass and flowers, and goodly trees, as ever diey 
Lad seen, and very sweet smells came firom them. So ther 
went in two leagues and saw an open sea, and returned ; and 
as they came back, they were set upon by two canoes, the one 
having twelve, the other fourteen men. The night came on^ 
and it began to rain, so that their match went out ; and they had 
one man slain in the fight, which was an Englishman^ named 
John Colman^ with an arrow shot into his throat, and two mm 
hurt. It grew so dark that they could not find the ship that 
night, but laboured to and firo on their oars. They had so great 
a stream that their ffrapnel would not hold them. 

Sq[>t. 7. Was mir, and by ten o'clock they returned aboard 
the snip, and brought our dead man with them, whom we canted 
on land and buried, and named the point after his name, Colmatfs 
Point. Then we hoisted in our boat, and raised her side with 
waste boards for defence of our men. So we rode still all nig^t, 
having good regard to our watch. 

Sept. 8. Was very fair weather, we rode still very quietly. 
The people came aboard us, and brought tobacco 9nd Indian^ 
wheat, to exchange for knives and beads, and offered us no 
violence. So we fitting up our boat did mark them, to see if 
they would make any show of the death of our man ; whicfa 
they did not. 

Sept. 9. Fair weather. In the morning, two great canoes 
came aboard full of men ; the one with iheir bows and arrows, 
and tlie olher in show of buying of knives to betray us ; but 
we perceived their intent. We took two of them to have kept 
them, and put red coats on them, and would not suffer the other 
to come near us. So they went on land, and two others came 
aboard in a canoe ; we took tlie one and let the other go ; but 
he which we had taken, got up and leaped over-board. Then 
we weighed and went off into the channel of the river, and 
anchored there all night. 

Sept, 10. Fair weather, we rode till twelve o'clock. Then 
we weighed and went over, and found it shoal all the middle of 
the river, for we could find but two fathoms and a half, and 
three fathoms for the space of a league ; tlien we came to three 
fathoms, and four fathoms, and so to seven fathoms, and anchor- 
ed, and rode all night in soft oozy ground. The bank is sand. 

Sept. 1 1 . Was fair and very hot weather. At one o'clock 
m the afternoon, we weighed and went into the river, the wind 
at south-south-west, little wind. Our soundings were seven, 

^ Staten Island Soond, or the iT'Mfr 

OP Hudson's yotaoe. 886 

«iXj five, six, seven, eight, nine, ten, twelve, thirteen, and four- 
teen fathoms. Then it shoaled again, and came to five fath- 
oms. Then we anchored and saw that it was a very good 
harbour for all winds, and rode all night. The people of the 
country came aboard of us, making show of love, and gave us 
tobacco and Indian wheat, and departed for that night ; but we 
durst not trust them. 

Sepi, 12. Very fair and hot* In the afternoon at two 
o'clock we weighed, the wind being variable, between the north 
and the north-west ; so we turned into the river two leagues 
and anchored. This morning at our first rode in the river, 
there came eight and twenty canoes full of men, women and 
children to betray us ; but we saw their intent, and sufiered 
none of them to come aboard us. At twelve o'clock they de- 
parted. They brought with them oysters and beans, whereof 
we bought some. They have great tobacco pipes of yellow 
copper, and pots of earth to dress their meat in. It noweth 
south-east by south within. 

Sunday, Sept, 13. Fair weather ; the wind northerly ; at 
seven o'clock m the morning, as the flood came we weighed, 
and turned four miles into the river ; tlie tide being done we 
anchored.* Then there came four canoes aboard, but we suf- 
fered none of them to come into our ship ; they brought very 
great store of very good oysters aboard, which we bought for 
trifles. In the night I set the variation of the compass, and 
found it to be 13°. In the afternoon we weighed and turned in 
with the flood two leagues and a half fiurther and anchored 
all night, and had five fathoms soft oozy ground, and had a high 
point of land, which shewed out to us, bearing north by east 
five leagues off" us. 

Sept, l4. In the morning being very fair weather, the wind 
south-east, we sailed up the river twelve leagues, and had five 
fathoms and five fathoms and a quarter less, and came to a 
strait between two points, and had eight, nine and ten fath- 
oms ; and it trended north-east by north one league, and we 
had twelve, thirteen and fourteen fathoms ; the river is a mile 
broad ; there is very high land on both sides. Then we went 
up north-west, a league and a half deep water ; then north-east 
by north five miles ; then north-west by north two leagues and 
anchored. The land grew very high and moimtainoul^ ;t the 
river is full of fish. 

* Hudson, having lefl his anchorage in the lower bay on|the 10th, commenced 
working his way up into the harbour. His progress was slow; on the 11 ih 
there was but little wind, and the two following day^ the wind was ahead, and 
he could only move with the flood tide. It was not until the 14th, that he began 
to ascend the river in earnesL 

t Hudson was now entering the Highlands, and approaching Weat Point. 

326 just's jourital 

Sept. 15. The morning was misty until the sun arose, then 
it cleared ; so we weighed with the wind at south, and ran up 
into the river twenty leagues, passing by high mountains. We 
had a very good depth, as six, seven, eicht, nine, ten, twelve, 
and thirteen fathoms, and great store of salmon in the river. 
This morning our two savages got out of a port and swam away. 
After we were under sail they called to us in scorn. At night 
we came to other mountains, which lie from the river's side ; 
there we found very loving people, and very old men, where 
we were well used. Our boat went to fish, and caught great 
store of very good fish. 

Sept. 16. The sixteenth, fair and very hot weather. In 
the morning our boat went again to fishing, but could catch 
but few, by reason their canoes had been there all night. This 
morning the people came aboard and brought us ears of Indian 
com and pompions and tobacco, which we bought for trifles. 
We rode still all day, and filled fresh water ; at night we wei^ 
ed and went two leagues higher, and had shoal water ; so we 
anchored till day. 

Sept. 17. The seventeenth fair sun-shining weather, and 
▼ery not. In the morning as soon as the sun was up, we set 
sail and ran up six leagues higher, and found shoals in the mid- 
dle of the channel, and small islands, but seven fathoms water 
on both sides. Towards night we borrowed so near the shore 
that we grounded : so we laid out our small anchor, and heaved 
off again. Then we borrowed on the bank in the channel and 
came aground again ; while the flood ran we heaved oflf again 
and anchored all night. 

Friday, Sept. 18. The eighteenth in the morning was fair 
weather, and we rode still. In the afternoon our master's male 
went on land with an old savage, a governor of the country, 
who carried him to his house and made him good cheer.* 

Sept. 19. The nineteenth was fair and hot weather. At the 
flood, being near eleven o'clock, we weighed and ran higher 
up two leagues above the shoals, and had no less water than 
five fathoms : we anchored and rode in eight fathoms : the 
people of the country came flocking aboard, and brought us 
grapes and pompions, which we bought for trifles ; and many 
brought us beavers' skins, and otters' skins, which we bought 
for beads, knives and hatchets. So we rode there all night. 

Sunday, Sept. 20. The twentieth in the morning was fair 
weather. Our master's mate with four men more went up 

• This was probably the visit more particularly ascribed by Hudson himself, 
as cited by De Laet, (above p. 300,) where the latitude of the place is sutcd to 
have been 42° 18^. As the present city of Hudson is in lat. 42' 14% the Chief 
must have resided in that vicinii]^. Hudson remained there several days, (until 
4ho 23d,) and then commenced his return. 

OF Hudson's votage. d2T 

with our boat to sound the river, and found two leagues above 
us but two fathoms water, and the channel very narrow, and 
above that place seven or eight fathoms. Toward night they 
returned : and we rode still all night. 

Sept. 21. The twenty-first was fair weather, and the wind 
all southerly : we determined yet once more to go farther up 
into the river, to try what depth and breadth it did bear, but 
much people resorted aboard, so we went not this day. Our 
carpenter went on land and made a fore-yard, and our master 
and his mate determined to try some of the chief men of the 
country, whether they had any treachery in them. So they 
took them down into the cabin and gave them so much wine 
and aqua-vitcBy that they were all merry, and one of them had 
his wife with him, who sat as modestly, as any of our 
countrywomen would do in a strange place. In the end one of 
them was drunk, who had been aboard of our ship all the 
time that we had been there ; and that was strange to them ; 
for they could not tell how to take it : the canoes and folks went 
all on shore, but some of them came again and brought stropes^ 
of beads ; some had six, seven, eight, nine, ten, and gave him. 
So he slept all night quietly. 

Sept. 22. The two and twentieth was fair weather : in the 
morning our master's mate and four more of the company went 
up with our boat to sound the river higher up. The people of 
the country came not aboard till noon, but when they came and 
saw the savages well, they were glad. So at three oJclock in 
the afternoon they came aboard and brought tobacco and more 
beads and gave them to our master, and made an oration, and 
shewed him all the country round about. Then they sent one* 
of their company on land, who presently returned and brought 
a great platter full of venison, dressed by themselves, and they 
caused him to cat with them : then they made him reverence 
and departed all save the old man that lay aboard. This night 
at ten o'clock, our boat returned in a shower of rain from sound- 
ing of the river, and found it to be at an end for shipping to go- 
in. For they had been up eight or nine leagues, and found 
but seven foot water, and unconstant soundings.* 

* The boat probably reached Castle Island, (now called Patroon's Island, just 
below Albany,) where a rude foriifieation was erected in 1614-5. It is supposed^ 
however, by Moulton, (Hist, ^ew Yorkt 846,) that the ship itaelf proceeded 
to Albany, and the boat to the forks of the Mohawk, where the Yillnge of Water- 
ford, in ihe town of Half-Moon, is row sitnatcd. The latitude of Albany i»- 
42^ 39'; and De Laet, who is followed by Ebeling and Lambrechtsen, 8ay» 
Hudson ascended to I at. 43*, or about twenty-five milen above Albany, and 
fifteen above Waterford. Another work cited by Moulton, (a CcUeetum of Dutch 
East-India Voyages,) gives 42® 40' as the height to which Hudson went up, but 
whether the ship's or the boat's progress is intended, does not appear. Mr. 
Yates, in a MS. letter also quoted by Moulton, decides in fiivor of the former, 
and adds that the boat only proceeded aa far aa Waterford. But thia last aup-- 

8S8 imn^f joukkaI 

Wedmsdatfy Sq>t. 2S. The three and twenttelih, &ir wea> 
ther. At twelve o'clock we weighed and went down two 
leaffues to a shoal that had two channels^ one on the one mAtf 
and another on the other, and had little wind, whereby the tide 
laid us upon it. So there we sat on the ground the space d 
an hour till the flood came. Then we had a Uttle gale of wind 
at the west ; so we got our ship into deep water, and rode iU 
night very well. 

Sept. 24. The four and twentieth was flair weather ; the 
wind at the north-west, we weighed and went down the river 
seven or eight leagues ; and at half ebb we came on ground oo 
a bank of ooze in the middle of the river, and sat there till the 
flood ; then we went on land and gathered good store of chest- 
nuts. At ten o'clock we came off* into deep water, and an- 

Sept. 25. The five and twentieth was fair weather, and the 
wind at south a stifi* gale. We rode still, and went on land to 
walk on the west side of the river, and found good ground fbr 
corn, and other garden herbs, with great store of goodly oaks, 
and walnut trees, and chestnut trees, yew trees, and trees of 
sweet wood in great abundance, and great store of slate for 
houses, and other good stones. 

Sept. 26. The six and twentieth was fair weather, and the 
wind at south a stifl* gale ; we rode still. In the morning our 
carpenter went on land with our master's mate and four more 
of our company to cut wood. This morning two canoes came 
up the river from the place where we first found loving people, 
and in one of them was the old man that had lain aboard of us at 
the other place. He brought another old man with him who 
brought more strips of beads and gave them to our master, and 
showed him all the country there about, as tliough it were at 

position is directly at variance with the statement in the Journal, that the bo«i 
went up eight or nine leagues farther thnn the ship. 

Ship navigation in the river extends five or six miles above the city of Hud- 
ton, to about lat. 42^ 18' ; beyond this point vessels drawing more than six 
feet of water are generally unable to ascend. Moulton supposes the Hali^Moon 
to have been of the smnll class of vessels, of less burthen than sloops plying be- 
tween Troy and New-York. But it will be recollected that on makmg Sandy 
Hook, Hudson declined entering what appeared to be the mouth of a large riveri 
because ** it had a very $hod bar before t/, where they had but ten feet water.^ Is it 
probable then, that he ventured or was able to pursue his course beyond the 
point indicated as the head of ship navigation on the river, when he would 
encounter shoals of only six or seven feet at high water 7 

The chief difficulty is with De Laet's statement that Hudson went up to lat. 
43^. This, however is made in the course of his general relation, when he would 
be likely to use round numbers, as on p. 298. He afterwards quotes Hudson's 
Journal which mentions 42^ 18' as the latitude of the place where he visited thm 
hospitable old Chief, and the onlv visit of the kind notice d by Juet occurred 
on the 18th, near the termination of the ship's upward progress. The bocd 
tent up eight or nine leagues Airther, and probably reached Cattle laknd. 

OF Hudson's totaoe. 329 

his command. So he made the two old men dine with him, 
and the old man's wife ; for they brought two old women and 
two young maidens of the age of sixteen or seventeen years 
with them, who behaved themselves very modestly. Our mas- 
ter gave one of the old men a knife, and they gave him and us to- 
bacco ; and at one o'clock they departed down the river, making 
signs that we should come down to them, for we were within 
two leagues of the place where they dwelt. 

Sunday^ Sept. 27. The seven and twentieth, in the morn- 
ing, was fair weather, but much wind at the north ; we v/eigh- 
ed and set our fore-topsail, and our ship would not float, but ran 
on the oozy bank at half ebb. We laid out anchor to heave her 
off, but could not ; so we sat from half ebb to half flood, then we 
set our foresail and main-topsail, and got down six leagues. The 
old man came aboard, and would have had us anchor and go on 
land to eat with him, but the wind being fair we would not 
yield to his request, so he left us, being very sorrowful for our 
departure. At five o'clock in the afternoon, the wind came to 
the south south-west ; so we made a bord or two, and anchored 
in fourteen fathoms water. Then our boat went on shore to 
fish right against the ship. Our master's mate and boatswain, 
and three more of the conopany, went on land to fish, but could 
not find a good place. They took four or five and twenty 
mullets, breams, basses and oarbils, and returned in an hour. 
We rode still all night. 

Sept. 28. The eight and twentieth being fair weather, as 
soon as the day was light we weighed at half ebb, and turned 
down two leagues below water, for the stream doth run the last 
quarter ebb, then we anchored till high water. At three o'clock 
in the afternoon we weighed and turned down three leagues until 
it was dark, then we anchored. 

Sept. 29. The nine and twentieth was dry close weather, 
the wind at south and south by west ; we weighed early in the 
morning, and turned down tliree leagues by a low water, and 
anchored at the lower end of the long reach, for it is six leagues 
long. Then there came certain Indians in a canoe to us, but 
would not come aboard. After dinner there came the canoe 
with other men, whereof three came aboard us ; they brought 
Indian wheat which we bought for trifles. At three o'clock in 
the afternoon we weighed, as soon as the ebb came, and turned 
down to the edge of the mountains, or the northermost of the 
mountains, and anchored, because the high land hath many 
points and a narrow channel, and hath many eddy wiittlB ; so 
we rode quietly all night in seven fathoms water.* 

♦ This WM probably in the vicinity of the present town of Newburgh. Hud- 
■on remained there nearly two dayt , fearing to enter the Highlands on aecount 
of the violence of the winds. 



Sept. 30. The thinieth was fiur weather, and dte Wind^ at 
•outh-east a stiff sale between the mountains. Wq rode alin 
the afternoon. The people of the countrv came aboard vm, 
and brought some smaU skins with them» which we boa|B(fat for 
knives and trifles. Tins is a very pleasant, place to miikl a 
town on. The road is very near, and very good for all windsi 
save an east north-east wind. The mountains look as if some 
metal or mineral were in them ; for the trees that, grew on 
them were all blasted, and some of them barren with few or do 
trees on them. The people brought a stone aboard like to 
emery, (a stone used by glaziers to cut glass,) it would cut iron 
or steel ; yet being bruised small, and water put to it, it made 
a colour like black lead glistering ; it is also ffood for painters* 
colours. At three o'clock they departed, and we rode still all 


Thursday^ Oct. 1. The first of October, fair weather, the 
wind variable between west and the north. In the morning 
we weighed at seven o'clock with the ebb, and got down below 
the mountahis, which was seven leagues ; then it fell calm and 
the flood was come, and we anchor^-at twelve o^jl^0ck. The 
people of the mountains came aboard U9^^wondering'%t our ship 
and weapons. We bought some small skins of them for trifles; 
This afternoon one canoe kept hanging under our stem with 
one man in it, which we could not keep from thence-, who got 
up by our rudder ta the cabin window, and stole out my piK* 
low, and two shirts^ and two bandeleeres. Our master's mate 
shot at bim, and struck him on the breast, and killed him: 
Whereupon all the rest fled away, some in their canoes, and 
so leaped out of them into the water. We manned our boat 
and got our things again. Then one of them that swam got 
hold of our boat, thinking to overthrow it ; but our cook took a 
sword and cut off one of his hands, and he was drowned. By 
this time the ebb was come, and we weighed and got down two 
leagues — ^by that time it was dark; so \^e anchored in four 
fathoms water, and rode well. 

Oct. 2. The second, fair weather. At break of day wo 
weighed, the wind being at north-west, and got down seven 
leagues ; then the flood was come strong, so we anchored. 
Then came one of the savages that swam away from us at our 
going up the river, with many others, thinking to betray us. 
But we perceived their intent, and suffered none of tfiem to 
enter our ship. Whereupon two canoes full of men, with their 
bows and arrows, shot at us after our stem, in recompense 
whereof we discharged six muskets, and killed two or three of 
them. Then above a himdred of them came to a point of land 
10 shoot at us. There I shot a falcon* at them, and killed two 

* A tort of oaanon. 

OF Hudson's voyage. 331 

of them, whereupon the rest fled into the woods. Yet they 
manned off another canoe with nine or ten men, which came 
to meet us ; so I shot at it also a falcon, and shot it tlirough, 
and killed one of them. Then our men with their muskets 
killed three or four more of tliem. So they went their way. 
Within a while after, we got down two leagues beyond tliat 
place, and anchored in a bay clear from all danger of them on 
the other side of the river, where we saw a very good piece 
of ground ; and hard by it there was a cliff that looked of the 
colour of white green, as though it were either a copper or sil- 
ver mine ; and I think it to be one of them by the trees that 
grow upon it ; for they be all burned, and the other places are 

Seen as grass ; it is on that side of the river that is called 
anna-hata. There we saw no people to trouble us, and rode 
quietly all nicht, but had much wind and rain. 

Oct, 3. 1 he third was very stormy, the wind at east north- 
east. In the morning, in a gust of wind and rain, our anchor 
came home, and we drove on ground, but it was oozy. Then 
as we were about to heave out an anchor, the wind came to the 
north nortli-west, and drove us off again. Then we shot an 
anchor, and let it fall in four fathoms water, and weighed the 
other. We had much wind and rain with thick weather, so we 
rode still all night. 

Oct, 4. The fourth was fair weather, and the wind at north 
north-west : we weighed and came out of the river, into which 
we had run so far. Within a while after, we came out also of 
the great mouth of the great river ^ that runneth up to the north- 
west, borrowing upon the more northern side of the same, 
thinking to have deep water, for we had sounded a great way 
with our boat at our first going in, and found seven, six, and 
five fathoms. So we came out that way, but we were deceiv- 
ed, for we had but eight feet and a half water ; and so to three, 
five, three, and two fathoms and a half ; and then three, four, 
five, six, seven, eight, nine and ten fathoms ; and by twelve 
o'clock we were clear of all the inlet.* Then we took in our 
boat, and set our mainsail and spritsail, and our topsails, and 
steered away east south-east, and south-east by east, off into 
the main sea ; and the land on the southern side of the bay or 
inlet did bear at noon west and by south four leagues from us. 

Oct, 5. The fifth was fair weather, and the wind variable 
between the north and the east. We held on our course south- 
east by east. At noon I observed and found our height to be 
39 degrees 30 minutes. Our compass varied six degrees to the 

* It would appear that Hudson left the harbour by the Killi, .althoug^h that 
paaiage eaa aoareelj be conaidered the ** preat mouth" of the river. 


W« continued our course toward Eoglanc! without seeiog 
■ny land by ^e way, all the rest of this month of October ; aod 
on the seventh day of November, slilo novo, being Saturday, 
by the grace of God, we safely arrived in the range of Dart- 
mouth in Devonshire, in the year 1609.' 

* If HndMi) pat in It in Engliih port on bia retom, (which iadoubtTul.) bg 
TOT maoa rcpoind U> Anultriiaia. De Lavl a*ja " lie returned to Anstatdin 
wilAtlie report of hii diacoTiricB, uid in the t'ollowing fesr. IGID. same mn. 
ebuiti tgtia Hnt ft ihip ihtthcr," &<:., Supra, p. 991. Other »t>lciiieiili, Ihit 
he WW detvoed in England, fcc. Men to bo unnippotlod. 



• F. 


Altenrards Goremor of Virginia, Knight, dsc. 




A. D. 1613. 



The earliest indication of a permanent settlement within 
the present limits of New-York has been generally traced by 
historical writers to the alleged erection of a fort near Albany, 
in 1614. On a small alluvi d island, one hundred and fifty miles 
above the mouth of the river, the foundations not only of a 
flourishing cit^, but of a great commonwealth, are suppcmed to 
have been laid by a few Dutch adventurers whose only aim 
was a gainful traffic with the natives of the country. Such a 
settlement was indeed made, but there seems to have been an 
error in regarding it as prior to all others. It is known that the 
Dutch visited the river the year after its discovery, and that 
they continued to frequent it from year to year for the purposes 
of trade, until it was found necessary to erect forts for their 
potection. What their establishments were before the build- 
mg of the forts, is not stated by any of the Dutch writers with- 
in our knowledge ; but undoubted though incidental authority 
enables us to form a corect idea of the state of things on Man- 
hattan Island in 1613, or four years after the discovery of tho 
river. We refer to Uie accounts of the expedition of Captain 
Samuel Argall against the French colonists of Acadia, who, as 
he was returning to Virginia, made a passing visit to the Dutch 
on " Manhattas Isle." 

The following brief notice of this event is taken from an 
English publication, containing a description of the country 
granted by Charles I. to Sir Edmund Ployden, under the name 
of " the Province of New Albion," in 1634, embracing an exten- 
sive territory north of Maryland.* 

" Then Virginia being granted, settled, and all that part now 
called Maryland, New Albion, and New Scotland, (Nova-Sco- 
tia,) being part of Virginia, Sir Thomas Dale, and Sir Samuel 
Argall, Captains and Counsellors of Virginia, hearing of divers 
aUens and intruders, and traders without license, with a vessel 
and forty soldiers, landed at a place called Mount Desert in 
Nova-Scotia, near St. John's river, or Tweed, possessed by the 
French ; there killed some French, took away their guns and 

^ * Entitled, •< A Description of the Province of New Albion ; and a diree* 
tion for advenmren with small stock, to gret two for one, and good land fr«e. 
It ; and for gentlemen and all servants, labourers, and artificers to live plen. 
tifully,** Slc. ** Printed in Uie year 1648.** Reprinted at WaiJiinffton, D. C. 
bj P. Force, 1837. 

argall's expedition. 830 

dismantled the Fort, and in their return landed at Manhatas 
Isle in Hudson^ s river^ where they found four houses built^ and 
a pretended Dutch governor under the West India Company of 
Amsterdam share or part, who kept trading boats and truck- 
ing with the Indians ; but the said Knights told him their com- 
mission was to expel him and all alien intruders on his Majes- 
ty's dominion and territories ; this being part of Virginia, and 
this river an English discovery of Hudson, an EngHshman. 
The Dutchman contented them for their charge and voyage, 
and by his letter sent to Virginia and recorded, submitted him- 
self, company and plantation to his Majesty, and to the Go- 
vernor and government of Virginia ; but the next pretended 
Dutch Governor, in maps and printed cards (charts), calling 
this part New-Netherlands, failing in paying of customs at hi» 
return to Plymouth in England, was there with his beaver 
goods and person attached to his damage £1500. Where- 
upon, at the suit of the Governor and Council of Virginia, his- 
now Majesty, by his embassador in Holland, complaining of 
the said aliens' mtrusion on such his territories and domains, 
the said Lords, the States of Holland, by their public instru- 
ment declared, that they did not avow, nor Would protect them, 
being a private party of the Amsterdam West India Company, 
but left them to his Majesty's will and mercy ; whereupon three 
several orders from the council table and commissions have 
been granted for the expelling and removing them thence, of 
which they taking notice, and knowing their weakness and 
want of victuals, have offered to sell the same for £2500^ 
And lastly, taking advantage of our present war and distraction j 
now ask £5000, and have lately oflfered many affronts and 
damages to his Majesty's subjects in New England ; and in 
general endanger all his Majesty's adjoining countries most 
wickedly, feloniously, and traitorously, and contrary to the marine 
and admiral laws of all Christians, sell by wholesale guns, 
powder, shot and ammunition to the Indians, instructing them 
in the use of our fights and arms ; insomuch as two thousand 
Indians by them armed, Mohacks, Raritans, and some of Long 
Isle, with their own guns so sold them, fall into war with the 
Dutch, destroyed all their scattering farms and boors, forcing' 
them all to retire to their upper fort, forty leagues up that river, 
and to Manhatas ; for all or most retreating to Manhatas, it is- 
now a pretty town of trade, having more English tJian 

It will be noticed that the dale of Argall's expedition is* not 

T he writer, Beauchamp PIanta|^enet, Fsq., (as he i>i styled,) was one of a 
company formed for the purpose of planting a colony in the province of New 
Albion, and as the grant to Ployden covered the greater part of New -Nether- 
lands, his animosity to the Dutch is easily explained. See a copy of thisgrttfit 
in Hazard's State Pajpert, 1 160—170. 


given by this author, but he states the circumstances attend- 
ing the visit to our river more particularly than any other 
English writer of tliat period. The officer whom he styles 
" a pretended Dutch governor," was without doubt the Opptr* 
koopman, or superintendent of tlie trade on the river ; * and 
the company called " the West India Company of Amster- 
dam," was the association of merchants afterwards incoipon- 
ted under that name. No mention is made of any fort upon 
the island, and as none was erected before 1614 or 1615, this 
circumstance of itself would render it probable that Argall's 
visit was made at a prior date. 

As the expedition was fitted out from the Virginia colony^ 
for tlie purpose of vindicating the English title to the countiy, 
it would be natural to look to that quarter for a particular ac- 
count of it. But there seems to have been a studied conceal- 
ment on the part of the early writers upon tlie affairs of that 
colony in relation to this matter, which can only be explained 
on the ground that the wanton and destructive attack in a time 
of profound peace, without notice of any kind, on the infant set- 
tlements of the French colonists in Acadia, was viewed as at 
least impolitic, and likely to lead to serious consequences be- 
tween the two governments, if openly proclaimed or justified. 
For this, or some other reason, only incidental or meagre no- 
tices of the expedition occur in the Virginia writers. Purchas 
has the following reference to the enterprise without date : — 

" Captain Argall's northward discoveries towards Sacadehoc, 
and beyond to Port Royal, Sancta Crux, and thereabout, may 
?iot be concealed ; in which his adventures, if he had brought 
home no commodity to the colony, (which yet he did very 
much, both of apparel, victuals, and many other necessaries,) the 
honour which he hath done unto our nation by displanting the 
French, then beginning to scat and fortify within our limits, 
and taking of their ship and pinnace, wliich he brought to James- 
town, would have been reward enough for his pains, and will 
ever speak loud his honor and approved vaIour."t 

In another place the same author describes more at length 
the controversies with the French in respect to their title to the 
country, but nothing is said of the visit of Argall to our river.t 
Smith, whose history of Virginia was published about the same 
period, is equally unsatisfactory ; he says — 

" Sir Thomas Dale, understanding there was a plantation of 
Frenchmen in the nortli part of Virginia, about the degrees of 
45, sent Captain Argall to Port Royal and Sancta Crux, where 

" Hendrick Christincns is the first commander on the river mentioned by the 
Dutch writers. Sec aIwvc, p 299. 
t Pilgrims, I. ix. c. 10. 
I Ibid.l. ix. c. 19 


finding the Frenchmen abroad, dispersed in the woods, surpris- 
ed their ship and pinnace, which was but newly come irom 
France, wherein was much good apparel and other provision, 
which he brought to Jamestown, but the men escaped and hv- 
ed among the savages of those countries."* 

This is the only notice Smith takes of the expedition, and it 
will be seen that he is mistaken in supposing the French colo- 
nists to have escaped, as several of them were carried to Vir- 
ginia. It may be Ukewise inferred from his statement, that the 
enterprise was undertaken during the administration of Sir 
Thomas Dale, as governor of Virginia, which would bring it 
within the year 1614 ; but this is equally erroneous, as the 
most conclusive evidence exists that it look place in the pre- 
ceding year, under the administration of Sir Thomas Gates. 
Smith had no connexion at that time with the Virginia colony, 
having left it several years before, and this portion of his his- 
tory is compiled from the statements of others, instead of being 
the result of his own observation and knowledge, as is the case 
with the earher part of it. It is remarked by a careful writer, 
that Smith is " an unquestionable authority for what is related, 
whilst he staid in the country," although ** vastly confused and 
perplexed ;" but " the latter part of his history * * * is liable 
to some suspicion. No doubt is entertained of his integrity, 
but being himself absent in those times upon other projects, 
he depended upon others for his account of things."! 

The work from which subsequent historians seem to have 
chiefly taken their accounts of Argall's visit to the Hudson, is 
Heylin's Cosmography y published in 1652, — a work of great 
leamihg and of high reputation at that period. After mentioning 
the discovery of the river and its subsequent occupation by the 
Dutch, he adds — "But they were hardly warm in their new 
habitations, when Sir Samuel Argall, governor of Virginia, spe- 
cially so called, (having dispossessed the French of that part 
of Canada, now called Nova-Scotia, An. 1613,) disputed the 
possession with them ; alleging that Hudson, under whose sale 
they claimed that country, being an Englishman, could not 
alienate or dismember it, (beinff but a part or province of Vir- 
ginia,) from the crown thereof Hereupon the Dutch gover- 
nor submits himself and his plantation to his Majesty of Eng- 
land, and the governor of Virginia, for and under him. But a 
new governor being sent from Amsterdam, in the year next 
following, not only failed in paying the conditioned tributes, hut 
began to fortify himself and entitle those of Amsterdam to a 
just propriety."} 

* Qeneral Hist, of Virginia. Richmond edit ii. 18* 
t S'iih, HisL of Virginia, Introd. iv. Williamaburg, 1747. 
t Book 4th, part Sd, p. 3. Stith, pp. 132-3, appean to have drawn hie ac- 
count of the ezpeditioQ from Smith and Heylin. 



Several errors occur in this extract that have been repeat- 
ed by many succeeding writers. Argall was not governor of 
Virginia before 1617, nor did he receive the honour of knights 
ho(3 until a still later period. The idea of a sale of the coun^ 
try by Hudson to his Dutch employers, is too absurd to require 

Argall made several voyages to the colony in command of 
a ship belonginff to the Virginia Company. It appears from a 
letter addressed by him to a friend in England, dated JunOi 
1613, that he had arrived in the preceding year ; and in the 
spring of that year, he was employed in exploring the eastern 
side of Chesapeake bay in a shallop. During this time, his 
ship was left to be got ready for a fishing voyage, and on his 
return, May 12, 1613, he completed his preparations, and at 
the date of his letter was about sailing on his intended voy- 
age. He says, 

" Thus having put my ship in hand to be fitted for an intend- 
ed fishing voyage, I left that business to be followed by mjr 
master, with a ginge (gang) of men, and my lieutenant forti- 
fied on shore, with another ginge to fell timber and cleave planks, 
to build a fishing boat ; my ensign, with another ginge, was 
employed in the frigate* for getting of fish at Cape Charles, 
and transporting it to Henry's town, for the reUef of such men 
as were there ; and myself, with a fourth ginge, departed out of 
tlie river in my shallop, the first of May, for to discover the 
east side of our bay, which I found to have many small rivers 
in it, and very good harbours for boats and barges, but not for 
ships of any great burthen. ♦ • • So having discovered along 
the shore, some forty leagues northward, I returned again to 
my ship the 12th May, and hasted forward my business left 
in iiancl at my departure ; and fitted up my ship, and built my 
fishing boat, and made ready to take the first opportunity of the 
wind for my fishing voyage, of which I beseech God of his 
mercy to bless \is."t 

A contemporary French author, Champlain, (the founder of 
Quebec,) states that the English of Virginia were accustomed 
at that period to pursue the cod fishery sixteen leagues from 
the island of Monts Diserts^t and that a party arrived there 
for that purpose in the year 1613, commanded by Samuel Ar- 
gall, who being overtaken by a storm were driven on shore 

• Small light vessels were then termed /rt^a<«t, the present use of the word 
bein^ of more recent origin. 

t Pilj^rims, 1. ix. c. 9. 

t A large and lofty island on the coast of Maine, a few miles east of Pen- 
obscot bay, still called Mount De$ert, It is well settled and contains two 
towns, named Eden and Mount Desert. 

▲roall's xxpsdition. 339 

near Pemptegoet,* Here they were told by the Indians that 
a French ship was at the island of Monts Deserts, whereup- 
on Argall, being in want of provisions, and his men in a shat- 
tered, half-naked condition, resolved after ascertaining the 
strength of the intruders to attack them. The French seeing 
a ship approaching under full sail, and discovering it to be an 
armed Englishman, without being aware that ten others were 
following, prepared to defend themselves. After a short resist- 
ance, being overpowered by a superior force, the French yield- 
ed, with the loss of a Jesuit father, Gilbert du Thet, who was 
killed by a musket ball. Several others were wounded, and 
all but five were made prisoners. The EngHsh then took pos- 
session of the French snip, and plundered if of whatever they 
could find, not excepting the commission from the king of 
France which the commander. La Saussaye, had in his ca 

Such is the statement of Champlain. Another French wri- 
ter of the same period, Lescarbot, relates the affair in a man- 
ner less favourable to his countrymen. He says that the French 
vessel having recently arrived at Pemplegoel, information was 
given by the natives to some Englishmen who happened to be 
on the coast, and that the latter going to ascertain whether it 
was friend or foe, Gilbert du Thet, the Jesuit, on discovering 
them, cried out, ** Arm, arm ; it is the English r and there- 
upon opened a fire upon them, which was vigorously re- 
turned, and with such effect that the English, having killed 
three persons, (of which number was Gilbert du Thet,) and 
wounded five, boarded the ship, and having plundered it, land- 
ed upon the island, where they met with no resistance. The 
French commander who was on shore at the time of the at- 
tack, had fled with fourteen of his men to a remote part of the 
island, but the next day came and surrendered himself on re 
ceiving an assurance of safety. On being required to show the 
commission under which he sailed, he failed to produce it, and 
the English therefore adjudged him to be a pirate, and caused 
his effects to be distributed among the soldiers. The English 
captain, continues Lescarbot, was named Samuel Argall, and 
his Ueutenant, William Tumel. Having put the greater part 
of the prisoners on board a fishing vessel, and set them at liber- 
ty, Argall returned to Virginia, taking with him three Jesuit 
priests, and fifteen other persons, among whom are named leCa- 
pitaine de marineyChailesFlenn d' Abbeville, and M. La Motte.f 

* The French name Tor the Penobscot Champlain, Voyages de la JVov- 
9€lU France, 105. (Ed. 1632.) 

t Hisu de la Nourelle France, par Marc Lescarbot, Avoeat en Parlement, 
et temoin oculaire d^unepartie dee ehoeee iei reeiUee, Paris, 1618. 1. t. c. 13. 
Thia writer was no friend of the Jesuits. 


The party thus fummarily dispersed by Argall, kad left 
France for the purpose of estabHshinff a colony within the 
limits of Acadia, under the auspices of the Jesuits, at the ex- 
pense of Madame de Guercheville, a wealthy French ladyt 
who was zealous for the conversion of the American natives lo 
Christianity. They had arrived at La Heve, a port in Noia- 
Scotia, on the 16lh of May, 1613, and proceeded from theace 
to Port Royal, whore they took on board two Jesuit missiona- 
ries who liad incurred the displeasure of Biencourt, the go- 
vernor of that colony. Leaving Port Royal, thev went to the 
island of Monls Drscrts, where they resolved to nx their settle- 
ment. The pilot conducted them to the east end of the island, 
where they set up a cross, celebrated mass, and named the 
place St. Saiivcur. Scarcely, says Champlain, had they bc- 
gim to provide themselves with accommodations in tliis retreat, 
and to clear the land for the purpose of improvement, when the 
English came, and frustrated their benevolent designs in the 
manner already described. " The cross around which the faith- 
ful had gathered was thrown down,"* and the liberal supplies 
whicli they had brought from France for the intended colony, 
the offerings of pious zeal, were plundered, and carried away to 
minister to tlic wants of the English heretics in Virginia. 

The success of Argall, and tnc relief afforded by the booty 
he brought home to a starving colony, stimulated the authorities 
of Virginia to a fresh enterprise against their French neigh- 
bours, under the pretext of defending the English title to the 
country foniuloti on the liiscovcry of the Cabots. The settle- 
ments of St. ( Toix rind Port Royal were commenced before the 
English hiul plaiitrd a single pcnnanenl colony in any part of 
the new worM, allhoujili more than a rontury had elapsed since 
the (lisrovfTV on which lliey based tiioir claims to the whole 
North American contincnl north of Florida. To follow up the 
plunder and dosiruclion of St. Sauveur by an immediate attack 
upon liioso })laces, was the policy of the Virginia government, 
and an armed exj)e(lition, consisting of three vessels, command- 
ed by Argall, sailed forthwith for Acadia. Touching at the 
scene of their late outrage on the island of Monts Deseits, they 
set up there a cross bearing the name of the king of Great 
Britain, instead of the one erected by the Jesuits"; and then 
sailed lo St. Croix, whore ihey destroyed all the remains of a 
former settlement. Crossing the bay of Fundy, they next land- 
ed at Port Royal, (now Annapolis, Nova-Scotia,) and finding 
the town deserted, the governor being absent, and the peo- 
ple at work several miles from the fort, they met with no re- 
sistance in pillaging and stripping the place of whatever it con- 

• Bancron, i. 148. 

▲soall's BXPXDiTioy* 841 

tained, loading their ships with the spoil, and destrojrinff what 
they couid not carry away. The settlement had existed eight 
or nine years, and had cost its founders more than one hun« 
dred thousand crowns in money, beside the labour and anxiety 
that necessarily attended their efforts to plant civilization upon 
a desolate coast. 

At the time of its destruction, Port Royal was under the go- 
vernment of Charles de Biencourt, as vice-admiral and lieu- 
tenant-general of New-France, whose unkindness to the Jesuit 
missionaries excited their enmity to such a degree that tliey 
were accused of having piloted the English expedition on this 
occasion. The charge is denied by Champlain, but countenan- 
ced by Lescarbot, who publishes at length the formal complaint 
of the Sieur de Poulrincourt, (one of tne founders of the colo- 
ny and the father of Biencourt,) addressed to a French admi- 
ralty court, in which he distinctly charges Biart, one of the 
priests who accompanied Captain Argall to Virginia, with hav- 
ing plotted the destruction ot Port Royal. This document is 
dated July 18, 1614 ; and an answer was put in by the accus- 
ed two years after. Without entering into the merits of the 
controversy, it is sufficient for our purpose to refer to it as es- 
tablishing the dates of the events described by the complain- 
ant. Poulrincourt says, that he left Rochelle on the last day 
of the preceding December, [1613,] in a vessel of seventy tons 
or thereabout, for Port Royal, where he arrived on the seven- 
teenth of March, and was informed by his son Biencourt, the 
lieutenant-general of New-France, that the governor of Vir- 
ginia had sent thither a ship of two or three hundred tons, 
another of one hundred tons or thereabout, and a large bark, 
with a number of men, who, on the day of the feast of Allsaints 
last, [the 1 St of November, 1613,] landed, and under the guid- 
ance of the said Biart, plundered the habitations of himself and 
the other French people who abode there, &c.* 

In was on his return from the last expedition, that Argall is 
stated by the English writers to have visited the Dutch settle- 
ment at the mouth of the Hudson ; and as, according to both 
Champlain and Lescarbot, he left Port Royal on the ninth of 
November, he probably arrived here during the same month. 
The three vessels composing the expedition sailed together 
from Port Royal, but a violent storm soon after dispersed them ; 
the bark was never again heard from ; the ship containing 
the Jesuits arrived in England by the way of the Azores> 

* Lescarbot, Ir. c 14. Champlain says the English compelled an Indian to 
act as their guide, the French declining the serrice. I. iii. c. 1. Charlevoix, him- 
self a Jesuit, does not allude to the charges against Biart, but on the other hand 
describes him as a model of apostolic sanctity, healing the sick by miraculous, 
power, &c. NgutL Frane^^ i. 134. 

342 a&oall's bxpbbitiow. 

while Argall reached Virginia in safety. It is not improbable 
that the latter was compelled to make our harbour by stress of 
weather, and unexpectedly discovered the small establishment 
of the Dutch merchants upon Manhattan Island. Unable to re- 
sist a large armed ship, it is not strange that Hendrick Chris- 
tiaens, or whoever had the direction of aflfairs, endeavoured to 
propitiate the insolent and rapacious Englishman, flushed with 
conquests made in time of peace, over iniant colonies yet strug- 

fling into existence, and promised all that was desired of him.* 
t is said that the former, not only " submitted himself and co- 
lony to the King of England, and to the governor of Virginia 
under him,*' but agreed also to pay an annual tribute as an ac- 
knowledgment of the English title. But information having 
been sent to Holland, after the departure of Argall, another su- 
perintendent arrived the following year, who refused to pay 
the tribute, and " also began to fortify and put himself into a 
posture of defence ;" and it is added, tliat " the claim of the 
English being either wholly waived for the present, or but 
faintly pursued, they [the Dutch] the same year made a firm 
settlement, which soon became very flourishing and populous.^'t 
It thus indisputably appears, that, in 1613, four years only 
after the discovery of the river by Hudson, a few houses had 
been erected on Manhattan Island, the germ of the present city 
of New- York. Alarmed by the threats of their English visitors 
in that year, the Dutch merchants took imnaediate measures to 
protect their trade by building forts, both at that place, and on 
Castle Island, near Albany, in 1614 or 1615, as already relat- 
ed. A few years later, in 1623, the sites of the forts appeared 
to have been chani^cd. Fort Amsterdam was then erected near 
the ^ound now known a sthc Battery, on the southern extremity 
of Manhattan Island ; and Fort Orange was built on the main 
land, within the limits of the present city of Albany. Notwith- 
standing the formidable pretensions of the English colonists of 
Virginia, no subsequent attempt was made from that quarter to 
reduce the Dutch settlements under their jurisdiction ; but a 
commercial intercourse sprang up between the two coloniesi 
that proved equally advantageous to both. 


♦ During: the short time that Captain Arj^H was Deputy-Governor of Virginia, 
he contrived hy fraud and extortion to amass considerable wealth, at the ex- 
pense of the colony, and rendered his government generally odious by tyran* 
nical and oppressive conduct. Stith. 150. 

t Stith. 133. 







A. D. 1619. 


LoRDOH : 16S5 


Ths author of the following Latter*is noticed in Holmes's Annafay 
m work of high reputation for historical accnracy, in the foUowii^ 
manner: — 

" A. D. 1619. Thomas Dennert emi^oyed by Sir Ferdinands 
Gorges on a fishing voyage to New England, loaded a ship of two 
hundred tons with fish and furs at Monahiggon, and despatched it 
ibr England. Proceeding in a small bark for Virginia, he sailed 
between the main land and Long Islsnd, and was the first person 
who ascertained this to be an island." 

Prince, in reference to the same nayigaUnr, had prenoudy saidi 
that he '* steered along the coast between .Long Island and the 
main, being the first who passes through and finds it to be an island 
thirty leagues in length, before accounted part of the main*: thence 
sails along the coast, arrives at Cape Chailes Sept. 7, end next day 
at the mouth of James river."* 

Monahiggon, or, as the name is now written, JfiliiAi|g«i, is sa 
island on the coast of Maine, a few leagues east of Kennebec river, 
to which the English resorted as a fishing station before the settle- 
ment of the country. Dermer sailed from thence along the coast 
to Virginia in an open boat, in the summer of 1619 ; and had it 
been stated by the learned authors above cited, that he was the first 
Englishman who passed through Long Island Sound, and ascor* 
tained that Long Island tDtu not a part of the fnain, as. his country^ 
men had previously supposed, there would have been some ground 
for the assertion. But the Dutch navigators, as we have seen, had 
fully explored the Sound several years before, and sailed on all 
sides of Long Island. 

Dermer^s trip was nevertheless an important link in the chain of 
discovery, as it made known to the friends of American coloniza* 
lion in England many parts of the American coast that had escaped 

* New Englmnd Chronologj. Boiton, 1796. p. 64. Dr. Belknap ii more 
eaatiout in speaking of this matter, merely stating that Dermer if eaid to have 
been the fiiet, 6lc, Am. Biog. L 369. 

KOTB. 34S 

previous navigators among their countrymen. He seems to have 
been in the employment of the Plymouth Company, chartered by 
King James in 1606, which afterwards assumed the title of the 
** Council establiihed at Plymouth in Devonshire^ for the plantings 
ruling and governing of New England in America^ In a sort of 
manifesto published by this company in 1622, setting forth their 
operations from the year 1607 to that date, they mention that Der- 
mer was despatched by them in a ship sent to New England " for 
the fishing business," and that " leaving the fishermen to their la- 
bour [at Monhegan], he coasted the shore from thence, searching 
every harbour, and compassing every cape-land till he arrived in 
Virginia." They go on to state that he hoped to obtain some sup- 
plies there from a vessel sent out by the company to meet him, " as 
also to lay a deck upon his pinnace that before had not any, and 
he was now taught by experience the necessity of having that 
defect supplied." After despatching his business in Virginia, Der- 
mer '* put himself to sea again, resolving to accomplish in his jour- 
ney back to New England what in his last discovery he had omitted. 
/fi his passage he met with certain Hollanders, who had a trade in 
Hudson's river some years before that time, with whom he had 
a conference about the state of that coast, and their proceedings 
with those people, whose answer gave him good content. He be- 
took himself to the following of his business, discovering many 
goodly rivers, and exceeding pleasant and fruitful coasts and islands, 
for the space of eighty leagues from east to west ; for so that coast 
doth range along from Hudson river to Cape James," [meaning 
Cape Cod].* 

It thus appears that Dermer was considered by the Council of 
Plymouth as the original discoverer of the coasts lying between 
our river and the southern shore of Massachusetts, on the route of 
Long Island Sound. The following Letter contains a brief descrip- 
tion of his passage to Virginia, but not of his return, as it was 
written soon after his arrival in that colony, at the plantation of 

* The publication above quoted is entitled, ** A Brief Relation of the Dit- 
eoverj and Plantation of New England, and of sundry accidents therein oc 
curringr, from the year of our Lord 1607 to this present IGSS,** &c. Dedicated 
by the President and Council of New England to the Prince's Highness. It 
tt reprinted entire in ColL Mass. Hist. Soc. i. 3d series. 


346 ifOTS. 

Capt. John Martyn.* But it appears that in the foUowing sammer, 
after his return to New England, Dermer wrote another letter^ 
dated June 30th, 1620, in which he described more particularly the 
results of his observations. Of this we have only a few extractSf 
contained in an early history of the Plymouth Colony, the author 
of which was a nephew of Governor Bradford, and had access to 
all his papers, consisting of a manuscript history of the colony, now 
unfortunately lost, and various other documents relating to the dis- 
covery and settlement of the country. Among these was Dormer's 
second letter, of which this writer gives the date, and adds thai 
Dermer was at Plymouth in the same year that the Pilgrims ar- 
rived, " as appears by a relation written by him, bearing date June 
80, Anno 1620, and they arrived in the country in the month of 
November following, so that there was but four months difference; 
in which relation to his honoured friend he hath these passages of 
this very place where New Plymouth now is."t The author then 
goes on to cite portions of Dermer's letter descriptive of the place 
where the Pilgrims soon after established their colony, called by 
the Indians Pattixet, but named by Capt. Smith, on his map of 
New England published in 1614, Plymouth — ** one of the few 
names," says the learned editor of Morton, ^' given by that dis- 
tinguished adventurer which remains unchanged." It is not a little 
remarkable that in this letter Dermer recommends this place for 
" the first plantation, if there come to the number of fifty persons 
or upwards," and within five months after the date of the letter, the 
Pilgrims, landing fortuitously on the coast, selected the same spot 
as a suitable location for their colony. 

It is probable that the second letter of Dermer was addressed to 
Sir Ferdinand© Gorges, an active and efficient member of the Coun- 
cil of Plymouth, and a special patron of the enterprise in which 
he was engaged. Gorges says that Dermer sent him " a journal 
of his proceeding, with the description of the coast all along as he 

• Marlyn had the charge of one hundred colonists in the country of the Nan 
■emonds, on tlie south side of James River. Purchas, 1. ix. c. 6. 

t ** New England's Memorial,"- &c., by Nathaniel Morton. Cambridgot 
N. £., 1669. A now edition was published a few years ago under the care of 
Judge Davis, of Boston, who has enriched it with many yaluable notes and 


passed."* The object of his Toyage may be understood from the 
following statement. 

It appears that an Englishman of the name of Hunt, who com- 
manded one of the ships with which Capt. Smith came to New 
England in 1614, remained on the coast after Smith's departure, 
and succeeded in kidnapping a number of Indians, chiefly from Pa- 
tuxet, afterwards Plymouth, whom he carried to Malaga, in Spain, 
and endeavoured to sell for slaves. As soon, however, as the cir- 
cumstances became known, a sympathy was excited in behalf of 
the unfortunate captives, and through the benevolent eflbrts of the 
monks of that city, many of them were rescued from slavery, and 
found their way liack to their native forests. Among them is said 
to have been a chief named Tisquantum, or as more commonly 
written, Squanto, who reached London, where he was received by 
a merchant of the Newfoundland company, and sent out to that 
island. There he was noticed by Capt. Mason, the governor of 
the colony, with whom he remained until, on the arrival of Dermer, 
he returned with him to England. 

The outrage of Hunt had excited a general distrust of Europeans 
among the natives of New England, and it occurred to Dermer that 
the services of Squanto might be profitably employed in removing 
the prejudice from the minds of his countrymen. He wrote to this 
effect to the Plymouth Company, who at once entered into his views, 
and the following season despatched Capt. Rocraft to meet him in 
New England. But Dermer had in the meantime sailed for Eng- 
land, taking Squanto with him ; and the Company, desirous of avail- 
ing themselves of his aid in conciliating the Indians, fitted out 
another ship for a fishing voyage, in which they sent him and 
Squanto to New England with the hope of their meeting Rocraft. 
But on their arrival at Monhegan, not finding him, Dermer took a 
pinnace, and left the fishermen to pursue their business, while he 
sought the native country of his savage companion. His subsequent 
adventures, until his arrival in Virginia, are briefly related in the 
following Letter. The result of his mission appears to have been 
quite satisfactory to his employers, who in their published mani- 
festo gave him the credit of making peace between the savages of 

^ ** A brief Narration of the original undertakings of the advancement of 
Plantations into the parts of America, &o. Written bj the Worshipful Sir 
F. Gorges, Knight, dec. London, 1658." Beprinted in Mass. Hist. ColL vi. 

a48 NOTB. 

those parts and the English, of which, it was intimated, the cokmj 
of New Plymouth afterwards reaped the benefit. 

There seems to have been, however, another object which Der- 
mer proposed to himself in undertaking this voyuge. A few yean 
before an Indian named Epinow, belonging to Martha's Vinejrard, 
who had been forcibly carried to Europe, came into the possession 
of Gorges, and induced him to believe that there was a valuable 
mine in his country, which he would discover if sent'home. A ship 
was accordingly fitted out for the voyage, and sailed with Epinow 
and two other Indians, in the summer of 1614. But it was a mere 
ruse on the part of the wily savage to effect his return, and soon 
after their arrival in New England ho contrived to make bis escape 
from the ship. Notwithstanding what had occurred, Gorges seems 
not to have doubted the truth of the story, imagining that Epinow 
feared the consequences of betraying " the secrets of the country ;'' 
and when Dermer proposed to him to employ Squanto, he consented 
without doubt for the purpose of again endeavouring to discover the 
hidden treasure. Some hints of the kind are given in the following 

The prevalence of a mortal disease among the natives of New 
England by which the country within certain limits was almost 
entirely depopulated, is often alluded to in the accounts of that pe- 
riod. It is supposed to have commenced its ravages about the year 
1616, and to have continued for two or three years. Dermer calls 
it the plagve, Jfrom its desolating effects, but writers seem not to 
agree as to the character of the disease. What must have been the 
emotions of the savage chief on arriving at his native place, and 
finding his people utterly extinct — kindred, friends, the companions 
of his youth, all gone, and not a solitary survivor left with whom he 
could condole in the general calamity — not one to greet him upon 
his return from a long captivity in a far distant land ! The sequel of 
the story of this Indian belongs to the history of the Plymouth colony. 
The imperfect knowledge he had acquired of the English language 
was sufficient to enable him to act the part of interpreter with the 
neighbouring tribes, and his familiarity with the country rendered 
him an excellent guide in threading the mazes of the wilderness. 
His services thus became of great importance to the colony, and his 
name often occurs in the simple narratives of their early struggles 
with the disadvantages of their situation. 

NOTE. 349 

Dermer did not long survive his last visit to New England. Visit* 
ing Martha's Vineyard, he there met with Epinow, who at first en- 
tertained him with an amusing account of the means by which he 
had effected his escape, but afterwards suspecting that the English- 
man had come for the purpose of betraying him, he conspired with 
some of his nation to make him a prisoner. " Thereupon " says 
Sir Ferdinando Gorges, " they laid hands upon him, but he being 
a brave, stout gentleman, drew his sword and freed himself, but not 
without fourteen wounds." This encounter caused Dermer's speedy 
return to Virginia, where he died soon after, from the effects of his 
wounds, as stated by Smith,* but according to Sir F. Gorges, '* he 
had the misfortune to fall sick and die of the infirmity many of our 
nation are subject unto at their first coming into those parts." 


* HiBt. Virginia, ii. 919. 

LETTER, &o. 


▲v nn Cbvbom ▲ urns wmoi Lvbsavb, LONDON.* 

It was the nineteenth of May before I was fitted for my d» 
Gorery, when from Monahiggan I set sail in an open pinnace of 
five tons for the island I told you of. I passed alon^ the coast 
where I found some ancient plantations, not long smce popu- 
lous, now utterly void ; in other places a remnant remains, out 
not bee of sickness. Their disease is the plague, for we m^rfit 
perceiye the sores of some that had escaped, who described Uw 
spots of such as usually die. When I arriyed at my saTage's 
native country, finding all dead, I trayelled a long day's joomey 
westward, to a place called Nianmastaquyi;\ wbsre finding in- 
habitants, I despatched a messenffer a day's journey fiuther 
west to Poconaokit;^ which borderetn on the sea ; whence came 
to see me two kings, attended with a guard of fifty men, who 
being well satisfied with what my savage and I discoursed unto 
them, (being desirous of novelty,) gave me content in whatso- 
ever I demanded, where I found that former relations were 

Here I redeemed a Frenchman, and afterwards another at 
Mastachiisitf who three years since escaped shipwreck at the 
north-east of Cape Cod. 1 must [be brief] (amongst many things 
worthy observation) for want of leisure ; therefore hence I pass 
(not mentioning any place where we touched in the way) to the 
island which we discovered the twelfth of June. Here we had 
good quarter with the savages, who likewise confirmed former 
reports. I found seven several places digged, sent some of the 
earth, with samples of other commodities elsewhere found, 
sounded the coast, and the time being far spent, bore up for 
Monahiggan, arriving the three and twentieth of June, where 

^ Parehas wu rector of St. Martin*! eborcb, Ladgate, Londoiit and chap, 
lain to the arohbiahop of Canterbury. 

t The natiye place of Squanto was Patuxet^ aflerwardi Plymoath. iVmii. 
muMta^yt, commonly written Namttket, waa an Indian nettlement in tha 
preient town of Middfeborouffh, about fifteen milea weet of Plymoath. 

t Commonly written Pokmnoket, now included in the town of Briatol, 
Rhode Ifland, about forty milea from Plymouth. Maasaasoit, chief of the 
Wampanoaga, for many yean the nnahaken friend of the Piigrima, reaided at 
this place. The * two kingff with whom Dermer had the intarriew, are aup. 
■Mead to hay* been Maaaaaaoit and his brother. 

di&msr'b lstter. 851 

wc found ship ready to depart. To this isle are two others 
near adjoining, all which I called by the name of King James's 
Ibles, because from thence I had the first motives to search for 
that (now probable passage) which may hereafter be both hon- 
ourable and profitable to nis Majesty. 

When I nad despatched with the ships ready to depart, I 
thus concluded for the accomplishing my business. In regard 
of the fewness of my men, not being able to leave behind me a 
competent number (or defence, and yet sufficiently furnish my- 
self, I put most of my provisions aboard the Sampson of Capt.. 
Ward, ready bound for Virginia, from whence he came, taking 
no more into the pinnace than I thought might serve our turns, 
determining, with God's help, to search the coast alone, and at 
Virginia to supply ourselves for a second discovery if the first 
failed. But as the best actions are commonly hardest in effect-^ 
ing, and are seldom without their crosses, so in this we had our 
share, and met with many difficulties ; for we had not sailed 
above forty leagues but we were taken with a southerly storm,, 
which drove us to this strait, ejther we must weather a rocky 
point of land, or run into a broad bay not less dangerous. Inci 
dit in Scyllamj &c. The rocks we could not weather, though 
we loosed till we received much water, but at last were forced 
to bear up for the bay, and run on ground a furlong off the 
shore, where we had been beaten to pieces had we not instantly 
thrown overboard our provisions to save our lives, by whicti^ 
means we escaped and brought off our pinnace the next higb 
water without hiut, having our plank broken, and a small leak 
or two which we easily mended. Being left in this misery^ 
having lost much bread, all our beef and cider, some meal and 
apparel, with other provisions and necessaries, having now little 
left but hope to encourage us to persist ; yet, after a little de* 
liberation, we resolved to proceed, and departed with the next 
fair wind. 

We had not now that fair quarter among the savages as be-^ 
fore, which I take it was by reason of our savage's absence^ 
who desired (in regard of our long journey) to stay with some* 
of oiu: savage friends at Sawahquatooke* for now almost every- 
where, where they were of any strength, they sought to betray 
us. At Manamock, (the southern part of Cape Cod, now call- 
ed Sutcliffe's Inlets,) I was unawares taken prisoner, when they 
sought to kill my men whom I left to man the pinnace ; but 
missing of their purpose, they demanded a ransom, which had, 
I was as far firom liberty as before ; yet it pleased God at last, 
after a strange manner, to deliver me, witn three of them into 

* An Indian Nttlement in the present town of BreweUr, on the peninralik 
of Cape Cod. 

S58 raum't Lvmnu 

my hands, and a little after the chief sadiem himad^ who aee* 
ing me weigh anchor, would have leaped orerboard^ but inter* 
cepted, Grayed oaidon, and sent for the liatchets given for ran- 
aom, excusing himsetf by laying the fault on his neij^ibouis ; 
and to be fHends, sent for a canoe's lading^ of cam, which r^ 
ceiyed we set him free. I am loth to omit the atorv, whereiB 
you will find a cause to admire the grreat mercy of Cod even m 
our greatest misery, in giying us botn freedom and relief at one 

Departinff hence, the next place we airiyed at was CapmnA 
rMartna's > ineyard], an island fonnerly discoyered by the Eng- 
ush, when I met with Epinow, a sayage that had liyed in Eiig* 
land, aixl speaks indinerent good English, whp four yeais 
since, being carried home, was reported to haye been slain 
with diyers of his countranen by sailors, which yraa fidse. 
With him I had much conference, who gaye me yery good satis- 
&ction in eyery thing almost I could demand. Time not penmt* 
ting me to search here, which I should haye done for sun- 
dry things of special moment, the wind fiur, I stood awayy 
auping my course as the coast led me, till I came to the moat 
westerly part, where the coast besan to fall away southedy. 

In my way I discoyered land about thirty leagues in length, 
heretofore taken for main, where I feared I had been embayed, 
but by the help of an Indian I got to the sea again, through 
many crooked and straight passages. I let pass many accidents 
in this journey occasioned by treachery, where we were com- 
pelled twice to go together by the ears ; once the sayages had 
great advantage of us in a strait, not above a bowsliot, and where 
a multitude oi Indians let fly at us from the bank ; but it pleas- 
ed God to make us victors. Near unto this wc ifound a most 
dangerous cataract amongst small rocky islands, occasioned by 
two unequal tides, the one ebbing and flowing two hours before 
the other.* Here we lost an anchor by the strength of the cur- 
rent, but found it deep enough. From hence were we carried 
in a short space by the tide's swiftness into a great bay, (to us 
so appearing,) but indeed is broken land, which gave us light of 
the sea. Here, as I said, the land trendcth southerly. In this 
place I talked with many savages, who told me of two sundry 
passages to the great sea on the west, offered me pilots, and 
one of them drew me a plat with chalk upon a chest, whereby 
1 found it a great island, parted by the two seas. They report 
the one scarce passable lor shoals, perilous currents ; the other 
no question to be made of. 

Having received 

greatest hope, where 

• FtohMj HeUfatt. 

these directions, I hasten to the place of 
s I proposed to make trial of God s good- 

dermer's letter. 868 

ness towards us, and use my best endeavours to bring the truth 
to light ; but we were but only showed the entrance, when in 
seeking to pass, we were forced back with contrary and over- 
blowing winds, hardly escaping both [with] our lives. Beinff 
thus overcharged with weather, I stood along the coast to seek 
harbours, to attend a favourable ffale to recover the strait ; but 
beinff a harbourless coast, for aught we could then perceive, we 
found no succour till we arrived betwixt Cape Charles and the 
main, on the east side of the bay Chestapeak, where in a wilde 
(wide ?) road we anchored ; and the next day, (the eighth of 
September) crossed the bay to Kecoughtan, where the first news 
struck cold to our hearts — the general sickness was over the 

Here I resolved with all possible speed to return in pursuit 
of this business, so that after a little refreshing, we recovered 
up the river to James city, and from thence to Capt. Ward's 
plantation, where immediately we fell to hewing oi boards for 
a close deck, having found it a most desired course to attempt 
as before. As we were thus labouring to effect our purposes, 
it pleased Almighty God, (who only disposeth of the times and 
seasons wherein all works shall be accomplished,) to visit us 
with his heavy hand, so that at one time there were but two of 
us able to help the rest ; myself so sore shaken with a burning 
fever, that I was brought even unto death's door, but at length, 
by XSod's assistance, escaped, and have now with the rest al- 
most recovered my former strength. The winter having over 
taken us, (a time on these coasts especially subject to gusts 
and fearful storms,) I have now resolved to choose a more tem- 
perate season, both for the general good and our own safeties. 

And thus I have sent you a broken discourse, though indeed 
very unwilling to have given any notice at all, till it had pleased 
God to have blessed me with a thorough search, that our eyes 
might have witnessed the tnith. I have drawn a plot of the 
coast, which I dare not yet to part with for fear of danger ; let 
this therefore serve for confirmation of your hopes, till I can 
better perform my promise and your desire. For what 1 have 
spoken I can produce at least mille testes, (a thousand wit- 
nesses,) far separate, of the sea behind them, and of ships, 
which came many days' journey from the west, and of the great 
extent of this sea to the north and south, not knowing any 
bounds thereof westward. I cease to trouble you till a better 
opportunity offer itself, remembering my best love, &c. I rest 

yours to command, 

From Captain Martjn'a Plantation, 
STth December, 1619. 


54 dermsr's lettbr. 

The following extract from the Brief Narration of Sir F. Gorges^ 
aoted abore, shows his connexion with Dermer. Gorges acted 
a behalf of the Council, by whom Dermer was employed. 

'' Captain Dermer being disappointed of his means to come 
rom New-found-land to New England, took shipping for Eng- 
md, and came to me at Plymouth [1619], where I gave him 
ji account of what I had done, and he me of what his hopes 
vere to be able to do me service, if I pleased to employ him. — 
lereupon I conferred his informations together with mine own 
[ received by several ways, and found them to agree in 
nany particulars of highest consequence and best considera- 
ions. Whereupon I despatched him away with the company 
le had gotten together, as fast as my own ship could be made 
ready for her ordinary employment, sending with him what he 
thought necessary, hoping to have met Captain Rocraft, where 
he was assigned to attend till he received further directions from 
me. But at the ship's arrival, they found Captain Rocraft gone 
for Virginia, with all his convpany, in the barque he had tsiken, 
of which before. Captain Dermer arriving, and seeing Ro- 
craft gone, was much perplexed. Yet so resolved he was, that 
he ceased not to follow his design with the men and means 
which I had sent him ; and so shaped his course from Sagada- 
hock in forty-four degrees, to Capawike, [Martha's Vineyard,] 
being in 41° 36', sending me a journal of his proceeding, with 
the description of the coast all along as he passed. Passing 
by Capawike, he continued his course along the coast from 
harbour to harbour till he came to Virginia, where he expected 
to meet with Rocraft." Chap. xv. 

Smith has the following notice of him : — " Master Thomas 
Dermer, an understanding and industrious gentleman, that 
was also with me amongst the Frenchmen, having lived about a 
year in Newfoundland, relumed to Plymouth, (Eng.) went for 
N ew England in this ship, and so much approved of this coun- 
try that he staid there with five or six men in a little boat ; find- 
ing two or three Frenchmen among the savages, who had lost 
their ship, augmented his company, with whom he ranged the 
coast to V irginia, where he was kindly welcomed and well re- 
freshed ; thence returned to New England again, where having 
been a year, in his back return to Virginia he was so wounded 
by the savages that he died upon it." — Hist. Virg. ii. 219, 






A. D. 1627. 

Governor of New-Plymouth, ^, 



These interesting docmnents were first poblislied in the eolb^ 
tion of the Massachusetts Historicsl Society, in 1794. Th^ 
formed a part of Gov. Bradford's Papers, most of which an supp ossi 
to hare been destroyed at Boston during the rendntionsaj wv. 
They had been in the possessi<m of the Rer. Thomas Prince, (aa- 
thor of the New England Chronology,) by whom they were de- 
posited with his library in the tower of the Old Sooth Chords 
where they were found by the British soldiers who had cooTertei 

^ the church into a riding school, and scattered to the winds. A por- 
tion of the Grovemor's letter-book, including the following cones- 
pondence, was afterwards discovered in a grocer*8 shop at Hsli- 
faz, (Nova-Scotia,) used for wrapping paper, but some one sosped- 
ing its value caused it to be preserved.* 

Prince has the following extract from another portion of Goranor 
Bradford s papers in reference to the overtures of the Doteh. Va^ 
der the year 1627, Bradford says — " About mid March we lecetr- 
ed messengers from the governor of the Dutch plantation, with let- 
ters written in Dutch and French, dated from the Manhattas in the 
Fort Amsterdam, March 9, 1627, N. S., signed " Isaac de Ra- 
zier, Secretary.'' They had traded in these northern parts divers 
years before we came, bnt began no plantation there till four or 
five years after our coming. In their letter ' they congratulate 
us and our prosperous and praiseworthy undertaking, and govern- 
ment of our colo'iy, with the presentation of their good will and 
service tons in all friendly kindness and good neighbourhood; of- 
fer us any of their goods that may be serviceable to us, declare 
they shall take themselves bound to accommodate and help us 
with them, for any wares we are pleased to deal for*. We send 
the Dutch our obliging answer, expressive of our thankful sense 

^ of the kindness ice receiv v/ tit their native country, and our grate- 
ful acceptance of their offered friendshipr"t 

* MS. letter to the editor from Rev. Thaddeoi Maion Harrii^ IXD. of Bos> 


tNew England Chronology. A. D. 1697, 

MOTB. 357 

Governor Bradford here alludes to the hospitable asylum afford- 
ed to the Pilgrims in Holland, when compelled to fly from the in- 
tolerant bigotry of their native land. His expressions of gratitude 
are in unison with the sincerity and excellence of his character, 
which combined the virtues of the Christian with a spirit of true 
courtesy ; and it is not strange that the harmonious relations thus 
happily commenced between the two colonies, continued for many 
years to their mutual advantage. 

In another place he says, " This year* the Dutch send to us 
again from their plantation both kind letters and divers commo- 
dities, as sugar, linen, stuffs, &c., and come with their bark at our 
house at Manomet. Their Secretary Razier comes with trumpet- " 
ers, Sic, but not being able to travel to us by land, desires us to 
send a boat within side to fetch him ; so we send a boat to Man- 
onscusset, and bring him with the chief of his company to Ply- 
mouth. After a few days' entertainment, he returns to his bark ; 
some of us go with him and buy sundry goods. After which be- 
ginning they often send to the same place, and we trade together 
divers years, sell much tobacco for linens, and stuffs, i&c. which 
proves a great benefit to us till the Virginians find out their colo- 
ny. But that which in time turns most to our advantage is their 
now acquainting and entering us in the trade of wampum, telling 
us how vendible it is at their Fort Aurania, and persuading us we 
shall find it so at Kennebeck. Upon this we buy £50 worth. At 
first it sticks, and it is two years before we can put it off, till the 
inland Indians come to know it, and then we can scarce procure 
enough for many years together. By which and other provisions 
we quite cut off the trade both from the fishermen and straggling 
planters. And strange it is to see the great alteration it in a few 
years makes among the savages ; for the MassacJiusetts and others 
in these parts had scarce any, it being only made and kept among 

* New England Chronology, A. D. 16S8. Prinee here mistakes the year, m 
may be readily seen from the correspondence. This drcumstanoe leads us to 
suppose that the letter-book was not in his possession when he wrote, especially 
as it is not specified in the list of MSS. prefixed to the volume. The extracts 
above quoted were without doubt taken from a history of Plymouth Colony 
written by Governor Bradford, but never published, which Prinee mentions 
among his MS. authorities. It is deeply to be regretted that a work of so much 
interest was not printed ; it is now probably kwt. 

358 NOTE. 

the Pequots and Narragaruetls, who grew rich and potent by it ; 
whereas the rest who use it not, are poor and beggarly."* 

The Plymouth trading-house at Manomet to which the Dutch 
resorted, was situated near an Indian village, at the head of Bov- 
zard's bay. It lay about twenty miles south of Plymouth, but be- 
ing on the narrowest part of the isthmus connecting the peninsula 
of Cape Cod with the main, it was accessible by water from that 
place within four or five miles. The village of Monumet, in the 
town of Sandwich, now occupies nearly the same site. Bradford 
describes it as follows : — " For greater convenience of trade, to 
discharge our engagements nnd maintain ourselves, we build a 
small pinnace at Manomet, a place on the sea, twenty miles to the 
south ; to which by another creek on this side we transport our 
goods by water within four or five miles, and then carry them over 
land to the vessel. We thereby avoid compassing Cape Cod with 
those dangerous shoals, and make our voyage to the southward 
with far less time and hazard. For the safety of our vessel and 
goods we there also build a house and keep some servants, who 
plant com, rear swine, and are always ready to go out with the 
bark, which takes good effect and turns to advantage."! Another 
Plymouth writer says that the governor went to the Indian town of 
Manomet, in January, 1623, to buy com, and that the town was 
situated on a fresh river, to which " the Dutch or French, or both 
used to come."J 

'Roger Williama (Key into the language of the Indians, Lond. 1643,) describes 
the manner in which the wampum was made, and speaks of it as " the coin of 
the Indians"; the Dutch called it seavoan. Williams adds, " This money the 
English, French, and Dutch trade to the Indians six hundred miles in sereral 
parts, north and south from New-England, for their furs and whatever they 
stand in need of from them, as corn, venison, &c" Burnaby, who travelled in 
this country in 1760, had an opportunity of seeing the method of making warn- 
pum, which he describes as follows:-'* It is made of the clam-shell, consisting 
within of two colours, purple and white, and in form not unlike a thick oystei 
Bhell. The process of manufacturing it is very simple. It is first clipped to i 
proper size, which is that of a small oblong parallelopiped, then drilled, and af 
terwards ground to a round smooth surface, and polished. The purple warn 
pum is much more valuable than the white, a very small part of the sheU bein 
of that colour." Travels, p. 60. 

t Prince. 67. 

X Winslow's Relation. 

NOTE. 359 

The portage across the isthmus was considerably shortened by 
two small streams, running in opposite directions, one of which, 
called Manonscusset creek, flowed into the bay on the east side of 
the isthmus; the other was an arm of Buzzard's bay, and received 
the name of Manomet river from its superior width. The heads 
of the creek and river were not far distant.* 

It is to bo regretted that the first letter from the Dutch was not 
printed with the rest, as Gov. Bradford had evidently copied it in- 
to his letter-book in the original language. We have made inquiry 
respecting it without being able to obtain a copy ; the manu- 
script seems not to have been preserved by the Society after the 

correspondence was published. 


* Prince laysi " Thii if the place throagh which there has been a talk of 
making a canal thia forty years, which would be a vast advantage to all these 
countries by saving the long and dangerous navigation round the Cape and 
through the shoals adjoining " This was in 1736. The project was revived 
in 1776, and again in 1791, when it was referred to a committee of the Legis. 
lature, who reported favourably. The latest notice we have seen of it, is in a 
publication of 1839 ; in which the writer states that " it is proposed to unite 
Massachusetts and Buzzard's bays by a ship canal through the town of Sand^ 
wich. The distance is five miles and the route level.*' 


This year [says Bradford] we had letters sent us from the Dutch 
plantation, of whom we had heard much by the natives, but ncTcr 
could hear from them nor meet with them before ihey themsehes 
thus wrote to us, and after sought us out ; their letters were 
written in a very fair hand, the one in French, and the other in 
Dutch, but were one verbatim, so far as the tongue would bear. 

[Here follows a letter in Low Dutch, from Isaac de Razier at 
Manhattas, in Fort Amsterdam, March 9, 1627, N. S. to 
the Governor of New Plymouth,*] 

I will not trouble myself to translate this letter, seeing the 
effect of it will be understood by the answer which now follows 
in English, though written to them in Dutch. 

To the Honourable and Worshipful the Director and Council 
of New Netherland, our very loving and worthy friends and 
Christian neighbours. 

The Governor and Council of Plymouth in New England 

wish your Honours and Worships all happiness and prosperity 
in this life, and eternal rest and glory with Christ Jesus our 
Lord in the world to come. 

We have received your letters, wherein appeareth your good 
will and friendship toward us, but is expressed with over high 
titles, and more than belongs to us, or than is meet for us to 
receive. But for your good will and congratulation of our pros- 
perity in this small beginning of our poor colony, we are much 
bound unto you, and with many thanks acknowledge the same ; 
taking it both for a great honour done unto us, and for a certain 
testimony of your love and good neighbourhood. Now these 
are further to give your Honours, Worships and Wisdoms to 
understand, that it is to us no small joy to hear, that it hath 
pleased God to move his Majesty's heart, not only to confirm 
that ancient amity, alliance, and friendship, and other contracts 
formerly made and ratified by his predecessors of famous me- 
mory ; but hath himself (as you say) and we likewise have been 
informed, strengthened the same with a new union, tlie better 

* It thus appears that the portion of the letter-book preserved contained a 
copy of the first letter from the Dutch, which was not printed, probaUy <m 
account of its being in the Dutch language. Ed. 


to Tdsisi the pride of that common enemy, the Spaniards, from 
whose cruelty the Lord keep us both, and our native countries. 
Now forasmuch as this is sufficient to unite us together in love 
and good neighbourhood in all our dealings ; yet are many of 
us furtlier tied by the good and courteous entreaty which we 
have found in yoiir country, having hved there many years, 
with freedom and good content, as many of our friends do to this 
day ; for which we are bound to be thankful, and our children 
after us, and shall never forget the same, but shall heartily desire 
your good and prosperity as our own forever. Likewise for 
your friendly proposition and offer to accommodate and help us 
with any commodities or merchandise which you have and we 
want, either for beaver, otters, or other" wares, is to us very ac- 
ceptable, and we doubt not but in short time we may have pro- 
fitable trade and commerce together. But you may please to 
understand that we are but one particular colony or plantation 
in this land, there being divers others besides, unto whom it hath 
pleased those Honourable Lords of his Majesty's Council for 
New England to grant the like conunission, and ample privi- 
leges to them (as to us) for their better profit and subsistence; 
namely to expulse, or make prize of any, either strangers or 
other English, which shall attempt either to trade or plant within 
their limits (without their special license and commission) which 
extend to forty degrees. Yet for our parts, we shall not go 
about to molest or trouble you in any tiling, but continue all 
good neighbourhood and correspondence as far as we may; 
only we desire that you would forbear to trade with the natives 
in this bay, and river of Narragansct and Sowames, which is 
(as it were) at our doors : The which if you do, we think no 
other English will go about any way to trouble or hinder you ; 
which otherwise are resolved to solicit his Majesty for redress, 
if otherwise they cannot help themselves. 

May it please you fiurther to understand, that for this year we 
are fully supplied with all necessaries, both for clothing and 
other things ; but it may so fall out, that hereafter we shall deal 
with you, if your rates be reasonable. And therefore when your 
people come agadn, we desire to know how you will take beaver 
by the pound, and otters by the skin, and how you will deal per 
cent, for other commodities, and what you can furnish us with ; 
as likewise what commodities from us may be acceptable with 
you, as tobacco, fish, corn, or other things, and what prices you 
will give. 

Thus hoping that you will pardon and excuse us for our rude 
and imperfect writing in your language, and take it in good part ; 
because, for want of use, we cannot so well express that we 
understand ; nor happily understand every thing so fully as we 
jbould. And so we humbly pray the Lord, for his mercy's 



•aka, that he will take both ua and oar satire coontzieainlo fab 
holy protection and defence. Amen. 

By the Gorenior and Council, your Honooz^a 

and Worahipa' very gooa frienda and nei|^iboiin» 
NeW'PlymoiUht Marxk \9Uu 

Next foIlowB their reply to thia our anawer, Teiy fiiendly bol 
maintaining their right and liberty to trade in Uioae parte, which 
we had deaired them to forbear ; alleging that aa we had au- 
thority and commiaaion fixxn our king, ao they had the like 
firom the Statea of Holland, which they would defend. 

August 7, 1627. 

Another oftheira uponour anawertotheirlaat,whidiIliem 

An amwer to the former Uttere, 

We hare receiyed your lettera/ dated the 7th of Augnat, and 
with them a rundlet of sugar, and two HoUand cheeaea, by John 
Jaobbaon of Wirins ; for which we give you menj thanka, and 
must remain your debtors till another time, not having my thing 
to send you for the present that may be acceptable, fmther, 

Jou shall understand that it is also our resolution and hearty 
esire to hold and continue all friendship and good neighbour- 
hood with you as far as we may and lies in our power ; we de- 
sire also that we might have opportunity (according as you 
write) by word of mouth, to confer together touching our mutual 
commerce and trading in such things as our countries afford ; 
and would now have sent one, but that one of our boats is abroad, 
and we have much business at home. But if by the next you 
would please to depute one (according as you have propouncfed) 
to come hither and to confer hereabouts, we should be glad, and he 
should be welcome : If not, we shall send as soon as conyeniently 
we can (after harvest), if we can know when your bark comes 
this way. We cannot likewise omit (out of our love and good 
affection toward you, and the trust you repose in us) to give you 
warning of the danger which may befall you, that you may pre- 
vent it ; for if you light either in the hands of those of Virgmia 
or the fishing ships, which come to New England, peradventure 
they will make prize of you, if they can, if they find you trading 
within those limits ; as they surprised a colony of the Frenca 
not many years since, which was seated within these bounds. 
For howsoever you allege in your former letter, that you have 
navigated and traded in these parts above this twenty-six years, 

* Thto wii writlMi in tlwirown tongiM. 


and that your company have now authority from the States and 
the Prince of Orange to do so ; yet you must understand that 
her Majesty Queen EUzabeth, of famous memory, hath begun 
to navigate and plant in these lands well nigh forty years ago, 
as appears by her patents and royal grants conferred upon divers 
of her subjects, and since confirmed and enlarged by his late 
Majesty, and still continued by possession. Therefore it were 
best (in our opinion) that your masters should solicit the States 
that they might come to some order and agreement with the 
king's Majesty and state of England hereabout, before any in- 
convenience befall ; for howsoever you may be assured for our- 
selves, yet we should be sorry to hear you should sustain harm 
from any of our nation ; but more of these things when we shall 
flpeak one with another. In the mean time we commit you and 
jour affairs to the protection of the Highest. 

Your lovinff friends, the Governor 

and Council of New-Plymouth- 

Governor^ &c 
Plymouth, August 14, Anno 1627. 

Their answer to this directed to myself, thus superscribed : — 

Monsieur Monseigneur William Bradford, Governor Niew- 


This I will put in English, and so will end with theirs, viz. 

After the wishing of all good unto you, this serves to let you 
understand that we have received your (acceptable) letters, 
dated the 14th of the last month, by John Jacobson of Wiring, 
who besides by word of mouth hath reported unto us your kind 
and friendly entertainment of him : For which cause (by the 
good liking and approbation of the Director and Council) I am 
resolved tox:ome myself in friendship to visit you, that we may 
by word of mouth friendly communicate of tlnngs together ; as 
also to report unto you the good will and favour that the Honour- 
able Lords of the authorized West India Company bear towards 
you. And to show our willingness of your good accommoda- 
tion, have brought with me some cloth of^ three sorts and colours, 
and a chest of white sugar, as also some seawan, &c., not doubt- 
ing but, if any of them may be serviceable unto you, we shall 
agree well enough about the prices thereof. Also John Jacob- 
son aforesaid hath told me, that he came to you over land in six 
hours, but I have not gone so far this three or four years ; 
wherefore I fear my feet vrill fail me, so I am constramed to 
entreat you to afford me the easiest means that I may, with 
least weariness, come to congratulate with you. So leaving other 

flnngv to Ae leport of the bever, ditfl beravriih anil ^ 
ing my hearty mutatioDB to youziielf and firieadSi&cIVoiDabottidl 
the bark Nassau, the 4th of October, before IVenchnwm'e point. 

Your affectionate friend, 

Anno 16S7* 

So, accordinflr to his reouest, we sent our boat for him, wiio 
came honourably attendea with a noise of trumpeters ; he wan 
their upper cormnis^ or chief merdiant and second to the govern 
nor ; a man of a fair and genteel behaviour, but soon af&r fell 
into disgrace amongst tbnn, by reason of their Actions ; and 
thus at length we came to meet and deal together. We at this * 
time bought sundry cf their commodities, especially their seawam 
or wampamveackf which was the beffinning of a profitable tmdd 
with us ana the Indians. We fuimer imderstood, that their 
masters were willing to have firiendship with us, and to supply 
us with sundry commodities, and offered us assistance a^iamst 
the French, it need were. The which, though we know it wan 
with an eye to their own profit, yet we had reason both kindly to 
accept it and make use of it. So after this sundry of them came 
often to us, and many letters passed between us, the whichi 
will pass by as being about particular dealings, and would not 
be here very pertinent ; only upon this passage we wrote one tn 
their Lords and masters as followeth : — 

Right Honourable and Worthy Lords, ^c. 

We understand by your affent, Mr. Isaac Razier, who is at 
this present with us (and hath demeaned himself to your Honours' 
and his own credit) of your honourable and respectiye good in- 
tentions towards us, which we humbly acknowledge with sJl 
thankfulness, and shall ever be ready in the performance of all 
offices of good and Christian neighbourhood towards your colony 
and plantation here, and in all satisfactory correspondence to 
your Honours, so far as in us lieth, and may stand with our 
allegiance to the King's most excellent Majesty, our Sovereign 
Lord the King of Great Britain ; acknowledging ourselves tied 
in a strict obligation unto your country and state, for the good 
entertainment and free liberty which we had, and our bre£ren 
and countrymen yet there have and do enjoy, under- our most 
honourable Lords the States ; and so shall be ready to accom* 
modate ourselves to your good satisfaction. For die propositions 
of your agent concerning the matter of trade and commerce, we 
will have due and respective consideration, wishing it had befen 
sooner propounded at the beginning of the year, before we sent 
our factor into England and Holland about our trade and sup* 


Elies ; for, till his return, we can determine of nothing, not yet 
nowing certainly what issue there will be of the business be- 
tween the merchants our partners, and ourselves ; and therefore 
desire suspension of our determination and resolution herein till 
next year, we being not yet altogether free in respect of our en- 
gagements unto them. In the mean time we will digest it in 
our best cogitations ; only we desire your Honours, that ye would 
take into your wise and honourable considerations, that which 
we conceive may be a hindrance to this accordalion, and may be 
a means of much future evil, if it be not prevented, namely, that 
you clear the title of your planting in these parts, which hicr 
Majesty hath, by patent, granted to divers his nobles and subjects 
of quality ; lest it be a bone of division in these stirring evil 
times, which God forbid. We persuade ourselves that now may 
be easily and seasonably done, which will be harder and with 
more difficulty obtained hereafter, and perhaps not without blows 7 
so there may be assured peace and good correspondence on all 
parts, and ourselves more free and able to contract with your 
Honours. Thus commending our best service to our most 
noble Lords, praying for the prosperous success of your worthy 
designs, we rest your Lordship's 

Most sincerely affected and boundeni 


Governor^ &g. 
Plymouth^ Oct. 1, Anno 1627. 

We well knew likewise, that this deahng and friendship wiAr 
the Dutch (though it was wholly sought of themselves) yet it 
would procure us envy from others in the land, and that at one 
time or other, our enemies would take occasion to raise slanders^ 
and frame accusations against us for it ; therefore, to prevent 
their malice, as also to show the sincerity of our dealing, and" 
and our loyal and dutiful respect to his Majesty and the Honour- 
able Council for New England, we sent their first letter (with 
our answer thereto, and their reply to the same) unto the Coun- 
cil, as may appear more particularly by our letters following. 

A Letter to the Council of New England. 

Right Honourable, 

We hold it our bounden duty to inform and acquaint your 
Lordships and Honours, with all such occurrences and matters 
of note as do here befall, and may any way concern the estate of 
this country, in either the good or hurt thereof, which, next his 
Majesty, stands under your honourable governments and pro- 
tection ; or which may in any sort be worthy your wise and 
prudent considerations. May it please your Honours and Lord-* 

chips to uadontandy that of late we^raoeivad latten firam tiia 
Dutch plantatioDy who using to trade near unto ua, had oider to 
stay for an answ^ from us ; and the eflbct of their letters beifl|g 
friendly and congratulatory, we answered them in like aoit; 
since which time we received another from them, but faa:va had 
as yet no opportunity to ^ve answer thereto. Their first letten 
were two,* but both one m effect and verbatim, so &r as the pro- 
prieties of the tongues will bear ; the French, with the copies 
both of our answ^ and their reply, we have here endoaed sent 
unto your Honour's view, that according to your honounUe 
directions therein, we may govern ourselves in our dealings 
with them. We furth^ understand that for strength of men 
and fortification they feur exceed us, and all in this land. We 
cannot likewise forbear to complain unto your Lordships of the 
irre^plar living of many in this land, who without either patent 
or hcense, order or government, live, trade and truck, not wilh 
any intent to plant, but rather to forage the country and get iribat 
ihey can, whether by right or wrong, and then be gone : So as 
sued as have been and are at great charge to settle plantations, 
will not be able to subsist, if some remedy be not provided, bodi 
with these and the inordinate course of fishermen, who brain to 
leave fishing, and fiedl wholly to trading, to the great detriment 
of both the small beginning here, and the state of Enj^and, by 
the unprofitable consuming of the victuals of the land upon these 
savages : Whereas plantations micfat here better raise the same 
in the land, and so be enabled botn to subsist and to return the 
profit thereof into England for other necessaries, which would 
DO beneficial to the commonwealth. Our humble suit therefore 
to your good Lordships is, that you would take some such order 
for redress herein, as shall seem best to your honourable wis- 
doms, for the relief of all the plantations in the land. So in all 
humbleness we commit ourselves to your honourable direction, 
and you to the protection of the Almighty, resting 

Yours ever at commandment, 


Governor^ &c. 
New-Plymouth^ June 15, Anno 1627. 

Another to Sir Ferdinando Gorges, touching the same subject. 
Honourable Sir^ 

My humble duty remembered ; we have of late received let- 
ters itom the Dutch plantation, and have had speech with some 
of them ; I hold it my duty to acquaint your Worship and the 
rest of the Honourable Council therewith, unto whom we have 

* The om in Fienoh and Hm other in Duteb. 


likewise written and sent the copies of their letters, that together 
with their and your honourable directions we may know how to 
order ourselves herein. They hare used trading there this six 
or seven and twenty years, but have begun to plant of later time» 
and now have reduced their trade to some order, and confined it 
only to their company, which heretofore was spoiled by their sea- 
men and interlopers, as ours is this year most notoriously, of whom 
we have made some complaint in our letters to the Council, not 
doubting but we shall find worshipful furtherance therein. We 
are now upon concluding with our adventurers, and shall be put 
upon hard straits by great payments, which we are enforced to 
make for sundry years, or else to leave all, which will be to us 
very difficult ; and, to say the truth, if these disorders of fisher- 
men and interlopers be not remedied, no plantations are able to 
stand, but will decay ; whereas otherwise they may subsist and 
flourish. Thus in all humbleness I take leave, and rest, 

At your service, 

Plymouth^ June 15, Anno 1627. 

P. S. Besides the spoiling of the trade this last year, our boat 
and men had like to have been cut off by the Indians, after the 
fishermen were gone, for the wrongs wnich they did them in 
stealing their skins and other abuses offered them, both the last 
year and this ; and besides they still continue to truck pieces, 
powder and shot with chem, which will be the overthrow of all, 
if it be not looked unto. 


A collision oamt near taking place between the two coloniei in 1633, grow* 
ing out of the firit attempt* to extend their settlementa to Connecticut riyer^— - 
Prince, under that year, hae the following extracts from Bradford's MS. History 
in relation to ihis subject : — " We haying had formerly conyerse and familiar* 
itjr with the Dutch, they seeing us seated in a barren quarter told us of a riyer 
called by them the Fresh riyer, which they often commended to us for a fins 
place both for plantation and trade, and wished us to make use of it ; but our 
hands being full otherwise, we let it pass. But afterwards there coming a 
company of Indians into these parts, who were driyen thence by the Pequents, 
who usurped upon them, they often solicited us to go thither and we should 
haye much trade, especially if we would keep a house ihere. And haying a 
good store of commodities, we began to send that way to discoyer the same 
and trade with the natiyes. We found it to be a fine place, and tried diyera 
times not without profit, bat saw the most certainty would be by keeping a 

tkM to no0if« llM tndi wlM it 
bdiaiw iwt Meinf u T«i7 (bnrard to baid tiMn, Mlieitod th^ 
•kawttoln lik*nrt,lbr their tad wm to be iwtorad to thsir 
Bat they in the Bej beiof bat btelj eeioe» wen not At te tlia eameu"* 

AtlBogththe Piyoieath people feeoi¥e4 to ewamiiamia—ttleient gpeatto 
baakeeftheCooaeedeat; battheDatohtimtheoiiaatlaie, hadtakMtpoMi- 
elon of the ritert end baflt Fert Good Hope wftUa the Ihnite of the praeMt el^ 
efHertlbrd,withihemteiitioaoroecupjiaf theeooatiy. The PUfrinehafaf 
deeliued the InTitation when given them on a frrmer oe eMJo n to nmove tht 
•eat of their eolony to the Cooaeetioat, the Datehwerenownawillinf totllev 
them to oouapj the river after thej hmd themeelvee detemdnad to ooloaiwi^ 
tad hod befeB at the ezpenee of baOding a fiirt fbr thnr prateotioB. DiAerf. 
tiee eoeoed, of wUoh BradfSofd ghree the foUowinf aoooant :*- 

^Bot the Daioh boffai now to repent, and hearing of oar purpoee aadpie- 
paratioo, endeavoar to pieTont aa, get ina little befine aa, make a eUgiit fnr^ 
and plant two pieoee of ordnanee, tlireatening to itop oar pieeago. Bat we 

having a great new bark, and a ftameof a hooee, withboaide, naikt dbo. iea4ft 
that we miglit have a de&noe agatnit the Indianat who are mneh oflended that 
we bring home and reetore the right ■aeheme of the phwe, oaOed NaUwaante ; 
no aa we are toenooanier with a double danger in this attempt, both theDateh 
and f ndiane. When we oenie op the river, the Datoh demand «1Filal«tlalmd^ 
4NidwAt<A«rtMi0e»ldge7' Weaaawer, •CTptAerteer lefredk.* Nowear or- 
der wae to go and eeat abovethem. Thej bid ua • Hrikt end etef, er iktg 
womid a&eel «#,* and atood bj their ordnanee ready fitted. We answer, * Ife 
Aosf • eommi99wn from tAe gotemor of Plymouth togonptho rtofr le wmck m 
place, end if they ehoot^ we muet obey our order and proceed; we would mot 
moleet them, but would go on.* So we paai along, and the Dutch threaten oa 
liard, yet they shoot not. Coming to our place about a mile above the Dnteh, 
[■ince called Windeor,] we quickly clip up our house, land our provisione, leave 
the company appointed, send the bjirk home, and afterwards palisade oar 
house about and fortify better. The Dutch send word home to the Manhatoe 
what was done, and in process of time they send a band of about eeventy men 
in warlike manner, with colours displayed, to assault us ; but seeing us strength* 
enedf and that it would cost blood, they come to a parley and return in peaoe; 
and this was our entrance there. We did the Dutch no wrong, for we took not 
a footof any land they bought, but went to the place above them, and bought 
that tract of land which belonged to the Indians [whom] we carried with oa 
and our (Kends, with whom the Dutch had nothing to do.** 

* Refendng to the colony of ICassicfaiisetts Baj. 





A. P. 1 6 29 




The Dutch Colonial Record*, j<. 



Charter of Liberties and Exempticm ef 1629.* 

Mrilei^ tad EzemptioM for the ^trooiM, flHurt»it or ptivato fin^i 

wlio •hall MtUe anj eokmjr or brmf cattle therelii, in Mew Nrthghai^ 
coowdend for the eonrioe of the General Weet India OomfKOf b New No. 
IherlaDdi, and for the adTantage of the pattoooa, fluurteiet and prfwali fe» 

I. That such members of the said companYias may be in- 
clined to setde any colony in New NethenaDd, shall be per- 
mitted with the ships of this company going thither to send 
three or four persons to examine the situation of the countiy, 
providcKi, that they with the officers and ship's cmnpany swear 
to the instrument of conditions {articles) so tar as they relate to 
Aem ; and paying for provisions, and for passage, goin^ and 
coming, six stuyvers per day : and such as desire to eat m the 
cabin, twelve stuyvers, and to be subordinate, and to give assist- 
ance like others, in cases oJOTensive and defensive : and if any 
ships be taken from the enemy, they shall pro rata receive 
their proportions with the ship's company, each according tohis 
quality ; that is to say, that tlie colonists eating out of the cabin 
shall be rated with the sailors, and such as eat m the cabin with 
those of the company's men that eat at table, and receive the 
lowest wages. 

II. Yet in this respect such persons shall be preferred 

• ReoMelaerwjck MRS. Translated by Abraham Lott, jr. 17G9. FSral 
published in Moolton*8 Hist. New-Tork. 1896. 

t The charter was published at Amsterdam the next jear, with the follow- 
hiff title prefixed : — 

Vrjbeiden by de Verg^derin^he yan de Negenthiene Tan de Geo ct royecrde 
West-Indische Compaffnie verffunt aen alien den ghenen, die eenifhe Colo* 
nien in Nieuw.Nederlandt sullen planten. In het licht ghegheven, diLe. 
T* Amstelred&m, door Marten Jantx Brandt, Slo, Anno 1630. 

Liberties or Privileges, granted by the Assembly of Nineteen of the author, 
bed We<t India Company, to all sueh as shall or may settle or phmt any eolo. 
ny in New.Nctherlands. Published with a yiew to make known what profita 
and advantages result to colonists and their patroons and maeten, as abo to 
others who setUe oolooiee in New NetherhuidiU-MoQltoii. 389. 


who have first appeared and desired the same from the com- 

III. That all such shall be acknowledged patroons of New- 
Netherland, who shall, within the space oi four years next 
after they have given notice to any of the chambers, (or colleges,) 
of the company here, or to the commander or council there, un- 
dertake to plant a colony there of fifty souls, upwards of fifteen 
years old, one fourth part within one year, and within three years 
after the sending of the first, making together four years, the re- 
mainder to the full number of fifty persons, to be shipped from 
hence, on pain in case of wilful neglect of being deprived of the 
privileges obtained ; but it is to be observed that the company 
reserve the island of the Manhattes to themselves. 

IV. That from the time that they make known the situation 
of the places where they propose to settle colonies, they shall 
have the preference to all others of the absolute property of such 
lands as they have there chosen ; but in case the situation should 
afterwards not please them, or that they should have been mis- 
taken as to the quality of the land, they may, after stating 
the same to the commander and council there, be at Uberty 
to choose another place. 

V. That the patroons, by virtue of their power, shall and may 
be permitted, at such places as they shall settle their colonies, 
to extend their limits four miles* along the shore, that is on one 
side of a navigable river, or two miles on each side of a river, 
and so far into the country as the situation of the occupiers will 
permit. Provided and conditioned, that the company keep to 
themselves the lands lying and remaining between the limits of 
colonies, to dispose thereof, when, and at such time as they shall 
think proper, in such manner that no person shall be allowed to 
come within seven or eight miles of them without their con- 
sent ; unless the situation of the land thereabout were such, that 
the commander and council for good reasons should order other- 
wise ; always observing that the first occupiers are not to be 
prejudiced in the right uiey have obtained, otner than unless the 
service of the company should require it for the building of for- 
tifications, or something of that sort ; retaining, moreover, the 
command of each bay, river, or island, of the first settled colony, 
under the supreme lurisdiction of their High Mightinesses the 
Staats General and the Company : but that on the next colony's 
being settled on the same river or island, they may, in conjunc- 
tion with the first, appoint one or more councillors, in order to 
consider what may be necessary for the prosperity of the colo- 
nies on the said river and island. 

* Twelve English miles. 


VI. That they shall for ever possess and enjoy all the lands 

lying within the aforesaid limits, together with the fhiitSy rights, 
mmerals, rivers, and fountains thereof ; as also the chief com- 
mandy and lower jurisdictions, fishing, fowling, and grinding, to 
the exclusion of all others, to be holden from the company as an 
eternal heritage, without its ever devolving again to the com- 
pany, and in case it should devolve, to be redeemed and repos- 
sessed, with twenty guilders* per colony to be paid to this com- 
pany, at their chamber here, or to their commander there, within 
a year and six weeks after the same happens ; each at the cham- 
ber where he originally sailed from. And further, that no per- 
son or persons whatsoever shall be privileged to fish and hunt, 
but the patroons, and such as they shall give liberty : and in case 
any one should in time piosper «o much, as to found one or 
more cities, he shall have power and authority to establish offi- 
cers and magistrates there, and to make use of the title of his 
colony according to his pleasure and to the quality of the 

VII. That there shall likewise be granted to all patroons who 
shall desire the same, venia testandi, or liberty to dispose of 
their aforesaid heritage by testament. 

VIII. That the patroons may, if they think proper, make use 
of all lands, rivers, and woods, lying contiguous to them, for and 
during so long time as this company shall not grant them to other 
patroons or individuals. 

IX. That those who shall send persons over to settle colo- 
nies, shall furnish them with proper instructions, in order that 
they may be ruled and governed conformably to the rule of go- 
vernment made, or to be made by the assembly of nineteen, as 
well in the political as judicial government ; which they shall 
be obliged first to lay before the directors of the respective col- 

X. That the patroons and colonists shall be privileged to 
send their people and effects thither, in ships belonging to the 
company, provided they take the oath and pay to the company 
for bringing over the people, as mentioned in the first article ; 
and for freight of the goods five per cent, ready money, to be 
reckoned on the prime cost of the goods here : in which are, 
however, not to be included, such creatures and other imple- 
ments as are necessary for tlie cultivation and improvement of 
the lands, which the comj)any are to carry over without any re- 
ward, if there is room in their ships. But the patroons shall, at 
their own expense, provide and make places for them, together 
with every thing necessary for the support of the creatures. 

XI. That in case it should not suit the company to send any 

* A guilder waa twenty stivers, or about fortj eents. 


ships, or that in those going there should be no room ; then the 
said patroons, after having communicated their intentions, and 
after having obtained consent from the company in writing, may 
send their own ships or vessels thither ; provided, that in going 
and coming they go not out of their ordinary course ; giving se- 
curity to the company for the same, and taking on boaid an 
assistant, to be victualled by the patroons and paid his monthly 
wages by the company ; on pain by doing the contrary of for- 
feiting all the right and property they have obtained to the colony* 

XII. That as it is the intention of the company to people the 
island of the Manhattes first, all fruits and wares shall for the 

f)resent, be brought there, that arise upon the North river, and 
ands lying thereabouts, before they may be sent elsewhere : 
excepting such as are from their nature unnecessary there, or 
such as cannot, without great loss to the owner thereof, be 
brought there. In which case the owners thereof shall be 
obliged to give timely notice in writing of the difficulty attend- 
ing the same to the company here, or the commander and coun- 
cil there, that the same may be remedied as the necessity thereof 
shall be found to require. 

XIII. That all the patroons of colonies in New-Netherlands 
and of colonies on the island of Manhattes, shall be at Hberty to 
sail and traffic all along the coast, from Florida to Terre Neuf, 
provided, that they do again return with all such goods as they 
shall get in trade to the island of Manhattes, and pay five per 
cent, for recognition to the company, in order, if possible, that 
after the necessary inventory of the goods shipped be taken, the 
same may be sent hither. And if it should iso happen that they 
could not return, by contrary streams or otherwise, they shall 
in such case not be permitted to bring such goods to any other 
place but to these dominions, in order that under the inspection 
of the directors of the place where they may arrive, they may be 
unladen, an inventory thereof made, and the aforesaid recogni- 
tion of five per cent, paid to the company here, on pain, if they 
do the contrary, of the forfeiture of their goods so trafficked for, 
or the real value thereof. 

XIV. That in case of the ships of the patroons, in goin^ to, 
coming from, or sailing on the coast, from Florida to Terre 
Neuf, and no farther, without our grant should overpower any 
of the princes of the enemy, they shall be obliged to brinff, or 
cause to be brought, such prince to the college of the place from 
whence they sailed out, in order to be rewarded by them : the 
company shall keep the one third part thereof, and the remain- 
ing two thirds shall belong to them, in consideration of the cost 
and risk they have been at, all according to the orders of the 

WtA ciijnni w 

XV. Thilit shiD alio be Am ior fliealDrawd_ 
mflic and tnde all along the coaat of New-NedMriaada aai 
placet circumjacentt with such goods as are cana um ad thsn^ 
and receire in letuni for them all sorts ci meichandiae dial 
may be had there, except beavers, otters, minks, aiad all aoita«f 
Mltry, which trade the company reswve lo themaelwa. Bal 

. die same shdl be permitted at such places where the ooo ip aBr 
have no factories, conditioned that si^h traders ahall be oblufai 
to brinff all Uie peltry they can procure to the island of tun* 
hattes, m case it oe at any rate practicable, and there delirer to 
die director, to be by him shi|]ped hither, with the ahipa and 
goods ; or lif they should come here, without going there, thn 
to give notice thereof to the company, that a proper aoooost 
diereof may be taken, in order that they may pay to the com- 
pany, one guilder for each merchantable otter and beaTer skin; 
the proper^, risk, and dl other diaiges, remaining on aooool 
of the patroons or owners. 

XVI. That all coarse wares tluU the colonists of the pa- 
troons there shall consume, such as pitch, tar, weed-eshes^ 
wood, grain, fish, salt, hearthstone, ana such like things, shall 
be broug^ orer in the company's ships at the rate of eighleen 
guilders per last, four thousand weight to be accounted a last, 
and the company's ship's crew shall be obliged to wheel, and 
faring the salt on board, whereof ten lasts make a Imndrsd. 
And in case of the want of ships, or room in the ahipa, they 
may in ships of their own order it oyer at their own cost, ana 
enjoy in these dominions, such liberties and benefits as the 
company have granted; but that in either case they^allbe 
obliged to pay, over and above the recognition of five per cent, 
eighteen guilders for each hundred of salt that is carried over 
in the company's ships. 

XVII. That for all wares which are not mentioned in the 
foregoing article, and which are not carried by the last, there 
flhall be paid one dollar for each hundred pounds' weight, and 
for wines, brandy, verjuice, and vinegar, there shall be paid 
ei^teen guilders per cask. 

AVIII. That tine company promises the colonists of the pa- 
troons that they shall be free from customs, taxes, excise, im- 
posts, or any other contributions, for the space of ten years ; 
and after the expiration of the said ten years, at the highest, 
with such customs as the goods are taxable with here for the 

XIX. That they will not take from the service of the pa- 
troons any of their colonists, either man or woman, son or 
daughter, man-servant or maid-servant ; and though any of them 
shomd desire the same, that they will not receive them, much 


Ie85 permit them to leave their patroons, and enter into the 
service of another, unless on consent obtained from their pa- 
troons in writing. And this for and during so many years as 
they are bound to their patroons ; after the expiration whereof, 
it shall be in the power of the patroons to send hither all such 
colonists as will not continue in their service, and until then 
shall not enjoy their liberty. And all such colonists as shall 
leave the service of his patroon, and enter into the service of 
another, or shall contrary to his contract leave his service, we 
promise to do everything in our power to apprehend and deliver 
the same into the hands of his patroon, or attorney, that he may 
be proceeded against, according to the customs of this country, 
as occasion may require. 

XX. That from all judgments given by the courts of the 
patroons for upwards of fifty guilders,* there may be an ap- 
peal to the company's commander and council in New-Nether- 

XXI. That touching such particular persons, who, on their 
own accounts, or others in the service of their masters here, 
(not enjoying the same privileges as the patroons) shall be 
minded to go thither and settle ; they shall, with the approba- 
tion of the director and council there, be at liberty to take up 
as much land, and take possession thereof, as they shall have 
ability properly to improve, and shall enjoy the same in full 
property either for themselves or masters. 

AXII. That they shall have free liberty of hunting and fowl- 
ing, as well by water as by land, generally and in public and 
private woods and rivers, about their colonies, accoraing to the 
orders of tlie director and council. 

XXIII. That whosoever, whether colonists or patroons, fcnr 
their patroons, or free persons for themselves, or other individu- 
als for their masters, shall discover any shores, bays, or other 
fit places for erecting fisheries, or the making of salt ponds^ 
they may take possession thereof, and begin to work on them 
in their own absolute property, to the exclusion of all others. 
And it is consented to, that the patroons of colonists may send 
ships along the coast of New-Netherlands, on the cod fishery, 
and with the fish they catch to trade to Italy, or other neutral 
countries ; paying in such case to the company for recognition 
six guilders per last : and if they should come with their lading 
hither, they shall be at liberty to proceed to Italy, though they 
shall not, under pretext of this consent, or firom the company, 
carry any goods there, on pain of arbitrary punishment : and it 
remaining in the breast of the company to put a supercargo on 
board of each ship as in the eleventh article. 

XXIV . That in case any of the colonists should by his iiv- 


dustiy and diligence, discoyer any minerals, precious stones, 
chrystals, marbles, or such like, or any pearl fishery, the same 
shaU be and remain the property of the patroon or patroons of 
snch colony ; giving and ordering the discoverer such pre- 
mium as tne patroon shall beforehand have stipulated with 
such colonists by contract. And the patroons shall be exempt 
from all recognition to the company for the term of eignt 
years, and pay only for freight to bring them over, two per 
cent., and after the expiration of the aforesaid eight years, for 
recognition and freight the one eighth part of what the same 
may be worth here. 

XXV. That the company will take all the colonists as well 
free as those that are in service, under their protection, and the 
same against all outlandish and inland wars and powers, with 
the forces they have there, as much as in their power lyeth to 

XXVI. That whoever shall settle any colony out of the hm- 
its of the Manhattes Island, shall be obliged to satisfy the In- 
dians for the land they shall settle upon, and that they may ex- 
tend or enlarge the limits of their colonies if they settle a pro- 
portionate number of colonists thereon. 

XXVII. That the patroons and colonists shall in particular, 
and in the speediest manner, endeavour to find out ways and 
means whereby they may support a minister and schoolmaster, 
that thus the service of God and zeal for religion may not grow 
cool, and be neglected among them ; and that they do, for the 
first, procure a comforter of the sick there. 

XXVIII. That the colonies that shall happen to lie on the 
respective rivers or islands (that is to say, each river or island 
for itself,) shall be at liberty to appoint a deputy, who shall give 
information to the commander and council of that western quar- 
ter, of all things relating to his colony, and who are to further 
matters relating thereto, of which deputies there shall be one 
altered or changed, in every two years ; and all colonies shall 
be obliged, at least once in every twelve months, to make exact 
report of tlieir colony and lands thereabout, to the commander 
and council there in order to be transmitted hither. 

XXIX. That the colonists shall not be permitted to make 
any woollen, linen, or cotton cloth, nor weave any other stuffs 
there, on pain of being banished, and as perjurors to be arbitra- 
rily punished. 

AXX. That the company will use their endeavours to sup- 
ply the colonists with as many blacks as they conveniently can, 
on the conditions hereafter to be made ; in such manner, how 
ever, that they shall not be bound to do it for a longer time than 
they shall think proper. 


XXXI. The company promises to finish the fort on the 
island of the Manhattes, and to put it in a posture of defence 
without delay ; and to get these privileges and exemptions 
approved and confirmed by their High Mightinesses, the Lords 
&ates General* 

Extracts from the Letters of the Directors of the West India 
Company f contained in the MS, Colonial Records, 

Vol iv. p. 25. Your apprehensions in regard to the Rev. 
Backenus nave been verified. He has made a common cause 
with the complainants who arrived here from your country. — 
These silly persons, at least the largest part of the petitioners, 
have been imposed upon by a few worthless persons, viz. Cor- 
nelis Melyn, Adrian van der Donck, and a few others, who, as it 
appears, will leave nothing untried to abjure every kind of sub- 
jection to government, under pretext that they groaned under a 
too galling yoke. In this frantic opinion they are confirmed by 
Wouter van Twiller, who aims to appoint himself as the only 
commander on the North river, and dares to declare in public that 
he does not intend to permit any one to navigate this river with a 
commercial view, and that he will repel with force every one 
who with that purpose should come there, or in Rensselaerwyck, 
asserting besides that Fort Orange was constructed on the soil of 
Rensselaerwyck, consequently that the Company has no right 
whatever to permit particular persons either to build a house, or 
exercise any trade, without considering that said Fort Orange, 
fifteen years before any mention of Rensselaerwyck exists, 
was constituted and actually garrisoned by the Company ; that 
besides a house of commerce (trading house) was established 
in the fort, till the year 1644; so that the fur trade till our 
days was exclusively reserved to the Company, and ought to re- 
main on the same footing whenever the Company shall be enabled 
to provide their magazines with sufficient store goods. Neither 
arc we without hope to discover and employ the means as soon 
as the opportunity is olBfered, to exclude from this commerce 
these impertinent fellows ; using this sovereign right with the 
best title to the confusion of tms ungrateful individual, who, if 
we may so express it, has sucked his wealth from the breasts of 
the Company which he now abuses ; upon which the merchants 
pretty generally transmitted to us the inclosed petitions, request- 
mg to be maintained by us in their right to a free trade. Appre- 
hending firom warnings that Wouter van Twiller might again 
become so presumptuous as to obstruct once more bv force the 

978 MSMCMLLMMMon Bocumsn*. 

asfigition on the North zirar, and me Tioleiit meus 

the merchantiy Tilifjring in this matter the right of jmii 

m the Compairf; in radi a case it is our enmsa will ttat 

voor H<moors shdl repel him, with prodenoe lor joax gsaiB, 

ny force of arms. It be should plant a^ain some guns near 

the riTer, as he did before, your Honours wiU carry them off and 

keep them in your custody tiU you have receiTed our furthar 

orders. He has requested us in behalf of Rensselaerwyck, ta 

fireight his own ship with 600 lb. powder and 600 lb. lad, 

which we fear he may abuse. It is our intoitidn to pionife 

you too with some powder and lead, not with the intention to 

offend any one with it, but only to maintain the rights of the 

Company, which in our opinion are in danger throimh the nuK 

ehinations of many. It is your duty to keep a watcmul eye on- 

the ship of this Wduter Tan TwiUer, and in case any Mticlee 

were oiscoveied in it besides our general inroice, or neig^ilsd 

without the consent of the company, then you must take die* 

wl^le into your possession, ana institute a lawsuit upon it lif 

die Attorney General conformably with the laws of the land. 
^.^^^^ Feb. IS, lS5a 

JUo more can we discorer on what around the cdonistB ef 
Rensselaerwyck did occupy Bears Ismnd, which Aey called 
Jiensff loer-jtem, which poesessi<m they haTO usoipea in sndi 
a lofty way that they named this place ^Thepheeby right 

of arms," and compelled every one, exempting only the com- 
pany's property, to pay a toll of 5 gl. dec. p. 46. 

We do not know in what these persons do trust, but we 
are confident they will be disappointed, and more so yet, if 
said Van Twiller intends to monopolize the trade upon thencnrth 
river, which we know to have been his aim a great while, with 
his toll on Bears Island, now called by them Kensselaer-stein ; 
but we have no intention to permit this ; every one shall navi- 
gate this river unmolested and enjoy a free trade at our Fort Or* 
ange which these colonists pretend to have constructed on 
their own temtory. Who ever heard a more impertinent pre* 
tension !" p. 49. 

SI March, 1651. 

Answer to the petition of Adrian van der Donck, addressed btf 

the Company to the Governor. 

Tol. iv. p. 3. As Mr. Adrian van der Donck has petitioned 
our college, first, that as he has received his degree at lavr in the 
University of Leyden, and been admitted to practise it before the 
Supreme Court of Holland, he may be peimitted to Mow hin 


profession as advocate in New Netherlands. Secondly, that he 
may examine all the records and documents in the secretary's 
office to accompUsh his history of New Netherlands, which he 
did undertake to write. So is our resolution upon these points : 
we consent and permit him that, in conformity with the rules 
and customs of this country, he may follow his profession as ad- 
vocate in New Netherlands, to give his advice to all who may de- 
sire to obtam it ; but as regards his pleading before the courts, 
we cannot see that it can be admitted yet with any advantage to 
the Directors and Council in New Netherlands. Besides that 
we are ignorant if there be any of that stamp in your city, 
(who nevertheless before they can be admitted must apply 
to your Honour, or directly to our Department,) who can act 
and plead against said Van der Donck in behalf of the other side. 
We trust that in this you will consult the interest of your gov- 
ernment, and the weuare of the inhabitants." 

24 Julj, 1653. 



At the request of Govert Lookermans, declared the un- 
dersigned witnesses, viz. Cors Peterson, about thirty-three 
years of age, Harmen Arentsen, from Bremen, thirty-five years 
old, Cornelius Mauntsen Bout, twenty-seven years old, Willem 
Petersen, twenty years old, .Joannes Verbrugge, about twenty 
years old, Carman Douwes, about twenty-six years old, Har- 
man Bastiansen, twenty-five years old, Jacob Jansen, twenty- 
three years old, and Elbert Hebers, twenty-four years old, who 
jointly and separately declared, which declaration they were 
willing to connrm by an oath whenever it is required, that it is 
true that Govert Lookermans with the witnesses sailed from 
Fort Orange in the yacht the Good Hope, and when they arrived 
near the Bears' Island on which Nicholas Koren resides in the 
name of the patroon Van Rensselaer, the said Nicholas Keren 
cried out to Govert Lookermans, when we were passing by, 
" Lower thy colors / " " For whom should I do so ? " retorted 
Lookermans. Then Koren replied, " For the staple-right of 
RensselaerwyckJ* Then Govert Lookermans answered, "J 
lower not my colors for any individual except the Prince of 
Orange and the Lords my Masters.*^ Thereupon Nicholas Ko- 
ren immediately fired a gun ; the first shot went through the 
sail, broke the ropes and the ladder ; a second shot passed over 
us, and the third, fired by a savage, perforated our princely col- 
ors about a foot above the head of Lookermans, who kept the 
colors constantly in his hand. But we continued our course 
notwithstanding this insulting assault without returning the fire, 
lor making any other reprisal whatever, and gently descended 

890 mfCKUAiraofini Bocnomc 

Ae river. All which we declare to pey aarhaammst0iimtnii^ 
without any malice or lurking wish to comt the mropr of any 
indiTidual. Done before Fort Amaterdam in New Natheriaii^ 
9 July 1644. (Signed by the above named deponents.) 
Li presence m CoRirsLiua tah TiBiraoTsiry Secretary. 

Appeared before me, Cornelius ran Tienhoren, S e cret a y 
in New Netherlands, bbrant Claesen, foity-foar years €le( 
and John Tomasen, about forty years old, who unntly and 
separately at the request of Nicolas Kocro, sherm in Renfr 
selaerwyck, declare, which declaration they are wiDiiw fe 
omfirm widi a sdemn oath, that itistnie,thatGroTertIioaEflap- 
mans, when sailing down the river some time ago, came aboot 
Bears' Island, when Nicolas Eoom fired a gun withoat baD m a 
warning. When Govert continued his course, Nicolas Koom 
said *' Strike P 'Govert Lookermans replied, ** Far whom shdl 
I strike 7" Nicolas Koom answered, ** To pay homaige Is 
Rensselaerstein/* Govert then exclaimed, ** I strike for nAoig 
but the Prince, or those by whom lam employed/* Then Nic- 
olas ordered to fire behind the bark, when Govert Lootkermans 
vociferated, "Ftreyedogs, and ^ devil take you J* Thenthe 
sherifif offered to fire once more, when the shot struck andpei^ 
forated the sail. Done in Fort Amsterdam in New NetfaeriandSy 
7 October, 1644. Vol iii. 819. 

I, Cornelius Huyghens, Attorney General in New Nether- 
lands, to Mr. Nicolas Koom in behalf of Mr. Van Rensselaer 
in his colony. 

Whereas I am informed with certainty, that it is your inten- 
tion, and that you are qualified by your patroon, to estabUsh 
yourself on Bears' Island, situated three miles* below Fort Or- 
ange with a body of men, to build there a fort, for which you 
have provided guns to defend it ; — and whereas this is incon- 
sistent with the privileges granted to patroons and lords of ma- 
nors, since a colony may not be further extended than four 
miles alonff the coast, or two miles on both sides of the river, as 
is evident from Article 5th of the grant ; and whereas said Bears' 
Island is more than two miles from the limits of the said colony 
— besides the bold attempt to constmct there a fort which 
might conunand the river, and debar Fort Orange from the free 
navigation — all which would be minous to the mterests of the 
Company: Therefore I desire to know what authority you 
have, and by whom you have been invested with it. If you do 
not directly comply with this demand, then I forbid you to con- 
struct any building whatever, much less any fortification out of 

• Nine BSagUih milaf. Thifl ialsiid ratsim ttf origiml nsm. 


the limits of the said colony of Rensselaerwyck ; and if you 
notwithstanding this prohibition dare to proceed, then I protest 
against the damages which must be the consequence of such 
lawless transactions, which I shall prosecute against you, or any 
other persons whom it may concern. 

I, Nicolas Koom, commander in Rensselaer-stein,* in behalf 
of the Honorable Killian van Rensselaer, under the high alle- 

e'ance of their High Mightinesses the States General of the 
nited Netherlands and the privileged West India Company, 
first commander of the colony on the North river in New Neth- 
erlands, make it known to you, Cornelius van Huyghens, Attor- 
ney General of New Netherlands, as the vice-commander of the 
Hon. Van Rensselaer, that you will not presume to oppose and 
firustrate my designs on the Bears' Island, to defraud me in any 
manner or to cause me any trouble, as it has been the will of 
their High Mightinesses the States General and the privileged 
West India Company, to invest my patroon and his heir with 
the right to extena and fortify his colony, and make it powerful 
in every respect ; wherefore you Cornelius Van Huygnens, At- 
torney General, will take care to avoid any attempt on these 
rights, and if you persist in doing so, I, Nicolas Koom, protest 
against the act of violence and assault committed by the Hon. 
Lords Majors, which I leave them to settle between them and 
my Hon. patroon, while the undertaking has nothing else in 
view than to prevent the canker of freemen entering his colony. 
The Attorney General persists in his interdiction, and renews 
his protest. 

Dodo in M anhattani, 18 Nov. 1644, in New Netherlande. 

Cornelius Van der Huyghens, Attorney General. 

Nicholas Koorn, \ 
David Provost, > Witnesses, 

Stoffel Stevenson. ) 

Vol. iu. 187. 

AWARD OF referees. 

John Underbill and Isaac Allertont are authorized by the 
Honorable Director and Council in New Netherlands, to settle 
the accounts between Mr. Moor and Mr. Wedderley to their 

* Stein in Netherlands and Germany is used for ea»Ue. Trans. 

t Both of these persons were of some note in the annals of New England. — 
AHerton was originally settled at New Plymouth ; he afterwards remored 
to New Amsterdam, but is supposed to hare passed the latter part of his life at 
New Haren, where he died in 1659. J\Jorton'» Memoritd—Ed. of Judge Davit. 
Appx. 393. Ma§t. Hitt, Coll 3d Serien^ vii 243. Jlfemotr of haoe Merton,-^ 
Underhill died at Oyster Bay, in 1678. See an interesting memoir of him in 
Thompaon'B Taluabk History of Long Island, p. 336. 

ass nMauAXSoui -Doononn. 


belt knowledge ; and having thoroviglily and impartianT 

ined said affair» so it is, that they declared that the haU of the 
bariL ought to remain the property of Mr. Moor, profvided hf 
dehTora to Mr. Wedderlev 260 lbs. tobacco, or its Talua, and 
leaving it further to Wedderley to settle with Ridder in Ykgn^ 
ia. Whereas for the truth thereof, this act has been signed on 
5Ui November, 1644, in Fort Ainsterdam, in New Nedm-Iaikia, 

John UnbkehilXi, 


Yd. xziv. 167. Extract from the answer of Governor 
Stuyvesant to the application of the General Court of Masssr 
dmsette, soliciting a nee passage for their vessel^ on the NorA 
river to Fort Orange, Apnl 20, 1660. 

*' That this North river of New Netherlands was first dis- 
covered at the expense of the Netherlands in the year 1609, In^ 
Hendrick Hucbon, skipper and merchant of the yaohi ^dfr* 
Moon, in the service ot the East India Company ; upon the 
report of said Hudson, several merchants of Amstexdam sent 
in the following year, 1610, another ship up the North river, 
who obtained me next year a grant of their High and Migfatjf 
Lords, the States General, to sail upon that river and to navK 

£te ; for whose security they built, in the year 1615, a small 
t from which an island near Fort Orange yet bears the name 
of Castle Island, and the monuments of which can yet be 
shown ; — which small fort by high water and ice was three 
years dSter highly injured, so that at length it entirely decayed.'* 


Vol. iii. 31. "Appeared before me, Cornelius Van Tien- 
hoven, Secretary in behalf of the general privileged West Incba 
Company in New Netherlands, the Honorable William Kieft, 
church-warden, at the request of his brethren, the church- 
wardens of the church in New Netherlands, to transact and in 
their name to conclude the following business. So did he, as 
church-warden, agree with John Ogden about a church in the 
following manner, viz. : — 

John Ogden of Stamford, and Ritsert Ogden, engage to build 
in behalf of said church-wardens a church of rock-^ione, 
seventy-two feet long, fifty-two feet broad, and sixteen feet high 
above the soil, all in cood order, and in a workman-like manner. 
They shall be obliged to procure the stone and bring it on shore 

*lML«eAllertonwai plaintiff in a tuit btfnre the Bnnrainiitoi^ Court in 
<ort Amiterdam, March 94, 1654. 


near the fort at their own expense, from whence the church- 
wardens shall further convey the sione to the place where it i» 
intended to build the church, at their own expense. The 
church wardens aforesaid will procure as much lime as shall 
be required for the building of the aforesaid church. John artd 
Ritsert Ogden shall at their own charge pay for the masonry, 
&c., provided that when the work shall be finished the church 
wardens shall pay to them the sum of 2500 gl.,* which payment 
shall be made in beaver, cash, or merchandize, to wit : — if the 
church-wardens are satisfied with the work, so that in their 
judgment the, 2500 gl. shall have been earned, then the said 
church-wardens shall reward them with 100 gl. more ; and fur- 
ther promise to John Ogden and Ritsert Ogden to assist them 
whenever it is in their power. They further agree to facilitate 
the carrying the stone thither, and that John and Ritsert Ogden 
may use during a month or six weeks the Company's boat ; en- 

f aging themselves and the aforesaid John and Ritsert Ogden to 
nish the undertaken work in the manner as they contracted. 
Done in Fort Amsterdam, in New Netherlands. (Signed) 
William Kieft, John Ogden, Richard Ogden, Gysbert op Dyck, 
Thomas Willett.t 


" The whole country is divided into colonies, and for your 
better understandings observe a colony is a sort of people that 
come 10 inhabit a place before not inhabited, or colonus quasif 
because they should be tillers of the earth. From hence by a 

* About one thousand dollars. 

t There is no date legible iii the original of this contract, which was signed 
by the panics in the book of Records. The date was probably inserted at the 
beginning, which is rendered partially illegible by the mouldering of the leares ; 
but as the other documents both immediately preceding and following this m the 
Records are of the date 1642, there can be no doubt that it was executed in that 
year; the church was commenced in 1643. This is the church mentioned by De 
Vries (see above p. 265).. It stood within tne walls of the Fort, and remained 
unaltered until 1691, when it was remo«lelled, and afterwards used for the service 
of the church of England. It was finally destroyed by fire in 1741. The* 
Dutch congregation built a church on Garden street in 1691, to which they 
removed. Governor Stuyvesant erected a chapel near his country-house about 
1660, on the present site of Sl Mark*s Churcn. The church in the Fort and 
the Governor's chapel were tlie only churches existing in the city prior to the 
one in Garden street, with the exception of the original place of worship that 
preceded the stone church, and which De Vries calls a * bam ' from the homeli^ 
ness of its appearance. At what period the latter was erected is unknown* 
The first notice of it that we have seen is in the deposition respecting the pub- 
lic property taken in 1638, at the commencement of Kiefl's administration- 
(See above p. 279). 

J " An account of two Voyages to New England, &c By John Josselynr 
Gent. London, 1674.'* Dedicated to *• the Ri^t Honorable and Most lUuttri^ 
OU8 the Preudent and Fellows of the Royal Society.** 

SM Mifcxuukinout nocuimnv. 

lunal figure the countiy where they eh down is called a CeloBf 

or Plantation. 

" The first of these that I shall relate of^ though last in poane- 
aion of the English, is now our most southerly coioiiy, andiifit 
adj<»mng to Marjrland, sdl. the Manadaes or Manahanent, Mag 
upon the great river Mohegan, which was first discorered bjr 
mi, Hudson, and sold presently by him to the Dutcih, withonl 
authority firom his sovereign the king of England, anno 1606L 
The Dutch in 1614 began to plant there, wad called it New 
Netherlands, but Sir Samuel Argal, governor of Viiginiat 
routed them ; the Dutch after this got leave of Kin? James to 
put in ^ere for firesh water in their passage to Brazil,* and did 
not ofier to jiani until a good while after the English were set- 
tled in the country. In anno 1664, his majes^ Charles the 
Second sent over tour worthy gentlemen commissioners to re- 
duce the colonies into their bounds, who had before encroached 
upon one another, who marchinff vrith three hundred red-coats 
.to Afanadaes or Manhataes, tow from the Dutch their chief 
town then called New Amsterdam, now New York ; the twenty- 
ninth of August, turned out their governor with a silver leg^ 
and all but those. that were willing to acknowledge subjection to 
the king of England, suffering them to enjoy their houses and 
estates as before. Thirteen days after Sir Robert Carr took 
the fort and town of Aurania, now called Albany ; and twelve 
days after that, the fort and town of Awsapha [£sopus1 ; then 
De-la- Ware Castle, manned with Dutch and Swedes. So now 
the English are masters of three handsome towns, three strong 
forts and a castle, not losing one man. The first governor m 
these parts for the king of England was Colonel Nicols, a 
noble gentleman, and one of his majesty^s commissioners, who 
coming for England in anno Domini 1668, as I take it, surren- 
dered the government to Colonel Lovelace. 

" New York is situated at the mouth of the great river Mo- 
hegan, and is built with Dutch brick alla-modemay the meanest 
house therein being valued at one hundred pounds; to the 
landward it is compassed with a wall of good thickness. At 
the entrance of the river is an island well fortified, and hath 
command of any ship that shall attempt to pass without leave." 
pp. 152—154. 

* The tame story ia told in Thurloe's 8Ui€ Papert, that the Dutch ** by th« 
permission of Kin|^ James had granted from him to the'*r Sutes only a certain 
island, called therefore by them SUUeg Mmd [Staten Islandj, as a watering 
place for their West India fleets ; althougrh as they hare encroached upon, ao 
they have i^iren it a new Dutch name, * * * wiping out the old Engliah namaa 
in those porU of America in their old sea charts, and have new Duid^/Ud them." 
See the document at length in Hazard's Sl^t Papers, i. 604—5. This stoiy of 
a 'watering place' is as probable as that of the aale by HudsoB ; botheqnaOj 
HMustained by the history of the coontry. 




The following statistical tables are taken from De Laet's History 
of the West India Company. That work has not been translated, 
but from an examination of its index it appears to contain nothing 
else of interest relating to the colony of New Netherlands. 


From New NttherlaniU by the West India Company, from A. D, 1634 

to 1635. 



Otters, &c. 













































In two ships, goods, 

wares, &c. 



Several ships, 




Two ships. 




Four ships, 




no imports 


Three ships, 




Two ships, 




One ship, 




One ship, 




One ship, 




One ship. 




Uti #/ tht wtmUkitr eiUzemt #/ Nem^AmuUrdmw^ A,D, IS5X 

The following list it taken (mm a MS. Tolnme of the City Re* 
cords recently translated from the Dutch, at the request of the 
Corporation of New- York, by Rer. Mr. Westbrook, of PeekskilL 

** On Thursday, in the afternoon, being the 18th March, 165S» 
i^ session at Fort- Amsterdam : — 

Arent ran Hattem, Burgomaster, 
P. Leendersen Vandergrist, 
William Beekman, 
AUard Antony, 
M. Van Geele, 
Pieter WoUersen, 

The Burgomaster Marten Krigier absent 


A List of the persons who shall proyisionally contribute the 
following sums for the purpose of putting the city in a state of 

fuikkn. 1 

His MightioeM WerckhoreD, 200 

Jo}iannes van Becck, 200 

Johannes P. Vcrbrugge, 200 

Johannes G. Verbrugge, 100 

Johannes de Pcystcr, 100 

Cornclis van Siecnwyck, 200 

Govcrt LookcrmanB 150 

Olof Stevensen, 150 

Jacob Schellinck, 200 

Pieter Prins, 100 

Antony van Hardenbergh, 200 

Johannes Nefius, 100 

Gulyan Wys, 200 

Pieter Buijs, 100 

Adriaen and Johannes Keyser, 100 

Paulus Schrick, 100 

Jacob G. Strieker, 100 

Francoijs Fijn, 100 

Mate wis do Vos, 100 

Adriaen Bloinmaert, 100 

Evert Tcssolaers CommlseD, 200 

Jacob Backer, 

• 150 

Nicolas Boodt, 


Isaack Foreest, 


Abram Geenes, 


Jacob Stecndam, 


Antony Claescn, 


Jan Jansen, jr. 


Borger Joris, 


Jan Vinje, 


Arcnt van Hattem, 


Marten Krigier, 


Paulus LeendersoD, 


William Bcekman, 


Peter van Cowenhoven, 


Maximilyen Geel, 


AUard Antony, 
Abram de la Nooy, 



Daniel Letschoet, 


Philip Genaerdy, 


Egbert van Borsum, 


Heudrick Kip. 



The extnoidinuy expenses attending the repair of the foidfi- 
cations, and providing for the public defence, after the re-conquest 
of the city by tbe Dutch, in 1673, led to the impoailion of a direct 
tax on those citizens whose estates were wonh at least 1000 
guilders. The following list was made out by a Board of six 
Assessors specially appointed for that purpose. 

Adolph Petarfwn, e.laW rained 

Direk WirverM, 
Dirck Sieken, 


nt (cuilcler. Holl.ndT.lue,) 



An<lria> Juchemi, 


Dirck ClM»e. PoMsr. 


Albert Bowh, 


Aecidiu- Lujk, 
Egbert Wontene, 


Abr.h.Qi C.rm.r, 



All.rd AnUionr 


Evert Piclem, 



Ererl Wenelas Eaypsr, 


Antbony J.nMn Via S«li, 


Kvprl Diiyr.kingli, 
Ephrsim harm»n., 




Abel Hu-donbroeck. 


lOliiab^th llriBcus, 


Abr.h.m Ver,,luick. 


Eliz.betii Bodloo, 


AneT Leer;. 



Abr.111 Lubber»Dn, 


Ffrederick PhilipM, 


Anlhony Do, 
Anna V^ Bomsum, 


tTrcderlck Arentw, tam«r> 



Ffrederick Giiberti, 


Barent Cocnen, 



Ba11h«,r B.r.rd. 




Boole Roebf.«n, 


Gabriel Minville. 


Barnadu. H.Bfall, 


Gcrrcl GuliK.evcr. 


B.r Croa Svelt, 


Mary Lmck.TiimnH. 



HirniarniK HiirL-r Jt Co., 


Clui Lock. 


Hendrick Kip, Ma., 


Cutten Leu reel). 


Hendrick Biwch, 


Cornelii St«nwf ck. 


Hendrick Weweli Smit, 


Conitli. nn Rujven, 





Hendrick Willemw Baek«, 


Cl.e. Botdmgh. 


HfrmanuH vari Boraum, 


Coenraed Ton Ejck. 



Chriilophor Hooglaod. 


Hcnilrick van Dyko, 


Comoli. Chopper, 


Hirtman Woxele, 

300 Van Bfuege"'" Honsei, 


Harmen Smeem.n, 


Cornelia V.n Botssum, 


Hcnfj BreBler. 


D.vld WeHeU. 


JohDannG<V«n Brash, 


Cornell! DirekMo, Irom WMt. 

Johannis Hi- Pcyster, 

15 000 



C™«'li«>lisV.nd«rCurll, 400 

Jacob Kip. 


Dirck Smet, 


Inacfl no Vlecq, 

Jul MeleynderM Kumsr, 


D.Tid Jochemi, 



Duiiel Headricki, 


Iwack de Foreert, 


Dirok Vtn Clea^ 


Junan Blanck, 







Jaed> dt Nun. 


Uunta Holat, 


Jan ilcndrick Van Bommel. 


IiUTcket Tienhavsn, 


Jacob Leumen. 


Marten Kteeiar. aan . 


Jeremiu Jans, n Hagenaer, 


Marten J.n»n Meyw, 


Jacobaa ran de Walor, 


Malbert da HaerL, 


Jan Dirckie Meyer. 


Nieliola. da Meyer. 
Niohola» Bayard, 


jMcq Van Tricht, in hii bro. 


ther'a houw. 


Nicholas duPuy, 



NLcola.Jan»n Backer, 


Jan Van BreralBcdc, 


Olof StevenMn Van CorU»ad, 45.000 

Jonaa Bu^tel., 


Peter Jacob* Marina, 


Jin HerbeidiDgh, 
Jacob Tenniaa Key. 


Peter Ny», 
Paulus Richard, 




Jan Spiagelaer, 


Peter de Oiemei, 


Jan Jansen, carpentar, 


Paiilii* Turcq, 


J(Jui Lawrence, 


Pieter Van de Watw. 


Jame. MaUwu.. 


Plater Janiien Meaier, 


Jan Cooly Smol. 


Philip Johna, 



Rejnier Willemie Backer. 


Jan Schikerlpv, 



Jan Jn«l«n. Banqnier, 


Simon Janli Ilomcyn. 


•Jacob LefUior, 


Siboul CJaeiB. 


Jan Vieuo. 




Thomai Leurs. 


Launna J anion Sniet, 




Wiliieln, Beeckman, 


LaorenB Van de Spioccl, 
Lammcil UujbuitM Hnil, 


Wander WgbhIr, 



WUlon. Vu. der SchueTen. 


The foregoing list was 

copied Trom llio Colonial Records, and 

published in Moulton's sketch of New-Orange, (as Uie 

city waa 

called on its re-conquest by the Dutch,) with some inietestiiig de- 

tails relating to that period. 

* TliiB reniarlable i 







A. D. 16 8 6. 

From the original manuscript of Rev. Hunr SiLTMf , 
PatUr qf tht Chmrck, 



Of tlM Collegiate Dutdi Refonned Cknrdi, N«w-Toslc 

Thb list inserted below is copied from a small yolume origioallf 
MoDging to Dominie Henricus Selyns, of the Reformed Dutck 
Church in the city of New-Tork. In this are recorded the namee 
of the members of the church, arranged in their order in the respee- 
tive streets, probably to guide him in his pastoral Tisitatioiia. It 
bears the date of 1686 — ^Dominie is the official name ftmiliarlj 
given to their ministers at that period. Dominie Seljrns saatained 
a high reputation in the ministry. In his eariy day he officiated in 
the church at StuyvesanPs Bouwery^ on the spot where St. Maik*s 
Church now stands, and in the church at Brooklyn combined, firom 
1660 to 1664, when he returned to Holland. Such was the high 
estimation in which he was here held, that when a yacancy occurred 
tn the church of New.Tork, by the death of Dom. Drisios, a call was 
forwarded to Mr. Selyns, which he declined. When, again, a Tacailcj 
occurred in 1682, by the death of Dom. W. Van Nieuwenhuysen, 
a call was again forwarded to him, which he accepted. He con- 
tinued pastor of the church until his death in 1701. He sustained a 
high character aa an able and faithful minister, and was distinguish- 
ed for his literary acquirements. He is said to have cultivated a 
taste for poetry, of which a few specimens in Latin and Dutch re- 
main. A poem of some length will be found prefixed to Cotton 
Mather's Magnolia Americana^ addressed to the author. 

The list is copied literally from Selyns' manuscript. The original 
Dutch has been retained. 
Explanations : — Huysvrou van, wife of. 

En zyn huysvrou, and his wife. 

De Heer is a title of distinction for a gentleman. 

Juffrou is a title of distinction for a lady. 

The Records of the Reformed Dutch Church of New-York 
commence in 1639, and are subsequently continued with care 
and regularity. At that time Ererardus Bogardus was minister. 



It is not known at what time he was settled. It is ascertained 
that he was here as early as 1635. From the complexion of the 
earliest records, it appears that there must have previously been 
an ecclesiastical organization, but at what time that organization 
took place cannot be ascertained. 

Mr. Bogardus left the church in 1647, and was succeeded by 
Johannes Megapolensis and Samuel Megapolensis, who officiated 
at the same time. Johannes Megapolensis, it appears, also labored 
for a time at Rensselaerwyck. He died in 1670. Samuel Me- 
gapolensis was also a doctor of medicine, and was one of the 
commissioners to negotiate with the British at the capitulation of 
the colony in 1664. The next in order of time were. 

Samuel Drisiui, from 1659 to 1672 
Wilhclmus van Nieuwen- 

hujsen, 1671 to 1681 

•Hcnricus Sclyns, 1682 to 1701 

Gualteruf Du Bois, 1699 to 1756 
Honricus Boel, 1713 to 1754 

Joannes Ritzcma, 1744 to 1776 

Lambcrtufl De Ronde, 1751 to 1776 
Archibald Laidlie, D D. 1764 to 1778 
John H. Livingston, D D. 1770 to 1810 
William Linn, D. D. 1785 to 1805 
Gerardiu A. Kuypen, *• 1787 to 183? 

Ritzema and De Ronde retired into the country when the Bri- 
tish took possession of the city in 1776, and did not return to their 
charge at the close of the war, but remained in retirement in their 
old age, receiving an annuity till their death. 

Dr. Laidlie was the first who preached in the English language,, 
being called for that purpose from Flushing in Holland. 

* The following arc the concluding lines of the Latin poem above roferred 
to, addressed by Dominie Seljns to Cotton Mather, and inserted in the Mag;* 
nalia. — Eo. 

** Tu dilecte Deo, cujus Bostonia gaudot 
Nostra ministerio, sen cui scribcro libros, 
Non opus, aut labor est, et qui Magnalia Christi, 
Americana refers, scriptura plurima. Nonne 
Dignus es, agnoscare inter Magnalia Christ! ? 

Vivo liber, totique orbi miracula monstres, 
Quae sunt extra orbem. Cottono, in saecula vive ; 
Et dum munduB erit, vivat lua fama per orbem. 


Ecclesiae Neo-Eboracensis Minister Belgicus."' 

Daham- Novi-Eboraei Amirietini, 
16 Oct. 1697.- 



Arimentje Cornelii, hujrivroa Tan Al- 
bert Barents, 
PauluB Tiirck, en zyn huTtrrou Aeltje 

Maria Torek, hnjrsyrou yan Abraham 

Coenrad Ten Eyck, en zjn hujsnou 
Annetje Daniels, 

Gerrit Jantze Roos, en zyn hnysTTOU 
Tryntje Arents, 

Tobias Stoutenburg, on zyn haysiToa 
Annetje yan Hilleffom, 
Marretje Cornells, n. t. Tan Elias Post, 
Jarriars Blanck, en zyn h. t. ) 
Hester Vanderbeeck, y 

Johannes van Gelder, en zyn h. t. ) 
Janneken Montcnack, \ 

Peter WiIlem9o Roome, en zyn h. t. 
Hester van Gelder, 
Willem Vanderschuuren, en zyn h. t. ) 
Grietje Plettenburp, \ 

Annelje Berding h. y. Tan Cornells 

Tryntje Comelis, weduwe Tan Chris- 

tian Pietcrsen, 
Hendrick Obee, en zyn h. t. > 
Aeltje Claes, 5 

ETcrt Aertsen, en zyn h. t. ) 
Marretje Hcrck, ) 

Willem Aertsen, en zyn h. v, } 
Styntie Nagel, J 

Olphcrt Seurt, en zyn h. v. ) 



Helena Pietene. h. t. van AJbnhm 

Geurt Gerritsen, en syn h. t. i 
EUzabeth Comelu, f 

Seurt Olphertsen, en ZTn h. t. > 
Ytie Roelofte. { 

Anneken Maoritz, wedawe Tmn Dml 

Wilhelmus Tan Nieuwenhuysen, 
Trrntje Bickers, h. t. Tan Wate 

De tieer Frane<Ma Romboat, en zyn 

h. T. 
Helena Teller, 

Isaac Stephenson, en zyn h. t. > 
MargareU Tan Veen, ) 

Lucas Andriesen, en zyn h. t. ) 
Ae^e Laurense, ( 

M. Gerrit Tan Tricht, en zjn h. t. ) 
Maria Vandegrift, > 

Balthazar Bayard, en zyn h. t. 
Marretje Lookermans, 
Blandina Kierstede, h. t. Tan 

Rachel Kierstede, 
Jan Peek, en zyn h. t. > 
Elizabeth Tan Imburgh, ) 
Gysbert Tan Imburgh, 
Tryntje Adolph, h. y. ymn Th< 

Elizabeth Lucas, wedawe yan Jan 



Margareta Klopper, 

Margareta Pieters, h. y. yan Frederick | Pietcr De Riemer, en zyn h. y. 

Jacob Teller, en zyn h. y. ) 
Christina Weasels, 5 

Jacob Do Kay, en zyn h. v. ) 
Hillcgond Theunis, ) 

Sarah Bodlo, h. v. van Claes Borgcr, 


Susanna De Foreest, 
Isaac Do Riemer, 
*Juffro u Marg. De Riemer, weduwe } 
van De Uoer Comelis Steenwyk, \ 
Andries Grevenraedt, en zyn h. y. ^ 

Anna van Bnig. 

Jan Willemson, en zyn h. v. ) 
Elizabeth Frederick, ) 

Martin Cregicr, 
Tryntje Cregier, weduwe van Stoffcl 

Margareta Blanck, h. y. van Philip j Andries Breesteede, en zyn h. y. 

Smit, ~ 

Gerrit Hardenberg, en zyn h. y. ) 


Sara Hardenberg, 

Isaac Grevenraedt, en zyn h. t. 

Marritje Jans, 

Hendrick J illisen Mcyert, en zyn 

Elsje Rosen velt, 

Annetje van Borsum, ) 

Aeltje Schepmoes, weduwe van Jan 
Evertse Ketoltas, 


Jacpje Schepmoes, 

* Dom. Selyns mtu afterwards manled to this ladf. 



Soaanna MaTfuryxi, weduwe van Claea 

Gerrilyan Gelder, 
Pieter Le Grand, en zyn h. t. > 
Janneken de Windel, ) 

Jan Schouten, en zjn h. t. I 
Sara Jans, { 

Elizabeth Schouten, 
Dirck Teunisen, en zyn h. t. ) 
Catalina Frans, ) 

Warner Weasels, en zyn h. t. ) 
Elizabeth Cornells, 5 

Nicolaes Blanck, 
Catharina Blanck, h. t. van Justus 


Claesje Blanck, huyirroa ran Viotar 

Tirntje Claes, weduwe Tan Jurriaen 

Pioter Jacobsen Marius, en zyn h. t. ) 
Marretjc Beeck, I 

Aeltje Willemse, weduwe van Pietor 

Cornel isen, 
Thomas Laurensen, en zyn h. v. ) 
Marretjc Jans, ) 

Comelis van Langeyelt, en zyn h. v. I 
Maria Groonlant, I 

Tryntje Michiels, h. t. Tan Andries 




Rebecca DelaTal h. v. yan Willem 

Elsje Thy mens, h.T. Tan Jacob Leyds- 

Susanna Leydsler, 
Daniel Veenvos, en zyn h. T. f 
Christina Vandergrift, ) 

Jacob Leendertse Vandergrift, en 

zyn h. y. 
Rebiecca Frederick, 
Nicholas Vander^rifl, 
Rachel Vandergrift, 
Rachel Kip, h. y. yan Lucas Kierstede, 
Celetje Jans, h. y. yan Paulus Richard, 
Elizabeth Greyenyaedt, weduwe yan 

Dom. Samuel Drisius, 
Pieter Delanoy, en zyn h. y. ) 
Elizabeth De Potter, ) 

Catharina Bedlo, 
Frederick Gysbertse Vandenberg, 

en zyn h. y. 
Maria Lubberts, 
Jannetje Tienhoyen, h. y. yan John 

Henriette Wessels, weduwe Tan AUard 

Maria Wessels, 

Benjamin Blanck, en zyn h. t. ) 
Judith EUall, > 

Jacobus Kip, en zyn h. y. > 
Hendrickje Wessels, ) 

MarntjeWessels, weduwe yan Nicolaes 

Jansen Backer, 
Deborah De Meyert, h. y. yan Thomas 

Albert Bosch, en zyn h. t. } 
Elsje Blanck, i 

Anna Maria Jans, h. t. Tan Comeiii 

Jansen yan Hoom, 
Billegond Comelis, h. T. Tan Olfert 

Vroawtje CorneliSt 



Pieter Jansen Messier, en zyn h. t. > 
Marriljc Willemse, > 

Cocnrad Ten Eyck, Junior, en lyn i 

h. T. > 

Belitje Hercks, i 

Tobias Ten Eyek, en zyn h. t. i 
Elizabeth liegeman, ) 

Benjamin Hegeman 
Hemanus Berger, 
Engeltje Mans, weduwe Tan Berger 

Johannes Berger, 
Lucas Tienhoyen, en zyn h. y. ) 
Tryntje Berdings, i 

Comelis Verduyn, en zyn h. y. J 
Sara Hendrickn, ' 

Albert Klock, en zyn, h. y. ) 
Trintje Abrahams, ) 

Martin Klock, en zyn h. y. ) 
Elizabeth Abrahams, ) 

Geesje Barentse, weduwe Tan Thomaa 

Catharina Lieuwensen, 
Johannes yan Brug, en zyn h. y. ) 
Catharina Roelofse, ) 

Cornelia Beeck, h. y. yan Jacobus D« 

Margareta Hendrickse, h. y. yan Jofaa 

Carsten Leursen, en zyn h. t. ) 
Geertje Quick, > 

Aeltje Gysberts, h. t. Tan Zachariaa 

Francyritje Andries, h. t. Tan Abra- 

ham Lubberts, 
Annetje Tan Borsum, weduwv yan 

Egbwrt Tan Borsum, 
Pieter Vandcrgrief, en lyn h. t. ) 
Janneken Tan Borsum, ) 

Robert Sinclair, en zyn h. t. 
Maria Duyckisg. 





Willemlje Claci, h. t. Tan Gysbcrt 

Neeltje Gyftberts, 
Adrian Dirckscn, en zyn h. y. ? 
Elizabeth Jans, ) 

Hcyltie Delachair, h. v. yan John C&. 

Anna Maria van Giosen, h. y. yan 

Johannes Jansen, 
Marritjc Pieters, h. y. yan Jacob Pie. 

Bernardus Hassin^r, en zyn h. y. ) 
Nccltje van Couwenhovcn, J 

Geertruid Jans yan Grayenswaert, 

h. y. van Jan Otten, 
Neeltje yan Thuyl, 

Sophia CI aet, h. t. teb Ratgert Farkeri 
Gerrit Cornelia ysn Westyaen, en > 

zyn h. y. r 

Wyntje Stoatenbar|r, ' 

Urseltje Duytman, wedawo Tan Job 

hannes Hardenbrook, 
Metje Hardenbrook, h. t. Tmn Evwt 

Casparus Hardenbrook, 
HarmanuB yan Borauzn, an xyii^li* y.^ 
Wybrng Hendrickie, I 

Claertje Dominicua, h. T. ran Jan 

Pieter Slot, 
Gerritjo Quick, h. y. Tan Leendert Da 



Janncken Jans, h. y. yan Tsaac Abra- 

ham sen, 
Daniel WaJdron, en zyn h. y. ) 
Sarah Rutgers, ) 

Adriaentje Jans, h. y. yan Vincent 

De la Montague, 
Marritj'e Wa.dron, h. y. yan Hendrick 

Aefjo Roos, h. y. yan Johannes yan 

Heyman Koning, en zyn h. v. ) 
Marritjc Andries, ) 

Melje Dayids, weduwa yan Ahrahaa 

Jan Willemsen Roome, en zjn h. t. I 
Maria Bastiaens, I 

Annetjo Ackerman, h. t. Tan Daniel 

Arent Frcdericksen, en zyn h. t. i 
Sara Theunis, | 

Jurriaen Nagel, en zyn h. t. i 
Jannetje Phillipsen, \ 

Willein Peers, en zyn h. y. ) 
Guctje Kicrsc. i 


Jacob Kolve, 

Janneken Lucas, h. v. van Jacob van 

van Saun, 
Jacob Pho'nix, en zyn h. v. ) 
Anna van Vlcck, 5 

Engeltjc Hercks, h. v. van JanEvcdso, 
Hendrick Bosch, en zyn h. v. ) 
Egbatjo Dirckscn, 5 

Catalina De Vos, h. v. van Nicolacs 


Jacob Do Koninck, 
HenricuB Sclyns, 
Hendrick Boelcn, en zyn h. y. } 
Annekcn Coert, 5 

Cornelis van der Cuyl, en zyn h, y. > 
Elizabeth Arents, \ 

Sarah Waldron, h. v. van Lauren* 
Colevelt, } 

Mr. Abraham Delanoy, enz yn h. y. 5 
Cornelia Tol. 


Jan Adamsen Metselacr, en zyn h. v. ) 
Geertje Ducknen, ) 

Herman De Grauw, en zyn h. y. > 
Stymie van Steenbergen, f 

• Dirck Jansen De Groot, en zyn h. v. ) 
Rachel Phillipse, ) 

Baetjo Jans, huysvrou van Pictcr 

Arent Lccndcrtse De Grauw, en 1 

zyn h. V. r 

Maria Hendricks. ' 




De Heer Frederick Pbillipfe, 

Johanna van Swaanenburg, 

Anna Blanck, h. t. Tmn Joris Bm^rer- 

Janneken De Kaj, h. t. van Jeremiaa 

Isaac De Foreeat, en zyn h. t. } 
Elizabeth yan der Spiegel, ) 
Sara Philipae, weduwe van Isaac De 

Jan Dircksen, en xjn h. y. ) 
Baetje Kip, ) 


De Heer Stephaniu Tan Cortland, 

en zyn h. v. 
Geertruid Schuyler, 
Jacobus van Cortland, 
Juffrou Susanna Schrick, h. t. van De 

Heer Anthony Brockholst, 
Sarah van der Spiegel, h. t. Tan Rip 

Tan Dam, 
Johannes van der Spiegel, 
Ariaentje Gerritsen, h. t. Tan Pieter 



Otto Gerritsen, en zyn h. v. ) 
Engeltje Pieters, > 

Jeremias Jansen, en zyn h. t. > 
Calharina Rappailje, ) 

Metje Grevenraedt, weduwe van An- 
thony Jansen, 
Abraham Kip, 

Abraham Jansen, en zyn h. t. > 
Tryntje Kip, ( 

Maria Abrahams, 

Mr Hartman Weasels, en zyn h. t. > 
Elizabeth Jans Cannon, ) 

Andiies Meyert, en zyn h. t. ) 
Vrouwetje van Vorst, ( 

Jan der Vail, en zyn h. t. 
Catharina van Cortlandt. 


HEEREN GRACHT, (west ztdi.) BROAD STREET, (west side.) 


Carol Lodowick, 

Johannes Provoost, 

Brandt Schuyler, en zyn h. v. ) 

Cornelia van Cortlandt, \ 

Mr. Hans Kierstede, en zyn h. v. 

Janneken Loockermans, 

Evert Arentsen, 

Isaac Arentsen, 

Maria Bennet, h. v. van Jacobus Ver. 

Pieter Abrahamse van Duursen, en 

zyn h. T. 
Hester Webbers, 
Helena Fiellart, 


Theunis De Kay, en zyn h. t. } 
Helena van Brug, ) 

A^etje Bouen, h. t. Tan Lodowick 

Gerrit Leydekker, en zyn h. t. ) 
Neeltje van der Cuyl, ( 

Hendrick Kermer, en zyn h.T. > 
Annetje Thomas, ) 

Jan Jansen Moll, en zyn h. t. > 
Engeltje Pieters, 5 

Jacob Boelen, en zyn h. t. t 
Catharina Clerk, i 

Dirck Fransen, en zyn h. t. \ 
Urseltje Schepmoes \ 

Harmentje Ducksen, h. t. Tan Tho. Elizabeth Jacobsen, h. v. van Wybrant 

h. y. 


mas Koock, 
Dirck Ten Eyck, en zyn h. t. 
Aefje Boelen, 

Dr. Johannes Kerfbyl, en zyn 
Catharina Hug, 
Margareta Hagen, 
Aechje Jane, weduwe Tan Pieter Tan 

Tryntje Pieters, 
Hendrick Jans Tan Tunrden, en zyn 

h. T. 
Sara Thomas, 

Boele Roelofse, en zyn h. t. ) 
Bayken Arentse, ) 

Cornells Quick, en zyn h. t. ^ 
Maria Tan Hoogten, ) 


C. Madgalena Dumsteede, h. t. Tan 

Hermanus Wessels, 
Johannes Kip, en zyn h. t. } 
Catharina Kierstede, ) 

Styntie Paulus, weduwe Tan Paulus 

Isaac van Vleck, en zyn h. t. ) 
Catalina Delanoy, ) 

Mietje Theunis, hi. t. Tan Jan Corsen, 
Rutgert Willemsen, en zyn h. t. ) 
Grvsbertje Mauritz, ) 

Magdaleeutje Rutgers, h. t. vmn Joria 





Willem Janae Roome, en zjn h. ▼. 

Marritje {ans, 

Geertje Jam, h. t. Tan Rejer Stoffel 

Jannetje Hondricks, h. y. Tan Cregera 


Albert Cojnen, en 13m h. t. 

I'ryntje Jana, 

Elizabeth Jaeoba, weduwe tui Jaeob 

Clara Ebcl, h. t. Tan Pwter EbeL 

HEEREN GRACHT, (oosr ztdk.) BROAD STREET, (eatt sids.) 

Hendrick Arcntse, en zyn h. y. ) 
Catharina Hardenbrook, 1 

Anna Tbysien, b. y. yan Hendrick 

Marritje Cornelia, b. y. Tan Frans 

AnnaWallis, h. t. yan Wolfert Webber 
AlbortUB Rin^o, on zjn h. y. ) 
Jannetje Stoutenburg, ) 

Jan De la Montagne, en Z3m h. y. ) 
Annetje Waldron, 5 

Jannetje yan Laer, h. y. yan Simon 

Catharina Kreeiers, wedawe yan Ni. 

catim De Silla, 
Leendert De KIcyn, on zyn h. y. ) 
Magdalena Wolium, > 

Magdalena Picterf, h. y. yan Joris 

HuyE Barcntse De Kleyn, en zyn h.y. ) 
Mayken Bartels, ) 

Picter Stoutenburg, 
Willem Waldron, en zyn h. v, ) 
Engeltje Stoutenburg, > 

Maria Pon, h. y. yan JiUia Proyoat, 
Grietje Jillis, h. y. yan Dayid ^o- 

Catharina Vanderyeen, h. y. yan Jona. 

than Proyoost, 
Jan Willemse Nering, en zyn h. y. ) 
Catharina de Mcyert, { 

Grcsjo Idens, weduwa yan Pietei 

Jacob Mauritzen, en zyn ^ t. ) 
Grctje yan der Grift, ) 

Willem BogarduB, en zyn h. y. ) 
Walburg de Silla, 5 

Kniertje Hendricka, h. t. yan Claaa 

Cornelia Lubberta, h. y. yan Johannet 

de PevBter, 
PauluB Schrick, en zyn h. y. ) 
Maria de Peyster, 3 

Jan Vincent, en zyn h. y. > 
Annetje JanB, } 

Arent Isaacson, en zyn h. y. 
Elizabeth Steyens. 




Rynier Willcmsen, on zyn h. y. 

Susanna Arcnts, 

Trynljo Arents, 

Geertruyd Reynicrs, 

AdolfPi*ctcr8enDeGroot,enzynh.y. ) 

AeQc Dircksen, J 

Aniotjc Do Groot, 

Maria Dc Groot, 

Mr. Evert Ketcltas, en zyn h. y. ) 

Hillegond Joris, i 

Anna Hardenbrook, h. y. yan John 

Johannes Hardenbrook, 
Jacob AbrahamBO Santvoort, en zyn ) 

h. V. > 

Magdalena van Vlock, ) 

Laurens Hult, en zyn h. y. ) 
Hillctjc Laurens, 5 

Jannoken yan Dyck, h. y. yan Jan 

Elizabeth Cooley, 

Barent Coert, en zyn h. y. ) 
Christina Wcssels, J 

Geertruyd Barents, weduwe yan Jan 

Sara Ennes, h. y. yan Barent Hyben, 
Dc Hcer Nicolas de Meyert, en xyn 

h. V. 
Lydia van Dyck, 
Klizabeth de Meyert, 
Christina Steentjens, h. y. yan Gail- 

lam D'Honneur, 
Claes Janse Stavast, en zyn b. y. > 
Acfje Gcrritsen, > 

Evert Wcssels, on zyn h. y. > 
Jannetje Stavast, 3 

Laurens Wcssels, en zyn h. y. ) 
Acfje Jans, J 

Anncken Duy eking, h. y. yan Johannea 

FrauB GodoruB, tn zyn, h. y. ) 
Rebecca Idem, ) 



JanJanfeTanLaiigend7ek,eni7nh.y. ) 
Grietje Wcssela, i 

Jan Harberdink, en zyn h. t. > 
Mayken Barents, > 

Gerret Dujcking, en zjn h. v. ^ 
Maria Abeel, { 

Christina Cappaeos, h. t. van David 

Anna Tebbelaer, h. t. van Eliaa de 

Marriatje Andries, h. v. van Jan Brees. 

Hendrick Wesselse Ten Broeck, en ) 

xyn h. V. > 

Jannetje Breettede, ) 


:ing, en zyn h. y. } 
Simons, t 

fetinjr, h. v. van wil 

Geertmld Breestede, 

De Heer Nicolas Bayard, en zyn h. y. > 

Judith Verleth, i 

Francina Hermans, 


Hendrickje Simons, 

Cytie Duycking^t h. y. van Willem 

Antony De Mill, en zyn h. v. } 
Elizabeth van der Liphorst, { 
Pieter De MiU, 
Sarah De Mill, 
De Heer Abraham De Peye ter, en 

zyn h. V. 
Catharina De Peyster. 



Jan Hendrick van Bommel, en zyn h. v. 
Annetje Abrahams, 
Geertruid De Haes, h. y. van Jan 

Emraerentie Laurens, wcduwe van 

Hendrick Oosterhaven, 
Leondert Oosterhavcn. 


Jan Langstraten, en zyn h. y. 

Marritje Jans, 

Albertje Jans, h. v. van Jan Janse van 

Hendrick De Foreest, en zyn h. v. ) 
Femmetje Flacsbeeck, \ 

Barent Flaesbeek, en zyn h. y. 
Marritje Hendricks, 
Susanna Verleth, h. y. van Jan De 


Metje Pieters, h. v. van Jan Pietersen, 
Nicolaes Jansen, en zyn h. v. ) 
Janneken Kiersen, i 

Annetje Jans, h. v. van William 

Ambroflius De Waran, en zyn h. v. 
Ariantje Thomas, 
Susanna De Negrin, h. v. van Thomai 

De Meer. 


Elsje BerjFer, h. v. van Jan Sipkent, 
Cornelis Fluvier, en zyn h. v. ) 
Neeltje van Couwenhoven, { 
Frederick Hendricksen, en zyn h. v. > 
Styntie Jans, ) 

Geesje Schuurmans, weduwe van 

Bruin Hage, 
Elizabeth Schuurmans, 
Jacob Fransen, en zyn h. v. } 
Magdalena Jacobs, \ 


Cornelia Roos, wedawe van Elias 

Jan Vinge en Z3m h. v. > 
Wieske liuypkens, { 
Assnorus Hendricke, en syn h v. > 
Neeltje Jans, 5 

Hester Pluvier, h. y. van Thymen 

Jan Meyert, en zyn h. v. 7 
Anna van Vorst, \ 

Pieter Jansen, en zyn h. v. 
Elizabeth van Hoogten, 


Jan Jansen van Flembmg, en zyn 

h. V. 
Willemyntie De Kleyn, 
Laurens Hendrickse, en zyn h« y. > 
Marretje Jans, 5 

Hendricke van Borsnm, en zyn h, v 
Marritje Cornelis, 
Jannetje Cornelis, 
Thymen van Bonum, en zyn h. v. 7 
Grietje Focken, I 

Wyd Timnier. 




Gmtjo Luigmdyek, wodawo vma 

Dirck DejT, 
Junotje Dey, h. t. tui Frmni Ckir- 

Jao PioterMn, Botoh, en lyn h. t. > 
J&nnetje Barenta, { 

lannotje Frint, h. t. tui WiUiam 

David ftttfooi t , en syii li. ▼. I 

TfTntje Laoreiis, ) 

Tfyntjo ReTmen, wvdnwv vma Mi^ 

nardt Barentasn, 
Marritje Pietenen, h. t. tu Jaa Fb- 



Elixabeth Lubborts, wedawa Tan 

Dirck FluTt, 
Jan Janaen Tan Langrendjck, 
Pietar Janwn Tan Langendjrek, 
Ilennan Janaen, en xjn h. t. > 
Breehje Ellawaert, ) 

Tryntie Hadden, h. t. Tan Albert 

Hilletje Pietera, wednwo Tan Cornelia 

Johannea Clopper, 
Margareta Vermeulen, weduwe Tan 

Hendriok Tan de Water, 
Adriaentje Tan da Water, 
Abraham Moll, en xjn h. t. ) 
Jaeomyntie Tan Darlebcek, 4 
F^tie Sipkena, h. t. Tan Roeloiae, 

Wilhelmoa De Meyart, en lyii h. ▼• I 
Catharina Bayard, ) 

Jacob Swart, en syn h. t. { 
Tryntie Jaooba, \ 

Sarah Jooaten, h. t. Tma laaae Da 

Dirck Vandercliff, en xyn h. t. ) 
Geeaje Hendrickae, { 

Stjmtie Jana, h. t. Tan Jooet Caralaat 
WiUem Hillacker, en ayn h. t. ) 
Trynte Boelen, \ 

Anna Maria Englebert, h. t. Tan Cle- 

ment Eilawaert, 
Willielmoa Beekman, en lyn h. t. ) 
Catharina De Boog. 5 

Johannea Beekman, en tyn h. t. # 
Aeltje Thomaa. ) 


Anneke Sohoaten, h. t. Tan Thennia | 
Dey. I 


Wolfcrt Webber, en zyn h. v. ) 
Geertruyd Hassing, \ 

Necltje Cornelis, h. v. Tah Dirck Cor- 
nel ison, 
Ario Cornclisen, en zyn h. t. > 
Rebecca Idens, 5 

Franciscus Bastiaoniie, en zyn h. t. ) 
Barbara Emanuel, ) 

Solomon Pieters, en zyn h. t. } 
Marritje Anthony, 5 

Anthony Saileyren, en zyn h. t. > 
JoByntie Thomas, ^ 

Francois Vanderhook, en zyn h. t. ) 
Wynlie De Vrics, j 

Daniel De Clercq, en zyn h. t. ) 
Grictje Cozyns, ^ 

Cozyn Gerriiscn, en zyn h. t. > 
Vrouwlje Gerritse, j 

Jan ThoraasBcn, en zyn h. t. } 
Apollonia Comeles, 5 

Pieter Janaen, en zyn h. t. ) 
Marrietje Jacobs, ) 

Jacob Kip, en zyn h. t. ) 
Maria De la Montagne, ) 
Maria Kip, 
JufFrou Judith Isendoom, wedawe 

de Heer Petrus Stuyreaant, 
Nicolaes Willem StuyTeaant, en J 

zyn h. T. > 

Elizabeth Slechtcnhorat, ' 

Marritje Jacobs, h. t. Tan Gyabert 

Abraham van de Wostyne, 
Catalyntje van de Wooestyne, 
Abel Bloottgoet, en zyn h. v. 
Ida Adriaense, 
Pieter Jacobsen, en zyn h. t. 
BeleUe Anaense, 
Jan Do Groot, en zyn h. t. > 
Margrietje Grerritse, ^ 

* There was formerly a fresh water pond where a part of Centre-street and its ricinlty 
are now situated. Tliat quarter of the city is still often called the ColUett from tett, the 
Dutch word for a small lake. The families residing to the north or on ti» Boweiy road. 
Are doscnbed in the list as " beyond the fresh water,** refening to this pond. 


Jacob De Groot, en zyn h. t. > | Tohannes ThomiMn, tn z jn h. y. > 

Grietje Jaw. J [ Aefje Jacobs, \ 

Jillia Mandevil, en zyn h, v. > j Johannes Tan Couwenboyen, en 

Elsje Hendrickf, f xyn h, v. 

Grietje Mandevil, | Sara Frani. 
Egbert Foekcnaen, en lyn b. t. ) I 

JBlsje Lucaa, 5 | 


Conradoa Vanderbeeck, en zyn h. v. ) I Claee Enianuels. I j^ 
Eleje Jan.. M Jan de Vriee, I Nejrroes. 


Amout Webber, en zyn h. t. 

Janneken Cornelie, 

Mar^reU Meyrink, h. v. ran Hen- 

drick Martcnse, 
Abraham Ryckingr, 

Wyntie Tcunis, h. v. van Herck 

Annetje Claee, h. ▼. van Teunia Cor- 



Many of the above names are fiuniliar abbreviations, and correspond to 
Eng^lish names as follows : — 

Oeerije, Gertrude ; Styntie, Christina ; Baetje, Elizabeth ; 

Orielje^ Margaret ; Neettje, Cornelia ; Tryntje, Catherine ; 

Mietje, Mary ; Marrietje^ Maria ; Aeltje, AIi2la ; 

EUje, Alice ; Annetje^ Anna ; Claetje, Claudia, See. 

The list appears to have been prepared with great care, but probably con- 
tains some errors, especially in respect to the maiden names of the married 
women. One mistake of this kind certainly exists in the case of Gov. Stuy- 
vesant's widow, whose family name was Bayard instead of Isendoom. On 
the death of her husband, letters testamentary were granted to her as the 
executrix of his estate, commencing in the following manner : — 

" Whereas Mr. Petrus Stuyvesant, heretofore Governor of those parts for the 
States General of the United Provinces and the West India Company, de- 
ceased, did, in his last will and testament, declare and appoint Mrs. Judith 
Bayard, his widow and relict, to be his whole and solo executrix, to dispose 
of his estate, goods, and chattels, to such uses and purposes as in- the said will 
and testament is at larg^ set forth,'* dec. Dated at Fort James, in New York^ 
the 7th day of March, in the twenty.fourth year of his Majesty's reign, A. D. 
1671, [1672, netoWy^s.]* 

* Lib. 1. of Wills, Surrogate's OfSce. The will of Gov-^tnTvesant was dated 19 Jam 
1071f-S, and the letters testamentary were issued in the following BCarch. 


Thii lUf WW llw danglitir oT BtHhaiw Bftjwl» a Vraneh 

tant, who haTing fled from liif natm eonntiy to oaempe nligiooi 
took refage in Holland. She waa aunied at AflBaterdam, and aioeompaBlid 
her hoaband to this conntij hi 1647, where aha oontmued to reaide mlfl h« 
deoeaae in the earljr part of 1687. Their children were two aooa, Baltham^ 
bom in 1647, and Nicholaa William, in 1648. Her will, which waa profai 
April 7, 1687, containa the following promiona raqMeting tho ehapel ereelod 
bj Got. Stujreaant on apart of hia eatate, now the rite of St. Mark*a Chnreh : 

** And I do bj theae preeenta ftirther, bj fona of a legaoj, give and gmft 
to the Reformed Nether-Datch church, or congregation of the citj of New* 
York, mj the teatatrioe'a chnreh or chapel, aitoatad on mj bowiy or ftn^ 
together with all the reyennea, profita, and immunitiea, to hava and to hold 
the laid chapel and appnrtenancee alter the time of mj deceaae onto the of«w 
aeera of the aaid congregation to their naa afaraiaid for ever ; with finthw 
power, if thej eee caoae, to demolirii or diq>laoe the aame, and to emploj tfai 
material! thereof to inch neea aa they ifaall think fit or expedient ; profided 
that, in aoch caae, of the aaid materiala be made and boilt all and whataoev« 
hi the enoloeed teatament ia expreaMd and required for the pr ea ei i a tion of tfai 
tomb or Taolt, which waa built by my deceaaed hoaband in the aaid church.* 
The *• enoloeed teatament " waa another will of a prarioiM d^lc, and contained 
the following bequeat to Col. Nicholaa Bayard, a leading politieian of thatperiod: 
•• Item. To my laid eonain Niohdaa Bayard, and to hia wift and dulditn, if 
deaired, a burying place in the tomb or Taolt of my laat donaaaod hnibaiid in 
the chapel or chnreh at my bowry ; and in caae it ahoold h^ipeo that my aaid 
ehorch or chapel did come to decay, or for any other reason be demoliihed, I 
do hereby declare and publiih it to be my last will and testament, that of the 
materials of said chapel be made a building sufficient for a coTcr npon said 

The late Petrus Stuyresant, a great grandson of the GoTemor, caused this 
Tault to be repaired and enlarged about forty years ago, when St. Mark'a 
Church was erected, beneath which it now lies. The remains of the GoTemor 
were supposed to be then recognized, after a lapse of nearly one hundred and 
thirty years since his death. — Eo. 






ProTOft of the Swedish Churehet in America, dec. 

TmulaUd from tki originai Swedith, 






The intimate connexion that from ihe finrt Mibuetad between 
the Dutch and Swedish eettlemente on the Delaware, and their 
final union under the adminiatration of Go?. Stoyraaaiity 
the following piece of colonial histoiy appropriate to the 
Tolume. It is deriyed from a work published at Stockholm in the 
middle of the last century, chiefly relating to the eccle ai aatica l 
annals of ihe Swedish colony, but to a considerable extant devoted 
to its civil history.* The author, Rot. Israel Acreliua, waa fior 
several years the pastor of a church at Christina, (now Wilaungtoe, 
Delaware,) and at the head of the Swedish clergy in the coloiiy 
with the title of Provost. He returned to Sweden in 1766, and re- 
sumed the pastoral duties at Feliingsbro, where he waa reaiding at 
the time his work was published. He died in 1800, at the ad* 
vanced age of eighty-six years. 

Acrelius divided his work into eight parts ; the first comprised 
the period from the settlement of the colony in 1687-8, to its 
conquest by the Dutch in 1655; the second part deaciibea the 
administration of the Dutch vice-governors, Paul Jaquet, Jacob 
Alrichs, and William Beekman, and ends with the reduction of 
New Netherlands by the English in 1664 ; the third part com- 
pletes the civil history, and embraces the Duke of York's govern- 
ment and the proprietorship of William Penn and his successors. 

* It is entitled, — Beakrifning om de Syenakd Forsamlingan Foma och Nmr. 
warande Tilstand, ut dct sa kalladc N ja Sverifre, sedan Nja Nederland, men 
DO for tiden Pennsylvanien, samt nastligjirande orter wid Alfwen Delaware, 
West^crsej och New Castle County uti Norra America. Ut^wen af Lnusi. 
Acrelius, for delta Probst ofwer Svenska Forsamlinsrar i America och 
Kyrkohcrdo uti Feliingsbro. Stockholm, 1759. (Description of tho present 
and former state of tlie Swedish Congrregations in New Sweden (so called,) 
since New Netherlands, and now Pennsjlvania, and in the neighbourtnf parts 
on Delaware Bay, in West Jersey, and New Castle Coonty, in North Ame. 
rica. By Israel Acrelios, late Provost of the Swedish Churches in America, 
and pastor, of the church at Christina, bat now Provost and pastor at FeU 
lingebro. Stockholm, 1759.) 


The remainder of the work is chiefly taken up with the annals of 
the Swedish congregations under their respective pastors. Con- 
sidered in its ecclesiastical character, it is probably the most com- 
plete and satisfactory account of any portion of the early American 
church ever published. 

The following translation comprises only such portions of the 
civil history as relate more or less directly to the controversies with 
the Dutch, who had established themselves ou the banks of the 
Delaware before the arrival of the Swedes. It was prepared at 
the instance of the Rev. Dr. Miller with reference to a proposed 
history of New-York, and deposited among the MSS. of this So- 
ciety after that design was relinquished. The translator, Nicholas 
Collin, D. D. was the last of the succession of pastors who were sent 
by the government of Sweden to the churches on the Delaware. He 
arrived in this country from Upsal in 1771, and was at first settled 
at Swedesborough, (New Jersey,) but subsequently removed to 
Philadelphia, and for a period of forty-five years had the charge 
of the Swedish churches in that city and its vicinity. In general, 
the pastors who came over from Sweden were permitted to return 
after a few years, and as a recompense for their voluntary exile in 
the cause of religion, they became entitled to preferment at home. 
The celebrated Charles XII., having recalled the Rev. Eric Biork 
after a ministry of eleven years at Christina, declares in the man- 
date issued upon the occasion, that he was *' to be rewarded for 
his long and faithful services by some comfortable situation in our 
kingdom '" and in announcing the appointment of two others to the 
same mission, adds, " these may also depend on a gracious pro- 
motion in Sweden, when they shall wish to return. We also as- 
sure the congregations and the Swedes living in the aforesaid 
country, of our particular and permanent royal favour ; commending 
them to the care of the Almighty God." Dr. Collin preferred to 
remain in the country, where he was held in high respect during 
his long ministerial career by the congregations under his pastoral 
charge. He was also a man of letters, and enjoyed a reputation 
for learning and talents in a community distinguished for intellec- 
tual cultivation. Taking an active interest in scientific pursuits, 
Dr. Collin became an efficient member of the American Philo- 
sophical Society, and was several times elected a vice-president of 
that learned institution. He died at Philadelphia, the 7th of Octo- 


ber, 1831, in the eigbty-seyenth yoar of his age, — ** beloved " uyt 
his eminent contemporary, Du Ponceau, " beloved, respected, and 


On comparing Dr. Collin's translation with the original woric, it 
will be found to consist of detached portions of the civil history of 
the Colony ; whatever seemed irrevalent to the purposes of the 
New York historian being omitted, and in such a manner as to im- 
pair to a considerable extent the continuity of the narrative. It 
was of course written without any view to publication in a sepa- 
rate form, and cannot therefore be regarded as a fair specimen of 
the literary merits either of the author or translator. In the introduc- 
tory pages, which are omitted in the translation, Acrelius recurs to 
the prominent events connected with the discovery and colonization 
of the western continent. To his own countrymen, the ancient Scan- 
dinavians, he ascribes the honour of having landed upon our shores 
at a period long anterior to the voyages of Columbus. '' Our 
Swedes and Goths," he says, " had already discovered America, 
in the year 996 after the birth of Christ, and given it the name of 
y inland the Good.'* This statement has been amply confirmed 
of late by the researches of the Danish antiquaries, who have 
spread before the world the evidence on which it rests in a man- 
ner so authentic and satisfactory, as to produce a general convic- 
tion of its truth in the minds of those who have examined the subject. 
In regard to the voyages of Hudson and other European navigators 
in the early part of the seventeenth century, Acrelius depended on 
an English publication of no great credit;! and has fallen into 
some inaccuracies. Thus he attributes the discovery of Delaware 
bay to a Capt. Delaware who sailed under an English admiral 
named Jaqucs Chariicrs, in 1600, and refers Hudson's great 
voyage to the year 1608 ; he dates the settlement of Albany from 
1613, and states that " Samuel Argall, a governor of Virginia, ex- 
pelled the inhabitants from the river in 1618." But in all that re- 
lates to the Swedish colony, Acrelius drew his materials from 
original accounts, and the utmost confidence can be placed in the 
general correctness of his statements. 

Dr. Collin's translation ends with the recovery of New- York 

* Memoirs of the Hist. Society of Penney Ivunia. iii. 111. Clay's Swedish 
Annals. 126. 

t Entitled " The Hittory of the New World,'' dtc. 


and the settlements on the Delaware by the English under 
the treaty of Westminister, in 1674, after which the whole was 
restored to the Duke of York. For the purpose of showing the 
condition of the country at that period, we have continued the 
translation two or three pages beyond, embracing a brief notice of 
the Duke's government.* A complete version of Acrelius would 
be a valuable contribution to the stock of American history ; and a 
confident expectation has been entertained that the accomplished 
President of the American Philosophical Society, Peter S. Da 
Ponceau, would undertake the task, as an intimation to that effect 
was given by him in the preface to his translation of a similar 
work, ( '* Description of New Sweden, by Thomas Campanius 
Holm,") published a few years since in the Memoirs of the Penn- 
sylvania Historical Society. In referring to Acrelius, Mr. Dii 
Ponceau remarks, that his history is " much more complete, and in 
every respect superior to that now presented to the public, to which, 
however, as being the oldest, the preference has, for the present^ 
been given."*}* It is hoped that the expectation thus raised may 
yet be fulfilled. 

We have added in relation to the subject of the Swedish settle- 
ments a document from the Dutch Colonial Records, supposed to 
be the report of the Commissary A. Hudde, who was sent by 
Governor Kieft to the Delaware in 1645. 

Next follows the report of the Swedish Governor, John Claudius 
Rising, of the conquest by the Dutch in 1655. This document, in 
the original Swedish, is inserted in the appendix to Arfwedson's 
Nova Suecia, and we are indebted to George P. Marsh, Esq. of 
Burlington, (Vermont,) an honorary member of this Society, for the 

• Pp. 111—113, original edit. 

t Mem. Hist. Soc Penn. iii. Preface. — There are several other accounts of 
New Sweden not yet translated, e. gr.«.«« Dissertatio Gradualis de PlaotatioiM 
Ecclesiae Svecanae,'* &c. by Tobias E. Biork, Upsal, 1731. This writer cites 
** And. Hcsselii Kort Berattelse om Svenska Kyrk, narvarande tilstand i 
America.*' Hcsselius was pastor at Christina, 1711 — 1719. In 1825 was 
published at Upsal a little work, entitled ** De Colonia Nova Suecia in Ame- 
ricam Borealem deducta Historiola,** (Historical Sketch of the colony of New 
Sweden in North America,) by Charles David Arfwedson, now Americaa 
Consul at Stockholm — a gentlemen well known and highly respected in this 


translation from a copy in his possession. Mr. Mmrah is well 
known for his rare attainments in the philology and literatmre 
of the Scandinavian languages. 

Our acknowledgments are due to the American Philosophical 
Society, (Philadelphia,) and to their venerable Librarian, John 
Yauohan, Esq., for the loan of a copy of Acrelius, the only one 
within our knowledge in the country. This was presented to the 
Society by the late Hon. Jonathan Russell, formerly Minister 
Plenipotentiary from the United States to Sweden. Mr. Russell 
likewise procured copies of numerous public documents relating 
to the affairs of the Swedish Colony on the Delaware, which he 
presented to the same institution ; some of these have been since 
printed in Hazard^s Register of Pennsylvania^ at Philadelphia. 

Before concluding this note we cannot omit mentioning a small 
volume lately published, entitled " Annals of the Swedes on the 
Delaware, by the Rev. J. C. Clay, Rector of the Swedish Churches 
in Philadelphia and its vicinity,'' &c. This little work comprises 
many interesting details of the early Colony, and leads us to re- 
gret that the author did not make a more ample use of the mate- 
rials to which he had access. The circumstances that induced 
the publication are stated by him in the following very just re- 
marks : — " The compiler, descended on the mother's side from 
Swedish ancestors, felt a desire to look into their history, and to 
know more than he did of the occurrences connected with their 
first settlement on this soil. He had observed that the geographers 
and historians of America, while they had been very particular in 
detailing the circumstances connected with the arrival and settle- 
ment of the English on the James River, and of the Pilgrims in 
New-England, had scarcely mentioned that there was ever such a 
colony as the Swedes on the Delaware. He was at a loss to 
know why this was so ; especially as their arrival here was but 
about thirty years after that of the English in Virginia, and but 
about sixteen or seventeen years after the settlement of New-Eng- 
land ; and that, therefore, their being among the first colonies that 
came from Europe to America, and the very first that settled Penn- 
.-sylvania, claimed for them a more particular notice." 



From Rev. Dr. CoUin, the TraniUUor, to Rev. Dr. MUUr. 

Philadelphia, SOth October, 1799. 

Dear Sir — Uncertain whether you were in New York during^ 
the sickness,* I omitted answering your favour, which, I hope, 
you will excuse. 

To give you full information about the affairs of the Dutch 
settlement in Delaware, I have translated every thing regarding 
it from Acrelius. Some of his authorities I have also seen in 
other writings, which he quotes, as the account given by the 
Rev. Mr. Rudman, founder of the Swedish Church here in 
Philadelphia, and yet extant in its records. But Acrelius is for 
you a sufficient voucher ; and if you find it necessary, you may 
quote me as translator. The quotations from the registers in^ 
the archives of New- York you have probably seen, and may 
again compare them. 

According to the extent of your work, you can take in more 
or less of my communication. As his translation has cost me- 
several days' application, I could not repeat it ; and have there- 
fore given particular charge to Mr. Maclean to send it with a 
very safe conveyance. With cordial wishes for the success of 
your laudable undertaking, I am,de ar sir. 


Your most humble serv't, 

To the ReT. Dr. Millkr. 

* The yellow fever* 


InOividuds who were natives of Holland seem to have been 
\ instrumental in the first settlement of the Swedes on the Dela- 
jvare, as appears from the following: — ',, 

Wilhelni Usselini, a Hollander, native of Anlw em. proposed 
to King Guslavus Adolpliua the plan of a Swedish tnuling 
company, to be extended to Asia, Africa, and Terra Magellanica. 
He obtained a commission, dated at Stockholm, the 21at De- 
cember, 1624, for tJiis important purpose. A contract wa* 
i accordingly formed for the approbation and signature of ibe 
I company. Usselinx made illuslraiing observations on the same, 
\ and gave ample information about the country on the Delaware, 
I Tespccting its fertility, conveniency, and whatever advantages. 
I The company received good privileges. Uaselim was to have 
f for himself one thousandth part of all the goods which the com- 
pany should buy and sell. This plan was recommended by the 
King to tlie Stales, and conBrmed by them in the Diet of 1 627. 
Many persons ofthefirstrank, besides common citizens, became 
associates. For the execution of it, were appointed an admiral, 
vice-admiral, merchants, assistants, commissaries, and a miU- 
taiy force. 

This business was impeded by the rise of the Gennan war, 
and the death of the King ; but again revived in this maime