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Full text of "Collections of the Georgia Historical Society"

Digitized by the Internet Archive 

in 2010 with funding from 

Lyrasis IVIembers and Sloan Foundation 



http://www.archive.org/details/collectionsofgeo09hawk 



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Letters 



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Benjamin Hawkins 

1796 - 1806 



COLLECTIONS 



OP THE 



GEORGIA HISTORICAL SOCIETY 
VOL. IX 



PUBLISHED 

BY THE 

GEORGIA HISTORICAL SOCIETY 



SAVANNAH, GA. 

THE MORNING NEWS 

1916 



COPYRIGHTED 1916 

GEORGIA HISTORICAL SOCIETT 

SAVANNAH, GA. 



INTRODUCTION 



This volume contains the writings of Col. Benjamin Hawkins, 
the United States Agent for Indian Affairs South of the Ohio 
River, covering a period from 1796 to 1806. The original manu- 
scripts have been in the possession of the Georgia Historical 
Society for about three-quarters of a century, and as a contribution 
to the history of Georgia and of the United States the Society 
now gives them to the public. There are, in all, nine of these 
volumes, written by Hawkins himself, and one by his secretary, 
Richard Thomas. They are in the form of bound journals, and 
the writing is distinct and well preserved. 

One of these volumes, entitled A Sketch of the Creek Country, 
was published for the Georgia Historical Society in 1848, by Mr. 
VVm. B. Hodgson, and it forms Part I of Volume III of the 
Society's collections. This is not included in the present volume. 
The letters of Richard Thomas, who seems to have been the 
secretary of Hawkins for a time, are included, as they pertain to 
the affairs of the Indian Agency. 

How these manuscripts came into the possession of the 
Georgia Historical Society is best told by Mr. Wm. B. Hodgson 
in his introduction to A Sketch of the Creek Country, written in 
1848. He says: 

"It is reported that many valuable papers of Mr. Hawkins 
have been irreparably lost to the world by the burning of his 
residence in the Creek country. The present manuscripts, it is 
supposed, have been preserved by their having been submitted to 
the Governor of the State, at Milledgeville, for his perusal. 
Colonel Hawkins was still living in the year 1825.* In that year 
these volumes were in Savannah, under the charge of Mr. Joseph 
Bevan, who had been appointed by the General Assembly to col- 
lect, arrange and publish all papers relating to the original settle- 
ment or political history of the state. I learn this fact from a 



This date is in error. Colonel Hawkins died on June 6, 1816. 



INTRODUCTION 



published report of his made to Governor Troup. At the decease 
of Mr. Bevan they were probably returned to the executive depart- 
ment at Milledgeville. At the institution of the Historical Society 
a fortunate accident brought these valuable papers to the knowl- 
edge of I. K. Tefft, Esq., the Corresponding Secretary of the 
Society, and the actual Cashier of the Bank of the State of Georgia 
at Savannah. At his pressing instance, in favor of the Society, 
they were solicited and obtained for the Society's library." 

The portrait and biographical sketch of Colonel Hawkins have 
been reproduced from the Biographical History of North Carolina, 
by the courteous permission of the publisher, Mr. Charles L. 
Van Noppen, of Greensboro, N. C, to whom the thanks of the 
Society are due. 

In the body of the work no attempt has been made to correct 
errors common to writers of that time, but the aim has been to 
present the matter as it appears in the manuscript. 

While much of the matter contained herein has but little 
value, there is still much that will throw additional light upon the 
obscure history of the Indians in the South, and with the hope 
that the future historian may find in these pages valuable material 
for a larger history of our state and country, the Georgia His- 
torical Society offers this volume with its unselfish motto, 
Non Sibi, Sed Aliis. 

OTIS ASHMORE. 

J. F. MINIS. f Committee on 

W. W. MACKALL. ( Printing and Publishing. 

DR. T. J. CHARLTON. 



BENJAMIN HAWKINS 



BENJAMIN HAWKINS, public servant in many capacities, 
was born August IS, 1754, in what was then Granville, later Bute, 
and now Warren County, North Carolina. He was the son of 
1 hilemon and Delia (Martin) Hawkins and came of a family which 
has been well known in the State and has filled many positions of 
trust and honor. His father's life forms the subject of a separate 
sketch in the present work. Benjamin Hawkins, the son, was 
reared in what is now Warren County, and like his neighbor, Nat 
Macon, was sent, along with his younger brother, Joseph, to 
Princeton and was a student in the senior class when the war 
of the Revolution began. Having acquired a knowledge of French, 
he left Princeton, was appointed on the staff of General Washing- 
ton, and acted as his interpreter. But his duties as a member of 
Washington's military family did not cease with translating. He 
braved the rigors of the campaign, participated in the Battle of 
Monmouth, and won the respect of his superiors. 

He soon returned to North Carolina, and in February, 1779, 
the State commissioned him as agent to obtain at home and abroad 
supplies of all kinds for the prosecution of the war, including 
arms and ammunition, blankets, hats, clothing, tent cloth, corn, 
salt, pork, etc. He was instructed to visit Holland, France and 
Spain (State Rec. XIII. 605-6) and did make a trip to St. Eustatia, 
a neutral island of the West Indies and a sort of Nassau of that 
day. Tobacco was used as a basis for purchases. It was bought 
in North Carolina and shipped to the West Indies and there ex- 
changed. Hawkins loaded a merchant ship and sent her to North 
Carolina with supplies, chiefly munitions of war, but she was 
captured by the British on the home trip, and her owner, John 
Wright Stanly, of New-Bern, failing to recover from the State, 
sued Hawkins in his personal capacity. The Courts decided that 
the purchases and contracts of the State's agent did not bind him 
personally (1st Haywood's Reports). His efforts at importa- 
tion from foreign ports were not entirely without success, for in 
February, 1780, he had imported 878 stands of arms from St. 
Eustatia, but adds: "I could not procure anything on the faith 
of the State, or by barter for provisions or tobacco, as was ex- 
pected." (State Rec. XV., p. 337.) At home he was also employed 
in procuring food supplies, especially corn, salt and pork, and met 
with more success than in his foreign enterprises, for there were 
fewer obstacles to overcome. 



BIOGRAPHY OF 



He early impressed the Assembly with his fitness for activity 
on a wider field, for as early as February 3, 1779, he was nom- 
inated for, and on July 14, 1781, was elected a delegate to the 
Continental Congress in place of Charles Johnson, declined (State 
Rec. XIII. 585; XVII. 872). He first appears in the journals of 
that body on October 4, 1781; was re-elected May 3, 1782; again 
in May, 1783, and served until 1784. He was chosen December 
16, 1786, for the remainder of the year, which had begun Novem- 
ber 1st, to supply a place then vacant and was again elected in 
December, 1787, but seems not to have served this last appoint- 
ment. While in the Continental Congress he was particularly in- 
terested in the navigation of the Mississippi, in the protection of 
the frontiers from the Indians, in a southern post route, in trade 
and commerce, etc. In December, 1787, along with Robert Bur- 
ton and William Blount he gives a gloomy but accurate picture 
of the state of the Union. It was then on the eve of bankruptcy; 
little had been paid on the foreign debt, and the Government was 
on the verge of dissolution. He resigned his post the same month. 

Hawkins had served in the North Carolina Assembly as early 
as the April and August sessions, 1778, and January session, 
1779. He was again in the Assembly in April, 1784, as a rep- 
resentative from Warren. He played here a conspicuous part, 
being often on the floor and serving on such committees as that 
on the tax to be levied by the Continental Congress and on the 
Continental Line, and on such special committees as those on con- 
fiscated estates, civil list, duties, Martinique debt, etc. He was 
nominated for membership in the Council of State this year, and 
it is known that he opposed the wholesale condemnation of Tories, 
acting in this connection with the conservatives and opposing 
such radicals as Bloodworth, Rutherford and Martin (State Rec- 
ords XVII. 145). 

During the years immediately following the war the State was 
very much oppressed by the want of a fixed circulating medium. 
The paper money had depreciated till it was worth only 800 to 1; 
there was practically no gold and silver in circulation, and as a 
result the State was hard put to meet its current obligations, pay 
its officers, and raise its proportion of the foreign debt of the Con- 
federation. To meet this emergency State buyers of tobacco were 
appointed in various towns, who gathered and stored such amounts 
of merchantable tobacco as were available. This was then sold 
to the best advantage and the proceeds used in payment of the 
foreign debt. In 1787 Hawkins and William Blount, in addition 
to their other duties as delegates in the Continental Congress, were 
charged with the sale of this tobacco, which work was successfully 
accomplished. 



BENJAMIN HAWKINS 



In December, 1788, Hawkins was nominated along with Hugh 
Williamson and Abishai Thomas as agent to settle the accounts 
of North Carolina with the United States; the last two were 
chosen. In November of that year he was also nominated as a 
delegate to the proposed convention, whose work it was to be to 
further revise and democratize the new Federal Constitution. In 
November, 1789, he represented Warren County in the Fayette- 
ville Convention. He served on its committee on order and voted 
for the adoption of the Federal Constitution. 

After the State entered the new Federal Union there was an- 
other struggle between the two parties of the day, conservatives 
and radicals, or Federalists and anti-Federalists, later Republi- 
cans, over the senators to the new Federal Congress. The strug- 
gle began in the Assembly three days after the ratification of the 
Constitution. The nominees for senators were Samuel Johnston, 
Benjamin Hawkins, James White, Joseph McDowell, Timothy 
Bloodworth, Thomas Person, William Blount, John Williams, 
William Lenoir, John Stokes, Richard Dobbs Spaight and Wil- 
liam Polk, a goodly company, where the rankest Federalist was 
crowded and jostled by the extreme Radical. The Federals were 
in power, and it was proper that Samuel Johnston, the leading 
exponent of that party's political principles, should be chosen the 
first senator in Congress from North Carolina (November 27, 
1789). After some skirmishing Hawkins was chosen on Decem- 
ber 9th as the second senator. He was the first to enter upon his 
duties, having qualified January 13, 1790, and winning the long 
term, served till March 3, 1795. Johnston drew the short term 
and served from January 29, 1790, to March 2, 1793. In the 
meantime the political tide changed in North Carolina, and the 
Federalist and ultra-conservative Johnston was succeeded in 1793 
by the more liberal Alexander Martin, while in 1795 Hawkins, 
aristocratic, conservative, proud and wealthy, gave way for the 
ultra-radical Bloodworth, who had begun life as a blacksmith 
and by sheer force of native intellect had worked his way to the 
front in public life. 

It is of interest to make note here, merely as a sign of the 
times, that in 1790 the "alarming secrecy" of the Senate caused 
the North Carolina Assembly to instruct its senators to use their 
influence to make the debates of the Senate public when sitting 
in its legislative capacity; "to correspond regularly and constantly 
with the executive during the recess of the Legislature" and at 
other times with the Legislature itself, and to secure the publica- 
tion of the journals of the Senate. 

Hawkins had been appointed a commissioner on ^larch 21, 
1785, to treat with the Cherokees and "all other Indians southward 
of them" in accord with the act of Congress of March 15, 1785. 



8 BIOGRAPHY OF 



The other commissioners were Daniel Carroll, William Perry, 
Andrew Pickens and Joseph Martin (q. v.). Carroll and Perry 
did not serve and their place was taken by Lachlan Mcintosh. 
They were instructed to give due notice to the Governor of North 
Carolina. They were to treat with the Cherokees, and also with 
the Creeks, Chickasaws and Choctaws, and were authorized to 
draw on Virginia, North Carolina, South Carolina and Georgia 
for funds, and warned the executives of those States that funds 
must be forthcoming if the treaties were to be held. Caswell 
writes back that, while North Carolina was hard pressed, he would 
furnish one-third of the total sum asked for. The commissioners 
spent 1785 in making preparations; goods were purchased and 
sent to Charleston to go overland to Koowee. The Indians were 
slow in coming; the Creeks failed them entirely and the Con- 
tinental commissioners did not sign the treaty of Galphinton, 
which was the work of the agents of Georgia alone. On Novem- 
ber 28, 1785, Hawkins signed at Hopewell on Koowee with the 
Cherokees the treaty of Hopewell, than which perhaps no other 
Indian treaty was more roundly denounced by the whites. The 
object of this treaty was to define the claims of the whites and 
Indians respectively and so prevent encroachments of the former. 
William Blount was present as agent for North Carolina, and 
agents for Georgia were also in attendance. The treaty was 
mainly the work of Martin; the chief question was that of bound- 
aries, and the Indians drafted a map showing their claims. They 
were induced to give up Transylvania, to leave out the Cumber- 
land section and the settlements on French Broad and Holston. 
The boundaries thus fixed were the most favorable it was possi- 
ble to obtain without regard to previous purchases and pretended 
purchases made by private individuals and others. The Indians 
yielded an extensive territory to the United States, but on the 
other hand the commissioners conceded to them a considerable ex- 
tent of territory that had been purchased by private individuals, 
though by methods of more than doubtful legality. The com- 
missioners agreed to remove some families from the Indian lands, 
but they did not agree to remove those between French Broad 
and Holston. This angered the Indians, who said that they had 
never sold those lands. The whites were angry because some 
favors had been shown the Indians and because there had not 
been further curtailment of territory, and the States were angry 
because the commissioners had encroached on their reserved 
rights. William Blount, as agent of North Carolina, protested, 
and efforts were made in Congress to destroy the treaty (State 
Rec, XVII. 578-9; XVIII. 49, 591-2, 490-1; XX. 762). En- 
croachments continued; orders were issued by North Carolina 
and by the Continental Congress that settlers should leave the In- 



BENJAMIN HAWKINS 



dian lands. These settlers were even threatened with the army; 
but treaties, proclamations and threats were alike in vain, for the 
terms of the treaty were never fully executed. Hawkins, Pickens 
and Martin signed treaties with the Choctaws on January 3rd, and 
with the Chickasaws January 10, 1786, at the same place. 

With this preliminary experience Hawkins was somewhat pre- 
pared to undertake the difficult and dangerous work of an Indian 
agent. His term as senator expired March 3, 1795. In June of 
that year Washington appointed him along with George Clymer, 
of Pennsylvania, and Andrew Pickens, of South Carolina, to treat 
with the Creek Confederacy and to investigate the anomalous 
political relationship caused by the treaty of Galphinton in 1785, 
where the Creeks had acknowledged themselves as within the 
limits of Georgia and members of the same, and the treaty of New 
York, signed August 7, 1790, v/here they placed themselves under 
the protection of the United States alone and bound themselves 
not to enter into any treaty with any other individual. State or 
power. 

In 1796 Washington appointed Hawkins agent of the United 
States among the Creeks and general superintendent of all the 
tribes south of the Ohio River (Chappell's "Miscellanies;" his 
commission was renewed by Jefiferson in 1801). From this time, 
1796, the remainder of the life of Benjamin Hawkins was de- 
voted entirely to the Indian. It is said that his family opposed this 
determination, for it was ambitious and wealthy. It is possible 
that there was an element of pique at the change in the political 
tide in North Carolina, but it is certain that Hawkins had al- 
ready been much among the Indians; he had penetrated the 
mighty forests and had tasted the freedom that comes with life 
in the woods; he had felt what a modern novelist has keenly 
denominated the "call of the wild," and when this spirit has once 
entered into and mastered the soul of man it is seldom that he 
again willingly submits to the restraints of civilization. When 
Hawkins accepted this position as Indian agent he practically quit 
civilized society, buried himself in the remote and savage woods 
and among a still more savage people, with whom the remainder 
of his days were spent. 

On June 29, 1796, Hawkins negotiated with the Creeks the 
treaty of Colerain which served as a useful supplement to the 
treaty of New York and by which the boundaries of the earlier 
treaty were confirmed. From this time for twenty years Colonel 
Hawkins as United States agent among the Creeks wielded a pro- 
consular sway over a scope of country regal in extent: Begin- 
ning at St. Mary's the Creek boundary ran across to the Altamaha; 
thence it turned up and along the west bank of that river and of 
the Oconee to the High Shoals of the Appalachee, where it inter- 



10 BIOGRAPHY OF 



sectcd the Cherokee line; thence through Georgia and Alabama 
to the Choctaw line in Mississippi; thence south down the Choc- 
taw line to the 31st parallel; thence east to the Chattahoochee, 
and then down that river to its junction with the Flint; thence 
to the head of St. Mary's River, and thence to the beginning. 

Hawkins began his work as agent by a careful study of the 
people and of their country. He did much to initiate and encourage 
them in the lower forms, the basal elements, of civilization; pastur- 
age was brought into use; agriculture was encouraged by example 
as well as precept, for he brought his slaves from North Carolina 
and at the agency on Flint River cultivated a large plantation and 
raised immense crops of corn and other provisions, thus setting 
a high example of how to do by doing. He owned great herds 
of hogs and cattle and practised towards the Indians a profuse 
hospitality which always wins their friendship and esteem. Other 
treaties were negotiated with the Creeks at Fort Wilkinson^ 
Georgia, in 1802, and at Washington, D. C, in 1805; also with the 
Chickasaws and Choctaws in 1801, 1802, 1803, and 1805, in which 
Hawkins was more or less of a participant and all of which meant 
a further cession of lands to the United States by the Indians who 
were under his control. But peaceful and friendly relations were 
generally maintained by Hawkins between advancing white and 
retreating Amerind for about sixteen years. With the war of 
1812 the times changed. It was no longer possible for him ta 
control the Creeks, who fell under the influence of British emis- 
saries. Tecumseh had visited them in 1811 on a mission of war. 
Hawkins met the great warrior of the north at Tuckabatchee, the 
Creek capital, while holding a great council of the nation, but 
Tecumseh kept silent as to the object of his mission till the de- 
parture of Hawkins. Then, through that fierce Indian eloquence 
of which he was master and by the fanatical religiosity of his 
brother, the Prophet, a great Indian war was kindled, which 
spread far and wide over the frontier. But that part of the Creek 
country bordering on Georgia and extending west from the Oc- 
mulgee, to the Chattahoochee, never became the seat of actual 
warfare, and hence the eastern frontier was spared its horrors. 
This was due very largely to the fact that Hawkins's seat was on 
the Ocmulgee, opposite the present Macon, and afterwards on the 
Flint at the place since known as the Old Agency, and that his 
influence was naturally greater on the eastern than on the western 
border of the Creek country. The eastern Creeks were actually 
organized into a regiment of defence of which Hawkins became 
titular colonel, the actual command devolving on the halfbreed 
chief, William Mcintosh. 

The uprising of the Creeks was crushed in fire and blood by 
Jackson early in 1814; by the treaty of Fort Jackson their limits- 



BENJAMIN HAWKINS 11 

were greatly reduced and their strength broken forever. This 
treaty was the death-knell of the nation; even the friendly chiefs 
withered under its influence, and the passing of the people for 
whom he had so long and faithfully labored perhaps hastened 
the death of Hawkins himself, which occurred at the Old Indian 
Agency on the Flint River, now Crawford County, Georgia, on 
June 6, 1816, where he was buried. Wheeler states in his "Remi- 
niscences" that Hawkins married and left one son, Madison, and 
three daughters. 

Colonel Hawkins was a man of liberal education, high attain- 
ments and much experience. He was far above the average In- 
dian agent of that day and of this in general culture and grasp of 
affairs. Further, he was a man of approved honesty, and his life, 
as seen in his published letters, shows clearly that he was de- 
voted to the material upbuilding of the Indians under his care 
and to their intellectual advancement. The eminent position that 
the Creeks, Cherokees, Chickasaws and Choctaws now occupy 
among the civilized tribes of the Indian Territory is to be traced 
beyond question in part to the fostering and fatherly care shown 
them a hundred years ago by one who sought not to exploit his 
proteges for his own material benefit, but strove rather, by ex- 
ample as well as precept, to lift them to a higher life, and whose 
efforts they recognized and rewarded in the significant title Iste- 
chate-lige-osetat-chemis-te-chaugo — Beloved Man of the Four 
Nations. 

Colonel Hawkins also devoted much time to the study of In- 
dian history, especially that of the Creeks. Much of his material 
was destroyed by fire, but eight manuscript volumes escaped and 
are in possession of the Georgia Historical Society. These vol- 
umes relate to the history of the various tribes with whom he 
treated and are filled with details of treaties, his correspondence 
on behalf of the Indians with the State and General Governments, 
vocabularies of Indian languages, records of the manners and 
customs, religious rites, civil polity, etc. His "Sketch of the Creek 
Country in 1798 and 1799" was published in 1848 as Part 1 of Vol- 
ume 3 of the Historical Collections of the Georgia Historical So- 
ciety. It is filled with matters relating to the life, manners and 
customs of the Creeks and to the natural features of their coun- 
try. His journal of a "Tour Through the Creek Country," Novem- 
ber 19, 1796, to May 21, 1797, is still in manuscript and is 
owned by the same society. While in many respects Hawkins's 
studies have been superceded by later and more scientific ones, 
they are in others still of great value, and if published would 
serve as a valuable picture of Creek Indian life at a time when that 



12 BIOGRAPHY OF 



powerful nation had come little in contact with the English-speak- 
ing world by whom they were to be in part destroyed, in part 
absorbed. 

This sketch is based on the sketch of Hawkins in his "Creek 
Country," on that in Chappell's "Miscellanies of Georgia," on the 
"North Carolina State Records" and on Royce's "Indian Land 
Cessions in the United States." 



STEPHEN B. WEEKS. 



Reproduced by permission from the Biographical History ot North Caro- 
lina. Charles Van Noppen, Publisher, Greensboro, N. C. 



LETTERS 

OF 

BENJAMIN HAWKINS 



How many were killed? 

Hungau humgot humgotcan istornin acunnan wocgiegescan. 

How many were wound? 

Iste unnutulgee natchomau. 

Are you wounded? 

Achenuttau. 



South Carolina, 19th Nov., 1796. 

I this day arrived at Hopewell on the Koowee, the seat of Maj. 
General Andrew Pickins, on my way to the Creeks as principal 
temporary agent for Indian affairs south of the Ohio. 

November 22. 

Having consulted the General on the objects of my mission, 
and obtained the requisite information on some points relative 
thereto, I wrote to the Secretary of War. 



No. 1. Hopewell on Koowee, 22nd Nov., 1796. 

Sir: 

I have been unwell since I left you, and unable to travel as 
fast as I intended when I sat out from Philadelphia. I arrived 
however, here, the seat of General Pickins, on the 19th insi., 
in better health than I have experienced for several years. 

I have explained to the General the benevolent views of the 
government in relation to the Indians, with which he is much 
pleased; and situated as he is on this frontier, confided in and 
respected by the citizens and Indians, he can and will do much 
in aid of our plan. We have fixed on the 10th of March to 
meet at the Currahee Mountain to run the boundary line between 
the Creeks and the United States agreeably to Treaty. The line 



14 LETTERS OF 



must be run from Tugalo River over the Currahee Mountain to 
the source of the main south branch of the Oconee. The General 
supposes the distance to be from Tugalo to the Currahee Moun- 
tain 15 miles, and from thense to the termination 35 miles. In 
the neighbourhood of this line there is plenty of young cane 
and provisions. It may be necessary to order a company of 
cavalry to attend the runing of the line. 

The Cherokee line may be commenced the 1st of April, and 
not sooner, as there is not any cane from the North Carolina 
line to Holston. There remains to be run about 15 miles in this 
State to the North Carolina boundary. There is some ambiguity 
in the part of the line from that boundary as expressed in the 
Treaty, "thense north to a point." Hovvr far north is this point? 

There are several traders down from the Cherokees who have 
come to the Ocunna station with pack horses, and taken their 
skins and furs, about 30 waggon loads, from thense to Charleston; 
the price of waggonage 2 dollars, 12 cents per horse; the average 
price for , some years past $2.50. There are at that station 20 
militia, 4 of them mounted. The distance from the Ocunna to 
Hopewell 23, and from this to Charleston 240 miles. 

I hope Mr. Dinsmoor has been able to give you the charac- 
ters of the persons who have accompanyed the Chickasaws, Choc- 
taws and Creeks. The latter cannot be too much discountenanced. 
This visiting did not originate among the Indians. I have been 
informed that Rogers & Chisholm have some connexion in 
land jobbing not favourable to the peace of the frontiers. 

I shall leave this on the 24th, go over the Ocunna Mountain, 
through the upper Cherokee to the Tallapoosa and down that 
river among the Creeks. I shall devote all the time between my 
arrival and march, to visiting their towns to explain the objects 
contemplated in my mission, and return at the time appointed 
with some of the chiefs to the Currahee Mountains. 

As the path over the Ocunna Mountain is the thoroughfare 
for this extensive frontier, I think it advisable for the present, 
that the President should appoint General Pickins to grant paper. 
He has a better knowledge of the people and their pursuits than 
any man I know. If you approve of this, you can send him some 
blanks, and request of him to postpone this session. He is in 4 
miles of Pendleton Court House, a post town. I shall not mention 
the subject to him. 

I have the honor to be with sincere regard and esteem, sir. 

Your obedient servant. 
The Honorable 

JAMES McHENRY, 

Secretary of War. 



BENJAMIN HAWKINS 15 

November 24th. 

I this day sat out from General Pickins's, to the Ocunna station, 
after having been fited out with vi-hatever was necessary by the 
most friendly hospitality of the General and his lady. I crossed 
the Theowee near his house and traveled W. N. W. up the river 
and through an uneaven broken country 11 miles to Cane Creek. 
Here I met with George Downing a trader from the Pine Log, and 
Notetsenschansaie with his brothers, halfbreeds; theyhave uniformly 
supported a fair character. He sent his nephew, Tom Pettit, a 
decent, orderly young man with me to Ocunna to provide a 
pilot and interpreter for me, 8 miles farther I crossed a small 
creek and 4 more arrived at William Richard's, a trader who lives 
at the station; he was from home, but Mr. Cleveland, his clerk, 
Avas there and furnished me with such accomodations as he had, 
being pretty good. There I added to my traveling stock a bear 
skin and some things necessary to procure provisions from the 
Indians on my way. Tom Pettit engaged as a pilot for me Richard 
Ratley, a native of Halifax district in North Carolina, an inhabitant 
for several years of the Creek Path, a town on the Tennessee. 

25th. 

This morning the hour 4. Mr. Mossley returned to the station. 
I sat out over the mountain and he accompanyed me, as far as 
the line. One mile and an half from the top of the mountain 
there is an extensive view of the country below and the surround- 
ing mountains. The land just over on the Cherokee side of the 
line has been recommended as a fit site for a station to secure 
the execution of the law for regulating trade and intercourse 
among the tribes and as proper for a trading post. I believe a 
small post might be kept to advantage. The Lt. informs me 
he sends a scout every other day as far as Tugalo, and that it has 
had some effect in lessening the depredations on this quarter. 

1 heard, notwithstanding, that hunting parties after bear and deer 
vvcre going daily over on the Indian lands. I informed him of 
the law, and the necessity there was to cause it to be respected. 
He told me that altho' he had heard of the law, he had never 
seen it. I parted with him and continued on my journey 8^ 
miles to Chattuga River, the north fork of Tugalo. the lands 
broken and not furtile, crossed the river and went on thro' a vale 
between the mountains 1 mile to Warwoman's Creek, crossed it 

2 miles further, traveling thro' better land, crossed it again 
and continued up 5 miles to a canebrake; here I encamped. 
In my neighbourhood were some camps of packhorsemen, waiting 



16 LETTERS OF 



for the return of the goods from Charleston. The night was very 
clear and cold, and my encampment ill-chosen. My horses had 
strayed a mile from me, which induced me to remain here and 
breakfast. 

26th. 

My pilot arrived, and I sat out at 9 o'clock and continued 
up the creek to its source, crossing it in all nine times. This 
creek is called Falling Creek by Bartram. I met two Indian 
women on horseback, driving ten very fat cattle to the station for 
a market. I crossed a ridge which divides the waters of this 
creek from those of Sticcoa, and went down then to the main 
creek at the dividings, so called from the division of the path here. 
I take the left, the course W. This path is 8 miles from camp. 
There is on the creek in this neighbourhood fine cane in abundance, 
and here I saw encamped the remainder of the packhorsemen, with 
60 or 70 horses. There passed me this day from Etowwah, 10 
horses loaded with skins, this makes 31 waggon loads that have 
been brought down this path this season. 

I traveled down this creek one mile and crossed a creek 8 
feet wide runing to the left; in the forks of these creeks stood 
foremost the town Sticcoa, both creeks abound with cane. The 
course now was S. W. 4 miles to the Potato Hill Mountains, the 
lands in this vale, not rich, the timber small and mostly scruboak, 
there is in front a beautiful mountain, standing apparently alone, 
and of a conic form going round and rising S. from it the top of 
one of the Potato Hills. There is a very grand view of mountains to 
the N. and the whole scope from that point E. and W. I continue 
on 6 miles farther thro' broken hills, the valeys moderately rich, 
to Tooroora, a branch of the South Tugalo, is 15 yards wide. 
5 miles farther I cross another creek, and 2 miles farther another, 
a branch of Chattahoochee, cross here a small branch, go down 
the creek half a mile and encamp. The Chattahoochee runs W. 
The lands are good in the valeys, the timber large, the cane 
abundant, about 15 feet high. I lodged in the canebrake on the 
border of the creek, the night very cold, clear and freezing, the 
creek 12 feet wide. 

27th. 

I sat out this morning before sun rise, and soon turned 
S. by W.; in two miles passed through Santa, formerly an Indian 



Chattohoche, from chatto, a stone, and hoche, flowered — a 
place on the R. 



BENJAMIN HAWKINS 17 

town, there was one hut, some peach trees and the posts of the 
town house, the town was in the fork of Chattahoochee and a 
creek, 12 feet wide, which we crossed, both well stored with cane, 
the lands about the town poor, gravelly, covered with dwarf trees, 
a mountain to our left, very barron. 4 miles farther south we 
passed through Little Chota, a creek 35 feet wide run through the 
town, there remairts one small field of corn, some peach, plumb 
and locust trees, the border of the creek covered with small cane. 
The lands in the neighbourhood poor. As I approached this 
town I had a fine view of a mountain to the S. The water 
which oozed from near its summit formed a sheet of ice of 
several acres. One mile farther I entered a savanna and passed 
thro' it E. cross a creek tuning to the left 15 feet wide, leave the 
second town on that side, turn to the S. up a small river to its 
source 1^ miles, then passing over the ridge the mountain is. 
again in view, exhibiting a long slope of it from its summit, with 
the appearance of a road, 2 miles cross a creek runing to the 
right, the paths divide and I take the left, the course for the 
last 3 miles W. One mile farther I cross a rocky creek after 
descending the whole way near its border: covered with ever- 
greens, the creek 15 feet wide, the fall 12 feet over rocks in the 
course of 60 feet, the lands poor, the creek runing to the right. 
In 2 miles I came to a large canebrake to the right, cross a 
small branch runing to the right and breakfast on its border, at 
its junction with one runing N. Thence up the latter, cross it; 
in 3 miles cross another rocky creek runing to the right, the 
fall 10 feet in 40 yards, the width 15 feet. Travel on through 
poor lands for 8 miles, cross a branch runing to the right and 
then one to the left, and down this 4 miles to the river, the 
hill sides steep and rich, the bottoms covered with cane. Cross 
the river runing to the left, 120 feet wide, the lands rich and level 
on both sides; continue 3 miles thro' pretty good land, the growth 
oak mixed with pine, and encamp on the margin of a creek 
runing to the left, 10 feet wide; the lands rich, the cane small 
but excellent for food, but not abundant. 

28th. 

Sat out at sun rise W.; in two miles cross a river 60 feet 
wide which I suppose to be Etowwah, travel over some poor, 
sharp hills, our course S. W. by W. In 4 miles came to a large 
and beautiful savanna, a creek runing thro' it stored with cane. 
After entering the savanna ^ of a mile, enter a grove of dwarf 
hard shelled hickory trees, the ground covered with nuts, pass 
one mile over flat lands with small growth, cross a creek 15 feet 
wide runing to the left, stored with cane; one mile farther cross 



18 LETTERS OF 



over 3 creeks within half a mile of each other, the site of a town 
which I take to be Newtown, the land very good, and all the 
creeks margined with cane, go down the richest vale of land I have 
yet seen, one mile to Etowwah, the timber white oak, poplar, 
and chesnut, very large, and tall cane on the river, cross the 
river 75 feet wide, runing to the right, continue thro' rich uneaven 
chesnut land for 5 miles and cross the Etowwah runing to the 
left, 120 feet wide, continue down the river W. by S. over steep 
poor hills for 5 miles and cross a creek IS feet wide, the bottoms 
rich with cane. On the west side bordering on the river is the 
remains of some Indian settlement. Continue 2 miles down the 
river and cross Looccunna heat (Long Swamp), a creek 35 feet 
wide, turn down the creek and thro' the remains of the town of 
this name, there were some peach trees, cotton stalks and corn; 
continue down the river 3 miles and saw an Indian and his family 
from Pine Log, going out to hunt, he conducted me to the 
habitation of some Indian women, there were 3 families from 
Towe. I lodged at the hut of one who was a halfbreed. She treated 
me hospitably. She was poor, she said from trouble and difficulty 
not from want of industry. She had been greatly incommoded by 
the misunderstanding between the Red and White people. She knew 
not where to fix down, and this uncertainty continued until it was 
too late to make corn, she planted some, but too late. She showed 
me a wound in one of her arms which she got on a visit to some 
of her friends who lived in the neighbourhood when the town was 
attacked by some white people from Tugalo. I mentioned the 
plan contemplated by the government for bettering the condition 
of the Red people, she replied she had once made as much cotton 
as purchased a petticoat, that she would gladly make more and 
learn to spin it, if she had the opportunity. I went over the river 
to John Candry's and purchased from his wife some corn, potatoes 
and fodder. John was from East Florida since 1783, he uses the 
plough and has some fine cattle. 

I was here informed of some of the difficulties and hardships 
which these poor people are subject to. They sell the fowls 
grown, 2 for 2^ yards of binding worth 2 cents, a bushel of corn 
for a quart of salt and sometimes a pint, and the woman had 
just returned from the settlements, a journey of 17 days. She 
carried a bushel and an half of chesnuts on her back and gave 
them for a petticoat. This little settlement is on the richest 
lands I have seen, the second low grounds about eighty feet above 
the first, with a gentle slope, the lands above by far the richest, 
the growth poplar and chesnut very large without any under- 
growth, back of these rich lands about 500 yards are two hills 
which over-look the whole of the flat lands, and are beautiful 
sites for a dweling. 



BENJAMIN HAWKINS 19 

Wednesday, 29th. 

I set out this morning after breakfast, went down the river 
one mile, on these rich lands, then turned thro' the woods W. 

2 miles to the path I left yesterday, took it S. W. I met an 
Indian girl and a halfbreed servant, on horseback, who informed 
me as the pilot understood, that we were near to the Pine Log, 
and that the path turned to the right some small distance back. 
I turned thro' the woods for half an hour N. W., found myself 
housed in with hills and mountains, turned round to the right 
until in one hour I fell in with the Indian girl again, found she 
had been misunderstood, discharged my pilot at his request, and 
set out with the girl who agreed to conduct to some Indians on 
the path who were getting hickory nuts. From the place where 
I first met them, in one mile I crossed a river 20 yards wide and 
traveled up a steep and long hill, the lands poor, and continued on 
5 miles cross a creek 4 feet wide, the creek runing to the left, 
^o up the branch to the left one mile; the lands on this branch 
to its source were timbered with large white oak and some large 
poplar near the source. Crossed a ridge and small branch where 
gro some large poplars and go down the same Ij/^ miles to the 
creek, the lands broken, stoney and rich. The growth chesnut, 
poplar, white & red oak. Then down the creek y^ mile to an 
old Indian settlement, deserted, the peach trees thriving, the 
lands rich, the growth mostly hickory, tall and large. Here I 
saw several Indian women from Etov^^wah, gathering hickory nuts, 
and here this path divided and I was under some difficulty in 
endeavoring to get into the right one, until one of the women 
spoke to me in English and gave me the information I wanted. 
There being plenty of cane on the borders of the creek, I deter- 
mined to encamp altho' I was out of provisions, and the Indian 
women unable to afford me any. The distance between here and 
Etowwah is said to be one day's ride, and from here to Pine Log 

3 hours. Bashel Pettit who spoke to a halfbreed daughter of 
James Haws, she is the wife of Thomas Pettit, a nephew of 
George Downing, she appears to be a very decent, good little 
woman, has a little daughter with white hair and a beautiful 
rosy complexion. Thomas Pettit her husband is the man who 
came with me to Ocunna to provide me with a pilot. In the 
course of the morning Christian Russel a Silician by birth, with a 
young man from Georgia arrived. Russel has been for some time 
in the nation and about to set up a tanyard at Etowwah, he has 
taned some leather in the nation and taken it into the settlements. 
I inform him of the Law, and the penalties annexed to the vio- 
lations, he said he was pleased with it and should conform to it. 



20 LETTERS OF 



and aid in its execution, that he had already been at Oosetenale to 
see Mr. Dinsmoor who had been for some time to the northward. 
He gave me some testimonials of his character, which were favour- 
able and I wanted him now to proceed in obtaining his licence 
The weather continues cloudy and very cold. 

Thursday, 30th Nov. 

I sat out this morning early and took the right hand W. to 
1 ine Log, in half a mile X a creek runing to the left, go one 
mile, take the left path, 2 miles X a creek 15 feet over, moving 
to the left, rise a steep hill and continue on over broken stony 
hills 8j4 miles to Pine Log (Notetsenschansaie). Here I 
had a negro woman for my interpreter, I determined to spend 
the day here, it being rainy and cold. I lodged in the house of 
Mrs. Gagg the mother of the Downings. In the course of the 
evening and this morning the Indian women visited me, and Mrs. 
Downing, who had heard the president's talk interpreted, repeatedly 
informed them who I was, and the object of the government in 
sending me to them. They informed me that the men were all 
in the woods hunting, that they alone were at home to receive me, 
that they rejoiced much at what they had heard and hoped it 
would prove true, that they had made some cotton, and would 
make more and follow the instruction of the agent and the advise 
of the President. They exhibited to me a sample of their in- 
genuity in the manufacture of baskets and sifters, out of cane, 
the dies of the splits were good and workmanship not surpassed' 
in the United States by white people. I recommended to them to 
be attentive to Mr. Dinsmoor. 

Friday, 1st December. 

Set out for Etowwah at 10 and arrived in 4 hours. The- 
lands good in the neighbourhood of Pine Log, the way pretty 
level, the land poor from thense until I arrive in the neighbour- 
hood of the town. Having been put a little out of the path of 
my direction, I was put to some difficulty in finding a person 
who could interpret for me. I was directed to two or three 
women, but they were at the opposite end of the town from that 
which I entered, and I had to apply to 8 or 10 persons before I 
cduld get one to direct me. At length I found Sally Waters, a 
halfbreed wife of Col. Waters late of Georgia, she speaks the 
tongue well, it being her mother tongue, and she speaks English 
well enough for common subjects within the sphere of domestic 
objects. She was on a visit to her aunt, the wife of Ogosatah 
(sowes much) and consented to remain with me while I continued' 



BENJAMIN HAWKINS 21 

in town, and I took up my abode in the house of this chief. Sally 
Hawes called to see me and assisted in interpreting for me. The 
chiefs and warriors were all out hunting. There were a few old 
men and some young ones only at home. The old people and 
many of the women and children who are unprovided with 
blankets and winter cloathing sleep in the hot houses. I visited 
them in the evening and conversed with them on the plan for 
bettering their conditions. Mrs. Waters and Sally Hughes took 
much pains to explain the whole. I remained for several hours 
with them. She told them that she had learnt to spin and weave 
while she was in the settlements, and that she would readily 
assist them. They expressed much satisfaction at the assurances 
given, that they might remain in their towns in peace and that the 
government meant seriously to assist them. They said they 
would follow the advise of their great father General Washington, 
they would plant cotton and be prepared for spining as soon as 
they could make it, and they hoped they might get some wheels 
and cards as soon as they should be ready for them, they promised 
also to take care of their pigs and cattle. They told me that they 
would make corn enough but that they never could sell it. That 
they were willing to labour if they could be directed how to profit 
by it. 

Saturday, 2nd Dec. 

This day being cold and cloudy, I determined to remain where 
I am. I applied to the women to supply me with provisions while 
I remained, and to provide some for the road. I applied to the 
old men to procure me a pilot for the nearest Creek town. 

The women immediately brought some fowls which were 
■very fat, and made the necessary provisions for me here and for 
the road. They asked a pint of salt a pair for fat hens, and a 
quart for a bushel of corn. I had a long conversation with them 
on the situation and circumstances as it respected their labour, 
and inquired to know what they made and what they wished, in 
aid of their own exertions. They informed me they performed 
almost all the labour, the men assisted but little and that in the 
corn. They generally made a plenty of corn and sweet potatoes 
and pumpkins. They made beans, ground peas, cymblins, 
gourds, watermelons, musmelons, collards and onions. They 
made great use of beans in their bread. 

They wanted principally salt, that they used but little from 
necessity, and where they were able to supply themselves plenti- 
fully with meat, they were unable to preserve it for the want of 
salt. They raised hogs, some cattle, and a great many poultry. 

If they could be directed how to turn their labour to account 
like the white people, they should be contented, they made sugar. 



22 LETTERS OF 



had raised some cotton, and manufactured their baskets, sifters, 
pots and earthen pans. Their men hunted in the proper season 
and aided them with the skins in providing cloathes and blankets, 
such as I saw, but this was not sufficient to make them comfortable 
and the poor old men, women and children were under the neces- 
sity of sleeping as I saw them in their town house. 

They in the morning told me that many men had been sent 
into their nation to their chiefs but I was the first who thought it 
worth while to examine into the situation of the women. I had 
addressed myself to them, and talked freely and fondly 
to them, and they were sure I meant to better their 
condition. They would follow my advise. They told me 
they were healthy, and lived to old age, some few had had the 
ague and fever, but that generally speaking they were never too 
unwell to labour, even when they bore children they were their 
own midwives and would most of them turn out the next day after 
delivering themselves and pursue their ordinary occupations. 

Sunday, 3rd Dec. 

This morning the women recommended two men, a young one 
and an old man to conduct me to the Creeks. They brought them 
prepared to set out, and they said that as I should soon be in a 
situation not so secure as I had been with my horses, the old 
man determined to take me by the hand and see me safe. I sat 
out X the river about 80 yards wide, moving W. N. W. went 
down for half a mile, then left it W. and passed thro' some very 
level land, not rich, in 2 miles X a small creek, in IJ^ come 
to John Van's & David Roe living on a creek 10 feet wide 
(Raccoon). John Van bargained with my two guides to conduct 
me for a blanket each. I paid them. The blankets were 3 dollars 
each. Here old Mrs. Roe, near 80, the mother of these men, 
received me and treated me with great kindness. 

I sat out X the creek accompanyed by David Roe, who^ 
very obligingly offered to walk to my next stage. We passed 
the house of Mrs. Waters, continuing on 6 miles to the old 
Tarrapins, X here a creek and passed thro' some good lands 
S. W. W. to his house, he was from home. I visited his wife, 
informed her who I was, and directed her to inform her husband 
of it, and to deliver him a present of paint which I brought him. 
The old fellow lives well, the land he cultivates is lined with 
small growth of saplins for some distance, his farm is fenced, 
his houses comfortable, he has a large stock of cattle, and some 
hogs. He uses the plow. I continued on through level open land 
for 2 miles, the growth tall young black oaks. Near the creek 
at the Tarrapins I saw some of the blue limestone, asked the 



BENJAMIN HAWKINS 23 

name of the creek and was informed it was a branch of Lime 
Stone, a large creek on my right, which I was going up and 
should X in 8 miles. I saw some large holes on this flat land, 
15 feet deep, 30 feet over, an inverted cone; continued on X 
another creek, the lands on the left mountainous. Here I saw 
much sign of turkies and the earth covered with acorns. 

I was informed that at this place last summer the Indians 
had dug 3 bushels of the root of the buckeye, mixed 2 bushels 
of clay with it, pounded it in a mortar, and put it in Limestone 
Creek 4 miles above and that it poisoned the fish for eight miles, 
and 60 or 80 persons picked up as many as they could carry home. 

4 miles farther thro' broken lands, passing a large hill of 
limestone rock on the left, I arrived at 3 Indian houses, and 
took up my abode in one belonging to halfbreed Will. The father 
and mother were out hunting, his daughters received me kindly 
and furnished plentifully. They gave me good bread, pork and 
potatoes for supper, and ground peas and dried peaches. I had 
corn for my horses. The hut in which I lodged was clean and 
neat. In the morning I breakfasted on corn cakes and pork. 
They had a number of fowls, hogs and some cattle, the field of 
4 acres for corn fenced, and half an acre for potatoes. These 
huts and 2 others in sight of them are the fartherest south of any 
in the direction I am going to the Creeks. I asked the girls 
when they expected the return of their parents, they answered 
not till the last of February, or as they expressed it not till after 
3 full moons. 

In every hut I have visited I find the children exceedingly 
alarmed at the sight of white men, and here a little boy of 8 
years old was especially alarmed and could not be kept from 
screaming out until I got out of the door, and then he run and 
hid himself. Yet as soon as I can converse with them, and they 
are informed who I am, they execute any order I give them 
with eagerness. 

I inquired particularly of the mother what could be the reason 
of this; they said, this town was the remains of several 
towns who formerly resided on Tugalo and Koowee and had 
been much harrassed by the whites; that the old people remember 
their former situation and sufferings and frequently spoke of them. 
That those tales were listened to by the children, and made an 
impression which showed itself in the manner I had observed. 
The women told me, who I saw gathering nuts, that they had 
a sensation upon my coming to the camp, in the highest degree 
alarming to them, and when I lit from my horse, took them by 
the hand and spoke to them, they at first could not reply, although 
one of them understood and spoke English very well. 



24 LETTERS OF 



There is at this place a limestone spring that affords water 
enough for a mill. I visited it in the morning and found it warm. 

Monday, 4th Dec. 

This morning being very cold I could not set out so early as 
I wished. The Tarrapin came and breakfasted with me, he told 
me he was glad to see me. He knew me, and rejoiced when he 
was informed in the talk from the President that I was to 
superintend their affairs. That this nation had been under much 
embarrassment from the uncertainty of their existence as a nation, 
as the encroachments of the whites were constantly going against 
them, notwithstanding their treaties, and the repeated promises 
made them to the contrary, by the agents of the government. 
I was fortunate in having David Roe as an interpreter; the 
Indian is his native tongue and he speaks English accurately. 
I determined to explain the views of the government and my 
determination to use every effort in my power to carry them 
fully into effect, he heard me with great attention, and put many 
questions and then generally replied that the Act and the talk 
had been interpreted to him before, but not so satisfactorily as 
now, because he had the advantage of a conversation upon points 
which he did not clearly understand. He told me he had some 
cotton for market, and should soon send it to Tellico Block- 
house. He wished to know when they might expect plows, and 
such other implements as are contemplated in the President's 
talk, he intended that I should be satisfied with his co-operation 
with the agents of the government. He told me he had raised 
some cattle of 1,200 lbs. I sat out and he accompanyed me to 
Richard Roe's the last house on the path. I X Limestone 
Creek, 20 feet wide, the lands rich on its borders, and abounding 
with sugar maple, on this creek the sugar is made by the Indian 
women, they use small wooden troughs, and earthen pans to 
ketch the sap, and large earthen pots for boilers. 

I continued on up this creek S. 2 miles and came to the long 
leaf pine and open land, here we saw 2 deer and much sign of 
turkies, in one mile the soil altered, to oak and short leaf pine, 
here we saw many turkies and one of my guides killed a fine one, 
the creek abounds with cane, and large trees, the hills are poor, 
the bottoms rich. One of my horses being disabled I was under 
the necessity of dismounting one of my attendants, and as my Indian 
guides were on foot, I divided the ride, turn about between the 
old Indian and myself, and between the two attendants. I walked 
two hours. 6 miles from the entrance into the long leaf pine 
I came to two high hills and went between them, and over some 
broken open lands, in 3 miles I came to a mountain and went 



BENJAMIN HAWKINS 25 

round up to the top on my right. The view from N. W. round 
to N. E. extensive, and apparently a level country. "Continue on 
3 miles and came again over the tops of the mountains to the long 
leaf pine. 2 miles I came to a branch covered with reeds, my 
guide stoped and viewed it for some time, waved his hand up and 
down, said horse, pointed south, holding up two fingers, miles says 
he. I assented and away we went, we came to the creek 8 feet 
over, went down it until I saw good reeds, and here I encamped. 
The branches are a mile and an half apart, and I went half a mile 
down it, the reed abundant, the whole length, but ruined by a 
recent burning of the woods, except at the place where I halted. 

My guides spoke their native tongue only. I gave them 
directions when I set off, and had the aid of an interpreter, which 
they follow with great exactness. 

I observe that the reed here has the appearance of being an 
evergreen, the leaves nearly being as broad as the cane, and long 
in proportion. I am informed they shed their leaves in March 
and the cane in September. 

Monday, the 5th December. 

I sat out at nine down the creek and in half a mile X 
Aquonausete runing to the right, 75 feet wide. Since I left the 
mountains yesterday I find I am on the Creek waters. This river 
is the Tallapoosa. Continuing on S. by W., X a creek in 
^ of a mile, 10 feet wide, abounding with reeds, runing to the 
right, continue on 6 miles, the lands poor and broken, came to 
a poor hill bereft of all its trees by a whirlwind; at the bottom 
of it X a small branch from the right, some reed, continue 
on ^ of a mile, X it again from the left, go up a long steep 
hill, and down a descent as long as 2 miles, X a creek 
runing to the right, 15 feet over, the lands on the hills poor, on 
the creek very rich, the growth chesnut of a large size and beech 
and cane and reed. Continue on over open piney broken land, 
X 2 little reedy branches and go down one on the left, in all 
6 miles, the land stiff with sharp flint stone. X the last 
branch; on the left; one mile before I X it there terminates 
a mountain toped with stone. Turn W. as soon as I X this 
branch (at the approach of which the lands are of a good quality 
though broken and stoney) thro' some low rich bottom land, 
among some of the tallest and largest beech I ever saw, many 
of them 3 feet over, X the creek runing to the right, 
go upon a narrow ridge for half a mile, the lands rich on both 
sides. The creek makes so short a turn that it may be said one 
can go up and down the creek at the same time on this ridge, 
continue on 5 miles, Xing 3 little branches, the whole of the 



26 LETTERS OF 



bottoms adjoining were covered with reed, the lands broken, but 
capable of cultivation, the growth pine scrub and black oak, 
the soil gravelly. Here I X a creek 8 feet, runing to the 
right, continue on S. W. W. 9^ miles farther, Xing 3 little 
creeks, and 2 little branches, with but little cane, except the first, 
at 3 miles. The lands broken, but fit for cultivation, the growth 
pine, black, white and scrub oak, the bottoms mostly tall black 
oak. The streams fit for two mills. The last 2 miles of this 
stage, long leaf pine upon broken stiff flint stone land. I encamped 
on a creek margined with cane, runing to the right. All these 
waters empty into Aquonausete. My guide in the evening told 
me we had traveled 34 miles — here I saw a Creek Indian, near his 
hunting camp, he at first was a great distance from me and 
walked hastily on till he came up with me, gave me his hand, told 
me who he was and conversed for some time with my guide, who 
had been instructed to inform every one he saw on the path who 
I was. In the course if the evening it rained. I had prepared 
for a shelter in time which was covered with a blanket, bear skins 
and oilcloth cloak. I was surprised at the little effect the rain 
had on my two Indians, the old man had a leather shirt and 
legings, the young one leather legings and an old shirt, they had 
each a small halfworn blanket, the young man every evening 
pulled off his shirt and spread it under him. They both slept 
soundly the whole time it rained, got up once and ordered my 
attendants up twice to endeavor to preserve our fire by the 
addition of wood, but they never stired till daybreak; they are 
small eaters, use no salt, and but little bread. They carry their 
parched corn meal, Wissoetaw, and mix a hand full in a pint of 
water which they drink. Although they had plenty of corn and 
fowls they made no other provision than a small bag of this for 
the path. I have plenty of provisions, and give them some at 
every meal. I have several times drank of the Wissoetaw and am 
fond of it with the addition of some sugar. To make of the best 
quality I am told the corn should be first boiled, then parched in 
hot ashes, sifted, pounded and made into flour. 

Tuesday, 6th December. 

Sat out at 9, X the creek 10 feet, runing to the right, 
on the top of the hill the right path W. In 2 miles came on some 
hills, continue to the ridge from whence to the N. there is a 
very extensive view of the country. 2 miles X a creek 
10 feet, runing to the right, stored with cane and reed, continue 
on up a branch to the left covered with cane to its source, 2 miles 
come to a X path take to the south, S. by W. 2 miles X 
a branch and come to another with cane, 1 mile and part of this 



BENJAMIN HAWKINS 27 

thro' long leaf pine, X a branch above the fork, take up 
the right for one mile between high hills, the land hitherto poor. 
X the branch and passed thro' better land, the growth large, 
the land stoney. X a branch and take up one prong, the 
lands rich tho' broken, the timber large, of poplar, white oak and 
chesnut, 1^ miles to a high ridge, from this S. E., the growth 
of timber appears large and for a mile or more. Then we turn 
W. by S. down one valey, X a branch and go up it to its 
source, 1 mile, and on the ridge take our course S. by W. The lands 
broken, stiff and stoney, continue on to a branch thro' poor stoney 
lands, and down the same one mile to some fine reed where I 
rested for half an hour for my horses to eat some of the cane. 
Continued on X the branch runing to the left, in half a mile, 
reX it and rise up a steep hill the north from very rich lands, 
the growth poplar and large chesnut. Here I observe as I have 
done for 12 miles past, that the repeated gusts of wind have 
blown down or torn to pieces a great many trees, some many 
years past, some but few and some the present year. The 
lands on the ridge are poor and continue so 4J'2 miles, broken, 
a mixture of pine and dwarf oaks. I have frequently observed at 
a distance on both sides reeds in all the moist parts of the 
hollows. At the termination of this ridge there is a very exten- 
sive slope from N. W. round southwardly to E. of the horison. 
I descend here a long and steep hill to broken descending hills, 
long leaf pine land, stoney and stifif, at 5 miles came to a con- 
siderable rise, and have an extensive view of the distant hills 
beyond the Oconee. Turn here on the top of the ridge W. S. W. 
4 miles and encamp on the bank of the Oconee. The whole scope 
of these hills poor and stoney, and the whole land very broken. 
I observe reed in abundance in all the hollows — hills I call them, 
but they are mountains. 

Wednesday, 7th. 

I turned from the cove in which I lodged to the path, con- 
tinued S. by E., 2 miles over broken stoney land, the growth oak, 
of various kinds, and some chesntit. I came to Aquonausete, 
X it, its about 70 yards wide, the bottom covered with red 
moss on the north side and within a few yards of the opposite 
shore, where it is green. In front is a small mountain, the rocks 
projecting over the river. I land to the right and wind up to 
the top, continue S. W. 3 miles, X a creek runing to the 
right, in 4 miles X 3 branches all covered with reed, the first 
three miles on this side the river, long leaf pine, steep bottoms 
on both sides of the path, the remainder 4 miles the lands equally 
broken but a mixture of trees of various sorts, here rise up a 



28 LETTERS OF 



mountain from which is distinctly to be seen the hills on the north 
side of the river. Continue on this mountain for one mile and 
rise to the summit of the Apaleniosa Mountains in this quarter, 
here the path divides, I take the left and continue on X the 
mountains for 3 miles and arrive at Toostecaugae on the banks 
of the Tallapoosa, X the river here which is 120 yards over, 
my horses were swam over by the side of a canoe. This river 
I find is the Tallapoosa of the Creeks. The Cherokees call it 
Aquonausete. The mountains here are not difficult to pass, the 
path is pretty good and direct, mostly on the slope of descending 
mountains until they terminate at the town. 

Being without an interpreter I could not avail myself of the 
information I wished. One of my guides understood and spoke 
the Creek tongue, he looked out for a house, and the necessities I 
stood in need of. I was out of provisions when I arrived at the 
house. I discovered it belonged to a chief. His little daughter about 
12 years old I had seen at the treaty at Colerain, she immediately 
came to me with her mother, brushed up the hut in which I was 
to lodge, gave me a basket of corn for my horses, a fowl, some 
sofkey (hommony) and ground peas. My guides in conformity 
with instructions, informed the women who I was. I gave them 
my hand, and contrary to the usual custom they received me 
without reserve. The men were all out hunting. 

In the morning I visited the women in their hot house where 
they were apparently comfortably situated. They appear to be 
much poorer than their neighbours the Cherokees, they have 
but a few fowls and hogs. 

In the morning I made the little girl and her mother some 
little presents and I sat out at sunrise. 

Thursday, the 8th. 

I resume my path and continue 3 miles, the lands more eaven 
than any I have seen for some days, the growth a mixture of oak 
and pine. I X a small creek at a flat rock, the quality of the 
rock suited for mill stones, tho' rather course, continue on 4 
miles farther over uneaven lands, some times pine, and some a 
mixture of pine and oak. I arrive at a very extensive flat rock 
of 8 or ten acres, covered in some places with moss, then coat of 
gravelly earth, the growth dwarfs, of various trees, among them 
some cedar. I observe here that this rock varied as the hills. 
Here my guide discovered he had taken the rong path, he waited 
for his companion, and after a conversation, turned to me and 
pointed a course forming a triangle, we set out through the woods. 
For the four miles past we Xed some fine little branches, and 
continued up some to their sources, stored with reeds. We con- 



BENJAMIN HAWKINS 29 

tinued on thro' the woods for four miles and came into our path 
and took it S. W. I continue on 1 mile, the paths divide. I take 
to the left, two miles, X a small creek, and rise up a steep 
hill, the north front, exhibiting parallel rows of large rock, N. E., 
and the rows 40 yards apart. Continue on turning to the west 
11 miles, Xing several small branches covered with reed, the 
lands hilly and stoney, a mixture of oak, hickory, and pine for 
5 miles and mostly pine for the remainder, the lands very broken 
as I approach New York. At this town I arrived in the afternoon, 
at the house of James Sullivan a trader, he was from home, his 
assistant, David Hay received me and treated me with every 
possible mark of attention. The few Indian men at home visited 
me, I had a conversation with them, not very interesting, as my 
interpreter, a black woman, was not very intelligent. In the 
morning I crossed the river on a visit to the family of Tuskena 
Patki (white Lieutenant), this old man, one of the principal chiefs 
of the Creeks, and head of the Oakfuskies, was out hunting. I 
saw his young wife, her mother and family. I stayed half an 
hour with them. She said she had not any thing to offer me to 
eat. I told her I had breakfasted. She gave me saufkee and ground 
peas. Several of the women visited me. They appear not so 
well provided in their houses as the Cherokees, nor have as many 
poultry, hogs or cattle. I leift them and reXed the river 120 
yards wide. This river is here called the Oakfuskies, but the 
Cherokees call it Aquonausete (like a river). 

Friday, the 9th. 

Mr. Hay informed me that I was within 12 miles of the 
Hillabees, a town on a creek of that name, that in this town or 
its neighbourhood, lived Robert Grierson, a native of Scotland, 
who was intelligent, had lived many years in the nation as a 
trader, and had an Indian family; that he spoke the language well, 
and had large possessions, negros, cattle and horses. I deter- 
mined to take this rout, Mr. Hay accompanyed me. 

I sat out at 12, traveled 1 mile and X creek N. W. 15 feet 
runing to the left, the lands fine for cultivation, continued on 
over uneaven lands, Xing several small creeks and over a small 
mountain, in 9 miles arrive at the Hillabees, 20 yards wide, X 
it and over waving lands 4 miles to the house of Mr. Grierson. 

The whole of the moist land on every branch finely covered 
with reed, the bottoms fit for culture, the uplands uneaven, 
stoney, gravelly and stiff, the timber a mixture of pine and oak, not 
furtile. The first ten miles of this path is W. by N., the remainder 
N. W. & N., the direct line N. W. 



30 LETTERS OF 



Mr. Grierson was at home and received me with a social 
hospitable frankness. He had his family around him ginning and 
picking cotton. I was much pleased to see it. He had made a 
considerable quantity and is preparing it to send to Tennessee, 
where he expects 34 cents the lb. 

The old town Hillabees lies on the creek of that name 3 miles 
below Mr. Grierson's, at the junction of the Cullufadee Creek, 
about 4 miles still lower is the Oaktasazee. There is but one 
house in the town, here is the town house and here they have 
their husks and dances, the head man Opio Dockta; the other 2 
chiefs are Ottasie Matlah, and Neclucko Hajo. The whole number 
belonging to the town are about 170 gun men, they are settled 
in four villages. One village below the old town on the creek is 
Tuscaslegah. The next, 13 miles from the old town, up the main 
creek, is Netachapco (long swamp). The third on the N. W. 
branch of Hillabee, 15 miles above, Claknucheeaballah (a village 
over the mountain). 

They are attentive to raising cattle, and some few of them 
have hogs, and one or two have horses. There are four brothers, 
George, Thomas, James, Tiltlagee, they are halfbreeds, they live 
near Mr. Grierson, the two first have stocks of cattle and horses. 
Thomas has 130 cattle and ten horses. 

Opioche Tustanwick Hajo, his wife, Auwillangee, has about 70. 

Saturday, the 10th December. 

I took a view of Mr. Grierson's farm, he had planted the last 
season two acres of cotton in drills, 4 feet asunder; the land 
apparently not very good, high, dry and gravelly, the cotton grew 
well, many of the stalks 8 feet high. I saw he had not thined it 
sufficiently, nor toped any part and that it was mixed with the 
Nankin. I viewed his cotton house, the staple of the cotton good, 
tho' not so much so as it would have been, had it been thined and 
toped. The bowls or pods would then have been larger. I 
advised him in the next season to pursue the proper course and to 
seperate the seed, and as from his information the black seed 
cotton will not do here, to plant only the green seed. The seasons 
being sufficient to bring that to perfection. He has a treadle 
gin, well made, sent him from Providence. I saw some defect in 
the puting it up, which I directed him how to remedy. He informs 
me he finds no difficulty in hiring the Indian women to pick out 
cotton, he hired them to pick by the basket of about a bushel, he 
gave half a pint of salt, or 3 strans of mock wampum beads a 
basket, or half a pint of taflfra for 2 baskets; where the cotton 
was fully open, they could pick from two to three baskets the 
day. There is 30 acres in the farm, the product, corn, cotton, rice, 



BENJAMIN HAWKINS 31 

peas, beans, squashes, pumpkins, watermelons, colewarts. Peaches 
grow well but he has but a few trees, and not any other fruit trees. 
The climate is mild, the water seldom freezes. There is mast 
every other year, and fruit, (for the last 3 years it has been 
annual. The soil in villages of the Hillabees, gravelly, stoney and 
broken, the bottoms rich, the hills poor, the water abundant and 
salubrious, and every moist bottom covered with reed. The 
growth a mixture of pine, oak, and some hickory, the trees small, 
some of them tall. 

I saw on the path as I came here some women picking up 
red oak acorns, for the purpose of making oil. They gather the 
acorns, dry them on reed mats, hull them, beat them fine in a 
mortar, mix them up in water and let them stand for an evening. 
The oil rises to the top, and they skim it off with a feather. This 
oil is used as food; one bushel of acorns makes about a pint of oil. 

Sunday, 11th Dec, 1796. 

I intended this day to set out for the Tuckabatchees, and Mr. 
Grierson obligingly promised to accompany me, but some person 
last evening stole his horses, and the day has been spent in 
searching after them. I have had much conversation relative to 
Indian affairs with this gentleman, he speaks the language well, 
and is intelligent, he was during the Revolution War attached 
to the armies of the U. S. and made some contributions 
m aid of them; he is now much attached to this country and 
means to spend his days here with his Indian family and con- 
nexions, he justly estimates his situation, and can, and will con- 
tribute his aid in furthering the views of the government. 

The family of Robert Grierson are his wife, Sinnugee, of the 
family Spanalgee; their children. Sandy, Sarah, Walter, David, 
Liza, & William. 

Sarah is married to Stephen Hawkins, their children Pinkey, 
& Sam. 

40 negros. 

300 cattle. 

30 horses. 

They have in the range a place called a stamp, where the 
horses have salt every spring, and here they gather of themselves 
at that season. The cattle at that season come to the creek for 
moss, the bottom being covered with it. And at this season all 
the stockholders inake a gathering. 



32 LETTERS OF 



Monday, 12th Dec, 1796. 

This day application being made to me by Robert Grierson, 
trader in the Hillabees, for permission to pursue some persons 
who had stolen two horses from him, and from information 
rec'd from some Indians it being probable that some Creeks had 
commited the theft — and Stephen Hawkins a resident trader in 
this town, consenting to pursue with four Indians, I thought 
proper to give him the authority following. 



Hillabees in the Creeks, 12 Dec, 1796. 

Complaint having been made to me by Robert Grierson trader, 
that he was on the 10th, inst. robed of two horses, by persons 
supposed to be Creeks, who will probably endeavor to convey 
them into some one of the neighbouring tribes, or into the settle- 
ments: and he having expressed an intention to cause the said 
offenders to be pursued and apprehended, and requested my aid in 
the premisses; 

I do hereby authorize Stephen Hawkins, a resident trader 
in this town to take with him such aid as he may deem necessary, 
and to pursue and apprehend the said offenders, wherever to be 
found within the agency South of the Ohio. And I do hereby 
require of the agent of the Cherokees, his assistants and all others 
in authority to be aiding and assisting in the premisses. 

BENJAMIN HAWKINS, 
P. T. Agent for Indian Affairs South of the Ohio. 

I inserted the discription of the horses on the back of this 
authority. 



I this day sat out for the Tuckabatchees in company with 
Mr. Grierson, at 12. We traveled S. 4 miles, X a creek, turn a 
little to the W. 2 miles, X a creek both tuning to the left; at the 
first is the site of the town of Hillabees, at the other one settle- 
ment, the creek margined with cane. At this hut I saw the 
Casseneyupon growing about 8 feet high, it had been brought 
from the seacoast, and did well. Continue on. X 2 small creeks 
tuning to the left, and at the end of 6 miles come to some large 
rock to the left, they are in a direction N. E. S. W. The lands 
hitherto, broken, stoney, gravelly, the growth a mixture of pine 
and oak. with a few dwarf hickories. Continue on 3 miles, X 



BENJAMIN HAWKINS 33 



a creek runing to the left, the creek rocky, 15 feet wide; continue 
over one branch and up and aX another and rise the top of 
a hill 1 mile. The lands very broken near the creek, and mountain- 
ous. Our course S. VV. Continue on 5 miles, Xing 3 small 
creeks or branches, and arrive at Cuialegees Creek, 15 feet, X it, 
pass the town on the left and arrive at the house of John O'Riley, 
he was from home. The lands broken, gravelly, and stoney, the 
growth pine, oak, and small hickory, the branches covered with 
small cane. 

Tuesday, 13th Dec. 

The Muscogueulgoes were at a meeting of the governors 
of Georgia, S. & N. Carolina, & Virginia, divided into five districts 
at Appalatchee, Pahachucalee, Alabama, on the Coosau, and up as 
far as the fork of the Tuskogees, Tallapoose and the Abbecoss. 



The district of the Abbecoos have tlie following towns: 

No. 1. 1. Hillabees. 

2. Eufifaulics, N. W. 35. 

3. Notchiss, W. N. W. 25. 

4. Abbacoochee, W. N. W. 29. 

5. Coosau, W. N. W. 43. 

6. Woccocoies, W. 25. 

7. Wocgufkee, W. S. 35. 
Fish ponds. 8. Thloclagulga, S. W. 12. 
Big swamp. 9. O'Pilkthlorcco, S. W. S. 30. 

10. Wewocah, S. W. 2,7. 

11. Pocuntallahope, S. W. 52. 
Little Tallasu. 12. Tallasuchee, S. W. 45. 

13. Ockchoics, S. W. 20. 

14. Kialigee, S. W. S. 23. 

15. Euffaulau, S. 25. 

16. Ocfuskees, S. 20. 
Hog range. 17. Soguspogase, S. 10. 

18. New York, S. E. 15. 

2 Corn houses. 19. Tochlacaugee, N. E. 30. 

20. Luchaossoguh, N. b. E. 40. 



The wife of John O'Riley, treated us with kindness and hospi- 
tality, as soon as she was informed who I was, she got corn for 
my horses, and cooked some pork and potatoes for supper. She 



34 LETTERS OF 

prepared her own lodging for me, a good one, of clean blankets, 
with a nice coverlid. She had some fine fowls and fat hogs. 

I bade her adieu and set out for Tuckabatchee, 4 miles. I arrive 
at Achina Hatche (cypress creek), a village of Keolgee, there are 
6 habitations and a small town house, some thriving peach trees. 
X the run, 2 miles cross another at the settlement of 3 
families. The lands all poor, stoney and gravelly. Continue on 
2 miles, cross a creek, the lands pretty good tho' broken. Rise 
up a steep hill, the lands piney; continue on 4 miles, they become 
bad; continue 3 miles down a steep, gravelly hill X a creek 
and rise on high broken hills, 1 mile further X a creek 
just above Tuckabatchee, enter the old fields, and in 4 miles arrive 
at the town house. Here obtain a pilot and continue through the 
town down the river 4 miles, arrive at the landing opposite Mr. 
Cornell's, the agent in this quarter. The description of the sites 
of the towns are numbered. 

No. 2. On Eufifaula Hatchee, which empties into the Coosau 
at the town on the upper side, James Lessle, the trader. 

3. Natchew, on a creek of that name, it empties into Coosau, 
above the 3 Islands 6 miles, Joseph Stiggins trader, and just 
joining the Coosau town below, %. below Efaulauhatchee. 

4. On Kiomulgee, this is the same creek before mentioned, 
2jut here the name is altered. 

5. Coosau, on the left of the river of that name, 60 miles 
above the Alabama River. John O'Kelly a half breed, his father 
was a trader in the same town, Tucpaufcau. 

6. On Pochuso Hatche (rabbet creek). This empties into 
the Coosau 4 miles below Puccewi Tallauhassee, 41 miles below 
Coosau, John Clark, a Scotchman. 

7. Weocufkee, on a creek of the same name, which empties 
into the foregoing on the right bank, 4 miles below the town, — 
George Smith, an Englishman. 

8. Thlotlogulgee, on Elka Hatche, which empties into the 
Oakfuskies, on the right bank just above the town. This town 
nearly 8 miles from the river, it runs E. John Shirley, and 
Isaac Thomas, the first an American, the latter of German 
parents. 

9. On a creek of the same name which empties into 
Pocuntallahasse on the left. Trader, Hendrick Durgin. 

10. Wewocah on a creek of that name, which empties into 
Pocuntallahassee, 16 miles below that town on the left. 

11. Four miles above the mouth of Pochuse Hatche. 

12. Upon the left of Coosau, 8 miles above the fork, Daniel 
McGillivray, the trader, Benjamin Crook. 



BENJAMIN HAWKINS 35 

13. On a creek of that name which empties into the Kiolijie, 
on the left 4 miles above Kiolijie has John O'Riley an Indian factor. 

14. On a creek of that name which empties into the Talla- 
poosa 12 miles below Ocfuskee. 20 miles above, Alex Cornell, 
the trader John O'Kelley. 

15. Euffauleis, on the right of the Tallapoosa, 5 miles below 
the Oakfuskee town, John Townshand an Englishman. 

16. On the right bank of the river, Patrick Donnelly. One 
Indian factor, Kussatah Tuskeneah, a brother of the white Lieu- 
tenant. 

17. Soockeah, on the right bank of the river 12 miles above 
Oakfuskie. One fire* with Ocfuskee. 

Wednesday, 14th. 

I took up my abode in the house of Alex Cornell, on the 
left bank of the river. He was at home and received and treated 
me with much attention. I had much conversation with him and 
Air. Grierson on the subject of my mission, as they possessed 
and could give the best information now to be had in the nation. 
The result as to some important points was interesting. 

The condition of the Indian is much bettered within 20 years, 
he is less cruel, more attached to a friendly intercourse with his 
neighbours, and mild in his manners. They have an increasing 
attachment to stock, & are more industrious, some few very 
careful and provident. 

Since the treaty at Colerain the Indians have manifested a 
disposition for peace, unknown before, it is almost universal. 
Mr. Grierson says that he has seen many of the Indians in the 
district of the Abbecoos and they all spoke of the conduct of the 
U. S. as friendly and perfectly just and they were pleased with it. 
I asked this question. 

What would most likely the soonest disturb this friendly dis- 
position of the Indians? 

Intrusion on the hunting grounds and horse stealing. 

The latter was encouraged entirely by the whites in the nation, 
many of whom were more depraved than the savages, had all 
their vices without one of their virtues. The whites have reduced 
the stealing of horses to a system, their connections are 
extensive. Some in Cumberland, Georgia, Tennessee, and among the 
neighbouring tribes. This evil being now so deep-rooted that it 
would require much exertion and some severity to put an end to it. 
The whites who had Indian families took no care of them, neither 
to educate them or to teach them any thing useful. They were 



This word very uncertain in manuscript. 



36 LETTERS OF 



left with their mothers, who were always the slaves of the house 
and the fathers making money by any and every means in their 
power, however roguish, and using the children and the relations 
of the family as aids. 

Mr. Grierson being about to leave me requested me to aid 
him in some concerns of his family in Georgia, he gave me 
this statement. There were of his family four brothers, James^ 
Thomas, William & Robert. 

James was a colonel of mililia in the neighbourhood of 
Augusta. He was killed at the siege of Augusta, after his 
surrender to the American arms. 

Thomas was an ofificer in the militia in the service of the U> 
States. He died on or about the year 1775. He left a son, a half- 
breed, in the Eufifaulies. He had 500 acres of land on little river, 
8 miles below Writesborough, on Upton Creek, adjoining the 
land of James Grierson and Joshua Saunders. Mr. Grierson 
requests to be informed of the situation of the property and the 
measures necessary to the securing it for the family. 

Mrs. Anne Hopkins of Augusta, died in the year 1775 or 6. 
She gave by will her property to Jane Pettigrew, and the 
children of James Grierson, James Thomas and David. Jane 
Pettigrew was sister to three children on the maternal side. She 
married David Homes, a nephew of George Galphin. Homes 
died at Pensacola the year 1779. 

After the siege of Augusta the Rev. James Seymore carried 
some of the negros to Savannah, and from thence to Augustine. 
He died on his passage from thense to Providence, and Mr. 
Thomas Forbes, partner of Mr. Panton, took possession of the 
negros. If this statement is true in substance Mr. William Panton 
will see the negros' fourthcoming to the children of their repre- 
sentatives. 

The necessary information can be had in the neighbourhood 
of Augusta, and mostly from John Milledge, he took George, the 
youngest of the children to his house, where he died. 

Thursday, 15. 

There are 4 traders in this town and they are supplied by 
Mr. Panton at Pensacola. 

Obediah Low has an Indian wife and 2 children. He is from 
the upoer part of Georgia, 

Patrick Laine, native of Ireland, has a wife, and Christian 
Hagel, called HufTle, a native of Germany has a wife, and Mrs. 
Cornell has four children and 4 grand children, she is a widow, 
the wife of Joseph Cornell, deceased, formerly interpreter. 



BENJAMIN HAWKINS 37 

George, her oldest son is a trader. James is a lad at school. 
Lucy, her oldest daughter is a widow, her husband John Cane 
■died at Tensaw. She has 3 children. 

Vica, the youngest has one little girl. 

Halfbreed Billy. 

I this day paid a visit to the old men at the town house and 
partook with them of the black drink. I then visited the falls and 
lands adjoining to the town. The falls are at 2j.'2 miles above town 
house, the river here is after tumbling over a bed of rock for half 
a mile, formed into 2 narrow channels, one 30 the other 15 feet. 
The fall is 30 feet in 50 yards, the first part nearly 20 feet in less 
than 10, fish are here obstructed in their passage up the river. 

The rock is a light gray, very much broken and divided, in 
square blocks of various sizes, fine for building, the best I think I 
ever saw. It requires very little labour to reduce it to any form, 
for plain walls, large masses of it is so nicely fited, and regular 
as to imitate the side of a square building where the stone has 
passed through the hands of the mason. Above the falls the river 
widens and within half a mile stretches out to near half a mile 
in width and continues for near four miles. There are 4 islands 
which have been cultivated, they are now old fields margined with 
cane, the bed of the river shoal, rocky and covered with moss, it is 
frequented in the spring and summer by horses, cattle and deer, 
and in the winter by swans, geese and ducks. 

The lands on the right bank opposite the falls is broken, stoney 
& gravelly, the growth oak, hickory and pine, the sides of the 
hills fronting the river exhibit this building rock, a small creek 
and a branch enter in 300 yards of each other, on the right, the 
lands half a mile below the falls become level and spread out on 
this side to 2 miles in width, bordering on a creek, Wollawitatchee 
which rising in the broken lands 17 miles from its mouth, runs 
S. S. E. and empties into the Tallapoosa, 3^ miles below the 
town house. The whole of this flat is covered with oak, and 
hickory land, the latter altogether the large hard shelled nut, the 
creek margined wnth cane. The course of the river from the 
falls to the town house S. thence E. and winding round a point 
to W. and W. & N. to its confluence with Coosau. 

The lands on the left bank of the falls broken and piny, to 
the bank of the river, half a mile below a creek empties in, it 
rises 7 miles from the river, its course nearly N. W., its sides 
covered with reed and cane. Below this creek the lands become 
flat on the river and extend 3 miles to the Euffaulee, here the 
Tallassee lies, on the banks of this creek, it is at the junction 60 
yards wide. This is the most valuable creek known here for fish 



38 LET TERS OF 

in the spring and summer. Sturgeon, trout, perch, rock, red horse, 
the trout here is also called the chub. The Euffaulee is settled 
nearly 20 miles, the lands rich. IJ/^ miles below the flat lands 
terminate, there the hills commence, and continue 2 miles, one 
small creek and 2 branches intersect. From these hills there are 
two high bluffs, from whence there is an extensive view of the 
town, the river above and below the extensive flat lands on the 
opposite shore, and a range of hills to the N. W. At the termi- 
nation of these hills is a small branch, and the flat lands com- 
mence and spread for one mile on the side of the branch. 140 
yds. from the river is a house of the wife of George Cornell. 
Below, 300 yards is the habitation of Alex Cornell, and from this 
down the river is settled with Indian families. 2^ miles below, 
Caleebe Hatchie empties into the river, it has its source near 
20 miles to the east, it is 15 feet over. 

The town of Tuckabatchee stands on the right bank of the 
river, in the bend, the town house opposite the Euffaulee. The 
number of gun men 116. They have lately begun to settle out in 
villages for the advantage of wood and raising stock. 

Some few have stocks of cattle, they hold them high, being 
accustomed to sell fowls, bacon and beef at Pensacola, at an 
extravagant price, they ask at home the same, making no allowance 
for the expense of carriage or between the war and peace price 
of provisions.. 

Friday, 16. 

I amused myself this day in riding thro' the neighbouring 
woods, visiting and conversing with the Indians. The lands 
every where covered with acorns and hickory nuts. Some of the 
women who saw and knew me at St. Mary's immediately 
recollected me, they expressed pleasure at seeing me among them, 
and at the same time said they were poor, and had not good things 
to give, their food being so different from what they saw at the 
table of the commissioners of the U. States. They were 
apprehensive I would find uncomfortable living among them. 
They sent me a present of bean bread and dumplins, some oil of 
hickory nuts, pleasant to the taste, and some milk of the same nuts. 

The process is simple, they pick up the nuts, dry them, pound 
them in a mortar, fan them, to free the kernels as much as possible 
from the shells. They then apply water, mix up the mass with 
their hands, and work it something like the bakers neading their 
bread, as the oil rises they separate it from the remains which is 
the milk. 

I had some oil and beans, the oil was not inferior to Florence 
oil. It was new, they find a difficulty in preserving it from 
becoming rancid. 



BENJAMIN HAWKINS 39 



Saturday, 17. 

I repeat my visits to some of the Indians, and to view what 
remained yet to be seen in my neighbourhood. I examined into 
the state of commerce as carried on by George Cornell, the half- 
breed. His stock of trade is almost 1,000 dollars annually. 

Old Mrs. Cornell and her family hearing of my being in 
town, they came to see me, this old lady is the mother of the man 
who was unfortunately killed at Colerain by the scout, as he 
went there bearing a flag with a message to the President of the 
U. States. 

The old lady expressed much satisfaction at seeing me, assured 
me of her friendship for the white people, being her own blood 
as well as the red, and her personal regard for me, for my atten- 
tions to her at Colerain. 

Sunday, 18 Dec. 

I sat out this day on a visit to the towns down the river. 
Mr. Richard Bailey had called to see me, and promised to accom- 
pany me. I directed the agent here, Mr. Cornell, to attend me. 
I went down the river on the left bank, passing 5 separate Indian 
settlements, under fork fences, good against cattle only, the 
lands level and of good quality, the growth hard shelled hickory 
nut, oak, black oak, scrub, and some few white, not large. I crossed 
Caloobe Creek and enter the town of Auttossee, pass through the 
town, the gun men all from home, the buildings bordering on the 
river, the whole fenced with small poles, the first on forks, the 
other two on stakes, fit only to keep out cattle. X a small creek, 
the growth cypress. Here I was showed as a curiosity an oak on 
the side of the creek which had been struck with lightning, it 
penetrated the tree about 5 feet from the ground, went through 
and out two feet lower on the opposite side, entered the earth 
and plowed it up for some distance a foot deep, the tree remains 
with marks on both sides, and not otherwise injured. I continue 
on to the house of Mr. Bailey, in all 5 miles. Here I met a 
welcome reception, and here I remained for the knight. Mr. 
Bailey is a good farmer, has many conveniences about, with his 
lands fenced, stable, garden, lots for his stock, some thriving 
trees, and a small nursery to plant out. His stock of horses, 
cattle and hogs numerous; the lands where he lives rich, tho' the 
growth of timber is small. He informs me the product is 50 
bushels of corn to the acre. He has an Indian woman, and 5 
children, and as many grand children. His wife is of the Otalla 
(wine) family. She is neat, cleanly, provident and economical, 
as careful of her family concerns as a white woman. 



40 LETTERS OF 



On the opposite bank formerly stood the old town OHassee, 
a beautiful rich level plane surrounded with hills, to the north, 
it was formerly a canebrake, the river makes a curve round 
it to the south, so that a small fence on the hill side across would 
enclose it. 

In the year 1766 there were in this town 43 gun men, there 
are now 80. The women industrious, and some few of the men. 
The whole of them uneasy on the score of their white neighbours 
keeping stock among them, so much so, that Mr. Bailey finds his 
not safe, but as the property of his wife and children. The course 
of the river here is west, the creeks which empty in on the left 
side take their rise to the south at the ridge dividing the 
Pinsausta waters from them, about 25 miles, it is nearly the same 
distance to Kongeau, continuing on thense south. The lands rich 
to the source of the creeks, the growth of timber very large, 
and canebrakes on the ridges, which are none of them high. There 
are poplars of 4 and 5 feet through, large cherry trees and 
persimmon trees. 

The stock is sometimes troubled with distemper; the mast 
hits every year, the whole country abounds with very troublesome 
flees and nats at some seasons. 

I saw at Mr. Bailey's 20 bee hives, he says they do well, and 
that there are wild bees in the country in every direction. They 
are extending themselves west, and some hunters informed him 
they had lately discovered some, the west of Mississippi about 
30 miles, that they had but recently arrived there, as the trees 
they fell had young comb only. 

Mr. Bailey's 2 daughters are married to white men, they both 
spin cotton and the youngest, Elizabeth Fletcher, can read and 
write and is very industrious. This whole family are remarkable 
for being healthy and cleanly. This may be owing to a custom 
continued by Mrs. Bailey, she and her family every morning winter 
or summer bathe in cold water. 

I have been much pleased in my visit here as well as at Mr. 
Grierson's; it being demonstrated to me that the Indian women 
from there too, are capable of and willing to become instrumental 
in civilising the men. Mrs. Bailey shares in all the toils of her 
husband when there was a necessity for it, she attended the pack 
horses to market, swam rivers to facilitate the transportation of 
their goods, is careful of the interest of her family and resolute 
in support of it. She presides at her table which is always neat 
and well supplied with coflFee or tea, butter of her own make, meat 
and well made bread. 



BENJAMIN HAWKINS 41 



His stock of cattle 200, horses 120, hogs 150 and 7 slaves. He 
is a native of England, served in Savannah, to the carpenter and 
joiner business, has been 40 years in this country. 

Monday the 19. 

I sat out this day travelled down the river W. X Kebihatche 
in 1^ mile, continued lYz farther X Ofeeckske, 20 feet over, this 
creek has its rise near Koenekuh, the main branch of Scambia. 
This creek has several forks, the lands good to their sources. 
We enter into the fields of the HoUewaulee (the shearer of the 
war), and continue on 2 miles. Just at the entrance of the fields, 
high red cliflfs are to be seen to the north by the flat lands on the 
right of the river. 

The town of HoUewaulee, is on the opposite bank of the 
river. Continue on still down the river in all 8 miles X 
Noocooschepoo (bear ark). Here we enter the Toosahatche & 
Colooswe fields, (the towns being on the opposite side) and 
continue four miles through them, and X a small creek Leecawsah, 
at the Colooswe, little village pritly situated on a rising ground 
to the left. Here commence large swamps and between them and 
the river are some rich flat canebrake land, where these Indians 
cultivate their corn, pulse, and melons. Continue on 2 miles X a 
branch, rise a hill, where is the remains of a circular mound on 
the left, the lands thin, tho' level. To the right the descent 20 
feet to the swamp land. From this bank arise several springs, 
particularly one, a large one, half a mile farther, the Uchee 
village, a remnant of those settled on the Chattahoochee, half a mile 
farther pass a Shawne village, they speak the language and retain 
the manners of their countrymen to the N. W. This town house 
differs from the Creek, it is an oblong square building 8 feet 
pitch roofed on the common mode of cabin building, the sides 
and roof covered with bark of pine. Continue on 2 miles X a 
small creek, at Mucclassau, continue on in all 18 miles X a 
creek 10 feet wide. IJ/2 mile further X another small creek and 
in half a mile arrive at the house of Charles Weatherford. 

I chose the river path that I might have a view of the Indian 
fields, their mode of culture and the quality of the lands. TH5 
first 4 miles were high and open sound low grounds, subject to 
inundations only in the seasons of floods which happen once in 
15 or 16 years, the river is also subject to annual overflowings, but 
always in the winter season, generally in March; the next 8 
miles is mostly canebrake land, very rich, much of it under 
cultivation, the corn planted in hills, not regular, about 5 feet 
from each other, and from 5 to 10 stalks in a hill, near every small 



42 LETTERS OF 



division of corn they have a patch of beans stuck with cane. The 
margins on the river under cultivation is from one hundred to 
200 yards wide, then the land becomes a rich swamp for 400 to 
600 yards, this when reclaimed must be valuable for rice or corn, 
the river never subject to freshes in the spring or summer. I 
saw one conic mound in this low land 30 feet diameter, ten feet 
high, it stands near the river. The towns standing on the right 
bank of the river, there are at several places large peach trees, 
and a few summer huts to shelter the labourers in summer against 
rain, and the guards who watch the crops whilst it grows to 
protect it against every thing that may be injurious to it. Many 
of them move over their families, reside in the fields whilst the crop 
is growing and when it is made they gather the whole and move 
into town. 

During this season, they show in a particular manner their 
hospitality, they call to all travelers, particularly white travelers 
and give them fruit, melons and food. If there is a necessity 
the women and children eat of the young corn before the husk, 
but the men do not. 

Tuesday 20. 

Mr. Weatherford showed me this morning some fine horses 
raised by him, on his plantation, they were blooded nearly full, 
15 hands high, looked well, their feet somewhat too flat, owing to 
their being raised in flat swampy lands. The residence of this 
man is on a high bluff on the left bank of the Alabama one mile 
below the confluence of the Coosau and Tallapoosa, it is the first 
blufif below, here are to be seen near his house 5 conic mounds of 
earth, the largest 30 yards diameter, 17 feet high, the others all 
small, about 30 feet diameter and 5 feet high. 

It has for some time been a subject of enquiry when and for 
what purpose these mounds were raised, but here it explains itself 
as to the purpose. The Alabama is not more than 150 yards over 
at low water, the banks high, yet subject to be overflowed in the 
season of floods, which happen once in 20 or 25 years. 

The last flood was in January last, the river rose at the house 
where I am 47 feet high, it spread itself over the adjoining country 
for many miles, and the general width of the river was below 
the junction 6 to 7 miles, every thing within that scope was 
compeled to retire from it to the trees on rising grounds or were 
destroyed. The margin of the river is low swamp and canebrake, 
the up lands stiflf level, pine and oak very open. 

There are some mounds which I saw 2 miles from the river 
in this flat open country, and here they were covered with the water, 
and all others known in the neighbourhood except the largest, and 



BENJAMIN HAWKINS 4a 

on this Mr. Weatherford secured such of his stock of horses and 
cattle as he could collect in time, the remainder were lost. 

I observed in examining into this curious phenomenon 
that the first range of fiat swamp lands extends one quarter of a 
mile, 15 feet from the water, then arise in steep bank, 15 feet, the 
land then poor and flat for one mile, then another rise of 15 feet, 
and here and there a gradual rise to lands still higher. 

This second flat which generally speaking is poor land has some 
very good land in small patches of 20 to one hundred acres. The 
growth generally small and on every place the hard shelled 
hickory nut, mostly dwarfs. 

The flood rises the highest in the Coosau, and some times so 
sudden as to drive a rappid current up the Tallapoosa for 8 miles. 
Up the river from Weatherford's, half a mile is a large sand beach, 
here I saw collecting in the evening the greatest collection of 
crows I ever saw, and on examining I was informed that they 
collected there every night, entertained each other with their 
croaking, took a drink at the edge of the river and then rose and 
roosted on the canes. In the morning half an hour before sun 
rise, they began to move in large flocks of many thousand 
together, first in spiral and then irregular, constantly croaking and 
ultimately in a direction down the river, out of sight and out of 
hearing. I left this bluflf, and set out on a visit to Mrs. Durant, 
the oldest sister of Mr. McGillivray, she has had eleven children, 
8 are living; I found her poor, and dirty in a small hut, less clean 
and comfortable than any hut I have seen belonging to any Indian 
however poor. She is in possession of near eighty slaves, near 
40 of them capable of doing work in or out doors. Yet from 
bad management they are a heavy burthen to her and to them- 
selves, they are all idle. She told me her poverty arose from 
want of tools for her labourers and some misunderstanding 
between her and Mr. Panton. He had refused to supply her with 
any thing. Her husband is a man of good figure, dull and stupid, 
a little mixed with African blood. She and her sister Mrs. 
Weatherford keep the command absolute of every thing from their 
husbands. She can spin and weave, and has her ' cloth made. 
The last year she lost her cotton by worms, she asked me for 
some tools and goods, and said she had directed her sons to 
apply for them but she supposed they were ashamed to do so. 
The sister I am informed lives well in some taste, but expensively. 
Her negros do but little, and consume every thing in common 
with their mistress, who is a stranger to economy. She has been 
a trader for some time but is now out of credit with Mr. Panton. 
The lands near Mr. Durant are rich. 



44 LETTERS OF 



I crossed the river in a canoe, near this plantation turned 
down the river to the Tuskeegee, in the fork here formerly stood 
an old French fort Thoulouse, the flood of the last January flowed 
over this high ground, here I saw 5 iron cannon, the trunnions 
broke off; this is a beautiful high bluff, which overlooks the flat 
land in the fork and on the Tallapoosa, the Coosau, and the lands 
on its right bank, the river is near 200 yards over. I saw a few 
bunker beds and the cannon, the only remains of the French 
establishment. The town house stands near where the fort was, and 
the buildings, about 30, are compactly situated in the neighbour- 
hood of it. Their fields for culture are the flat lands in the fork, 
the land where the town stands is level and poor, and continues 
so out for near a mile, the lands a whiteish clay, the growths small 
pine, oak and dwarf hickory; the bluff here is as high as at 
Weatherford's, or somewhat higher, perhaps 46 feet, yet not high 
enough for a town, if it was, the situation would be a beautiful 
one. I continued on up to the Coosau, 3 miles to the hickory 
ground, the lands poor all the way and level, passing the Little 
Oakchoies on the way, a neat compact little town. Most of the 
lands cultivated by these 2 towns lie on the right bank of the river; 
just above the hickory ground the falls commence, they can be 
passed with canoes, the lands to the right are broken and moun- 
tainous & gravelly, not rich, the rock at the falls very different 
from those at the Tallapoosa Falls, here it is ragged. Continue 
on 4 miles farther to the remains of the old Tallassu, formerly 
the residence of Mr. McGillivray and his son the general, here 
I saw some large apple trees, 10 of them planted by the former, 
and a stone chimney, the remains of a house built by the latter, 
I saw half a mile below 8 or 10 apple trees planted by the general, 
which were thriving. The hickory ground is inhabited by those 
who formerly lived at the Tallassu, and the old town is a desert, 
half a mile from this is the residence of Daniel McGillivray, a 
trader, a native of Scotland, formerly a trader among the Choctaws, 
but for 12 years a resident and trader among the Creeks, he has 
a Creek woman and a son 6 years old. He has been a medling 
troublesome man, talkative and capable of misrepresentations 
among the Indians. He seemed much pleased at the notice I 
took of him, to visit him and converse freely with him, and 
offered his aid to co-operate with me, and his services by day or 
night. I told him I expected a like conduct from every man in 
the department. His woman was very attentive and did every 
thing she could to render my situation comfortable. Mr. 
McGillivray cultivates a small field with the plow, lying on the 
river. He informed me that when he applied to the Indians for 
permission to settle out of town they brought him to this spot, 
marked the front on the river and permitted him to call all his 



BENJAMIN HAWKINS 45 

that he could clear and cultivate. The river here is 250 yards 
wide and shallow. The poor, broken, gravelly, long leaf pine 
land close to his house, about 300 yards from the river. At the 
falls below his house half or ^ of a mile a creek empties in on 
the left large enough for a mill. 

Wednesday, 21. 

1 left Mr. AlcGillivray's at 12 for the Hickory Ground, by the 
path through the piny woods, the lands generally broken and 
gravelly, except near the branches, which were covered with 
reeds. X 2 or 3 of them which unite below and form the creek 
at Old Tallassee Falls. I arrived at the Hickory Ground and 
spent one hour with the principal chief of the town, McFasshion, 
a cousin of Gen. McGillivray. I sat out for Cooborne, the land 
variegated, flat, hilly and mountainous, pass in four miles 
Pasabulluh, a beautiful fiat ^ of a mile, and X a creek large and 
tine for a mill, at 10 miles arrive at the Cooborne leaving the 
White Ground to the right. The creek before mentioned, Sam- 
bulloh, entering the river still lower. Cooborne is a pretty little 
compact town, beautifully situated, but too low; the flood having 
covered it near 4 feet. The chiefs being all from home, I con- 
tinued on to the Fusatchees, and took up my residence with the 
trader Nicholas White, a native of Mersailles, but resident in this 
nation 30 years; he has an Indian woman, and 4 children, 2 of each 
sex, 3 of them married to Indians; he lives comfortable, has stables^ 
and a kitchen, and his wife appears, tho' old, healthy, industrious 
and pretty cleanly. I spent the evening M'ith him agreeably, 
except the conduct of my deputy Alex Cornell, who, forgetting 
himself, got drunk, and was a little disorderly. This morning I 
began to correct the abuse in my own family. I told my deputy 
that he was a chief of the land and in the service of the United 
States, he knew well how to conduct himself, and I was surprised 
at the impropriety of his conduct, he must reform, and not give 
me the pain of seeing him again playing the part of the drunken 
Indian. Mr. White is the trader for these two towns, he informed 
me that the Cooborne people had always behaved themselves in 
such a manner towards the white traders, that none of them could 
reside there, that he kept an Indian factor there, who did the 
business with fidelity. 

Thursdaj', 22. 

I sat out this morning very cold, traveled 3 miles to Hochilli- 
wallies, here I halted at the house of James Russel, a native of 
the United States; he has been 12 years in the nation, has a decent 



46_ LETTERS OF 

woman and one son. After one hour's conversation with him 
and eating some venison and beef, I continued on, passing some 
very rich level land, low cane swamp on the right, and some high 
red hills or mountains to the left. I pass over some level lands, 
X Wehuarthy (sweet water) a beautiful little creek, in sight of 
a village of that name, belonging to the Tuckabatchee, come to and 
over the flat old canebrake of the Old Ottassue, pass thro' the old 
fields to the river opposite Mr. Bailey's, in all 5 miles, X the river 
in a canoe, and send a person from his house to swim over our 
horses. The weather cold and freezing. 

Friday, 23. 

It is cold and cloudy, and snowed for 2 hours. I remain this 
day with Mr. Bailey, he informs me that the distemper which has 
for 3 or 4 years past destroyed the horses in the Southern States, 
and called there the yellow water, was introduced into this 
country from St. Antoine, and Appaluca. It raged here for two 
years, and has disappeared; the horses were drooping, the legs 
swelled, yellow water droped from the nose, a high fever, the sides 
beat like the thumps, when dead the entraiels were decayed, partic- 
ularly the lites. Those which survived, on the recovery, if used 
were sure to relapse and die, but if left to themselves got well; 
it raged in the hotest part of the summer, abated in the fall and 
ceased in the winter. There has not been any cure discovered for 
it. The old horses sufiferd most. It was a plague among them. 

At some seasons and for a year or two the range is not much 
infested with flies, either in wet or very dry seasons, they do 
however come some years in such numbers as to destroy poor 
horses. In May they appear, June and July they are the most numer- 
ous and troublesome, and then they gradually disappear. About 
cleared land and in stables they are not troublesome. A large flie 
called the horse guard come at the same season, they continue in 
cultivated and open land, attack and destroy all the flies they 
meet with. The flie which is the most troublesome has a small 
green head. In the month of May on the small bushes, particularly 
the red root, there is to be seen all over the country more or less in 
patches, a white froth, and in every lump of it there is one or two 
flies. Here they are produced but he knows not how. Take a 
young flie out of the froth, clean it and put it on a leaf, it will soon 
be surrounded with another coat of froth, and then will be 
perfected. 

The honey in this country is poisonous in the month of March, 
some negros and Indians have been killed at that season. At that 
season on the small branches, there is a plant in bloom called by 
the whites wolfs tongue, or fire leaves, by the Indians Hochkau, 



BENJAMIN HAWKINS 47 

(oachfoe), it has a long stem with yellow blossoms, and bears 
around the stem, green berries, which altho' poisonous are eaten 
in years of scarcity by the Indians, they boil them in 2 or 3 waters, 
shifting them, and thus extract the posion from them, they are then 
pleasant to the taste, somewhat like the garden pea. The Indians 
are the authors of the discovery. Milk has been the only afficaci- 
ous remedy discovered here for this poison. The last season a 
bee tree was taken in this neighbourhood and all who eat of the 
honey sickened instantaneously, they retired to the house, except a 
black boy, and took some milk which restored them, the boy was 
unable to get to the house, and altho' aid was sent him, in 2 hours he 
was dead. 

Those who eat of the honey are first taken with a giddiness, 
then blindness accompanied with great pain and uneasiness, and 
thurst. 

Saturday, 24. 

The weather cold and cloudy, the ponds in the neighbourhood 
frozen over, which seldom ever happens in this climate. 

Sunday, 25. 

The weather still cold and freezing. I spend my Christmas 
in the hospitable house where I am. This good woman as cleanly 
as any of her sex, is very particular in cooking, altho' she has 
two black women to assist her, she does much of it with her own 
hands, has many conveniences about her, and is nice and clean 
in every thing. She governs her black people and shows much 
attention to the stock about the plantation. She some times beats 
the meal for bread, sifts it and bakes it herself. She is agreeable 
and jocose in conversation, kind to every body, yet firm enough to 
prevent any imposition on the part of her country people; she 
gives me daily, coflfee, bread and butter, and a relish of some kind 
of meat, the butter of her own make, a dinner of fowls and pork, 
with rice, and a dish of tea in the evening. 

Mr. Bailey keeps some good rum in his house, and it is 
remarkable in him that he neither drinks or smokes tobacco. By the 
former I mean, to excess; he every day takes a glass of grog or 
two and that's all. The Indians of the town where he lives are 
more orderly than any others in their neighbourhood, he keeps 
them at a proper distance, when he is at dinner they never enter 
the dining room, and even at times of drinking and when in their 
cups they show the same respect. When I was informed of this, 
I asked them both to account for it, they said they could attribute 
It only to the long standing of Mr. Bailey among them and his 
uniform perseverance in this plan which he adopted on his first 



48 LETTERS OF 



settling among them. Some few years past they were under the 
necessity to remove to Tengau, on account of their stock, and the 
ill nature of the Indians, who always have been funny and are in 
the habit of distroying hogs or cattle whenever they tresspass on 
the lieids under cultivation. By this removal the town was three 
years without a trader and the Indians sent several messages to 
them to return, but Mrs. Bailey said she would not unless their 
stock could be secure, and it should be left to Mr. Bailey to 
choose his place of residence near the town. The Indians sent 
their king to conlirm this agreement, which they adhere to with 
some little murmuring, at the largeness and increase of his stock. 

1 applied particularly to Mrs. Bailey for her opinion of the 
practicability of carrying the benevolent views of the government 
into eflfect, e.xplaining them fully to her; she replied it was un- 
certain; her daughter had learnt to spin among the white women, 
at Tanasau, were cleanly, neat and industrious. That many of the 
Indian women were industrious, but not cleanly, nor so provident 
and careful as the white women. This I replied might be owing 
to want of information, and the means of helping themselves. 
She said she did not know whether it was so or not, but of one 
thing she was certain, they all had water enough, and yet they 
never kept their husbands clean, even the white men, that this was 
really a source of vexation to her, and put her under the necessity 
of scolding the men whenever she saw them, for not making their 
wives wash their linen; and the women for their want of clean- 
liness. 

1 dined this day with Mr. Bailey and three Indian women, 
on pork and coleworts, a pair of fowls, and ducks; and the conver- 
sation related to the Indians and the practicability of bettering 
their condition. I should have added to my bill of fare some rice 
and potatoes — rum and water. Some incidents brought to my 
recollection that on Christmas, 1785, I dined at the public table 
at Hopewell on the Theowee, being one of the Commissioners for 
negotiating a peace with the Southern Indians, that the table was 
covered with a great variety of wild meat and fowls, the company 
large, that all of them are still living, and that the conversation 
then v^as the means of establishing a peace with these Indians, and 
of bettering their condition. I remember well that the sentiments 
I then entertained were the same I still possess, and am labouring 
to carry into eflfect. 

I was this day visited by the negros from the towns above 
me, on their way to Mrs. Durant's to keep Christmas. I asked 
how this was done, they answered that at this season of the year 
they made a gathering together at Mrs. Durant's or her sister's, 
•where there lived more of the black people than in any other part of 
the nation. And there they had a proper frolic of rum drinking 



BENJAMIN HAWKINS _49 

and dancing. That the white people and Indians met generally 
at the same place with them and had the same amusement. 

The black people here are an expense to their owners except 
in the house where I am. They do nothing the whole winter but 
get a little wood, and in the summer they cultivate a scanty crop 
of corn barely sufficient for bread. 

Monday, 26. 

The weather cloudy and freezing in the forenoon, and cold and 
clear in the afternoon. This day I had some provisions prepared 
for the road, and had every thing in readiness for my departure 
to-morrow for the lower towns. 

Tuesday, 27. 

I sent my attendants on the nearest road for Tuckabatchee, 
and set out myself to view the lands back of the Ottassee. For 
a mile the lands level, intersected with swamps, the growth a 
mixture of oak, pine, poplar and hickory, the dwarf hard shelled 
nut, free from stone yet not rich. The lands there on the right 
rise a little into hills, and flat, the branches stored with cane, the 
levels on the hills stiff red land, excellent for wheat, the growth 
black oak, scrub oak and hickory, and yellow pine, not large or 
abundant. There is to the left, back of the town, a swamp half 
a mile diameter, and on my right, one still larger, mostly a cane- 
brake. I pass the remains of an old settlement, formerly a part of 
the Ottassee, on the borders of Caloebee. descend to the flat land 
on the creek and up it one mile, the little drains which empty 
from my right, abound with reeds, the lands not rich. I cross the 
creek and turn to Tuckabatchee; I visited Mrs. Cornell and dined 
with her, on venison and pork stakes, and coffee. The old woman 
said she had expected me yesterday and had something good for 
me, but to-day she was unprovided. 

Two old chiefs visited me and had much conversation on the 
affairs of their nation. 

Wednesday, 28. 

Emautle Hutke, white chief, one of those who visited me last 
evening, remained all night with me. He informed me he lived 
out of town about seven miles. That he moved out for the advant- 
age of stock, and had now about one hundred head. This old 
man told me he had a great regard for the white people, that of 
his own knowledge or from his father knew that from an inter- 
course with them, the Indian had notwithstanding his obstinacy 
received much useful instruction. 



50 LETTERS OF 



That now they had many comforts, to which they were 
strangers to, cloathing, comfortable houses, and plenty of bread. 

He remembered when the part of the nation where he lived 
3iad not a blanket or a hoe, and his father remembered the intro- 
■duction of the knife and the hatchet. He remembered when there 
was not a horse in the nation and the rum used to be packed by 
the traders and sent down with the skins, he remembers the first 
horse and mare that was brought in the nation by a trader and 
-that the Indians were afraid of them. 

And now he said they had hoes, axes, knives, guns and other 
■necessaries, and he was glad I intended to increase the number, 
and trade them other useful things. I promised to visit him. 

Thursday, 29. 

I sat out for the lower creeks, took the path up the Eufaube, 
fthro' the Tallassee. I called at the house of James IMoore, who 
.accompanyed us, continued on 8 miles to James McQueens, an old 
.trader, he was from home. I was very desirous of seeing this old 
3iian, he being the oldest white man in the nation, and trader, he 
lias accumulated a considerable property. Continue on 2 miles 
larth-er and cross the creek, 30 feet wide, at Baskets one of the 
grandchildren of Mr. McQueen. The Indians are settled in planta- 
tions and villages upon the banks of this creek, many of them 
prittily situated and fenced. The huts neat and cleanly, the last 
one particularly so, the family remarkable industrious, the fields 
large and fenced. Continue on half a mile and call at the house of 
William Pound, here I dined; he has been four j'cars in the nation, 
5ias a pretty little Indian woman, and one child. I saw a great 
TiumTjer of fowls, and they gave me stewed fowls and pork. I 
<continue on 2 miles farther and encamp. In 4 miles cross a creek, 
"in 4 more cross another, and in 5 recross the Eufaube. The lands 
-uneaven and gravelly, \tvy good on the creeks, but poor on the 
liills, all the bottoms covered with reed, the first creek from the 
■encampment has some cane. I call and breakfast with William 
Drew, a native of Virginia, at the half way house, Chowolle Hatche. 
He has an Indian woman who was kind, good natured and attentive. 
He is a trader, and silversmith, the latter he took up of himself 
"by way of amusement a year of two ago. The chief of the business 
in this line is in making broches. rings and ear bobs. I continue 
on S. E., the route hitherto E. 9 miles, over high broken pine 
Torrest, the pines large without any undergrowth. Cross Crane 
Creek (Wattooluhhaugau hatche); this creek is difficulty to pass, 
the margins on both sides covered with reed without any thing 
^Ise, it is mirary, the channel of the creek 3 feet but deep, the 
iittle hollows above and below the ford exhibit the most beautiful 



BENJAMIN HAWKINS 51 

and variegated bed of reed that I have seen. From the creek 
rise up a steep red hill and continue on 5 miles over uneaven lands, 
the growth pine, not large, with blackjack and willow leaved 
hickory. The land then more level for five miles, the growth the 
same as the preceding 5 miles, all the little drains to the right and 
left covered with reed. This Crane Creek is the first waters on 
the path of the Chattahoochee. Take the left hand path, the course 
E. N. 1 mile, encamp on and afterwards cross a small branch 
runing to the left, continue on J4 of a mile, recross it 
runing to the right, and in half a mile cross the Wetumcau, 35 
feet over, falling down a long slope of craggy rock, a small village 
on the hill; here I breakfast with George Clem, a trader. Con- 
tinue on pass Wetumcau to the right, cross a creek in 2 miles 
tuning to the right, continue on over high pine hilly land 2 miles, 
cross another creek runing to the right, 4 miles farther over high 
open pine forest, the trees large, come to and up a steep hill, from 
the top there is an extensive view S. and S. E. The tops of the 
ridges in the last direction rising gradually, and terminating in 
their blue cloudlike appearance 10 or 12 miles off, descend pass 
the broken rock on the right formed at the head of a bottom 
like a horse shoe. The lands very uneaven, some high hills, to the 
right and left, the pine smaller but more abundant, and fine for 
log huts, 4 miles, over land descending, passing several reedy 
meadows and branches, I arrive at the flat lands adjoining the 
town, and in one mile over land moderately rich, I arrive at the 
town house. The course from Clem's generally S. E. I visited 
Mr. James Darouzeaux and dined with him and crossed over thev 
river to Thomas Marshall's, where I arrived the 31st of December. 

January the first, 1797. 

This morning the weather cold, clear and frosty. Some young 
men called on me on their way from Tombigbee to Georgia on 
business, they produced passports signed by the commandant of 
the district in Spanish and requested me to sign them, after the 
necessary enquiry I did so, and directed them to take the rout by 
the Rock Landing, their names Hiram Monger, native of Georgia, 
and Flood Megrew, a native of South Carolina, both inhabitants 
of Tombigbee, and James Barrow their pilot, a native of the Red 
Banks on Tar River in Xorth Carolina, at present Spawacta on 
the Alabama. 

Barrow informed me had been at the Natches early in 
December, that the commissioners appointed to run the line had 
not arrived, owing to the impossibility of descending the rivers 
01iin rind Tennessee in drv season. 



52 LETTERS OF 

He says the inhabitants of that district are uneasy at the 
expected change in the government, they have obtained titles to 
their lands from the Spanish governor, and they are apprehensive 
of loosing them, as the vkfhole country was covered with old 
British patents. 

I rote by him a letter to Col. Gaither. 



Coweta, January 1st, 1797. 



Dear Colonel: 



I came through the upper Cherokees to the Tallapoosa, and 
down that river to the Alabama. I have visited the towns in those 
rivers, and some of those on the Coosau, and I arrived here last 
evening. I was informed at the Tuckabatchee of the bad conduct 
of some of the young men of this town, who had murdered a 
negro woman on Chulapocca, this determined me to come imme- 
diately to examine into it. The chiefs and warriors are all of 
them out hunting and not expected to return till March. 

I find the upper Creeks disposed for peace, and more friendly 
to the white people than they have ever been known to be. This 
information I have obtained both from the Indians and the white 
people resident among them. 

From the unusual length of the time the traders have been 
down to Colerain I am apprehensive Mr. Price is not safe. I 
understood he was to leave Philadelphia in September with the 
full supply of goods. I expected my baggage to be sent round by 
him to the care of the agent of the War Department to be for- 
warded to me, as I shall reside a month or two on this river I 
shall be much in want of it. 

If any opportunity ofTers pray let me hear from you and the 
agent of the War Department. 

I have the honor to be, dear Colonel, 

Your obedient servant, 
HENRY GAITHER, 

Lt. Col. Commandant Fort Fidins. 



Monday the 2 January, 1797. 

This day two Indians, Billy Wright and Badmouth, of the 
Tallassee on Tallapoosa, applied for permission to visit their friends 
on Ogeechee. I received at the same time satisfactory information 
of the friendly disposition and peaceable orderly conduct. I gave 
them each a passport. 



BENJAMIN HAWKINS 53 

Coweta, Lower Creeks, 2 January, 1797. 

Billey Wright of the Tallassee on the Tallapoosa, a halfbreed 
Creek has applied to me for a passport to visit his friends and 
relations on'Ogeechee in Georgia. He is a friend to the white 
people, peaceable and orderly, fond of strong drink. I recommend 
him to the protection of my fellow citizens, his rout is by Beard's 
Bluflf. 

At the same time to remove as far as possible all prospect of 
danger I wrote this note to the commanding officer at that post. 

Sir: 

The two Indians, the bearers of this, have a passport from me 
to visit their friends in Georgia. They are directed to your post, 
to show their passports and receive your directions; you will of 
course be pleased to give such directions to them as the existing 
state of things may require. 

I have visited most of the towns of the upper Creeks, and on 
being informed of the bad conduct of some of the young men of 
this town in murdering a negro woman and doing other damage on 
the Tulpocca, I determined to come immediately to examine 
into it, I arrived on the 31st ultimo. The chiefs and warriors are 
all of them out hunting and not expected to return till March. 

I find the upper Creeks inclined to peace and more frierfdly 
to the white people than they have ever been known to be. This 
information I have obtained from the Indians themselves and the 
white people resident among them. 

I addressed a letter yesterday to Col. Gaither at Fort Fidins, 
being uncertain where he is. 

I am, &c., 
The Officer in Command at Beard's Bluff. 



Mr. Darouzeaux visited me; I had much conversation with 
him, Mr. Marshall, Alex Cornell and Mr. Thomas on the state of 
the Indians in this quarter, and recent murder on the Oconee. 
The chiefs of the town being out on a hunt I determined to visit 
the Cusseta, it being probable I shall there have an opportunity 
of meeting and conversing with some of the chiefs. Mr. Thomas 
gave me a copy of the talk sent to Mr. Seagrove disapproving this 
conduct of some of their giddy hotheaded mad young men. I 
permited Alex Cornell to return back to Tuckabatchee, and Mr. 
Moore accompanyed him. 



54 LETTERS OF 



Tuesday, 3 January. 

I discover that the nights in this climate are much colder than 
any I have ever felt compared with the warmth of the day. The 
season continues still dry, and colder than is usual. 

In the course of conversation to-day with Mr. Marshall on the 
domestic economy of the Indians, I was surprised at his want 
of information as he has resided twelve years in their towns, and has 
two Indian wives. He explained for himself, by saying that during 
the whole of his residence he had not entered 3 of the Indian 
houses, that whatever business he had with the men he went to 
their doors, mentioned it to him, said and did what was necessary 
and left them, or sat under their corn house. 

This disposition of Mr. Marshall brings to my recollection, 
that David Hay informed me while I was at New York on a visit 
to the white Lieutenant's family, that he had been five years in 
the land, and that the house he then entered with me was the 
first and only Indian hut he had entered; he added that probably 
he should never enter another altho' he might remain as long 
again. I asked him if he had had no intercourse with the women, 
he answered no, nor with the men, except to look at them. He 
is a stout active young fellow, a native of Lancaster County in 
Pennsylvania. Seems well conditioned, decent and orderly. 

Wednesday, 4th. 

I sat out down the river on a visit to the Cusseta; the lands 
for 214 miles level, pine, oak and hickory, black jack, the soil 
dark and apparently rich; enter here the cornfields belonging to 
the town, an oblong mound, to the right % mile farther another 
mound near the river 25 feet high, flat at top, surrounded on the 
north with mulberry and on the south with evergreens, some of 
them large, the top flat, the diameter 40 yards at the base. This 
is the most beautiful I have ever seen, from the top is a view of the 
river above, the flat lands on the right bank, and all the fields, of 
about one hundred acres, these fields have been long under culture 
and yet they are rich, there is no where a stump to be seen. At 
the lower end of the fields a branch from the left, and a large 
beaver pond of 40 acres, capable of being drained at a small 
expense of labour. The lands back of these fields rise about 20 
feet, continue on flat for one mile and then enter pine barron; 
continue on over the branch and broken rich land to Hatchee- 
thlucco (great creek), 60 feet over, a rappid current, rise up a steep 
bank, and continue on a high level flat, cross a small branch, 
Rookluggec Chiclowau Ocosecuh, this branch is between 
the town and the fields, and is so named from a practice 



BENJAMIN HAWKINS 



in warm weather the women have of washing as they pass it. Pass 
thro' an old field formerly a Chickasaw town, from the lower 
border of which is seen at one view the Cusseta, on a flat 40 feet 
below, surrounded with this barron bank to the North and East 
and by the river to the West. The lands about the town are 
poorer than any I have ever seen, and could only have been 
selected from the beautiful flat on which the town is situated, 
just above the floods. Very little of corn or any thing else is 
cultivated in the town, every thing almost except the early corn- 
being cultivated above Hatcheelemo and all brought to town 
either in canoes or on the backs of the women or horses. I 
arrived at the house of Thomas Carr, a trader; he is an old man,, 
has resided many years in the nation, has suffered much by the 
uncertain and precarious situation of a trader among the Indians,, 
during times of war. He received me and treated me hospitably- 
He apoligised for his situation, which he did not intend to alter 
until he knew the success of the mission intrusted to me. He has- 
good butter, made by his people, and a plenty of pork and corn,, 
he makes some rice, carries on his trade. I dined with him on 
stewed pork, and he gave me a can of good rum grog. The 
Indians expected I would be down in the morning and waited for 
me till 12 o'clock and then dispersed. As soon as I arrived they 
sent to inform me they would expect to see me in the morning 
at the ceremony of the black drink. I sent a message to Mr» 
Darouzeaux to request him to attend me as interpreter. 

Thursday the Sth. 

This morning I attended at the square and the Alicos and 
chiefs received me in the most friendly manner. As soon as Mr. 
Parouzeaux arrived, at their request I informed them of my 
rout since I parted with them at Colerain. 

I informed them of the disposition of the United States relative 
to the red people, and the plan for bettering their condition, told 
them of the happy accommodation of our political differences with 
all our neighbours red and white, and our fixed determination to- 
be at peace with all the world. I informed them that I expected 
that Col. Gaither was before this fixed down on their lands at the 
places contemplated at Colerain; that the President, as soon as he 
saw what the commissioners had done, and the conversation 
between them and the chiefs, he directed the Secretary of War 
to augment the troops on the frontiers of Georgia, and give the 
necessary orders for the fixture of the posts. I gave them a 
particular account of my reception among the Cherokees at Etaw- 
wah, the information I gave them of the plan of the government,, 
and the determination of the Cherokee women to accept of the 



56 LETTERS OF 



benevolent offers of the government. I told them that 1 had visited 
the chief of that town at his place of residence six miles on this 
side of the town, that he was a good farmer, had a fine stock of 
cattle, hogs and horses, used the plow, made cotton and immitated 
the ways of the white people. 

They all heard me with attentive silence, until! I mentioned 
the raising and spinning of cotton. One of them laughed at the 
idea, but the Fusatchee Mico assent to all and said it must be 
done. 

The objection made to it by the men, is, that if the women can 
cloathe themselves, they will be proud and not obedient to their 
husbands. 

I returned in the evening to Coweta. 



No. 2. Coweta, 6 January, 1797. 

The Secretary of War. 
Sir: 

I left my letter. No. 1, of the 22 Nov. in the care of General 
Pickins to be forwarded to you, by post from Columbia. I have 
pursued the rout pointed out to you in that letter, and visited 
three of the Cherokee towns, thense to the Tallapoosa, and down 
that river to the Alabama, up the Coosau to two towns and from 
thense returning up the Tallapoosa to Tuckabatchee, and thro' 
the Tallassee to this town, down to the Cusseta, and back again. 

I have in the course of this tour made on all occasions suitable 
efforts to impress on the minds of the Indians the benevolent 
views of the government, and to avail myself of the necessary 
information in aid of the plan contemplated in my mission. The 
season was not a very favourable one, as most of the chiefs were 
out hunting and there remained at home in the towns, the traders, 
the women and old men only, with some few exceptions. 

I have through the whole of the upper Creeks obtained this 
interesting fact, from all the traders and Indians; that the Indians 
are inclined to peace and more friendly to the white people, than 
they have ever been known to be. This was to be expected, and 
it can readily be accounted for arrising out of the confidence they 
have in the justice of the U. S., accommodation of our political 
differences with Spain and Great Britain. 

The Indians who were at Colerain have spoken highly of the 
candid, just and friendly conduct of the Commissioners of the 



BENJAMIN HAWKINS 57 



United States during the whole of the negotiations, and in every 
town I find some of them, who point me out as one of them. 

Before my arrival I had been informed that there were some 
white people in the nation who's past conduct would not bear the 
strictest scrutiny. I have determined not to retrospect, and I have 
announced this determination in every town, with a requisition 
to all the white people to aid and assist me, and I am promised 
the co-operation of all the traders and their dependents. 

I find myself surrounded with innumerable difficulties, the 
Indians are all of them beggars, and being accustomed for several 
years past to receive presents from the United States, Great 
Britain or Spain sufficient to cloathe all the idlers in the nation, 
they view with supprise their great beloved friend and father the 
agent of the four nations ofifering them cotton and flax seed, 
ploughs, spining wheels, cards and looms, with instructors in the 
useful branches of mechanics and agriculture. They are extremely 
jealous of their women, who are slaves and destined to every office 
of labour and fatigue. They will not suffer the least intercourse 
with them, fearing that by being able to cloathe themselves, they 
will attempt to break the chains which degrade them. The young 
women and the widows are exempt from these restrictions, with 
some few of the married women. 

The traders, several of whom have amassed considerable 
fortunes, have almost all of them been as inattentive to their 
children as the Indians. It has not entered the head of one of them 
to attempt to better the condition of the Indian. I believe they 
look on such attempts as fruitless. They have no social inter- 
course with them, they pursue their profession steadily. They 
are all of them hospitable. Mr. William Panton has engrossed the 
greatest part of the trade of this nation, his establishment is at 
Pensacola; he supplies not only the white traders, but he has 
set up a number of Indian factors. They are both behind-hand 
with him, and the Indians are indebted to them to a considerable 
amount; the skin and fur trade is on the decline, and the wants of 
the Indians are increasing. I believe I shall find no difficulty in 
establishing a national council, to meet once a year, at the town 
of my residence, but the expense must be borne by the govern- 
ment, and I think it may be so conducted as not to exceed 700 
dollars. An establishment of this sort appears to me indispens- 
able, to enable the nation to fulfil it engagements with us, for 
except as to the government of the women, there is no law, it 
belongs to individuals to take personal satisfaction, or to the 
family of the person injured to avenge the rong — the chiefs may 
interpose, but their interposition is seldom of any avail, — there is 
here and there a solitary instance where the chiefs of a town 
have interposed all their authority, which could only prevail on 



58 LETTERS OF 



the weldisposed of the relations to put their offending brethren 
to death. We must aid them to fulfil their engagements, and it 
will require much and patient instruction to enlighten their under- 
standings. 

I visited this town sooner than otherwise I intended to do 
expressly to examine into the recent murder of the negro woman 
at the Appalatche. The chiefs are from home but expected soon 
to return, I shall do what is proper on the occasion; I have visited 
at the Cussetas several of the chiefs, five of whom I was per- 
sonally acquainted with, two of them Micos, one of them the 
Birdtail who was at New York. They are as friendly as I could 
wish. 

From the unusual time the traders have been down at Colerain 
I am apprehensive Mr. Price, the full supply of goods, and my 
baggage are all lost. I am much in want of the baggage; and if 
the whole is lost, I must request of you to repeat the order for 
the articles mentioned in the list I left with you. 

I shall soon write to you again. I beg you to assure the 
President of my sincere wishes for a long continuation of his 
health and happiness and to believe me yourself with the sincerest 
regard and esteem, 

Sir, 

Your obedient servant. 



JAMES McHENRY, 
Secretary of War. 



Col. H. Gaither. 
Dear Sir: 



Coweta, 7th January, 1797. 



I rote you on the 1st of this month, by James Barrow, since 
then I have visited the Cussetas; several of the chiefs were at 
home, and 3 of the Mico's, two of whom you know, Fusatchee 
Mico, and Tussekiah Mico. They are as friendly as I could wish, 

I have directed Mr. Thomas to be the bearer of my letters to 
you and the Secretary of War. You will oblidge me by com- 
municating to me the progress you have made in fixing your posts, 
according to the new arrangement; and the state of the frontiers. 
He will return immediately to this town. 

I shall probably visit you some time next month, as I have 
fixed the 10th of March for runing the line from the Apalatchee 
over the Currahee Mountain to Tugalo; something may intervene 
to enduce a postponement of the time to a more convenient 
season — of this I shall apprise you in due time. 



I 



BENJAMIN HAWKINS 59 

Two Indians, Billey Wright and anotlier of the Tallassee, 
applied to me for a permit to visit their friends on Ogeechee. I 
directed them to the station near Beard's Bluff,* and gave them 
a letter to the officer commanding there, requesting him to give 
them such directions as the existing state of things may require. 
It has been expressly enjoined on all the Indians now out not to 
cross the Oconee, on any account whatever. If you should see 
any of them you will oblidge me by repeating this prohibition to 
them. 

I request you to mention me respectfully to the officers under 
your command, and to believe me with sincere regard and esteem. 

Sir, 

Your obedient servant. 
HENRY GAITHER, 

Lt. Col. Commandant. 



Coweta, the 8th January, 1797. 
Sir: 

In September last there were packed up at Philadelphia 
implements of husbandry for the Creeks, and other things neces- 
sary to the Indian department. They were to be forwarded to- 
the care of the agent for the Department of War at the intended 
establishment near Fort Fidins with orders for the quartermaster 
to cause them to be sent to the town up the river care of the 
agent. If you have received any of the articles, as discribed I 
wish you would send them to me at this place. I expected the 
things would have been sent round in the vessel with Mr. Price 
and the full supply of goods; as such a vessel has not yet arrived 
it is probable some accident has happened during the stormy 
season and the vessel is lost or missed her port. I enclose you 
a list of some articles belonging to the Indian Department in the 
possession of Mr. Price, who has as I expect an order from the 
Secretary of War to deliver them. If he has not received any 
such order, I request you notwithstanding to direct them to be 
sent and I in that case will be accountable for them. 

If you in the course of your researches have found out the 
secret of making Indians fulfill their public engagements, 
where there is no law and it belongs to individuals to take personal 



* Beard's Bluflf is on the Altamaha River in Liberty County Ga. 



60 LETTERS OF 



satisfaction, and to the family of a person injured to avenge the 
rong, and you will communicate that secret to me, I hereby bind 
myself and successors in ofifice to send you six princesses in full 
dress. 

I am with sincere regard, 

Sir, 

Your obedient servant. 
MAJ. FREEMAN, 

Agent for the Department of War. 



8th January, 1797. 

I this day signed passports for William Hunt, of Pawarta, 
James McGraw and John Sheppard, of Tombigbee, to go into the 
State of Georgia. 

9th January. 

The falls of this river are about 3 miles from this, the width 
of the river opposite the town house 120 yards, and about the 
same width to the falls, the current steady, the river up; the body 
or bed of rocks over which the water falls rough, coarse and 
vainey, and rising into, small islands of ^ of an acre, the water 
is formed into two channels, one on the right the other on the 
left side of the river, both together about 40 feet over; at low 
water, the fall about IS feet in 150, the current in the left channel 
rappid, but no where so steep but that fish may ascend. Here 
are two fisheries, one on each side of the river, that on the left 
belongs to the Cussetas, the other to the Cowetas, the fish are 
taken in scoop nets. The lands on the left bank of the river flat, 
and for some distance back, the timber pine, oak, hickory, the 
soil stiflf. On the right side from the lower end of the falls up the 
river, a pine barren to the water's edge, the pines small. In 
approaching this river on the left side, one is surprised at finding 
the falls, without the least appearing of any change or uneaven- 
ness of the surface of the earth, the whole level, and continues 
so back for 1 mile. The banks of the river generally fifty feet 
high down to the town house. A creek empties in half a mile 
above, 15 feet over, and it descends with a rappid current, going 
up this creek a small one joins it on the left, about 200 yards from 
the river, continuing up one mile, the lands on both sides to the 
margin, without any swamp; the banks steep enough any where 
for mills. The course of this creek for this distance is nearly 
north; here is the bend, it has its source near 20 miles from this, 
and nearly north from the bend. 



BENJAMIN HAWKINS 61 



I saw several ponds on the flats which are dry most part of 
the year, but at this season full of water, and abounding with 
ducks and geese; which feed constantly on the acorns. 

19th January. 

I this day signed passports for James Lewis, Prior Hardiman 
and James Foster, of the district of Matches, to go into the State 
of Georgia. James Lewis is a native of North Carolina, born 
near the shallow ford of the Yadkin, he at present lives on Coles 
Creek 13 miles from the Mississippi, and 30 from the Natches. 

James Foster is a native of South Carolina, and he has resided 
in the Natches since he was a boy. 

I have been for several days confined to the house with dul 
cloudy rainy weather. Was only able to make short excursions 
up the river. I have been visited frequently by the few Indians 
who are in town or who arrive from the woods. 

20th. 

The falls of this river continue three or four miles nearly of 
the same width, then the river expands to thrice the width below, 
the bottom gravelly, rocky, and its shoally. There are several 
small islands, one of them at the part where the expansion com- 
mences, rich and some part of it under culture. Going up the 
river 2j/2 miles from the end of the falls the broken lands com- 
mence. ZYz miles farther Chisse Hulkuha, small creek joins the 
river. 4 miles farther Chusethlocco, a creek 20 feet wide joins the 
river, it is a rocky creek. 5 miles still higher Ketalee, a bold shoally 
rocky creek, its bed covered with moss joins the river, the creek 
30 feet wide. 10 miles still higher a large creek enters. 

On the opposite shore beginning below at the termination of 
the falls is Ocowaccoh Hatchee (Falls Creek), 15 feet over; 
6 miles still higher up is Leader's Creek, a small one. One mile 
farther Hatchee Canawe (crooked creek) a small one. Thense 
up to Hollowockee, opposite Ketalee and of nearly the same size. 
6 or 7 miles still higher is Mossy Creek, Assunoppa. 

The island which is in part under culture is nearly 4 miles 
from the termination of the falls, its about ^ a mile in length 
and narrow, here the river is fordable, from the left bank of the 
river, go to within 100 yards of the uper end of the island, then 
down the island to the fields and then X to the other shore. 

There is a village on Chusethlocco, about 4 miles up from 
the river, of 8 or 10 families, the village is called Itatchee Uscaw 
(head of a creek). The lands broken, growth oak, hickory, pine, 
chesnut. cane on the creek and reed on the branches. 



62 LETTERS OF 



There is a village a mile below the mouth of Leader's Creek, 
on the river, and some settlements on most of the creeks. The 
growth on this side similar to that on the other, the lands broken, 
cane on the creeks and reed on the branches. 



21 January. 

In the year 1784 William Marshall a young man 17 years of 
age, a native of Ireland, was murdered at a Coweta village about 
10 miles above the town, by an Indian of the Cowetas; Thomas 
Marshall his brother, applied to the chief of the town for satisfac- 
tion, and declared his determination of leaving the town if he 
did not obtain it, that he might have an opportunity of obtaining 
it for himself. The uncle of the murderer said he should have 
satisfaction, that either he himself or the guilty one should suffer, 
and he determined that the guilty should. The chiefs all im- 
mediately promised that justice should be done. The chiefs after 
consultation in the square, determined that the murderer should 
suffer death, and they directed two of his clan to carry the deter- 
mination into execution. The two appointed went, one of them 
with the rifle of the deceased, and shot the murderer; he was on 
the top of a house helping to cover it when they came, and there 
were many Indians present house building. The executioners 
fired at him and missed him, he thought the balls which missed 
him had been fired at turkies. They then shot and wounded him, 
he fell to the ground, when they shot at and wounded him again, 
he lived about one hour and died. He had repeatedly made 
attempts to kill a white man before; and at one time, run a knife 
thro' the arm of Nicholas Miller. He said his father had been 
killed by a white man, and a white man he would have; after 
murdering William Marshall, he said he knew he must die for it, 
and he was determined to kill every white man he met with. 
While he was wounded and just before he died, he said a white 
man he had determined to have, and one he had got, that his 
heart was straight and that he was a man. 

The family of Mr. Marshall have been so unfortunate, most of 
them, as to meet an untimely end; during the late war a party 
of Indians said to be Chekaws attacked the house of Mrs. Marshall 
the mother, and of her son-in-law Capt. David Stewart about 
one mile above Old Town on Ogeechee and killed Mrs. Marshall, 
Capt. Stewart, his wife and two children, the two brothers William 
and Henry were in the house with their mother, and defended 
themselves with their guns untill their mother was killed, and 
then they retreated; Henry was afterwards killed at Sappalo; a 
lad at school by Capt. Baker and his company, after he had 



BENJAMIN HAWKINS 63 

surrendered himself wounded a prisoner. This action is mentioned 
as having been done in a manner shocking to humanity. 

23 January. 

Visited Tallauhassee, and dined with the old queen, the prince's 
mother, she had sent for me, she received me and treated me 
with much attention. Her brother an old man and three warriours 
were at home. I dined on stewed pork, fryed pork and eggs, 
with good bread, fried potatoes and saufkee. The young men 
informed me that they had been hunting towards Cumberland, 
that one of them saw Mr. Dinsmoor who gave them an order for 
ammunition in case they should want, but that after crossing the 
path from Knoxville to Nashville, they heard some white people 
hunting bear, and they determined to return. Another said he had 
been on the branches of Tulapocca, saw some white men who 
spoke kindly to him, that he and some others killed a hog high up 
on Little River, where they saw several cattle and hogs, and much 
sign of horses, some of them shod. They complained of the 
stocks of white people ranging on their lands, and requested that 
measures might be taken to cause them to be removed. 

Tallauhassee is on a small creek, Chulucintigatuh, two miles 
below Coweta. They moved from Tlocorcau, (broken arrow). The 
lands level between the two towns, and pretty good, the growth 
pine, oak, and hard shelled hickory, all of them small. The town 
is surrounded on the North by the creek, on the East bj^ the river, 
and a pond, and some high ground to the West, it is small, not 
compactly built; there are about 100 gun men, belonging to the 
town, tho' many of them reside in villages. I saw at three or 
four houses some peach trees planted around them, which ap- 
peared in a thriving state, and had been attended to by the 
owners. I was shown in an old field some stakes to which the 
Cherokees had been tied in the last war they had with the Creeks 
about 40 years past when taken prisoners. Three of the stakes 
remain. Here the captives were tied and here they received their 
■doom, which with the exception of young lads and a few women 
was the tortue till death. 

Near the river below the creek is a rich flat, there is a conic 
mound 17 or 18 feet high and near 40 over, it has some appearance 
of having been five sided, it is surrounded with the usual growth 
on the flat lands of the river, has some evergreens to the south, 
and an elm in the center. This mound is below the point of the 
river, about 600 yards, the one on the other side in the Cusseta 
fields is nearly opposite to the point. 

Below the point, so called from the short turn of the river, 
there is a ford, pretty good in dry seasons. Still higher up the 



64 LETTERS OF 



river and just above the oblong mound on the Cusseta side, there 
is a small oblong island in the river of one, or at most two acres, 
surrounded with ducks and geese during the winter season. 

I returned through the Cabeta fields, they are in the point, 
the river forms two sides and a small fork fence with stakes and 
three rails, the other of the fields. Some years ago, the town 
was built here, and during the winter when the Indians were out 
hunting, a flood carried off the houses and all their corn. They 
then sat down at a rise a little back, and in a few years after 
removed to its present site. 

The creek at Tallauhassee is large enough for a mill, with a 
pair of light stones to grind at all seasons. The creek adjoining 
the Coweta affords water sufficient for a saw mill. They both 
have their rise in the piney lands to the West, and the branches 
are all of them reedy. 

24. 

Some days past one of my mares proved sickly, and did not 
return as usual to be fed, I directed the servants to hunt for her. 
This day an old woman called to inform me she was stolen; that a 
man now out in the woods with his family had come expressly 
with the intention of doing it. Some of the young lads in town 
have turned out to recover her, and all of them express concern 
at the action, the man being known. I have informed them of my 
determination to demand of the chiefs the execution of their law 
upon him. He has long been at the habit of stealing horses, and 
is a fit subject for an example. 

25. 

I am this day informed that a lad has returned to the Cussetas, 
from the north side of the Oakmulgee, he had been hunting on 
the waters of Oconee, and had taken a mare and colt, which he 
saw on the Indian lands. The mare he says he took to bring the 
packs of skins, having 40 of them, and in retaliation for one taken 
from his brother nine years past. He was immediately informed 
by some of the Indians of my being here, and that he would be 
compelled to deliver her up. He replied if he was ordered he 
should do it, but he meant to keep her till he saw his brother. 

26. 

I had some conversation with the women, on this particular 
situation, their wants and the means of gratifying them. I found 
among them one, who is intelligent and speaks English well 



BENJAMIN HAWKINS 65 



enough to be understood. I have promised her to cloathe her and 
her two children at the expense of the United States, annually and 
to furnish her with the means of living comfortably, on condition 
that she will have her daughter taught to spin, and assist herself, 
to interpret to the women, whatever may be devised for their 
benefit. She readily assented and has promised to be governed 
in all things by those who have the direction of Indian affairs.* 

The trader's son arrived to-day from Flint River and brought 
me a letter from Mr. Barnard and one from Col. Gaither. The 
Col. writes from Fort St. Tammany of the 13; informs me of the 
arrival of Mr. Price at Savannah, on the 16, with public goods 
addressed to me, and that he had sailed for St. Marys after the 
24 of December. 

The Col. informs that the fort on the south side of the 
Altamaha is recently finished (called Fort James); that he shall 
leave Ensign Thomson and 25 men to compleat the inside work, 
and that he shall ascend the river in a few days to build the fort 
ordered near Fort Fidins on the Oconee. 

The messenger informs me that there are some people settled 
on this side of the Oconee, and that Col. Gaither had given 
notice to the people to move from the Indian lands, and to drive 
their stock on the north side of the Oconee. He further informs 
that a body of cavalry had arrived from the northward, and that 
Col. Gaither intended to go up the river with them, destroy the 
plantations which are made, and collect such stock as remains 
on the Indian lands after the time allowed for their removal. 

Yesterday evening he lodged with the Cusseta Mico, and 
brought a message to me, that chief has sent some young men out to 
take the mare and colt, brought in as mentioned on the 25, and hold 
them subject to my order, that the head warriour was out, or 
he should have directed him to go for her and whip the lad for 
bringing them of?; that I might expect a man to call on me to- 
morrow for orders. 

28 January. 

Opocthe ]\Iico of the Cussetas called on me to inform me that 
he had executed the orders of the Cusseta Mico; had taken the 
mare and colt that I had been informed of the day before yester- 
day, and carried them to that Mico, who would take care of them 
till my order; that they were taken by the lad on the south 
waters of Little River. 



* August 1805, this promise she did not perform, nor could she 
be prevailed on to use any other means than lying whenever she 
saw a white man. 



66 LETTERS OF 



29 January. 

Aron Harad Oketeqockenne and the second man of that town 
applied to me to give Harad an opportunity to defend his charac- 
ter for some injurious insinuations circulated against him. Harad 
is a native of Roanoke in North Carolina, about 30 miles below 
Halifax, he was attached to the British during the war, and has 
resided in the Creek nation ever since the evaculation of St. Augus- 
tine. He has an Indian wife and three children, has heretofore 
been a trader, has acquired some property and is desirous of 
trading again. After the necessary enquiry I informed him how 
he was to proceed to obtain a license to trade, and I wrote to 
Maj. Freeman. 



Coweta, 31st January, 1797. 
Sir: 

Aron Harad of the Oketeqockenne has been with me, he says 
some reports have been circulated in the nation unfavourable to 
his character, and he requested that I would enable him remove 
them. He is desirous to obtain a licence to trade. The second 
man of his town accompanyed him and delivered me a talk from 
Kennard in his favour. I have not heard any thing which should 
preclude him from obtaining a license provided he can give the 
requisite security. 

MAJ. COMMANDANT FREEMAN, 
Agent for the War Department. 



31st. 

Mr. Barnard arrived last evening, he brought with him Cusse- 
ta Mico; Owlelo Mico of this town visited me, I had much 
conversation with them, and explained the plan of the govern- 
ment to them. I found that it would be disagreeable to many 
of the chiefs if I should cause the line to be run, before the meet- 
ing of the chiefs Coweta & Cusseta. 

I received a letter from Mr. Price of the 14, informing me 
of his arrival at Colerain, with goods for the Indian department 
and that they were very much damaged by bad weather on the 
passage. He further says, "We have a number of Indians here 
continually importunning us for provisions and presents, the first 



BENJAMIN HAWKINS 67 

I have been oblidged to supply them with in moderate quantity; 
presents I cannot think myself justifiable in giving them, altho' 
considerable have been made up for them before my arrival, com- 
posed of factory goods and public goods under the charge of 
Mr. Seagrove and at his recommendation. I am in great hopes 
of hearing from you 'ere long, it vi^ill relieve me from a great 
deal of perplexity vv'hich I endure at present for want of a person 
to act in the department of Indian affairs." 

There is something not readily to be accounted for, in the 
Indians crowding in the midst of the hunting season to Colerain; 
when they were invited here to the treaty, and assured that there 
was a plenty of every thing comfortable for them, the whole 
nation seemed unconcerned and not more than 4 or 5 hundred 
attended. When they are informed that there is not any thing 
for them there, either to eat or as presents, John Galphin, who 
says he is in the pay of the United States, by appointment of 
Mr. Seagrove, sets out with a long train of men, women and children, 
and go's to Colerain; and they were at the eve of obtaining 
considerable presents, but the arrival of Mr. Price puts a stop to it. 

It is in vain for the executive to dijest and adopt plans for 
continuing the friendship of the Indians and preserving peace with 
them and the citizens, if they are thus intruded on. The Indians 
have repeatedly in my tour applied for presents, many of them 
in a stile rude and indelicate: "I want a paper to get a blanket, 
shirt flap and some things for my wife and children, you are 
come, and you are the man to get these things for us." Yes I 
am the man, and I intend you shall get them out of your own 
exertions, you must follow my advise and if you cannot get the 
things you want, I will then see that they are brought and 
delivered to you. If you will not follow my advise, you will get 
no presents of any kind. After repeated similar conversations, 
I was told at the Tuckabatchees of this troop of beggars being on 
the way to Colerain; the two Indians who informed me of them 
applied for an order for their presents, that they would then go 
and get them; I told them these Cowetas would be disappointed, 
that there were no presents there for them, and that they must 
return as they went. The two applicants assured me that they 
expected presents and would get them. 

1st February. 

Aron Harad applied to me again to aid him in obtaining the 
requisites to enable him to trade; Mr. Barnard and Mr. Marshall 
at his earnest request agreed to become security for his licence; 
they at the same time observed they were led to do it, knowing 
that he had heretofore been in trade, the Indians were indebted 



68 LETTERS OF 



to him, and that it would be difficult if not impracticable to collect 
the debts unless he had some goods. 

I filled up a bond with the security offered, and directed Mr. 
Harad to take it or send it to Maj. Freeman, who was the person 
appointed to grant the licence. 

Having an opportunity by Mr. Harad, to send a letter to Mr. 
Burges, I wrote him. 



Coweta, 1st of February, 1797. 
James Burges: 

Measures calculated to insure a continuance of the friendship 
of the Indians and to preserve peace along the interior frontiers 
of the United States have been dijested and adopted by the 
President of the U. States. The plan in a considerable degree 
depends for its execution on my agency, south of the Ohio, and 
throughout the whole a rigid economy in the public expenditure 
is deemed indispensable. 

In arranging the necessary assistants for the Creek depart- 
ment, I shall give a preference to those in service, and retain as 
many of them as may be necessary. I have therefore appointed 
you to be one of the assistants; your allowance will be 400 dollars 
per annum, paid quarterly, and this allowance will commence 
with the first of December 1796, as I suppose your former services 
have been paid by Mr. Seagrove up to that day. 

I am &c. 



I this day received information from St. Augustine, St. Marks 
and the Semanoles, that war was actually commenced between 
the Spaniards and English; and that the Indians were pleased at 
it, and were circulating reports fabricated by some mischief makers 
among them tending to induce a belief that Col. Brown would 
very soon be in the nation from Providence to call on the Indians 
to take part with them. The king of the town, Owlelo Mico, 
informed me that from appearances at Pensacola, he expected they 
were hourly in expectation of hearing of a declaration of war. 
That he spoke to the governor, who informed him "that people 
were liable to unpleasant sensations from unforseen difficulties 
and perplexities, that their affairs were embarrassing." 

I told the chiefs that they were not to take part on either 
side, that they had nothing to do, in a contest between the 



BENJAMIN HAWKINS 69 



Europeans. Let the people of the old world fight their own 
battles, and us mind our own affairs at home. They replied it 
was right, we will do so. 



Coweta, 2 February, 1797. 
Sir: 

In the course of my tour through the Creeks, I find that you 
have a very extensive commercial intercourse with them, and that 
probably your present or future prospects may be materially 
affected by the political state of affairs in Europe. I do not 
know that I can in any way contribute any thing that may be of 
service to you, within my agency, but if you know wherein I can, 
and will do me the favour to call on me, I possess the decision, 
and will prove to you my readiness to assist you. 

I am sir, 

Your obedient servant. 
MR. WILLIAM PANTON. 



The second man of the town and Owlelo Mico visited me, the 
former with a request that I would permit Hardy Reed to reside 
and trade in their nation; that he had been to Colerain and 
obtained goods to the amount of 4 or 5 hundred dollars, part on 
credit from Mr. Price, that he had not obtained a licence. 

I explained the law on this subject, and told them how Mr. 
Reed was to act. Mr. Reed attended and informed me that he 
had applied for a licence and could have given security, but he 
was refused by Maj. Freeman, he understood because he had not 
yet heard from the agent, or for some other cause unknown to 
him; that he applied to Mr. Price for goods, and was refused, 
but after some time, Mr. Price supplied him, some for cash and 
some on credit. 

I directed Mr. Reed not to attempt to sell his goods in the 
town where he was as there were two traders long resident there, 
but to go to some place, where there was a vacancy, and there 
reside until he was informed where the agent of the War Depart- 
ment would reside and grant licence, and then to conform himself 
in future to the law. 

I sat out this day on a visit to the village of the Tussekiah 
Mico, on the waters of Hatcheethlocco, the course E.; continue on 



70 LETTERS OE 



2 miles on flat land, thin, open, hilly, piney, the moist hollows 
covered with reeds; continue on 13 miles, very little alteration 
in the land, come to a creek runing to the right, and 5 miles 
farther arrive at the house of this Mico. He expected this visit, 
and the few men in the village were at his house and received 
me in a manner that did credit to the Mico and was highly 
pleasing to me. 

Here I am he said, glad to see you, this is my wife and these 
are my children, they are glad to see you. These are some of the 
men in the village, there are 40 of them in all, they are glad to 
see you. You are now among those on whom you may rely. I 
have been 6 years at this place and there is not a man here or 
belonging to the village, who ever stole a horse or did any injury 
to a white man. 

I suped on boiled eggs, pork, venison, potatoes and coffee. 
My horses were fed and carried to the canebrake by his sons. 
I lodged in the store house, comfortably, by myself, in some 
blankets, on a lodging prepared for me. 

3rd of February. 

This morning the Mico told me he was not well fixed to 
entertain me, but such as he had was mine. There were 5 settle- 
ments in view, and all surrounded with a worm fence. "These" 
says he, "are my relations, they and all of us will follow your 
advise. I am trading. I have paid off what I owe to Mr. Panton. 
I have goods on hand. I am indebted to Mr. Price; I shall have 
enough to pay him, and have 4 or 5 hundred skins to spare. I 
will continue my trade. I have given five mares to my boys; I 
have some pack-horses besides, they with my own exertions will 
do for me and my wife. The whole village have fenced their 
fields. The Dog Warrior first settled out here, this was our 
beloved bear ground, and reserved as such as long as it was of 
value for bear. I followed him, and we have made it a rule to 
admit no neighbours who will not make fences. We have most 
of us some cattle and hogs, and all of us hope to be able to get 
some. The creek which runs through my field is Ottasee Hatchee, 
and was formerly settled by the Ottasees; about 2 miles from this 
is the Uvachee Hatchee, the Dog Warrior has a field on the other 
side, in a large canebrake, and he lives on a high piney hill just 
beyond it." 

I directed Mr. Barnard to accompany me to the houses in 
view. I had a friendly conversation with the women and returned. 

I told the chief that I had determined to begin with him and 
his relations; he had been at New York, had seen much of the 
ways of the white people, and would understand the directions 



BEN J A MIN HA J VKINS 71 

1 gave. He and his people must clean up their ground, and I 
would introduce the plough. He replied, "I will follow your 
directions, and will most willingly labour myself. We have had 
serious apprehensions for our safety, and been under the necessity 
to leave our homes and go into the town; you are now come; I 
rely entirely on the assurances given by you, that we may remain 
at home, and be under the protection of the United States." 

This man, his wife and children all have the air and inanners 
of well bred people, he saw to every thing himself, his wife 
cooked, the boys assisted in making fires and washing the cups, 
bringing water and taking care of my horses; they all, to the 
least came to me and took me by the hand and seemed much at 
their ease. 

This man informed me that he'd always had an attachment 
to the white people; that this was left him as a legacy by his 
father, who, on his death had enjoined it on him to hold all white 
people by the hand, and to place entire confidence in the English, 
that he might put some little confidence in the French, but none 
in the Spaniards; at the same time he gave his pipe to Samuel 
Thomas, in the presence of his two sons, saying, my boys may 
make an ill use of the pipe, you are an old acquaintance and a 
white man, and I hope you will give them good advice. Thomas, 
he died afterwards and left his pipe to his half brother James 
Darouzeaux, and James sold this pipe at St. Augustine for two 
kegs of rum. From that day to this he had respected this solemn 
injunction of his father, and enjoined it on his children in like 
manner, to treat all white people well, and never to suflfer one of 
them to be injured, if they could prevent it. 

I am pleased to see that his boys bid fair to fulfill this 
injunction of their father, and that they are such worthy subjects, 
to have bestowed on them the benevolent care of the government. 

The lands on the creek are rich, most of them a canebrake, the 
timber large poplar, white oak, beech, sycamore; on the hills 
pine. The situation fine for cattle and hogs. 

4th of February. 

I left this worthy family and sat out for Flint River, crossed 
the creek in the plantation, went through some level rich land, 
and over waving piney hills, passed a small plantation on the right 
and came to Usachee Hatchee, crossed the creek, went through 
a canebrake and a small field belonging to the Dog Warrior, crossed 
at the edge of the rising ground a small creek, as- 
cended a steep hill and came to the habitation of this 
warrior and the Coosau Mico. They were both at home, received 
me and treated me with attention; they had ready for me some 



72 LETTERS OF 



potatoes, hickory, milk, pumpkin and beans, with hickory nut oil, 
ground peas and chesnuts. The land on the side of the creek, 
where I first came to it is a bluff, 15 feet above the creek and 
very rich, a pleasant place for a farm. The lands on the other 
side are much lower, covered with tall cane, and a large growth of 
trees. I saw one sycamore 4 feet diameter. The N. W. front of 
the hill in ascending to the warrior's, is a mixture of oak and 
hickory, the tops of the hill a pine barron. There are 5 families 
settled on this hill, and they cultivate some things about their 
houses, but the product trifling. Their corn is made on the flat 
land, and the potatoes on the hillsides, where the soil is suited to 
them. I continue on half a mile cross another creek, here I 
parted with the Tussekiah Mico, the Coosau Mico accompanyed 
us two hundred yards farther, where I crosses another creek, and 
over all of them I had to swim my horses, and have the baggage 
carried on logs. The lands between these 2 creeks are low, not 
very rich; on the other side of this last creek for nearly one quarter 
of mile the whole mostly covered with water, the growth not 
large; come to the high grounds and continue on 4 miles over 
poor barron land and encamp on the side of a reedy branch, in all 
7 miles. 

5th of February. 

Resumed my rout over poor pine barron, intermixed with 
small dwarf scrub oaks, 13 miles, the course E., come to the falling 
grounds of Okayhutkee; the lands are now some better, the 
bottoms oakey, the hills pine; in 9 miles cross a branch covered 
with reeds, come on the dividing ridge between the Creek and 
Opilthlucco, in 4 miles have on the left a view of some of the 
timber on Okayhutkee, covered with long moss; 4 miles farther 
cross Opilthlucco, 50 feet over, the swamp on the west side low, 
and covered with water; on the opposite side the lands rich and 
rise up to a high bluff, the top of the bluff less rich than the sides 
of the hills, and declines regularly and becomes a flat pine barron. 
In 2 miles cross a small creek runing to the left and in one mile, 
over flat piny pondy land, arrive at Mr. Barnard's, in all from 
camp 33 miles. 6J/2 miles from Tussekiah Mico's we crossed the 
path from Cusseta to the Buzzard Roost; 5 miles farther enter 
the white ground path and continue 200 yards, take the right, and 
in 7 miles cross the path from the Uchee village on Flint River 
to the main Uchee town, and 2^ miles cross the halfway ground 
path, from Flint River village, by a village on Opilthlucco to 
the Uchee town; 5 miles farther enter the path from the Uchee 
town which crosses the Flint 3 miles above Mr. Barnard's. Con- 
tinue on and take the first, right. 



BENJAMIN HAWKINS 73 

Okauhutkee (okau, Choctaw for water) is entirely watered from 
springs, and from being clear and transparent is called hutkee or 
white; it enters Flint River about 3 miles above Mr. Barnard's. 
It is remarkable for being always full of water at all seasons, and 
for having great quantities of Rockfish at its mouth during the 
summer season; they are there to be seen in great numbers, being 
during the day, and it is conjectured they ascend the creek in 
the evening and return again to this place by the morning. The 
water being clear they are shy, and to take them with a hook, it 
is necessary to have a long line and fix it to float down the river, 
near them, in this way they are often taken. 

The whole length of the creek is through a pine barron, with 
but a small exception of some oaky land, in small quantities. 
Above the entrance of this creek there is a large swamp on the 
river nearly 3 miles through, and it is itself 25 yards wide. 
Opilthlucco enters the river about 1)4 miles below, and is about 
20 yards over. On this creek there is a good deal of oak land, 
very good, particularly at 18 miles up it, and just below the village. 
There is some cane on the swamp and reed in abundance on all 
the branches. 

9th February, 1797. 

Some Indians of the Cusseta returning from St. Mary's 
informed me that they had suffered much on the path with hunger, 
there being no game of any kind to be had, and provisions were 
scarce there. I told them they ought not to have gone without 
being previously asked; it was a place, where, as they knew, we 
could not make much provisions, and we only provided occasion- 
ally, as the necessities of those fixed there required; that in the 
spring, when the nation was invited, suitable provision was made 
to accommodate a great many, and then I was surprised to see 
but 4 or 5 hundred; and now when none were invited, and there 
were no provision made, I was surprised to hear when I was 
in the upper towns that a number who would not go when invited 
in the spring, had gone there at the time they ought to have 
been in the woods hunting. They replyed they blamed their own 
folly, only they heard some of their head men were 
going and they determined to follow in hopes of obtaining some 
presents. They said they had behaved well and had done no 
mischief going or returning. They called to see me, to talk with 
me, and as it was their duty, to inform me that some 
of those who were down did not conduct themselves as 
well as they ought to have done, that they had killed 
some beef, and that John Galphin had driven off 4 hogs and killed 
or otherwise made way with them as he returned; that two men, 



74 LETTERS OP 



Naubonelubby, of Coweta, and Stimmauketah, of Tallauhassee, 
asserting* having set out on their return, with some salt, com- 
plained that their horses were poor and would not carry them 
home; they left their camp declaring they would return and steal 
horses enough to bring them up, and they were to return by 
Kennard's. 

I determined immediately to inform the chiefs of the two 
towns of what I had heard relative to these two fellows and 
wrote to them. 



Mr. Barnard's on Flint, 9th February, 1797. 

Benjamin Hawkins, principal agent for Indian affairs south of 
the Ohio, to Owlelo Mico, of Coweta, and the little Prince of 
Tallauhassee. 

I have had some information relative to the conduct of two 
men of your towns which it is my duty to communicate to you. 
Naubonelubby Thlocco, of Coweta, and Stimmauketah, of Tallau- 
hassee, who lately returning up from St. Mary's left their camp 
and went with a declared intention of stealing some horses from 
the white inhabitants, their neighbours, to bring their small packs 
to the nation. They are expected to return by Kennard's. I hope 
they have not been so wicked and foolish as to bring this disgrace 
on themselves; but if they should have succeeded, you will know 
what to do with them, and I must call on you both, and require of 
you to take the necessary measures as chiefs of the Creek land 
to punish these offenders, that we may prove to our white brethren 
that the promises of the Creeks may be relied on, and that we 
mean to put a stop to this accursed abominable practice. 

With the sincerest wishes for the happiness of the Creeks, I 
am your friend. 



With this letter I sent one to Mr. Carr, and one to Mr. 
Marshall, of Coweta, requesting Mr. Marshall and Mr. Darouzeaux 
to interpret my letter to the chiefs. I requested of Mr. Carr to 
inform his townsmen, that they had met their deserts, that as they 
would not go when invited and there was a plenty of good things 
for them, they deserved the disappointment they met with in going 
without an invitation, and at a season of the year when they ought 
to be in the woods. 



* This word very uncertain in manuscript. 






BENJAMIN HAWKINS 75 

I am informed of a curious fact relative to this Naubonelubby 
Thiucco, he is a remarkable horse thief, and has been for many- 
years in that practice. The chiefs of Coweta met to devise some 
measures for puting an end to this practice, and was agreed that 
they should all of them be answerable for the conduct of their 
young men, and that they should send for and talk with them; as 
this man was advanced in years, the leader was directed to go 
and give him a talk from the whole of them. He went and 
addressed the chief: "I am come from all the chiefs on a visit 
to you, we are determined to put a stop to this stealing from the 
white people, and all of us who have young men are to be 
answerable for them, but as you are yourself a man in years, and 
have no particular chief to answer for you, I am directed to talk 
to you, and to inform you, that if you cannot live without stealing, 
as you have been so long in the practice of it, you must steal 
from us, when you find that you must steal a horse or hog or 
cattle, come and steal from us, even if you want fowls, come and 
steal them from us and let the white people and their property 
alone." This address had for some time the desired affect, he 
almost quit his former ways, and began again to be in favour 
among his acquaintances. 

I this day received a letter from Mr. Panton, at Pensacola, 
informing me that war was proclaimed there against Great Britain 
on the 22 January, and requesting me to give his messenger a 
passport through the Creeks, on his way to Savannah, with letters 
to his correspondent there, relative to the ensurance of his prop- 
erty. I gave Mr. Snell the following: 

Mr. Snell having lawful business to transact in Savannah, within 
the State of Georgia, he is by these presents permitted to pass 
thro' the Creek land into that state; and I request the officer 
commanding at Fort James to facilitate his journey. 

Given at Flint River, Lower Creeks, 9th of February, 1797. 



Flint River, Lower Creeks, 9th February. 
Sir: 

The bearer of this, Mr. Snell, is on his way from Pensacola 
to Savannah on business of importance to a very respectable com- 
mercial gentleman there, Mr. Panton. At the request of that 
gentleman, I have given him a passport through the Creeks and 
directed him to your post, and I beg of 3^ou to facilitate his 
journey. 



76 LETTERS OF 



Mr. Panton writes me on the 24 ultimo that war against 
England was proclaimed there on the 22 of that month. You 
are, I suppose, informed of this before now, being so near our 
seaports. 

I have heard that the post at Colerain has been pesstered with 
a troop of beggars from the Cusseta and Coweta towns. Some 
of them have returned and I have rebuked them for crowding 
down to our posts without an invitation, at the season when they 
should be hunting. It will require much firmness in the gentle- 
men commanding on the frontiers to resist their importunity. 
They have played the spoiled child so long with the British and 
others that many of them have ceased to do any thing useful for 
themselves. I shall be glad to hear from you from time to time, 
as opportunities occur to the nation. 



ENSIGN THOMPSON, 

Commanding at Fort James. 



I wrote to Mr. Habersham. 
Sir: 

I have just received a letter from Mr. William Panton at 
Pensacola, of the 24 ultimo, informing me that war against 
England was proclaimed there on the 22nd. The war, I suppose 
you have heard of before this, and I imagine it will materially 
affect the gentlemen concerned in commerce within my agency. 
I have visited most of the upper towns and some on the Chatto 
Hochee, and find the nation better disposed towards their neigh- 
bours and more inclined to peace than they have ever been known 
to be. There are some disorderly young men, that cannot well be 
restrained, yet I am not without hopes of curbing them; as the 
chiefs have assured me they will exert themselves in aid of my 
wishes on this head. 

I have been particular in my endeavors to find whether these 
people have ever given satisfaction for murder committed by 
them, and I have received satisfactory proof that they have in five 
instances. 

I shall be glad to hear from you by the return of Mr. Snell; 
he goes to your city on business for Mr. Panton, and will return 
through the Creeks. 

I am with sincere regard and esteem Sir, 

Your obedient servant, 
MAJ. JOHN HABERSHAM. 



BENJAMIN HAWKINS 77 

Flint River, 10 February, 1797. 

I received your favour of the 14 ultimo, by Air. Walton, and 
it gave me sincere joy, for I had been under apprehension for 
your safety, as you were so much longer on j'our voiage than I 
expected you would be when I left you, and I had heard of the 
bad weather on the coast. 

It is unfortunate that the goods have been damaged, but I 
hope you had them inspected and the damage ascertained, as I 
imagine they were ensured. 

I heard while I was in the upper towns that a number of 
beggars had sat out from Cusseta and Coweta, to Colerain, and 
that others were going; the latter I stoped. I am glad you pre- 
vented their receiving any presents; had I been on the spot I 
should not have given them any thing. I saw some of them on 
their way home, and I rebuked them for crowding down to our 
posts without any business, and without an invitation, at the 
season when they should be hunting. 

It will require much firmness in you and the gentlemen 
commanding the frontiers to resist their importunity; they have 
played the spoiled child so long with the British and others, that 
many of them are under no control, and have ceased to do any 
thing useful for themselves. I inquired of many of them why they 
did not go down in the spring when they were invited, and told 
that provision was made for them; they answered they did not 
want any thing. 

I have been informed that they did not behave well on the 
return, and that they stole hogs, beef and horses. If the latter 
is true, I have taken measures already to detect them, as well as 
to know whence this visiting originated. 

I have just received a letter from Mr. Panton, who informs 
me war was proclaimed against England in Pensacola, the 22 
January, and that for the present it prevented any direct com- 
munication between him and his friends in England. 

I have visited most of the towns of the upper Creeks and I 
find them more disposed for peace and more friendly to the 
whites than they were ever known to be. 

I saw one man, Hardy Reed, of Coweta, who you had audited 
for goods without his having a licence. As soon as I leave where 
Maj. Freeman resides I shall take in concert measures to enable 
the traders to obtain them, and you Avill do well to be careful to 
know that all who apply are licenced, as otherwise they forfeit 
their goods, and it is my duty to see that the law is enforced. 

I am with sincere regard Sir, 

Your obedient servant. 
MR. EDWARD PRICE. 



78 LETTERS OF 



Plint River, 10 February, 1797. 
Alexander Cornell: 

Measures calculated to ensure a continuance of the friendship 
of the Indians, and to preserve peace along the interior frontier of 
the United States, have been adjusted and adopted by the President. 
The plan in a considerable degree depends for its execution on 
my agency south of the Ohio, and throughout the whole a rigid 
economy in the public expenditure is deemed indispensable. 

In arranging the necessary assistants for the Creek depart- 
ment, I shall give a preference to those in service, and retain as 
many of them as may be necessary. I have appointed you to be 
one of the assistants. Your allowance will be 400 dollars per 
annum, paid quarterly. Remember me to Mrs. Cornell and your 
children and accept of my sincere wishes for the prosperity of 
your nation. 



Flint, the 10 February, 1797. 
Mucclassee Hoopoi: 

When I went down the Tallapoosa I expected the pleasure of 
seeing you, but I heard you had gone to amuse yourself in the 
woods. I hope successfully so. I have directed Mr. Walton to 
carry and present to you a token of my personal regard for you; 
accept it and be assured that I have a sincere regard for the 
Creeks and will contribute my mite to make them a happy people. 

I addressed a similar letter to Efau Haujo, mad dog of Tuck- 
abatchee, and Hopoithle Mico, Tallassee king of the halfway house, 
and sent to each of them a package of vermilion. 



Flint River. 10th February, 1797. 
Sir: 

I have heard since my being here that your sons were well 
and placed in some Quaker families, who have taken them, and 
promised to treat them as their own family. You know the 
character of these people. Whether they are with them or remain 
yet with Major Hagg, they will be equally under the protection 
of the Secretary of War, and of course want for nothing. I 
have heard of the arrival of the garden seeds in the care of Mr. 
Price; the peas were damaged. As soon as I have it in my 
power, I shall send you some of each sort. 



BENJAMIN HAWKINS 79 



You are informed before this I imagine, that war has been 
proclaimed at Pensacola against England. A messenger from 
Mr. Panton, on his way to Savannah, called on me yesterday for 
the necessary passport. This, I am apprehensive, will be produc- 
tive of some temporary inconvenience to him in his commercial 
pursuits, & I hope and wish they may me temporary only. 

Recommend to your neighbours to make fences, attend to 
their cattle and hogs, and prepare in time to make a plenty of 
corn, and all will go well notwithstanding this rage for war among 
the white people. Let them fight if they chuse it, and my red 
brethren remain and enjoy peace at home. 

Tell your wife I have often thought of her industry, clean- 
liness and good housewifery, and that I shall take care to let the 
people know where her sons are — what a worthy woman she is. 
Give my best wishes to her for her happiness and believe me, with 
due regard. 

Your obedient servant, 

RICHARD BAILEY, OHassee. 



Having had some information of the execution of a white 
man by order of General McGillivray, for the murder of some 
white people who were trading through the Creeks, I applied to 
Mr. Walton for information and he gave me this narrative: On 
or about the year 1789, Col. Kirkland, his son, and another white 
man, with one John Linder and a black boy, were going through 
the Creeks to Tonsau. They were met at the Little Suppulgaws 
by John Catt, of Holston, a negro, Bobb, belonging to Stephen 
Sullivan, Catt's wife, an Indian woman of the fish ponds, and 
an Indian man called the murderer (this name he had for killing 
Mr. Scott's hireling). The travellers went about 10 miles to 
Murder Creek (Lucho Hatchee), and there encamped. The others 
continued on 2 miles to the Big Suppulgaws. After supper the 
murderers took their horses, and went in pursuit of the travellers. 
Col. Kirkland had drank freely and gone to sleep, the murderers 
had given him some to drink when they met him and a bottle 
to take with him. Sullivan's negro crept up to a tree, took the gun 
and put it to the head of the old man, and blowed his brains out. 
Catt and the Indian rushed in, the latter with his hatchet and the 
former with his club and knife. The son jumped up therefore 
on his hands and knees and said, I w'lll tell you all about it, spare 
my life. Catt replyed we did not come to hear talks, and he was 
knocked down with the hatchet; Catt cut his throat with a knife; 
Linder had a tommahawk stuck in his head; he after set on his 



80 LETTERS OF 



hams, and throwing his head back, Catt stuck him in the throat. 
The murderer killed the other one; he had the hatchet stuck in 
his head, and traveled in the knight about 50 yards and died with 
his head in a branch. They had a good many papers and letters; 
these were burnt. They then took every thing except the clothes 
on the ded bodies. The negro boy they took prisoner, and they 
slept there all knight and returned. 



Flint River, 11th February, 1797. 
Robt. Walton: 

I have been arranging the necessary assistants on the plan 
dijested and adopted for the future conducting of Indian affairs 
south of Ohio. I have not judged it advisable to retain any of 
the express riders, as I shall reside for some time myself among 
the Indians. You have behaved well, and on any suitable occasion 
you may expect to be prefered. 

You will take the letters intrusted to your care and deliver 
them to the persons to whom they are addressed, and your time 
of service is to expire on your arrival at your own house, and 
you may send the estimate up to that time and I will give a draft 
on the proper department for payment. 

I have heard that there is a halfbreed in the savannas, 
Leonard Megee, who is of an excellent character, speaks English 
well. He was at Colerain at the Treaty; I want a man of his 
character. If Mr. Walton should see him, or can contrive a 
message to him, I shall be glad to employ him. 

Mr. Walton will write to me on all occasions, when an oppor- 
tunity offers; I shall furnish him with some tools of husbandry, 
and rely on his following the directions I give him, to use them 
for himself, and to teach the use of them to his neighbours. I 
shall send him some garden seeds as soon as my pack arrives, 
and give directions how they are to be managed. 

The murderer of Col. Kirkland came up to the nation. Sulli- 
van's negro called at Mr. Weatherford's and told what had been 
done. Jourdan Morgan and John Brown went immediately and 
talked to Catt; he acknowledged he had done it. They then 
went over to Mr. McGillivray's and informed Robert Walton of 
it, and they all pursued fifteen miles, but did not come up with 
them; they returned and Walton sat out again with Bill Tally and 
a negro and pursued, and overtook them at Sullivan's. Mr. 
Walton entered the house and seised Catt, and took him down 
to the Hickory Ground in company with Mr. Grierson; there he 
got Red Shoes and another Indian to go with him, and he carried 



BENJAMIN HAWKINS 81 

him within IS miles of Pensacola, left him there and went into 
Mr. McGillivray's, who sent for Governor White. The governor 
told McGillivray as it was not done in the Spanish dominions he 
could not do any thing in it. 

After one knight's reflection McGillivray said the man must 
die, and directed John Forbes and Lewis Melford to go out with 
Walton and hear the prisoner make his defences, and if he was 
guilty to execute him. Mr. Panton was desirous of a regular 
trial, and that the prisoner should have some time to repent. 
McGillivray said no, these evidences of his guilt was sufficient 
and they should hang him; when these men examined him, he 
acknowledged the whole, and they took him 10 miles back over 
the old English line, and hung him on the first convenient limb 
over the path. After he was sensible of his approaching end, he 
beged to be pardoned; said he was young and he would never do 
so again; if he must die he beged to be shot. When he came to 
the place where he was to be hung, he beged them to take his 
cloathes off, they were a suit taken from one of the murdered men. 
The answer to this request was, you die for the act by which you 
acquired them, and you have the least right to them. He asked 
if they intended to hang him; they said yes, by a rope in the air; 
he was silent and executed. His body remained 3 or 4 months 
without being touched by any thing; it hung by the rope for 
6 or 8 days; was afterwards cut down & striped and so remained. 
The other bodies were soon devoured by the wolves and buzzards. 

When Mr. Walton took him down to Pensacola, he carried 
him to the camp where the murdered bodies lay; the buzzards 
had picked out the eyes and eaten some of their breasts. Catt 
pointed out the two that he killed; he upon seeing of them 
could scarcely speak, his appearance was wretched, his counte- 
nance changed, and appeared black. 

The negro still lives, and in possession of Mr. Sullivan. The 
Indian is also alive. When Walton entered the house and took 
Catt, the Indian was desirous of defending him, and would have 
killed Tally had not Sullivan prevented it. Sullivan's negro said 
that after the travellers passed them the Indian proposed to him 
to pursue and murder them, and he refused that. When they 
came to the camp he mentioned what had passed between him 
and the Indian, and that Catt instantly said, if the Indian had 
made the proposition to him, that he would have gone; to this 
the woman said, it is not yet too late, they have not gone far, 
and they agreed and sat out. 

The negro boy is in possession of Robert Grierson. 



82 LETTERS OF 



Translation into Creek of the note sent on the 10th to 
Mucclassee Hoopoi. 

Clonotiscau, otullahahsee auligot auttege nitta ispaule. 

Tallapoosahatchee aufopejit autliafoh hejoatlist checomiete. 
Ummomecunxcha. Ittoopoh auit faucun autleist mauhogun 
poiunx cha. Nauk comat attecot inhitchkin aufotchkit autlatist 
checomat chomuckelijiunxcha. 

Mr. Walton imbonoiet nauk chekiltlijiatte auemiete auche- 
mofoh aunhisse ummiltlunx comitscatlits cha. Auchemofon 
essitscatlits cha, esitscofoh muscogetoitscat cheenhissee toiat che- 
maupoiejie emongin chahajits catlist cha. 

BENJAMIN HAWKINS. 

Chinhissee toiat chemistechauco hawkiteistechate toitskee 
chimponuccuh amauthlocco osotat chimponauikine aupohijatitx 
cha. 



Mr. Barnard's, Flint, 15 February, 1797. 
Col. Gaither: 

Your favour of the 13th January, was delivered me by Mr. 
Barnard on the last of that month. I had addressed two letters 
to you, one on the 1st of January, the other of the 7, in the care of 
Mr. Thomas. I have expected his return daily for three weeks, 
and am apprehensive that some mishap has befel him, unless he 
should have gone to Colerain, and in that case probably he may 
arrive in the course of a few days. I have found it necessary to 
send the bearer to you, as I have not received any letters from 
the Secretary of War since I left him, or from any other person 
in that quarter, or from Georgia relative to the state of the 
frontiers. 

I have received a letter from Mr. Panton informing me that 
war was proclaimed at Pensacola against Great Britain on the 
22 January. My red brethren have expected it for some time, and 
have already began to calculate how they can turn it to account. 
I have recommended to them to make fences, mind their cattle 
and hogs, and prepare in time to make a plenty of corn; to pay 
no regard to the war among the white people, let them fight if 
they choose it and we will mind our farming and hunting and 
enjoy peace and plenty at home. 

I am under the necessity for reasons not necessary to detail, 
to postpone the runing of the line between the State of Georgia 
and the Creeks, to some future day, tho' not distant. The Indians 



4 



BENJAMIN HAWKINS 83 

do not like to go and see it done unless I can give assurances that 
there will be a guard of regular troops, or be personally answer- 
able for their safety. I did expect you would have had orders on 
this head er'e this, and informed me of them, but it is likely that 
a crowd of business on the War Department during a session of 
Congress may have retarded the order. 

I have a smith who wants some iron; if you can lend me 
SO lbs. from your stock, without injury to the public supply, and 
replace it from that which I have in care of Mr. Price, belonging 
to the Indian department, you will enable me to further the 
objects I have in view in this quarter. I am also in want of some 
nails and Mr. Barnard informs me there are 20 or 30 lbs. belong- 
ing to the Indian department in the care of John Whitney; I request 
you to direct him to send them to me. 

I have not as yet any vacancy in my department that would 
suit a gentleman such as you describe Mr. Warfield to be. 
Whenever there is one, I shall with pleasure make him an offer. 
He is the first who has been recommended to me. 

16 February. 

The mother of Mrs. Barnard called at my lodgings and re- 
quested I would accept of her daughter, a young widow, during 
my residence here, or as much longer as I thought proper, recom- 
mending her for her cleanliness and attention to white people, and 
for being the mother of three beautiful children, and that she 
could speak Creek and Uchee. 

This woman and most of these Creek women, being in the 
habit of assuming and exercising absolute rule, such as it was, 
over their children, and not attending to the advice of their white 
husbands, and taking part with them when they found it necessary 
to oppose any unjust pretentions of their families, I determined 
to address a note to the old woman, and to read it to her and 
daughter, in the Creek tongue. I wrote to her this note: 

You have ofifered me your daughter. I take it kind of you. 
Your daughter looks well, is of a good family, and has some fine 
children, which I shant be pleased with. The ways of the white 
people dififer much from those of the red people. We make com- 
panions of our women, the Indians make slaves of theirs. The 
white men govern their families and provide cloathing and food 
for them; the red men take little care of theirs, and the mothers 
have the sole direction of the children. 

You know I am the principal agent of the four nations. I 
do not }'et know whether I shall take one of my red women for 
a bedfellow or not, but if I do, if it is for a single night, and she 
has a child, I shall expect it will be mine, that I may cloathe it and 



84 LETTERS OF 



bring it up as I please. If I take a woman who has sons or 
daughters, I shall look upon them as my own children. The 
wife must consent that I shall cloathe them, feed them and bring 
them up as I please, and no one of her family shall oppose my 
doing so. The red women should always be proud of their white 
husbands, should always take part with them and obey them, 
should make the children obey them, and they will be obedient to 
their parents, and make a happy family. The woman I take must 
beside all this be kind, cleanly and good natured, and at all times 
pleasing and agreeable when in company with me or with those 
who visit at my house. She must promise me this; her mother 
must promise it to me, and all her family. 

The Translation. 

Chechuseowoh aumitskeomen poast cha momitscotte chau- 
fotchcosistcha. Chechuseowoh hejat chaufignoose omen hejuscha. 
Ehotulgee isteitthlaugee ome ummomus cha. Aupoattaucooche 
ilthlaugeeomen oppenhejiaut chaufotchcosistcha. 

Istehutkee toie ummauhaugau etutscha. Istechate toitchkee 
chemauhaugau etutscha. Inhutkee toie hooktogee ihellijiet fuUi- 
jiitchcha. Istechatee toitchkee sullufcoejatscuns cha. Inhutkee toie 
hooktogee umfullot ihethlijat fulllijeitch cha, opoetaugee umfullot 
imponoiat opothlingau immauhauiot nauk yeouchatlc attecot inho- 
poiitchcha. Istechatee toitchkee opoautaucooche nauk immauhau- 
etuhseco fullijatixtcha. Itchkulgee tulkosist aufaustunscha. 

Chinkilcosistcha istechate toitchkee chincaugetah osetat chem- 
istechago thlocco hawkite wlioethline chauhejatixtcha. Kattoe 
unkillkecostcha istechate hooktogee opiatilaunihauks umfutchche- 
costcha. Mami aunomatlist nihie humgocist umwockesausot 
inqoupah hopoewoh inhitchcot aumitscomaulauniitchcha. Inqoupah 
atchejite naukeetice emauhauite chaufecomat aufustautlistcha. 
Hooktee opoat taugee imoje epauictomice chappoochetaugee 
mohhee omejito utchejite opothlingau immauhauatlischa. Itchkee 
umuccahsumatlistcha atchejite humbijite opothlingau omoihoeaut- 
listcha. Ehotulgee atteut mohomauts chuckiochecostcha. Iste- 
chate hooktogee toitchkee istehutkee chiwoh haugitskeattocot 
equccohsaumosit fullacontomon noinatchkistcha. Nauk immomat 
attecot emaupoiejit chimponocaunomatlist immuccoh qummau- 
heintling autligimtscha. Chcchuseataugee mattaupomen immou- 
hauitc ilcalgee imponoiet attecot ummuccohsummau heintling 
fulHjicuntscha, humenomau immauhauitscaunomatlist. Ehotulgee 
attecot aufautchketuh heintling aupoho catlistcha. Hooktee 
opoinomatlist cphegeheintling aumatatlischa nauk atchau attecot 
ausutkeeheintling hauetlatischa. Tsteunchucco pilthlijiaut atfecot 
qumnau fotchkeit inqeamausit unligaultischa. Tepauget caugice 



BENJAMIN HAWKINS 85 

aufotchkeeheintling emligaullistcha. Hookee apoiaut ummomen 
umniuccah sauniitlist. Itchcalgee haugco chotulgee attegin um- 
muccau saumatlistcha. 

When I read this note, the old woman was much pleased with 
the first part of it, assented to it and acquiesced, but when I read 
the latter part, she remained silent, and could not be prevailed 
on to acquiesce in the conditions proposed. She would not consent 
that the women and children should be under the direction of 
the father, and the negotiation ended there. 

18th. , 

Tustunnagau Haujo, of Chehaw, called to see me, and had 
much conversation on the affairs of his nation; he expressed much 
pleasure at our commercial establishment, had visited it, and 
traded, and met such treatment as would induce him to go there 
for all that he should want. I told him that Mr. Price would make 
no difference in the price with the Indians or traders, that they 
would all fare alike; he replyed he had experienced it, as he ^ 

mentioned many inconveniencies attending the intercourse with the [) 

present establishment. I requested him to be particular and (v/ 

enumerate such as occured. He immediately gave the following 
narrative: I am as you see, a man in years; I have been a hunter ,,, • 

and I know the situation of the ground from where I live to J\U W 

Clotthlo Coofcau (St. Mary's). I have hunted many years about ^\ 
Okefinacau (quivering water) or Akinfinocau (quivering earth), /:^(br ■ 
the first a Choctaw word Okewah. The wet season commences^ p 
with the winter and then the whole country was covered with 
water, in many places 2 and 3 feet deep, particular in the ponds, 
which spread over most of the country; at this season it is difficult 
to find a dry place to encamp on, and where there were some 
risings, they bore but a small proportion to the ponds, through 
which a person going from his town must pass, and to 
this the whole country was a pine barron, with wiregrass and 
saw palmetto, without reed or cane for horses; and in the dry 
season, always in autum, the ponds dried up, and it was then 
diflEcult to find water anywhere; that he had often been under the 
necessity of hunting for aligator holes to get some, and been 
oblidged to put his moccasin on a stick and put it far under their 
caves to get it, and then it was muddy and very filthy; that in 
such a situation he had frequently lost his horses for the want of 
water; that he had several times seen aligators dead in their holes 
for want of water. I asked how had it happened that he who 
knew the country should be put to these inconveniences; he 
answered that he used to go towards St. Augustine and sometimes 
on St. Illas for his summer hunt, and it usually happened when 



86 LETTERS OF 



he was returning from them. He continued: This part of the 
country is sometimes so infested with musquetoes as to destroy 
horses, by runing and heating of them, when water is not to be 
had for them, but by geting it out of aligator holes for them. He 
had seen most of the border of the Okefinacau, and once attempted 
with some young lads to pursue a bear he had wounded; they went 
in several hours, and were compelled to return. The whole earth 
trembled under them, and at several places, where the surface was 
pressed with the foot, the water would spout out. One of his 
lads sunk in so deep that he called for help, and they took him 
out. There are some large cypress, but the growth mostly dwarf. 
Some of the Tallassee people had been in much farther than he 
had; they saw some ponds, many aligators, turtles and snakes, 
particularly a small snake with a button at the end of the tail 
like the rattlesnake; they saw considerable number of them, and 
some times 20 or 30 in one view, coiled up on the small grassy 
nobs; two of these people were killed with the bites of them. He 
knew of one man who attempted a settlement near this swamp, 
but he gave it up because the tygers killed his hogs, cattle and 
sometimes horses. 

21st February. 

I sat out this day for Fort Fidins, Mr. Barnard and his son^ 
Homanhidge, accompanyed me; we X the river at Mr. Barnard's 
and take up it N. Go one mile X a small reedy creek, here on 
the north side Mr. Barnard has begun to establish a dairy, the 
situation is fine for it, the ground high, an excellent spring sur- 
rounded with evergreens; and here two of Mr. Barnard's sons, 
Falope and Yuccohpee, have begun an establishment for them- 
selves. They were here with their father's negros, at work 
clearing a field, and preparing logs of pine for their houses. The 
land good for corn, to the river swamp, and that and the swamp 
of the small creek good for rice. There is a margin on this river 
of oak, pine and hard shelled hickory, adjoining the swamp, and 
then back of this pine barron, the good land but a small strip. 
Continue on ^ of a mile, come to a plantation of Mr. Barnard's; 
here some fine peach trees, the lands pretty good on the creek; 
here lives Tenpoeje, another son and his Cusseta wife, they were 
both of them clearing land with a small black boy. He has just 
finished a dweling house, mostly the labour of his own hands. 
We gave him some garden seeds and I promised to assist him 
with tools. X a creek at the plantation 30 feet over, and continue 
on over some land pretty good for corn, the timber a mixture, 
oak, pine and some hard shelled hickory, here and there some long 
moss. Most of the oakes, the scrub, very crooked, with many 



BENJAMIN HAWKINS 87 

limbs and all of them with a green broad leaved fern moss. In 
8 miles X a branch riming to the right; this is a branch of the 
creek I crossed at Tunpanejies, and the path has been on the 
ridge which divides its waters from the hollows making into the 
river. This is a small branch, but covered with reeds. Continue 
on 2 miles and there are 2 very steep heads of bottoms close to 
the left, and from the first is distant view of the lands on the other 
side of the river; here I saw an Indian encampment. One woman 
at the camp, without any other food than hickory nuts. There 
were several others but all of them out gathering these nuts; and 
I am informed they frequently take to the woods at this season, 
when there is a great hickory masst, and fatten on them and the 
cold potatoe uccollewauhohah. I saw under all the oakes great 
quantities of acorns. Continue on 2 miles farther and come to 
some reed patches, continue over the f^at and cross a small creek 
runing to the left, abounding with reed, and rise up a steep hill, 
and have a very extensive view of a bed of reeds to the left, 
nearly ^ of a mile through; continue on this ridge and soon arrive 
at Ecimna Chate (red hills); from these there is an extensive view 
S. W., and the bed of reeds continuing in that direction to the 
river, and appear surrounded with hills covered with pine, amidst 
them is distinctly marked the margin X the river, forming a vain 
wandering through the piney view, of growth usual on the swamp 
lands. 2 miles farther, passing over waving pine barron, come to 
the side of a large bed of reeds on the left, as extensive as those 
before described; continue on near a mile and X a small branch 
making into the bed, and this well stored with reeds. Continue 
on 4 miles farther and encamp on a small reedy creek runing to 
the left. 

I saw this day the yellow jasmine, the plumb, may cherry, 
strawberry and sassafras in bloom. I have not any where seen 
less sign of game, although we have guns and dogs, we have not 
been able to get any thing. The ridge on this side the creek 
extends to the river and there forms a bluflf 80 feet high, at the 
lower part of which, near low water mark, is a bed of oyster shells. 

22. 

We sat out this morning early and continue our course, one 
mile, leave the path which go's to the Uche village, and go through 
the woods, one mile and enter the Uchee path, continue on, take 
a small path to the left to facilitate the crossing of the beaver dam, 
the direct path being the nearest, but the passage of the creek 
nearly impracticable when the season is wet. In 5 miles X the 
beaver dam, and in 5 miles enter the old horse path, our course 
now E. N. E.; continue on 5 miles and X a small branch, here we 



88 LETTERS OF 



breakfast. The first 2 miles pine barren, the trees large, the path 
in sight of the reedy bottoms which make into the river. The 
remainder of the way through broken pine barron, in several 
places the trees dwarf pine and black jack. Resume our journey, 
in 2y2 miles X a small creek stored with reed; in 1 & J^ farther 
X a small branch, and in one mile X Itchocunnah (deer trap), 
40 feet over, runing to the right; the whole of these 5 miles 
through a pine forest. This creek has its name from being covered 
with moss on its rocky bed, and the deer resorting to it, where 
they are killed by the hunters. Continue on one mile, X a small 
creek runing to the right, the hillsides steep, the growth poplar, 
oak, hickory and dogwood, the creek stored with reed; one mile 
farther another small branch of the like discription, and in 2 miles, 
X Horse Rosemerry, a small creek runing to the right; this is so 
named by the packhorsemen from the quantity of the rosemerry 
which grows near its borders. Continue on 2 miles farther over 
flat piney sloshy land, passing some fine reedy glades to the 
right, arrive at Tobosaufkee, 60 feet over, runing to the right. 
There is a little creek within a few yards of Tobosaufkee, the land 
is broken and stoney, and there are on the left of the path, and 
within view of the creek, some large rocks; X the creek, left the 
path and went up it 200 yards and encamped near a small branch, 
the north side of which was well stored with winter cane; still 
higher up, % mile, is a small creek stored with small cane, the 
lands broken & gravelly, but rich, the growth a mixture of oak, 
pine and small hickory. At this camp the Indians have left a very 
convenient camp standing; it had been used during the winter's 
hunt; on a small beech at the mouth of the branch are marked the 
initials of my name and the date. 

23. 

Sat out early this morning, E. for one mile, X a small creek 
stored with reed, the lands broken and piney, continue N. E. on 
over lands of a similar quality, one mile, X two little small runs, 
and 2 miles farther, X Rockey Creek, the hillsides steep and 
stoney, or gravelly, a mixture of oak and pine, the creek 20 feet 
wide. Continue on over an open waving pine forest 2y^ miles to 
the path which crosses the Ocmulgee ford; the path here intersects 
with the direct path to the Uchee village that crosses Tobosaufkee 
one mile below the junction with Stoney Creek. Continue on \14 
miles to the Ocmulgee, the lands poor and piney the whole way 
till we enter the flats on the river, which are prett)' good, the 
timber small within half a mile, the old fields included; here I saw 
one mound about 60 feet at the base, 6 feet high, and one lower. 
The fields extend down the river for a mile; I rode through them. 



BENJAMIN HAWKINS 89 

I saw in two places the hills where corn had been planted, the 
whole grown up with old field pine, some of them a foot and an 
half diameter, thinly scattered; I saw some red haws and large 
patches of small winter cane (cohaumothluaku) ; I breakfasted in 
these fields on the river bank, and then X the river below the 
mouth of Oakchuncoolgau, a large creek which empties itself into 
the river on the E. side. Our canoe was a very bad one, scarcely 
fit to carry over two persons, made out of a decayed red oak, 
10 feet long, and lanched with the bark on; this I find is prefered 
by the Indians, as being easily concealed; when they have passed 
over the river they take it to a convenient place, turn it over, and 
tie it; it then has the appearance of an old log. The land where 

1 landed is a high bluff seldom if ever overflowed. We traveled 

2 miles on this ffat land N., sometimes within sight of the creek, 
the soil pretty good, tho' in some places sloshy, and the whole 
way covered with small winter cane about 4 feet high. Continue 
1 mile over open poor land to the path, and took it N. E. Continue 

4 miles over a high pine forrest, very open and hilly, saw on the 
left a vane of reeds and on the right a steep hollow with some 
reeds; pass in half a mile some rocks to the left, and in half a mile 
farther X Boxing Hill Branch, well stored with cane; there is on 
the S. W. side a high hill, here formerly the traders used to camp, 
and their packhorsemen frequently got drunk, and amused them- 
selves with boxing. Continue on X a small branch and in 2 miles 
X Longslash, and encamp in the fork on a high nole. This slash 
looks beautiful covered with reed to a considerable extent. 

24. 

Sat out over hilly mixed piny and oak land, one mile X a 
reedy branch, one mile farther X a branch, V/i another, wide and 
well stored with reed; half a mile X two small branches, J/2 a mile X 
one, H mile X one, the lands about it oakey. 3J^ X Commis- 
sioner's Creek, 40 feet over, the flat lands rich, but subject to be 
overflowed; the whole scope of this 8j^ miles pine land, except on 
some of the branches. There is a beautiful bed of reeds on the 
right as I approached Commissioner's Creek. One mile X a 
branch, J/^ mile X another, lYz X Holly Run, 1^ a reedy branch 
to the left, 1 mile a branch to the left, 1% branch to the right, 
half a mile a branch to the right, half a mile a branch to the right; 
continue on then 2 miles and leave the path through the woods 

5 miles, Xing a branch runing to the left, and then Camp Creek, 
and arrive at the encampment on the river. 



90 



LETTERS OF 



28th February. 

William Williams, of Handcock County, in the State of Georgia, 
exhibited to me a claim for a horse supposed to be stolen by the 
Creeks on the 8th of September; the claim properly attested. He 
gave me also the claim of Byron Marsh for a horse taken on the 
8 September and supposed by the Creeks. 



Fort Fidins, 28 February, 1797. 



Sir: 



I arrived here on the 25 of this month from the Creeks, after 
having been for three months among their upper and lower towns; 
and I am happy in being able to assure you that the nation are 
inclined to peace and more friendly to the white people than they 
have ever been known to be. They are taking measures to prevent 
predatory parties from plundering and killing their neighbours. 
They have promised me that if any of their hunters should steal 
any horses, on its being known they will cause them to be restored 
without delay. They have sent me two which were recently taken 
from Little River, and informed me of two others which will be 
sent here in 8 or 10 days. 

I have the honor to be, Sir, 



Your obedient servant, 



His Excellency, 

The Governor of Georgia. 



Memorandom of Indian Justice. 



Cary, three miles from Ogeechee old town, was murdered by a 
Choctaw Indian. Mr. Galphin sent a talk to the heads of the town 
on the subject, requesting satisfaction; Mr. Barnard carried the 
demand. The heads of the town ordered the murderer to be put 
to death, and they appointed two men, and ordered them to 
execute him in the ball ground; they did so, in the presence of 
2 or 3 white men. 

3 were killed and the Coweta leader outlawed, for killing 
Grant, a Scotchman, and Weatherford in Savannah. 



BENJAMIN HAWKINS 91 

Fort Fidins, 1st of March, 1797. 

Received from the Department of Indian Affairs, under the 
direction of Benjamin Hawkins, one mare and 3 year old horse, 
returned by the Cusseta Indians. They were taken from the 
neighbourhood of Little River. My name is Joseph Wheat, I live 
on Oconee at the mouth of Little River, on Island Creek, and I 
have had these horses returned without any expence. 

His 
JOSEPH X WHEAT 
Mark 
HENRY GAITHER. 



Fort Fidins, March 4th, 1797. 

Received from the Department of Indian Affairs, under the 
direction of Benjamin Hawkins, one brown mare, 3 year old, one 
black mare 6 year old, and one 2 year old filley; they were taken 
from the Islands. My name is Isaac Hanby; I live on the Oconee, 
near the Islands, and I have had these horses returned without any 
expence. 

His 
ISAAC X HANBY, 
Mark 
RICHARD THOMAS. 



Fort Fidins, 1st March, 1797. 

My letter. No. 2, of 6 of January, I sent to this post to be 
forwarded to you by Col. Gaither. I remained among the Indian 
towns and villages till the 20 of February, and set out and arrived 
here on the 25 of that month. Here I received your letter of the 
22 of October, accompanyed with some from the Society of 
Quakers, and yesterday I received your dispatches of the 2nd of 
February; they were sent to the commanding officer here by ex- 
press from Louisville. I received a letter from Mr. Price since 
his arrival; the goods he informs me are much damaged, the 
stationary from report unfit for use. I hope he has had the 
damage asscertained and reported to you. I shall not give drafts 
for the Creek annuity until I have a meeting of the chiefs, and 
consult them upon the division. The other things I shall order up 



92 LETTERS OF 



for the objects contemplated in my mission as soon as I can obtain 
packhorses, and the path is passable. There has been a vile 
attempt to prevail on the Indians to thwart the measures of the 
government, but they, more wise than the author of it, have refused 
their co-operation; I expect you will have received some infor- 
mation from the agent of the War Department on this subject; 
what I enclose authorises the assertion I have made. 

I have persevered in endeavours to be useful, I have addressed 
myself freely to all classes within my agency that I could visit, 
and the result is favourable. I have received assurances from the 
Lower Creeks that they are desirous of peace, and that they will 
take measures in concert with me to carry the views of the gov- 
ernment into efifect. The chiefs told me that probably some of 
their young men might bring in horses from the settlements when 
they return from their winter hunt, but that I might rely on their 
efforts to restore them immediately. The promptness with which 
they have fulfilled this assurance do's them much credit; they have 
sent me six horses and I have restored five of them to their 
owners free of expence, which has given entire satisfaction. 

The Indians on their part complain of the inexecution of the 
promises made to them, and charge their neighbours with tress- 
passing on their rights, driving their hogs, horses and cattle to 
range on their lands, going about in hunting parties, making pens 
for their cattle and hogs, and salt troughs for their stock, sur- 
veying their lands and cultivating some of them; that this is a 
source of vexation to the whole nation and keeps their young 
men unruly. 

They have given unsatisfactory proof of their having executed 
five Indians and one white man for the murder of white people; 
this gives a hope that the right of revenge may be transfered 
from private hands to a public jurisdiction. I applied very gravely 
the other day to some influential chiefs to inform me who gov- 
erned in their land, they or their boys, that I might know where 
to address myself for a violation of a Treaty. They replied, we 
understand you, you must help us, we mean well, but our people 
have been sadly corrupted in their intercourse with the whites. 

I have judged proper to postpone the runing of the Creek 
line till we run the Cherokee line, that presses and this does not; 
intrusions there are most likely to be apprehended, and to such an 
extent as to give much embarrassment to the government. I 
shall execute this trust strictly in conformity with the wishes of 
the government, and I hope I shall be able to remove in concert 
with my colleagues any difficulty that may occur with the 
Indians. I have for another reason judged proper to postpone 
the Creek line. The people who have stock cannot support them, 
if they are compelled to drive them back, before there is grass in 



BENJAMIN HAWKINS 93 

the woods, and this indulgence can be given them, without oflFence, 
until the line is closed. It will be a measure too, so conciliatory 
in its operation as that which it produces the good we aim at, 
takes off the odium which would attach itself to a rigid execution 
of our trust. The resident traders in the Creek country are 
most of them without a licence, their trade has hitherto been 
carried on by Mr. Panton at Pensacola. Some of them claim 
the right to trade without a licence, and urge that they are British 
subjects; I do not admit their claims. I have directed them to 
conform to our regulations, and they should not prejudice their 
claim thereby. It will require that you should make some ad- 
ditional regulations on this head, either to send me an authority 
to licence the resident traders, or to some person to whom they 
can apply in the absence of the agent for the War Department. 
The citizens who live in the Natches district pass through the 
Creeks to their state; several of them have called on me on their 
way, and have obtained, when they were suitable characters, passes 
to this post. 

The report of a war between Spain and England has been 
circulated through the Creeks for some time before I heard of 
its being proclaimed, and some mischief makers have reported that 
Col. Brown (the last British Agent) was soon to arrive from 
Providence to call on the Indians to take part with them. I 
have explained to the Indians that we were bound by treaty to 
protect their rights, and to prevent their doing any injury to 
Spain; that they must be at peace and let the Europeans fight their 
own battles. 

I shall send a young messenger with the necessary orders to 
the Cherokees, and information to General Pickins and I shall 
follow him on the 10th. 

I have the honor to be with great respect. Sir, 

Your obedient servant. 
THE SECRETARY OF WAR. 



Sir: 



Fort Fidins, 7th March, 1797. 



The President, with the advice and consent of the Senate, 
has appointed Benjamin Hawkins, Andrew Pickins and James 
Winchester, Commissioners to ascertain and mark the boundary 
lines, agreeably to treaties between the Indian nations and the 
United States, and we are directed to apply to you to furnish us 
with an escort of dragoons. I shall set out from this on the 10th 
towards the frontiers and request you to furnish an escort of one 



94 LETTERS OF 



Serjeant, one Corporal and 12 dragoons, 1 horseman's tent with 
a fly, 3 common tents, 3 packhorses, 2 fasceme hatchets and the 
necessary camp kettles. The horses must be all shod, and the 
Serjeant must be directed to receipt for these articles, and be held 
accountable under the directions of the Commissioners. 

I believe I shall take the escort over the Ocunna Mountain, 
to Tellico Blockhouse; I give this information for your direction 
or advice as to the furnishing them with forage and provisions. 

With great regard, I am Sir, 

Your obedient servant. 



HENRY GAITHER, 

Lieut. Col. Commandant. 



Fort Fidins, 7th March, 1797. 
Dear General: 

I arrived here on the 25 ultimo, and on the last of that month 
received dispatches from the war office of 2nd, informing me 
that you are appointed with James Winchester, Commissioners 
to ascertain and mark the boundary lines agreeably to treaties 
between the Indian nations and the United States. 

As no time should be lost in establishing the Cherokee line, as 
every day adds to the number of intruders upon their land; I 
have for that and other reasons which I shall detail to you when 
I meet you, determined to postpone the intention we expressed 
of runing the Creek boundary in this month. I have sent Richard 
Williams to inform you that I shall set out for Tellico Blockhouse 
on the 10th of this month, and intend, if you approve of it, to go 
over the Ocunna Mountain, through the Cherokees, as being the 
nearest rout. I have applied and obtained an escort of dragoons, 
and I shall bring one horseman, but for our use; I shall call 
on you. 

The enclosed letters I must request you to forward to Mr. 
Dinsmoor by care of the Cherokees in your neighbourhood, and 
to have one of the most intelligent of them in readiness to accom- 
pany us. I shall address a letter to the Governor of this State, 
to inform him of our giving the preference mentioned. 

Scale the letters when you have red them. 

With sincere regard, I am, dear General, 

Your obedient servant, 
ANDREW PICKINS. 



BENJAMIN HAWKINS 95 

Fort Fidins on the Oconee, 7th March, 1797. 
Sir: 

The Commissioners appointed to ascertain and mark the 
boundary lines agreeably to treaties between the Indian nations 
and the United States, will meet at Tellico Blockhouse the first 
of April, and will proceed thence to ascertain and mark the boun- 
dary between the Cherokees and the United States. You will be 
pleased to make this communication to the Cherokees, that the 
persons named by them may attend on their part. It is also 
deemed expedient to convene some of the Indians who were 
present at and agreed to the Treaty of Holston, as well as the 
interpreter, if to be found. You will take the necessary steps on 
this head. General Pickins will accompany me and we shall 
have an escort of dragoons, and I intend to take the direct rout 
from the Ocunna Station through your agency; you will inform 
the Indians of this and direct one of your interpreters to meet us, 
and you will go in yourself as soon as you can do so with 
convenience. 

With sincere regard, I am Sir, 

Your most obedient servant, 

SILAS DINSMOOR, 

Temporary Indian Agent in the Cherokee Nation. 



Fort Fidins on Oconee, 7th March, 1797. 
Sir: 

Being informed by the Secretary of War that you are ap- 
pointed a Commissioner with General Pickins and me to ascer- 
tain and mark the boundary line between the Indian nations and 
the United States, I take the earliest opportunity to apprize you 
that we purpose meeting at Tellico Blockhouse on the first of 
April, and to proceed from thense to ascertain and mark the 
Cherokee boundary first. I have given the necessary directions 
to Mr. Dinsmoor on the part of the Indians. 

I am with due regard, Sir, 

Your obedient servant, 
JAMES WINCHESTER, ESQ. 



96 LETTERS OF 



One Other Instance of Indian Justice. 

A Chickasaw, an Oakmulgee fellow, killed a woman and child 
near Midway; satisfaction was demanded of the nation, and two 
young men, of the party of murderers, went immediately and shot 
their uncle, saying that he had directed them to do the mischief, 
and he must die for it. 

7 March. 
Paid an Indian 5 dollars for keeping stolen horses. 



Fort Fidins, 7th March, 1797. 
Timothy Barnard: 

Having appointed you assistant to me as Principal Temporary 
Agent for Indian Affairs South of Ohio, you will be attentive to 
the execution of the duties depending on you, and avail yourself 
of the proper time to address the Indians on the following points: 

1st. Inform the Indians of the fixture of the posts on their 
lands in conformity with the arrangements made with them at 
Colerain. 

2nd. That the chiefs must, as soon as they can get together, 
appoint three of their nation to attend and see the boundary run 
and marked from the Apalatchee over the Currahee Mountain; 
that I shall advise them through you of the time when I intend 
to have this line run. 

3. Explain to the Indians the proceedings of the Choctaw, 
Chickasaw and Cherokee representatives, who have visited the 
President at Philadelphia, that Benjamin Hawkins, Andrew Pickins 
and James Winchester are appointed Commissioners to ascertain 
and mark the boundary between those Indians and the United 
States. That they shall begin with the Cherokee boundary, 
because there it is apprehended intrusions will the most likely 
be the soonest made on the lands of those Indians. 

4. You will inform the Indians of the disposition of govern- 
ment relative to the Indians on this interesting point; that I 
set out as soon as I heard of my appointment and fixed the Tun- 
ing of the Cherokee line for the first of April; that as soon as 
I have seen justice done to the Indians on this quarter, I shall 
return round with General Pickins to fulfill our engagements with 
the Creeks; that I shall send to those whom the nation may 
appoint to see the line run and inform them of the time and place 
where I shall expect to meet them; that as soon as this business 
is done I shall return into the nation and there remain with 



BENJAMIN HAWKINS 97 

them; that the annuity for the last year is sent on to be delivered 
to the chiefs, and as soon as I arrive I shall give those who the 
nation may appoint orders to receive it. 

5. Inform the Indians of the complaints sent in by the 
Governor of this State to the President, and that the whole nation 
ought to be under serious apprehensions for their future tranquility 
unless a stop can be put to such abominable proceedings on the 
part of their young men. 

6. Inform the chiefs that the citizens on this frontier have 
some of them begun to remove their stock on their own lands, 
and that I expect by the last of April much of it will be removed. 

7th. Mr. Counts is to be considered as in the pay of the 
United States, while he works at the smith's trade at your house, 
and I wish your first care would be to have good axes and hoes 
for the three young halfbreeds, your sons; I mean plough hoes; 
I have some of all sorts at Mr. Price's. Let Mr. Counts make a 
plough for each and one for the Tussekiah Mico. 

8th. One thing above all others you are to be particularly 
attentive to: The Indians are, as you know, beggars, and have not 
the shadow of gratitude for any favours they receive, almost 
every thing is lost on them. Their annuity will be punctually paid, 
but they are not to be sufifered to expect to obtain presents of 
any kind whatever when they visit our posts. They must in future 
be treated as men, and not as spoiled children. Those who are 
in the Indian department must expect to live on their sallaries, 
and for them to do the business assigned them, and must exhibit 
in their own conduct at all times, examples worthy of imitation 
to the Indians. I have come to correct abuses and to fix the 
management of Indian afifairs in those M'ho will zealously and 
steadily execute the orders of the government. 

9. You will send to Mr. Price for the garden seed, and when 
you get it, send some to all the traders you can, particularly Mr. 
Marshall, Darouzeaux, Car, Grierson, More & Bailey, and you will 
send some to Mr. Burges and Mr. Alex Cornell. You can also 
order up axes, hoes, plough and weeding, plough lines, bridlebits, 
grubing hoes, hand saws, pruning knives, crosscutt saws, hand 
saws and other files. 

You will retain some of these things and send some to the 
village of Tussekiah Mico. Send them there on loan; say half a 
dozen axes, half a dozen grubing hoes & weeding, half a dozen 
plough hoes, 1 hand saw, 1 drawing knife, 2 socket chisels, 2 inch 
screw augurs and 1 Xcut saw with files. Give Nitta Hooktee's 
mother 2 hoes. 

You will do the best you can till you see me, and let me hear 
from you if you have an opportunity. You will wite by every 
opportunity to Col. Gaither. 



98 LETTERS OF 



10. I wish you to inform the chiefs that the Society of 
Quakers in Philadelphia have sent to me a present for them, 
which I have in care for them at Colerain; that I shall distribute 
it as soon as I see the chiefs; and cause their address to be 
interpreted to them expressive of the benevolent views of this 
society. 



Fort Fidins, 8th March, 1797. 
Alexander Cornell. 

Sir: 

Since I left you I have had frequent conversations with some 
of your countrymen relative to the affairs of your nation, and 
I am happy in being able to inform you that there appears to 
be a disposition favourable to peace and good neighbourhood 
among the Lower Creeks. Some of the unruly young men have 
done mischief, but I hope in the course of the summer that you 
and the other chiefs will take measures to govern the nation, and 
when the hatchet is buried, to punish any unruly individual who 
will lift it up against the voice of the nation. The chiefs of the 
land ought to have the right of making peace and war, and any 
man who acts contrary thereto must be taught to know he do's 
rong. I actually had some doubts while I was at Coweta, whether 
I ought to apply to the chiefs or the young men; as the latter 
seem determined on mischief and the chiefs unable to control 
them. There have been several horses stolen from this frontier, 
and one from me while I was at Mr. Marshall's. The chiefs of 
Cusseta have behaved well in causing 6 of them to be restored. 
We must try and stop this business; if we do not, the day of 
reckoning will come and we shall see another long roll which must 
be paid. 

The troops have arrived from the northward and are fixed 
and fixing down to keep peace on these frontiers. Col. Gaither 
will do every thing in his power that will lead thereto, but the 
chiefs must help him, or all will be in vain. 

I have just had sent on to me the conferences had with the 
Choctaws, Chickasaws, Cherokees and the mad Spaniard in Phila- 
delphia; the substance will be sent to you by Mr. Barnard. The 
President, with the advice of the Senate, has appointed me, with 
General Pickins and General Winchester, to ascertain and mark 
the lines between the Indian nations and the United States; this 
thing presses much, and we have determined to begin the Chero- 
kee line first, and to finish that early the next month; we did intend 
to run your line first, but we find that delay would be injurious to 



BENJAMIN HAWKINS 99 

the Cherokees, as intrusions are continually increasing on their 
lands. 

I hope your people will appoint 3 men to see their line run, 
and have them ready as soon as we have done with the Cherokees 
and Chickasaws, that we may finish the whole and put an end to 
all incroachments. I believe this matter now will depend on the 
Cowetas, and that they are to appoint the 3 men. 

The annual present of goods are arrived, and when I come 
into the nation, which I shall do as soon as I have run the lines, 
I shall consult the chiefs how they are to be distributed, and 
divide them accordingly, giving every man an order for his share. 

I have had some information of a misunderstanding in your 
family, which I hope your prudent conduct has enabled you to 
accommodate so as not to disturb your friends. 

I have sent you a draft on Mr. Price for your sallary from the 
1st of December to the first of April ensuing. I suppose Mr. 
Seagrove has paid you up to that date, and in future I shall pay 
you regularly, every 3 months. You will be particularly careful, 
as you are an officer in the government, never to suffer anything 
to be said in the nation relative to public affairs without you have 
the directions of a superior officer. Remember me to your friends, 
and believe me, with sincere wishes for the happiness of your 
nation, to be, 

Your friend. 



Fort Fidins, 8th March, 1797. 
Sir: 

Your oldest son remains still under the care of the Secretary 
of War; the youngest is with the Quakers, as you will see by 
the following extract from a letter received of the 22nd October: 
"The two Indian boys which Mr. Price brought with him from 
Colerain have been placed with the Society of Quakers, who have 
promised me to superintend and be at the expense of their 
education, and to have them, if approved by their parents, taught 
such mechanical professions as they shall fix upon, and as the 
boys may show an aptitude to learn, you will be pleased therefore 
to consult the boys' parents and if they should like that one or 
both of them should be taught the turner's, carpenter's, or black- 
smith's trade, to transmit me a proper authority to have them 
bound." 

Mr. Henry Drinker, one of the Society of Quakers, writes to 
me: "The Secretary of War and Secretary of State signified their 
desire that some members of our religious society would under- 



100 LETTERS OF 



take to place the boys in some sober exemplary family in the 
country, where they may be trained up in a good degree of 
innocence, and where endeavors would be used to ground them 
in some moral principals, to instruct them in useful and common 
branches of learning, such as reading, writing and figures, and 
particularly to lead them on in a gradual course of industry, and 
in the knowledge of husbandry. The proposals being considered 
by us, and feeling a real concern for our red brethren and their 
descendants, that they may be improved and encouraged in useful 
knowledge and in the habits tending to their comfort and benefit, 
it has been agreed to take the two boys, to-wit, Alexander Durant 
and James Bailey, under our care for the purpose of placing them 
in some suitable situation in the country, where they may be 
carefully and tenderly tfeated, and their advancement in school 
instruction and agriculture promoted. But in pursuing this plan, 
it is desired to have the concurrence of their parents; if they da 
not fully and freely assent thereto, and particularly that the lads 
may, as they advance in years, be a-ccustomed to such moderate 
labour in the farming business as may be necessary for their 
safety, their health, and their right instruction therein, in the 
manner we train up our white children." You see in these two 
extracts that you are to give your advice respecting the future 
fate of your son; I think you will leave it entirely with the 
Secretary of War and Secretary of State, and the Quakers, to do 
what they may deem advisable, for then they cannot jbe in 
better hands. I wish you would read your letter to Mrs. Durant, 
and send me your and her determination. "^ 

I am appointed a Commissioner, together with General Pickins 
and General Winchester, to ascertain and mark the boundary 
lines between the Indian nations and the United States; and as 
there are intrusions daily increasing on the Cherokee lands, we 
have determined to begin there early in April; as soon as this 
business is finished I shall return into the nation, to reside there. 
T have received the annual stipend for the Creeks, and a present 
for them from the Society of Quakers, which I shall distribute 
as soon as I know the will of the nation. I wish you to mention 
this to your neighbour and particularly to your wife, for whom 
I have a sincere regard. 

I wish you health & happiness. 



RICHARD BAILEY, 
Of Ottassee. 



Joseph Hammond, a soldier of Captain Swaine's company, 
a gunsmith. 



BENJAMIN HAWKINS 101 

Fort Fidins, 9th March, 1797. 
Sir: 

I rote to you the 10th of last month, and sent the letter to 
the care of Ensign Thomson, at Fort James. This will be 
forwarded to you by Mr. Barnard. I wish you would send forward 
to his care, such of the implements of husbandry as can conveniently 
be packed upon the horses which he will address to you. The 
annuity and the present from the Quakers you will keep until 
I consult the nation and draw on you in conformity with such 
arrangement as I may make with them. I wish the whole of the 
business in my department to be so conducted as to explain itself, 
and be free from any ambiguity, 

I have as yet made no new appointments; I have retained 
such of the persons in office as appeared best qualified to discharge 
such duties as I might assign to them, arising out of my mission. 
There being no occasion for express riders, they are of course 
discharged, and I have promised to pay Walton from the time 
of my coming into office up to the day of his return home, as 
soon as he sends in his appointment; this pay he intends for you, 
and I shall give you a draft accordingly. I have the following 
persons in service: 

Timothy Barnard, Assistant and Interpreter, 700 dollars per 
annurtj^. 

James Burges, Assistant and Interpreter, 400 dollars per 
annurh^ 

Alexander Cornell, Assistant and Interpreter, 400 dollars per 
annum. 

Richard Thomas, Clerk to the Chiefs, 200 dollars per annum. 

I have one at a less sum, but not fixed. I give you this 
information as your guide in case you should credit any of them, 
as I shall give drafts quarterly for that sum. The present quarter 
I shall draw on you for, altho' I am not authorised particularly 
to do so, because there can no injury arise to the public, as I 
am authorized to draw on the Secretary of War. It is an accom- 
modation to these people, and it may be that you have amounts 
against some or all of them of trading. 

As this new arrangement takes place the first of December, 
I include that month in the first quarter, and the drafts are: 

No. 1. 9 March, 1797, Timothy Barnard, 233 1-3 dollars. 

No. 2. 9 March, 1797, Alexander Cornell, 133 1-3 dollars. 

No. 3. 9 March, 1797, James Burges, 133 1-3 dollars. 

No. 4. 9 March, 1797, Richard Thomas, 66 2-3 dollars. 



102 LETTERS OF 



As I have been under the necessity of advancing forty dollars 
to Richard Thomas, and fifty to Mr. Barnard, I request you to 
make an entry to correspond therewith, that is, to open an account 
with me in your books and credit me for these sums. 

There has been a vile attempt to prevail on the Indians to 
thwart the marker of the government, but the Indians, more wise 
than the authors of it, have refused their co-operation. They 
have sent me the whole procedure, unasked and unsuspected. I 
am appointed, with General Pickins and General Winchester, a 
Commissioner to ascertain and mark the boundary lines between 
the Indian nations and the United States. I leave this to com- 
mence the execution of this trust to-morrow; this draws me a 
little out of the line of direct communication with you, but I 
shall soon return, and in the well grounded expectations that the 
joint endeavors of all of us in this quarter will be productive of 
the good contemplated in our exertions by the government. 

I am with much esteem. Sir, 

Your obedient servant. 
MR. EDWARD PRICE. 



Mrs. Anne Vansant, widow of Isaac Vansant, who was 
murdered by the Indians at Old Bushes Fort, the morning they 
burnt Harrison's Stockade, informs me that after killing her 
husband, they took off 2 horses, the one a bay horse branded on the 
near buttock with a W. on the turn of his rump, a smart active 
horse, of £22i value; the other a sorrel mare, branded with I. V., a 
large smart mare, older than the horse; and three cows. She says 
she is informed the Indians killed one of the cows, and carried 
two of them into the nation. Mrs. Vansant says she lays the 
death of her husband to Harrison, that she has said so repeatedly, 
and that it has given offense to Harrison — he was a very peace- 
able, inoffensive man, and could never believe that the Indians, or 
anybody else, could do him an injury. 

The doctrine in her neighbourhood was, let us kill the Indians^ 
bring on a war, and we shall get land; her husband replyed, no, 
he would oppose anything of that sort, it being altogether rong 
and unjust; he would never be guilty of murder for property. 

Martin Hardin, contractor for supplying the troops, is hereby 
permited to purchase within the district of Fort James, such 
articles of the Indians as are authorized in their traffic with the 
citizens of the United States by the Act for regulating trade and 
intercourse with the Indian tribes, and to preserve peace on the 
frontiers; conforming himself to the regulations in the said Act, 
and to such regulations as are or shall be made for the government 



BENJAMIN HAWKINS 103 

of the said fort and district. This permit to remain in force until 
revoked by me, the agent for the Department of War, or the 
officer commanding the troops of the United States in the State 
of Georgia. 

Given under my hand this 11th of March, 1797. 



Fort Fidins, Uth March, 1797. 

You will proceed from this to Mr. Barnard's on Flint River, 
and assist him and his halfbreed boys in fixing their ploughs; 
you w\\\ go from thense to the Tussekiah Mico's village and fix 
a plough or plows for him, and then you will show him how 
they are to be used; lay off his cornfield in a proper manner, five 
feet and a half square, quite true, the furrows or rows strait. 
You must plough the potato field before the hills are made; the 
women will make the hills. I wanted the peas to be planted half 
in the step, the other half in the hills. You must be careful to 
conduct yourself well, for on that your future fate depends. Mr. 
Barnard will give you some garden seeds as soon as they are 
sent up from Mr. Price. Your pay will be ten dollars per month, 
paid quarterly or monthly, as you may require. I want you to 
take half a bushel or more of cotton seed with you, to plant at the 
Tussekiah's. 



Fort Fidins, 10 March, 1797. 

Christian Russel, a Silician by birth, an inhabitant of 
Ogelthorp County, in the State of Georgia, is by these presents 
permited to remove some hogs, his property, from Hightower 
and Pine Log, to Tellico Blockhouse for market and to sell 
them under the direction of Silas Dinsmoor, Esq., the Indian agent 
in the Cherokee nation. 

BENJAMIN HAWKINS, 
P. T. A. for I. Affairs South of Ohio. 



United States, 14th March, 1797. 



Beloved Chickasaws: 



I am informed by the bearer. Col. Mattews, that he is desirous 
of paying you a visit, and of being known to you. He has been one 



104 LETTERS OF 



of our old warriors, a Governor of one of the United States, and 
always deemed to be an honest man, and friendly to the rights 
of man. It will afford you pleasure to have such a man among 
you, that you may show him the Chickasaw hospitality and prove 
to him how worthy you are of being ranked among us as fellow 
citizens, natives of the same soil and joint defenders of our mutual 
interests. 

Accept of my sincere wishes for the prosperity of your nation 
and believe me to be your friend. 



Hopew^ell on Koowee, 19 March, 1797. 
Sir: 

I sat out from Fort Fidins on the 11th and arrived here on the 
16 of this month. I applied to Col. Gaither for an escort, he had 
not received any orders from you on that head, but said your 
letter to me was quite sufficient. I asked only for a Serjeant, 
Corporal and 12 dragoons, and have them with me; they are bare 
of cloathing, and I have, at the request of Col. Gaither, purchased 
some linen for them, and a shirt for each will be made in this 
neighbourhood, and I shall furnish them with such other things 
as are indispensible and obtainable on the rout. General Pickins will 
be ready on the 23, and we shall set out on that day, go over the 
Ocunna Mountain, through the Cherokees to Tellico Blockhouse. 
I have made all the necessary arrangements in conformity with 
the intimations from you in yours of the 2nd of February. I 
have, with the concurrance of the General, appointed two discrete, 
honest men of this frontier, acquainted with surveying, to accom- 
pany us as surveyors. We give them two dollars each per day 
and feed them, they furnish their own horses and instruments. 
Some of the Cherokees, apprised of my intention of being here, 
have visited me; they will some of them accompany us through 
their nation. 

After I wrote my last to you by trader Gillespie, I saw many 
of the citizens who live contiguous to Oconee, some of whom 
I was personally acquainted with; I saw also as I traveled through 
the State of Georgia, some of those who had embarked in the 
project of Zachariah Cox for settling the best of Tennessee. I 
conversed freely and in a friendly manner with them and explained 
the law to them, and hope that by a temperate President and 
firm line of conduct in the affairs of the government in this quarter, 
we shall be able to carry the laws into effect. 



BENJAMIN HAWKINS 105 

General Pickins, from some defect in the post office, has not 
received the original dispatches to him, and only got the duplicate 
on the 7, just before my messenger arrived. 

I beg you to mention me respectfully to the President, to 
assure him of my sincere wishes for his happiness, and to believe 
me yourself, with sincere regard and esteem. Sir, 

Your obedient servant. 
JAMES McHENRY. 



23 March, 1797. 

I sat out this day from General Pickins's, from Tellico Block- 
house, accompanyed by the General and Joseph Whitner and John 
Clark Kilpatrick, surveyors appointed by us to assist in runing 
and marking the lines between the Indian nations and the United 
States. We went on to Timossa, a plantation of the General's 
adjoining the Cherokee boundary; this was an Indian town before 
the Revolution War, inhabited by 20 gun men. I saw some fine 
peach trees, which had been planted by the original inhabitants, 
and the remains of the square, and some locusts. The farm is 
pleasantly situated on Timossa Creek, and in the fork of that and 
the main branch of Little River. To the southward of E. there 
is a high and beautiful situation for a building, showing the whole 
Timossa Old Town in front, a majestic conic mountain to the S. W., 
the flat lands of the two creeks to the north and the serpentine 
course of the two creeks high up towards their source, and the 
mountains beyond. In the neighbourhood of this place, in the 
year 1776, the General had a sharp acting with some of the Chero- 
kees; he had been detached by General Williamson with a few 
men, about 35, and were attacked by a considerable body of 
Indians. The Indians lost 65, and left 14 on the field; the General 
had 6 killed dead and 5 died of their wounds. The dead were 
buried in some of the houses in the town and the houses burnt. 

24. 

Set out, called at the Ocunna Station, took Lieutenant 
Mosely, two of his men, made some arrangements for the journey, 
and continued on over the Ocunna Mountain IJ/2 miles to the 
boundary; continue on 2J4 miles farther and arrive at the village 
on Chauga, here is a beautiful situation for a military post, in the 
fork of the two main branches of Chauga is a high nole, easily 
to be made defensible; the lands on the creek rich, and those 
bordering thereon fine for wheat, the whole exhibiting all that is 



lOG LETTERS OF 



desired to designate this as a healthy position and neighbourhood; 
it is convenient for a trading establishment. The following is 
the distance of and position of the water courses in going from 
the boundary to this site, estimating the same in minutes, counting 
3 miles to the hour: Begining at the boundary 2 minutes, cross 
a creek runing to the left, 4 feet wide, 5 minutes; X a branch 
runing to the left 2 feet wide, 6 minutes; X a branch runing to 
the left 1 foot 6 inches wide, 26 minutes; X a creek runing to the 
right, 3 feet over, 3 minutes; X a creek IS feet over, runing to 
the left, and in 4 X a creek runing to the left, 8 feet wide; in the 
fork of these two is the site recommended in this note. The 
whole of the growth on this path scrub, black and small Spanish 
oak, with a few pine. 

To continue in like manner the distance to Chattuga is 6 
minutes, X a branch runing to the left, 1 foot wide; 8 minutes X 
a creek runing to the left, 8 feet wide; 7 minutes X a branch 
runing to the right, 1 foot; 28 minutes a beautiful meadow, J4 
of a mile to the left of the path, the grass at this season very 
thick and eight inches high. This meadow was burnt the last of 
November, when I passed this to the Creek country. IS minutes 
X a branch to the left, 2 feet wide; 6 minutes X a branch run- 
ing to the left, 3 feet wide; 5 minutes X a branch runing to the left, 
and in this direction a mountain of a conic form; S minutes X 
a branch to the left, and 9 minutes X 2 small branches, and over 
the ridge of Whetstone Mountain; this vale exhibits for some 
time back, marks of rich land; descend down 9 minutes and X a 
creek runing to the right, 3 feet wide, falling over for some 
distance below a bed of rock, margined with spruce, hemloc, pine, 
and some mountain laurel; 22 minutes X Chattuga, 40 yards over, 
just above the mouth of Warwoman's Creek. 

On the side of the meadow before mentioned we encamp. 



25. 



This day I met John Martin, of Corn Creek, in Pendleton 
County, South Carolina; he had been to Cowe trading as a hireling 
of Ellis Harding, on examining him he seemed much confused, he 
had three loads of leather. I informed him I should examine into 
the truth of his statement and report his name for a violation of 
the law, and that I would not suffer any man to trade without a 
licence. 

The course appears to be N. W. to the point where we cross 
Warwoman's Creek the second time, 3 miles from Chattuga; from 
thence to the dividings on Sticcoa 13 miles W. in ascending the 
creek for the first S, in this comes X 3 creeks which enter from 



BENJAMIN HAWKINS 107 

the right, and from just below Walnut Creek to the uppermost 
the feed in the moist places good. 

From Sticcoa, at the dividing, we go over a hill west to the 
creek and continue on in that direction one hour 7 minutes to 
its source, the whole of this the path is good, there is at 30 minutes 
some cane on the creek and some good grass. From the source 
of Sticcoa over a ridge 9 minutes to a beautiful little branch 
tumbling out of the mountains to the left, we cross it runing 
to the right, it is margined with evergreens; we continue our 
course down the branch 15 minutes to a creek 15 feet wide, here 
the paths divide, we take the right N. W. and up the creek a 
rugged path, 18 minutes X the creek 10 feet wide and up a branch 
of it to our left 22 minutes to the ridge, thense down 23 minutes 
to a branch and cross it runing to the right, 3 feet wide, the land 
now more level; in 10 minutes arrive at a creek runing to the 
left, here we encamp, the food not good, from the late burning of 
the woods. The Lieutenant Mossley left us here with his two 
dragoons, he seems to be an active deserving young officer; 
General Pickins furnished him with a copy of the intercourse 
law with the Indians, and I gave him verbal directions how to 
act in case he should apprehend any person violating the law. 

26. 

We X the creek 25 feet wide, our course W.; 15 minutes X 
a ridge and have an opening to S. W. and a view of distant 
mountains; 9 minutes X a branch runing to the left, and over 
bad road 8 to the top of a ridge, then down 9 to a creek 45 feet 
over, go down and X three minutes to an old field, here the grass 
being fine, we halt for 20 minutes and let our horses graze; here 
we saw some fine grass in bloom, the small winter grass common 
on the hills in bloom, the state of vegitation in the trees, the 
hickory a little smaller, the dogwoods not quite in full bloom; 
there is some cane below this field and this is a good camping 
place; the creek our guide calls Oloktah. Our course now N. W.; 
17 minutes X a branch runing to the right and up it 11 minutes 
to the ridge, and over and down 6 passing large timber on both 
sides which were steep; come to the creek we have passed 
runing to the right, continue up 19 minutes, X and up it 40 
minutes to the ridge, wind round down, have an opening to S. W., 
come to the western waters and go down one hour 42 minutes, 
X the creek 10 feet wide just below the junction with one from 
the right, X it again in a few yards, 45 feet wide, the land pretty 
level; 10 minutes come to a small branch and breakfast near a 
maple swamp, the grass pretty good, the' in small patches; 31 
minutes X a creek 25 feet wide running to the left; in 32 a branch 



108 LETTERS OF 



runing to the left, near the creek here is some cane; in 9 minutes 
a large creek called by our guide Etowvvah, join the one we are 
descending on the left side and nearly at right angles; the day 
being very cloudy, we were a little out in our conjecture of the 
course we were going, at breakfast we found it was W. and so 
continued to this creek, now N. W.; we go down the right bank 
8 minutes, X a creek 8 feet, 20 minutes come to the fork of the 
path, continue our course and leave the left; 10 minutes come 
opposite a large mound of earth near the creek on the flat land, 45 
minutes to a ridge, our ascent N. and a grand view of mountains 
in this direction. From the mouth of Etowwah down to the 
mound the lands are good, a little waving on the left bank but 
fine for culture. 

From the ridge we descend 5 minutes X a creek runing to 
the left 15 feet wide. In 67 minutes we X several small branches, 
the soil poor, stoney, with glades, the growth dwarf, black jack, 
oak and hard shelled hickory; there had been recently a hurrycane 
which had twisted and broken the little trees. The glades, now 
green, exhibit a beautiful contrast with the poor scrubby dwarf 
trees; 7 minutes the soil alters for the better, X a creek runing 
to the left 36 feet, Coqeentah, the banks formerly inhabited; 16 
minutes X a creek runing to the left, 6 feet, near the river, and 
go down the river 13 minutes and encamp near a branch on the 
river bank; on the left bank of this was the town of Quanasee, for 
many years the residence of Cornelias Daughtertu, an old Irish 
trader; at present there is nothing remaining of the town except 
the open flats where were formerly the corn fields; here we had 
fine food, the grass abundant in the moist branches; the state of 
vegitation in trees very backward, the dogwoods but just swollen 
and the sassafras begining to bloom. At the point of the river 
just above our encampment there are 2 rocks in the river and the 
curve of the river from S. E. round to S. W. We had a heavy 
shower of rain during the night and much thunder. 

27. 

Continue on 15 minutes, X a creek to the left, and in 4 minutes 
arrive at the river and proceed down 14 minutes through Indian 
old fields to a hill on the right and a large conic mound to the 
left, just on the left bank of the river; this mound is large, 
apparently IS fee't high and near 100 at the base. I saw on the 
top a peach tree and I believe a large locust; the river being too 
high to forde I could only judge of what I saw at the distance of 
100 yards. The whole of the mound was covered with cane and 
the margin of the river in the neighbourhood of it. On the left 
bank of the river there is a very extensive old field. 21 minutes 



BENJAMIN HAWKINS 109 

lower there is a village; I saw five houses in view and there were 
several others in the neighbourhood; it is called Chewayqok; the 
river is of the same name. From appearances there must have 
been a very large town in the neighbourhood of our encampment 
last evening, and from thense down to this village. The lands on 
both sides of the river are now green and free from briars or 
shrubbery. In the neighbouring hills on either side are some 
beautiful situations for buildings, particularly on the left side just 
below the mound. After refreshing ourselves at the village and 
procuring some corn, we sat out, still down the river, 12 minutes 
and X Tujquatah 30 feet over, and soon enter the hills bordering 
on the river; 18 minutes X a, branch, 3 feet, a rapid fall to the 
river, and large enough for an overshot mill. In 48 minutes X 
a creek runing to the left, 30 feet over; 10 minutes the paths 
divide; we take the right over the mountain and arrive at the 
top in one hour 10 minutes; from this there is an assemblage of 
mountains in every direction; to the S. W. we have a view of 
Little Hewossa, and to the S. E. the old fields of Chewayqok. We 
descend in 37 minutes, arrive at the first flat land and X a creek 
runing to the left, 8 feet; in 17 minutes arrive at a small rise 
in the fork of 2 branches and here encamp. There is on this side 
of the mountain a spring near the summit, and the water tumbles 
rapidly down near the path. This pass is a difficult one, ascending 
or descending, and I recommend to all travellers to take the other 
rout, unless they are pleased with mountain scenes and will ex- 
change for the plague and fatigue of climbing for them as I have 
done. 

It is to me worthy of remark, that where we are now en- 
camped we have an abundance of fine grass for our horses, with- 
out the least show of vegetation in the trees anywhere in view 
except on the south front of the mountains. 

28. 

We sat out early from our encampment N. W.; in 16 minutes 
go thro' a narrow pass between two mountains, where probably 
in some former period the natives must have made a stand in 
defense of their country. In the center of the pass there is a 
large heap of stones, which must have been placed as covering to 
the warriors who lost their lives in defense of the pass; the pass 
is about 30 feet wide and the ascent on both sides very steep. In 
45 minutes pass a creek runing to the left, 8 feet wide; in 19 
the paths divide just before we arrive at a large creek, we cross 
a small one and go down the large one 14 minutes to Little 
Tellico; here I saw 28 gun men who collected on being informed 
that I should be here accompanyed with General Pickins. I 



110 LETTERS OF 



addressed a short speach to them relative to our visit. They 
expressed pleasure at seeing us, and confidence in our exertions 
to restore order between the red and white people. One of them 
informed me that five of their hunters who went towards Cumber- 
land were missing and he was apprehensive they had been killed. 
We procured some corn of the women and proceeded on, crossed 
the creek, 45 feet over, my guide calls it Ocunqustah; continue on 
pass some buildings to the right and in 40 minutes a bed of iron 
ore near a small glady branch runing to the left; in 7 minutes 
arrive at the river again and in 5 X it. There are two settlements 
on this side, the lowest surrounded with peach trees, which are 
very thriving. Cross the river again and in 20 minutes arrive at 
the Fort of Notly Mountain; ascended the mountain to the top 
in 45 minutes, and descended near a fine little creek, Xing it 2 or 
3 times, and in 58 minutes X the creek runing to the left; continue 
on over uneaven ground 28 minutes to 3 creeks, X 2 of them in 
the direction of the path and the third to encamp, rise a small 
ridge and encamp between the third and a 4 creek. There is a 
small island of cane and some good grass, the lands near the 
creeks just above the ridge we encamp on level. 

29. 

Some of our horses having strayed during the night, I had an 
opportunity of examining the land in the neighbourhood of the 
encampment. The 2 creeks I find forms an island and they are 
the same, called by my Cherokee guide Cautustuwoh. The flat 
extends for half a mile, and the grass good in all the moist places. 
We set out, 45 minutes pass between 2 mountains; 10 down and 
up to the next rise; 32 to a flat of 5 caves between 2 branches; 
28 cross the Beaverdam Creek, 15 feet wide, runing to the left, 
25 a gap, two mountains in front; 11 X a branch runing to the 
left; 3 meadow to the right, two holleys to the left of the path 
bending over the branch and a meadow to the left; wind round 
a hill on its border; 2 to a creek and ascend it, here the Notly 
path joins and there is cane on the right bank of the creek; 27 pass 
under a delightful grove of evergreens, X a creek runing to 
the left; 11 X a branch runing to the left, 4, flat land on both 
sides; 9 X a creek to the left; 15 cross two branches in 2 minutes; 
6 X a branch; 9 X main branch and go up on the right bank; 11 
X a small branch; 9 X the mairt branch, and in 3 arrive at the 
source near the gap; 4 minutes pass thro' the gap, a spring on the 
left, and X a creek running to the left; 4 and a branch, both 
clustered with evergreens; 11 X a branch to the left; 5 pass a gap, 
a small hill in front and the mountains beyond; descend 34, a small 
branch to the left; 5 a chain of rock to the right; 3 a small branch; 



BENJAMIN HAWKINS 111 

5 the gap, turn to the right and wind round the mountain and 
through a gap of rock; on the rise to the first gap there is an 
extensive view of mountains to the S. W.; 17 a cluster of rock 
on a piny nole; 16 wind round on a ridge to a gap, a small pine 
nole to the right; 7 to the termination of the ridge of pines; 30 
to the small rocks on the ridge of oakes, from this the vale of 
mountains S. W. and N. E. are as extensive as the eye can reach; 
15 the top of the ridge and pass of rocks, the ridge in the narrowest 
part is about 6 feet and the descent on other side 300. This pass 
has been represented as tremendious, but a person who has been 
for some days familiarized with mountain scenes passed it with 
care and without emotion; 20 pass Turnback Point and X a branch; 
10 X a branch to the right; 12 arrive at main gap of the Unecoi 
Unacaqec. At Turnback Point there is the black slate. From 
this mountain there is the most extensive view westward of any 
known among the mountains, we had not a favourable time to see 
it. The evening was haisy and the morning equally so. We 
encamped near the gap, there is good water on both sides, that on 
the west nearest the summit. I have been informed that this 
spring was on the top of the mountain, and that springs are some 
times found on the tops of mountains, but it is not true; here it 
opens on both sides from near the ridge or gap, and it is always 
so in all cases within my view, and I have seen most of our 
southern mountains. 



30. 



This morning, after a boisterous night, we began to descend 
the mountain, no show of vegitation anywhere in view, every 
thing looking as in the dead of winter. We descend rapidly, 
winding over poor dwarf pine ridges one hour to a small branch 
and a creek 8 feet wide runing to the left, descend and cross the 
creek seven times in 12 minutes, here vegitation begins to show 
itself and here I saw the may cherry found; 23 minutes X a small 
branch to the left; in 14 minutes X a creek 20 feet wide runing 
to the right, the descent to it very steep and through evergreens; 
here are large pendent rocks of slate stone, its the grey striped; in 
14 minutes X a branch to the left, and in 44 have a view of the 
old fields and river Tellico; here we perceive a great increase of 
vegitation; in 14 descend to the river, go down 5 minutes & X 
it, 50 yards over, a rocky bottom, two feet deep, the front of the 
mountain and the flat covered with grass fit for grazing; descend 
the river, in 12 minutes enter it a few feet for a road, the rocks to 
the right hanging over; in 32 arrive opposite the town and fields, 
and in 15 at the town house. 



112 LETTERS OF 



\^ 



>. 



The town house is on a mound of earth 12 feet high, situated 

near a bend of the river in the midst of the old fields, the houses 

are all in a state of decay, and the whole has the appearance of 

a waste; the old fields very extensive above and below and covered 

with wild onion. There are four large and old apple trees. The 

chiefs and warriors received us in a very friendly manner; there 

were 18. I saw a number of children, and all smiling and healthy. 

"VVe stayed and breakfasted and procured some corn. The lands 

in the neighbourhood of the town barron piny hills. The flats 

appear rich and capable of a high degree of culture. We continued 

on 45 minutes down, our course N.; 30 E. pass some lime stone 

near the town, some more old fields to the left, and have a view 

of a settlement over the river prittily situated on a rising ground 

surrounded with peach trees. In 45 minutes arrive at the river 

and wind round the bend over a mountain to our right, the sides 

stored with lime stone; in 15 minutes enter a beautiful flat, and in 

4 minutes X a creek runing to the left, 25 feet wide, a large sheet 

\ of lime stone rock to the left of the ford. From the lower end of 

this flat, where we turn to X the creek, there is prittily situated 

, toin the opposite side of the river some Indian huts. The situation 

;V still farther back appears to me a more eligible one, if it has the 

advantage of the water prospect. In this fiat my guide says the 

garrison of Fort Lowdon were attacked and destroyed. In 36 

minutes, going thro' a vale of scrub oak and limestone land, X 

a branch to the left; in 16 pass a fine spring on the left in front of 

a mount of limestone toped with red cedar, here vegitation is 

*\* . A^^ far advanced, the hickory shows fine leaves, the honeysuckel and 

V(^ hK dogwood in full blow, and grass abounds for grazing; in 12 X a 

cV branch, down it 8 & X a creek 3 feet wide runing to the left, 

J^ and in 15 minutes encamp on the side of a drain in the course of 

I the path near its source; the lands hilly, the grass good on the 

sides of them. 

31. 

Set out, in 16 X the branch we encamp on. It, 3 feet wide, con- 
tinue on, cross on the It 3 times where it becomes a considerable 
large creek, the lands rich, the growth of timber large; 30 X a 
creek to the left 3 feet wide near the river; in 18 arrive at the 
low ground where we saw on our right a poplar 22 feet in circum- 
^ \ frence, measured 3 feet from the ground, and the stem for a great 

f^jr^y^^^^^ height of the same sise; in 5 minutes X the creek Unnatotaqee, 

^Cv^ 25 feet over; in 14 cross a branch and continue on a blind tract 

thro' hilly loch timbered land and down a stream where the 
natives have been making sugar from the maple; in 49 arrive in 
flat lands; 20 to an old town, part of Tuskeegee, where we saw an 




BENJAMIN HAWKINS 113 

apple and some peach trees, with 2 hills covered with limestone; 
in 30 pass through Tuskeegee fields thro' the remains of Fort 
Lowdon and arrive on the Tennessee opposite the blockhouse. 
This river is 160 yards wide opposite the landing. Tellico, 
Lat. 35° 15'. 

3 April. 

The Honble. David Campbell, one of the Commissioners to 
ascertain and mark the line between the State of Tennessee and 
Cherokees, commissioned 22 September, 1792. Letter of notifi- 
cation of same date from Geo. Blount, Charles McClun & John 
McKee for Dan Smith, Colonel Carlu Tellico. 



April the 3rd, 1797. 

Benjamin Hawkins, Principal Temporary Agent for Indian 
Affairs South of Ohio, to Efau Tustunnagau: 

I arrived here two days past, with General Pickins, to ascertain 
and mark the boundary line between the United States and the 
Indian nations, we shall mark the Cherokee boundary first and then 
the Chickasaw and Creek. Morgan, of Wewoca, will give you this, 
he has been waiting here for your presents, which are sent on to 
you under the care of Serjeant Thrap. 

Mr. Rogers informs me you have collected some horses taken ""j^ 

by your wild ungovernable young men from Cumberland, and that . ' 

you wished for an opportunity to send them to their owners. The 
Serjeant is directed by Colonel Henley to receive them and bring 
them to this post from whence they will be forwarded as you 
desire. You will order as many of your young men as you may 
deem necessary to accompany the Serjeant to this post. If they 
have any skins or furs they can have an opportunity of disposing 
of them here. 

You have had an opportunity to see the supreme executive 
of the United States, and many of my fellow citizens, and I hope 
you have formed just conceptions of the power as well as justice 
of our government, and that you will on all occasions impress on 
the minds of your countrymen the information you have received 
on these points, and how necessary it is to your existence as a 
nation to cultivate a friendly intercourse with us by a strict com- 
pliance with the terms of your treaty. 

I hope soon the Creek chiefs will be able to do more than' 
they have hitherto done to prevent horse stealing, by punishing 



114 LETTERS OF 



the offenders, that we may prove to our white brethren that the 
promises of the Creeks may be relied on, and that we mean to 
put a stop to this accursed abominable practice. 

Accept of my sincere wishes for the prosperity of your nation. 



BENJAMIN HAWKINS, 
P. T. Agent for I. Affairs S. of Ohio. 



Tellico Blockhouse, 6th April, 1797. 
Sir: 

The letter you showed me from General Winchester, of 31st 
of March, makes it necessary that you should trace the letter from 
me to him of the 7 of that month from Oconee, inclosed in yours 
of the 23rd, and sent by express to him in care of a serjeant. 

The idea of the General that General Pickins and I expected 
to meet him here the "first of April for the purpose of proceeding 
to the runing of the Creek lines," is pretty extraordinary. He 
says he has no acquaintance with the Creek nation, nor no 
geographical knowledge of that country. He appears, by his 
letter, to have some knowledge of his appointment and probably 
has seen by his instructions that the "Cherokees have been 
promised that the runing of their line would be commenced in 
April," and he certainly must know that Tellico Blockhouse is 
on the Tennessee near the Cherokee line, and that we could never 
be so absurd as to come from the Creek line two hundred and 
fifty miles here for the purpose merely of meeting him to ac- 
company us back again. 

I am with sincere regard & esteem. Sir, 

Your obedient servant. 
SILAS DINSMOOR, ESQ., 

T. I. Agent in the Cherokee Nation. 



Tellico, 6 April, 1797. 
Sir: 

I received your excellency's favour of the 17th of February 
on the 3rd of this month. I have in the course of the winter 
visited several of the towns of the Upper & Lower Creeks, and 
obtained from the Indians and traders this interesting fact, that the 
Indians are more inclined to peace and more friendly to the 
citizens, their neighbours, than they have ever been known to be. 



BENJAMIN HAWKINS 115 

This I attribute to the confidence they have in the justice of our 
government and to the accommodation of our political differences 
with Spain and Great Britain, the latter removing all interference 
in the management of Indian affairs. 

The arrangements in train of execution will, I hope, increase 
the friendly disposition of the Indians and induce them to do 
justice to my fellow citizens. I rely with confidence on the agents 
in my department, and if my fellow citizens who inhabit the 
frontiers will co-operate with me, I presage that the open of my 
mission will be successful. 

I have received information that there are some horses among 
the Upper Creeks supposed to be stolen from the frontier inhabi- 
tants, and I have given directions for them to be restored to a 
Serjeant who is sent into that country. The negros you mention 
are, I believe, in the possession of Daniel Lessly, a halfbreed son 
of James Lessly. I heard some thing of them while I was among 
the Upper Creeks, but it was so vague that I could not then 
examine the case thoroughly. I shall return into that nation as 
soon as the lines are shaped and do what may be proper. 

I have seen your excellency's proclamations of the 10th of 
August and 20th of March, they are well timed to prepare the 
citizens who may be afifected by the "Act to regulate trade and 
intercourse with the Indian tribes and to preserve peace on the 
frontiers," to conform to it. The period is arrived when the line 
will be run, and the citizens who are intruders will have had time 
to remove, and if they should neglect the warning, painful as the 
task may seem to be, the officers intrusted with the execution of 
the law will faithfully execute the trust confided to them. 

I shall be glad to hear from you on all occasions wherein 
I can be useful to the citizens of Tennessee for whose prosperity 
I have the sincerest wishes. 

I have the honor to be, your Excellency's, 

Most obedient servant. 
His Excellency, 

JOHN SEVIER, 

Governor of Tennessee. 



TelHco, 7th April, 1797. 

The Commissioners for ascertaining and marking the boundary 
lines between the Indian nations and the U. S. will leave this to-day 
at 12 o'clock and encamp this evening on the dividing ridge 
between the waters of Little River and Tennessee; tomorrow they 
will visit the point at Fort Gavinger and from thence up the 



116 LETTERS OF 



Holston to Little River, on that and the next day, as soon as they 
receive a return from Mr. Dinsmoor to their letter of yesterday, 
which they will expect by Sunday evening, they expect to be able 
to decide on the manner how^ they are to proceed, and will give 
notice to Captain Sparks and Colonel Henley accordingly. The 
Captain will be ready to march at an hour's notice. 

B. H. 
Mr. Dinsmoor: 



The escort are much in want of some cloathing, if there are 
any jackets I wish Colonel Henley would send one for each. 

This day 13 of the Cherokees visited General Pickins and me, 
and the speaker, Little Woman, holder of Highwassa, welcomed 
us on our arrival, said he and the Cherokees rejoiced at the ex- 
pectation of having their lines closed, that the affair would meet 
with some difficulty, but he hoped the men chosen by the President 
would hear both sides and do justice, that there was much talk 
in the nation about the line and he supposed as much among the 
whites, but that when the line was fixed on and marked by the 
persons who were chosen, all this talk would subside and the parties 
acquiesce. 

We replied, we should hear the red and white people and 
wished that they might agree among themselves, but if they could 
not we should do justice and we expected our red and white 
brethren would give up little points of difference and concur in our 
dicision; that it might be some days before their representation 
would be here, we should move on and encamp on the dividing 
ridge between the two rivers, and obtain such information of the 
whites as we could, relative to their opinion of the line, and when 
the Indian representation arrived we should know something of 
the ground we were on and would the better understand them. 

The speaker replied: "Go see your people, hear what they have 
to say, and obtain all the information you can from them, but do 
not give them any opinion at all till you hear us. The Bark, one 
of the men appointed by us is here, you have taken him by the 
hand, he will be ready when the others arrive." 

Lieutenant George Strather informed us that he had heard 
Colonel McKee say, the line called the experiment line had been 
run secretly, that the Indians had been notified of the time when 
it was to be run, but that they began before the time, and met the 
Indians in the woods, attempted to secrete the instruments, and 
upon their being discovered by the Indians, they invited the Indians 
to go and run it; they replied, we suppose you have done it, we 
need not go about it. 



BENJAMIN HAWKINS 117 



Colonel McKee further said that he was of opinion that when 
the line was run fairly it would take in Colonel Craik. 

7 April. 

Set out from Tellico Blockhouse to find and encamp on the 
ridge which divides the waters of Little River from those of the 
Tennessee. Took the road to Knoxville; one hour passed five 
small settlements near the road, and two large limestone springs; 
took the left road to Squire Wallace's, and in 15 minutes arrived 
at the creek near his house, turned ofif a small distance and 
encamped. The Honourable David Campbell accompanyed us. 
Here we were visited by Captain Henley and three others, his 
neighbours, they expressed some anxiety at their situation. I 
told them that I could inform them with certainty that the gov- 
ernment were determined to fulfill their engagements and to carry 
their treaties into effect with the Indians. Captain Henley seems 
to be a very decent orderly man. 

8th April. 

This day being rainy we moved our encampment near the road 
to Knoxville in the neighbourhood of Captain Henry. We spend 
the day with Mr. Wallace and several of the neighbours who appear 
to show much anxiety on the apurtaining of the Indian boundary. 
We requested them to give us such information as they could, to 
enable us to be prepared on the hearing of the Indians, to do 
justice between the parties. Colonel David Craig replied, those pres- 
ent possessed and would give the best information and if we would 
meet them to-morrow at his house, or Mr. Bartlot McGee's, they 
would be there and ready to accompany us for that purpose. We 
promised to breakfast with Mr. McGee and accepted the offer. 

9th. 

We set out to breakfast with Mr. McGee, here we found 
several of the neighbours. We requested information on the 
following points: The course and distance to Tellico, 12 miles, 
W. S. W.; Tennessee, 8 direct, S. & W.; Little River, 15, N. & E.; 
Experiment Line, 4, S. & W.; Colonel Craig's, l^^, N. E.; Head 
of 9 Mile C, 1^/2, N. E., it joins the Tennessee at Tellico; Baker's 
Creek, 2^^, N., it joins Tennessee 3 miles below. 

Pistol Creek has two branches, one heads opposite the source 
of 9 Mile Creek, the west fork opposite Baker's Creek; its junction 
with Little River 5 miles above the confluence of that with 
Holston. Crooked Creek has its source three miles below the 



118 LETTERS OF 



mountain, and its junction with Little River 5 miles above Pistol 
Creek. The ridge between the sources of these four creeks is that 
which divides the waters runing into Little River from those 
runing into Tennessee, which they will demonstrate by our next 
point at Colonel Craigs. The next point we go to is to the ridge 
just above the plantation of Colonel Craig's, N. E. lJ4 miles. This 
the Colonel informed us was the ridge mentioned at Mr. McGee's. 
The point where we were was 20 miles south from Knoxville. 
There is a scope of mountains from N. E. round eastwardly to 
S. W.; Little River breaks through this chain in a direction 
N. 88 E.; Tennessee in S. 10 W. The experiment line crosses the 
mountain S. 10 E. at Chilhowe Path. The Unecahoe over the 
chain of Chilhowe Mountains, S. 41 E. This mountain is better 
known east of this by the name of Black or Smoky Mountain. In 
the direction of this Smoky Mountain it is 6 miles of flat lands 
to the Chilhowe Mountains; this flat is thickly settled, and here 
are the sources of the north fork of 9 Mile Creek. Mr. Patrick 
Salvidge, who is well informed, fixes the course to the source of 
Little Pigeon S. 24 E.; the source of Pistol Creek S. 83 E. From 
this to Captain Henry's 5^ miles to the line of experiment, the 
course S. 59 W.; the head of Baker's Creek North 15 W. 

We sat out for the point on the ridge where the experiment 
line for fixing the courthouse of Blount County passes the ridge 
between Pistol Creek and Baker's Creek, due E. from a point 
in Tennessee 13^ miles, and this point is one and half miles S. 
from the point from whence a line W. joins the confluence of Hols- 
ton and Tennessee; they run this line with much exactness. The 
point where we are is the point 2^4 miles N. from McGee's. 

In approaching it from the point at Colonel Craig's, we note 
these views, counting in minutes, 60 to 3 miles: 6, cross a bottom 
of Baker's and go down it west; 4 minutes, X another bottom of 
the same, a spring 200 yards to our left, said to be large and fine; 7, 
a ridge, and in front of us, there is a very high ridge crossing of us; 
4, descend to another bottom of Baker's Creek; 6, cross a branch 
of the same at Jeremiah Alexander's; 8, cross a branch of the same; 
7, come to a bottom of Pistol Creek; 3 minutes, to the point on 
the ridge in the experiment line run to ascertain the site for Blount 
Courthouse. 

From this point the confluence of Little and Holston Rivers 
N. 21 E.; the distance 10 miles. The nearest point on the Holston 
at Colonel Alexander Kelley's at the mouth of Lackey's Creek, 
N. 5^2 W.; the distance 6 miles. The source of this creek is 
the course to the Colonel's. 

We sat out 8 minutes W. to a ridge dividing Pistol and 
Baker's Creeks, the bottoms steep to the right and left, and rise to 
a high ridge; turn south 6 minutes, to the top of a nole, the 



BENJAMIN HAWKINS 119 



bottoms steep, to the right the falling grounds of Gallaher's 
Creek. The nole I am on we call it Iron Hill. Gallaher's Creek 
empties into Holston 7 miles below Lackey's Creek. 11 minutes 
I cross a small ridge and ascend a hill, 4 minutes S. S. W. and 
cross a path from Baker's Creek to the settlements on Holston. 
The ridge is now S. S. W. one mile, S. W. W. one mile, S. S. W. 
3 miles, then N. W. 

From the path before mentioned we go W. 36 minutes to 
the main source of Gallaher's Creek, Godfrey Fowler's half a mile 
below John Allison's, a mill. 

Being satisfied with the statement made by the gentlemen who 
accompanyed us, that all the waters to our right run into Holston 
and those on the left into Tennessee, we determined to encamp 
at this spring and return to the Iron Hill to view the ridge border- 
ing on Little River. 



10th. 



We returned this morning to Iron Hill, and proceeded thense 
to ascertain whether there was a ridge bordering on Little River 
of the discription mentioned in the treaty; we went on the ridge 
northwardly to John Cochran's, Esquire, at the source of Lackey's 
Creek, here we determined to correct our point from observation 
and we fixed this point to be from our point of departure, one 
hour and 20 minutes, about 5 miles, the course S. 27 W.; to the 
mouth of the creek N. 57 W., 3j/2 miles; to the mouth of Little 
River N. 7 E, 7 miles. The source of this creek is a spring thirty 
feet diameter, and of as much depth; it is limestone water, and 
affords enough for a mill. 

We continued on the course of the ridge to a point we call 
Iron Mount, between 5 & 6 miles, high and covered with pine, 
here we made the following observations: The course to 
Chilhowe Gap S. 1 W.; to the termination of the chain of 
mountains S. 85 E., and to the right S. 3 W.; a mountain over 
the Holston, a vale exhibited which apparently extends to the 
river, suppose to be Clinch Mountain, Bull Run, N 17 E.; the 
course to Knoxville N. 33 E., distance 9 miles; the course to Little 
River N. 3 W., one mile; Major Singleton's house N. 51 E., one 
mile wanting 220 yards. Major Singleton met us here and ac- 
companyed us to the mouth of Little River, on a very high and 
commanding ridge, which divides the waters of Little River from 
those of Holston; we arrive at the junction of the two rivers. 
The course of Little River at the junction N. 40 W. The view 
up or rather across the river at the point of the right side of 
Little River N. 20 E.; David Lovelau possesses the land. 



120 LETTERS OF 



We return through the plantation and up the ridge half a mile, 
and on the ridge ascertain the course to Colonel Samuel Wear's 
in Sevier County, S. 82 E. 



Encampment on the dividing ridge between Little River and 
Tennessee, 11th of April 1797. 

Sir: 

We left General Pickins's on 23, and arrived at Tellico Block- 
house on the 31st of March; there we expected to meet General 
Winchester, and there we expected to make the necessary arrange- 
ments for ascertaining and marking the boundary from Clinch 
over Holston towards the North Carolina line first, as far as 
intrusions were the most likely to increase. The letter to the 
General was received at Knoxville and sent by express, and his 
reply to Mr. Dinsmoor (very extraordinary); I have not the reply, 
but you have the substance in our letter to Mr. Dinsmoor, a copy 
of which we enclose, with an extract from him in reply. If there 
is any real intention to postpone the runing of the line under the 
idea that the knowledge of the three Commissioners are indis- 
pensable, and thereby to give time to the intruders to plant their 
crops, we will frustrate it. We have, as far as we could, en- 
deavored to comply with the expectations, "that all of us would 
be present at the runing of the Cherokee line," but as we see 
where the pressure is, we will mark a line here from Clinch to 
the mountains and then proceed to Cumberland. 

We have been for three days endeavouring to obtain the 
requisite information to fix the point where the line is to cross 
Hoston, we visited all the necessary points ourselves, and obtained 
from a number of the neighbours who accompanyed us satisfactory 
information as to others, and are ready to decide on the boundary 
as expressed in the treaty as soon as we see the Indians. The 
gentlemen who accompanyed us, all of whom may be affected 
by the line, have conducted towards us, very satisfactorily, they 
express that they have been the dupes of misinformation. We 
have visited several of them in our rout and paid suitable atten- 
tion to all. They express confidence in us; we have, by viewing 
every place with them, been able to let them decide in a manner 
for themselves the question. Their hope now is that some thing 
can be done for them with the Indians, all of whom arrived last 
evening, as we are informed at the blockhouse. 

Although much caution was used to have a few of the prin- 
cipal chiefs only, who negotiated the treaty of Holston, we are 



BENJAMIN HAWKINS 121 

informed that near three hundred are arrived or expected, arising 
in some degree out of the anxiety of the nation relative to their 
boundary, and an apprehension that we should attempt to acquire 
more land. Measures are taken to render this visit as little ex- 
pensive as possible. 

We beg you to assure the President of our sincere wishes 
for a long continuance of his health and happiness, and to believe 
me yourself, with great respect, Sir, 

Your obedient servant, 



BENJAMIN HAWKINS. 
ANDREW PICKINS. 



The Honorable 

JAMES McHENRY, 
Secretary of War. 



12 of April, 1797. 

Major John Singleton, Blount County on Little River, in 
Tennessee, has a note of Alexander Cornell's dated first day of 
September, 1795, due the 10th of October thense ensuing, for 280 
dollars; Mr. Cornell gave with this note a power of attorney to 
James White to receive so much of his sallary as would discharge 
the same. The application has been made to Philadelphia and not 
on James Seagrove, the then agent for the Creeks. 

Major Singleton requests that measures may be taken by the 
officers of government to obtain payment for him. He is directed 
to hold the note and power in possession till he receives infor- 
mation from the Superintendent, or until some opportunity pre- 
sents to the nation, by whom he can send it and receive the 
returns in safety. 



Tellico Blockhouse, 12 April, 1797. 
Sir: 

I have just received your letter of the 10th; it requires no 
comment from me, as I submit the propriety of your conduct to 
your own reflections. 

I am with due regard, Sir, 

Your obedient servant. 
RICHARD SPARKS, 

Captain 3rd Regiment. 



122 LETTERS OF 



Tellico Blockhouse, 14 April, 1797. 
Sir: 

The Commissioners appointed to ascertain and mark the 
boundary line between the Indian nations and the United States 
request that you would furnish them with a copy of the order you 
received from Captain Sparks relative to them, a few days past, 
by his express. It is necessary in the present state of things to 
be informed of this order, to the end that they may take eventual 
measures for the completion of the objects of their mission. 

I am with due regard and esteem, Sir, 

Your obedient servant, 

B. 

GEO. STROTHER, 

Ensign Commandant. 



Answer. 



A copy of part of my orders, received from Captain Sparks, 11 
April, 1797. 

"You will please to be cautious about the Indians that come 
there and the inhabitants, perhaps there may be some desperate 
and you can't be too careful. 

And you will observe that no order from the Commissioners 
you are to obey. 

You are the commandant of that post and I expect you will 
give me a good account of it. 

A copy. RICHARD SPARKS, 

Captain Commandant. 

GEO. STROTHER, 

Ensign Commandant. 



Tellico Blockhouse, 15th April, 1797. 
Sir: 

It being our duty to draw in the Indians under our agency 
as much as possible to a friendly intercourse with our fellow 
citizens, and to cement it by an interchange of good offices, I think 
we should by every means encourage all their legal attempts to 
acquire a living, and in cases like that of Vann, where, in your 



BENJAMIN HAWKINS 123 

judgment, any of them possess skins or furs and would prefer 
any other market than the public one, that you would grant them 
a permit, expressing therein the articles, as near as may be, and 
the person employed to go to the market. You will affix all the 
necessary checks in the permit to prevent fraud, and require that 
the white person shall take an oth to "promote as far as in his 
power the execution of the Act passed the 19th May,- 1796," entitled 
"An Act to regulate trade and intercourse with the Indian tribes and 
to preserve peace on the frontiers." In providing for the cases 
contemplated in this arrangement, care must be taken not to 
introduce white people into the nation so as to injure in any 
degree the plan of trade and intercourse, as established by law, 
which might be done under cover of their being agents to hunters. 
Temporary provision in this way can be made for James Vann, 
and as soon as his health will permit, he may be advised to make 
the requisite application to the Agent of War. 

MR. SILAS DINSMOOR. 



Tellico, 15th of April, 1797. 
Sir: 

The Indians who may convene here to meet the Commis- 
sioners appointed to ascertain and mark the boundary line between 
the Indian nations and the United States, on the invitation given 
in conformity with my communication to you of the 7th of March, 
must be provided with provisions. I request of you to make the 
necessary arrangements for this purpose, have the returns made 
as regularly as the Indian trade of doing business will admit, and 
sign all the provision returns yourself; these will serve as vouchers 
with the agent for the Department of War. The issues will be 
in the usual course. Let an Indian's ration be meat and meal, or 
corn; in particular cases you may add whiskey. 

If you require any aid from the escort you shall have it, and 
if any additional aid is necessary apply to the officer commanding 
at this post, who is requested to furnish it. 

I am Sir, your obedient servant, 

B. H., 
P. T. A. I. South of Ohio. 
MR. SILAS DINSMOOR, 

T. A. for the Cherokee Nation. 



124 LETTERS OF 



Chohaddookoh or The Bark, nephew of the Tarrapin, of 
Etowwah, has my mare in possession, stolen from me at Coweta. 
He gave the thief for the mare, one gun valued 50 lbs. of leather, 
goods for the like value, 150 lbs. of skins. 



Tellico, 15th of April, 1797. 

I request you to pay to Chohaddookoh (The Bark) 15 dollars, 
upon his delivering of a sorrel mare, stolen from me, belonging 
to the Creek Department, and you will oblidge. 

Your obedient servant, 

15 dollars. B. H., 

P. T. A. for I. Afifairs South of Ohio. 

MR. JAMES BYERS, 

Factor for the U. States. 



Tellico, 16th of April, 1797. 
Sir: 

When we conversed with you on the objects of our mission, 
we told you that the Indians invited to convene here were under 
some apprehension for their safety in visiting us, and that there 
were some important objects to negotiate and adjust for the 
mutual interest of the Indians and of the United States; that to 
remove those apprehensions it would be advisable to concentrate 
as much of the force intrusted to your command as could, with- 
out injury to the service, be conveniently brought together; we 
recommended to you to order this force to be ready to march at 
a short notice, and we would advise you of the time and place 
we deemed proper for the object contemplated by us, and you 
promised us your co-operation. 

We now Sir, inform you we believe it would be advisable 
to order the detachment to meet at this place. The Indians are 
soon expected to arrive, and this force will answer the double 
purpose of removing all causes of alarm on their part, as well as 
on the part of the citizens, whom the Governor seems to entertain 
an opinion, are much alarmed. 

From this force we require you to furnish us as Commissioners 
for ascertaining and marking the boundary line between the 
Indian nations and the United States, an escort to consist of 30 



BENJAMIN HAWKINS 125 

privates with two commissioned officers, two Serjeants, and two 
corporals, with the necessary camp equipage and packhorses; our 
plan may require a division of the escort, in which cas2 we wish a 
commissioned officer with each division, if you can furnish that 
number; the officers to have orders to proceed with and under the 
orders of the Commissioners in the execution of the duties enjoined 
upon them, and to return the nearest rout to your command, 
when they may receive such orders from the Commissioners or 
either of them. 

We are with due regard, 

Your obedient servants, 

BENJAMIN HAWKINS, 

A. PICKINS. 
RICHARD SPARKS, 

Captain 3rd Regiment and Commander the forces of the 
United S. in Tennessee. 



Sir: 



Tellico, 16 of April, 1797. 



Being desirous that you should possess all the information 
which comes to us interesting to the public while I am in this 
quarter, I have sent my young man up to you with this budget, 
and shall continue to do so as occasion offers. From the copy of 
the enclosed order and some other information we have received, 
I am of opinion that Captain Sparks has behaved himself as is 
unbecoming an officer and a gentleman; as he has remained in 
Knoxville you have probably learned more than I have; you 
will be able to judge whether you think the executive can safely 
trust the important command of this frontier to such a character. 
I have been informed that in your presence he said he did not 
care a dam for his commission. 

I have directed Mr. Dinsmoor to have returns of the Indians 
made, and to sign the provision returns himself. The Indians 
are invited here in conformity with orders received from the 
Secretary of War; the invitation extended to a few only of the 
principal chiefs, who signed the treaty at Holston. The necessary 
measures have been taken to prevent a crowd. The rations will 
be of meat and meal only, or corn, except in some instances an 
addition of whiskey. The amount of the orders will be reported 
to you by Mr. Dinsmoor. 

COLONEL DAVID HENLEY. 



126 LETTERS OF 



Art. 20. Whatever commissioned officer shall be convicted 
before a general courtmartial of behaving in a scandalous and 
infamous manner, such as is unbecoming an officer and a gentle- 
man, shall be dismissed the service. 



18 April, latitude of Tellico Blockhouse, taken by Mr. Dins- 
moor: 

35° 15'. 

35° 17' the 19, the instrument changed end for end. 

35° 15' the 20. 



Tellico, 19th of April. 
Captain John Garden, of Davidson, in Tennessee, informs that 
about 8 or 9 years past, a negro fellow, 5 feet 10 inches, bow legs, 
bushy hair, Sam, the property of Captain James Bassley, his neigh- 
bour, was taken by some Indians, supposed Creeks, within three 
or four miles of Nashville; he was driving a wagon at the 
time he was taken, and they cut out and took the horses with him. 
In the spring 90 or 91, he was in the possession of one of the 
Sullivan's, then living at New York. 



Tellico, 19th of April, 1797. 
Sir: 

I received your favor of October 24 last, on my arrival the 
last of February at Fort Fidins on the Oconee. My rout through 
the Cherokees and Creeks had detached me from all intercourse 
with my friends from October to that date. On the 8 of March 
I wrote to the parents of the two boys, Mr. Bailey and Mrs. 
Durant; my letter contained a long extract from yours and one 
from the Secretary of War on the same subject. I subjoined: 
"You see in these two extracts that you are to give advise 
respecting the future fate of your son, I hope you will leave it 
entirely with the Secretary of War, the Secretary of State and the 
Quakers, to do what they may deem advisable, for they cannot 
be in better hands. I wish you would read your letter to Mrs. 
Durant and send me your & her determination." On the last of 
December, while I was on the Tallapoosa, I visited the parents 
of your boys, for so I call them, and told them of my having 
introduced their children to some members of your society, that it 



BENJAMIN HAWKINS 127 



was uncertain when I left Philadelphia what would be the orders 
of the Secretary of War relative to them. Mrs. Durant replied 
she hoped her's would not be suffered to return till they were 
men, and she did not wish to see them short of eight years. I 
have no doubt but Mr. & Mrs. Bailey will readily and thankfully 
accept of the offer of your benevolent society. I have again 
addressed them both, but engaged as I now am in ascertaining 
and marking the boundary lines between the Indian nations and 
the United States, it is probable I shall not obtain an answer until 
I return to the frontiers of Georgia, altho' I keep up an intercourse 
with all the tribes. 

I wish you would act on the expectation of a ready assent 
of the parents, I have no doubt but it has been given, or will be 
as soon as I can see them. Accept of sincerest wishes for your 
present and future happiness, and believe me to be, 

Your friend & obedient servant, 

BENJAMIN HAWKINS. 
MR. DRINKER. 



Tellico Blockhouse, Tennessee, 19th of April, 1797. 
My worthy friend: 

Received your favor of the 21st of October on my arrival at 
Fort Fidins the last of February. I will have your message or 
talk carefully and faithfully translated and will myself deliver 
it to the Creeks at their annual meeting, which will be in June or 
July. I had an opportunity on the day I received it to inform 
several influential chiefs of the benevolent views of your society, 
and that I should make the communication here promised, and 
present to them the articles sent as a testimony of your good 
will towards them. 

I had been all the winter visiting the towns, hearing com- 
plaints, obtaining information, and removing difficulties in the 
way of the plan contemplated in my mission, and on my arrival 
on Oconee, fatigued, both in mind and body, I had the pleasure 
to receive your letter, talk and list of presents. The reflections 
which arose in my mind at the moment were such as the com- 
munication seemed calculated to inspire. Had you known my 
thoughts and endeavors to be useful since I left you, you could 
not better express your approbation of them. I will deserve 
success, be the issue what it may, and until I can convene my 
red charges, to impress upon them what you have authorised me 
to do, that they must speak for themselves, suflFer me, as their 



128 LETTERS OF 



agent, to return you thanks in the name of the whole Creek nation 
for your co-operation with the agents in carrying the benevolent 
views of the government into efifect. 

I shall send you a copy of the translation so pointed as that a 
Creek shall understand you if you were to read it to him your- 
selves. I have devoted all the leisure I had to learning their 
language, and not without success; I have already translated, with 
help, some talks and I mean in this way in future to address them. 

Accept of my sincere wishes, and that of every member of your 
benevolent society, for your present and future happiness, and 
believe me to be your friend and obedient servant. 

B. H. 

JOHN PARISH. 
HENRY DRINKER. 
THOMAS WISTAR. 



Extract from my letter to Mr. Price, 9th March. 

"The annuity and the present from the Quakers you will keep 
until I can consult the nation and draw on you in conformity with 
such arrangements as I may make with them." 



Tellico, 22 April, 1797. 

I have consulted with General Pickins on the relief sought for 
by Messrs. Crozier and McCarry; we are of opinion the contract 
covers the supplies for two of the districts only. We have recom- 
mended to the contractors to supply for the whole rout, and we 
proposed that the public should find the packhorses, debit them for 
two-thirds, and hold them accountable for a like portion of the 
cost. As it is uncertain whether the distance for supplies on the 
line bordering on the district of Merc is more or less than one- 
third, we have further proposed that this point should be left to 
us, and we would certify what we deemed to be reasonable. Mr. 
Crozier has, after hearing our observations on this subject, said 
he would act in conformity therewith, and upon the terms 
proposed. 

To remove all ambiguity, we mean by the whole rout: The 
line to be run from Clinch to the South Carolina Indian boundary 
on the North Carolina line, and the line round from Clinch, as 
expressed in the treaties between the United States and the 



BENJAMIN HAWKINS 129 

Cherokee and Chickasaw nations of Indians. As the most of 
this line will be in the neighbourhood of the settlements, we have 
given as our opinion, that supplies can be had from them, and 
there will be no necessity to provide for the transportation of 
more than eight day's provisions at one time. If you approve 
of this opinion of ours, you can make an agreement to correspond 
with it. 

I have the honor to be, with much and sincere regard, Sir, 

Your obedient servant, 

B. H. 
COLONEL DAVID HENLEY. 



Tellico, 16 April, 1797. 
Sir: 

Mr. Cowan handed us last evening your excellency's favour 
of the 13th, and we loose no time in reply. You have received 
on the 6th of this month, from Mr. Hawkins, principal agent for 
Indian affairs South of the Ohio, information that "the Indians 
are more inclined to peace and more friendly to the citizens, their 
neighbours, than they have ever been known to be, that the 
arrangements in train of execution will increase the friendly dis- 
position of the Indians and induce them to do justice to our 
fellow citizens," "and that he relys with confidence on the agents 
in his department." 

We think Sir, that this communication, and knowledge that 
the agents in the Indian department were here, ought to have 
been sufficient to remove all cause of alarm from the citizens of 
this state. The agents possess and can give the only information 
to be relied on; they are entitled to the confidence of your ex- 
cellency, and we hope that on reflection you will see the im- 
propriety of suspecting them to be capable of withholding any 
information from you whereby our fellow citizens can be in the least 
degree injured. The invitation sent to a few Indians to convene 
here was from the proper authority and for objects interesting 
to the U. S. 

The assurance you give of the disposition of the executive to 
promote and cultivate peace and good understanding with the 
neighbouring tribes is pleasing to us and is what we had a right 
to expect; it would be in unison with the agents in the southern 
department, and there is no doubt, if our actions correspond with 
this avowed disposition, but that we shall have peace and a good 
understanding between our fellow citizens and the Indians. 



130 LETTERS OF 



We are appointed, together with James Winchester, Esq., 
"Commissioners to ascertain and mark the boundary lines agree- 
ably to treaties between the Indian nations and the United States," 
and we are now here on that business; we in due time took 
measures to apprize General Winchester of our intention of being 
here the first of April; he is not arrived. We shall take care that 
in the execution of this trust our fidelity shall correspond with 
the confidence reposed in us by the appointment. 

We have the honor to be, 

Your Excellency's obedient servants, 

B. H., A. P. 

His Excellency, 

JOHN SEVIER, 

Governor of Tennessee. 



Tellico, 24 April, 1797. 

I recollect that the Commissioners appointed to treat with 
the southern Indians at Hopewell in the winter 1785-6, did appoint 
John Pitchlynn interpreter to the Choctaws, that the appoint- 
ment originated in part in a request made by the Choctaws, atter 
the treaty was concluded, for an interpreter among them on whom 
they might rely, and from a knowledge of the character of 
Pitchlynn, who had testimonials of his being an honest sober 
man, attached to the U. States, and well acquainted with the 
Choctaw tongue. I do not believe that there was any sallary 
mentioned in the appointment; the sum charged by him appears 
not unreasonable. 

B. H., 
P. T. A. I. A. South of Ohio. 
THE HON. JAMES McHENRY, 

Secretary of War. 



Tellico, 24th April, 1797. 

We wrote to you on the 11th inst.; the information there 
given that the Indians had arrived was premature; they arrived 
only this day, and we are in the morning to meet them. Almost 
every town in the nation has sent 1, 2, or 3. Wats is here. Just 
after we wrote you we had very unexpectedly a misunderstanding 
with the officer commanding in this quarter; we did expect for 



BENJAMIN HAWKINS 131 

a while we should be under the necessity to send to you on the 
subject. He has since visited us, had an explanation with us, 
and promised his co-operation, and appears to be disposed to 
fulfill the duties of his station as we have promised to overlook 
the past, and agreed with him that his statement we would respect, 
we deem it unnecessary to go into detail. As soon as we have 
had an explanation with the Indians we shall proceed; we have 
obtained an escort of 30 infantry. We have had conveyed to 
us from several persons, information of a determination expressed 
by lawless persons, of an intention not to insult the Commis- 
sioners of the U. States, but to attack the Indians who may 
accompany us; we shall be prepared against such an attempt. 

We have just had a letter from General Winchester, of the 4; 
we do not expect him here. On reviewing our instructions, you will 
judge of the propriety of an alteration, so as to give authority 
to 2 of us, if from any accident we cannot all attend. It has been 
intimated to us that General Winchester deems the whole number 
indispensable, and that on this ground it has been in the con- 
templation of some persons to frustrate the intentions of the 
government. We have no expectations of visiting Duck River, 
nor has the General, who knows well that the line is to be con- 
tinued on the ridge between the waters of Cumberland and 
Tennessee. Our correspondence with the Governor explains itself. 

The officer intrusted with the command on this frontier should 
be a prudent, cautious, firm character. 

We have the honour to be, with much and sincere regard, Sir, 

Your obedient servants. 
JAMES McHENRY, 

Secretary of War. 



Tellico, 24 April, 1797. 

Under the expectation that I should be some time in this 
quarter, I made the necessary arrangements for all the assistants 
in the Creek department while I was at Fort Fidins and left 
instructions upon every important point with the principal as- 
sistant, Mr. Barnard, and I keep up with them a correspondence. 
I gave drafts on Mr. Price for the first quarter sallary dew the 
assistants; if you approve of my continuing to do so, or that I 
should do it in any other way, you will be pleased to direct. 

I find the four nations a little alarmed, particularly the Chick- 
asaws and Choctaws; at the late Georgia sales of land, some 
persons have industriously explained the whole of that project to 
them, and particularly the imprudent step of Zachariah Cox 



132 LETTERS OF 



to attempt to settle a station or post on the Muscle Shoals; I 
am taking the necessary measures to quiet the minds of the 
Indians on this head, but the impression is made that our fellow- 
citizens are eagerly grasping after their lands, and mean if they 
can, at some short period, to possess them. If encroachments 
cannot soon be stoped, and we should get involved in any diffi- 
culties with a European power who has or can obtain a footing 
in our neighbourhood, we shall have an Indian war.* Mr. Cox 
visited me with Colonel Henley the 23; he explained to me his 
object, applied to me for a licence to trade with the Chickasaws, 
and declared that he would not take any step but in concert with 
the agents of the government in this quarter. I spoke freely to 
him, on the impression his arrangements had made on the Indians, 
from the manner they had been communicated to them, and the 
embarrassment thrown on the Indian department on that account; 
he had been apprised of it, and was determined he said, to do 
it away, as much as lay in his power, every thing that should be 
disagreeable to the government. I requested him to write freely 
to me and to detail, as he had done in conversation, his plan, and 
I would give him an answer; he has promised this in 2 or 3 days, 
and in the meantime I have requested Colonel Henley not to grant 
a licence to any man, to trade with the Chickasaws, until we can 
have a further consultation on this subject. I send you a certifi- 
cate of the appointment of John Pitchlynn interpreter to the 
Choctaws; he is well attached to the United States, and I am 
pleased at your having continued his appointment. The other 
objects in yours of 2 February I shall attend to, and I am of 
opinion that the military force destined for this frontier should 
be within the Indian line, and I expect the Indians will leave 
to us the choice of such sites as may be occupied to advantage. 



Tellico, 25 April, 1797. 
Gentlemen: 

I received your favour of yesterday; I do not understand what 
you mean by this application, as from the tenor of the last 
paragraph it is quite uncertain now whether you will contract or 
not to supply the escort. We must require of you at all events 



* The Indians readily distinguish between intruders on their rights 
and the government, and express on all occasions unbounded 
confidence in the justice of the latter, and in the measures in 
train of execution to fulfill our stipulations with them. If we fail 
in this that confidence falls. 



BENJAMIN HAWKINS 133 

to be ready to supply within the two districts covered by your 
contract; we shall expect to move from this by the 27, in the 
evening. You have misunderstood us altogether if you believe 
that we consented that the public should furnish horses to induce 
you to comply with your contract in the two districts which were 
covered. You may see the letter we sent to Colonel Henley, and 
which I showed to Mr. Crozier before I sealed it. I did not expect 
it necessary that any further application should be made to me 
other than what is contemplated in that letter. 
I am with due regard, gentlemen, 

Your obedient servant, 

BENJAMIN HAWKINS. 
MESSRS. CROZIER & McCARRY. 



30 of April, 1797. 

I gave a permit to David Jolly, of Ohio County, Virginia, to 
go into the Cherokee nation for his brother, supposed to be there, 
and a prisoner; he has leave to buy a horse if he should want one 
for his brother. 



He succeeded and obtained his brother from the Little 
Turkey's town. 



Tellico, 30th April, 1797. 

Being, with General Pickins, authorized by special agreement 
entered into with the Cherokees at Tuskeegee, the 28 January, to 
chuse the proper sites and to fix the posts, in conformity with 
instructions to me of the 2 February to obtain this permission, 
if I should be of the opinion that a distribution of the military 
force destined for Tennessee within the Indian line would give 
the Indians more effectual protection than if stationed on its 
exterior, & being of the opinion aforesaid, and having agreed that 
I would provide that the establishment should be beneficial to 
a friendly intercourse between the red & white people, and when 
useful, manufactures shall be carried on; 

I do hereby permit Nicholas Byers, a hatter, to remain at the 
trading post and carry on his trade, until I make the choice con- 
templated as aforesaid, and he shall then be permited to reside 
at one of the posts, to carry on his trade, conditioned on his part 



134 LETTERS OF 



to conform to such regulations as may be made, in execution of 
the trust vested in me, and that he takes one Indian lad as an 
apprentice, and that he uses his best endeavours to learn him 
to make hats. The privilege of geting timber for the necessary 
buildings is annexed hereto. 

Given under my hand at Tellico, the 30th of April, 1797. 



Knoxville, 4th of May, 1797. 

Mr. Blun overtook us with your favour of the 2Sth April 
in the woods between Little River & Tennessee, moving on to 
ascertain some points necessary to be known in that quarter; I 
could not then reply, but I promised him to be here last evening 
& to give you an answer. 

I had, before I saw you, received information from the 4 
nations that they were alarmed by the information they had 
received, particularly the Cherokees & Choctaws, of an attempt 
soon to be carried into opporation to dispossess them of their 
lands; I can only conjecture who give them information of the 
Georgia sales, & the purchases, but I find that the narative has 
been pretty accurately given, & the impression is made that some 
of my fellow citizens are eagerly grasping after their lands, & 
mean, if they can, at some short period to possess them. Since 
I saw you the Cherokees have, in full council of representatives 
from every town in the nation, expressed their apprehension on 
this subject; I give you an extract from their address to the 
President. 

"Father: 

We must mention to our father, the President, what we have 
heard of Zachariah Cox and his followers; they are about to 
settle the bend of Tennessee; we & the other nations are alarmed 
at our situation, & apprehension that such people will some how 
or other come at our lands, or lands of our neighbours." I may 
add sir, that among all the tribes you are named as the precursor 
of those who are represented as grasping after their lands, that 
you are to make the first attempt to get possession & the rest are 
to follow, with the train of evils so alarming to the Indians. 

I am taking measures to qufet the minds of the Indians, to 
remove improper impressions, & to free the department from 
embarrassments which constantly result from such impressions. 

At this period particularly, for reasons not necessary to detail, 
it is unquestionably of the utmost importance that we should, 
by every means in our power, prevent that unbounded confidence 



BENJAMIN HAWKINS 135 

which the Indians have in the justice of the government from 
being in the least degree impared. 

I have made this statement to you, as an appeal to your own 
judgement, whether it would not be advisable for you to postpone 
for the present any further attempts to carry your views into 
opporation; we can in a short time receive information from the 
government which will serve as a guide to both of us. 

MR. ZACHARIAH COX. 



Knoxville, 4 of May, 1797. 
Sir: 

The enclosed are copies of the conference and other proceed- 
ings with the Indians at Tellico, the originals I leave in the care 
of Colonel Henley. There were representatives from every town 
in the nation, and the whole procedure was conducted conformable 
with their wishes; it explains itself. I have it in contemplation, 
as soon as we have fixed on the proper sites for military posts, 
to lay out a small town at each, and to establish there useful 
manufactures. I have had application made to me by some manu- 
facturers to permit them to reside at the posts and carry on their 
trades, and one, a hatter, I have permited, conditioned on his part, 
to conform to such regulations as may be made in execution of the 
trust vested in me, and that he takes one Indian lad, as an appren- 
tice, and that he uses his endeavours to teach him to make hats. 
The Indians are pleased at the idea of having tradesmen in their 
neighbourhood, and they request me not to suffer him to make 
corn on their lands. You would oblidge me by giving me your ideas 
of such an establishment, detailed so as to serve as the basis of 
it, and directing in the whole procedure; I want all the light I 
can get, and particularly your directions. I enclose you copies of 
letters between Mr. Cox and me, as expected from my communi- 
cation of the 24 ult. I consulted with Colonel Henley and we are 
of opinion that a reference to you for information to serve as a 
guide to the parties concerned was the most delicate mode of 
procedure I could devise in an affair which may in its consequences 
involve the government in serious difficulties. If we should be 
fortunate enough to escape from being involved in difficulties with 
the European powers, there cannot much, if any, injury arise to 
the government in permiting Mr. Cox to trade. The agents will, 
I hope, at all times do their duty. You have his and my statement, 
and you must decide. 



136 LETTERS OF 



I left Tellico the 29 of April, and moved up the Holston. The 
surveys between that and Clinch are by this time completed so as 
to enable us to fix the point of departure from thence. I left 
General Pickins with the escort on the way to Cumberland. I 
arrived here last evening for the purpose of consulting with 
Colonel Henley, and to write to you. I shall leave this early in the 
morning and follow the General; we fix points as we go, and shall 
return with the line; this mode of procedure we have now judged 
to be indispensable. 

The Cherokees are giving proofs of their approximation to 
the customs of well regulated societies; they did, in full council, 
in my presence, pronounce, after solemn deliberation, as law, that 
any person who should kill another accidently should not suffer 
for it, but be acquited; that to constitute it a crime, there should 
be malice and an intention to kill. 

They at the same time gave up, of their own motion, the 
names of the great rogues in the nation, as well as those in their 
neighbourhood, and appointed some warriors expressly to assist 
the chiefs in preventing horse stealing, and in carrying their 
stipulations with us into effect. To him who exerts himself the 
most, to prevent horse stealing, I have rendered a premium 
annually, of a rifle gun, with the name of the person engraved 
thereon, and a certificate that he is an honest man. 

I wish you would send me some testimonials of the discription 
you sent of those given to the Choctaws; I was of opinion twelve 
years past that the measure was a good one and recommended 
it highly to congress, and did not know till I came among the 
Indians that it had ever been approved. I shall want them at a 
meeting of the Creeks this summer. 

I have thought it would be advisable to have a few Indians 
in the pay of the United States and under the direction of the 
agents, to enable them to help the chiefs to fulfill their engage- 
ments with us; without some such help, it will be difficult to put 
an effectual stop to their predatory parties. I would, as this is 
intended as an experiment, have the number limited to four for 
each nation of the Cherokees and Creeks, one to have the pay 
and cloathing of a Serjeant, the others that of soldiers; the cloathing 
to be suited to the Indian mode of dress. If you should concur 
in opinion with me, I wish for your directions. 

I have the honour to be, with much esteem & regard. Sir, 

Your obedient servant. 
The Honourable 



JAMES McHENRY, 
Secretary of War. 



BENJAMIN HAWKINS 137 

Tellico Blockhouse, 1st July, 1797. 

Peter Becker and Godfried Friderici, natives of Germany, at 
present inhabitants of Pennsylvania, weavers by trade, are by 
these presents permited to visit the Cherokees and to reside 
among them. It is expected of them to set examples to their neigh- 
bours by their morals and industry, and that they will at all times 
conform to the regulations that are or shall be made "for the 
regulation of trade and intercourse with the Indian tribes, and 
to preserve peace on the frontiers." If they should want to 
purchase two or three cows, to furnish themselves milk, they are 
permited to do so. 

B. H., 
P. T. A. for I. A. S. of Ohio. 



21st May, 1797. 

William Lanions lives on Mill Creek, 12 miles from Nashville; 
he married Mrs. Mayfield; her son George Mayfield is with John 
O'Kelly on the Coosa, and has been for 7 or 8 years, and was 
taken prisoner when his father was killed. I rote a letter of 
this date to Mrs. Lamons by her husband; on better information, 
he lives with Procter, at Pocuntallehope. 

From Tuckabatchee going up Tallapoosa W, 

Miles. 

6, Scugohatche, a creek to the E. 
6, Kialijee, creek to the W. 
6, Wotohatche, creek on E. 
4, Lusetehatche, E. 

1, Eufaulau, old town, W. 

4, Epesauge, E. 

2, Ocfuskee, old town, W. 
2, Chattucsocau, E. 

2, Elcauhatche, W. 

6, Hillaubeehatchee, W. 

5, Immookfau, W. 

3, Nuoqaucou, E. 

5, Tuckabatchee Tallenihosse, W. 
Going up Longohatche 8 miles, the town. 
Still higher, Luchaupogau, 8. 

Chattucsocau Town, 6, top the creek of that name. 
Just above Immookfau the river bends round E., then west, 
and makes nearly an island below Theoqoucau. 

Immookfau, a town on the creek, 1^ miles from Nuoqaucou. 



138 LETTERS OF 



Journal of the Proceedings of the Commissioners Appointed to 
Ascertain and Mark the Boundary Lines Agreeably to Trea- 
ties Between the Indian Nations and the United States. 



Fort Fidins, on Oconee, 28 February, 1797. 

Colonel Gaither handed me a packet which he received by 
express from Louisville, containing dispatches from the Secretary 
of War of the 2nd inst. As far as related to this object there 
was inclosed a commission and instructions to Benjamin Hawkins, 
General Pickins and General Winchester to establish and mark 
the lines, and a letter directing to Benjamin Hawkins on some 
interesting points connected with that business. 

March 1st. 

I this day wrote to the Secretary, from which this is an extract: 
"I have judged proper to postpone the runing of the Creek line 
till we run the Cherokee line; that presses and this does not. 
Intrusions there are the most likely to be apprehended, and to 
such an extent as to give much embarrassment to the government. 
I shall execute this trust strictly in conformity with the wishes 
of the government and I hope I shall be able to remove, in 
concert with my colleagues, any difficulty that may occur with 
the Indians. I have, for another reason, judged proper to post- 
pone the Creek line. The people who have stock cannot support 
them, if they are compelled to drive them back before there is 
grass in the woods, and this indulgence can be given them without 
offence until the line is closed. It will be a measure too, so con- 
ciliatory in its operation as that which it produces, the good we 
aim at, takes off the odium that would attach itself to a rigid 
execution of our trust." 

"I shall send a messenger with the necessary orders to the 
Cherokees and information to General Pickins, and I shall follow 
him on the 10th." 

March 7th. 
Sir: 

The President, with the advise and consent of the Senate, has 
appointed Benjamin Hawkins, Andrew Pickins, and James Win- 
chester Commissioners to ascertain and mark the boundary lines 
agreeably to treaties between the Indian nations and the United 
States, and we are directed to apply to you to furnish us with 



BENJAMIN HAWKINS 139 

an escort of dragoons. I shall set out from this on the 10th 
towards the frontiers, and request you to furnish an escort of 
one Serjeant, one Corporal and twelve dragoons, one horseman's 
tent with a fly, three common tents, three pack horses, three 
fascine hatchets and the necessary camp kettles. The horses must 
be all shod and the Serjeant must be directed to receipt for these 
articles and be held accountable under the directions of the Com- 
missioners. I believe I shall take the escort over the Ocunna 
Mountain to Tellico Blockhouse. I give this information for 
your direction or advise as to furnishing them with forage and 
provisions. 

With great regard, I am, Sir, 

Your obedient servant, 

BENJAMIN HAWKINS. 
HENRY GAITHER, 

Lt. Col. Commandant. 



The Colonel replyed to me: "I have not received any orders 
from the Secretary of War on the subject of your letter, but I 
have seen his letter to you, which is quite sufficient for me. I will 
do every thing I can to promote the execution of the plans of the 
government." 



Fort Fidins, 1st March, 1797. 
Dear General: 

I arrived here on the 25th ult., and on the last of that month 
received dispatches from the War Office of the 2nd, informing me 
that we are appointed, with James Winchester, Commissioners 
to ascertain and mark the boundary lines agreeably to treaties 
between the Indian nations and the United States. As no time 
should be lost in establishing the Cherokee line, as every day adds 
to the number of intruders on their land; I have, for that and 
other reasons which I shall detail to you when I meet you, deter- 
mined to postpone the intention we expressed of runing the Creek 
boundary in this month. I have sent Richard Williams to inform 
you that I shall set out for Tellico Blockhouse on the 10th of this 
month, and intend, if you approve of it, to go over the Ocunna 
Mountain through the Cherokees, as being the nearest rout. I 
have applied and obtained an escort of dragoons and I shall bring 
one horseman tent for our use. I shall call on you. 



140 LETTERS OF 



The inclosed letter I must request you to forward to Mr. 
Dinsmoor by one of the Cherokees in your neighbourhood, and to 
have one of the most intelligent of them in readiness to accom- 
pany us. 



ANDREW PICKINS. 



The inclosed are two letters, the first to Mr. Dinsmoor, the 
2nd to General Winchester. 



Sir: 

The Commissioners appointed to ascertain and mark the 
boundary lines agreeably to treaties between the Indian nations 
and the United States will meet at Tellico Blockhouse the first 
of April and will proceed thence to ascertain and mark the bound- 
ary between the Cherokees and the United States. You will be 
pleased to make this communication to the Cherokees, that the 
persons named by them may attend on their part. It is also 
deemed expedient to convene some of the Indians who were 
present at and agreed to the treaty of Holston, as well as the 
interpreter, if to be found. You will take the necessary steps on 
this head. General Pickins will accompany me and we shall have 
an escort of dragoons, and I intend to take the direct rout from 
Ocunna Station through your agency. You will inform the In- 
dians of this and direct one of your interpreters to meet us, and 
you will join us yourself as soon as you can do so conveniently. 

SILAS DINSMOOR, 

Temporary Indian Agent in the Cherokee Nation. 



Fort Fidins, on Oconee, 7th March, 1797. 
Sir: 

Being informed by the Secretary of War that you are ap- 
pointed a Commissioner, with General Pickins and me, to ascer- 
tain and mark the boundary line between the Indian nations and 
the United States, I take the earliest opportunity to apprize you, 
that we purpose meeting at Tellico Blockhouse on the first of 



BENJAMIN HAWKINS 141. 

April, and to proceed from thence to ascertain and mark the Chero- 
kee boundary first. I have given the necessary directions to Mr. 
Dinsmoor on the part of the Indians. 
I am with due regard, Sir, 

Your obedient servant. 
JAMES WINCHESTER, ESQ. 



9th March. 



Closed the necessary arrangements for all the assistants in 
the Creek Department, and left instructions upon every important 
point with the principal assistant, Mr. Barnard. 

Colonel Gaither informed me that the escort were ready, that 
they were badly cloathed and he wished I would get them some 
shirts wherever linen could be had, and such other things as I 
saw they wanted and could not do without; that they could take 
five days' provision with them, and unless I would take a man 
for the purpose, he advised that I would let the Serjeant obtain the 
necessary forage and provisions on the road, make the returns to 
me, and pay them myself; that when I arrived at the station on 
the frontiers of Tennessee the contractors would there supply, or 
the Commissioners make the proper arrangements. He informed 
that there were four dragoons at Knoxville, left by Captain Webbs, 
and five horses, which he wished the Commissioners to annex to 
the escort. 

11th March. 

I set out for the Ocunna Station; Colonel Gaither accom- 
panyed me for some distance and gave these orders for the Ser- 
jeant: 

Fort Fidins, March 11th, 1797. 

Serjeant Greer will take command of one Coporal and twelve 
privates from the cavalry already furnished, with three pack horses 
and saddles, one horseman's tent and fly, three common tents, 
three camp kettles and three fascine hatchets, and proceed with 
them under the orders of Colonel Benjamin Hawkins, Commis- 
sioner of the United States for runing and marking the lines 
between the United States and the Creek and Cherokee Indians 
and Chickasaws. 

He will constantly obey all orders from the Commissioners 
and return the nearest rout to this place whenever he may receive 



142 LETTERS OF 



such orders from Colonel Hawkins, General Pickins, or General 
Winchester. 

HENRY GAITHER, 

Lt. Col. Commandant. 



13 March. 



Arrived at Washington and purchased of T. Maquen & Le 
Prostre some linen for the escort and necessaries for the Com- 
missioners. 

I was in the course of the evening informed of the prepara- 
tions made and making by Mr. Zachariah Cox for taking posses- 
sion of the best of Tennessee, and making an establishment there. 
One of the informants said he believed Mr. Cox intended to go 
on to Knoxville soon; that some goods and arms had been sent 
there, but that he would take no steps after his arrival there with- 
out the concurrence of the agents of government. 

16 March. 

I arrived this day at Hopewell, the seat of General Pickins; 
he was at home, had received and sent forward to Mr. Dinsmoor 
the letters for him and General Winchester. He informed me 
he had not received the original dispatches and that the duplicate 
came to hand just before the arrival of my messenger; that he 
would be ready to set out with me on the 23. 

17 March. 

I directed the Serjeant to get some person to make the shirts 
for the men and have their cloathes and boots or shoes mended. 



Hopewell, on Koowee, 19 March, 1797. 



Sir: 



I set out from Fort Fidins on the 11th and arrived here on 
the 16th of this month. I applied to Colonel Gaither for an 
escort; he had not received any orders from you on that head, but 
said your letter to me was quite sufficient. I asked only for a 
Serjeant, Corporal and twelve dragoons, and have them with me. 
They are bare of cloathing and I have, at the request of Colonel 
Gaither, purchased some linen for them, and one shirt for each 
will be made in this neighbourhood, and I shall furnish them with 
such other things as are indispensable and attainable on the rout. 



BENJAMIN HAWKINS 143 

General Pickins will be ready on the 23 and we shall set out on 
that day, go over the Ocunna Mountain through the Cherokees 
to Tellico Blockhouse. I have made all the necessary arrange- 
ments in conformity with the intimations from you in yours of 
the second of February. I have, with the concurrence of the 
General, appointed two discrete honest men of this frontier, ac- 
quainted with surveying, to accompany us as surveyors. We 
give them two dollars each per day and feed them. They find 
their own horses and instruments. 

Some of the Cherokees, appraised of my intention of being 
here, have visited me; they will some of them accompany us 
through their nation. 

I saw after I wrote my last letter to you by Doctor Gillispie, 
many of the citizens who live contiguous to Oconee, some of 
whom I was personally acquainted with. I saw also, as I traveled 
through the State of Georgia, some of those who had embarked 
in the project of Zachariah Cox for settling the best of Tennessee. 

I conversed freely and in a friendly manner with them and 
explained the law to them and I hope that by a temperate, pru- 
dent and firm line of conduct in the officers of the government in 
this quarter we shall be able to carry the laws into effect. 

General Pickins, from some defect in the post office, has not 
received the original dispatches to him and only got the duplicate 
on the 7th inst., before my messenger arrived. 

I beg you to mention me respectfully to the President, to 
assure him of my sincere wishes for his happiness, and to believe 
me yourself, with sincere regard & esteem. Sir, 

Your obedient servant. 
The Honourable 

JAMES McHENRY, 
Secretary of War. 



23 March. 



Joseph Whitner, one of our surveyors, set out with us; we 
went on to Timossa, 20 miles, a plantation belonging to the Gen- 
eral adjoining the Cherokee boundary. This was an Indian town 
at the commencement of the late war, inhabited by 20 gun men. 
There are some fine peach trees which had been planted by the 
original inhabitants, the remains of the square and some locusts. 
The farm is pleasantly situated on Timossa Creek and in the fork 
of that and the main branch of Little River. 

24. 

We set out and called at the Ocunna Station; here we met, 
by appointment, our other surveyor, John Clark Kilpatrick. Lt. 



1 



144 LETTERS OF 



Mossley, who commands at the station, was ready to accompany 
us with two of his mounted militia. We proceeded on one and one 
half miles to the boundary, thence two and one-quarter of a 
mile to Chauga village; here is a beautiful situation for a military 
post. In the fork of the two main branches of Chauga there is 
a high nole capable easily of being made defensible. The lands on 
the creeks rich, and those bordering thereon fine for wheat; the 
whole exhibiting all that is desired to designate this as a healthy 
position and neighbourhood. It is convenient for a trading estab- 
lishment; 266 miles from Charlestown. The following is the dis- 
tance between, and position of the water courses in going from 
the boundary to this site, estimating the same in minutes and 
three miles to the hour: Begining at the boundary, 2 minutes 
cross a creek runing to the left, 4 feet wide; in 5 minutes cross 
a branch runing to the left, 2 feet wide; 6 minutes cross a branch 
runing to the left, eighteen inches wide; 26 minutes cross a creek 
runing to the right, 3 feet over; in 3 minutes cross a creek 15 feet 
over, runing to the left; and in 4 minutes cross a creek runing 
to the left, 8 feet over. In the fork of these creeks is the site 
recommended in this note; the whole growth on this path scrub, 
black and small Spanish oak, with a few pines. 

To continue in like manner the path to Chattuga: In 6 min- 
utes cross a branch runing to the left, one foot wide; 8 minutes 
cross a creek runing to the left, 8 feet wide; in 7 minutes cross a 
branch runing to the right, one foot wide; 28 minutes a beautiful 
meadow one-quarter of a mile to the left of the path, the grass 
at this season very thick and eight inches high; this meadow 
was burnt the last of November; in 15 minutes cross a branch to 
the left, 2 feet wide; in 6 minutes cross a branch runing to the 
left, 3 feet wide; in 5 minutes cross a branch runing to the left; 
there is on this side a mountain of a conic form; in 5 minutes 
cross a branch to the left, and in 9 minutes cross two small 
branches and over the ridge of Whetstone Mountain; the vale for 
some distance back exhibits marks of rich land. 

From this ridge descend down 9 minutes and cross a creek 
runing to the right, 3 feet over; following over for some distance 
below a bed of rock, margined with hemloc and mountain laurel; 
in 22 minutes Chattuga, 40 yards over, just above the mouth of 
Warwoman's Creek; the course of the path N. W. 

From this river to Tellico see the notes of the Principal Tem- 
porary Agent for Indians Afifairs South of Ohio. 

31st. 

We arrived at Tellico Blockhouse and were informed that the 
letters sent to Mr. Dinsmoor and to General Winchester had been 



BENJAMIN HAWKINS 145 

received by Mr. Dinsmoor and the necessary measures taken in 
conformity therewith. 

1st of April. 

Mr. Dinsmoor arrived and informed us that he had received 
our letter for General Winchester and that it had been sent to 
him express by a trusty Serjeant; that he had sent into the nation 
immediately on the receipt of the orders to apprize the chiefs 
of the intention of the Commissioners to be here this day, and 
had invited the interpreter, Mr. Thomson, and some of the princi- 
pal chiefs to convene here, who were present at and signed the 
treaty of Holston. 

2. 

The gentlemen of the army came here and visited us; they 
informed us they were waiting our arrival, that the Secretary of 
War had directed Captain Sparks to consult us on the fixture of 
the military posts. 

3. 

Colonel Henley informed us that the express had returned 
from Cumberland; that Major Blackmore informed him he had 
received the packet for General Winchester; that the General had 
not returned from Philadelphia. 

The Honourable David Campbell visited us and informed us 
that he had been appointed on the 22nd September, 1792, a Com- 
missioner, with Daniel Smith and Colonel Landon Carter, to ascer- 
tain and mark the boundary line between the Cherokees and 
people of Tennessee, and that the two last mentioned gentlemen 
not attending, Governor Blount appointed Charles McClung & 
John McKee in their stead; that the Commissioners proceeded 
on and did in part ascertain and establish the boundary and report 
the same to the Governor; that so far as they had acted he would 
accompany us and show us, as well as give us, such information 
as he possessed. 

4 April. 

We had a long conversation with Captain Richard Sparks, 
commanding the forces in Tennessee, on the objects of our 
mission. We told him that the Indians invited to convene here 
were under some apprehensions for their safety in visiting us, and 
that there were some important objects to negotiate and adjust 
for the mutual interest of the Indians and of the United States; that 
to remove these apprehensions it would be advisable to muster 
as much of the force intrusted to his command as could, without 



146 LETTERS OF 



injury to the service, be conveniently brought together. We 
recommended to him to order this force to be ready to march at 
a short notice and we would advise him of the time and place 
we deemed proper for the object contemplated by us, and he 
promised us his co-operation. 

5 of April. 

We received information from some of the principal chiefs 
that Colonel John Watts was unwell, and that the Indians had 
received some information tending to raise some apprehensions 
for their safety in visiting us; measures were ordered to be taken 
to counteract all fears of this sort. 

We received information of a confidential nature as to the 
informants that General Winchester would not be here; that a 
postponement of the runing of the line by some means or other 
was in contemplation by some persons interested in intrusions 
on Indian rights. 

6 of April. 

Mr. Dinsmoor communicated to us a letter which he received 
from General Winchester in these words: 



Cragfont, 31st of March, 1797. 



Dear Sir: 



Yesterday I returned from Philadelphia, and on my arrival 
received from Major Blackmore your favour of the 23rd instant, 
which mentions a letter from Colonel Hawkins to me, but I 
have not received it; Major Blackmore says the express delivered 
no such letter to him. 

General Pickins and Colonel Hawkins, expecting to meet me at 
Tellico Blockhouse the first of April, must be for the purpose of 
proceeding to the runing of the Creek line now, as our appointment 
authorizes and empowers any one or two of the Commissioners 
to run that line. It is my intention not to be present, especially as 
I have no acquaintance with the Creek nation, nor no geographical 
knowledge of that country, but shall hold myself in readiness to 
attend the runing and establishing of the Cherokee and Chickasaw 
lines. 

I am, with much respect, dear Sir, 

Your obedient servant, 

J. WINCHESTER. 
SILAS DINSMOOR, ESQ. 



BENJAMIN HAWKINS 147 

The contents of this letter and a knowledge of the measures 
to insure the safe delivery of ours made the following necessary: 



Tellico Blockhouse, 6 April, 1797. 
Sir: 

The letter you showed me from General Winchester of the 
31st of March makes it necessary that you should trace the letter 
from me to him of the 7th of that month from Oconee, inclosed 
in yours of the 23rd and sent by express to him in care of a 
Serjeant. 

The idea of the General that General Pickins and I expected 
to meet him here the "first of April for the purpose of proceeding 
to the runing of the Creek line," is pretty extraordinary. He says 
he has no acquaintance with the Creek nation, nor no geographical 
knowledge of that country. He appears, by his letter, to have 
some knowledge of his appointment and probably has seen by 
his instructions, that the "Cherokees have been informed that the 
runing of their line would be commenced in April," and he cer- 
tainly must know that Tellico Blockhouse is on the Tennessee 
near the Cherokee line, and that we could never be so absurd as 
to come from the Creek line, two hundred and fifty miles, here, 
for the purpose merely of meeting him to accompany us back 
again. 

I am, with sincere regard and esteem. 

Your obedient servant, 

B. H. 
SILAS DINSMOOR, 

T. I. Agent in the Cherokee Nation. 



The Commissioners being informed that there was a mathe- 
matical instrument maker at Knoxville, requested Mr. Dinsmoor, 
as he would go there for the object expressed in the preceding 
letter, to superintend the construction of an instrument for taking 
the latitude and bring it down with him. 

7th. 

We determined to visit the ground between Little River and 
Tennessee to see if we could ascertain the dividing ridge between 
the waters of the first and the latter, and we requested Mr. Dins- 
moor to inform Colonel Henley and Captain Sparks of the rout we 
had in contemplation. 



148 LETTERS OF 



A deputation of 13 Cherokees visited us and the speaker, the 
little woman holder of Hewossa, welcomed us on our arrival 
and said "he and all the Cherokees rejoiced at the expectation 
of having their line closed; that the affair would meet with some 
difficulty, but he hoped the men chosen by the President would 
hear both sides and do justice; that there was much talk in the 
nation about the line, and he supposed as much among the whites; 
that when the line was fixed on and marked by the persons who 
were chosen, all this talk would subside and the parties acquiesce." 

We replyed we should hear the red and white people and 
wished that they might agree among themselves, but if they could 
not, we should do justice and we expected our red and white 
brethren would give up little points of difference and concur in our 
decision; that as it would be some days before their representation 
would be here, we should move on and encamp on the dividing 
ridge between the two rivers and obtain such information of the 
whites as we could relative to their opinion of the line, and when 
the Indian representation arrived we should know something of 
the ground we were on and would the better understand them. 

The speaker replied: "Go see your people, hear what they 
have to say, and obtain all the information you can, but do not 
give them any opinion at all till you hear us; The Bark, one of the 
men appointed by us, is here, you have taken him by the hand, 
he will be ready when the others arrive." 

We received information that the line run between the Indians 
and the white inhabitants by the Commissioners, mentioned on 
the 3 inst. by Mr. Campbell, was by order, for the express purpose 
of ascertaining a line of accommodation for the white settlers 
who were then over the treaty line. 

We set out from Tellico to find and encamp on the ridge 
between the two rivers. We took the road to Knoxville, in one 
hour we passed five small settlements on the road, and two large 
limestone springs; took the road to the left for Squire Wallace's, 
and in fifteen minutes arrive at the creek near his house and 
encamp. Mr. Campbell accompanyed us, and here we were visited 
by Captain Henley and some of his neighbours who expressed some 
anxiety at their situation. We told them that we could inform 
them of a certainty that the government were determined to fulfill 
their engagements and to carry their treaties with the Indians 
into effect. 

8 of April. 

This day being rainy we moved our encampment near the 
road to Knoxville in the neighbourhood of Captain Henry. We 
spend the day with Mr. Wallace and several of his neighbours, 
who appear to show much anxiety on the ascertaining of the 



BENJAMIN HAWKINS 149 

Indian boundary. We requested them to give us such information 
as they could, to enable us to be prepared on the hearing of the 
Indians to do justice between the parties. Colonel David Craig 
replied those present possessed and could give the best informa- 
tion, and if vi^e would meet them to-morrow at his house, or Mr. 
Bartlet McGee's, they would be there and ready to accompany 
us for that purpose. We accepted the offer and promised to 
breakfast with Mr. McGee. 

9 of April. 

We set out and arrived at Mr. McGee's; here we found the 
gentlemen convened and we requested and obtained information 
on these points: 

Tellico Blockhouse, 12 miles, W. S. W. 

Tennessee, direct, 8 miles, S. by W. 

Little River, 15 miles, N. by E. 

Experiment Line, 4 miles, S. by W. 

Colonel Craig's, 1^ miles, N. E. 

Head of Nine Mile Creek, 1^ miles, N. E. 

Head of Baker's Creek, 2]^ miles, N. 

Nine Mile Creek Joins the Tennessee at Tellico and Baker's 
Creek joins three miles below. Pistol Creek has two branches, 
one begins opposite the source of Nine Mile; the west fork oppo- 
site Baker's. Its junction with Little River is five miles below 
the confluence of that with Holston. Crooked Creek has its source 
three miles below the mountain, and its junction with Little River 
five miles above Pistol Creek. The ridge between the sources 
of these four creeks is that which divides the waters runing into 
Little River from those runing into Tennessee; this they will 
demonstrate by our next point at Colonel Craig's. 

The next point we go to is to the ridge just above the planta- 
tion of Colonel Craig's, N. E. 1%. miles; this, the Colonel informed 
us, was the ridge mentioned at Mr. McGee's. The point where 
we were fixed was 20 miles south of Knoxville. There is a scope 
of mountain from N. E. round eastwardly to S. W.; Little River 
breaks through this chain in a direction N. 88 E.; Tennessee is 
S. 10 W. The experiment line crosses the mountain S. 10 E. at 
Chilhowe Path; the Uriccahee Mountain over this chain of 
Chilhowe Mountains S. 41 E. This mountain is better known E. 
of this by the Black or Smokey Mountain; in the direction of this 
Smokey Mountain there is six miles of flat lands to the Chilhowe 
Mountain. This flat is thickly settled and here are the sources of 
the north fork of Nine Mile Creek. 

Mr. Patrick Salvedge, who is well informed, fixes the course 
to the source of Little Pigeon S. 84 E.; the source of Pistol Creek 



150 LETTERS OF 



S. 83 E.; the course from this to Captain Henry's S. 59 W. to the 
experiment line, SYz miles; the head of Baker's Creek N. 15 W. 

We set out for the point on the ridge where the experiment 
line for fixing the Courthouse of Blount County passes the ridge 
between Pistol Creek and Baker's Creek due E. from a point on 
Tennessee 13j^ miles, and this point on the Tennessee is one and 
half miles south from a point from whence a line west joins the 
confluence of the Holston and Tennessee. They run the line with 
much exactness. This point of which we speak on the ridge is the 
point 2y2 miles N. from McGee's. 

In approaching of it from the one at Colonel Craig's we note 
these views, counting in minutes, 60 to 3 miles: 

6 minutes cross a bottom of Baker's, go down it W. 

4 minutes cross another bottom of the same, a spring 200 
yards to our left said to be large and fine. 

7 minutes a ridge and in front of us there is a very high ridge 
crossing of us. This cross ridge seems to point to Little River and 
Tennessee parallel with Holston, and the waters from it on the 
west side run into that river. 

4 minutes descend to another bottom of Baker's. 

6 cross a branch of the same at Jeremiah Alexander's. 

8 minutes cross a branch of the same. 

7 come to a bottom of Pistol Creek. 

3 minutes come to the point on the ridge in the experiment 
line run to ascertain the site for Blount Courthouse. 

From this point the confluence of Little and Holston Rivers 
N. 21 E., the distance 10 miles. The nearest point on the Holston 
at Colonel Alexander Kelley's, at the mouth of Lackey's Creek 
N. SYz W., the distance 6 miles; the source of this creek in the 
course to the Colonel's. 

We set out 8 minutes west to a ridge dividing Pistol and 
Baker's Creeks, the bottoms steep to the right and left, and we 
rise to a high ridge and turn south; S. 6 minutes to the top of 
a nole, the bottoms to the right the falling grounds of Gallaher's 
Creek; this nole iron ore, we call it Iron Hill. Gallaher's Creek 
empties into the Holston 7 miles below Lackey's Creek. We 
continue S. 11 minutes, cross a small ridge and ascend a hill; 4 min- 
utes S. S. W. and cross a path from Baker's Creek to the settle- 
ments on Holston; the ridge level; now, S. S. W. one mile; S. W. 
by W. one mile; S. S. W. 3 miles, thence N. W. 

From the path aforementioned we go west to the source of 
Gallaher's Creek at Godfrey Fisher's, half a mile below John 
Allison's; there is a mill just below the source of this creek, the 
spring aflfording water abundantly sufficient for one. 

Being satisfied with the statement made by the gentlemen 
who accompanyed us, that all the waters to our right run into 



BENJAMIN HAWKINS 151 

Holston, and those to our left into Tennessee, we determined to 
encamp at this spring, return to Iron Hill and view the ridge 
bordering on Little River. 

10th of April. 

We returned this morning to Iron Hill and proceeded thence 
to ascertain whether there was a ridge bordering on Little River 
of the discription called for in the treaty. We went on a ridge 
northwardly to John Cochran's, Esq., at the source of Lackey's 
Creek; here we determined to correct our point from observation, 
and we fixed this point to be, from our point of departure, one 
hour and 20 minutes, about five miles; the course S. 27 W.; to the 
mouth of Lackey's Creek N. 57 W., ZYz miles; to the mouth of 
Little River N. 7 E., 7 miles; the source of this creek is thirty 
feet diameter and of as much depth; it is limestone water and 
affords enough for a mill. 

We continued the course of the ridge to a high nole we call 
Iron Mount, between 5 and 6 miles from Cochran's, high and 
covered with pine. Here we make the following observations: 
The course to Chilhowe Gap S. 1 W.; to the determination of 
the chain of mountains S. 85 E., and to the right S. 3 W., a moun- 
tain over the Holston, a vale exhibited which apparently extends 
to the river; the mountain supposed to be Clinch Mountain; Bull 
Run N. 17 E. The course to Knoxville N. Zi E., distance 9 miles. 
The course to the mouth of Little River N. 3 W., one mile; Major 
Singleton's house N. 51 E., one mile wanting 220 yards. Major 
Singleton met us here to accompany us to the mouth of Little 
River. On a very high and commanding ridge which divides the 
waters of Little River from those of Holston, we arrive at the 
junction of the two rivers. The course of Little River at the 
junction N. 40 W.; the view up or rather across the river on the 
right side of Little River N. 20 E. David Lovelaw occpuies the 
-lands at the junction of the rivers on the lower side of Little 
River. We return through his plantation and up the ridge half a 
mile, and on this ridge ascertain the course to Colonel Samuel 
Ware's, in Sevier County, S. 82 E. We returned to our encamp- 
ment on the ridge dividing Little River from Tennessee. 

11th of April. 

We dispatched a messenger to Colonel Henley with letters to 
the Secretary of War and to the officer commanding at Tellico. 
We informed the Secretary that the gentlemen who accompanyed 
us, all of whom may be effected by the line, have conducted 
towards us very satisfactorily. 



152 LETTERS OF 



We on all occasions gave to these gentlemen answers to the 
numerous questions they continued to press upon us, and as we 
were here to part with them for a day or two, we invited them to 
visit us at Tellico, and we would show them our commission and 
instructions; they would then know how to estimate the answers 
we gave to the numerous questions they put to us. We had read 
the treaty to them, they had viewed the ground with us, and could 
for themselves decide the point where the line would cross the 
Holston. They said their hope now was that something might 
be done for them with the Indians. We informed them that we 
had reason to believe that the Indians were now arrived at Tellico, 
and we should return there immediately. They said that they had 
been the dupes of misinformation. We set out and returned to 
Tellico. 

12 of April. 

We received information that there had been a train of mis- 
information circulated at Knoxville; that the Governor and several 
influential gentlemen had expressed themselves in terms of warmth 
in opposition to the measures of government in train of execution, 
and that Captain Sparks, who commands in this quarter, had 
imbibed some of this improper warmth, and would likely give 
some momentary opposition to expectations we had of his co- 
operation with us. We received a letter from him in terms very 
unbecoming an officer and a gentleman; to this we made this reply: 



Tellico, 12 April, 1797. 
Sir: 

I have just received your letter of the 10th. It requires no 
comment from me, as I submit the propriety of your conduct to 
your own reflections. 

I am, with due regard, Sir, 

Your obedient servant, 

BENJAMIN HAWKINS. 
RICHARD SPARKS, 

Captain 3rd Regiment. 



13 of April. 

We are informed that the Indians would not be here for some 
days to come; that they had been a little alarmed by information 
from their neighbours, and were apprehensive for their safety 



BENJAMIN HAWKINS 153 

in visiting us. Measures were immediately taken to remove im- 
proper impressions, and to induce them to rely implicitly on the 
justice of the government and to have confidence at all times in the 
invitations of the agents. 

15 of April. 

The P. T. Agent for Indian Affairs South of Ohio gave orders 
to the agent for the Cherokees to make the necessary arrange- 
ments, to provide the Indians be supplied with provisions, to have 
the returns made as regular as the Indian mode of doing business 
will admit of, to sign all the provision returns himself, the issues 
to be in the usual course, and the ration to consist of meat and 
meal or corn, with, in particular cases, an addition of whiskey; 
that in the returns for provisions regard must be had to the com- 
munication of the 7th of March, and never be supplied but to those 
invited. 

A deputation of the gentlemen visited us; we showed them 
as we promised, our appointment and instructions as far as was 
necessary, & conversed freely with them. The result of this 
conference was that they saw clearly the objects of the govern- 
ment, and did believe that the period had arrived when the citizens 
must respect the laws; that heretofore intrusions were always 
countenanced by the government in the provision made to give 
them a preference in all the land laws. They wished much that 
what had heretofore been usual as to persons in their situation, 
might apply to them, and that in future all persons should be made to 
conform to the new arrangement. They hoped and wished that 
in the conference with the Indians regard will be had to their 
wishes, and the line compromised to fit their case. 

The Commissioners asked the gentlemen why the line run 
by former Commissioners, as mentioned by Mr. Campbell, had 
three names, that of experience, of experiment, & the treaty line 
with the Indians. They answered, it was not the treaty line, but 
a line run to see how the citizens could be covered, as they were 
then settled on the frontier. That they understood this to be the 
direction to the Commissioners and that they conformed to it, 
and run the line we had noticed in viewing the lands between the 
two rivers. They then requested of us to know if nothing could 
be done for them at the conference; whether they could be per- 
mited to make their crops now on hand. We answered that as 
to the small grain, we would see that they saved that and their 
fruit, but for any thing else, it did not depend on us; in case of 
doubtful settlement for want of the line, it would be reasonable 
to expect our indulgence, but where the intrusions were manifest 
violations of the treaty of Holston, no indulgence ought to be 



154 LETTERS OF 



expected, as they had notice of the law in the proclamation of 
their Governor of the 7th of August. They said the law, as they 
were likely to be affected, had been incautiously worded; they 
understood from it that the line from Clinch to cross the Holston 
at the ridge would turn thence south to the South Carolina Indian 
boundary on the North Carolina line. We replied that their 
understanding of it was erronious, there was no such course in 
the treaty, and they should never suppose that the government 
would be capable of violating a solemn guarantee; that altho' the 
expression was thence south, yet it must be understood as mean- 
ing S. eastwardly, to the point next called for, as the point is in 
that direction and far to the east; that the lands in question had 
moreover, been expressly reserved by the State of North Carolina 
for the Indians, and the occupants had not, as some others had, 
even the plea of entry in the land ofifice of that State. 

We, after some deliberation, told them that the invitation 
given to the Indians to convene here was from Mr. Hawkins, by 
order, for purposes interesting to the United States; to call on the 
Indians to appoint Commissioners on their part, to attend us in 
runing the line, to convince them that the United States meant 
to take no undue advantage of them, and to obtain some points 
which we deemed important in the protection the government 
intended to aflford the Indians; we were not authorized to open 
a negotiation for land; we could not then see any way of accom- 
modation for them; if such presented, we might embrace it, and 
probably it would be in this way. We had now come to a reso- 
lution to deviate a little from our original intention; we should not 
report partially as we intended, but generally; this would give 
time for their small grain and fruit, as we could not close the 
line here till the last of June. The Indians were expected to 
arrive in a few days and we would then be glad to see them again. 



Tellico, 16 of April, 1797. 
Sir: 

When we conversed with you on the objects of our mission, 
we told you that the Indians invited to convene here were under 
some apprehensions for their safety in visiting us, and that there 
were some important objects to regulate and adjust for the mutual 
interests of the Indians and of the United States; that to remove 
their apprehensions, it would be advisable to muster as much 
of the force intrusted to your command as could, without injury 
to the service, conveniently be brought together. We recommend 
to you to order this force to be ready to march at a short notice, 



^ BENJAMIN HAWKINS 155 

and we would advise you of the time and place we deemed proper 
for the object contemplated by us, and you promised us your 
co-operation. 

We now, Sir, inform you we believe it would be advisable 
to order the detachment to meet at this place. The Indians are 
soon expected to arrive, and this force will answer the double 
purpose of removing all causes of alarm on their part, as well as 
on the part of the citizens, for whom the Governor entertains an 
opinion that they are much alarmed. 

From this force we require you to furnish us as "Commis- 
sioners for ascertaining and marking the boundary line between 
the Indian nations and the United States," an escort, to consist 
of 30 privates with two commissioned officers, two Serjeants and 
two Corporals, with the necessary camp equipage and pack horses. 
Our plan may require a division of the escort, in which case we 
wish a commissioned officer with each division, if you can furnish 
that number; the officers to have orders to proceed with and under 
the orders of the Commissioners in the execution of the duties 
enjoined on them, and to return the nearest rout to your com- 
mand when they may receive such orders from the Commissioners 
or either of them. 

We are, with due regard, 

Your obedient servants, 

BENJAMIN HAWKINS. 

ANDREW PICKINS. 

RICHARD SPARKS, 

Capt. 3rd Regiment and Commander the forces of the U. S. 
in Tennessee. 



The Commissioners received, for several days past, informa- 
tion of an intention to prevent them from executing the trust 
reposed in them, either by the non-attendance of General Win- 
chester, or by attacking the Indians, to bring on a war. They had 
been apprized of some strong expressions used by the Governor, 
as well as of some rude remarks on the conduct of the government 
towards the Indians, made by some influential gentlemen, as they 
deemed themselves, at Knoxville. We were apprized that this 
letter which we received late last evening from the Governor, had 
been shown by him, and copies circulated before we received the 
original. 



156 LETTERS OF 



State of Tennessee, Knoxville, 13th of April, 1797. 
BENJAMIN HAWKINS AND ANDREW PICKINS, ESQ.: 
Gentlemen: 

It is with extreme pain I have to inform you that many of 
the citizens of this is much alarmed on being informed that a 
very large body of Indians is about to assemble on the frontiers. 
It must be recent in your memories that several murders have 
lately been commited on some of the citizens of this State by the 
Cherokees, as well as a number of roberies at various times since 
last autumn. It is also just to observe that two Indians 
was murdered by some people of this State. It must naturally 
and inevitably occur that outrages of such an inhuman nature is 
not easily and soon eradicated out of the minds of those who 
have been injured, either by the loss of their friends or property, 
and that retaliation is but too often attempted to be taken when 
opportunities are afforded by either party. It is no wonder that 
the citizens of the State feel themselves in danger at the approach 
of so large a body of Indians, who have so lately evinced 
a disposition for hostilities, being at no time secure from the 
murders and ravages of savage banditties. 

It is reported that you are appointed Commissioners to ascer- 
tain and mark the boundary line between the United States and the 
Indians, and altho' the State of Tennessee is so materially and 
essentially interested in the event, no official information thereof 
has been communicated to its executives, neither by the Execu- 
tive of the United States or the Commissioners, if they be such. 

The Executive of the State of Tennessee has been at much 
pains to promote and cultivate peace and good understanding with 
the neighbouring Indian tribes, and still intends availing every 
favourable object and opportunity to procure and support harmony 
and permanent tranquility with the savage nations. 

I have, without reserve, communicated to you the fears of the 
people and the conduct and intention of the executive with some 
observations. 

I now beg leave to take the liberty to inform you unless I 
am satisfactorily informed, which I hope may be the case, the 
cause and intention of so numerous a party of Indians being 
about to assemble and embody on the confines of our State, I shall, 
from the due regard I have for the safety and protection of the 
citizens, the great desire I have to support and continue an un- 
interrupted peace, be obliged to order out a sufficient number of 
the militia for the purpose of observing and watching the move- 



BENJAMIN HAWKINS 157 

ments of the Indians, and protecting the citizens from any insults 
that may unjustifiably be offered. 

I have the honour to be, gentlemen, with due respect and 
regard, 

Your obedient honourable servant, 

JOHN SEVIER. 
MESSRS. HAWKINS & PICKINS. 



We determined to answer this note immediately and to send 
it by a special messenger to the Governor; we wrote this letter: 



Tellico, 16 April, 1797. 
Sir: 

Mr. Cowan handed us last evening your Excellency's favour 
of the 13th, and we loose no time in reply. You have received 
on the 6th of this month, from Mr. Hawkins, Principal Agent for 
Indian Afifairs South of Ohio, information that "the Indians are 
more inclined to peace and more friendly to the citizens, their 
neighbours, than they have ever been known to be; that the 
arrangements in train of execution will increase the friendly dis- 
position of the Indians and induce them to do justice to our fellow 
citizens, and that he relys with confidence on the agents in his 
department. 

We think Sir, that this communication and a knowledge that 
the agents in the Indian department were here, ought to have 
been sufficient to remove all cause of alarm from the citizens 
of this State. The agents possess and can give the only informa- 
tion to be relied on; they are entitled to the confidence of your 
Excellency, and we hope that on reflection you will see the 
impropriety of suspecting them to be capable of withholding any 
information from you whereby our fellow citizens can be in the 
least degree injured. 

The invitation sent to a few Indians to convene here was 
from the proper authority and for objects interesting to the United 
States. 

The assurance you give of the disposition of the executive to 
promote and cultivate peace and good understanding with the 
neighbouring tribes is pleasing to us and is what we had a right 
to expect it would be, in unison with the agents in the Southern 
Department, and there is no doubt, if our actions correspond with 



158 LETTERS OF 



this avowed disposition, but that we shall have peace and a good 
understanding between our fellow citizens and the Indians. 

We are appointed, together with James Winchester, Esq., 
"Commissioners to ascertain and mark the boundary lines agree- 
ably to treaties between the Indian nations and the United States," 
and we are now here on that business. We in due time took 
measures to apprize General Winchester of our intention of being 
here the first of April; he is not arrived. We shall take care 
that in the execution of this trust our fidelity shall correspond 
with the confidence reposed in us by the appointment. 

We have the honour to be, 

Your Excellency's obedient servants, 

BENJAMIN HAWKINS. 
ANDREW PICKINS. 
His Excellency 

JOHN SEVIER, 

Governor of Tennessee. 



The Agent for Indian Affairs South of Ohio addressed a note 
to Colonel Henley to inform him of what had passed since they 
were together, particularly of the measures taken to provide for 
the Indians who were expected to convene here on his invitation. 

18 of April. 

Mr. Dinsmoor returned last evening with his semicircle for 
taking the latitude and this day commenced to ascertain the 
latitude of the place where we now are. 

We are again informed of the fears of the Indians for their 
safety in visiting this place, as well as that they are apprehensive 
the object in inviting them, under pretence of runing their line, 
is to obtain more land from them to accommodate the intruders 
on their lands. Measures were taken in conformity to give the 
right impression. 

19. 

The Indians begin to arrive so as to induce an expectation 
that in a few days there will be a full representation; they say 
that their tardiness is to be attributed to two causes only, the first 
to excessive rains, the second to the fears of the nation for their 
safety, notwithstanding their confidence in the government, fearing 
that the number of troops on their frontier were not sufficient to 
insure to them what had been promised by the government. 



BENJAMIN HAWKINS 159 

The 24 of April. 

Captain Sparks arrived last evening; we sent Captain Wade 
to him to call on us, to have an explanation of the misunderstand- 
ing between us for which we could not account. He came & we 
had a conference with him of some length, and we promised to 
overlook the past, and agreed with him that his statement we 
would respect. We deem it unnecessary to go into detail, as he 
promises us his co-operation in the business intrusted to us, and 
appears to be disposed to fulfill the duties of his station. 

We addressed a letter of this date to the Secretary of War, 
and detailed as much of the existing state of things as we were 
in possession of. We had received another letter from General 
Winchester not more satisfactory than the one addressed to Mr. 
Dinsmoor of the 31st of March. 

We are well aware of the speculative pursuits of the General, 
and if we were not, he seems determined to betray himself; he 
knows we are at Tellico, where the military force is now stationed, 
or in the neighbourhood of it, and he afifects ignorance of every 
thing, offers his services to get an additional escort, surveyors, 
assistants, &c., to go to Duck River to save time. There are no 
troops in his neighbourhood, and he knows we are not going to 
Duck River. 

The Indians applied to the P. T. Agent for Indian Affairs 
South of Ohio to indulge them with a little whiskey. He answered 
no, not one drop till the business they convened on was com- 
pletely adjusted. They replyed this was not usual, they hereto- 
fore were indulged and expected a continuance. He rejoined he 
saw but little good in their past transactions, that he did not come 
to continue abuses, but to remedy the past, and he should, for 
himself, make a point of doing what he judged proper regardless 
of the past. After some hesitation, the chiefs agreed that this 
decision was just and they expected some good from it, as here- 
tofore much injury had been done them when in a state of drunken- 
ness. 

They requested to know whether it would be agreeable for 
them to fix their council fires, and that the agent. General Pickins 
and Mr. Dinsmoor, their agent, should attend them only, with all 
the interpreters. Mr. Hawkins replyed they were on their own 
lands on either side of the river, and might determine every thing 
as they liked relative to the objects mentioned. He should meet 
them to-morrow at their own council fire. 

25 of April. 

The chiefs informed Mr. Hawkins that they were ready to 
receive him, General Pickins and Mr. Dinsmoor at their fire at 
Tuskeegee. He proceeded there with the two gentlemen. 



160 LETTERS OF 



A conference held at Tuskeegee between Benjamin Hawkins, 
Principal Temporary Agent for Indian Affairs South of Ohio, on 
the part of the United States, and the chiefs and warriors of the 
Cherokees in behalf of their nation, and an agreement entered 
into between the said parties to carry the treaty of Holston into 
efifect, and for the fixture of military posts to afiford more effectual 
protection to the Indians. 

April 25. 

The conference opened by Mr. Hawkins, present 147 chiefs 
and warriors. General Andrew Pickins, Mr. Silas Dinsmoor, Tem- 
porary Agent for the Cherokee Nation, John Thompson, one of 
the interpreters for the Treaty of Holston, Charles Hicks, James 
Carey and Arthur Cordy, sworn interpreters. 

The commission was explained for ascertaining and marking 
the boundary lines between the Indian nations and the United 
States, and the object he had in view in inviting them to convene 
being to satisfy the nation that the United States have taken no 
advantage of them, and to obtain permission to fix and establish 
the military posts where they should give the most effectual pro- 
tection to the Indians. He concluded by asking the chiefs to 
appoint Commissioners on their part to carry the treaty into effect. 

The chiefs conversed for several hours on the subject, showed 
much reluctance at admiting of the construction given of the 
courses of the lines particularly bordering on Cumberland. They 
lamented that their efforts, thrice repeated, had been unsuccessful 
in obtaining an alteration in the treaty to correspond with what 
they intended when they made it. They lamented that from the 
language of the agent of the four nations, the treaty could not be 
altered after the President had signed it. They saw their own 
situation and would think of what had been said to them and give 
an answer to-morrow. 

26th of April. 

Present as yesterday, the chiefs and warriors replyed: We 
have come to a determination to run the line agreeable to the 
orders of the President and the meaning in the treaty. We will 
appoint men on our part and we rely upon the Commissioners 
of the United States and expect they will do justice to both sides. 
We have appointed two old men and two young ones on our part, 
if you approve of them. Mr. Hawkins, I do name them, Oolaqoah, 
Chunoheleek, Oohallukeh and Weelik. 



BENJAMIN HAWKINS 161 

A chief presented a string of white beads to the agent from 
Ummuctooqokuk, Principal Chief of the river towns, with the 
respects of that chief, and assurances of his reliance on the 
Great Spirit and the agent for a strait talk. 

Mr. Hawkins stated to the chiefs that he wished they would 
permit him and General Pickins to chuse the proper sites for the 
military posts on the frontiers of Tennessee, mentioning that he 
believed three would be necessary, each to contain a garrison of 
about one company; that they could not now say where it would 
be proper to fix them, but they expected to obtain the necessary 
information on the line. He mentioned also that it might be 
deemed advisable to have one post at Chauga, near the South 
Carolina boundary. 

The chiefs took one day to answer. 

27 of April. 

Present as yesterday. 

The chiefs answer to the request of yesterday that they do not 
know the proper places for military posts for the protection of 
their rights, and they leave it in the power of the two Commis- 
sioners, Mr. Hawkins and General Pickins, and they hereby give 
them authority to chuse the proper sites and to fix the posts, and 
they hope care will be taken to prevent their being injurious to 
the nation. 

Mr. Hawkins: Your decision is a wise one; I accept of the 
trust and I do hereby engage to secure your permission to establish 
the posts from being injurious to your nation, and I will provide 
that it shall be an establishment beneficial to a friendly inter- 
course between the red and white people, and where useful manu- 
factures shall be carried on. 

The chiefs: We claim the ferry on Clinch and wish the agent 
to do in that affair for us what he thinks just. We want John 
Rogers, who has one of our women and many children, to keep the 
ferry. 

Mr. Hawkins: As to the ferry at Clinch, the man who keeps 
it shall be recommended annually by the chiefs and approved of 
by the agent of the four nations, or provisionally by the 
agent for the Cherokees. The agent may remove him at 
pleasure and appoint one provisionally until the nation can meet 
and recommend a fit character. The agents shall fix the rate of 
ferriage, make the necessary regulations for the government of 
the ferryman, and provide that the Indians at all times pass with 
their property free of expence, and he shall ascertain from year to 
year what rent shall be paid to the nation and take measures to 
secure the payment. 



162 LETTERS OF 



The chiefs then agreed to name other Commissioners on their 
part, and to divide the line between them, which being approved, 
they named Nonetooqa of Willtown, Sullacoocuhwoluh, Suquil- 
takeh and Coiucatee of Runing Water, Cloxanah, loannuhkiskeh, 
Cussooleatah and Jaunah of Cowee. 

The chiefs requested that their Commissioners might attend 
four at a time, and that they might be paid out of the annuity. 
Mr. Hawkins agreed. 

The chiefs then said: We hope every thing is done to the 
satisfaction of the agent of the four nations. Answer by Mr. 
Hawkins: Perfectly so. They then directed Keawotah or Little 
Turkey, and Ocunna, the Badger, to attend to the agent and give 
a speech to be sent to the President; the speech, after being 
drawn, to be approved to-morrow. They must mention to the 
President, we now appeal to the justice of the United States to 
protect us in the enjoyment of our lands solemnly presented to us 
by the Treaty of Holston. 

28. 

The speech read and interpreted in full council, and approved 
of by all the chiefs, and is to be considered an essential part of 
this agreement. The chiefs then said that one-half of the expence 
of their Commissioners was, by agreement, to be borne by the 
United States, agreed for the time they were actually attending. 

Agreed to and signed by order of all the chiefs now present, 
on their part, at Tuskeegee, the 28 of April, 1797, and on the part 
of the United States. 

BENJAMIN HAWKINS. 
P. T. A. for I. Afifairs South of Ohio. 

KEANOTAH, X His Mark. 

OCUNNA, X His Mark. 
In the presence of 

SILAS DINSMOOR, T. Agent to the Cherokees. 

ANDREW PICKINS. 

JOHN THOMPSON, One of the Interpreters of the Holston 
Treaty. 

CHA. HICKS, Interpreter. 
JAMES CARY, Interpreter. 



BENJAMIN HAWKINS 163 

A talk of the chiefs and warriors of all the Cherokees to the 
President of the United States: 

Father: 

On the invitation of Benjamin Hawkins, the agent of the four 
nations, we, the chiefs and warriors of the Cherokees, convened at 
Tellico to appoint suitable persons on our part to see the line 
ascertained and marked agreeably to the Treaty of Holston, and 
to adjust other points submitted to us by the agent. We have 
had some misunderstanding, but we could not help it; from the 
manner the treaty was made there was great cause of difference 
of opinion, and the nation has been embarrassed on that account, 
as we, their representatives here, are believing they never did 
assent to it. 

Father: We are happy that we have been able to settle 
matters; we rejoice that the agent is come forward, and that we 
have come to a right understanding for the future. We hope 
that the agent for the four nations and the other Commissioners 
and our people who we have appointed will go together and 
mark the line so that it may never be removed. We wish to ac- 
quaint the President of the United States that we think our loss 
will be great on the side of Cumberland; there we did not expect 
«ve had parted with any more land than was expressed in the 
Treaty of Hopewell, and we hope, as we request, that the agent 
may report this fact to the President, as it appears to him, when 
he sees the line, and that our father will have regard to our poor 
women and children. 

Father: We are happy the President of the United States 
has sent a man among us who respects our rights. We are no 
judges of proper places for military posts to protect us. We 
have come to the resolution to leave this matter entirely to the 
agents. Colonel Hawkins and General Pickins, to chuse and fix 
them, and we are happy that our father, the President, has sent 
men who are judges of such business, and on whom the nation 
so willingly rely. We are sure they will see justice done to the 
red and whites. 

Father: We must mention to our father, the President, what 
we have heard of Zachariah Cox and his followers. They are 
about to settle the best of Tennessee. We and the other nations 
are alarmed for our situation and apprehensive that such people 
will some how or other come at our lands or the lands of our 
neighbours. We have most willingly granted every thing asked 
of us by the agent of the four nations, because we are satisfied 
he asked for our good, and we now look up to our father, the 



164 LETTERS OF 



President, to fulfill his promises and protect the little land we have 
left for our wives and our children. 

Father: We are some of us very old, and have laboured 
under many difficulties in times past, but we now hope things are 
so arranged that we may go into our own woods and hunt to 
cloathe our naked women and children. We now hope to have 
some rest and that no one will be permited to disturb us again 
by intrusions on our rights. 

Father: We have given away much of hunting lands, and that 
which is not valuable for any thing but hunting, and we hope 
that our father, the President, will take this into consideration 
and let us hunt among the white people, on such vacant lands, and 
others, where it may be convenient for us. 



By order of all the chiefs. 



KEANOTAH, X His Mark. 
OCUNNA, X His Mark. 



Tuskeegee, 28 April, 1797, in the presence of 

BENJAMIN HAWKINS, P. T. A. I. Affairs South of Ohio. 
SILAS DINSMOOR, T. Agent to the Cherokees. 
JOHN THOMPSON, one of the Interpreters of Holston 
Treaty. 

CHAS. HICKS, Interpreter. 
JAMES CAREY, Interpreter. 



We were visited during the conference by several of the 
gentlemen of our neighbourhood who were deputed to attend the 
conference on the part of the citizens. They were told that the 
mode prefered by the Indians and approved by the agent would 
not admit of their being present. Captain Henley replyed on the 
part of the deputation that it was expected that the conference 
would be in presence of the citizens, and that they and the Indians 
would be brought face to face and be heard. We told the Captain 
that it was not in contemplation to make a new treaty, but to 
carry the treaty of Holston in effect; that we did not expect 
much light on this subject from the Indians; that we should form 
our decision from the instrument itself and not from interested 
reports on either side; that all who were on the Indian lands could 
not be relieved by us, except in particular cases we had before 
mentioned to them; that he and most of the deputation lived on 
this side of the line of experiment, and that they had informed 



BENJAMIN HAWKINS 165 

us that that line was merely to ascertain how the citizens could 
be accommodated, and on this side of the true line intended in the 
treaty; that to accommodate them a new treaty must be had, and 
a new line agreed on, and in our opinion at this time it could 
not be affected; that the Indians were much alarmed for their 
situation and viewed every attempt to acquire land as a violation 
of the solemn guarantee of the government; that we need not 
expect ever to obtain fairly their consent to part with their lands 
unless our fellow citizens would pay more respect than we saw 
they did to their treaties. 

We find, from observation, the latitude here to be 35" 15/ 

29th of April. 

Closed all business with the Indians and set out from Tellico. 
Having found it necessary to order a survey from this ponit to 
ascertain some points more exactly than we had done on our first 
visit, the surveyors commenced a survey from the center of the 
hill near the river, where it is in contemplation to build one of 
the fortified posts. 

They report the survey as follows: N. 62 chain to a branch 
runing to the left, 4 feet wide; two and half miles to Baker's 
Creek, runing to the left, 20 feet wide. Here we encamped. 

30 of April. 

Colonel David Henley, the agent for the Department of War, 
sent us some pack horses and information that we should soon 
have the contractor with us, who would accompany us, and make 
arrangements for provisioning the escort. 

May the 1st. 

Set out and continue our course N. one mile and 60 chain; 
thence N. 20 E., 61 chain, to a branch to the right; one mile, 21 
chain, to Stinking Creek, runing to the left, 20 feet wide; 27 to a 
branch to the right, 4 feet wide; 36 to the same branch to the left; 
39 to the same branch to the right, 2 feet wide; thence one mile 
to a point; thence E., 3 chain to the branch again; thence 43 chain 
to the valley; thence N. 30 E., 64 chain to a branch to the left, 
4 feet wide; thence 66 to a point; thence N. 50 E., 5 chain to a 
creek, 8 feet wide, runing to the left; one mile to the main 
Gallaher's Creek, 8 feet wide, and 5 chain to the encampment. 



166 LETTERS OF 



May the 2nd. 

We set out E., two miles to Deer Point; thence S. 65 E., 35 
chain, to a part of Iron Ridge; thence S. 11 W., 14 chain, to the 
Iron Ridge. This is the point called Iron Hill during our former 
observations; the course of the ridge dividing the vi^aters of Pistol 
and Baker's Creeks, S. 88 E.; the general course of this ridge 
westwardly, is S. 73 W.; from this on the ridge to the blazed 
tree on a path being the ridge dividing the waters of Holston 
from those of Tennessee, S. 27 W. The preceding course of 
S. 72i W., which appears to be a continuation of the main ridge, 
divides the waters of Gallaher's Creek from Lackey's Creek; the 
ridge bordering on Little River is from this point N. 17 E. 

We returned to Deer Point and proceed for Holston, N. 25 W., 
2 miles, 70 chain, to a spring to the left; 20 chain to a ridge, where 
we have a full view of the Warchile Mountain on Clinch; the 
junction of Clinch with the Tennessee supposed S. 38 W. We 
continue on our course one mile, 70 chain, to a branch to the left, 
and one mile, 57 chain, to the Holston River at Wm. Gillispie's, 
passing through his field. 



3 May. 

Mr. Hawkins went to Knoxville on public business and Gen- 
eral Pickins crossed the river and proceeded on for Clinch, N. 25 
W., 34 chain, to the river; thence N. 5 E., 64 chain, to a point; 
thence N. 45 W., 34 chain, to Campbell's ^ of a mile from 
Holston; here the river makes a grand bend to the left, 1 mile 
and 8 chain to Montgomery's mill on Sinking Creek, runing to the 
left; 10 chain to a point; thence N. 70 W., 65 chain, to Turkey 
Creek and encamp on the ridge to the left. 



4th of May. 

Set out on the course, N. 70 W., one mile to Major Campbell's; 
thence 74 chain to a point; thence N. 82 W., 2 miles, 34 chain, to 
a point; thence N. 88 W., one mile, 27 chain, to a creek runing to 
the left, 10 feet wide; thence 42 chain to the same creek, runing 
to the right; thence continuing in all one to a point; thence S. 70 
W., 1 mile, 16 chain, to a point; thence S. 49 chain to a point; 
thence N. 64 W., 12 chain, to Clinch; supposed from those informed 
to be three miles above Poppaw Foard. 



BENJAMIN HAWKINS 167 



Mr. Hawkins visited the junction of Holston with the Ten- 
nessee, and received this information from Judge Campbell, who 
lives on the right bank of the river, near the confluence: That 
the lands in the fork are flat, and just above flood water mark; 
that the Experiment Line entered the river at the point of Holston 
and Tennessee and continued down the river some distance below 
before it touched the right bank; that this line was N. 62 or 63 W. 

6. 

The Commissioners met together at S. West Point, and took 
a view of this position; it is high, well watered, somewhat broken 
& rich, and may easily be made to command both rivers. Captain 
Wade is stationed here with the company he commands. We 
ordered a survey of the lands in part, in the fork of the rivers 
begining at the point of confluence. The course of Clinch on the 
right bank, N. 40 E.; that on the left, N. 68 E.; Tennessee, the 
left bank, S. 1 E.; the land on the right bank, S. 22 E.; Tennessee, 
below the junction, the curve of land on the left bank, W.; the 
rock on the right bank, N. 82 W.; the point opposite the curve, 
N. 67 W. 

The course from the point, S. 56 E., 13 chain, 50 links; here 
is the gardens to the left, and from this we take these views: The 
gap between is two mountains, N. 21 E.; distance to Clinch, 15 
chain; the nole to the left, N. 20 E.; the nole to the right, N. 22 E.; 
from this same point at the garden, S. 21 W., 9 chain, to Ten- 
nessee; thence continue the original course, S. 56 E., 9 chain, to a 
point; thence S. 30 W., IS chain, to Tennessee; this course has 
a fine view of the river through a street cut by order of Captain 
Wade; the curve of the right bank of the river is in this direction, 
and in this street the troops are encamped. 

At the first point near the gardens, there is within 20 paces 
to the right, a conic mound of earth, formerly the burying place 
of the antients, and here are the remains of bones; this is the 
highest ground in the neighbourhood, perhaps 80 feet high. The 
lands on the left bank of the Tennessee level, some of them form- 
erly cultivated. Here the river makes a beautiful curve or circle 
of near five miles, and comes within half a mile of the begining 
of the curve; the whole capable of a high degree of culture; there 
are, a little back, two fine springs, and the neighbouring lands 
finely covered with grass. On the right bank of the Clinch the 
lands are low and rich. The ferry on this river is within 600 
yards of the point. 



168 LETTERS OF 



Unthlaubee of Nauche. 

Auwihejoe. 

Elissiowau. 

Uchee Billy at John Miller's old cowpen. 

George, Mr. Barnard's wife's nephew; he killed Allen; liis 
father was killed by Harrison; Tommojijee was his Indian and 
George his white name. 

Tustunnuggee Clochucconee. 

William Tannehill. 

James Harris, a little pin out of the side of his nose. 

Traders in the Upper Creeks. 

The 26 towns are the mother towns: 

1. Tallassee. James McQueen, a Scotchman; has property. 
The oldest white man in the nation; was a soldier under Oglethorp 
when he first came to Georgia, in the year 1732. He is healthy 
and active; has had a numerous family, but has outlived most of 
them. 

William Powel, of little property and not desirous to accum- 
ulate much. 

2. Tuckabatchee. Christopher Heickle, a very honest, indus- 
trious man; in debt to Mr. Panton. He has been 40 years in the 
nation. A native of Germany; was a good pack horseman, but 
not sufficiently intelligent for a trader. 

Obadiah Lowe, a meddling, troublesome fellow; has some 
property. 

3. Auttossee. Richard Bailey, a native of England. 33 years 
a resident among the Creeks; has property, but is in debt to Mr. 
Panton and to the public factory. He has two sons; they have 
been educated; the oldest by the U. S.; the youngest is now with 
the Quakers; he was banished the 28th of May by the national 
council at Tuckabatchee and has since been permited to return, 
and was killed by a fall from his horse. 

Josiah Fisher, a cooper; an inoffensive man. 

4. Hothlewaulee. James Russel, has the character of a good 
trader. 

Abraham M. Mordecai, a Jew of bad character; in debt to 
Mr. Panton, Mr. Clark and the factory. 

William McCart, his hireling, said to be honest. 

5. Fuscehatchee. Nicholas White, a native of Marseilles, an 
old trader, a good trader, 30 years in the nation. 

William Gregory, his hireling, of good character. 

6. Cooloome. 

7. Ecunhutkee. 



BENJAMIN HAWKINS 169 

8. Sauvanogee. John Haigue, commonly called Savannah 
Jack; much of a savage. 

9. Mooklausau. Michael Elhart, an industrious, honest man; a 
Dutchman. 

10. Coosaudee. Robert Walton, an active man; more attentive 
to his character now than heretofore. 

Francis Tuzant, an idle Frenchman; in debt to Mr. Panton and 
to the factory. 

John McLeod, of bad character. 

11. Wetumcau. 

12. Hookchoie. 

13. Hookchoieoochee. 

14. Tuskeegee. 

15. Ocheubofau. 

16. Wewocau. 

17. Poccuntallauhassee. John Proctor, a halfbreed. 

18. Coosuh. John O'Kelley, a halfbreed. 

19. Aubecoochee. 

20. Nauche. James Quarls, has the character of an honest 
man. 

Thomas Wilson, a saddler. 

21. Eufaulauhatche. James Lesley, appears to be a decent, 
respectable man. He died in the spring of 1799. 

22. Woccocoie. James Clark, a Scotchman, a hard drinker; in 
debt to Mr. Panton. 

John Gilliard, his hireling. 

James Simmons, an indolent, careless man. 

23. Hillaube. Robert Grierson, a Scotchman; has property. 
David Hay, his hireling, a Pennsylvanian. 

Stephen Hawkins, an active man, of weak mind; fond of drink, 
and much of a savage when drunk. 

24. Ocfuskee. Patrick Donnally, formerly trickey, but re- 
formed, and has property. 

25. Eufaulau. John Townshend, a man of good character. 

26. Kialijee. John O'Riley, an Irishman, who drinks hard. 
Townlay Bruce, of Maryland, formerly a clerk in the Indian 

Department; removed for improper conduct. A man very capable 
of business; excessively attached to strong drink; an enemy to 
truth and his own character. 

The following are villages belonging to the mother towns: 

27. Newqaucau. On the left bank of Tallapoosa, 18 miles 
above Ocfuskee. 

28. Tooktacaugee. On the right bank of Tallapoosa, 15 miles 
above Newqaucau. 

29. Chuleocwhooatlee. On the left bank of Tallapoosa, 11 
miles below Newqaucau. 



170 LETTERS OF 



30. Tuckabatchee Tallauhassce. On the right bank of Talla- 
poosa, 6 miles above Newqaucau. 

These four towns are one fire with Ocfuskee. 

31. Luchaupoguh. On a creek of that name. 

32. Pauwockee. On the left bank of the Alabama, 7 miles 
below the fork. 

Charles Weatherforci, a man of infamous character; a dealer 
in stolen horses; condemned and repreaved the 28th May. 

33. Succauputtoi. On a creek of that name, which empties 
into Pochusehatche; this creek empties into Coosau 4 miles below 
Puccun tallauhassce. 

34. Weocufifke. On the creek of that name, 4 miles from its 
mouth. The towns 2>2) & 34 are one fire with Woccocoie. 

George Smith. 

35. Thlotloculgau. On Ulcauhatchee, which empties into 
Tallapoosa 4 miles above Ocfuskee. The town is 14 miles up the 
creek. 

36. Opilthlucco. On a creek of that name which empties into 
Puccuntallauhassee on its left bank, 20 miles from Coosau River. 

Hendrick Dargin, the trader. 

Z7. Tallasooche. 

38. Succaupogau — Soocheah. On the right bank of Talla- 
poosa, 12 miles above Ocfuskee, and one fire with that town. 

40. Aubecoochee. The lands waving with rich flats, oak, 
hickory, poplar, walnut, mulbery. The country abounds in lime- 
stone and fine large limestone springs; one above the town, the 
other below. High up the creek cane; on the branches there is 
reed. There is, north of the town, a very large cave on the side of 
a high hill; the entrance small; it is much divided, and some of 
the rooms appear as the work of art; the doors regular. There is 
saltpeter in christals; 4 gun men. There is on Wewocau a creek, 
a .fine well seat; the water contracted by two hills; the fall of 
water 20 feet, and the lands very rich. 

70. Nauche. 

60. Coosau. 

40. Eufaulauhatche. 

These four are on limestone land over Therennehollewee. 

The 12 mother towns of the Lower Creeks, Tallowau unmau- 
mauquh: 

1. Coweta. Thomas Marshall, a steady trader, has accum- 
ulated considerable property. 

John Tarvin, in debt to Mr. Panton; called Johnny Haujo by 
the Indians, a name expressive of the man; he is honest. 

James Darouzeaux, an old residenter and interpreter in the 
nation. 



BENJAMIN HAWKINS 171 

Hardy Read, an illiterate trader. 

Christian Russel, an active, honest Silisian; a tanner, shoe- 
maker from choice, a doer by trade; a seaman; constantly in 
motion and trying every thing for an honest livelyhood. 

2. Cow^eta Tallauhassee. James Lovet, a trader of some 
activity; illiterate, without much regard for truth. 

3. Cusseta. Thomas Carr, of long standing in the nation; has 
property, cattle and negros; is in debt to Mr. Panton; appears to 
be an honest, funny seaman; says he is a Scotchman, but has the 
Irish dialect. 

John Anthony Sandoval, a Spaniard; in debt to Panton, Clark 
& the factory, and out of credit. 

4. Uchee. John Smithmoor, in debt to Mr. Panton. 

5. Ooseuchee. Samuel Palmer, an honest old man, of little 
property. 

6. Cheauhau. 

7. Hitchetee. William Grey, an active, good natured man, of 
loose character, but more attentive to his character now^ than here- 
tofore. 

8. Palachooclee. Benjamin Steadham, an old man, a saddler; 
has an industrious, honest son at Tensaw, and one of halfbreed, 
and two daughters at Palachooclee, who live well; are industrious 
and have property; the girls are good spinners. 

9. Oconee. 

10. Sauwoogolo. 

11. Sauwoogeloochee. 

12. Eufaulau. 

The following are villages belonging to the mother towns: 

13. Padjeelegau. A Uchee village, formerly a large town, but 
broke up by Benjamin Harrison; he murdered 14 of their gun men; 
it is on Clonotiscauhatchee, on the right bank of the river, adjoin- 
ing the river and the creek on the lower side of the creek. The 
town takes its name from the creek Padjeelegau (Pigeon Roost). 
18 miles above Timothy Barnard's and 9 miles below the old horse 
path, the first rockfalls in the river, and these falls are 5 miles 
below the second falls, at which there are two small islands, and 
here a path now crosses from Cusseta to Fort Wilkinson. This 
village is advantageously situated, the range good for cattle, the 
land very rich, the swamp near three miles through, all of excellent 
quality for culture, the cane very large and the sassafras and 
shumake very large. 

14. Intackculgau (Beaver Ponds). On Opilthlucco, 28 miles 
from its junction with Clonotiscauhatchee. Opilthlucco is a large 
creek; its junction, a mile and a half above Timothy Barnard's, 60 
feet wide; the lands good on its margins up to the village; about 
8 miles below the village the lands extend out for 4 or 5 miles; 



172 LETTERS OF 



are tucaumau pofau (oak lands). The adjoining lands are good 
pine; they are good for cattle; cane on the creeks and reed on the 
branches; the whole well watered. There are 14 families; their 
industry is increasing; they have built a square in 1798. They have 
cattle, hogs and a few horses. They are Uchees. 

Aumuccullee. On a creek of that name, 60 feet wide, on the 
right bank of Thlonotiscauhatchee. The village is 15 miles up the 
creek, on the left bank; it is 45 miles below Timothy Barnard's. 
There are 60 gun men in the village; they belong to Cheauhau. 
The lands are poor; limestone springs in the neighbourhood. The 
swamps are cypress, in hammocs, some water oaks and hickory. 
The pine lands are poor, with ponds and wire grass. This creek 
is a main branch of Kitchofoone, which it joins 3 miles from 
its mouth. 

Thlontiscauhatche — Flint River. It heads near Ocmulgee, and 
near Thennethlofkee, the southernmost mountain on the left of 
Chattahooche. It runs S. E. to within 12 miles of Chattahooche, 
thence S. to the junction. From Ocfuskenene upwards the water in 
the branches is fine, the margins of the creeks rich with cane, reed 
on the branches, the ridges poor and gravelly at the heads of the 
rivers, flats open, post oak and black oak. 

8 miles below Ocfuskenene ford lands broken pine, post 
oak, small hickory. 9 miles, the lands continue broken, the river 
spreads out from half a mile to %, shoally, and moss line for 
cattle; here the broken lands terminate. 

Authlucco, 14 miles. This is a large, fine creek on the right 
bank of the river, the falls 30 feet, 3 miles from the river. This 14 
miles the river contracts; the lands are level and fit for culture; the 
growth oak, hickory and some pine. 

Aupiogee, 8 miles. On the right bank of the river; the lands 
on the river continue level and fit for culture, 

Salenojuh, 8 miles. Here there was a compact town of Cusseta 
people, of 70 gun men in 1787, and they removed the spring after 
Colonel Alexander killed 7 of their people near Shoulderbone. 
Their fields extended 3 miles above the town; they had a hot- 
house and square, water, fields well fenced, their situation fine for 
hogs and cattle. Just above the old fields there are two curves on 
each side of the river of 150 acres, rich, which have been cul- 
tivated. Just below the town the Sulenojuhnene ford, the lands 
level on the right bank. There is a small island to the right of the 
ford; on the left a ridge of rocks. The lands on the left bank 
high and broken. Above the town there is a good ford, level, 
shallow, and not rocky; the land flat on both sides. 

Otaulgaunene, 3 miles. This path crosses at two islands; the 
ford is a good one; the lands broken on both sides. There is some 
good land below these falls, on the left bank. 



BENJAMIN HAWKINS 173 

Ecunhutkenene, 4 miles. This is also called Chelucconene- 
auhassee, the old horse path, the first path to the Creek nation. 
This is a rocky ford and pretty good, the banks steep on the left 
bank. Here the falls terminate and the flats begin to spread out. 
Cooccohapofe, 5 miles. On the right bank here was for- 
merly an old town; the fields were cultivated on the left bank; the 
swamp three miles through; on that side large sassafras. 

Padjeeligau, 3 miles. The swamps are wide on the left; 3 miles 
high, and good canebrake on the right, near one mile through, 
low and flat. 

Okauhutkee, 15 miles. This creek on the right bank there are 
five line, flowing, reedy creeks between Padjeligau and Okauhut- 
kee, open pine lands with ponds, reedy flats joining the river, near 
a mile through. This creek is 60 feet, a bold runing creek at all 
times; pine land for 8 miles up, then some oak, pine again, and 
reedy branches. The mouth of this creek is remarkable for the 
resort or rock fish; they ly all the summer in the mouth of the 
creek. Just below there is a pine barron blufif on the river; J4 
mile this swamp again. 

Opilthlucco, Ij^ miles. 
Timothy Barnard's, Ij^ miles. 

Hatchee Loome, 4 miles. 15 feet on the right bank. 
Ittoopunnauulgau, 3 miles. 
Crooked Wood, 15 miles. 
Autussauhatche, 12 miles. 30 feet; piney. 
Wecuiwau, 7 miles. 10 feet; oaky land. 
Springs. 

Large Creek, 11 miles. Pine barron. 

Cheauhau Village, 3 miles. Situated on the river, a pine barron 
surrounding it. There is a ford here, opposite the town. 

TuUewhoqaunau (Tucane Town), 2 miles. Pine barron. Here 
is another ford, the best. 

Otellewhoqaunau, 7 miles. A small village of 20 familys on 
the right of the river; pine barron on both sides. They plant on 
some small swamp margins at the mouth of a little creek. These 
people inhabitated the village above of the same name. 

Ocmulgee Village, 7 miles. There is a few families, the 
remains of the Ocmulgee people who formerly resided at the 
Ocmulgee fields on Ocmulgee River; lands poor, pine barron on 
both sides; the swamp equally poor & sandy; the growth dwarf 
scrub brush, evergreens, among which is the Cassine. 

Kitchofoone (Mortar Bone Creek), 8 miles. This creek is 80 
feet; the land site pine barron. 

Hitcheteepro, 5 miles. Potokes Village on the left bank of the 
river; nice barron bluflf on both sides. 



174 LETTERS OF 



Chickasawhatchee, 10 miles. 90 feet. There is some good land 
up this creek and some settlements of Hitchetee people. The 
swamps are good, large canebrakes, some ponds and oak woods; 
range fine for cattle. 

James Burges, 100 miles. The lands poor white pine barron, 
sandy bluffs. Small creeks only on this course, and so badly 
watered that travelers encamp on the river bank for water. 25 
miles to the fork of the river; the lands good, cane in the swamp 
and on the creeks and high lands. 



EXTRACT TO MR. DINSMOOR: 

8th April, 1797. 

I wish you to take measures to prevent this visit of the Indians 
from being an expence to the government. Those who are invited 
must have rations; those who are visitors must, as far as is practi- 
cable, be left to their own exertions for supplies. I had yesterday 
a conversation with 13 chiefs; they then asked me how the visitors 
to the garrison were to be supplied with provisions. I replied: 
Those who were invited are come on public business, would be fed; 
those who came on private business or from curiosity must do as 
they saw their white neighbours — supply themselves. 



No. 1. James Bosley applied to inform the Agent for Indian 
Affairs that some time about the year 1788 or 1789, a negro fellow 
of his named Sam was taken by some Creek Indians within three 
miles of Nashville; he was with a waggon. They took four horses 
out of the waggon and at the same time they fired on and killed 
John Hunter, and during the same day they fired on and killed 
Major M. Kirkpatrick and cut his head off. Mr. Bosley is informed 
that this negro is in possession of Stephen Sullivan, who lived 
where he had this information, at New York, the town of the 
residence of the white Lieutenant. Sam is about 45 years of age; 
he is a good waggoner and active plantation negro. Mr. Bosley 
lives within 2 miles of Nashville. 

23rd May, 1797. 

No. 2. George Ridley and his wife, one child, and a negro 
girl, returning from the Natches in 1789 or 1790, while on Duck 
River, at its junction with the Tennessee, making a canoe, were 
fired on by Indians, said by the Chickasaws to be Creeks, They 



BENJAMIN HAWKINS 175 

killed Ridley and his wife, and it is suspected that the girl and 
boy were taken prisoners. The girl about 12 years old, the boy 
about 2 years old. George Ridley, the grandfather, lives within 
three miles of Nashville. 

23rd May, 1797. 

No. 3. Some time in 1788 or 1789, when Mrs. Williams was 
taken prisoner, the Creeks took from Tugalo a negro boy about 
6 years old called Sam, the property of Samuel Isaacs of Pendleton 
County, in South Carolina. He had a burn on the right arm, on 
the off side, and was in the possession of McGillivray's widow. 

No. 4. Edmund Gamble informs that he has a negro some 
where in the Creek country, taken on the 15th of April, 1790, near 
General Robertson's; said to be found in the woods nearly perished 
with hunger. The discription: 

He is named Ned; about 17 years old at the time he was taken; 
pretty well grown, jet black, the wool on his forehead remarkably 
low down; was raised near Halifax, in the State of North Carolina, 
by Major Joel Hart. 

The negro is said to be in the possession of a John James 
Oakley (probably a half breed). The application dated Nashville, 
20 May, 1797. 

No. 5. General Joseph Martin on Tugalo River in the fall of 
1788, had a large cream coloured horse at that time about four 
years old, supposed to be taken by the Creek Indians. It is said 
he is in possession of the Mad Dog. He was branded R. C. and 
is heavy made. 

No. 6. George Gentry, of Davidson County, near Nashville, 
applies on the 19th of May, 1797, for justice and states the grounds: 
On the 31st of January last, his brother, John Gentry, was killed 
by some Creek Indians; at the time he was in company with 
Edward Ragsdale and John Browder. His brother lost 2 blankets, 
saddle, bridle and meal bag; that the saddle has since been returned 
by the Creeks in care of Sackfield Maclin. He requests the agent 
to take all lawful means to cause justice to be done in the 
premisses. 

Property lost: 2 blankets, 3 dollars each, 6 dollars; one bridle, 
$1.25; meal bag, $1.00; total $8.25. 

No. 7. Edward Ragsdale, mentioned in No. 6, states his claim 
and therein corroborates the preceeding demands. He says on 
oath: "That on the 31st of January, he, together with John 
Gentry and John Browder, were on the waters of Harpeth, on the 
north side of the ridge dividing the waters of Cumberland from 
those of Duck River, and they were there fired on by persons 
unknown, but conjectured to be Indians; that Mr. Gentry was 



176 LETTERS OF 



wounded by a shot and died in a few minutes; it appeared that 
his (Mr. Gentry's) mare was wounded by the same shot; that the 
two survivors left their horses, one gun and the dead body of Mr. 
Gentry and his wounded horse; that the horse which Mr. Sackfield 
brought from the Creek nation is the same horse mentioned in 
this statement. He further deposes that he lost a saddle, blanket, 
bridle, hat and meal bag, and he believes the persons who fired 
got the whole except the hat. He further deposes that John 
Browder lost at the same time one horse, one blanket and a bridle. 
He further deposes that John Gentry had with him at the time 
he was killed, two blankets, a saddle, bridle and meal bag, and that 
the saddle returned by Sackfield Maclin from the Creek nation is 
the same saddle belonging to John Gentry. He further deposes 
that the mare which Mr. Gentry rode and which died, as he 
believes, of the wound before mentioned, was the property of Fred- 
rick Browder." 

Edward Ragsdale's property lost: One saddle, 8; one blanket, 
3; one bridle, 1.25; one meal bag, 1.50; in all, in dollars, 13.75. 



"*Camp near Nashville, 21st May, 1797. 
Beloved Chickasaws: 

I am now here for the purpose of ascertaining and marking 
the boundary line between the Indian nations and the United 
States. I shall finish the Cherokee and Creek lines first, and then 
yours, and after that I shall visit your nation. You have heard 
of an attempt of Zachariali Cox and Co. to settle the best of Tennes- 
see; he came on to Knoxville while I was at Tuskeegee and applied 
to me for permission to come and trade among you, but as he 
stated his object fully, and as I am informed that the Indians were 
not willing he should be among them, as they looked on him as 
the precursor of those who are represented as grasping after their 
lands; that he was to make the first attempt to get possession and 
the rest were to follow with the train of evils so alarming to the 
Indians. I have not consented to indulge Mr. Cox with the per- 
mission he applied for. 

I have seen a letter from Piomingo to General Robertson; he 
complains that the Creeks are stealing horses from the Chickasaws. 
I know the Chickasaws to be a brave and honest people and I 
hope they are wise. It is my duty to ask them for their own good 
not to be drawn into a war with any of their neighbours. I wish 
you to keep an account of your losses by the Creeks and inform 
me of it. I will call upon the Creeks to do you justice, and if they 
refuse, I will inform you of it, and then I will inform you what 
to do. 



BENJAMIN HAWKINS 177 

George Colbert has applied to me about his claim against the 
Cherokees; he says he has applied to his nation and is informed 
in a letter from one of them that the nation have agreed to pay 
him for his negros; he asked me to pay him out of the annual 
present made the nation. If the nation are willing to pay this 
claim, they must get together and write to me to have it paid. 
If they do this, they must get together and pass the order; it must 
be signed by the interpreter, four of the head men and by two 
white men, if there are any in the nation. 

Accept of my best wishes for the prosperity of the Chickasaws. 

The Chiefs, Head Men 
and Warriors of the 
Chickasaw Nation. 



1st June. 



Received letters from Timothy Barnard, Richard Thomas, 
Secretary of War, William Panton, Ensign Thompson, Colonel 
Henley, Mr. Overton and Captain Hunter. 

I sent a letter with this for the Chickasaws to John Pitchlin, 
interpreter among the Choctaws, to inform him of my having 
passed his claim, and of the measures in train of execution, which 
I must complete before I could visit that nation. This letter was 
in the care of a Choctaw on his way home. 



C^ii the dividing ridge between the waters of Duck River and Cum- 
berland Rivers, 4 June, 1797. 



I received a few days past yours of the 20th of April, with the 
la vs of the last session of Congress, and this day I received from 
Colonel Henley a copy of the intercepted letter sent on to you in 
care of Mr. Byers. The letter is intercepted at a time which may 
eventually be productive of much real service to the U. States, by 
an exposure of those dirty intriguers and their villanous attempts to 
involve the government in difficulties and distress. When I 
accepted the trust confided to me, I counted on much opposition, 
and determined to surmount the whole. I find that opposition 
more powerful than I expected, but I find too that my exertions 
outstrip it, and relying with confidence on the approbation of the 



178 LETTERS OF 



President, I will deserve success, be the consequences what they 
may. I received a letter of the 11th May from a confidential cor- 
respondent who has resided long in the Creek nation, who has a 
family and much property there, and who speaks their language 
accurately; he says: "Althings was quiet in the Creeks; they long 
much to see you, they are informed of what you are doing and 
they seem much satisfied at your proceedings." If embarrassments 
should increase, arising from unforeseen difficulties, I shall be 
under the necessity to ask permission to have a small fund in 
addition to what I am now restricted. I must have a regular 
intercourse between the tribes, and I contemplate an Indian post. 
I can get lads on whom I can rely, at a low price, to perform this 
service on foot. 

If Chisholm, or any other man of his character, in the present 
conjunction of affairs, should be wicked enough to come among 
the Indians, he must be instantaneously removed. You have only to 
give directions and I will see them executed; perhaps a special 
instruction to me may be deemed the most advisable. 

We are progressing but slowly; it is very difficult to trace the 
ridge. We went on south from Nashville and found the ridge 
somewhat short of 26 miles, and are going eastwardly as soon as 
we find the point. 40 miles above Nashville, we shall make 
more way. We are now together and no disagreement among the 
Commissioners. We shall finish the Cherokee line as soon as 
we can, and leave the Chickasaw line till the fall, when with one 
more of us, we can easily perform that business at that season. 

I wish you would direct one of your young men to send me 
from time to time newspapers and such pamphlets as may be 
worthy of notice; I will gladly pay the expence. I am so much 
in the woods that I am almost cut oflf from society, and as I 
shall be doomed to this life for some time to come, they will amuse 
me. 

I wish you to mention me respectfully to the President, to 
assure him of my sincere wishes for his health and happiness, and 
believe me yourself, with sincere regard and esteem. Sir, 

Your obedient servant. 
The Honourable 

JAMES McHENRY, 
Secretary of War. 



From the woods on the Cherokee line, the 14th June, 1797. 
Sir: 

The plans contemplated in the laws and treaties for the civiliza- 
tion of the Indians and the preservation of their friendship requires 



BENJAMIN HAWKINS 179 

that the agents should reside among them, and as yours informs, 
you could not remove to reside among the Chickasaws and the 
arrangement renders it unnecessary to have an agent exterior to 
that nation. You will be pleased to consider your commission as 
expired on this day. 

In making this communication, I am happy to subjoin that 
during my agency no part of your conduct has been exhibited to 
me in an unfavourable point of vievi^, and I hope should your 
services be w^anted on any future occasion, that you will give them 
with readiness. 

You will have your accounts made up in the usual mode and 
returned to the A'gent for the Department of War as heretofore. 

With due regard, I am, Sir, 

Your obedient servant, 
B. H. 

P. T. A. for I. A. S. of Ohio. 
GENERAL JAMES ROBERTSON, 

Of Moro District. 



24th June. 



Major George Colbert, Captain George and three other chiefs 
or warriors of the Chickasaws visited me, with Mr. McClish, the 
interpreter; they brought dispatches from that nation informing 
that the Creeks appeared to have hostile intentions against them; 
that three Creeks had recently came into their land and killed one 
Chickasaw and mortally wounded another; that the murderers were 
pursued, overtaken and put to death; that the Creeks continued to 
steal their horses, and they were apprehensive of a war with that 
nation, unless I would interpose. They requested to be furnished 
with arms and military stores. 

Major Colbert brought an order, in conformity with the advise 
of the 21st of May, to receive payment out of the annual present 
allowed the Chickasaws, for his negros, agreeable to the recom- 
mendation of the President, in Philadelphia, of 19th of December, 
1796. I judged it advisable to pay the order and I requested 
Colonel Henley to give him the money, for which I gave this bill of 
exchange: 



Knoxville, 6th July, 1797. 
Exchange for 750 Dollars: 

At sight of this, my first of exchange, the second of the same 
tenor and date not paid, pay to Colonel David Henley, Agent for 



180 LETTERS OF 



the Department of War, or to his order, seven hundred and fifty- 
dollars; it being for so much paid George Colbert for his negros, 
by order of the Chickasaw nation, of the 4th June, agreeably to the 
recommendation of the President, of the 19th December, 1796, and 
which sum is to be deducted out of the annual present made to 
that nation. 



750 Dollars. 

The Honourable 

JAMES McHENRY, 
Secretary of War. 



There being four principal characters of the Chickasaw nation 
who visited me on the affairs of their nation, I, after consulting 
the Agent of the War Department, wrote to him: 



Knoxville, 6th July, 1797. 
Sir: 

There are four principal chiefs of the Chickasaws now at 
Tellico; they came with dispatches to me from their nation, relating 
to the misunderstanding between them and the Creeks. They 
have requested a supply of ammunition. I am of the opinion it 
would be advisable to furnish them with some for present use, 
and if the necessity should exist, to supply them liberally. I hope 
to be able to accommodate this misunderstanding between them 
and the Creeks. I have already interposed, and the Creek council, 
who met on the 5th of June, have come to a resolution to do 
justice to the Chickasaws. 

I recommend to you, Sir, to give to these four visitors twenty 
dollars each, and to deduct their nation with that sum. I mean the 
twenty dollars each to be in goods suited to the wants of these 
Indians. 

I am, with much esteem, Sir, 

Your obedient servant. 
COLONEL DAVID HENLEY, 

Agent for the Department of War. 



■Extract of a letter of 5th to the Secretary of War: 

I have repeatedly had dispatches from the four nations, and 
with very few exceptions, every thing promises to progress as well 
as I had a right to expect it would. My last from the Creeks was 



BENJAMIN HAWKINS 181 

of the 5th June. They have in public council determined to do 
justice to the Chickasaws. Mr. Benjamin James, a reputable 
inhabitant of the Choctaws, left that nation the 28th May. He 
has three sons, halfbreeds, men grown; one a man of some learn- 
ing; the others capable of managing his commercial concerns, and 
all of them in a situation to know the temper and disposition of 
the nation, as well as the intrigues which may be carried on there 
by the Spaniards. He says everything was quiet when he left the 
nation; there had not been any interference on the part of Spain 
injurious to the U. S. He had heard of some idle tales and traced 
them, and when he mentioned them to a Spanish officer at a post 
on the rout to Mobile, he told him the reports were not founded. 
When the Spaniards consent honestly and fairly to fulfill their 
stipulations with us, there will be an end to these tales. 

The Chickasaws have runners to me with talks of the 6th June. 
Three Creeks had come into their land and killed one Chickasaw 
and wounded another mortally. The murderers were pursued, 
overtaken and put to death. They have applied for aid in arms and 
ammunition. 

They have applied also to the Spaniards and Mr. Panton to 
endeavour to prevail on the Creeks to be at peace. I shall dis- 
patch a messenger in a day or two to the Creeks on this subject. 

I send you Carey's examination and I shall direct my messen- 
ger to the Creeks to call on Rogers. As soon as I got out of the 
woods, I proceeded to Tellico to make the examination. Captain 
Van Ranssalaer with his troop is arrived, and Colonel Butler is 
on the road from Cumberland; expected to arrive in a few days, 
if waggons can be had in the neighbourhood of Fort Blount to 
transport the baggage, but it will be difficult to obtain waggons 
in that quarter. The arrival of these troops have a happy effect in 
disposing the minds of the people to submit to the laws; it exhibits 
a curious contrast to those who have seen the manuvers in this 
quarter for some time past. To Colonel Henley it is a post. I do 
not know whether you are personally acquainted with the Colonel, 
but whether you are or not, I may venture to pay him my tribute 
of applause for his zealous attachment to the interest of the United 
States, and for his honest, firm and persevering exertions to fulfill 
the duties enjoined by the trust reposed in him. None rejoice 
more than the Cherokees, and were more alarmed than they were 
for their situation. They have had circulated among them again 
the report that Zachariah Cox & Co. were still anxiously grasping 
after their lands, and they were apprehensive the force in this 
quarter was not sufficient to prevent it, and they in consequence 
had directed their young men to remain at home and have their 
moccasins ready. The Chickasaws have come to a resolution to 
pay Major Colbert for his negros, agreeably to the recommendation 



182 LETTERS OF 



of the President of the 19th of December, 1796. I called on the 
nation on 21st of May to take this subject under consideration, and 
directed how they were to proceed in case they approved of the 
recommendation. They have, according to the form prescribed, 
drawn on me for 750 dollars, to be paid out of the annual present 
allowed their nation. I have requested Colonel Henley to pay that 
sum to Colbert, and I shall give him a bill on you for the same. 
The Cherokees applied to me also to adjust this matter between 
the parties concerned, and I shall direct the sale of the negros 
under the direction of Mr. Dinsmoor, and the proceeds to be 
divided among those who lost horses. As you had not given any 
direction to General Robertson, and I found he was acting as 
agent for the Chickasaws under his last commission, I, on my 
arrival at Nashville, gave notice to him to have his accounts made 
up in the usual mode and returned to the Agent for the Depart- 
ment of War, as heretofore, and that he would consider his com- 
mission as expired on the 14th June. 



Knoxville, July 11th, 1797. 

I have received your favour of the 4th inst. I expected, you 
would meet much difficulty in procuring the necessary transport 
for your stores and baggage, and that that would necessarily 
detain you longer in that quarter than we had counted on. 

I should have done myself the pleasure of visiting you before I 
left the neighbourhood of Cumberland, but I was under the neces- 
sity to proceed without delay to Tellico, to examine into the 
conduct of some people who seem determined to disturb the peace 
of our government. The inclosed copy of a letter is intercepted 
at a time which may eventually be productive of much real service 
to the U. States by the exposure of those dirty intriguers and 
their villanous attempts to involve the government in difficulties 
and distress. It has been sent to the War Office. You know, 
I believe that the writer is one of the Senators of this State. 

I have had some points intrusted to me relative to the fixture 
of military posts in this frontier where they would give the most 
effectual protection to the Indians and to our fellow citizens. I 
shall be able to make a communication to you thereon when I 
have the pleasure of conversation with you. One of the posts, 
which I believe to be the most important, you will pass, S. W. 
Point; it is on the Indian lands, some miles south of the line of 
division. I am of opinion that all the posts should be on the 
Indian lands, and I have obtained permission from the Indians to 



BENJAMIN HAWKINS 183 

chuse the proper places and to fix the posts so that you will have 
a choice all along this frontier. 

General Pickins is in our neighbourhood, getting our small 
escort in readiness to accompany us. We shall move to the line 
mentioned in your letter as soon as we have the pleasure of seeing 
you. Everything in my department seems to be in a promising 
situation to do well, and I hope, with the aid of you and Colonel 
Gaither, that the benevolent views of the government will be 
carried into effect. 

I am, with great respect. Sir, 

Your obedient servant. 
THOMAS BUTLER, 

Lieut. Colonel Commanding 4 U. S. Regiment.. 



10th June, 1797, in the woods near the Cherokee line. 
Beloved Cherokees: 

Nonnetooquh has sent one of his young men to inform you 
what we have done in this quarter. He will inform you we have 
had much difificuly after we found the ridge, to trace it to 40 miles 
above Nashville. We have found that point and are now going 
northeast to Cumberland. As soon as we have done the line, I 
shall send you a copy of our proceedings. Your Commissioners 
have behaved well. 

You may depend upon my taking great care of your interests 
and those of the white people. I know no difiference between you; 
you live on the same land and are intitled to equal rights, and 
must live as friends and brothers, and it is my particular duty to 
see justice equally distributed among you. I must advise you on 
all occasions to be at peace with your neighbours and prevent your 
young men from doing unwarrantable acts, and to follow the 
advice of your friend and father, the President of the United States, 
and to listen to no talks but what come from him. 

I am your friend, 

BENJAMIN HAWKINS, 

P. T. A. for I. A. South of Ohio. 
KEANETOH, THE TURKEY. 
OCUNNA, THE BADGER. 



184 LETTERS OF 



Holston River, in Tennessee, 13th July, 1797. 



I have received several of your favours sent on by Reed; he, 
I suppose, sent them from some part of the Cherokee country to 
Tuskeegee, called with us Tellico. They bear date 9th May. You 
must never apologise to me for writing long letters; I wish you 
and all others in my department to make it a rule to inform me 
of every event that can in the least degree be interesting to me 
in the execution of the duties enjoined on me. 

I am informed by the Secretary of War of the unfortunate 
affair you relate of the Euchees; the man's name was Brown; he 
lived in Washington. You have done well in demanding satis- 
faction, and I hope from the tenor of your letter, that the chiefs 
have given it. I was in hopes that from the pains taken at Cole- 
rain, and since by the government, and from the zealous co- 
operation of all my assistants in the Creek Department, that we 
should not so soon have had our sensibility roused by so unjusti- 
fiable an outrage against any of my fellow citizens in Georgia. 
That murderous business of Harrison is the cause of this, but as 
the innocent have suffered, and since the intervention of a solemn 
public treaty, it is indispensably necessary for the preservation of 
peace, and for the protection of the rights of the Indians them- 
selves, that the guilty should sufifer. If any thing has happened 
to prevent the chiefs from executing their interests, it becomes my 
duty to call on the nation and demand that the person or persons 
who have perpetrated this murder in violation of the treaties 
existing between the Creeks and the United States be delivered 
up. If this demand is not complied with, it will become indis- 
pensably necessary that the whole tribe to which the murderers 
belong should be punished by the United States in such a manner 
as to make them repent of an act which has given great pain to 
the President and rendered it extremely difficult to restrain the 
people of Georgia. You must take the necessary measures on the 
premises. I expect to be soon on the return to the Creeks. I 
have had much difficulty to encounter in this quarter, but notwith- 
standing, we progress, tho' slowly, with the line. The Cherokees 
have behaved well. The complaints are against the Creeks; they 
are stealing horses from the Chickasaws and people of Cumber- 
land, and they have killed two Chickasaws. The Chickasaws 
pursued and killed three Creeks, the murderers. The Creeks have 
also killed John Gentry, on the waters of Cumberland. Mr. Gentry 
was a peaceable, orderly man. The murderers live among the 
upper towns and must be punished. Nothing, I see, will restrain 
the Creeks but the fear of punishment. 



BENJAMIN HAWKINS 185 

I have sent Mr. Maclin expressly to call on them to deliver 
the stolen property and with the orders for satisfaction for Gentry 
and Brown. 

I am glad to hear that you are progressing right with your 
farming; I hope in a short time we will be able to extend it among 
our red brethren. I have sent by Maclin your last quarter's pay, 
and I shall bring money with me for the remaining objects when 
I return. 

Remember me to your family, and believe me to be your friend 
and obedient servant, 

BENJAMIN HA-WKINS. 
TIMOTHY BARNARD, 

P. A. of the Creeks. 



ALEXANDER CORNELL: 

I wrote you last from Fort Fidins. I have been much longer 
employed on this line than I expected when I wrote to you. I 
am moving on and shall be round in your quarter next month. I 
was in great hopes when I visited your nation after a public treaty, 
that all things would in future be done according to the solemn 
stipulations entered into at Colerain; that the chiefs would take 
measures to govern the nation, and when the hatchet was buried, 
to punish any unruly individual who would lift it up against the 
voice of the nation. I have already said to you: "The chiefs of 
the land ought to have the right of making peace and war, and 
any man who acts contrary thereto must be taught to know he 
does rong. I actually had some doubts while I was at the Cowetas, 
whether I ought to apply to the chiefs or the young men, as the 
latter seemed determined on mischief and the chiefs unable to 
control them." I did not expect, when I left your nation and 
informed them I was runing the lines between the red and white 
people, that I should hear of constant complaints against the 
Creeks in my neighbourhood. When I was in Cumberland, they 
stole several horses; just before my arrival there they murdered 
Mr. John Gentry, a man friendly to Indians. They were stealing 
horses from the Chickasaws and murdered two people of that 
nation; the Chickasaws pursued and settled this account by killing 
the murderers. All this was done when the Creeks knew I was 
in the neighbourhood and must hear of it. The Indians who 
murdered Mr. Gentry live in the Upper Creeks. 

The Uchees, they too, must be doing mischief; they have killed 
a Mr. Brown in Washington County, and much injured his wife. 
For this abominable act Mr. Barnard informs me he demanded satis- 



186 LETTERS OF 



faction, and that the Creek nation have promised it, and I hope 
they have fulfilled their promise. If they have not, it is my duty 
to demand it. I told the Creeks that after the treaty at Colerain, 
all violators of the treaty at New York, on both sides, should 
suffer. The white people, when I left Oconee, were preparing to 
carry their part into effect. Colonel Gaither has faithfully done 
his part, but what have the Creeks done? Or what are they doing? 
I have sent Mr. Maclin to you with this letter, to hear from you 
and them on this subject: 



Beloved Creeks: 

When I visited your nation and informed you of the dis- 
position of the government of the United States towards you 
Creeks, that a military force would be placed down on your borders 
to protect your rights and to keep peace between you and your 
neighbours, and that you might now rely on the fulfillment of all 
the promises made to you at the treaty of Colerain. I was in hopes 
that the hatchet was buried, and that the chiefs would take 
measures to govern their nations and to punish any unruly indi- 
vidual who should violate a solemn treaty. 

You chiefs have the right to make peace and war, and any 
man who acts contrary thereto must be taught to know he does 
rong. When you signed the treaty of Colerain to carry the treaty 
of New York into effect, all was peace, and he who violated it was 
to suffer. This treaty was a law to the white people; it is a law 
also for you Creeks. The President sent his warriors and put 
them down on your lands to protect your rights and to keep the 
peace between you and your neighbours. 

I directed Mr. Barnard to inform you what I was doing for 
the red people, and that when I ascertained and marked the lines 
between them and the white people, that I should return among 
you, I am now coming on with the Cherokee line, and when that 
is done, I shall come directly into your nation. 

When I left you I expected your people would behave well; I 
sent to the Secretary of War information that the Creeks were 
more inclined to peace and more friendly to the white people, their 
neighbours, than they have ever been known to be. The President 
had given orders to treat you with justice and with kindness; he 
wished that you should enjoy all good things equally with the 
white people, and as you are unprovided with many of the neces- 
saries in use among your neighbours, he has directed you should 
be assisted as a father assists and takes care of his children. The 
President, in doing this, executes the will of the American people. 



BENJAMIN HAWKINS 187 

While the President and his agents are doing these things for you, 
what are you doing for him? Hear the truth: Some of the 
Uchees have murdered Mr. Brown, in Georgia, and wounded his 
wife; some of the Upper Creeks have murdered John Gentry, on 
the waters of Cumberland, and your people are stealing horses 
from Georgia, Tennessee and the Chickasaws. 

A stop must be put to these things; the guilty must be 
punished, that honest men may not be afraid to show their faces. 
The people who do such wicked things must be punished, to 
prevent the whole nation from being charged with countenancing 
such doings. The families of Brown and Gentry cry out for 
justice; they call upon the President to have the murderers 
punished. No innocent man must suffer say they; the guilty must 
die. 

These things have happened since we made peace and took 
each other by the hand at Colerain. These things have happened 
since I told the President that the hatchet was buried and that 
the promises of the Creeks might be relied on. The President 
has heard of them, and they give him great pain; his war ofhcer 
calls upon me for justice and I must demand it of you; you must 
give up the guilty. I say you must give up the guilty persons, and 
then you have nothing to fear; your people need not be afraid to 
go any where in our land. 

Accept my beloved Creeks of my sincere wishes for the pros- • // S^y-^ 

perity of your nation, and believe me to be your friend. 



Knoxville, 14th July. 



^ 



^ 



RICHARD THOMAS, 
Creek Assistant: 



I have received two of your favours since I saw you. I wish 
that the Creeks may have given satisfaction for the murder of 
Brown. It must not be concealed from them that they are in a 
delicate situation; the disposition of our government is friendly 
to them in a very high degree; they must show by their acts they 
are deserving of our friendly attention. 

Some of the Upper Creeks have murdered John Gentry, in 
the neighbourhood of Cumberland; he was a worthy man, friendly 
to the Indians. His brother has called on me to see justice done, 
and I have demanded it of the nation. 

You and all persons in the department must be very careful 
of and attentive to the interests of the United States; you must 
omit no opportunity to be useful. There is a train of villainy 
which you must aid to unfold; the particulars will be explained to 



188 LETTERS OF 



you. Remember me to your neighbours, Messrs. Carr, Marshall 
and Darouzeaux. I hope for the pleasure of seeing them 'ere long. 
Accept of my sincere wishes for your prosperity. 



Knoxville, 10th July, 1797. 

A letter from Mr. Blount to you relative to a negro of yours, 
has come into my hands and I forward it to you. The Commis- 
sioners are now tracing the line from the Kentucky trace on Cum- 
berland and the Clinch; they will then descend and commence on 
the Clinch and proceed across the Holston to the South Carolina 
line. You must be here in about fifteen or twenty days, that you 
may make arrangements about geting possession of the ferry on 
Clinch. I wrote you by the Bloody Fellow from the conference 
at Tuskeegee. It will be necessary that you should be here before 
I go from this into the Creeks, as I must make some arrangements 
with you. Raleigh and his family are settled on the south side of 
Tennessee, opposite the fort at South West Point. 

I wish you may do well. 

BENJAMIN HAWKINS. 
JOHN ROGERS. 



Knoxville, 16th July, 1797. 

I wrote you a day or two past, inclosing you a letter from 
Mr. Blount about a negro of yours and relative to the ferry. I 
have directed Mr. Maclin to deliver you that letter, and this which 
I now send you. You will find by a newspaper which will be shown 
to you that a letter from Mr. Blount to James Carey has been 
published; by this our government are appraised of the plan you 
and Chisholm arranged with the British Minister last year, as he 
calls it. You will see, as Mr. Blount says, that the discovery of it 
would injure much the parties concerned. As you are a man with 
a large family of Indian children, and I wish much they may do 
well, and by your coming to Clinch you can do well for them, I 
am desirous of your saving yourself if you can. You must, upon 
the receipt of this, send me an exact statement of every thing, 
and if your statement should be true, I will retain you in the post 
assigned you, and contribute to make you and your family easy in 
your circumstances. You will see it depends on yourself. We 
have some other letters, and Carey and others have been examined. 



BENJAMIN HAWKINS 189 

I promised Carey you should have an opportunity to acquit your- 
self, and by this letter I fulfill my promise. 

JOHN ROGERS. 



Knoxville, 6th August, 1797. 
Sir: 

In my letter of the 4th of May I gave you freely and without 
reserve what occurred to me as proper relative to your project for 
obtaining possession of what you call the lands of the Tennessee 
Company. Your communication of this day, on the same subject, 
I have read with attention, and I confess with some degree of 
surprise, as it appears to me to be an attempt, and with the aid of 
the officers of government too, to trespass on the Indian rights under 
the pretext of a friendly intercourse with them, and which if in the 
least degree countenanced by the officers, must have the tendency 
to destroy that confidence which the Indians have in the justice 
of the United States. 

If you intend legally to pass down the Tennessee, why do 
you want men to protect the company from savage hostilities? 
The savages are at this moment as friendly as we could wish, and 
not hostile to a legal intercourse with them. If you really mean 
to endeavour to secure under the authority of the United States a 
relinquishment of the Indian rights, why do you set out with an 
attempt to subvert that authority by raising troops, for that is 
the plain and obvious meaning of your number of able bodied 
men, to continue with the company, and with this force, aided by 
the emigrants, you contemplate an easy and pleasant mode of 
"securing," not obtaining, the relinquishment of the Indian rights 
to the soil, as you intend immediately upon the arrival at the 
destined place of settlement to make deeds of consequence for a 
part of the pay, and promise the balance at the expiration of the 
term of enlistment. 

Is it possible Sir that a man as well informed as you are, and 
acquainted with the Indians, can suppose that the plan contem- 
plated by you to seize upon their country would, if explained to 
them, be acceptable; and if it should be rejected on your arrival 
there, which I am confident would be the case by the whole nation, 
do you believe if you obtained the countenance of the public officers 
to make the trial in the way you propose, that it would be an easy 
task to remove your troops and emigrants after you had fixed 
them down armed to defend themselves? 

I cannot, being much engaged with the duties enjoined on me 
here, say as much to you as I intended on this subject, but I think 



190 LETTERS OF 



it unequivocally my duty to assure you that I deem the plan, as 
exhibited to me, to be unfriendly to the Indians and destructive of 
that confidence which I know they have in the justice of the Gov- 
ernment, and delusive to such of my fellow citizens as would be 
weak enough to embark in the execution of it under the expecta- 
tion of obtaining land for their service. 



MR. ZACHARIAH COX. 



The plan exhibited to me by Mr. Cox being in print, and I 
not having leisure to copy it, I submitted it to Colonel Butler and 
Colonel Henley, with the foregoing. I afterwards sent it to the 
Secretary of War and made this entry on it: 



6th August. 

Mr. Cox called on me and gave me this plan as the one he 
intended to carry into execution with the approbation of govern- 
ment to enable him and his associates to obtain the Tennessee 
Company's claim from the Chickasaws, and he requests I would 
examine the subject, and if there were no objections, to grant him 
a licence for himself and associates to trade with the Chickasaws. 
He said it was not material whether the licence was to trade at 
this place or any other on the Tennessee, tho' they greatly prefered 
the one they applied to the President for. 

I gave Mr. Cox an extract from my letter of the 4th of May 
to the Secretary of War on his application to me then, and 
promised him I would consult Colonel Butler and Colonel Henley 
and give him an answer to his present application. 

My letter is on the file. 

I think the plan of Mr. Cox is now sufficiently explained; the 
embodying of an armed force capable of positive proof, and I 
expect to hear of his being arrested and secured with his accom- 
plices, that they may be brought to condign punishment. 



To Samuel Mitchell, Esq., Temporary Agent for Indian Affairs 
with the Choctaws: 

Having constituted you Temporary Agent for Indian Affairs 
with the Choctaws, and confiding in your judgment, discretion 
and integrity, I charge you with the execution of the following 



BENJAMIN HAWKINS 191 

instructions and such others as you may receive from time to time 
relative to the nature of your appointment: 

Your first care will be to visit the towns in your agency, to 
examine into the disposition of the Indians, and whether any 
intrigues are carried on injurious to the United States, and en- 
deavour to secure to the government the affections of the Indians. 

You will write to Mr. Andrew Elliott, the Commissioner for 
runing our boundary line between the U. S. and Spain, and inform 
him of your mission and request from him a communication of 
his opinion on the conduct proper for you to observe towards the 
Spanish officers, your neighbours. 

You will, immediately on your arrival, take measures to inform 
the officers in that quarter of your mission, and readiness to 
co-operate with them in carrying the plans of the government into 
effect. 

The treaty with the Choctaws, with Spain and the "Act to 
regulate trade and intercourse with the Indian tribes and to pre- 
serve peace on the frontiers," you will consider as forming a part 
of your standing instructions, and in the exact fulfillment of all 
our stipulations by treaty. 

To aid in the execution of the Act you will be guided by the 
following instructions: 

1st. You will require of every citizen or resident of the United 
States, or other person who comes in the Choctaw nation, where 
you reside or of whom you have knowledge, to exhibit his pass, 
and you will keep a book in which you will record their names and 
by whom their pass is signed, and if the person has no pass or 
refuses to produce it, you will forthwith report his or their names 
to the Agent for the Department of War in Tennessee, and to the 
officer commanding the troops of the United States in your neigh- 
bourhood, and signify to the Indians that such person being a 
citizen of the United States, has violated the law and may be 
expelled by them from their nation, but that in driving them out, 
they must do him no injury or violence. 

It is conjectured that the plan mentioned in the intercepted 
letter may be known to John Pitchlin or some others in your 
agency; you will take measures to sift it, and communicate the 
result. Pitchlin is your Choctaw interpreter; he has been long in 
my estimation. 

You were furnished with a copy of the Choctaw conference 
while in Philadelphia as information, and those of the Chickasaws; 
these nations speak the same language with but little variation, 
and until I can find an active and suitable person, I must require 
your attention to them. I shall order Mr. McClish, the Chickasaw 
interpreter, to attend you to that nation, and follow your directions. 
He stands well in my estimation for the shortness of my acquaint- 



192 LETTERS OF 



ance with him, and will serve the United States with zeal and 
fidelity. 

I have directed the establishment of an Indian post from 
Tellico through the Cherokees and Creeks to the Oconee. You 
must, if practicable, send a runer with your dispatches once in 
three weeks to the Little Turkey's town, and couple your rout at 
that place. I expect you may get Indian lads who may be 
depended on to perform this service for 25 cents the day, or 20 
miles. 

I have requested Colonel Henley to advance you 200 dollars on 
account; as this is a contingent fund, you will in all cases, where 
practicable, obtain receipts for its expenditure. Your sallary will 
be 500 dollars per annum, to commence with your appointment. 

You will keep a journal of your proceedings and transmit a 
copy to me quarterly. You will correspond regularly with the 
agent of the War Department here; these letters will go immedi- 
ately from him to the war offices, and you will keep me informed 
of every occurrence necessary to be known. 

Given under my hand this 12th of August, 1797. 



B. H., 

P. T. A. for I. A. S. of Ohio. 



Encampment near Holston, 12th of August, 1797. 

Mr. Samuel Mitchell is appointed agent to the Choctaws. He 
is directed to proceed through the Chickasaw nation in the execu- 
tion of the trust enjoined on him. You are hereby required to 
hold yourself in readiness to accompany him and to aid in the 
execution of such duties as he may enjoin on you to perform in 
the Chickasaw nation. I have informed Mr. Mitchell that for the 
short acquaintance I had with you, you stood well in my estimation, 
and I relied upon your serving the United States with zeal and 
fidelity. 

I am your friend and obedient servant, 

BENJAMIN HAWKINS. 
MR. McCLISH, 

Chickasaw Interpreter, 



BENJAMIN HAWKINS 193 

Encampment near Holston, 12th of August, 1797. 
JOHN PITCHLIN: 

Mr. Samuel Mitchell is appointed agent to the Choctaws. He is 
directed to proceed immediately to that nation in execution of the 
trust enjoined on him. You are hereby required to be ready at 
all times to aid in the execution of such duties as he may enjoin on 
you to perform. 

I have informed Mr. Mitchell that for several years you stood 
high in my estimation, and I relied upon your serving the United 
States with zeal and fidelity. Remember me on all occasions to my 
red brethren; assure them of my sincere attachment to their rights, 
and of a constant exertion for the preservation of them. 
I am your friend & obedient servant, 

B. H. 
JOHN PITCHLIN, 

Choctaw Interpreter. 



Encampment near Holston, 12th August. 

Richard Richardson, of Thomas County, has by these presents 
permission to remove his cattle from the State of South Carolina 
through the Cherokee nation to the place of his residence. He is 
to employ one Cherokee assistant to aid him. 

This pass good for 1797 only. 



Camp near Chilhowe Mountain. 
JAMES RICHARDSON: 

You are hereby, by virtue of authority vested in me, appointed 
to keep the ferry at Clinch until the end of the present year. The 
ferriage will remain as heretofore fixed during that period. The 
Indians are at all times to pass with their property free of 
expences, as well as the olificers, and soldiers with the property of 
the U. States and in their service, and you are in all things to 
consider yourself as attached to the post of S. W. Point, and 
amenable to such regulations as are or shall be made by the com- 
manding officer of the U. States in the State of Tennessee, for the 
government of that part at all times, to have the necessary boats 
in suitable repair. 

Given under my hand this 12th of August, 1797. 



194 LETTERS OF 



Camp near Chilhowe Mountain. 
SAMUEL RICHY: 

You are hereby appointed interpreter of the Cherokee lan- 
guage. You are to conisder yourself as attached to the post of 
S. W. Point, and subject to the orders of Lt. Col. Butler, com- 
manding the troops of the U. S. in Tennessee. Your pay will 
be 100 dollars per annum and two rations a day, to commence on 
the 6th of June, the time of arrival at S. W. Point, by invitation 
from Captain Wade. 

Given under my hand this 18th of August. 



Joseph McMartrey has lost a horse discribed to be black, ten 
years old, nearly 15 hands high, branded on the shoulder O; a bald 
face, the white turns over one of his eyes more than the other; a 
white spot on one of his sides about 2 inches square; all his feet 
white; a little hip shotten, and cress fallen. 

He was said to be in the neighbourhood of Mitchell Sanders's 
in the course of the spring or about March. 

William Thompson supposes his negro was taken to the Creek 
nation by one Newal Walton, or by his direction. He, shortly 
after the negro left his master, offered to purchase him. 



Fort Wilkinson, 14th September, 1797. 
Sir: 

I have received your favour of this month by Captain Fielder, 
with the claims of several of your neighbours. I shall pay par- 
ticular attention to all of them, and as far as it depends on me, 
my fellow citizens may rest assured that they shall obtain justice. 
From the measures adopted by the government and now in execu- 
tion, I was in hopes that I should not hear of any more bloodshed 
on this frontier. On the 12th of this month two imprudent men 
crossed over the Oconee from near the mouth of Sandy Run, went 
up Little River, and wounded one of the chiefs of the Cusseta. It is 
yet uncertain whether the chief will die; he has sent to me and I 
have afforded him such assistance as he required. If your neigh- 
bours will conduct themselves well towards the Indians, they will 
have nothing to fear from this outrage. 

I am Sir, with due regard. 

Your obedient servant. 
COLONEL WM. MELTON. 



BENJAMIN HAWKINS 195 

Mother Towns of the Upper Creeks, or Muscoguegee. 

g has always the hard sound in Creek and j is used for the 
soft g. 

Tallessee. James McQueen, William Powell. 

Tuckabatchee. Christopher Heickle. 

Auttossee. Richard Bailey, Josiah Fisher. 

Othluwaulee. James Russel, Abraham, Mr. Mordecai. 

Fuscehatchee. Nicholas White, William McCart. 

Cooloome. Gregory. 

Ecunhutkee. Copinger. 

Ecunnau, earth and hutkee, white, called by the whites, white 
ground. 

Sauvanogee. John Haigue. 

Mooklausau. Michael Elhert. 

Coosaude. Robert Walton, Francis Twzaut, John McLeod. 

Wetumcau. 

Hookchoie. 

Hookchoieoochee. 

Tuskeegee. 

Ocheaupofau. Hickory ground; from oche, hickory, and au- 
pofau. 

Wewocau. 

Tuccuntaulauhassee. May apple, old field, from oppuccau, may 
apple, and taulauhassee, old town. John Proctor, halfbreed. 

Coosah. John O'Kelley, halfbreed. 

Aubecoochee. 

Nauche. James Quarls; Thomas Wilson, sadler. 

Eufaulehatche. James Lessley. 

Woccocoie. John Clark, John Gilliard, James Simmons. 

Hillaube. Robt. Grierson, David Hay, Stephen Hawkins. 

Ocfuskee. A point of land, from oc, in, and fuskee, projecting, 
this town being on a point of land. Patrick Donnelly. 

Eufaulau. John Townshend. 

Kialijee. John O'Riley. 



Fort Wilkinson, 20th September, 1797. 
MR. MACLIN: 

Having executed the trust enjoined on you, by me, 
very much to my satisfaction and much to the accommodation of 
some of our fellow citizens, your neighbours, who had had their 
horses stolen by the Creeks, you will be continued in the Indian 
Department till further orders. You'l continue your usefulness. 



196 LETTERS OF 



I am desirous, if possible, to put a stop to the practice of horse 
stealing, and I believe, if our affairs are soon settled with Spain, 
that the plan you are in the execution of will be productive of that 
desirable end. 

I wish you to be on all occasions attentive to the rights of 
Spain, and urge the necessity on the Indians of doing justice to 
the inhabitants of the Floridas, as well as the Indians, their neigh- 
bours. You will collect such of the horses as are in the nation on 
your return, and send them to their owners, if known, or to such 
place as you may deem advisable, upon obtaining the requisite 
information from the Indians relative to the place from whence 
they are taken. 

I wish you success 

B. H. 
SACKFIELD MACLIN, 

An Assistant in the Indian Department. 



Fort Wilkinson, 20th of September, 1797. 
My dear sir: 

I arrived a few days past at the new establishment of Colonel 
Gaither on the Indian lands on the south side of Oconee. The 
store is but just opened; the house is good and convenient; the 
fortification in considerable forwardness; the men healthy. Mr. 
Maclin, who is here, has made a favourable report of his mission; 
he has obtained 23 horses and sent them to the care of his father 
for their owners. The Creeks had collected 20 belonging to the 
Chickasaws, and some belonging to the inhabitants near Pensa- 
cola, and promised him they would send them immediately to the 
Chickasaw nation and Pensacola. They were in many towns, as 
friendly as we could wish, and expressed on all occasions their 
confidence in the justice of the United States, and determination to 
follow our advise and directions. He did not hear of any inter- 
ference on the part of Spain. 

I am much fatigued with my journey, tho' I continue otherwise 
well. I shall soon set out from this for the center of the Creeks 
to make some arrangement for the distribution of their annuity 
and to have a view of things myself. I wrote you and intended 
to send it by Crody from the neighbourhood of Captain Wear's, 
but he behaved improperly and General Pickins did not give him 
the letter. The three Indians behaved well. We were under the 
necessity to stop the line at the 50th mile in the mountains, which 
we found we could not pass with pack horses, and the season too 
warm and dry to attempt it with rum only. I do not know when it 
will be recommenced. 



BENJAMIN HAWKINS 197 

Two men in my neighbourhood crossed the Oconee at the 
mouth of Little River and went 10 miles up that river on the 12th 
of this month, fired upon an Indian chief and wounded him badly. 
I know the chief; he could have had both of the men killed, but 
would not have them pursued, and made his men take him to his 
camp, and then sent four of them to me to inform me of what 
had happened. His fate is uncertain, but he is determined to 
depend on the United States alone for justice. 

I have a letter of the 20th of August from Mr. Grierson at 
the Hillabee, of which this is an extract: "The Spanish Govern- 
ment has issued orders for the diflferent posts to be delivered up, 
agreeable to the tenor of their treaty with America which was 
received at New Orleans lately, and, I believe, complied with." 

Adieu my dear sir, and believe me your friend and obedient 
servant. 

MR. DINSMOOR. 



Fort Wilkinson, 20th September, 1797. 

I arrived here a few days past and am making arrangements 
to go among the Creeks. I am in want of money only, and am 
under the necessity of sending to Savannah to obtain some from 
Mr. Habersham; as soon as my messenger returns I shall set out. 
Mr. Price has shown me the account of the stipend for the Creeks. 
If you will examine an article of the New York treaty, which 
never has been published, I believe it is marked secret, you will 
see that the stipend is more than 1,500 dollars a year; the United 
States having agreed to allow each of the great medal chiefs, of 
certain towns therein mentioned, one hundred dollars annually 
each. This deficiency I must request you to order out as soon 
as practicable, as I wish a dividend of the stipend to be made and 
given out. 

I send you a report of Mr. Maclin, who I sent after Rogers, 
and with directions to visit all the towns for the objects reported 
on by him. He has had a little assistance in drawing up the report, 
but I believe it to be strictly true, and he has executed the trust 
enjoined on him, much to my satisfaction. 

I have just received two letters from the Creeks; one of the 
20th of August, of which this is an extract: "The Spanish Govern- 
ment has issued orders for the different posts to be delivered up, 
agreeable to the tenor of their treaty with America, which was 
received at Orleans lately, and, I believe, complied with." The 
other the 16th instant. "I am informed by a man from 
Tombigbee, about six days ago, that the line between the United 



198 LETTERS OF 



States and Spain is begun, which information he says he has from 
the Spanish Commandant at Mobile, Don Pedro Olivero. He 
likewise says the Spaniards were about evacuating their fort on 
Tombigbee, which they say will be left out of their territory." He 
adds in a postscript: "It seems the Baron de Carondelet is on 
the line, and Governor Gaioso, former Governor of the Natches, 
commands in Orleans." 

An important afifair happened in our neighbourhood on the 
12th of this month; two men who live in Hancock County crossed 
over the Oconee on the Indian lands, went up the Little River 
about 10 miles, fired upon and wounded a Cusseta chief who was 
hunting there. The men are known. The chief, altho' he had 
several young men with him, would not have the men pursued, 
but directed his people to carry him to his encampment, and from 
there, on the 16th, sent 4 of them to this post to inform me or 
Colonel Gaither how he had been treated on his own lands. I 
sent him some necessaries and offered to send for him to the 
garrison to be assisted here with whatever he might want. They 
told me he could not ride; they would attend to him, and bring 
him if necessary. I shall hear from him in a day or two. I asked 
■'the chief of the 4 who visited me, what the wounded chief expected 
or wished me to do for him? He answered: This chief visited 
you here last spring and promised you he would keep his young 
men from this frontier till this fall, and that when he found Colonel 
Gaither had crossed over and fixed himself on their lands, he would 
come with his young men and hunt, and remain with them and 
prevent their doing any mischief; that he has fulfilled this promise, 
and intends, notwithstanding what has happened, to rely on the 
United States for justice; that he knows there are bad, foolish 
young men on both sides who will be doing such things, but he 
hopes measures will be taken to restrain them; that his present 
talk is to be considered as asking nothing for himself, but as 
information. I have introduced the plough the past season with 
great success. I hired a farmer and sent him to an Indian village 
to make 'a crop for the principal chief of the village and to teach 
the Indians to plow. The experiment has succeeded; several have 
been learnt to plough and in the village there is much more corn 
made than heretofore, altho' the season has been too dry. 

I have the honour to be, with great respect, Sir, 

Your obedient servant. 



The Honourable 

JAMES MtHENRY, 
Secretary of War. 



BENJAMIN HAWKINS 199 



Fort Wilkinson, 20th September, 1797. 
Sir: 

I arrived here on the 12th instant from the State of Tennessee, 
on my way to the Creek nation. I expected on my arrival here 
to be able to draw some of the sallary due me for the past year's 
service, to enable me to proceed on, but I cannot find any one 
who will take a bill on Philadelphia. I am therefore under the 
necessity of dispatching a man to you with a bill; expecting you 
will find no difiiculty in geting cash for me in Savannah. I wish 
you to send me some bank paper, in small notes, and about four 
hundred dollars in gold or silver. 

I have daily advises from the Creeks; they are conducting 
themselves well. I have a letter of the 20th of August, of which 
this is an extract: "The Spanish Government has issued orders 
for the different posts to be delivered up, agreeable to the tenor 
of the treaty with America, which was received at Orleans lately, 
and, I believe, complied with." Since this, I received yesterday a 
letter of the 16th inst., from Flint River, of which this is an 
extract: "I am informed by a man from Tombigbee, about six 
days ago, that the line between the United States and Spain is 
begun, which information he says he had from the Spanish Com- 
mandant of Mobile, Don Pedro Olivero; he likewise says the 
Spaniards were about evacuating their post on Tombigbee, which 
they say will be left out of their territory." 

MAJOR JOHN HABERSHAM. 



Fort Wilkinson, 20th September, 1797. 
Sir: 

I have this day drawn on you, in favour of Major John Haber- 
sham, for one thousand dollars, in part of any allowance for the 
first year of my service as Agfent for Indian xA.ffairs South of 
Ohio. I have been under the necessity of adopting this mode, as 
I cannot sell a bill on you where I am, and have sent the bills to 
him by my young man to obtain the money for them in Savannah; 
as soon as he returns, I shall, as you request, go immediately 
among the Creeks. 

I have the honour to be, with great respect, Sir, 

Your obedient servant. 
The Honourable 

JAMES McHENRY, 
Secretary of War. 



200 LETTERS OF 



18th September. 

Hannah Hales taken from Ogeechee, near Rogers Fort, is 
within four miles of Isaac Thomas, now at the Fish Ponds. She 
is the wife of the Far Off, a head man of that town, and has 4 
children, one boy and 3 girls; has a good stock of cattle; has pur- 
chased a negro boy; has plenty of corn, butter and milk, and is 
industrious. 

I sent her harness, slay and shuttle, and cards; the order dated 
the 18th September. 



Fort Wilkinson, 22nd September. 

William Hill, of Green County, as attorney for Joseph Cook, 
exhibited a claim for the undermentioned negros, now or lately in 
the possession of the family of the late General McGillivray, and he 
means, in due time, to establish proof to support the claim. Tom, 
his wife, Gen; a daughter, Ame; Easter; Nut, a wench; her daugh- 
ter Fan; Beck, commonly called Bella; and Jince and Agg, who had 
a boy called Ben; a wench called Mill; her daughter Jin; a son, 
Bill, and another Jim; a girl, Patt; a fellow, Kitt,- & Jacob and 
their increase. 

Mr. Hill exhibits also a claim against the estate of Stephen 
Sullivan, late of New York, for fifty pounds, being a debt due to 
Joseph Cook. It is conjectured this property was left in the hands 
of General McGillivray. 

WM. HILL. 



Fort Wilkinson, 22nd September, 1797. 

lofekeh, the Cusseta chief who was wounded on the 12th, is 
in want of a blanket, one lb. sugar and 6 lbs. flower. I request 
you to deliver the same to the bearer who attends on him and 
charge it to the Indian Department. 

EDWARD PRICE. 



Town of St. Mary's, 9th January, 1797. 

CAPTAIN JOHN GARIDEAUX, 

Newport: 
Sir: 

The bearer hereof, Simothly, is the Hitchetau Indian who 
purchased two of your negros in the nation, and is the same who 
you agreed with in my presence to pay for these negros. He has 



BENJAMIN HAWKINS 201 

now called on me for the pay according to your agreement, and 
insists on having it without delay. I hope you will find it con- 
venient to settle with this man, as he belongs to a gang who might 
be very troublesome on our frontiers if sent away displeased. You 
know that this fellow Simothly came honestly by your fellow 
negros, and that you agreed to pay him what he gave for them. 
I have no longer any direction of Indian matters, or I should 
endeavour to settle with this man out of the public store at 
Colerain. I think that if you was to write a letter to Major Free- 
man and to Mr. Price, the factor, requesting their settling it for 
you, that it would be done. Are you desiring Freeman to retain 
your pay in his hands for that purpose? If so, you will take care 
that no injury or insult is offered to Simothly or his companions 
whilst with you or in returning. With respect, I am, 
Your obedient servant, 

JAMES SEAGROVE. 

P. S. I am of opinion you had best come on to Colerain with 
Simothly, where I think the business may be settled to his satis- 
faction. 



24th September. 



James Denley, Hiram Monger and Alex Megrew, of Tombigbee, 
exhibited passes from the Commandant of Fort St. Stephens, on 
the Tombigbee, to go to A los Estados D'America. I signed the 
passes to go through the Creek country. 

Mr. Denley thinks there are 40 men settled on the right bank 
of the Tombigbee, and about 60 men on the Tensaw, on the left 
bank of the Alabama, and all hold their rights to their lands from 
Spain. 



Fort Wilkinson, 25th September, 1797. 

I have received several of your favours written lately. Si- 
mothly's claim against Garideaux cannot be paid here; I have advised 
him to apply to Garideaux himself, and perhaps he may settle it. 
He may go safe!}-- to Fort James, and from thence, I hope, to Mr. 
Garideaux's place of residence. If recourse must be had to law 
for this money, it seems that the proof, as stated by Mr. Seagrove, 
is positive, and in that case a recovery would be had. There is 
a beging spirit which manifests itself in every visit; it must be 
crushed. The annuity will be punctually paid and distributed and 
the Indians must expect in all other cases that they are to apply 



202 LETTERS OF 



to Mr. Price and obtain from him such articles as they may want 
from the public store, and that they are to pay for the same. 

I expect to leave this in 7 or 8 days and go from this, by your 
house, to the Tussekiahs and to the Cussetas. I shall remain a 
short while there and meet the chiefs there or at Tuckabatchee. 
If you do not come down, I shall call on you and take you with 
me. You may give a letter to Simothly for Garideaux. 



26th September. 

Passport granted Major John Colber to the Creek nation. 

29th September. 

Captain Francis Woodward has leave to pass into the Chero- 
kee country; he is of Wrightsborough. Major John Colber certifies 
that he has known Mr. Woodward for 12 yesrs and he has con- 
ducted himself well. 

1st of October, 1797. 

Isaac Downs, of Hancock County, states that some time in 
June, 1796, the Indians of the Creek nation were in his neighbour- 
hood on the south side of Oconee; that some white men went over 
and stole a rifle from one of them; that he and some others exerted 
themselves to recover the rifle, knowing that the Indians would in 
all probability retaliate on some one of them; that they recovered 
the rifle and restored it; that in the interim a mare of his was 
taken, he supposes for satisfaction; that the mare was on the 
Indian lands nearly opposite to his dweling; he saw her the evening 
before she was taken, and the evening before they restored the 
gun, and he has since heard that Old Jacob's son was seen with 
such a mare just over the Oakmulgee, by two white men who came 
from the nation. Ransome Lee saw the two men and told them 
she was his mare. 

The mare was a sorrel, light coloured mare, inclined to a bay, 
then a sorrel, with a ringing bell, of 4 or 5 value. He believes she 
had a little white on one of her fore feet, and some white in the 
face: a choice siseable saddle creature, 4 feet, 5 or 6 inches high. 

October 24th this mare recovered at Cusseta and sent down 
to the care of Mr. Downs's son. 



A bill of sale, Jonathan Holly to Joshua Howard, of Natches, 
30th December, 1797, assigned to John Randon, 24th January, 1798. 



BENJAMIN HAWKIN:^ 203 

1st of October. 

William McKenzie, of Washington County, in the State of 
Georgia, states that on or about the years soon after the conclusion 
of the late war, John Randall, a halfbreed Creek, took from John 
Holley certain negros; Aley, her oldest son, Billey, and her increase, 
then in the possession of Paddy Carr. Carr had previously 
plundered two negro fellows, the property of John Randall, from 
his executor, Parris, who lives on Briar Creek. Parris, he recov- 
ered, at a suit of law in Burk County, these negros from Carr, and 
is supposed to hold them still in his possession. Randall has once 
had them in possession; they left him and returned to Parris. 
William McKenzie, he bought the negros belonging to John Holley 
after they were in possession of Randall, and on or about six years 
past, John Randall came in to the Rock Landing and there made 
a verbal bargain to give fifty pounds sterling for the said negros, 
then in his possession, belonging to John Holley, and promised 
pay the next fall, about 6 months from the time of purchase. He, 
some few days after this purchase, to bind the bargain, sent 20 
dollars by John McKenzie from Booth's; this 20 dollars was to be 
forfeited if the money was not paid according to contract, and the 
property in the negros so sold was to revert to William McKenzie. 
John Randall never did pay the amount promised, and William 
McKenzie claims the said negros and their increase. 

WM. McKENZIE. 
Sworn before me. 

BENJAMIN HAWKINS, 

P.T. A. for I. A. South of Ohio. 



2nd of October. 



Silas Monk, of Hancock County, about six miles from Fort 
Wilkinson, states that a dog belonging to Meal Monk, his son, was 
carried to the Creek nation at the time his son was confined at 
this fort in the course of the spring. The dog is middle sized, 
yellow, with a ring round his neck, a white face, the legs white 
with yellow specks; his name Venture. His owner holds him in 
high estimation. He is valuable for tracking deer. 



See counter claim, 29th November. 



204 LETTERS OF 



October 5th. 

William Fitzpatrick: A negro, who run from him 7 years past, 
from Oconee, of a yellowish complexion; and a cream coloured 
horse. William Hill, his attorney, for the recovery. 

No. 2. John Lang: A negro girl, about 12 years old, named 
Lucy, from his plantation near Oconee, the 9th May, 1787. William 
Hill, attorney. 

No. 3. Silvanus Walker: That about 18 years past he lost 2 
negros; one a lad about 12 years old, named Caesar, very black 
complexion; the other a wench, about 25 years old, of a yellowish 
complexion; had a stiflf, crooked finger on one hand. They were 
taken from Phillip's Fort on Little River. He has been informed 
that the boy was in the possession of Reuben Dier. The wench 
had four children and they were in possession of one Grayham. 
William Hill, Attorney. 



Saturday, 14th October. 

I this day arrived at the Cussetas from Fort Wilkinson. 

19th. 

I visited the Coweta chiefs in their square and fixed on the 
27th for a meeting of all the chiefs of the lower towns in that 
square, and advised that the Efau Haujo, of Tuckabatchee, and the 
Tallassee King should be invited. The Hollowing King gave me 
Mr. Dinsmoor's report of the 24th of August. 



Cusseta, 20th of October, 1797. 
Sir: 

Two young men of the Eufaulies have called on me for a letter 
of introduction to you. Billy is a son of George Cousins, white 
king of that town. The other, Intummaule, is his cousin. Cousins 
has always been of good character and has lived well and been a 
trader; he is reduced. His son has three loads of skins and is 
desirous of trading; he has supported, for a young man, a good 
character. The old man has a few cattle left. He wishes his son 
to have a small credit of two pieces of Strouds. The articles: 1 keg 



BENJAMIN HAWKINS 205 

of powder, and balls equivalent, 4 kegs of rum, half a piece of 
duffils and half a piece of shag blankets, white plains, a piece of 
handkerchiefs, and some stuff for shirts. I am requested to 
mention this to you by the young men, as you may not have an 
interpreter. He adds, there is no trader in his town or neighbour- 
hood. On the subject of credit I have one uniform answer: That 
you have the regulation of the trade as intrusted to you; that credit 
may be the ruin of it, and of course must be discouraged; that if 
you would credit them at all, you would be the sole judge of the 
amount and they must receive your answer and be satisfied. 

I expect a meeting of the chiefs at the Cowetas in a few days. 
I beg you to remember me to Colonel Gaither, and to believe me 
your friend and obedient servant. 

MR. EDWARD PRICE, 
U. S. Factor. 



Mr. William Grey: Dr. to Thomas Lott, 1796. 

One horse, called Smylie $150.00 

Two cows and calves 26.00 

One steer 6.75 

One horse, for Harrod 20.00 

To 17 silver broches 5.00 

One side of leather 3.00 

Two pack saddles 8.00 



$218.75 



Thomas Lott complaines to me on oath that you, William 
Grey, are indebted to him two hundred and eighteen dollars 75 
cents for the articles expressed in the above account, and that you 
delay or refuse payment. You are hereby required to appear 
before me on the 22nd of this month to answer the above com- 
plaint. 

Given under my hand, at my lodging in the Cussetas, the 20th 
October, 1797. 

To Peter Shugart, to execute and return. 



Cusseta, Creek Nation, 20th October, 1797. 

Hardy Reed, a resident in this country, complains to me on 
oath that some time in the spring last, he lent some horses to the 



206 LETTERS OF 



Leader's son, who went to hunt near the Oconee; that on the 
return of the Leader's son, he reported that he had been robbed 
of two horses, as hereby discribed, by white people, on the Indian 
hunting ground, he understood, by way of reprisal for some that 
had been stolen by the Indians from the citizens of Georgia, 
bordering on the north side of Oconee; one a bay pided mare branded 
on the mounting shoulder, H. R. on the thigh, 5.13J/2 hands high, 
with a colt, and one of them had a bell on. He further declares on 
oath that the said horses are now his property and that he has 
never parted with them or either of them. 

His 
HARDY X REED. 
Mark 
Sworn to and subscribed before 
BENJAMIN HAWKINS, 

P. T. A. for I. A. South of Ohio. 



Cusseta, in the Creek Nation, 20th October, 1797. 

MR. REED: 

You are hereby authorized to go into Georgia to recover your 
property. I hope you will find no difficulty in the recovery, as 
the citizens of Georgia know how to obtain redress for stolen 
property, as when they confirm to the laws: "The United States, 
for property taken, stolen or destroyed, guarantee to the party 
injured one eventual indemnification." 



Joshua Howard, an inhabitant of the Natches, called on me 
with testimonials of his being an orderly and decent man. He 
brought me a letter from Doctor James White to recommend 
him. 

Mr. Howard informs me that he left the Natches on the 24th 
September; that he saw Mr. Ellicot just before he set out; that Mr. 
Knox had arrived with dispatches from the Secretary of State; that 
the Spaniards were still in possession of the Natches and Walnut 
Hills; that Major Minor commanded at the former; that Captain 
Ginor was at the Chickasaw Bluffs, and Colonel Howard on the 
opposite side of the Mississippi; that he came through the Choctaw 
lower settlements and passed the Spanish post of St. Stephen; that 
he visited Mobile on private business, and was there informed that 
it was not expected that the line would be run between the U. S. 



BENJAMIN HAWKINS 207 

and Spain; that he came through the Tensaw settlement and 
gives the following particulars of the murder of Jacob Townshend; 
that Townshend came there with powers of attorney from some 
persons in Georgia to claim and take possession of some negros 
and property in the possession of some inhabitants of the Tensaw 
settlement; that Gerald Burns, Adam Hollinger, John Miller and 
Melton, from some or all of whom he claimed property under his 
power of attorney. They appointed to meet Townshend at Joseph 
Thompson's, and while there they took him a prisoner and set out 
with him; that after riding in a circle, they, near the road, shot 
him, with two balls, through the body and through the head, and 
carried the body some distance and throwed it into a reedy branch; 
that they went to the house of Beard, where they drank freely. 
The horse of Townshend followed them, and it was discovered 
that the top of his saddle was much marked with a spur, supposed 
as he fell from his horse. Joseph Stiggins, the next morning, en- 
quired of one of the murderers what had become of Townshend; he 
answered: He is gone to the Creek nation; that he fired at them 
and went off; they returned the fire, but knew not whether he was 
wounded. Stiggins, he replied: You have murdered him. He 
then retraced them to the scene of action and discovered the dead 
body; that an inquest had been held, who brought in a verdict of 
"willful, premeditated and hidden murder;" that the Commandant 
of Mobile had sent up an officer and an interpreter to examine 
into the whole procedure; that nothing had transpired from the 
officer, and the interpreter was heard to say at Robert Kilchrist's 
that Townshend had been a troublesome, bad man, and but little 
notice would be taken relative to him. 



Cusseta, 21st October, 1797. 

Hardy Reed applied for licence to trade in the Little Chehaws 
or Factor's Town. I have not heard any thing to his disadvantage; 
he is not charged with buying or trading in Georgia horses; is 
reported as an industrious man and one who exerts himself to 
obtain a remittance for what he owes. I have given him this cer- 
tificate to leave with you. 

MR. EDWARD PRICE. 



Ochpoilthy, of Cusseta, called on me and claimed that he was 
sent down with dispatches from Mr. Jourdan to Mr. Seagrove; 
that he went opposite Fort Fidins, and from thence to that fort 



208 LETTERS OF 



and delivered his dispatches; that the day after his arrival, Major 
Adams crossed over the Oconee, attacked the camp where his 
property was, and took from him three horses, one a mare; the 
other one two, and one a year old; a kettle, saddle and a blanket 
and some other things. As he was sent down on public account, 
he claims pay for his losses; he does not know the date, but it 
was when Barnard and his party were robed, and by the same 
party, sometime in May, 1794. 

Answer to this claim. 

At the treaty of Colerain the Indians received 6,000 dollars 
from the United States, in consideration of their friendly dis- 
position towards the U. S., evidenced by their stipulations in that 
treaty, that losses of this sort were then mentioned; that the Creek 
nation are to receive 1,500 dollars annually from the U. S.; that 
application for claims of this sort must now be made to this nation, 
and if allowed, they must be paid out of the Creek stipend; that 
claims since the 19th May, 1796, are on a different footing, as the 
U. S. guaranty to the party injured an eventual indemnification. 
The chiefs of the nation are soon to convene and it will be proper 
to bring this claim before them. 



23rd of October. 



Pass to Abraham Gindrat, of Georgia, to pass through the 
Creek land, and special licence to buy a horse of Richard Thomas. 

Joshua Howard, pass through the Creek nation. 

The horse sold by Richard Thomas to Abraham Gindrat, a black 
horse, 14 hands high, branded on the mounting shoulder & buttock 
R. D.; 11 years old. 



Cusseta, in the Creek Nation, 23rd October. 
Sir: 

I find that the information I gave you on the 20th ultimo, 
relative to the line between the U. S. and Spain, was premature, 
although it came from the Commandant of Pensacola. 

I expect a meeting of the chiefs of the lower towns and some 
from the upper towns at the Cowetas, in my neighbourhood, on 
the 27th. The chiefs who attended the meeting of the 4 nations in 



i 



BENJAMIN HAWKINS 209 

August, on the part of this nation, have returned; they report 
favourably of the whole transaction during the meeting. If their 
assurances may be relied on, peace is established between this 
nation and the Chickasaws, and the four nations have determined 
to aid each other in establishing peace and a friendly intercourse 
among themselves, and with their white neighbours. They have 
confidence in the justice of the United States. The plan now in 
execution, to better the conditions of the Indians and to preserve 
peace and a friendly intercourse with them, will have the effect 
contemplated in the establishment of it. It has already taken so 
deep root that I do not believe it is in the power of the enemies 
of the United States to destroy it. 

The agents met with much fatigue, some crosses and vexations, 
but this was to be expected, and we met the whole with a steady 
and patient perseverence in fulfilling the duties enjoined on us. 

You have, in the inclosed, a narrative of a recent murder at 
Tensaw. In that settlement there are 60 families; in that of 
Tombigbee there are 40. The two settlements are on our side of 
the line; the first on the left bank of the Alabama; the other on 
the right bank of the Tombigbee. They have Spanish rights for 
their lands. The latter settlement is the one complained of by 
the Choctaws in their conference with you. 

You will hear from me in a few days. 

I have the honour to be, with much and sincere regard, Sir, 

Your obedient servant. 
The Honourable 

JAMES McHENRY, 
Secretary of War. 



Cusseta, 23rd of October, 1797. 



Sir: 



Several applications have been made to me to obtain credit at 
the store, and to some of the applicants I have given letters, but 
no assurances that they would on them obtain credit. I find that 
the skin trade is on the decline, and that the wants of the Indians 
are increasing. The little traders appear to me to be extravagant 
and improvident. I expect, in the course of the winter, the Indians 
who hunt on your side of Ocmulgee (Ochesehatchee) will carry 
their skins to you. 

I shall have a meeting with the chiefs on the 27th, at the 
Cowetas, and I will inform you of the result. I shall endeavour 
to put an end to that system of beging, which has taken such deep 
root among them, and which manifests itself in every visitor. 



210 LETTERS OF 



I have received from Mr. Dinsmoor a report of the proceedings 
of the 4 nations at their meeting in August. It is very satisfactory, 
and if the assurances of my red brethren can be relied on, all is 
well. They have unquestionably unbounded confidence in the 
justice of our government, and I do believe it is not in the power 
of our enemies to disturb it. 

A long continuance of the fatigue I daily experience would be 
more than I can bare. I must devise some mode to shift the same, 
and I know not what that will be. Can you and the Colonel devise 
one for me? Can you send Eliza Hollinger here to superintend 
the household? If you can, you will afford an assistant who will 
enable me to be more useful. If you cannot, you must write to 
Francis to send me one, or to Parish to send one of the Wopian 
sisters. 

I wish you to send me, by Whitaker, 3 good blankets, 1 pc. 
oznabrigs, some thread and needles, binding, 2 kegs of spirits and 
anything that will make a load or two to buy provisions. I believe 
he will have two spare pack horses. I want some nails, the spade 
shovel, hand saw, drawing knife and grindstone. You will pay 
Whitaker 4 dollars a load, and I wish you to pay at that rate for 
any thing you may send me from time to time. I shall write you 
fully after the meeting. 

MR. EDWARD PRICE. 

I wish you to pay Davis for his service, at the rate of 10 dollars 
per month, from the 2nd of this month until he returns with this 
letter, for bringing blacksmith's tools to the nation. Let him 
raise a small account vs. the Indian Department, and insist on 
it as a voucher. 



Cusseta, 23rd of October. 

I omited in my letter of this date to mention to you that you 
must attend with great caution to the execution of Section 10 of the 
"Act to regulate trade and intercourse with the Indian tribes, and 
to preserve peace on the frontiers." This trading in horses is the 
source of endless mischief, and unless we can check it and reduce 
it to the bounds of legal commerce, will totally frustrate the benev- 
olent plans of the government. Mr. Darouzeaux's son, who offered 
for sale a small horse, which I ordered to be returned, was playing 
the rogue; he did not own the horse; and since my return, I find 
that a fat cheeked Cusseta fellow has sold a horse for a rifle, which 
did not belong to him; he was without ears and exchanged the 
horse for the rifle. 



BENJAMIN HAWKINS 211 

As you are to grant special licence, let me advise you in all 
•cases to have a certificate from me, or from the head man of the 
town, accompanying the horse. This check will be sufficient, and 
there will be no difficulty in obtaining one or the other. I shall, 
at the meeting next to be had, order this plan to be promulgated 
through every town. 

MR. EDWARD PRICE, 

U. S. Factor. 



See the application of the 1st of October. 

Cusseta, 24th October. 
MR. DOWNS: 

Your mare was taken last evening from my residence. I sent 
this morning to the chiefs to have her restored; they immediately 
exerted themselves and sent her to me. I have permited them to 
send a messenger after your son to deliver her to him, to take her 
■down to you. Remember me to Mrs. Downs and the girls. 

MR. ISAAC DOWNS. 



John Marino, a Spaniard, arrived from St. Mary's without a 
pass. He says he came with an intention of living with Francis 
Lesslie at the Chevally's. He has an iron grey horse, 13 hands 
high, without brand, and an old saddle and bridle. 

26th. 

Permission to Joseph Bates to pass to the State of South 
Carolina. 

Permission to George Johnston to pass to the State of South 
Carolina. 



Coweta, 27th of October, 1797. 

Mr. Hawkins met the Indians of the 12 river towns at the 
Coweta square, and went into a lengthy detail of the proceedings 
in relation to the four southern tribes under the direction of the 
President of the U. States; his attending to ascertain and mark 



212 LETTERS OF 



the boundary on the frontiers of the Cherokees; the conference 
with the chiefs of that nation at Tuskeegee; the improper conduct 
of some Creeks on the borders of Cumberland while he was there; 
their stealing horses; their ill treatment of the Chickasaws, in 
stealing horses and murdering the people; that the Chickasaws had 
applied to him for justice, and stated their complaints in bold and 
strong language; they had now lost all confidence in the promises 
of the Creeks and their conduct justified the opinion that they were 
a faithless, rogueish people, capable of being restrained only by 
force. He replied he would use his best endeavours to cause 
justice to be done; that he believed it would be proper to convene 
the four nations to see if the Indians could settle the existing dis- 
putes among themselves; and if after a fair experiment, it required 
his interposition, he would give it, and he trusted with great effect; 
that the Chickasaws must suspend their resentments for the 
present, and not charge the base conduct of some ungovernable 
Creeks to the whole nation; that if after the meeting, which I 
contemplated, the representatives of the nation should refuse to 
do justice to the Chickasaws, then, and then only, the Creeks might 
be branded with the epithet of "a faithless, rogueish people;" that 
he was happy to find that the experiment succeeded, and there was 
now a prospect of a happy accommodation of all past differences 
among the four nations; that he, as their agent, rejoiced that his 
voice, which was that of the President and the whole people of the 
U. S., had been listened to. There now remained one thing more 
to be done: The chiefs, who are now here, sent a deputation to 
the meeting of the 4 nations; the deputies are present and have 
made their report of what they heard and did, and your beloved 
man, Mucclassee Hoopoi, is to go to the Chickasaws and carry the 
ratification of the proceedings at the four nations to that nation^ 
with all the stolen horses. You must now, in my presence, take 
this matter under your consideration. Here is the letter of that 
chief; he says: "The Chickasaws are yet dubious of the Creeks, 
altho' they don't say so." Ratify what you have done. This letter 
brings you a talk from the Chickasaws, with some beads and 
tobacco, the usual tokens of friendship among you red people. 
Accept of them and send on your part what Mucclassee Hoopoi 
wishes, what I wish, and what must be the wish of all good Creeks, 
The two evidences of friendship required of you, a ratification of 
the peace accompanyed with the stolen horses. You will answer on 
to-morrow. 



Coweta Square, 28th October, 1797. 

The speach of the Cowetas, Cussetas and other lower towns to the 
Chickasaws, in reply to the address of yesterday: 



BENJAMIN HAWKINS 213 

TUSSEKIAH MICO: 

There are ten towns present, and they have seen the talks of 
the Chickasaws. The Choctaws and Cussetas & the three kings 
of these towns have sent a talk to the Chickasaws, which they have 
already seen. I have seen the head king of the Chickasaws and 
told him that they and the Cussetas were one fire; that the Cussetas 
and Cowetas were one fire, and all the men of these three towns 
were considered as one people. The talk the king and I had 
together, was that if his people came into our town, we considered 
them as our people, and when we went into their town, we should 
consider ourselves as at home. When I saw this king, I told him 
I formerly knew his chiefs, but they were gone; the chiefs now 
there I did not know. The king replied, I must see them and 
talk to them. I was appointed to talk to these head men of the 
Chickasaws. I was directed to take the emblem of peace and 
friendship and put them down before these chiefs, and talk to them; 
this I did. Fan Omingo, Tusscuppatapa Omingo, Whelocke 
Emautlau and Insuchelah, and the Chickasaw Mico; when I met 
these men, they told me when I went back to my nation, I must 
let them know that the Chickasaws had spoken with the older 
brothers; and accordingly, when I returned into my land, I went to 
the chiefs of the Abbecohatche and Tallapoosahatche and told 
them to mind their hunting and think of nothing but peace. I 
told the Chickasaws, also our young brothers, when they went 
a-hunting, to behave well and mind their hunting, and if they saw 
any of their older brothers, the Abbecoos, to treat them kindly; if 
either of them had meat, to share it with the other. 

I talked to heads of both parties, and advised them when they 
went into the woods, not to injure the stock of each other. I told 
them likewise, if the Chickasaws or Upper Creeks visited each 
other, to behave friendly and to assist the visitor with corn. From 
that advise I expected the chiefs would prevent mischief before 
it was too late, but I heard the Upper Creeks did not listen to the 
talk, and that they have spilt each other's blood in the Chickasaw 
savannas. After this talk to the head men, Insuchelah said he had 
some reserved ground for himself, and if he discovered any Creek 
hunters beyond that, he would take their skins from them; that 
this reserve was beyond a great white rock, known to the hunters 
of both nations. I replied to Insuchelah, no, that they must share 
these things among one another and not take their's alone. The 
older chiefs of the Chickasaws approved of my advise and said that 
Insuchelah was rong; that these moves should not be made. After 
the talks were over, the Chickasaws handed a pipe, a red one, which 
the Chickasaws had received from the Quoppaws; they re- 
ceived it from the Ooseuchees; they directed this pipe to 



214 LETTERS OF 



be delivered to the Cusseta Mico and Hoopoi Mico of 
Coweta, that Hoopoi Mico is still alive and the pipe is in being in 
remembrance of that conference we had together, as I talked to 
them to keep peace and quiet among them then; that talk is still 
in remembrance, altho' some of the men who heard it are dead, 
and the talk now is the same, to keep peace and be in friendship 
with each other, and I hope this is the wish of all, and that they will 
exert themselves on both sides, and the sending the horses is a 
proof of this. There was a meeting called in the Cherokees of the 
4 nations; I was not able to attend, but I have heard and approve 
of the talks concluded on there, and if they continue during this 
winter's hunt, I hope they will be attended by all the nations, and 
that there will be peace. 

FUSATCHEE MICO. 

The heads of the ten towns have met to give an answer. One 
of our chiefs has. delivered a speech in behalf of all of us, and I 
have something to add. As the heads of different towns have met, 
and the two fires of the Cowetas and Cussetas, which form but 
one, are here, I have not much to say, but that little is to 
strengthen our eflforts for peace. As the intention of this meeting 
is for the benefit of all classes of red people, old and young, I 
add my mite. We have met with a good intention; we have heard 
the Chickasaw's talks at our separate fires, and here we have met 
to answer them, and I hope our answers will be beneficial in future. 
When people meet and hear each other's talks, and they appear 
satisfactory, it is pleasing; this is our case and I am in hopes ours 
will have the desired effect. 

YEAUHOLAU MICO. 

My talk has lately been delivered. I and my kings have been 
and talked at the meeting of the nations in the Cherokees; at this 
meeting I spoke, and what I there said to the 4 nations I shall now 
repeat. At this meeting I spoke to them all, and desired all the 
Indian nations to be peaceable and hunt the game and be friendly 
to each other; this I am now to repeat: I expect the Abbeecoos 
are taking measures agreeable to this talk; there were some of them 
present, and I have the white beads in my hand and I hope they 
will keep peace and be quiet. I desired them to keep that talk. I 
considered it would be to their advantage, and that of all red 
people, to pursue their game, and lie down at night and sleep in 
peace; that by being in peace and pursuing their game, they might 
all live comfortable. I have sent this talk before, and I hope the 
Chickasaw chiefs have heard, and I now send the same advise; it 



BENJAMIN HAWKINS 215 

was good there and is so now. I sent my talks before, and desired 
them to be in peace; my talk is the same now, and I must repeat, 
it is my opinion, it would be good for all the red people to live 
in peace with each other. The Pauachucklui, the Warrior King of 
the Cusseta, the Big King of that town, and I, who talked to them 
before, send this written talk to them. These white beads are a 
token of the paths being strait between the Chickasaws and our 
towns; I had these beads in my hand when I made this speech, and 
the Chickasaws know this is the way for us red people. I send 
another token, the tobacco; this is the ancient mode among red 
people. I have sent the talks down to the Simanolees and all the 
Indians in this quarter. I send this other token from the red 
people in this quarter, and I hope the Chickasaws and others will 
get together and smoke it and let all animosities vanish, as the 
smoke does, in the air. I sent a full talk from the Cherokees and 
this is a confirmation of it, and I hope it will be taken as such. 
The reason I send them this again is that the fall, the season for hunt- 
ing, is come; they will be all in the woods. I hope they will be 
friendly to each other and with the return of the spring, all things 
will be strait. 

The man who takes this talk was appointed as the ambassador 
of this nation, and he was to take talks of this sort and go set down 
and deliver them in the name of his nation; he is Mucclassee 
Hoopoie, Opoie Mico. 



Cusseta Town, 31st October, 1797. 

This day, by a power to me invested, I demand of Thomas 
Carr, of this town, a certain negro man by the name of Harry, 
which I had just reason to believe was in his possession down at 
Pensacola, and after stating the circumstances relative to said 
negro, the said Carr agreed to deliver me the said slave, Harry, on 
or before the 10th April ensuing, at Fort Wilkinson, on the 
Oconee River, in consequence of my paying him one hundred & 
twenty-five dollars, which sum of money he had paid to an Indian 
for said negro. 

Given under our hands the day & date above. 

G. W. FOSTER. 
THOMAS CARR. 

In the presence of 

BENJAMIN HAWKINS, 

P. T. A. for I. A. South of Ohio. 



216 LETTERS OF 



6th November. 

Mr. Carr informs me that he has made a different bargain; 
that he has agreed to give two hundred and forty dollars for this 
negro to Mr. Foster, and he did, in my presence, deliver, in part 
payment to William Mapp, one big horse at one hundred dollars, 
and the ballance is to be paid in May next, being one hundred and 
forty. 

G. W. FOSTER. 

Approved by Mr. Foster and signed in presence of 

BENJAMIN HAWKINS. 

10th of November. 

In consideration of the sum of two hundred and forty dollars, 
above stated, I have sold to Thomas Carr the negro man, named 
Harry, the property of Henry Charleton and Ludwell Evans, late 
deceased; and I do hereby warrant and defend the same to him 
and his heirs. Given under my hand & seal this 10th of November, 
1797. 



Signed and sealed. 
BENJAMIN HAWKINS. 



G. W. FOSTER. (Seal). 



Cusseta, 31st of October, 1797. 

James Moore is hereby permited to exchange the town of 
Big Tallassee upper for Tuhtocaugee, Michael Welch, licenced for 
that town, having informed me that he is unable to carry on trade. 

I have sent an Indian by Mr. Foster's to inform you what 
I have been doing here. There has been a meeting of some of the 
towns in this neighbourhood; there were ten present. I informed 
them of all things necessary for them to know, and gave them 
assurances of the determination of the President to fulfill all the 
promises made on the part of the United States. You understand 
every thing well, and you could have been of service had you been 
with us. The Cowetas are unwilling to understand the treaty of 
Colerain; the Hollowing King said a great deal on the Tulapocca 
being the boundary. I told him there was an end of this land 
business, it was well understood at Colerain and there was settled 
by the nation, and it was not in his or my power to alter it. I left 



BENJAMIN HAWKINS 217 

them yesterday; I do not know what they will do, but you and I 
know what they ought to do. I am this day informed by the 
Tussekiah Mico that the Hollowing King will be here in the morn- 
ing, and that all things will be strait. I think the Indians about 
here are growing better. I spoke to them about horse stealing, 
and this murdering business on the frontiers. I shall prevent the 
white people from buying Indian horses without a licence; this will 
put an end to it. I know it has been too much encouraged by 
white men. The Indians of these towns have sent a very good 
talk to the Chickasaws; it is to go by the Mucclassee Mico. I 
wish your towns would attend to keeping peace with the Chick- 
asaws; it would be a disgrace to them to violate a peace made or 
confirmed in the presence of the 4 nations. I hope also, that your 
people will be more careful than they were last year, and that 
I shall not hear so many complaints against them for taking 
horses from their neighbours. I have told you before that the 
chiefs of your land ought to govern it, and to have the right of 
making peace or war; that when this is done, any man who violates 
the peace should be punished. Try to make your people under- 
stand this, and let us be neighbourly with our white brethren. I 
want to see your chiefs respectable. Your young men must be 
attentive to their chiefs, and then you will be a great people. 

Mr. Moore called on me. I find, from him, you have had some 
liars in your neighbourhood; you must not let such foolish people 
make you do any thing injurious to your character. You are an 
officer in the service of the United States, and you will be respected 
as such. I have requested Mr. Foster to read this letter for you; 
he is a magistrate in Georgia, come into the nation after some of 
his property, and I expect you will treat him with attention. I 
wrote to you that I left your last quarter's sallary wath Mr. Price; 
he will pay it to you. I cannot come into your town till things are 
settled here; then I shall see you. Remember me to the Mad Dog, 
and assist him to keep matters right in the upper towns, while 
I am doing so among the lower. Tell him his nephew called on me, 
and has heard the Coweta talks and does not like them. Farewell. 

MR. ALEXANDER CORNELL, 

Assistant & Interpreter among the Upper Creeks. 



Cusseta, 31st of October, 1797. 

John Galphin has exhibited a claim before me against William 
Augustus Bowles for sundries furnished him, the ballance unpaid 
being 868 dollars. This claim is strengthened by a certificate of 



218 LETTERS OF 



Richard Thomas. John Galphin also informs me that there is in 
possession of Peter Shugart some property belonging to the said 
Bowles, and he requests that the same may be secured to pay this 
debt, or so much thereof as the same may amount to. Hereupon, 
I have ordered this account to be registered, and I do hereby 
require that Peter Shugart shall exhibit an account of the property 
aforementioned, in his possession, and such claim as he has, if any, 
against the said Bowles, that justice may be done, and that he 
holds the said property, when returned, subject to my order. 



November 2nd, 1797. 

Patrick Brown, John Wheat, Kinchil Sheffield, Sampson 
Mounger, his wife and four children, exhibited passes to pass thro' 
the Creek nation, signed Com. Freeman and countersigned by 
Edward Price. 

James Denley, Alex. Magrue and Hiram Monger exhibited 
passes from the Commandant of Fort St. Stephens, countersigned 
Henry Gaither, Lieut. Colonel Commandant. 

4. 

Momejuh, of the family Hotallee, was in company with 2 
others, the spring of 1794, at the house of John Boothe on Oconee; 
they tarried there all night, and lost out of the field a small black 
horse. Boothe gave them no satisfaction in the morning. The 
horse was branded P. on the left shoulder. 

Information is lodged with me that a small, slim grey horse, 
supposed to belong to Timothy Barnard, and stolen from him while 
attending the duties enjoined on him at Fort Wilkinson, was seen 
at the camp of Andrew Darouzeaux called Fullidgee, and he sold 
him to a man who kept goods for sale at John Boothe's, where the 
informant saw him in a pen last month, and he was stolen during 
that month. 

Sth. 

Leave and permission is hereby given to Richard Thomas to 
purchase from Robert Walton a black gelding, 12 hands high, 
branded on the mounting shoulder R. W., on the thigh E. Z.; three 
years old and upwards. Robert Walton is a trader in the Coosa- 
does, and Richard Thomas is clerk in the Indian Department, 
residing in the Cusseta. 



BENJAMIN HAWKINS 219 

Cusseta, 7th November, 1797. 

Joseph Thompson, an inhabitant of Tensaw, this day com- 
plained, on oath, before me that Zachariah McGirt, in the neigh- 
bourhood of Tuckabatchee, did, as he believes, on or about July- 
last, prevail on two negros, Munday and Nancy, late the property 
of Samuel Moore, in his possession, and belonging to an infant 
and heiress to Samuel Moore, late deceased, and now the daughter- 
in-law of him, the said Thompson, to leave his plantation and go 
into the Creek nation; and in proof of this belief he states that he 
had been informed that this McGirt had declared his intention of 
geting possession of these negros under pretence of having a 
claim to them, but he was dissuaded from carrying his first inten- 
tion into execution by Jacob Townshend; that upon missing these 
two negros on his return home, at the period aforesaid, he judged 
that McGirt, who had been lately seen in his neighbourhood, had 
taken them. He thereupon got two of his neighbours, James 
Randal and Edward King, to go with him in pursuit of them, and 
near Richard Bailey's they got a-head of McGirt and George 
Cornell, there they met, & McGirt inquired the business of his 
journey, and on being informed, McGirt acknowledged he had the 
negros in his possession. 

Joseph Thompson further states that about four years past, 
Zachariah McGirt brought suit for this property before the Com- 
mandant of Tensaw, and failed to establish his claim; that when 
this suit was brought before the Commandant, this deponant ex- 
hibited, on the part of the heiress of Samuel Moore, two bills of 
sale, one from John Rogers, dated 11th of May, 1782, for the negro 
woman, Nancy, and the other, dated Dix, New Vienna, Jour de 
Janvier, 1787, from Charles Hall, attorney for the Sieur Spiear 
Christopher, for the negro, Nawnne Londy (called Mondy); that 
after he failed in the establishment of the claim, this deponant 
did expect that there was an end to the same. 

The deponant further states that application has been made 
to the Commandant of Mobile for redress, and that he sent a 
writing to the Mad Dog, of Tuckabatchee, but without effect, and 
he now applies for justice in the premises to the Principal Tem- 
porary Agent for Indian Affairs South of Ohio. 

JOS. THOMPSON. 

Subscribed and sworn to before me. 

BENJAMIN HAWKINS, 

P. T. A. for I. A. South of Ohio. 



220 LETTERS OF 



ZACHARIAH McGIRT, in the neighbourhood of Tuckabatchee: 

You are hereby required and commanded to appear before me 
on or before the first day of December next ensuing, to answer 
the complaint of Joseph Thompson and to retain the said negros 
in your possession till further orders. 

Given under my hand this 7th of November, 1797. 



8th of November. 

The towns recommended by the chiefs at the Coweta meeting, 

which convened on the 27th ultimo, as entitled to half of the 
annual stipend of the Creeks: 

Stipend for 1796 and 1797. 
Miles from 
Coweta 

1, Coweta $ 250.00 

2y2, 2, Tallauhassee 150.00 

5, 3, Cusseta 250.00 

13, 4, Uchee; Agent, Uchee Will 100.00 

21, 5, Ooseuchee; Opoi Haujo 100.00 

21, 6, Cheauhau 100.00 

25, 7, Hitchetee 100.00 

November 19th. 

28, 8, Palachooclee; Taykeneau 80.00 

November 15th. 

34, 9, Oconee; Coloktau, Agent 80.00 

38, 10, Sauwoogelo 170.00 

December 1st. 

40, 11, Sauwoogelaochee; Tuccosau Tustunnagau 80.00 

55, 12, Eufaule 120.00 

Added on the 10th, Coweta 250.00 

Tallauhassee 120.00 

Cusseta 250.00 

$2,200.00 



BENJAMIN HAWKINS 221 

On further deliberation, and on application of the chiefs in the 
Cusseta square the 10th, it was deemed advisable to add for the 
present year 250 dollars to the Cusseta, and as much to the Coweta 
dividends, and to the Tallauhassee 120 dollars. It appears that 
these towns are the most exposed, bordering on the frontiers, and 
that they have the most difficulty, trouble and expence in restrain- 
ing their young men and carrying the national engagements into 
effect. 



Cusseta, in the Creek Nation, 9th November, 1797. 
Dear Colonel: 

I yesterday received your favour of the 20th of September in 
the packet from the War Office in the care of Steele. I know 
well the importance of your command. You have your share of 
difficulties, as we all have, but let us buoy ourselves above them 
by a firm, patient and persevering conduct. The Secretary of War 
will unquestionably do whatever depends upon him to enable you 
to fulfill the expectations of the government in your quarter. The 
laws must be executed. As far as this depended on me, I have 
made the necessary communications and contributed my mite. The 
positions you have taken are well chosen. 

I was of opinion when I showed you Cox's plan on the 
6th of August, and consulted you and Colonel Henley on the answer 
proper to be given him, that the crime of embodying an armed 
force would subject him to arrest and punishment. I sent the plan 
and my correspondence with Mr. Cox to the Secretary of War, 
and I have expected before this to hear that Cox and his asso- 
ciates were apprehended. 

My old friend, Campbell, has not the faculty of seeing clearly 
even one side of the questions he attempts so laboriously to defend. 
As to there being two sides, it is out of the question with him; he 
and his associates are right, and they have not been able to discover 
that their neighbours possess any rights at all. The Indians are 
unquestionably the rightful possessors of their own lands; they 
have ever been so, and there is but two ways of ousting them, 
conquest or compact, neither of which can be plead by Campbell. 
I remember your and my being together at Colonel Craig's when 
he urged the right of intrusion; he said he had lived there ten 
years, knowing himself to be an intruder, and five years of that 
time lived in an intrusion castle. I remember that the bare men- 
tion of intrusion as a right was new to you and me. 

The dust you mention, of the 18th of September, is like the 
expiring blast of a lamp. While I am coupled with my honest old 



222 LETTERS OF 



friend, Colonel Henley, I shall be in good company. I would not 
exchange one ounce of his integrity for the whole group you 
mention. 

I am here in the midst of the Lower Creek towns, and I have 
been for a month on business with them; we begin to understand 
each other; we have black drink and talks in the day, and dancing 
at night. I go to bed about 12 and rise pretty early; the remainder 
of the time is claimed by the Indians, and I devote it to them. 
They will not be excluded even at meal times; they bring their 
private and public claims; I attend to them, and I am happy to find 
that by my exertions the benevolent views of the government have 
already taken so deep root that I may defy the malice of the 
enemies of it. I have lately countersigned the credentials of one 
of the best men in this land (Mucclassee Hoopoi), who is appointed 
and sent, with full powers, to ratify the peace made between the 
Creeks and Chickasaws. I believe the four nations are now at 
peace, and that they have confidence in the justice of our govern- 
ment. 

I shall avail myself of every opportunity to let you hear 
from me. 

I have the honour to be your friend, & dear Colonel 

Your obedient servant. 
COLONEL THOMAS BUTLER. 



Extract to Mr. Panton: 

Cusseta, 6th November. 

I arrived here early last month, and have been constantly 
engaged in the execution of the duties enjoined on me by my ap- 
pointment. This being the first opportunity I have had since the re- 
ceipt of your favour by Whitaker, I avail myself of it to thank you 
for your friendly communication and to assure you of my persever- 
ing endeavours to merit the esteem of all good men. My task is 
an arduous one, as you well know, but I have the pleasure already 
of finding that I make some progress, and I am not without hopes 
that the benevolent plan of the U. S. to better the condition of the 
Indians will be a productive one during my agency. The cloud 
that hovered over us some time past is dissipated. 



BENJAMIN HAWKINS 223 

Cusseta, in the Creek Nation, 9th November, 1797. 

Dear Colonel: 

I yesterday received your favour of the 14th of September, in- 
closed with dispatches from the War Office in the care of Steele. 
I have been so long riding in a circle that I have not received any 
letters from your quarter since I left you before this. I have heard 
of the dust in your quarter of the 18th September, and that as far 
as the words of the infidels can affect us, we are damned. While I 
am coupled with you I shall be satisfied, notwithstanding, as I 
know our faith is that honesty is the best policy in politics as well 
as private life, and that our actions will correspond with our faith. 

I find that Cox is obstinately bent to carry his point; I did 
believe when I received from him, on the 6th of August, his plan, 
which I submitted to your and Colonel Butler's inspection, that 
the crime of embodying an armed force was sufficient to subject 
his to arrest and punishment. I sent his plan, and my correspond- 
ence, with him to the Secretary of War, and I have expected 
before this, that he would be apprehended. The laws must be 
executed. I see that Chisholm has bestowed one solitary damn 
on a few of us as a last dying speech. 

I have been among these lower towns for more than a month. 
I have obtained a ratification of the peace made with the Chick- 
asaws, and we have sent one of the most influential chiefs in this 
land to take the ratification to that nation (Mucclassee Hoopoi). 
The Creeks have gathered a large number of the Chickasaw horses 
and sent them home. I cannot express to you the difficulty I have 
had to encounter since I left you, but I can assure you that the 
benevolent views of our government have been thoroughly im- 
pressed on my red charge and that it has taken so deep root that 
I do not believe it is in the power of its enemies to disturb it. 

I must advise you not to grant a licence to any one to buy 
a horse from a Creek, and that when you grant a special licence, 
apply it to the horse and persons buying and selling, and in no 
case to a Creek that has not a certificate from me that the horse 
is his, or from the chiefs of his town, countersigned by the trader 
of the town. I find this horse stealing is the source of much evil 
in this land, and to check it without stopping the trade in horses 
for a while, or limiting it, as I advise, will be impracticable. 

The chiefs of the upper towns have informed me that several 
of their young men who have gone to hunt on the borders of Cum- 
berland have stolen horses from the traders and from the Indians 
with the view of selling them in that quarter. They request my 
interposition to prevent it, and that they may not be suffered to 
sell their horses at all. 



224 LETTERS OF 



I have found it necessary to retain Mr. Maclin during the 
hunting season at least, in the Indian Department; he has deserved 
well. I have ordered him to go to Tellico to visit you, and go 
thence to the borders of Cumberland to use his endeavours to 
check the improper conduct of the Indians who are gone to hunt 
in that quarter. His pay is a dollar a day, he finding his horse and 
bearing his expences. If he should apply to you for some money, 
I wish you would aid him. 

I have the honour to be, with great and sincere regard, dear 
Colonel, 

Your obedient servant, 

B. H. 
COLONEL DAVID HENLEY, 
Agent of War. 



Cusseta, 9th November, 1797. 

I have received the packet you sent by Sandy Grierson, and 
I have paid him one guinea for bringing of it. The letters I send 
you, you must deliver yourself to Colonel Butler and Colonel 
Henley. I have written to Colonel Henley to advance you some 
money; if you should apply for it, you must go, as you propose, 
to the borders of Cumberland and use your endeavours to check this 
horse stealing. I have written fully to Colonel Henley on this 
subject; you must notice particularly that a licence to purchase 
a horse from an Indian or of any white man in the Indian territory, 
must be a special licence. If you hear of any man who violates 
the law in this particular or any other, you must report him to 
Colonel Gaither and to Mr. Dinsmoor; in the report fix the name 
of the person and his place of abode, and the witness, if any. If 
you buy any horse for your own use, you must report him to me, 
discribing the particulars; when I say your own use, I mean as a 
public officer, to enable you to fulfill the duties enjoined on you 
by your appointment; in no other light can you or any man in 
the department be permited to buy. 

I have had much difficulty here in arranging matters to my 
satisfaction, and upon the whole, I have not much to complain of. 
The chiefs, some of them, have exerted themselves, but they want 
some aid to carry their decision into effect. I believe I shall be 
able in the course of a few months to make some examples, and 
they are much wanted. 

As you are going on the frontiers you will hear much conver- 
sation relative to Indian transactions, and perhaps some personal 
abuse intended for me. I do not wish you to embark in any 



BENJAMIN HAWKINS 225 

dispute on my account, but treat every one with attention where 
it is in your power, and to those that are rude, retaliate on them 
no otherwise than by being silent and doing your duty. I expect 
that you will find on your arrival at Knoxville, that Cox has been 
arrested on the crime of embodying an armed force; he is certainly 
guilty and will meet his just reward. 

Mr. Blount, I hear, has arrived at Knoxville; you will be 
cautious to leave him and his demerits to be decided on by the 
proper tribunal. 

Let me hear from you by every opportunity; continue as you 
have hitherto done, to deserve well, and you will possess the con- 
fidence of your obedient servant. 

B. H. 
MR. SACKFIELD MACLIN. 



Cusseta, 9th November, 1797. 
Sir: 

After I parted with you, the General and I progressed, in all, 
50 miles, and there from the concurring testimony of our experience, 
that of the white hunters and the Indian Commissioners, we found 
ourselves under the necessity to halt the line; the weather was too 
dry and warm to move without the aid of pack horses, and the 
mountains were impassable for them. I came on to the General's, 
and there dispatched our journal and papers and came on here by 
the way of Fort Wilkinson, the headquarters of Colonel Gaither, 
on the Oconee. 

I am now in the midst of the Lower Creeks, and have been 
one month engaged in conversation with them. I go to bed at 12, 
arise early, and the remainder of the time is claimed by the Indians, 
and I devote it to them; they will not be excluded even at meal 
times, and bring their private as well as public claims, which I 
attend to. 

I find more crosses, vexations and difficulties than falls to any 
officer of the government in my neighbourhood; added to this, I 
have had an attack of the gout or rheumatism, which was sorely 
afflictive for some days, but I find my mind disposed to buoy itself 
above the whole, and I find some amusement in the certain pro- 
gress of the benevolent views of the government intrusted to my 
superintendency. 

I have directed Mr. Maclin to hover on the borders of Cum- 
berland and to aid me to put a stop to horse stealing from that 
quarter; this itch had subsided for a while, but a few white men 
on the frontiers have, regardless of the law, gave encouragement 



226 LETTERS OF 



to the young, worthless fellows, who heretofore embarked in it, 
and they have begun on the traders and stockholders in the land. 
I have, at the request of the Upper Creeks, requested Colonel 
Henley not to sufTer a Creek to sell a horse in Tennessee without 
my certificate accompanys the horse, or the certificate of some 
of the head men of the towns where the seller lives, countersigned 
by a trader. 

I find no difficulty in establishing peace with the Chickasaws. 
The Creeks have sent one of their most respectable chiefs (Muc- 
classee Hoopoi) as Minister Plenipotentiary, to certify the peace, 
and they have also sent a number of the Chickasaw horses home. 

I countersigned the talks, at the request of the chiefs, that 
tills chief takes with him. 

I shall be glad to hear from you as opportunities occur. I 
shall not, I fear, be in your quarter again till the close of winter. 

I have the honour to be, with due regard. Sir, 
Your obedient servant, 

B. H. 
GENERAL JAMES WINCHESTER. 



Cusseta, Creek Nation, 9th November, 1797. 
Sir: 

Mr. Maclin, who has conducted himself much to my satisfac- 
tion, has my orders to return on your frontiers to aid me in putting 
an end to horse stealing. I find that many of the hunters are gone 
out towards Cumberland, and that they have made free with the 
horses of the traders and some of the Indians who have horse 
stands or stamps. I expect they will endeavour to sell some of 
these horses in your quarter or near Tellico. The law directs 
in this business and those who ofifend must be punished. At the 
request of the chiefs of the upper towns, I have advised Colonel 
Henley not to give special licence to buy, but in case that the 
seller has my certificate to sell, or a certificate from the head men 
of his town, countersigned by a trader. 

I hope I have at last concluded a peace between the Creeks 
and Chickasaws; one of the most esteemed chiefs of this land is 
gone to ratify the peace; he takes with him the remains of the 
stolen horses and the peace talks countersigned by me. I have 
had much difficulty since I saw you, but I am going on. Assure 
your neighbours of my constant attention to their interests, and 
believe me yourself with due regard. Sir, 

Your obedient servant, 

B. H. 
GENERAL JAMES ROBERTSON. 



BENJAMIN HAWKINS 227 

Cusseta, 9th November, 1797. 

I have not heard one syllable of you since you left me; I 
suppose, notwithstanding, that you are well, or I should have 
heard your death announced in the newspapers. I find a number 
of my Creek family are likely to visit you this winter; they have 
gone towards Cumberland to hunt, and they have taken the traders' 
horses and some from the provident Indians who keep horse 
stamps. 

I have written to Colonel Henley to aid me to put a stop to 
this abominable traffic. I have, at the request of the Upper Creeks, 
notified those who have horses to sell that they must have a cer- 
tificate from me, or one from the head men of the town, counter- 
signed in the last case by a trader. I expected some of these may 
be offered in your neighbourhood for sale, and in that case, I 
request you to note the purchaser and report him to Colonel 
Henley or our friend, Mr. Dinsmoor. 

I was informed some time past that you owed your appoint- 
ment to a great man, who you have had the ingratitude to under- 
mine. I am told Colonel Henley owed his appointment to the 
same man; the latter I said I believed, but as for you, I said I 
understood that a short billet from the Secretary of War had 
picked you up far to the east and placed you at Tellico. 

I am informed you have Mrs. Butler with you and her amiable 
family; I wish it may be true; you must present my love to her, 
and assure her that I have been anxious ever since I had the 
pleasure to be acquainted with her, to be nearly allied to her, but 
I was too old for her daughters, and for herself too, if she was a 
widow; but as fortune would have it, behold, she is my daughter. 
I must send her a chapter on the rights of my Cherokee daughters, 
to the end that if she has any contest with the Commandant, she 
may easily prove at all times she is in the right. 

I would be glad to hear from the Cherokee hatter; I want a 
hat, and I fear I must send to Philadelphia for one. May I ven- 
ture to apply to you for a chapter on gardening? Do you under- 
stand this business well? If you do not, let me inform you that 
the first thing to be done is to have the lot well fenced, the next 
place well planted, and lastly, well worked and kept free from 
weeds. I am, with the sincerest regard and esteem. 

Your obedient servant, 

B. H. 
MR. JAMES BYERS, 
U. S. Factor, Tellico. 



228 LETTERS OF 



Extract of a letter to Mr. Grierson, in the Hillabees: 

Cusseta, November 9th, 1797. 

But why will you not have your cotton spun at your own 
house? You have females enough to make 1,000 yds. annually, 
and I will assist you with cards, &c. 

I sent up by Stephen, a harness, slay and shuttle for Hannah 
Hale; he told me that Hayes was to make her a loom; I wish you 
to tell Hayes to make her a good one and I will pay him for it, and 
to assist her to put it in motion. 



November 10th. 



George Clem, a trader, residing in the Weetumpkee, mforms 
that about the 1st of September he sold Abraham Mordecai a 
sorrel horse, blaze in his face, one white foot, branded G. C. on 
his mounting thigh, three years old next spring, for sixty dollars, 
to be paid in goods; that on the 23rd of October he received a 
letter from Abraham Mordecai informing him that he had sent 
him his horse by Henry Wilson; that on his return he would pay 
him for his horse, or the hire of him, if he should think proper to 
take his horse back; that Wilson lost the horse about Flint River, 

and an Indian of the Cusseta named having found the 

horse and now has him in possession. George Clem requests 
permission to take possession of his horse, which permission is 
granted on the terms aforesaid. 

From the recorder. 

13th November. 

Pass to Senogechee, of the Cusseta, to cross the Oconee on a 
visit to Mr. John Hill. 

12th November. 

Power of attorney of Henry Carleton, of Greene County, in 
Georgia, to George W. Foster, to recover two negros in the Creek 
nation. Dated 30th September, 1797. 



Cusseta, 12th November, 1797. 
MR. TOWNSLEY BRUCE: 

It being represented to me that John Mareno, a Spaniard, has 
come from Colerain into the Creek nation, and that he stole and 



BENJAMIN HAWKINS 229 

brought off with him a slim, iron grey horse, thirteen hands high, 
belonging to Linch, now residing at the burnt fort at St. Illas, 
you are hereby authorized to apprehend the said John Mareno 
and send him and the horse aforesaid to me, to be dealt with as the 
law directs. 



The Tygar Warrior Claims from the U. S. or some of the Citizens. 

Valued in chalks, 
4 to the dollar 

6 Skins of Summer Deer 12 

1 Tyger skin 2 

1 Black Otter skin pouch 8 

1 Knife 1 

2 Brass kettles, one large, the other small 40 

63 

Cotchau Tustunnagau, 12th August, 1796, reported this loss 
in the Cusseta Square. 

Chemauille. 

10 Deer skins 20 

1 Curb bridle 8 

1 Club hatchet 3 

1 Looking glass 2 

1 Pair Wanlies 1 

1 Brass kettle, small kettle of one gallon 15 

49 

Chemauille, on the 12th August, 1796, reported this loss in the 
Cusseta Square. 

Whoethlau Nookesau. 

1 Kettle of brass 15 

Cotchau Tustunnagau, Chemauille and Whoethlau Nookesaw, 
all of Cusseta, reported on the 12th of August, 1796, that they were 
robbed of the foregoing articles, and stated that this robbery was 
committed just below where the hunting path to the mouth of 
Tulapocca crosses Little River, where there was a hurricane. 
There was five white men; they robbed the camp of the things above 
mentioned, and left the remainder of their property. Upon being 
robbed, they left the camp and came in five days to the Cusseta 



230 LETTERS OF 



square and made their report. The day before the robbery was 
committed, they were out hunting and discovered much sign of 
white peoples' horses moving about, and they expected that some 
mischief had been done them by stealing their horses, as they 
discovered one trail which crossed theirs and that another was in 
pursuit of it. They intended, upon seeing this, to remove their 
camp the next day, but were robbed. 

On coming into the town they found that the Cowetas had 
taken 3 or 5 horses, one a large sorrel. These horses were im- 
mediately recovered and sent back by Mr. Barnard to the care of 
Colonel Gaither. 

That upon finding these horses in the nation, and expecting 
that the usurpers had plundered their camp, the claimants demand- 
ed that they might keep the horses till they were payed; but the 
chiefs refused the demand and sent the horses, and told them to 
wait, that justice would be done. They have conducted themselves 
accordingly and waited more than one year, and request now that 
they may be attended to. Their characters can be known from 
the square; they meddle with no property but their own, and they 
assist readily when called on by their head men to do justice to 
the whites. 

Upon examining into this statement made by the chiefs, and 
information from William Hill, of Georgia, and others, and finding 
it to be true, I have judged proper to pass their claims, and to 
give drafts on Mr. Edward Price, U. S. Factor, to pay the same, 
and charge it to the Indian Department. Mr. Hill informs that 
the articles taken were by 2 of the party; that this robbery was 
disliked and exclaimed against by the officer commanding, and that 
the articles were reported to the superior officers in the state. 



Cusseta, 12th November, 1797. 
MR. DAVID WALKER: 

You are hereby authorized, empowered and required to take 
into your care and possession all the property of the late Jacob 
Townshend. You are to make a true inventory thereof and return 
the same to me. Such parts thereof as may, in your judgment, 
be of a perishable nature, you are to sell at public sale, to the 
highest bidder, on a trust of six months, the purchasers to give 
security for the payment. 

Joseph Cook has this day exhibited to me, on oath, his account 
•with Alexander McGillivray, late deceased, and a claim for sundry 
negros, said by him to be left in the care of Mr. McGillivray. A 
part of this claim depends in part on certain papers in your care. 



BENJAMIN HAWKINS 231 

belonging to the said Townshend. You are especially enjoined 
to restore to me all the papers of the deceased, to be delivered to 
the respective claimants whenever it may be deemed just and 
proper to do so. If you have any claims against the deceased, 
you are to exhibit them to me with an account of your expenditures 
in the premises, when you return an inventory of the effects of the 
deceased. 

Given under my hand. 



Cusseta, 12th November. 

Came before me John Galphin and made oath that the horse 
that David Walker has here now in possession is the same horse 
that he purchased of an Indian of the Coweta town by the name 
of Emautly Haujo, son of the Coweta Leader, and I believe, from 
the information I got from said Indian at the time he was stolen, 
that he is the property of Peyton T. Smith, of Greene County, 
between Zachariah Phillips & Greene's Borough; and further saith 
this deponant that he sold said horse to John Mulegan, of Savannah, 
& Mulegan sold him to John Randolph, of Tenesaw, & Randolph 
sold him to Lachlin Durants, and Durants sold him to Benjamin 
Durants, his father. 

JOHN GALPHIN. 
Affirmed to be true before: 

BENJAMIN HAWKINS. 



13th. 

Leave and permission to George W. Foster to purchase a bay 
horse, 14^ hands high, branded T. C. on the mounting buttock, 
seven years old, folded and raised the property of Thomas Carr. 
Also leave and permission to purchase from James Lovett, trader 
in the Tallauhassee, a sorrel horse, branded G. R. on the mounting 
shoulder, P. M. on the off shoulder, five years old, about thirteen 
hands & half high, and from information, raised on the Appelookee- 
Also one bay horse, four years old, branded T. L. on his cussion, a 
natural pacer, raised by said Lovett. 



Cusseta, 13th November, 1797. 

Leave and permission is hereby given to William Mapp to 
purchase from Richard Bailey, a trader in the Ottassee, a black 



232 LETTERS OF 



stud horse, 15 hands high, branded on the near buttock R. B., seven 
years old, raised the property of said Bailey. 



Cusseta, 13th of November, 1797. 
Dear Colonel: 

I have recently received dispatches from the War Office and 
the public officers in Tennessee. I find, by a letter from Colonel 
Butler, that the three companies of the 3rd Regiment in that quarter 
are sent down the Tennessee. The Colonel has erected a fort in 
Pow^ell's Valley, within three miles of Chisholni's Spring; his cavalry 
are stationed at Colonel Or's as a corps of observation. He has 
also taken a position on the Holston, within the Cherokee line, and 
erected two three-gun batteries; one on an island and one on a hill 
above the junction of Holston with the Tennessee; in these 
batteries he has placed all his ordnance. 

It seems Mr. Cox has continued his armament, and I find, by 
a letter from Colonel Henley, that he intends to make an attempt 
to descend the river in full force, having a large boat 60 by 23 feet, 
and armed with cannon. The position taken by Colonel Butler is 
a favourable one to compell him to respect the laws. 

I have for some time expected to hear that Mr. Cox was 
arrested for his embodying an armed force; it is a crime for which 
he and his accomplices will unquestionably be punished. I sent 
on the 6th of August, my correspondence with Mr. Cox, my opinion 
of his plan, and the plan to the Secretary of War. The dispatches 
from the War Office are of the 12th, and the newspapers the 24th 
of that month. 

I have two lengthy reports from Dinsmoor; among the Chero- 
kees, every thing progresses as well as I had a right to expect it 
would. My daughters are spinning and weaving. He saw at one 
place AlYz yards of good homespun and some more ready for the 
loom. 

I have recently received a letter from Mr. Panton; I find there 
are still some difficulties in the way of marking our boundary with 
Spain. 

I am, with sincere regard and esteem, dear Colonel, 

Your obedient servant. 
COLONEL HENRY GAITHER. 



3 of the pack horses are strayed or stolen; if any should be 
offered for sale at Fort Wilkinson, Wade, or any of the escort who 



BENJAMIN HAWKINS 233 

were with me on the Cherokee line, will know them; one is a sorrel 
horse which Richard rode; the other two are, one a grey, which 
carried our mess boxes; the other a horse which Patt rode. 



Cusseta, 13th November, 1797. 

Benjamin Rawlins, of Ogeechee, in Georgia, exhibited his 
pass to me, and upon being asked what his lawful business was, 
answered, to recover some money from the estate of General 
Alexander McGillivray which was due him. 



I do hereby certify that I have sold to James Lovett, of Tallau- 
hassee, one negro man, called Humphrey, about twenty-seven years 
of age, the property of Henry Carleton & Ludwell Evans, late 
deceased, which negro has been in this nation seven years, for the 
consideration of two hundred and fifty dollars; cash received, sixty- 
five; and the remainder secured by note; and I do hereby warrant 
and defend the property in the said negro to him and his heirs. 

Given under my hand and seal this 13th of November, 1797. 



Signed & sealed in presence of 
BENJAMIN HAWKINS. 



G. W. FOSTER. (Seal) 



13th November. 



Benjamin Rawlins, of Ogeechee, in Georgia, personally 
appeared before me and made oath that on or about 1783 he lost 
a horse, a sorrel, about 14 hands high, near Opilthlucco, on the 
Tuckabatchee path; that he heard that he was in the possession of 
George Barnard, a trader in the Ooseuchees, and on examination 
he found it to be true, and he kept him seven or 8 years. He 
applied 3 different times to Barnard for the horse, and being in- 
formed that Barnard had given a shirt and flap for the horse to. 
an Indian, he sent and ofifered to repay this sum, once by Richard 
Bailey and once by Richard Coleman, but never could or did re- 
ceive the horse or any value for him. George Barnard is now dead, 
and his property, if any, is in the hands of Thomas Miller. He 
declares that he gave, at Kennard's, fifty dollars for this horse. 



234 LETTERS OF 



He applies to the Principal Agent for Indian Affairs to cause 
justice to be done in the premises. 

B. RAWLINS. 
Subscribed and sworn to before 
BENJAMIN HAWKINS, 

P. T. A. for I. A. South of Ohio. 



Cusseta, the 13th November, 1797. 

1 have received your favour of the 26th October by Mr. Hill. 
I send you inclosed Cook's claim as exhibited to me. You will 
oblige me by communicating freely what you know relative to the 
justness of this claim; from your letter to me there is a very great 
difference in his expectations and your report; as I may have to 
decide finally on this claim, when I shall have collected all the 
proof on both sides, I wish you would send me your report, on 
oath, with any explanations you may judge proper and which can 
throw light on the subject. If you wish any interrogations to be 
put to him, I request you to state them, and I will order him to 
answer them. He has returned to Georgia and prays me to give 
a decision in the course of the winter. 

I send you some newspapers by Mr. Marshall; they are the last 
I have received. I have been for some time riding in a circle, and 
out of the way of a regular conveyance. I expect in future to be 
more fortunate. 

Zachariah Cox and his associates seem obstinately bent on 
attempting to settle somewhere on the Indian lands by force; by 
my last advises from Tellico, I find that he intended to attempt to 
descend the river Tennessee by force; he had a large boat, 60 feet 
by 23, and armed with cannon. Colonel Butler, who commands in 
that quarter, has had orders to prevent him. I made a statement 
on this subject on the 6th of August to the Secretary of War, and I 
doubt not but Mr. Cox is liable to arrest and punishment for 
embodying an armed force. 

I cannot understand from any of his Catholic Majesty's officers, 
what objections they have to runing the line. I have read with 
attention the letters which have been published on this subject, 
and the reasons assigned, as they never did exist, cannot be true, I 
think there would have been more dignity in being silent altogether, 
after pleading the orders of their superiors, without a comment. 

I shall fulfill the duties enjoined on me, and on all occasions 
prove the sincerity of my orders to carry our stipulations with 
Spain into effect by my actions. I beg you to assure the com- 
mandant in your neighbourhood that notwithstanding the line is 



BENJAMIN HAWKINS 235 

not marked between us, that I shall be happy to contribute any- 
thing in my power to preserve a friendly intercourse between the 
people under my agency and his Catholic Majesty's subjects. 
I am, with much esteem and regard, Sir, 

Your obedient servant. 
MR. WM. PANTON. 



14th November. 



Downy Leadbetter exhibited his pass, 26th of October, signed 
Edward Price. 

14th November. 

Archibald Walker exhibited his pass of the 8th of November, 
signed Edward Price. 



Cusseta, 15th November, 1797. 
Sir: 

Henry Wilson, in the service of Abraham Mordecai, goes down 
to your fortress for the public stores left in your care, belonging to 
the Indian Department; he has 8 pack horses, and I request you to 
deliver to him the articles under-mentioned. I hope in a few days 
to be able to send down for the remainder. 

I find I make some progress in carrying the benevolent views 
of the government into efifect, but it is slow; the materials I have 
to operate on have been sadly corrupted. 

I have recently received letters from Tellico; Colonel Butler 
has erected a fort in Powell's Valley, and taken and fortified a 
position on an island near the junction of the Holston with the 
Tennessee on the Cherokee lands. By my last account from 
Fort Wilkinson, your brothers in arms were well there. There is 
no progress made in our boundary with Spain. I have had strayed 
or stolen from me here 3 horses; one a white, I believe branded 
U. S., chunkey and used to the pack service, and has the marks 
on several places; the other, a chesnut, with white mane and tail, 
called here an eagle tail, docked; the other a slim chesnut horse 
with a streaked face; they had been shod about four weeks past. 
If you should see or hear of them, claim them and send them by 
the first conveyor. 

I am, with sincere wishes for your happiness. 

Your obedient servant. 
SAMUEL ALLINSON, 

Ensign Com. Fort Pickering. 



236 LETTERS OF 



Box No. 1, vs. Colonel Benjamin Hawkins for the Creek 
Indians. 

Box No. 2, Ditto. 

Box No. 3, Ditto. 

Hand Case No. 14. 

Canvas Valice No. 15. 

2 pack portmanteaux. 

1 pack saddle with the apperatus. 

In hd. No. 10 there is some rope and leading line; if it should 
be wanted, and in one of the trunks 70 yards of wrapping. Make 
up the loads complete, 150 lbs. to the load, out of the iron. Send 
an inventory. 



The Creek Nation: 

To John Galphin, Chinabee Moss Mico, Ocheese Tustunnagau, 
Wehah Tustunnagau, Emautle Haujo, Tuskeegee Tustunnagau 
& Wauthlucco Haujo: You are hereby appointed, on the part of 
the Creek nation, to attend at such time and place as you may be 
required to do by Colonel Benjamin Hawkins, the Principal Tem- 
porary Agent for Indian Affairs South of Ohio, and proceed with 
the Commissioners of the United States to see the line ascertained 
and marked from the Currahee Mountain to the source of the 
main south branch of the Oconee River, called Tulapocca, agree- 
able to the treaty of New York, of the 7th of August, 1790, and the 
treaty of Colerain, of the 29th of June, 1796. 

Given at the residence of Colonel Hawkins, in the Creek nation, 
this 15th of November, 1797. 

YEAUHOLAU (H.K.) MICO, 

Of the Coweta. 
BENJAMIN HAWKINS, 

P. T. A. for I. A. South of Ohio. 



The Form of the Separate Commissioners: 

Chinabee Moss Mico is one of the Commissioners of the Creek 
nation, to the line ascertained and marked, from Currahee Moun- 
tain to the source of the main south branch of Oconee River. 

Cusseta, 15th November, 1797. 



Cusseta, 16th November, 1797. 

The bearer is Short Neck; he lives above this about 30 miles; 
he has a hundred cattle and some hogs; is careful and attentive. 



BENJAMIN HAWKINS 237 

always attached to the U. S., and deemed honest; he goes down 
with some skins and requests that I would introduce him to you. 
He has more skins than he carries down; he will give you the 
weight, and you may safely rely on him. I have begun to draw on 
you for the stipend; this may draw down a crowd. I have drawn 
the sums hitherto negros. The towns appoint their agent, 
and the drafts are in his favour, as agent. I have given notice 
publicly in the squares that those who visit you are to carry their 
own provisions. The agents being but few, and such as I may 
deem suitable, I shall name, to be attended to; as for the rest, they 
must conform to the rule. I have received your favour by Michael; 
I shall soon address you on some points mentioned in it. The 
Commissioners are appointed, on the part of the Creeks, to see the 
line ascertained and marked. I have given them their commissions, 
and I shall soon address Colonel Gaither on the subject, as we 
shall want some of the cavalry to go up Tulapocca and to the 
Currahee Mountains with the Commissioners. 

You may see that my paper is out, or I should not address you 
on this. I congratulate your good fortune; I am told you have a 
big fellow. 

B. H. 
MR. E. PRICE, 

U. S. Factor. 



Cusseta, 17th November, 1797. 

Leave and permission is given to A. Gindrat for purchasing 
three head of horses of John Brown, being in part of a debt due 
by John Miller to William Clark: 1 gray horse, about 13 J^ hands 
high, branded on the mounting shoulder & buttock V.; 1 bay 
horse, 13 hands high, branded O. on shoulder and buttock, & one 
bay horse, 14 hands high, branded K. on mounting buttock; from 
George Clem, a grey horse, about 15 hands high, branded on the 
mounting shoulder B., and both glass eyes. 



Cusseta, 17th November, 1797. 
MARTIN HARDIN, Contractor for supplying the troops: 



I have received a return from you of a horse purchased by you. 
If you will attend to Section 10 of the Act, you will see that to 



238 LETTERS OF 



buy a horse you must have a special licence; a general licence to 
trade does not authorize the purchase of horses. 

I find this traffic so injurious to the morals of the Creeks, and 
so destructive in its consequences of the peace and intercourse 
between the Indians and citizens, that I am constrained to go to 
the utmost extent of my authority to crush it. I find it necessary 
to direct that no Creek shall sell a horse that has not a certificate 
from me or the head men of his town, countersigned by a trader 
in the town, to accompany the horse. 

I am out of paper, or I would address you and the Comman- 
dant on a whole sheet. Present my respects to him, and believe 
me to be, with due regard. 

Your obedient servant. 



19th November. 



John Galphin has applied for leave and permission to sell a 
horse, the property of his wife. The said horse is 13j^ hands high, 
no brand perceivable, three white or frosted legs, his body almost 
white, & of the colour commonly called a roan; paces in general. 
There does not appear any objection to his being permitted to sell. 



Cusseta, 19th of November, 1797. 
Sir: 

I wrote you on the 23rd ultimo. The meeting expected to take 
place on the 27th was a representation of the towns on this river. 
I continued the meeting from day to day till the 15th of this month, 
some times at the Coweta, Tallauhassee and Cusseta squares, 
There has been a meeting also of the upper towns at the Tuckabat- 
chee. The result is, upon the whole, favourable to our wishes. I 
first took up the business of the Chickasaws and had the peace with 
them ratified, and one of the most influential chiefs sent to 
announce it to the Chickasaws, and to take with him such of the 
stolen horses of that nation as remained yet to be returned. I 
went fully and repeatedly into all the objects intrusted to my 
agency, and I believe I have given all possible satisfaction to the 
Indians on every subject in the mode originally suggested by them. 

They have appointed 7 men from the towns more immediately 
interested to attend and see the line ascertained and marked agree- 
ably to treaty, and I shall fix the first of the new year for the com- 
mencement of this business. I found this a difficult affair with 



BENJAMIN HAWKINS 239 

some of the young warriors, notwithstanding the repeated stipu- 
lations heretofore made with the chiefs relative to it; but it is 
finally assented to and put out of the reach of any further agency 
in their square, as the Indian Commissioners have received their 
commissions and instructions, and they are to attend to my direc- 
tions "till the completion of business." 

Being ordered to ascertain, in the most unequivocal manner, 
whether the nation is disposed to sell to the State of Georgia the 
land between the Oconee and Oakmulgee, and from the junction 
of these rivers to the head of St. Mary's, I have taken time to 
fulfill this order, and paid that attention to it that its importance 
required, and I can now inform you that the nation are not dis- 
posed to sell. On the contrary, it requires that a man should be 
high in the confidence of the Indians to be able to mention the 
subject in the public square without being insulted. As the wants 
of the Indians are increasing and the game decreasing, they may 
be induced to part with their lands for an equivalent in the course 
of a year or two, if the Indians can be impressed with confidence 
in the justice of their neighbours and a friendly interchange of 
good offices should take place between them. 

I have been constantly with the Indians at their public meetings 
of business or amusement, at their houses, in traveling parties, or 
at my own table, where I have entertained daily a number of them, 
and conversed with them in a free, easy, plain and friendly manner 
on their situation. I have pointed out, in the best manner I could, 
the dangers attending their obstinate perseverence in their old 
habits, and how necessary it is to their existence as a nation to 
conform in some sort to the ways of their neighbours. I pointed 
out the benevolent views of the government, and the pains taken 
to better their condition. I have pressed their attention to these 
things, and called on them to remember that the troops which now 
protected them might be withdrawn at a short notice, and they be 
left to their own exertions for defense; that the report I should 
make of the success of my mission would, in a great degree, if 
not wholly, influence the future operations of the government in 
relation to them; that the sons of America, which sent me here, 
must be listened to; it was not that of the French, English or 
Spaniards, but of their fathers and brothers, natives of the same 
land with themselves. The last time I addressed them in the public 
square, I recapitulated every thing and told them I should take my 
leave of them. The effect was very visible; they listened in atten- 
tive silence to the end and replied they had, for nearly a month, 
exerted themselves to understand me and they believed me to be 
their friend, and they had confidence in the disinterested benevo- 
lence of their father; and they would exert themselves to prove 



240 LETTERS OF 



to me that my mission should not be fruitless; that the line and 
every thing should be as I wished. 

Notwithstanding, I rely for the present on the assurances I 
have received, I must inform you that the game has become 
scarce; the wants of the Indians are increasing, the men too proud 
to labour; the distemper has destroyed their horses; the presents 
heretofore given by Great Britain, in quantities sufficient to cloathe 
all the idlers, has ceased; those given by Spain are mere baubles. 
The men, bred in habits proudly indolent and insolent, accustomed 
to be courted, and to think they did a favour by receiving, where 
naked, cloathes and comforts from the British agents, will reluc- 
tantly and with difficulty, be humbled to the level of rational life. 
It is, therefore, to be feared that they will renew their favourite 
practice of horse stealing again as a -.Tieans of cloathing themselves, 
and I have already taken some precautions on this head. As the 
Creeks, of all the southern Indians, are the most refractory and 
addicted to this view, I have found it necessary to affix an addition- 
al check to this traffic. I have ordered that no person shall pur- 
chase a horse of a Creek without a certificate from me that the 
property is good, or from the head man of his town, countersigned 
by the trader of the town, and I have given information of this 
regulation to Colonel Henley and Mr. Price, & the chiefs of the 
land are pleased with it. The progress in agriculture and manu- 
factures is slow. I have two webs spun in the nation, and I am 
making arrangements to have another wove. The women will 
labour and I will assist them. I have one smith established in my 
neighbourhood, and I shall, as soon as I can, establish another in 
the upper towns. As to presents of goods, I am of opinion they 
will produce no good; implements of husbandry and a plan to con- 
vert the corn raised by the women into cloathing for themselves and 
families, will give a spur to their industry. I find some difficulty 
in arranging such a plan; notwithstanding, I have experienced the 
good effects in the expenditure, by barter, of goods of the value 
of one hundred and fifty dollars a month, for corn and other pro- 
visions in my neighbourhood, whereby many poor families are 
made comfortable, by being cloathed. 

The wounded chief and his family are very attentive to me; he 
is recovered, but he is unable to procure any thing for this season, 
and will be lame for life. I have bestowed, in all, about fifty dollars 
on him and his family, to cloathe them & furnish them with neces- 
saries for the winter. 

I have received your dispatches to the 4th of August, and 
newspapers to the 24th, with letters from Colonels Butler and 
Henley, and lengthy reports from Mr. Dinsmoor; he has had 42j4 
yards of good homespun made, and more ready for the loom. The 
Cherokees are far before these people in many things, and their 



BENJAMIN HAWKINS 241 



agent is a faithful and able assistant. I must assist him to establish 
a school in the neighbourhood of his residence. 

I sent you, in my communication of the 6th of August, Cox's 
plan and my opinion of it, and my correspondence with him, and I 
have expected to hear of his being arrested and brought to condign 
punishment for the crime he had committed, as soon as the execu- 
tives could give the proof they possessed to the proper authority. 
Mr. Dinsmoor had my directions to attempt to obtain at the 
meeting of the 4 nations, permission to make an establishment at 
the Muscle Shoals. I also have attempted it, but hitherto without 
success. 

The hunters of this nation are all gone into the woods and not 
expected to return till from the first of March to the begining of 
September; this gives me some leisure to attend, with General 
Pickins, to the runing of the line, if it should be necessary. 

The distance is short and the woods open, and it can be com- 
pleted in a fortnight. 

I have on hand almost all of the articles sent me in the care 
of Mr. Price; they are still at Colerain; I find it very difficult to 
get them brought up, and shall be under the necessity to order 
some of them round by Savannah to Fort Wilkinson. 

The list of articles for the ensuing year will be but few: 4 doz. 
pair cotton cards, twine for two seines of 40 fathoms, with leads, 
ropes and corks; twine for ten scoope nets, two ream of fine and 
one of coarse paper, some garden seeds and peas. 

I have begun to divide the stipend for 1796 and 1797. I am 
not satisfied with the plan, but it is the best I could devise for the 
present. Each town appoints an agent and I give a draft in his 
favour as agent for the portion alloted to the town. The dividend 
will be small and perhaps it will give as much satisfaction this way 
as any other. I told the chiefs they ought to consider it as a 
fund to enable them to fulfill their stipulations with us, rather than 
as capable of being divided among the whole nation; that in the 
first case it would enable them to do justice to those who faith- 
fully exerted themselves for the honour and interest of their 
country, and in the latter it was not worth dividing. 

Some of the assistants with Mr. Seagrove are unpaid for four 
months, and some of them more; they have applied to me, and I 
have put them off till that gentleman has settled his accounts. 
Their wants are pressing, and I shall be under the necessity of 
assisting them, Mr. Barnard for near five months, and Mr. Thomas 
from July 1st to the last of November of last year. This subject 
I have stated to you in a former communication; his express riders 
I settled with and discharged. 

I sent you an account of the murder of Townshend, at Tene- 
saw. If you should deem it advisable for me to extend my agency 



242 LETTERS OF 



over the two settlements, I can readily do so, notwithstanding the 
officers of Spain have taken on them to appoint some civil 
officers in those settlements. I find it necessary to take 
on me the settlement of accounts between the white people resid- 
ing here and some of old standing, and judge finally on claims for 
property, in some cases to a large amount. The rule I have 
adopted is this: The plantif exhibits a statement of his claim, on 
oath; to this the defendant answers, on oath; the plantif replys; the 
defendant rejoins, and I decree, and record the whole, free of 
expence. 

I have the honour to be, with sincere respect and esteem. Sir,. 

Your obedient servant. 
The Honourable 

JAMES McHENRY, 
Secretary of War. 



Cusseta, 19th November, 1797. 
Sir: 

I have to inform your Excellency that I have appointed the 
first day of January next to commence the line between the State 
of Georgia and the Creek nation. The Creeks have appointed Com- 
missioners on their part, to attend the Commissioners of the United 
States, to see the line ascertained and marked. I intend to be at 
Fort Wilkinson by the 25th of December, and to proceed from 
thence up the Tulapocca to its source. If you should direct any 
gentlemen to attend on the part of Georgia, I shall be glad to see 
them at the fort, and of their company in the rout I shall go up 
the river. 

I find the Indians improve a little in their efforts to maintain a 
friendly intercourse with their neighbours. I find no difficulty in 
obtaining restitution of property taken since the treaty of Colerain, 
and of negros who run from the State of Georgia. In the latter 
case, as I have no document to satisfy one that there existed any 
positive engagement on the part of the Indians to restore them, I 
have called on the nation, ex-officio, and promised a reward of 
twelve and a half dollars to have them restored to their owners, 
and there are now in my care two of them, the property of General 
Mcintosh, of Savannah, and I request you to cause the General to 
be informed of this, that his negros are with the public smith at 
Tallauhassee, in my neighbourhood, and will remain there until he 
gives orders respecting them. 

The Uchee who murdered Brown is under sentence of death 
and has fled. Mrs. Brown has exhibited a claim for losses at the 



BENJAMIN HAWKINS 243 

time; this I shall pay on her application to Mr. Price, and deduct 
it out of the Creek stipend. If she applies in person to Mr. Price 
the first of January, I shall pass the account and direct him to pay 
it on that day. 

I have the honour to be, with due regard, Sir, 

Your obedient servant. 
His Excellency, 

THE GOVERNOR OF GEORGIA. 



Cusseta, 19th November, 1797. 
My Dear General: 

This is the third time I have w^ritten to you since I left you 
without having had the pleasure of a line from you. I expect, by a 
communication from Mr. Dinsmoor, that he must have visited you 
by the 12th of this month; he will, of course, communicate every 
thing to you relative to the Cherokees and affairs in Tennessee 
since we left there. I have had no dispatches from the Secretary 
of War since the 4th of August, with newspapers to the 24th of 
that month. I have letters from Colonel Butler of the 20th Sep- 
tember; he has erected one fort within three miles of Chisholm's 
Spring, in Powell's Valley, and has fortified the island just above 
the mouth of Holston, and erected a battery on the high land near 
it. These two fortresses have all his ordnance in them, and he 
has orders to prevent Cox from carrying his plans into operation. 

I expect Cox is arrested before this; his plan is evidence of 
his guilt, and it is high time that he and his accomplices had met 
the punishment due to their crimes. 

I have appointed the 1st of January to run the Creek boundary. 
The Indians have appointed men on their part; they are com- 
missioned and are to attend to my directions. I found this a diffi- 
cult affair with the young warriors, notwithstanding the repeated 
stipulations heretofore made with the chiefs relative to it; but it is 
finally assented to, and put out of the reach of any further agency 
in the square. 

I shall give notice to Colonel Gaither to furnish an escort, and 
intend to leave the nation so as to be at Fort Wilkinson the 2Sth 
of December, to go from thence up to the source of the Tulapocca. 
I wish you would direct one of the surveyors to begin a traverse 
line at the point on the Tugalo; go over the Currahee Mountain 
towards the Tulapocca to meet us there, and that you would your- 
self meet me at any point you judge proper, either at the fort at 
Phillip's or anywhere you will direct. It will take some time to 
ascertain the true source, tho' not much, as the Indians are dis- 
posed to give the information we may require. 



244 LETTERS OF 



I expect several gentlemen of Georgia will attend us. I have 
seen some from the neighbourhood of Phillip's who have promised 
me to be of the party, and that we shall meet a welcome reception. 

I discharged Richard at the fort; his horse and the one that 
Patt rode, and the grey that carried the mess boxes, I brought 
with me here; the three have been stolen. I have sent in all direc- 
tions to detect the thieves; if they should come your way, I beg 
you to claim them. I had reported them to Colonel Gaither as 
public property, and two of them were sent with the blacksmith 
and some of his tools to the Tallauhassee, a town in my neigh- 
bourhood. 

I cannot express to you how much fatigue and trouble I have 
had since I came here. I have, since the 27th ultimo to the 15th 
of this month, been with the chiefs of all the towns on this river, 
engaged in explanations and settling claims, and to add to my 
misfortunes, sorely afflicted with the gout or rheumatism. 

I am, with much and sincere regard, my dear General, 

Your obedient servant. 
GENERAL ANDREW PICKINS. 



Cusseta, 20th November, 1797. 
JOHN GALPHIN: 

You will proceed, without delay, to Fort Wilkinson, and there 
act as interpreter until I arrive, as you are required to attend the 
Commissioners of the U. S. on the line to be run between Georgia 
and the Creeks. In the latter case, you will attend as a Creek 
Commissioner, with the other Commissioners; you will inform 
them that they are to be at the fort by the first of January, to go 
from thence up the river to the head of Tulapocca. 

If the Creek Commissioners should be in want of some pro- 
visions before my arrival, you will apply to Colonel Gaither 
for some for them. You must be particularly careful of your 
character. The Indians who go down will be troublesome when 
they have received, through the agents of their town, the amount of 
their orders; they have got all that is allotted for them for this 
time; Mr. Price, having paid the orders, has nothing further to do. 
I know the Indians will teaze you to interpret for them; in all cases, 
give them decent answers, and whatever Colonel Gaither says is 
to them a law, and they must respect him as the Commander-in- 
chief. I am out of paper, or I should send your directions on a 
whole sheet. I must require of you to take care of your character, 
and you will be entitled to my friendly attention. 



BENJAMIN HAWKINS 245 

November 20th, 1797. 

Robert Walton, a residenter of the Tuskeegees, in the Creek 
nation, complaineth, on oath, before me that John Galphin sold a 
negro, named Sterling, to William Kennard, of the Cowpen, in the 
Simanolees, which said negro was the property of the said Robert 
Walton, and he now applies for justice in the premises to the Prin- 
cipal Temporary Agent for Indian Affairs. The said negro is now 
in possession of some Indians who inhabit the village called 
McCullee; that he never parted from him. 

Robert Walton, a resident trader of Tuskeegee, complains, on 
oath, that some time about three years past he left a negro fellow, 
his property, ;.t the house of a daughter of Mr. Stradham; the fellow 
was named Sterling; he was left in the care of Mr. Stradham's 
daughters for their use till he should return and take him. After 
this, John Galphin applied to purchase the said negro and was 
refused; that after this, Galphin told Walton that Harrod had 
taken the negro and sold him to Kenard and taken one back which 
Mrs. Durant sold Kennard; that since this, Walton says Harrod in- 
formed him that it was John Galphin who sold this negro to Kennard. 
Robert Walton, he purchased the negro of Mrs. Durant; she claimed 
him as the property of her father, and he had been 12 or 13 years 
in the nation, and it is now said he is in the possession of some 
Indians at McCullee. He prays and applies for justice in the 
premises to the P. T. A. for I. A. South of Ohio. 

ROBERT WALTON. 
Subscribed and sworn to before 
BENJAMIN HAWKINS, 

P. T. A. for I. A. South of Ohio. 



20th November. 



60 at 4 miles. 

Set out down the river on a visit to Benjamin Stradham's; in 
50 minutes cross Ucheehatchee, 60 feet; in 110 minutes pass Full- 
othoejy's village, in a pine barron; in 15 minutes cross Hitche- 
teehatchee, 15 feet over; in two hours cross Oconee, 60 feet; in one 
hour and 40 minutes cross Cochesses, 20 feet, and in 15 minutes 
arrive at Stradham's; here I saw one of his daughters at the spin- 
ing wheel; she spins well and has, of her own growing and spining, 
6 pounds of web and most as much filling. He has two daughters 
grown, who can spin; the youngest appears neat and attentive, very 



246 LETTERS OF 



cleanly in her person and house; she attended and set the table, 
brought in her provisions, and kept her table furniture all clean. 

The course for this distance is S. and by VV. The lands to the 
first creek pine barren, and generally speaking it is a pine 
barren most of the rout. There is some flat land on 
the north of Fullothoejy's village, mixed with hickory and oak. 
The village has about twenty houses, and they commenced building 
a square. Beyond Hitchetee, to the left, I pass Palachooklee, 
situated on a poor flat joining the river; the lands off, pine barren; 
there are about 25 houses and a town house. On the north side 
of Oconee, for near two miles, the lands level, some part thick set 
with dwarf hickory trees. On the south side of the creek there is 
about 50 acres of rich land, broken, bordering on the creek; the 
margin of the creek in some places affords clay for pots. The 
branches of all these creeks are said to afford reed and some of 
them cane, and a fine range for cattle. The cattle go out 20 miles 
of this river around in the winter and return every spring to the 
ponds near the river. These ponds are now dry and appear, none 
of them, when full to have more than 4 feet water. The cattle 
are fond of feeding in and round them; perhaps the food is a little 
brakish, or more sweet than any in the adjoining lands. Stradham 
is on a pine barren without knowing it is so. 

24th November. 

Opeiuchee, of Sowgehatchee, applies for a trader in his town; 
he says there are thirty hunters and they will treat a white man 
well; that the women are in want of a man who will supply them 
with salt and thread for such articles of food as they can spare. 

Ehepoie, of the Nocoosulgee, wife of Bowman Sutton, informs 
me that her brother, Secosciche, new about 40 years of age, if living, 
is supposed to be somewhere in the United States; he was taken 
just after General Wayne was surprised by the Creeks in Georgia 
during the late revolution war, but these who took him, knowing 
he was friendly to the U. S., cloathod him, and set him at liberty. 
He was nephew to the Cusseta King. She has heard he is still 
living, somewhere in the U. S. He was a man of weak under- 
standing, of easy temper and industrious, and she requests that the 
Principal T. A. for I. A. South of Ohio will cause enquiry to be 
made after him, and to inform the family if living. 



Cusseta, 24th of November, 1797. 

Tustunnagau Emautlau, of Tuckabatchee, called on me en 
business for Alex. Cornell. I had heard that he was a brave and 



BENJAMIN HAWKINS 247 

determined man, who had often signalised himself when called on 
to fulfill any national engagements which required a bold and 
decisive line of action. I requested to know of him whether the 
Spaniards had made any overtures to him lately to take part with 
them in any enterprise they may meditate against the U. S.; that 
I put this question to him with this statement: That there was 
some objection on the part of Spain to the fulfillment of their 
treaty with us. I did not understand the grounds of the objections; 
that I had seen the correspondence between some of the Spanish 
officers and our artist, Mr. Elliot, on this subject, but they afforded 
me no satisfaction, as the purport was not true, and if true, were 
no just grounds of complaints against us. He replied: No, the 
Spaniards had not communicated any thing on this subject to him; 
he did not know they were hostile to the U. S.; he had heard that 
something which he did not understand had stoped the line runers. 
As you ask me whether the Spaniards are unfriendly, I will tell you 
a story about four or five years past: Colonel O'Neil, Governor 
of Pensacola, sent for him by Captain Oliver and invited him and 
urged him repeatedly to go and take hair from the Americans and 
he should be paid for it. He replied infrequently, and they as often 
urged him to go. He promised at length to go and bring some 
hair; that reflecting on his promise, he doubted the justness of it in 
part; he had promised hair; he never violated his word; the Spanish 
Governor had obtained his promise; the Americans had done him 
no injury. He went immediately among the Spanish settlements 
above the Natches and there killed one man and carried the hair 
to his town and informed the Governor what he had done. 

The Governor was vexed at the mistake and sent up to his town 
and demanded his head for it; that at this time Captain Oliver, the 
agent, was absent from the nation, and Louis Melford, in his stead, 
who received the orders for his head; Melford knew the difficulty of 
executing this order, determined to send him to carry his head 
himself; he wrote a letter to the Governor and informed him: 
"You have demanded the head of the Indian who murdered the 
man above the Natches; the bearer is the man; I have sent him to 
you, head and all." This letter he was ignorant of the contents of. 
The Governor received him and treated him well, but did not men- 
tion the purport of the letter, nor did he know it till his return, 
when he was informed of the contents. At first he said it made 
him smile, and he replied to his informant that had the Governor 
mentioned the subject to him, he should have given him a severe 
reprimand for his conduct; I would have told him: It is your fault, 
you are to blame, you encourage us to go to war against the U. S.; 
at a time when you are too cowardly to avow your intentions, you 
call us and set us on. The people of the U. S., on the contrary, are 
honest and manly; when they fought the British, Mr. Galphin 



248 LETTERS OF 



constantly required of us to be silent and neuter. The British 
agents called on us to help and we foolishly did so and lost many 
men and some land by it. The people of the U. S. now require 
of us to be quiet and in friendship with all their neighbours. You 
are constantly tcazing us by your agent, Captain Oliver, to fight 
them. 1 have given them my hand; we have most of us done so, 
and in future determined to listen to their friendly and manly talks; 
but as you must have hair, I took it, that you might feel I took 
it from one of your people; he was a sorry loking man, like myself, 
of not much account; but it is a lesson for you. 

Mr. Hawkins then asked if the other chiefs were invited by the 
Spaniards to take up the hatchet against the U. S. He answered: 
Yes, all of them, without exception, where he lived, and powder and 
ball was frequently given for the purpose and they were frequently 
rebuked for not using it as the Spaniards wished; if you are desirous 
of knowing more, you will see some of them when you come to the 
upper towns, and they will, all in general, answer you as I do. 
Have you not had an invitation lately, within one year, or since 
last spring, to take up the hatchet? No, I told you this before. I 
believe they know the answer we should give: They may fight 
their own battles. I have no love for the Spaniards, and I believe 
few Indians have any love for or confidence in them. 

Have you heard any thing of the difficulties which surround the 
four nations, of Blount and his projects, or Cox and his, and other 
intruders on the Indian rights? Yes, I was one who attended the 
meeting of the four nations; there I heard all about it; the Coweta 
Mico (Little Turkey) told us every thing; the difficulties you had 
with the white and red people about '.he Cherokee line; that Fusse 
Mico and Chesse Tunno wanted to get you out of the Indian 
country, that they might ruin the red people; that Cox, the leader of 
the Ocunnaunuxulgee, was ready to seize upon the Muscle Shoals, 
but you and the officers of the government had disappointed all of 
them. He told us the difficulty you had with the red people; that 
you set down with them at Tuskeegee and talked to them as if 
you were their father; you told them their situation; that they must 
restrain their young men and make them leave oflf horse stealing 
and medling with the white people's property; that you did not 
once threaten them, but beged they would listen to your talks; that 
if they did not, they were a ruined people in spite of all you and 
the officers of government could do, and the Ecunnaunuxulgee 
would rejoice at it and get possession of their whole country. 

When you heard these things did you and your people listen 
with attention? Yes, and we have talked it over since; we have 
talked over your demand for satisfaction for the murder of Gentry 
and Brown, and your advise to our nation to do justice to the 
Chickasaws, to be at peace with the red and white people, and be 



BENJAMIN HAIVKINS 249 

neighbourly with them; the advise you first gave us, not to meddle 
with affairs of the white people, but let them fight their own battles. 
We have talked over all these things, and our people begin to listen 
to them; there is now a majority in our land who have taken your 
talks and will abide by them, and by the spring, when wou take the 
same pains with the upper towns as you have with the lower, there 
will be a great majority, and they will follow your advise. We 
have talked this over several times, and we see our people grow 
better every day and see more into the situation of things. I am 
one of the chiefs who was appointed by the head of our land to 
assist the people of these towns to put the Uchees to death who 
murdered Brown; I came here for the purpose, and went with some 
of the warriors. He fled; I afterwards heard he was at the Little 
Savannas; we went there and heard he had fled to the Shawnees, 
and we stoped the pursuit, as we heard you had given orders not 
to do any injury to any innocent person of the family. Some of 
us talked of killing one of the family and puting and end to the 
business, but were restrained by your orders. 

Do your chiefs see their danger arising from the misconduct 
of their young men? Do they see that if the troops which at 
present restrain the intrusions of the land speculators and others 
were removed, that your nation is not safe? Do they see the diffi- 
culty I have with the reds and whites? Do they see the wickedness 
of your young men, who even steal the horses of the agents who 
attend my orders, and are not punished? Do they see that they 
must help me or all is lost? Do they talk of the joy it would give 
the enemies of the Creeks if my lips were sealed by their bad con- 
duct and thereby removed, and the plan of the government 
defeated? 

Yes, all these things have been talked over, and at the last 
meeting at Tuckabatchee, and the chiefs said they were determined 
to help us in the spring and take your talks; they saw Yauqmulgee 
was their true friend; they heard of the fatigue you underwent 
on their account, and they would help you; they said particularly, 
you must be helped, or if by their bad conduct they shut your 
mouth from speaking in their favour, the Ecunnaunuxulgee will 
rejoice; they will be like the dog which shakes his tail with joy. 



I certify the foregoing to be faithfully translated from the 
Creek. 

TIM. BARNARD. 



Being present when this information was obtained by Colonel 
Hawkins from Tustunnagau Emautlau, it brings to my recollec- 



250 LETTERS OF 



tion that I then lived in the Tuckabatchee, saw Mr. Melford, and 
am myself a witness of the truth of the Tustunnagau's statement. 
The man he killed was named Williams, and the report he gave of 
the conversation he intended to give the Governor, he actually- 
mentioned in his town. It was then a common thing, both in 
Captain Oliver and Melford, the Spanish agents, to encourage the 
Indians to commit hostile acts against the citizens of the United 
States, and the Indians disliked it. The Spaniards applied for per- 
mission to build a fort at the fork of Alabama, where the old French 
fort, Toulouse, stood, and said it was for the purpose of defending 
the Indians against the encroachments of the Georgians; the Mad 
Dog asked me my opinion of the answer which should be given 
to the Spaniards, and I advised that he should ask the Spaniards 
to build a fort at Oconee if they were earnest in their declarations 
of defending the Indian lands against the Georgia encroachments, 
and I believe he gave this answer to the Spanish agents. 



RICHARD THOMAS. 



Translations of Creek expressions used in the foregoing: 

Ecunnaunuxulgee: People greedily grasping after the lands 
of the red people against the voice of the United States. 

Fusse Mico: The Dirt King, Governor Blount; the Cherokee 
name of this gentleman is the Dirt Captain, and in both nations 
it arose from their opinion of his insatiable avidity to acquire 
Indian lands. 

Chessecuppetunne: Captain Chisholm, the pumpkin Captain. 

I will add another name; Ecunnauaupopohau: Always asking 
for land. 

General Clerk of Georgia, 

RICHARD THOMAS. 



g frequently occurs in the Creek tongue and is always hard in 
sound: Vaujinulgee means the Virginia people, and is sometimes 
used for the U. S. Taullowauhutculgce: The People of the 
beloved town where the President resides and from whence the 
good talks come. 



BENJAMIN HAWKINS 251 

Town of St. Mary's, 6th January, 1797. 
Dear Thomas: 

I have now before me five of your letters unanswered, viz., 21st 
October, 1st November, 6th, 11th & 13th December; lost all of 
them. I have attentively perused, and had I time, would reply 
minutely to them by this opportunity, but the great deal I have to 
write and do will not allow; I shall in a few days. You have 
doubtless heard that I am no longer agent; of course I cannot 
answer any of your orders, but I have wrote to Mr. Price to answer 
them, which I hope he will do. I have received your silver watch, 
& I shall send it to Charleston for repair. You will see by my 
letters to the chiefs of the Upper and Lower Creeks the reasons for 
my being no longer agent; it is with the nation, if they wish my 
services, to call a meeting of the principal chiefs and draw up a 
clear and spirited remonstrance to the President, which will have 
the desired effect. In this you can be very useful by dressing their 
sentiments in a proper stile; let it be full and expressive of my 
services to them & my own country. There has been base foul play 
used against me, which will all come out in time. I shall write 
you again at large in a day or two. 

Yours, etc., 

JAS. SEAGROVE. 



I certify the foregoing to be a true copy of the original in my 
possession. 

RICHARD THOMAS. 



Cusseta, 25th November, 1797. 

I thank you, my dear sir, for the hint relative to the Warrenton 
postofifice keeper; I accept it as an invitation for a regular corres- 
pondence monthly with him, and I pledge the faith of Istechatelige 
osetat chemistechaugo (the beloved man of the four nations) to 
be punctual on his part. I am now and have been in this town, 
which is on the Chattahoochee among the Lower Creek towns, (160 
miles from Fort Wilkinson, the residence of Colonel Gaither, on 
the Oconee) for more than a month, and much engaged in the 
duties enjoined on me by my office. It is not necessary to detail 
to you the difficulties I have encountered daily in adjusting with 
these people the differences in the way of a friendly intercourse 
between them and their neighbours. They, the men, are bred in 
habits proudly indolent and insolent, accustomed to be courted, and 



252 LETTERS OF 



to think they did confer a favour by receiving, v^^hen naked, cloathes 
and comforts from the British agents, and will reluctantly and 
with great difificulty be humbled to the level of rational life. I 
spend their days at their public places in conversation, or at my 
hut, where I have entertained a number, and the evenings I devote, 
till 12 o'clock, at the town house to see their dancing and amuse- 
ments, or at my hut attending to their language or making arrange- 
ments to decide on disputed property, and adjusting the misunder- 
standings between the four nations. As business increased on me, 
I found my mind and exertions always ready to rise above it, or as 
it would be better expressed, to be equal to my wishes, and even 
beyond my expectations. In this situation I had one visitor sorely 
afflictive, a severe attack in my left leg and foot of the gout or 
rheumatism for 6 or 10 nights; some times not able to turn in my 
blankets, yet constantly crowded with visitors and obliged to attend 
to the head men and warriors of twelve towns, invited to convene 
at Coweta, a neighbouring town. I have one faithful assistant in 
Mr. Barnard, one of the interpreters. The white and red people 
are much indebted to his constant persevering and honest exertions 
to do justice to all applicants. It sometimes falls to the lot of one 
man, tho' apparently in the humblest walks of life, to render more 
effectual service to his creatures than thousands of his neighbours. 
This has been the case with this gentleman; he was a trader in this 
nation before the war, and remained in it during the whole progress 
of it, constantly opposing the cruel policy which pressed these 
people to war with the Americans, and urged their being neuter; 
he repeatedly risked his life and fortune in the cause of humanity, 
and remains to witness that the purity of his actions has given 
him a standing among the red people which could not be purchased 
with money. 

I have, since I left you, seen much of the western country; 
witnessed the downfall of a character I highly valued, when I first 
had the pleasure of knowing you, and seen a check given, I hope 
an effectual one, to a base system for the destruction of the four 
nations, by the Ecunnaunuxulgee (people greedily grasping after 
all their lands), and I have the happiness to know that I have 
contributed much to the establishment of the well grounded confi- 
dence which the four nations have in the justice of the U. S., and 
that this confidence is so well grounded that the malice or wicked- 
ness of the enemies of our government cannot destroy it. 

Will you assure Mrs. F. that I often wish her health and 
happiness; that if she is fond of grandure and will send her son to 
me, I will give him a queen, or if he, by her permission, prefers 
the custom of the Oriental country, I will give him half a dozen, 
with fortunes suitable to their rank, each a pestle and mortar, a 
sifter and riddle and fanner, an earth pot, pan and large wooden 



^ BENJAMIN HAWKINS 253 

spoon, with one hoonau (half petticoat), as low as the knee, and 
iocoofcuttau (short shift), not so low as the tie of the hoonau; 
earrings surrounding each of the rims of the ears, a necklace, a 
string of broaches before, with one hatchetau (or blanket) and as 
much tucfullwau (binding) as will club the hair; they will each have 
a full portion of the temper of the mule, except when they are 
amorous, and then will exhibit all the lovely and amiable qualities 
of the cat. 

With assurances that I shall persevere in the duties enjoined 
on me, and hopes that I shall better the condition of these tawney 
and oppressed daughters of the woods, I pray you not to forget 
your friend and obedient servant, 

WM. FAULKENER, ESQ. 



Cusseta, 26th of November, 1797. 

Auwihejee, son of Lauchejee, of Tallassee, called on me for a 
letter to you; his father is called Crook Neck by our misnomers, 
and in that name I gave him a note to you. Lauchejee has 750 lbs. 
of deer skins, & 36 lbs. of beaver, which he takes down to you; his 
son, Auwihejee, and a black boy will accompany him. He leaves 
behind 200 deer skins and 30 or 40 small furs; these he will take 
down in the spring; for the value of these he wishes a credit till he 
can send them down. 

The goods he wants are 6 pes. Strouds, 1 pair white blankets 
and 1 pc. Duffils, 3 pair arm bands, 3 pair wrist bands, 2 pes. petti- 
coat linseys, 2 pes. white linen for shirts, 2 pes. black handker- 
chiefs, 2 or 3 pieces callico, 1 piece striped cotton homespun, 1 
piece negro cloth, 50 lbs. powder and 100 lbs. of lead, 12 fine combs, 
12 long knives, 12 cutteaux knives, 12 pair scissars, ribband, binding, 
1 lb. white thread, 100 needles, flints, paint, 2 or 3 scarlet blankets, 
3 pes. of romals, 3 pes. coarse check or stripe for shirts, 1 brass 
kettle, 7 bags salt, 1 keg of brandy, broaches, ear bobs, beads, 1 
fowling piece, 1 hat, a good one, black feather; hatchets, axes, look- 
ing glasses. 

I have taken the list down as the son named them; the father 
lives at Long Island, on this river, 35 miles above this; he is a 
careful, industrious man, not in debt, and seven negros, good 
property, and the old man does not drink, and is honest in the 
discharge of his debts; you will be safe in crediting him to the 
amount of skins and furs left at home, and beyond that relying on 
the truth of this statement. You will be pleased with the old man, 



254 LETTERS OF 



as I have been with the information I have obtained & herein 
communicate to you of him and his affairs. I am, 

Your friend & obedient servant. 



MR. EDWARD PRICE. 
U. S. Factor. 



Cusseta, in the Creek Nation, 25th of November, 1797. 

I have the pleasure, my most estimable friend, to acknowledge 
the receipt of your favour of the 10th of August; it came by Knox- 
ville, through the Cherokee and Creek country, to this place. Guess 
what could have been my feelings on the discovery of that letter 
which caused you to speak of one old batchelor in such hansome 
terms. I had not been two days on the frontiers of Tennessee 
before I suspected there was some thing in train of execution 
injurious to the United States; Colonel Henley, Mr. Dinsmoor, 
General Pickins and myself spoke freely to each other on the 
subject, and we were induced to exert all our vigilence. Mr. Byers, 
who was in our confidence, we know to be zealously attached to the 
U. S. When the letter was sent to me, I was surprised it was 
from an unexpected quarter; the man, my old friend, formerly very 
much in my estimation, and until the last year or two of my being 
a member of the Senate, deemed to be of the purest integrity; he 
is before that tribunal which has and will do him justice, and there 
I leave him. 

I cannot express to you the difficulty and fatigue I under- 
went in ascertaining and marking the line,, and the anxiety I had 
at seeing a number of my fellow citizens certain victims of their 
own folly by intruding on the rights of the Indians. Powell's 
Valley, an extensive settlement west of Clinch and south of Camp- 
bell's line, without any pretext to cover their intrusions; the line 
on the one hand being marked and known ever since 1777; on the 
other hand, a large river, and both expressed without any ambiguity 
in the treaty of Holston. A something crept into the State of 
Tennessee, which leaped over the bounds of decency and law, and 
determined to put the government to defiance; it had already taken 
such a growth when I arrived there as to be alarming in a high 
degree, and nothing but the prudent precaution of the President in 
sending Colonel Butler there with a respectable force, checked it. 

I have been for almost a month in conversation with the chiefs 
and warriors of 12 of the Lower Creek towns, having directed 
them to convene in my neighbourhood. I have adopted a line of 
conduct which seems to succeed; I am firm, patient and persevering. 
I have pointed out, in the plainest and strongest light in my power. 



BENJAMIN HAWKINS 255 

the situation and duty of the chiefs, and the effect has equalled 
my expectations. I dwelt much on the magnanimity and benev- 
olence of the government; the anxiety of the President and the 
great body of my fellow citizens for their future well doing, and 
the difficulty I and the officers of the government had on account 
of the improper conduct of the young men and the want of the 
aid of the chiefs of the land. 

Pardon me, my most estimable friend, you are not yet Secretary 
at War, and you may well judge from my letter it was intended for 
such a character. I have no regular hours for business; it is now 
12 o'clock at night. I am all the day with the Indians, and have no 
other time than the evenings to attend to my friends. I was some 
few days past, sorely afflicted with the gout or rheumatism; I could 
not turn in my blanket, and the arrival of the Queen of Tuckabat- 
chee was announced to me; that town is 60 miles from me. I was 
so sure that it was you, that the gout left me for a moment and I 
rose up; but alass! I invited her and her friends to spend two or 
three days with me, which she did. Very early one morning she 
came to my bed side and sat down; I awoke and she accosted me: 
My visit is to you, I am a widow, I have a son so high (holding her 
hand 3 feet from the ground), I have a fine stock of cattle, I wished 
them to be secured for my use and for my son; I know you are 
Istechatelige osetat chemistechaugo (the beloved man of the four 
nations); my relations are not careful of my interest; if you will 
take the direction of my affairs, the chiefs have told me you may 
settle my stock where you please and it shall be safe. When you 
go to Tuckabatchee you will have a home; maybe I am too old for 
you, but I'll do any thing I can for you. I shall be proud of you if 
you will take me. If you take a young girl into the house I shall 
not like it, but I won't say one word; maybe I can't love her, but 
I won't use her ill. I have brought some ausce (cassene youpon) 
for you. I want some cloathes for my boy and for myself; you can 
give them to me and make the traders take some of the cattle for 
pay; if you direct them, they won't cheat me. I was taken a 
prisoner by the Chickasaws with my boy when he was so high 
(about 2 feet); I run from them and was 17 days in the woods, 
geting to my nation. I had no provisions when I set out, and I was 
like to perish. When you was in the upper towns last year I came 
twice to see you, and drest myself; you took me by the hand and 
asked me to sit down; I wanted to speak to you then, but I could 
not. I said then I would never have an Istechate (red man). 

She was about 23 years of age, plump built, not tall, of copper 
colour, full breasted, her face regular, with the appearance of neat- 
ness in her dress. She had the stillapica (moccasin) without stock- 
ings, the hoonau (short petticoat) just below the knee, ornamented 
with tucfullowau (binding); her iocoofcuttau (shift) just to the 



256 LETTERS OF 



hoonauewonaugetau (petticoat string), made open before, but con- 
fined with sittaholcau (broaches); the length seemed designed to ac- 
commodate a young child, and by raising it an inch or two the child 
could be put to the breast; she has eight hutscotalcau (ear bobs) 
around the rim of each ear, and a cunnauwau (necklace), all of 
silver beads and bobs, and a hatchetau (mantle); her hair was 
clubbed and tied with tucfullowau chate (red binding). 

It is not customary anywhere among the Creeks to associate 
with the women, and it is a curious fact that there are white men 
in this land who have been here five years without ever entering 
an Indian house. I visit them, take them by the hand and talk 
kindly to them, and I eat with them frequently, and this day I had 
four Indian women to dine with me, with some chiefs and white 
men; a thing, they tell me, unknown before to either of them. One 
thing I have noticed in all I have conversed with: They have a 
great propensity to be obscene in conversation, and they call every 
thing by its name, and if the concurrant testimony of the white 
husbands may be relied on, the women have much of the temper 
of the mule, except when they are amorous, an then they exhibit 
all the amiable and gentle qualities of the cat. 

I have made some progress in learning their language, and its 
an amusement to me the few moments of leisure I have. I began 
with writing words, names, then dialogues; as my knowledge 
increased, I corrected my errors. I am preparing a treat for our 
friend, Mr. Jefiferson. I expect in one year to give him an exten- 
sive vocabulary of the tongues of the 4 nations; the Creek will be 
my work, and it will be well done. I have application myself and 
an able assistant. 

Remember me, I pray you, to Mr. Veriable; I intended to write 
to him, but your letter has consumed my whole stock of paper, and 
I do not expect any more for ten days. Your son and you must be 
well; and you are to be settled near Mr. Jefferson; do not forget, 
I pray you, that I am to be your gardener and Walker the shep- 
herd. Mrs. Easton, she is a deserter; however, as she has set up 
the manufactory of babes, we must forgive her; she will succeed; 
they will all of them imbibe the good qualities of the mamma, and 
make others happy by it. 

And Mr. Matlock, success to his establishment; pray, bespeak 
the birth of godfather for me, and if I cannot attend, I hereby vest 
you with authority to appoint a proxy for me, who, in my name, 
shall have full power to renounce the devil and all his works, and 
the vain pomp and glory of this wicked world, &c., &c. 

Pray authorize your son or Mr. Venable to give one kiss to 
the amiable daughters where you are in remembrance of me, and 



BENJAMIN HAWKINS 257 

accept of one yourself from Mr. V. as the perpetual pledge of the 
sincere affection of your friend & obedient servant. 

MRS. ELIZA TRIST. 



Cusseta, the 27th November, 1797. 

I have received your letter of the 14th of this month, in answer 
to mine of the 30th of October; it is the first I have had from you. 
This letter you send me I have read with attention, and if you had 
not informed me you were sick, I should have supposed you were 
deranged in mind; perhaps it is a delirium arising from sickness; 
in that case it is a misfortune, not a fault. If I did not believe 
something of this sort really to affect you, I would let you know 
that if you do not know your duty, I know mine. Whoever heard 
of your being talked of about what was done at Colerain? Nobody, 
but your own imagination. You were only an interpreter, and I 
know the Indians never fault them for doing their duty faithfully. 
I can tell you another thing; you over rate your standing when 
you say the Indians blame you; the fact is they have not blamed 
you, and for a very obvious reason; the Indians do not suffer the 
white men in their land even to mention, much less to influence 
them in their treaties. 

Another thing, you talk of Tulapocca and the complaints of 
the Indians about it, and the trifle of goods; that these things must 
be settled before I leave the land. What do you mean by this 
stuff? Do not you know the Tulapocca line was settled by 
McGillivray and the Indians who went to New York? Don't you 
know that this nation appointed agents to go and run the line, and 
that Bowls's coming prevented it? Did you not hear the chiefs tell 
me this publicly at Colerain? And did you not know they told the 
truth? 

What do you mean when you say if the Indians suffer, you 
must suffer? Have you not, as it was your duty to do, told them 
boldly and plainly what all the interpreters at Colerain were ordered 
to do, that the Indians have now nothing to fear, the United States 
has guaranteed their country to them? Did you not hear the 
plan of government explained at Colerain, to better the condition 
of the Indians? And don't you know I am here to carry that plan 
into execution? Don't you know the Indians took part with Great 
Britain against the United States and did us much injury, and that 
the retaliation on our part is to forgive them because they were 
a poor deluded people, to enlighten their understanding and to 
better their condition, by assisting them with tools and implements 
of husbandry, and teaching them the use of them; by furnishing 



258 LETTERS OF 



them with blacksmiths and wheels and cards, looms and weavers? 
Where have you been that you have forgot these things? Don't 
you know that we have placed an army, at great expense, to protect 
the Indians in the enjoyment of their rights, and that we established 
two stores to supply the Indians at cost and charges? 

You want me to clear you? Of what can you clear yourself, 
if you have not explained faithfully these things to the Indians? 
You cannot. You ask me to send you a certificate of what is done 
here, signed by two or three chiefs. What do you mean by this? 
Must Istechatelige osetat chemistechaugo have a certificate from 
three Indians? You are surely dreaming. 

One piece of information I can give you; the Indians have 
appointed seven Commissioners to see the line run agreeably to 
the treaty of New York, and it will be run just after the commence- 
ment of the new year; that the Indians do not complain, but are 
satisfied with the measures of government, and do believe they are 
for their good. 

The Indians, I hope, will never forget how much they are 
indebted to Mr. Barnard; he is the true and faithful friend of the 
red people; the best or worst of times he is the same, and does 
good for them solely from the pleasure it gives him to do so. He 
is true and faithful to his trust; he knows the purity of the inten- 
tions of our government, and it is fortunate for the Indians that 
he is the faithful interpreter of them. You must visit me about the 
25th of next month at the store on Oconee, there to explain your 
conduct and receive your sallary. 
I wish you health and happiness. 



JAMES SURGES. 



ENSIGN ALLINSON: 

I wrote you on the 15th November by Henry Wilson; he went 
down for some of the articles belonging to the Indian Department. 
Michael Elhert, he goes down for the remainder. I have been told 
there is not much reliance on Mordecai; of course, if he has not 
executed the order I gave on you by Wilson, you will deliver the 
whole to the bearer. 

I have given the list as complete as I can; I see however, that 
a few of the things were given out by Mr. Price. I wish you, if you 
can conveniently, to note such things in this invoice by a stroke 
as are not delivered and return it to me by him. 

The Indians are mostly in the woods or on the path to Fort 
Wilkinson for their annuity; their conduct upon the whole is satis- 
factory. We shall run the line early in January from the head of 



i 



BENJAMIN HAWKINS 259 

Tulapocca to Tugalo. The Commissioners, on the part of the 
Indians, are appointed, have received their commissions, and are 
instructed to attend to my orders. 



25th November. 



Some time in the summer past, about the latter part of July, 
the Uchees who inhabit the Sauvannogee Village stole two horses 
from some Cherokee traders. The trader, McDonnal, and his man 
Ross, they applied to Mucclassee Hoopoi, of Occhoiuchee, to obtain 
satisfaction; he went directly to the town with some warriors, and 
the thieves were gone, but were known, and the townspeople had 
taken the horses and restored them to the care of Richard Bailey. 
Mucclassee Hoopoi went to their houses, took three guns from 
them, and burnt three houses with all their property in it. 

There were two negros who were guilty of thieving; he went 
and had them both shot, and gave notice that he would put all to 
death who kept disturbing the property of the white people, and 
kept confusion in their land. He gave notice to the negro holders 
that they must take care of their slaves, as he would undoubtedly 
put the law in force against them. 

The owner of one of the negros called on him for satisfaction 
for executing his negro; this chief replied: You have justice in the 
execution of the thief, that is all you are entitled to; I have negros, 
if they are guilty of theft, come you and you may execute them as 
additional satisfaction. 



Cusseta, 29th November, 1797. 

This day Zachariah McGirt appeared before me in obedience 
to the order on the complaint of Joseph Thompson, and answers 
that the two negros, Monday and Nancy, claimed as being late the 
property of Samuel Moore, is bona fide the property of his wife, 
Louisa McGirt, as will appear by indenture bearing date the 4th 
day of January, 1797, from James McGirt, of the Province of East 
Florida, her father-in-law. He, at the same time, exhibits the 
deposition of James McGirt, stating on oath before James Sea- 
grove, Esq., of Cowpen County, on the 9th of August, 1797, "that 
about the year 1780 he purchased of George Arons, an inhabitant 
of Georgia, a negro man, Monday, and a negro wench, Nancy, for 
which he had a bill of sale from the said Arons for the said negros; 
that at the time of the British evacuating East Florida, the before- 
mentioned negros were stole and carried away from him the said 



260 LETTERS OF 



night; that about 4 years after, the said negros were discovered in 
the possession of a man of the name of Samuel Moore, residing in 
West Florida; that a person named Joseph Thompson, who married 
the widow of the aforesaid Samuel Moore, and now resides at 
Tensaw, in East Florida, is now in possession of the said negros," 
and further, as appeareth by the said deposition. 

He exhibits also the deposition of William McGirt, an inhabi- 
tant of East Florida, taken in like manner and on the day aforesaid, 
stating that about three years past, \ eing then in West Florida, he 
saw in the possession of Lachlan Durant, George Aron's bill of 
sale to James McGirt for the two negros, Monday and Nancy, as 
stated in James McGirt's testimony thereto annexed. He exhibits 
a letter of Lachlan Durant stating that the bill of sale got destroyed 
at the time he and Billey McGirt came from Little River. He 
exhibits a paper dated July 29th, 1797, East Florida, St. Augustine, 
signed George (A — his mark) Arons, certifying that he gave unto 
James McGirt, Sr., a bill of sale for two negros named Monday 
and Nancy, which negros were supposed clandestinely carried out 
of that province by Samuel Moore. 

Zachariah McGirt further states that he was informed by John 
Rogers that he did let Samuel Moore have the negro Nancy; that 
he asked Rogers how he came to sell his father's; he said he had 
sold her, but had not received pay for her; that this declaration of 
Rogers was in the presence of Charles Weatherford. He further 
states that he heard that Rogers was to have given Bosefield 60 dol- 
lars for the negro woman. He further states that John Rogers went 
to Moore's to get pay for this negro; that Moore had at the time a 
note against John Rogers for £Z0 sterling; that on hearing Moore 
intended to apply to the Commandant to make him pay that sum, 
he fled, and returned. 

That he has heard that James Moore harboured the said negro 
six or seven months, meaning the negro Monday, before he left 
St. Mary's and fled with them to West Florida. 

ZACHARIAH McGIRT. 
Subscribed and sworn before me 



BENJAMIN HAWKINS. 



See claim of the 5th of October for this fellow by a slave. 

John, claimed by William Fitzpatrick as his slave, states that 
he is the son of Tobe, formerly held in slavery by Joseph Fitz- 
patrick; he lived in Virginia, in Albermarle County; she knew him 



BENJAMIN HAWKINS 261 

and recovered her freedom and afterwards hired herself to her 
quondam master and lived with him four years. She was decreed 
to be free in right of her mother, who was an Indian of the 
Delaware tribe. He states that his mother had nine children; that 
of these, Harry, the oldest brother, recovered his liberty, and Toby, 
another brother, recovered his; that is as this narrator has heard 
and believes. Joseph Fitzpatrick, the brother of William, sold him 
about of the age of 19, for two years to a Captain Wear. He has 
three sisters living, but whether free or not he knows not; the 
oldest, Tilloh, Aggey, & Phebe, named after her mother. 



Cusseta, 23rd November, 1797. 

I have lately been visited by the agents appointed to receive 
the stipend for 1796 and 1797. The conversation I have had with 
them you have a sample of in the inclosed. This chief has 
remained with me and continues to express himself in a bold, 
candid and intelligent manner to the agents and others, and he 
assures me that the chiefs on this river think of the situation of 
their nation as he does, and will unquestionably aid me throughout 
in the spring. 

I deemed the conversation with him worthy of your perusal, 
and have had it transcribed; you will perceive by the Creek ex- 
pressions I retained how capable they are of drawing a line between 
our government and that class of our fellow citizens who are 
unworthy members of it. The Ecunnaumuculgee is more expres- 
sive than any word I know of what they and we mean when we 
speak of that class of our fellow citizens. 

I have added the letter from Mr. Seagrove to Mr. Thomas; if 
this gentleman keeps a copy of his letters, he must have a very 
peculiar turn of mind; if he cannot discover how absurd his con- 
duct must appear to the officers of government. I sent you his 
address to the Creeks; therein he could not nor would not serve 
the government upon the terms required of him. 

The officers you now have may, without exception, be relied 
on to fulfill the orders of the government and to serve it with zeal 
and fidelity at every hazard. 

H that gentleman or any other believes the town of St Mary's 
the proper place for the residence of the Superintendent, and that 
the affairs of the Indians can be better managed there than by 
a residence in the nation, and by visiting them in their towns from 
time to time, or that the river St. Mary's is a suitable place for a 
commercial intercourse with them for the objects contemplated by 
the government, it would become them to be cautious how they 



262 LETTERS OE 



expressed such a belief, or they might be suspected of selfishness, 
and of being capable of sacrificing the public good to their own 
ease & emolument. 

There is unquestionably some difiference between a seaside 
residence, with a handsome sallary & a large contingent fund, 
surrounded with one's friends, and a residence among the Indians. 

I have the honour to be, with much and sincere regard. 



The Honourable 

JAMES McHENRY, 
Secretary of War. 



Cusseta, November 30th, 1797. 

Joseph Hardridge exhibited his licence, No. 4, for to carry on 
trade with the Creek Indians in the town of Eufaulee for two years, 
from the 21st day of October, 1797. 

1st December. 

James Hardridge and Joseph Hardridge called on me and 
stated they had in their possession a roan filly, two years old last 
spring, belonging to Thomas Lott; he left this filly under the care 
of James Hardridge and was to satisfy him for his careful attention 
to her. He showed the filly, and further stated that Thomas Lott 
was indebted to the three brothers, James, Joseph & William Hard- 
ridge the sums hereunder mentioned. 

Chalks 

To James, for the swap of a horse 30 

Paid an Indian, for hunting his horse 6 

Paid Forister, a debt in partnership 16 

52 

To Joseph, for 7 yds. Irish linen at 3 per yd 21 

To an overcharge paid by James for recovering a small white 
horse 15 

36 
To William, for a gun, 12 dollars, or a set of silversmith's tools, 48 

136 

This charge is to be credited for five dollars paid Joseph 20 

Ballance 116 



BENJAMIN HAWKINS 263 

This ballance is unpaid; they are informed that Lott is gone 
towards the stol-e on the Oconee, and they pray that justice may be 
done them, 

JAMES (JH) HARDRIDGE. 

JOSEPH (JH) HARDRIDGE. 

Subscribed and sworn to before 

BENJAMIN HAWKINS. 

Ordered that James Hardridge hold the filly hereinbefore 
described in his care and possession till further orders, subject to 
the securing of payment for the debts charged against Thomas 
Lott, when a final order shall be made in the premisses. 



December 3rd. 



Major John Colber exhibited his pass of the 26th September. 

John White exhibited his pass of the 2nd of November, 1797, 
from Edward Price, acting for the Agent of War. He is of Green 
County, and State of Georgia, and on being asked his business in 
the nation, answered, to see a brother of his who he was informed 
lived on Tombigbee. 

Major John Colber stated that he had brought with him three 
young men of good character; that he did not know that it was 
necessary to obtain passports, as he had one from me, and was 
coming directly to the town of my residence; their names William 
& George Tanehill, brothers, & Mathew Bilboa, all of Green 
County, Georgia. 

I gave them permits to go to Tensaw, informing them that 
I should report them to the Agent of War. 



Cusseta, 5th of December, 

John Randon, of Tensaw, states that some time about the year 
1784 he waited upon the Governor of Georgia and claimed the 
property of Peter Randon, his father, then deceased; that he was 
directed how to proceed by General James Jackson, and he obtained 
an order from the Governor to take his property wherever to be 
found in the state. 

Some of the property had been sold under direction of Gover- 
nor Martin under the idea that it was confiscated, but his father 



264 LETTERS OF 



had never been put in the act of confiscation, and he and his 
brothers were all minors at the death of their father. 

He proceeded as directed and recovered nine negros, little and 
big, and in the year 1785 set out with them to the Creek nation, 
and two of the negros, Manuel and George, left him and run off, 
and he has been informed they are in possession of Francis Paris, 
on Briar Creek; Paris's father was executor to the will of Peter 
Randon. 

There are three brothers, David, John & James, now living, 
sons of a Creek woman of the Cotchulgee, and on a division of the 
negros, these two negros were alloted to David and James. 

He further states that he gave a power of attorney to James 
Gray, of Beech Island, to sell some lands belonging to the estate; 
he intended at the time to sell his share only, but on examining 
into the power, General Jackson said it was a general power to 
sell all the lands; he replied to the General he was illiterate and 
did not mean to dispose of more than his own. General Jackson 
sent twice to him afterwards to come and sign the papers; he 
replied he could not, as he had not received value for the land, 
and could only sell his own share. After this the General rode up 
to his lodgings and urged him to go; he still refused, but the 
General said if he did not, it would be put into the Chancery and 
would cost him more than it was worth; upon this, he went and 
signed. 

Some of the lands were left in the hands of old Nunns, the 
father of halfbreed Samson, for 400 and the other 180 pounds 
sterling. 

When Peter Randon died, John Randon went with David 
Holms, and he understood that David Holms had all the plots and 
grants for their land, and he was recently informed by Jacob 
Townshend that the original deed was in possession of General 
Jackson, and Abner Hammond had offered £1,300 for the land. 

This statement is made to the Principal T. A. for Indian Affairs 
South of Ohio by the brothers, to request his interposition in the 
premisses, that justice may be done them. 



JOHN RANDON. 



Cusseta, 5th December, 1797. 
Sir: 

I have received your favour from Mobile of the 13th ultimo by 
Mr. Randon. I shall have a meeting of the Upper Creeks some 
time in the spring, and intend then to decide on such cases of 



BENJAMIN HAWKINS 265 

property as can be clearly ascertained. The mode I have judged 
advisable for the present is this: The plaintiff enters his claim, 
on oath, circumstantially detailed, taken in the usual manner at 
the place of his residence, or before me. A copy of this I send the 
defendant, v^^ith an order to answer in a given time, and if it is 
then deemed necessary, I send this answer, with interrogations, to 
the plaintiff; he replies; the defendant rejoins, and I decree. 

You must state your claim in conformity with the mode 
adopted and send it to me. 

I am, sir, with due regard, 

Your obedient servant. 
MR. JOHN JOYCE. 

A copy sent to John Lindar, of Tensaw. 



Cusseta, 6th of December, 1797. 

I find I cannot wait any longer in this quarter, some business 
pressing my return to the frontiers for a few days. I therefore 
set out this day. I rode up, dined with your family, and inquired 
after your wheat; it is sowed. 

I shall write to Colonel Batts Beard for his final answer relative 
to his fellow, Ned, and until I obtain it you must either pay a daily 
or weekly hire for him, or put him with Tyler, there to remain 
under public pay till I direct what will be done with him. 

If you should have any commands for me, direct them to the 
care of Colonel Gaither; I shall be with him till the last of this 
month. 

I have had some intelligence recently from the seacoast which 
gives a hope that peace is established in Europe. 

I wish you well, and am. 

Your obedient servant. 
MR. MARSHALL. 



Cusseta, 6th December, 1797. 

I have this day set out for Fort Wilkinson; I imagine your 
pack horses have shared the common fate, and are all with the 
strollers or hunters in the woods. I find I shall be much pressed 
for time, and therefore set out with such conveyance as I can 
procure here. Alex has been with me for three days; the Big War- 
rior left me yesterday. I must suspend my visit to you till my 
return from the line early the next year. Wilson and Michael must 



266 LETTERS OF 



leave their loads in the care of John Tyler; with him I have left 
directions what is to go to the upper towns. If you have a con- 
veyance, I should be glad if you would send my tent and the two 
traveling trunks to meet me at Oconee by the last of this month, 
with two of the small blank books. 

Remember me to your family, assure them of my sincere wishes 
for their welfare, and believe me yourself, with sincere regard & 
esteem, 

Your obedient servant. 
MR. BARNARD. 



Fort Wilkinson, 13th December, 1797. 

Nancy and her little girl, of the Creek nation, are on their way 
to Andrew Berryhill's, near Galphin's old town on Ogeechee; she 
is of a family friendly to white people. I request my fellow citizens 
to be attentive to her and treat her with kindness, and to direct her 
in her rout. 



Fort Wilkinson, 15th of December, 1797. 
Sir: 

I did, on the 19th ultimo, address a letter to General Pickins, 
one of the Commissioners appointed to ascertain and mark the 
boundary line between the Indian nations and the U. S., to inform 
him of my having appointed the first of January to commence the 
Tuning of the Creek line. As there may be some delay in the con- 
veyance I used from the Creek nation, I am desirous of sending a 
special mesenger from this to the General, to be certain of his re- 
ceiving the notice I have given, and I must request this favour of 
you; to order an express from this place to set out to-morrow to 
carry my dispatches to him. 

I have the honour to be, with sincere regard & esteem, 

Your obedient servant. 
HENRY GAITHER, 

Lt. Col. Commandant. 



Leave and permission is hereby given to Thomas Cage to 
purchase from Thomas Lott a grey mare, 13j^ hands high, branded 
Z on the mounting shoulder. 



BENJAMIN HAWKINS 267 

15th December, 1797. 

Hopoiche Thlucco, of Sawgohatchee, complains that some time 
last winter, as he was hunting on this side of Chattahoochee, some 
Cherokees, three of them, stole two horses and carried them into 
the settlement near Tugalo, and there delivered them to some white 
men; that it appeared, by information obtained from the Cherokees, 
that they had been employed to steal these horses; that at the same 
time, there was another horse taken from Tuckhoiqua, a Tallassee, 
who lives near James McQueen's. He repeats that the Cherokee 
chiefs informed him that their young men who stole these horses 
were invited to do so by the white people in Georgia, and he adds 
that he has not received any satisfaction for his horses, and he 
requests the agent of the four nations to cause justice to be done 
to him. One of them was a mare sorrel with a small streak of 
white down the face to the nose; small mare, worth about fifteen 
dollars. The other was a grey mare worth about forty chalks. 



16th December. 
My dear General: 

The foregoing is a copy of a letter I sent you from the nation, 
and to prevent the possibility of your not having received informa- 
tion in due time, I have applied to Colonel Gaither for an express 
to convey it to you. I arrived here on the 14th; my health not yet 
restored, but I can attend to business. If you find it convenient to 
visit us at this place, we shall make your tour up the river agreeable. 
You can direct the surveyor where to begin the traverse line, and 
to extend it over the Currahee towards the Tulapocca; we can meet 
them up at the head of that river and return with the line. 

Pray remember me respectfully to Mr. P., &c., and believe me, 
with the truest esteem and regard, 

Your obedient servant. 
GENERAL ANDREW PICKINS. 

This letter alludes to one of 19th November. 



Fort Wilkinson, 16th December, 1797. 
Sir: 

When I was in the Coweta town I saw your negro, and 
informed Mr. Marshall of your orders; he told me he could not 
give the amount you ask, and he off^ered me 200 dollars; perhaps 



268 LETTERS OF 



he may be willing to give fifty more. He went afterwards to 
Pensacola, and did not return before I was under necessity of 
coming on this frontier. I have directed your negro to be sent to 
the public smith in Tallauhassee, three miles from Mr. Marshall. 

I am informed he has declared that he would die before he 
would be brought out of the nation, and it is believed he would 
fulfill his threat. You will judge what is best to be done and write 
to me; if you mean to have him removed, you must send some man 
for him with your order to me, and I will cause him to be delivered. 

I am, with due regard, 

Your obedient servant. 
COLONEL JOHN B. BARD. 



17th. 

Information is this day received that the report of the 4th 
of November is true; that Phil Spillar, who keeps a store at John 
Booth's, bought the horse. 

Information is also given to me that Robert Williams, just 
above Booth's, on Rocky Creek, purchased a horse of an Indian 
5ome time in the month of September, at or near Fort Wilkinson; 
a small roan. He went with the horse into the nation in company 
with Daniel Spillar; he returned with the horse into the settlement, 
& there has probably disposed of him. The informant adds that 
he is not certain whether Robert Williams purchased or stole the 
roan. 



Fort Wilkinson, 19th December, 1797. 
MR. CORNELL: 

Immediately on your arrival at Tuckabatchee you will have a 
"blacksmith's shop erected near your house at some convenient 
place; there must be two houses, one a shop, & another for the 
smiths to live in. I want a small lott of land for a garden at them. 

I have engaged Tuns, and I expect the smith at Weatherford's 
to come there as soon as the shop is ready. You must direct Tuns 
to attend to your black people and those of the Mad Dog; at this 
season they must make the fences and clear up the land. 

I have left an order with Tyler to send one smith's shop set of 
tools, some iron, steel, hoes, axes, saws, augurs and drawing knives. 
When you get at the Cusseta you call on Tyler and direct him to 
make a pair of wedges for you. I have directed a cross cut saw to 
be sent to your shop. 



BENJAMIN HAWKINS 269 

The smiths will want provisions; they must be bought, and I 
will give an order for the payment here, or there, at the same price 
for meat that is paid at this garrison. 

You will take care that the tools and things sent up are not 
scattered. The large axes I sent may be lent to those who will 
use them. I wish they may be used well, but I want you to know 
where they are when we may want them all at the public work in 
the spring. 

I shall be in your town as soon as I can get the business done 
here, and spend some time there. I shall expect to see all your 
chiefs, when they return in the spring, at your public square. I 
shall let you know in time to give the broken days. You must 
notice I shall always, when I address anything to the upper chiefs, 
send you notice of it first, and you will act according to that notice. 
As to public business, that belongs to the agents intrusted with it, 
and no man beside must have any medling at all. The traders must 
mind their business, and they are not to purchase any horses with- 
out a special licence for that purpose. I expect on the return of 
the hunters some of the ungovernable young men will bring stolen 
horses, and we can check that business if we stop the sale of them. 

If any thing happens worth your notice, I shall write you fully. 

I wish you health and happiness. 

MR. ALEXANDER CORNELL, 
Assistant and Interpreter. 



Opoi Haujo, of Cusseta, applies for information respecting the 
losses sustained when Major Adams attacked the party opposite 
Fort Fidins. He is informed that losses, since the Act to regulate 
trade and intercourse, will be satisfied on the terms of the Act, but 
those before that period must be provided for by the nation. 

He is further informed that he must apply to Mr. Barnard for 
a written statement, and the letters of Governor Mathews, who it 
is said promised payment for these articles. 



James Seagrove, Esq., Superintendent of Indian Affairs, with 
Richard Thomas. 

1796. Dr. Chalks 

July 29, Provisions supplied three Spanish deserters 10 

Aug. 10, ir-aid an Indian for gomg express to the Tuckabat- 

chee 20 

14, Provisions supplied three American seamen 10 



270 LETTERS OF 



Sept. 1, Provisions to Spanish deserters 10 

9, Ditto, to 4 ditto 18 

Oct. 31, Provisions to a meeting of the chiefs 60 

Nov. 2, Corn supplied Townly Bruce, who had his horse 

stole by Indians 6 

12, Provisions supplied Robert Walton, express rider. . . 6 

Chalks 140 



140 chalks, 3 equal to 1 dollar, is $ 46.75 

To my sallary as clerk in the Indian Department, from 
July 1st, 1796, to November 30th, 1796, both inclusive, 
at 250 dollars per annum, is 104.15 



$150.90 



Cr. 
December 19th, 1797, by an order on Mr. Edward Price, viz: 

MR. EDWARD PRICE, U. S. Factor: 

Pay Richard Thomas, Clerk in the Indian Department, one 
hundred and fifty dollars and 90-100, being for his sallary from 1st 
July, 1796, to the 30th November, both inclusive, and for expendi- 
tures during that period as herein mentioned, and which were 
allowed, and charge the same to the Indian Department. 
150 90-100 Dollars. 

RICHARD THOMAS, 

Clerk in the Indian Department. 



Fort Wilkinson, 19th December, 1797. 

This day personally appeared before me Richard Thomas, a 
clerk in the Indian Department, and made oath that the within 
account is just and true. 



19th. 

Andrew King, near General Mitchel's Mills, on Ogeechee, in 
Warren County, State of Georgia, states that the 25th December, 
1793, three negros, one a girl, a yellow girl, about 15 or 16 years 



BENJAMIN HAWKINS 271 

old, her colour very like that of an Indian, belonging to Wiatt 
Collier; Jim, called Dart Jim, the property of William Slaughter; 
Jim is a tall black fellow with remarkable long hair; James, the 
property of himself, a short well set fellow, large, very large hands 
and uncommon big rists, his thighs large; he is a black fellow, about 
19 years old at the time they left their master. 

The negros were seen a few miles on the south of Oconee, near 
the mouth of Shoulderbone, and it is expected they are gone to the 
Creek nation. 

John Gregory, of Rocky Creek, near John Booth's, applies: 

A horse in the possession of Mahtkee, about 14 hands high, 
branded on the mounting cushion and shoulder with the Oconee 
brand, O-C; some saddle spots, left hind foot white, below the foot 
a white snip and a star in his forehead, a darkish bay. 



Fort Wilkinson, 20th December, 1797. 

Henry Snell, of Pensacola, in the service of Mr. William 
Panton, is hereby permited to pass through the Creek country on 
his way to Savannah and to return, and I require all the agents in 
the Creek Department to aid and assist him, and I recommend 
him to the friendly attention of my fellow citizens. 



Fort Wilkinson, 20th December, 1797. 
Dear Sir: 

I arrived here a few days past from the Cusseta town. I have 
had a meeting of the Lower Creeks; they conduct themselves, upon 
the whole, as well as I could expect, and I rely upon the assurances 
they have given me that they will co-operate with me in restraining 
their imprudent young men. The frontiers are now crowded with 
hunters and I have so arranged my plan that every hunting party 
has a prudent chief, to be answerable for the conduct of the hunters. 
I am much embarrassed with some of the citizens on the frontiers; 
they will buy stolen horses from the Indians, and this trading in 
horses is the source of endless mischief, and unless I can check it 
and reduce it to the bounds of legal commerce, will totally frus- 
trate the benevolent plans of the government. 

Timothy Lane, commonly called Paddy Lane, a trader in the 
Tuckabatchee, has lately left the Creek nation and taken with him 



272 LETTERS OF 



some horses and skins to Savannah, and as I am informed, has 
sold the horses and skins and declared his intention of returning 
to Ireland, his native country; some of the horses were his property 
and some were borrowed; those who have purchased from him have 
violated the law. 

I have a letter from a correspondent in West Florida; he writes, 
23rd November: "I have heard nothing lately respecting the 
Spanish limits. The American troops under Captain Guyon are 
our neighbours at the Chickasaw Bluff, and the Spaniards hold the 
forts at Walnut Hills and Natches. Governor Gayoso is gone 
to Point Coupee to meet a General Mathew and a Judge Miller." 

I wish you would have some garden seeds and peas procured 
in your neighbourhood and forwarded to the care of Mr. Price for 
the Indian Department; direct Mr. Price, agent, to pay for them 
and to forward them. 

I am, with much and sincere regard, 

Your obedient servant. 

MAJOR JOHN HABERSHAM. 

I have appointed the commencement of the new year to begin 
to ascertain and mark the line from the source of Tulapocca to 
the Currahee. 



Fort Wilkinson, 20th December, 1797. 

Personally appeared before me James Ryal, of Jackson County, 
being near the High Shoals of Appahatchee, and made oath that 
on the 16th of July last, he lost two horses, one a light bay mare 
about 4-10 high, a number of grey hairs in her mane and tail, two or 
three saddle spots, white hairs in her breast and rump, not docked 
or branded, well and close built.. The horse about 4-9 brown bay, 
branded with H on the mounting shoulder, one of the hind feet 
white to the pastern joint, light made. They both trot and canter 
well. 

They were taken from Robertson Creek, and supposed by 
Indians. John and James Cup, they saw some Indians the night 
the horses were taken, but of what tribe they know not. He 
believes they were stolen by the Creeks, because the Creeks have 
been in the habit of stealing horses from that neighbourhood. 

JAMES RYAL. 
Subscribed and sworn before 

BENJAMIN HAWKINS. 



BENJAMIN HAWKINS 273 

William Spencer, on Sandy Run, near the mouth; Hancock 
County. 



22nd December, 1797. 

John Galphin and Emautlau Haujo do certiffy that a bay mare, 
14 hands high, one hind foot white, long mane and tail, branded U 
on the off buttock and NH on the mounting shoulder, is the right 
and property of Emautlau Haujo, of the Coweta. 

JOHN GALPHIN. 
His 
Witness: EMAUTLAU (I) HAUJO. 

Mark 
RICHARD THOMAS. 



Fort Wilkinson, 22nd December, 1797. 

Personally appeared before me William Spencer and made oath 
that he saw a grey horse in the possession of Andrew Darouzeaux, 
of the Coweta, which horse was stole from Matthew Durham, of 
Green County, in 1794. The said horse is nine years old next 
spring; under the foretop he has a flesh mark occasioned by a blow, 
the skin was broken and at present is a small 'ump. 

WM SPENCER. 
Subscribed to and sworn before 

BENJAMIN HAWKINS. 



Fort Wilkinson, December 25th, 1797. 

In the presence of Colonel Gaither, Captain Tinsley requested 
the Indians to name his daughter after the Creek mode; the Bird 
King's brother, Tustunnagau Opoie, named her Illatiga, of the 
Nocosolge or Bear family. 



27th December, 1797. 

Matthew Durham, of Hancock County, this day appeared before 
me and states on oath that some time in July, 1795, he had a grey 



274 LETTERS OF 



horse stolen from him, between 13 and 14 hands high, branded on 
the near shoulder and buttock, but not recollected; has just under 
his fore top a knot occasioned by a stroke, about 9 or 10 years old; 
he was taken from Log Dam Creek, and supposed by Indians, 
because they were then at war with the citizens. He never sold 
the horse to anybody. 

MATTHEW DURHAM. 
Subscribed and sworn before 



BENJAMIN HAWKINS. 



Fort Wilkinson, 28th December, 1797. 
Sir: 

I received yours by your son with the packet intrusted to his 
care in good order, and I beg you to accept of my thanks for your 
polite attention to me. I paid him six dollars and he has lived 
as one of my family since and behaved well. I send him back to 
the nation on a melancholy occasion, and I give him five dollars; 
the letter to Yeauholau Mico will fully explain the whole business, 
and I must request your faithful interpretation of it to that chief. 
The Indians have conducted themselves on this occasion so as to 
place them in a high point of view to me, and will entitle them to 
every exertion in my power for accommodations. Your son applied 
for some paper; we are out here, but I have plenty at the black- 
smith's, Tyler's, and you may apply there for what you want. I shall 
endeavour to pick up some garden seeds for you and send on by 
a suitable conveyance. 

I am, with sincere regard and esteem, 

Your obedient servant. 
MR. JAMES DAROUZEAUX. 



Fort Wilkinson, 28th December, 1797. 
YEAUHOLAU MICO, 
Hollowing King: 

Beloved Chief: 

I have sent an express to you to give the following information. 
On the 22nd, just before sundown, Ocheese Tustunnagau and 
Nehah Tustunnagau, two of the Commissioners, and three others 
were encamped on the South Branch of Withlaccoochee and were 



BENJAMIN HAWKINS 275 

fired on; there were four or five guns fired, and it appeared there 
were more in the neighbourhood who held their horses; one man 
was killed, Halthlo Opoie, and two wounded, Nehah Tustunnagau, 
one of the Commissioners, and Samoau Haujo, both nephews of 
Yeauholau Mico. They were eating when fired on. There were two 
balls thro' the dead man, and the wounded men, one with a ball, and 
the other a buck shot; the balls entered in near the back strippings, 
as the Indians call it, and seem to range thro' the body. I thought 
one of them mortal, but I now hope they will recover. I assisted 
in dressing them & the doctor has since visited them. 

The murderers robbed the camp of three horses, three kettles, 
three hatchets, one shirt, and twenty-three deer skins. As soon as 
the runner came to me, I set out with a strong detachment of 
cavalry and infantry, visited the Indian camp, and buried the dead 
man with the honors of war. I then took twelve Indians and trailed 
the murderers to the Oconee; they crossed the South Branch of 
Little River and went up Little River & crossed the same; then up 
the Oconee & crossed at Hall's ford; here I crossed and was 
informed that four men had crossed the river on the 22nd instant, 
and went into the Indian country and returned just before day. I 
obtained their names and dispatched an express immediately to 
Colonel Lamar with the information I had obtained and requested 
his co-operation. I have not since heard from him. Returned thro' 
the settlement and crossed the Oconee at Tom's ford and returned 
here on the evening of the 26th instant. 

The Indians have behaved well on the present occasion; several 
of them have visited me by invitation, and I had yesterday a conver- 
sation with them; on this occasion they seemed tranquil and deter- 
mined. 

I gave them no promises; I made a statement of facts and told 
them I had called on the citizens of Georgia to do them justice; 
they must give me a little time and I would faithfully state to 
them the result, and then give them my opinion. They answered, 
they relied on my doing them justice and they hoped the time I 
asked would not be long. 

I have sent two runers up the river to the camps above to 
bring the relations of the deceased and wounded here and to give 
a faithful detail of what had been done. 

I cannot express to you the fatigue and trouble I have had 
with my red and white brethren, but I can assure you that notwith- 
standing this unfortunate and abominable act, I am in hopes that by 
persevering to do justice to the Indians and aiding them in the 
manner pointed out by the President, we shall make them a happy 
people. To you I address myself and beg you to continue your able 
■exertions for the happiness of the Creeks. 



276 LETTERS OF 

Accept of my sincere wishes for your happiness, and believe me 
always your friend. 



^ The foregoing is a reply to a claim entered by William Hill, 

5i attorney for William Fitzpatrick, for a man of colour, named 

jz John, at present in the family of the Little Prince, of Tallau- 

^ hassee. It is therefore necessary that the attorney, Mr. Hill, 

I- or William Fitzpatrick, be prepared to reply on oath to the fore- 

•g going statement, and give satisfactory proof of property in the 

o negro claimed, or this statement will be taken and recorded as 

o true. 

^ BENJAMIN HAWKINS, 

P. T. A. for I. A. South of Ohio. 



m 



WILLIAM HILL, 

Attorney for William Fitzpatrick. 



Fort Wilkinson, 30th December, 1797. 
MR. BURNS and MR. CLEMENTS: 
Gentlemen: 

I have this moment received your favour of this date. The 
unfortunate afifair of the 22nd has given me much anxiety and some 
embarrassment; I cannot yet say what will be the issue of it. I 
have been necessitated to postpone my departure from this place 
to the 5th of January, and I shall go from this to the junction of 
the Tulapocca with the Oconee. I shall be glad to see you to- 
morrow at dinner with Colonel Gaither and me and I beg you to 
believe me, with much esteem and regard, 

Your obedient servant. 



23rd of December, 1797. 

A runer arrived this morning about 10 o'clock from Ocheese 
Tustunnagau, one of the Creek Commissioners, to inform me and 
Colonel Gaither that last evening, just before moon down, his 
camp had been fired on by some men supposed to be Georgians; 
that one Indian was killed dead and two badly wounded, one of 
them Nehah Tustunnagau, a Commissioner; that the white people 
had robed the camp of some skins, kettles and three horses; that 



BENJAMIN HAWKINS 277 

having promised the agent of the four nations he would visit the 
Indian camps and impress on the young men the necessity of 
behaving w^ell, he had done so, and having promised that if any 
misfortune should happen he vi^ould communicate it immediately 
to their great beloved man; he now fulfilled that promise. 

I communicated this information immediately to Colonel 
Gaither, stating to him that there were near one thousand hunters 
on this frontier, and that it was important to the peace of the 
frontiers that I should immediately visit the Indian camps at and 
in the neighbourhood of the wounded Indians, and with a strong 
detachment of cavalry and infantry, and I requested the Colonel to 
order such a detachment to proceed immediately to the camp of 
the wounded Indians, and he gave orders accordingly. The detach- 
ment marched at 1 o'clock under the Command of Lieutenant 
Webb, and I accompanyed them. I dispatched runers to the 
neighbouring towns to inform the Indians of what had happened, 
and that I should go myself to examine into this unfortunate affair; 
that they must not be alarmed, but rely on the officers of the 
government to do justice; that such an abominable act must not 
be charged to the whole body of their neighbours, but to the 
wickedness of some few depraved routches; that an act of this sort 
on either side must not be suffered to destroy the peace and good 
understanding established between the U. S. and the Creek nation; 
that when I returned I should expect to see the heads of the neigh- 
bouring camps at this place to hear my report and to receive my 
advise. 

We proceeded on and encamped in the neighbourhood of the 
Indian encampments on the waters of Little River; here I was 
visited, about eleven at night, by Ocheese Tustunnagau and others. 
That chief told me that the moment the runers informed him I 
was coming, he set out to meet me; that the wounded Indians and 
all others who were present expressed in strong terms their grati- 
tude for this attention and their firm reliance on me to do them 
justice, and their determination to wait for my report and advise. 

I replied, this corresponded with the opinion I had formed and 
given of the Creeks to the Secretary of War, and I must call on 
him and all the chiefs to aid me in this difficult and unpleasant 
affair; that his conduct had pleased me much and would entitle him 
and all the red people to my continued exertions for the happiness 
of the Creeks. 

24th. 

We marched in the morning before sunrise and arrived about 
10 o'clock at the camp of the wounded Indians. There soon 
arrived some Indians from eight camps. I visited the wounded 
Indians, examined their wounds, and told them I had brought a 



278 LETTERS OF 



doctor to dress their wounds and to assist in the care of them; 
that I know the customs of the Creeks on similar occasions, but 
they must dispense with them and suffer me to give directions for 
their treatment. One of them replied: "I never say no to any 
thing you advise." I then called on them to give me a report of the 
attack on their camp. 

Extract sent the Governor: 

Ocheese Tustunnagau, the Commissioner, made this report: 

"That on the 22nd December, just before moon down, about 
bed time, he and Nehah Tustunnagau, the other Commissioner^ 
and three others being encamped in the neighbourhood of the 
present encampment on the waters of Little River (Wethluccoo- 
che), were fired on; there were four or five guns fired, and it 
appeared there were more in the neighbourhood who held their 
horses; that one man was killed, Halthlo Opoie, and two wounded, 
Nehah Tustunnagau, one of the Commissioners, and Sauwau- 
hidjee, both nephews of Yeauholau Mico; as soon as they were 
fired on they left the camp; they were all eating when they were 
fired on. The dead man was left and there were two balls through 
his body. The murderers robed the camp of three horses, one a 
little grey, branded on the mounting shoulder I. S., in good order; 
a sorrel horse, near 14 hands high, branded X; a X in a circle and 
a white spot on the rump on the right side, in good order; the other 
a little bay mare, branded O. K., a handsome mare and in good 
order; one saddle and bridle, an old saddle, when new a good one, 
the stirrups plated; three kettles, of brass, such as are usual among 
hunters; 23 deer skins, 3 hatchets and one shirt. Information, 30th 
December, 1797. 

They yesterday had the murderers trailed home to a flat on 
the Oconee; the trail divided between this place and the river; the 
other division has been trailed also and can be followed. The 
persons who did this act seemed to know well the woods, as they 
frequently divide and come together again. They left behind a 
small black horse, shod before, which they now deliver to the agent 
•of the 4 nations; they left also an old cloth glove. As soon as 
this unfortunate affair happened they dispatched a runer to the 
fort to inform Colonel Hawkins of what had happened, to prove 
to him they had fulfilled their promises to him. They saw the 
difficulties he had to encounter with the red and white people, and 
were determined to aid him. They promised him to visit the 
encampments and aid in impressing on the hunters the necessity of 
conducting themselves well on the frontiers; that some days past, 
a middle aged man came to this camp on this horse with a deer 
tied behind him. They have put the dead man in the ground." 



BENJAMIN HAWKINS 279 

After this statement was made, I asked the other Indians if it 
was true, and they answered yes, that Ocheese Tustunnagau was 
not a man to tell an untruth; that the whole was true. I then 
directed that particular attention should be paid to the wounded, 
and that they were not to want for any thing. I gave a draft on 
Mr. Price for some cloathing for them and provisions and corn for 
the women, and directed what they should all do. 

There were collected some Indians from eight camps; I re- 
quired of them to give me twelve warriors to accompany me; to 
send two men to all the camps to inform them of what had been 
done, and what I was about to do. I directed them to send the 
wounded Indians to the neighbourhood of Colonel Gaither, to 
return to their several encampments, to impress on the Indians the 
necessity of a steady, firm, prudent line of conduct, and above all, 
to wait for my report and advise; that my voice was, on this occas- 
sion, that of the President, their father, who spoke the will of the 
U. S., and it must be listened to and obeyed. I invited the Fusat- 
chee Mico and the old men to spend their Christmas with Colonel 
Gaither, and when I returned, to visit me at the fort. 

They answered: We will follow your advise. 

I then addressed the wounded Indians and their companions: 
I intend to bury your unfortunate companion with the honors of 
war; he was a beloved chief of the land and a good man; you must 
attend me if you can and see the ceremony performed. I am the 
great beloved man of the four nations, and it is my duty to attend 
to them, and I pride myself in the charge. 

Nehah Tustunnagau, one of the wounded, replied: We are 
the children of our father, the President; you are his representative. 
This where I am is mother earth; yonder hill is the grave of my 
companion, chosen by you to accompany us on the line; he was like 
you, a son of the President; he is no more; I can, but my companion 
here cannot accompany you; he is soon to follow; let the ceremony 
be postponed over our fire, and it will serve as a funeral ceremony 
for 2, if not more of us. 

I agreed and requested Captain Webb to act in conformity; to 
begin the ceremony where we were and march around in front of 
the wounded camp and perform the ceremony; this he did. I 
immediately marched and took the trail of the murderers that 
branched to the left. We soon crossed the South Branch of Little 
River and continued to the neighbourhood of the river; here we 
found that the murderers had divided, and to use the expression 
of the Indians, scattered. They said there was one track which 
could be followed, if I approved; I did so and went on wandering 
through the one down the river for a mile, and crossed; here four 
or more of them came together. We continued on and encamped 



280 LETTERS OF 



near some reeds about sunset, four miles on this side of Oconee: 
here I saw some cattle and heard some bells. 

25th December. 

We set out early in the morning and when we approached 
within a mile of the river, the horse left at the Indian camp which 
we had packed, passed all of us and took the trail, which was fol- 
lowed with some difficulty to the river where it crossed. 

I determined to go over to obtain what information I could 
and proceed down to Tom's ford, recross the river and return to 
Fort Wilkinson. The first plantation I came to, the family, 
alarmed, fled and left their house open. I turned down the river 
to the flat; here I directed the infantry and baggage to prepare to 
X the river, and here I found four men, and was informed that 
some people had been at the flat, about to X. but were alarmed at 
the sound of the troops they left their guns in the flat. I found 
here four men, and on inquiry, was informed that on Friday, the 
22nd, Hardy Smith, John Reed, Pierce and Barron, and I believe 
Samuel, had on that day crossed over the Oconee at the place where 
the trail recrossed; that they recrossed about two hours before 
day, and it was hinted that some mischief would be soon heard of. 
My informants were William Taylor, David Felps, James Felps 
and Charles Pruith. I judged proper to send immediately to 
Colonel Lamar to inform him of what had happened and to request 
his co-operation. I wrote him this letter and sent it express. 

Oconee, above the mouth of Little River, 25th December, 1797. 

On Friday, 22nd instant, at night, just before moon down, 
some men fired on a camp of Indians south of Little River, killed 
one man and wounded two others badly; one I think mortally. 
They robed the camp of three horses, three hatchets, three kettles 
and twenty-three deer skins and one shirt. One of the horses, a 
little grey, branded on the mounting shoulder I. S., in good order; 
a sorrel horse, near 14 hands high, branded O., in good order; the 
other a little grey mare, branded O. K., handsome and in good 
order; an old saddle, when new, a fashionable one with plated stir- 
rups. I am informed that some men on that day Xed the river and 
reXed late at night. I have had them traced from the camp to the 
river, and am informed that the men are Hardy Smith, who lives 

eight miles from this on the Augusta Road; John Reed, ^Pierce 

and Barron; perhaps Samuel. (Mr. Booth says he knows the 
name is Samuel Barron). One of the wounded Indians is a Com- 
missioner, on the part of the nation, and had, at my request, visited 
the hunting camps to keep them from doing mischief. It is an 



BENJAMIN HAWKINS 281 

unpleasant affair, and has given me much anxiety, but I have visited 
several of the hunting camps with a respectable armed force, and 
am in hopes that if my fellow citizens will exert themselves, that 
the Indians may be prevailed on to wait the decision of law. I 
must request the favour of you. Sir, to co-operate with me and aid 
me to bring these people to justice. They left a small black horse 
at the Indian camp, shod before, some saddle spots, branded, but 
not distinguishable. 

I am, with sincere regard, Sir, 

Your obedient servant. 
COLONEL THOMAS LAMAR. 



I shall go down to Booth's and should be glad to see you when- 
ever it is convenient for you. I would visit you, but must return 
to the fort to calm the minds of the Indians. 

Having written this letter, I communicated the contents to the 
Indians and directed them to go with me thro' the settlements, that 
they might have an opportunity of seeing the friendly attention of 
their white neighbours. I saw as I passed a number of the citizens 
gathered together at some houses in sight of the river to amuse 
themselves, it being Christmas. I informed them of what had 
happened, and how necessary it was for them to unite their efforts 
in aid of the Magistrates to bring the offenders to justice; that 
they saw their exposed situation and I could assure them that if 
they would exert themselves I would be answerable for the con- 
•duct of the Indians, but if they would not, they must be prepared 
for the consequences. I explained to them the difficulties I had on 
my part to restrain the Indians, who were in great numbers on this 
frontier; I believed greater than they were ever known to be. They 
had confidence in the assurances I had given, that they might go 
any where in safety, and in the measures I had adopted to prevent 
their being disturbed by their own disorderly young men or ours; 
that trade here would be free, and they would find a market for 
every thing. 

I encamped one night among the citizens and was visited by 
many of them in the course of the evening and morning. I directed 
the Indians to take the women by the hand; they were their sisters, 
born in the same land, and were not their enemies. Nitta Huntlah 
replied: "Yes, your neighbours have done us much evil, and roused 
our resentment, but you I know are not our enemies; you have 
•done us no injury, I give you my hand and my heart." 



282 LETTERS OF 



26th. 



We marched very early and halted at Booth's to obtain some 
provisions; we had been nearly two days without, and it was diffi- 
cult to obtain any till our arrival there. We recrossed at Tom's 
ford; the river here is about 400 yards wide, shoally, the ford a good 
one. We continue, and at Itchewonhatchee saw the Commandant; 
he told me he was then in the neighbourhood of his camp with the 
wounded Indians, and came to meet me. I gave him an account 
of what had passed and continued on to the fort. 



27th. 



The neighbouring chiefs convened and heard my report. They 
remained silent. I told them they must now help me. I find 
faithfully detailed every thing, and meant for the present to consult 
them; that in a few days I expected to see Colonel Lamar, and I 
should be able to give them some further information. I could 
assure them the peace and good understanding must not be dis- 
turbed by the mad conduct of a few, and I hoped our conduct on 
this occasion would be such as would give pleasure to our father, 
the President. 

Fusatchee Mico replied, after consultation: "We have confi- 
dence in you; you are our true friend, and we see your conduct is the 
same in every situation. The President has sent you to take care 
of us and aid us; the other nations claim you equally, but you seem 
to devote more of your time to us Creeks; we shall rely upon you; 
we do not know what to do. This looks like an attack on our whole 
nation. The people find we were the Commissioners of our nation; 
we don't know what to think of it nor what to say. The dead man 
and the wounded are near relations to the Yeauholau Mico; you 
must know him, and you esteem him; they have some relations near 
Ocheesehatchee, and the dead man has a brother who is now up at 
Tulapocca; this brother is headstrong and ungovernable at times; 
you must see him and you must give directions on this information." 
I replied: "You must send a runer immediately for the two young 
men at Ocheesehatche; you must send two good and determined 
men after the brother with orders to bring him immediately to me, 
and to be answerable for his conduct till he comes, and you must 
get an Indian to go express to Yeauholau Mico; I will send him an 
account of every thing. These people who you send I will pay." 

Fusatchee Mico: "It shall be done as you advise; the brother 
must be brought to you, and you must advise and direct himJ" 



BENJAMIN HAWKINS 283 

28th. 

Ocheese Tustunnagau called for necessarys for the wounded; 
told me the mother of the Commissioner, an old woman, would 
soon be at their camp, but it was his duty to inform me that the 
dead man left a wife and two small children by two mothers; they 
were naked and depended on the hunt oif their father for cloathing. 
He said the chiefs had consulted together and they now come to 
give me this information and ask my answer. I replied it was 
right, they should inform me of this and every thing else interest- 
ing to their feelings appertaining to their unfortunate officer. I 
could not restore the dead man to life, but I could take care of the 
children, and if the family would follow my advise, I would be their 
father. Colonel Lamar visited me and spent the day; he showed 
me an ofifer of the suspected men to deliver themselves up to 
justice, and he wished for information, as he had not a copy of the 
law; we furnished him a copy, and I gave him, in confidence, the 
persons from whom I had obtained the information on which, in 
my letters to him, I named the persons who were suspected; told 
him and the gentleman with him that there appeared to me but 
little difficulty, judging from what I myself had obtained, to come 
at the truth. I showed him the horse. 

As soon as these gentlemen left me the chiefs convened, and 
with much anxiety asked what news from Georgia. I informed 
them; they replied they expected justice would be done them; they 
hoped the afifair would not be looked over, and that I should be 
able to answer them and give satisfaction in a short time. 

I replied I was in pursuit of justice; I should make no distinc- 
tion between the red or white people; I had demanded justice of 
the red people for the murder of Brown and Gentry and for other 
enormities, and I had and should demand justice of the whites for 
this outrage, as well as the former one; that while I demanded the 
punishment of the guilty, I would not consent that an innocent 
person should suffer. Ocheese Tustunnagau replied: "The ways 
of us red people are different; if we cannot find the guilty we 
pay the debt 
be abolished 
on any a (Torn out) 

I had 
day I wa 

for her losses when the Uchees murdered her husband, and direct 
Mr. Price to pay it. The governor informed her of it and she 
attended while I was adjusting her account. Ocheese Tustun- 
nagau and all the chiefs at the fort called on me and began to 
inquire what expectations I had from the arrival of several gentle- 



284 LETTERS OF 



men from Georgia, that justice would be done them. I replied: 
This is Mrs. Brown, the wife of the man murdered by the Uchees; 
this day I invited her to come, and I am now about to pay her for 
her property taken and destroyed at the time of that abominable 
act. The chiefs looked earnestly at each other; one of them said: 
"He has his share of difficulties with the red and white people," 
and all immediately left the room and did not visit me again for the 
■day. 



Fort Wilkinson, 31st of December, 1797. 

John and William Griffin exhibited a passport from the Gover- 
nor of St. Stephen's, at Tombigbee, signed the 16th December, to 
go into the U. S. They had certificates of being of good characters 
signed by respectable people. They report that their treatment in 
the nation was kind, and every thing bore the mark of friendship. 
They are permited to pass into Georgia. 



Richard Thomas, clerk in the Indian Department, complains 
that in the month of June, 1796, an Indian of the Euchee town 

named • stole a bay mare, about 14 hands high, from the 

neighbourhood of the Cusseta town. The chiefs of the Cusseta 
sent a man for the mare, who returned and said the Euchee 
acknowledged that he took the mare and packed her to Flint River, 
where she died. 

RICHARD THOMAS, 

Clerk in the Indian Department. 



Auwollobedjee, of Coweta, Nehah Tustunnagau's brother, is to 
take the place of his brother as Commissioner. 



Fort Wilkinson, 4th July, 1798. 

I wrote you a long letter on the 19th November; I was then 
sorely afflicted with the gout or rheumatism in my left foot, and 
under a pressure of business. As soon as the hunters had gone into 
the woods, each party with a chief to be answerable for their good 
conduct, according to a plan I had devised, I set out down the 
Chattahoochee to view the settlements on that river, and to make 



BENJAMIN HAWKINS 285 

some arrangements for the good conduct of the Indians who are 
going towards the Floridas, and returned from thence to this place 
the 13th December. The precautions I had taken to preserve peace 
on this frontier were such as deserved success, but the detailed 
account of the unpleasant affair of the 22nd ultimo, herewith in- 
closed, will prove to you that without the co-operation of my fellow 
citizens, I shall be compelled to resort to expedients suited to the 
existing state of society in this quarter, or all my well meant en- 
deavours will be fruitless. The affair of the 12th of September is 
now remembered only by the Indians. The honest chief, wounded 
on that day, has just visited me to ofifer his assistance, although he 
is lame for life. There never was a period in the history of the 
Creeks when their character exhibited itself in so estimable a point 
of view. The frontiers crowded with hunters; their public Com- 
missioners fired on, one killed, and two wounded, and instead of 
the war whoop, their resentment is suspended for the report and 
advice of the agent of the four nations. What am I to advise? 

When I trailed the murderers to the Oconee, I could have 
trailed them to their houses, but my respect for the law restrained 
me, and I dispatched an express to the Colonel of tue County, 
Thomas Lamar, to co-operate with me, and I returned to calm the 
minds of the Indians. The Colonel has visited me repeatedly, and 
some of the magistrates; they express much concern, and he assures 
me he will exert himself to bring the murderers to trial, and I rely 
on his assurances, but the magistrates express doubts; the law does 
not depend on them for execution. The civil magistrates includes 
only the district judge and those of the supreme court. Mr. Van 
Allen, a gentleman of the law, is of the same opinion. I made my 
report to them and gave them my opinion, that they were in the 
present case the civil magistrates intended by the law. This day 
they were to convene and examine the suspected persons. 

I have directed the wounded men to set out for the Coweta 
to-morrow, and I shall leave this and go up the river to ascertain 
and mark the Creek boundary. I have appointed, by consent of 
the chiefs, persons, the most respectable in the land, to replace those 
who go home, and I shall take them with me. I have given the 
wounded Indians and their attendants and the family of the mur- 
dered chief, in all, about forty dollars. 

I have the honour to be, with sincere regard and esteem. Sir, 

Your obedient servant. 
The Honourable 

JAMES McHENRY, 
Secretary of War. 



286 LETTERS OF 



5th January. 

Two of the Commissioners of Georgia are here, Colonel Burns 
and Colonel Clements. I have received a letter from General 
Pickins; he cannot attend, but he informs me that the surveyor 
and chain carriers would set out from Tugalo the 4th of this month 
to meet me at the source of Appalatchee. I set out this day. I 
have had another conversation with the Indians; I explained to 
them the report I make to you, with which they seem to be much 
pleased. They said they rejoiced that their conduct would give 
pleasure to their father, the President. 

6th January. 



Letter sent to the governor with the report of the unpleasant 
affair of the 22nd ultimo. 



13th February, 1798. 

George Gray, Hugh Horton, William Williams, all of Han- 
cock County, visited me and informed me that on the 11th, about 
half an hour before sundown, Nicholas Vines, who lived at the mouth 
of Rocky Creek, was amusing himself on the bank of the Oconee on 
his own lands; was fired on by Indians from the right bank of the 
Oconee. It is believed that there were four or five guns fired, one 
of which killed him. There were found at the place where the 
Indians fired from, two papers, one of them a commission to 
Ocheese Tustunnagau, as Commissioner on the part of the Creeks 
to see the line ascertained and marked between them and the U. S., 
and another, acknowledging that this affair is for satisfaction. This 
chief is one of the Commissioners who were fired on and who 
returned to the nation. 

The Commission. 

Ocheese Tustunnagau is one of the Commissioners of the 
Creek nation to see the line ascertained and marked from the 
Currahee Mountains to the source of the Main South Branch of 
the Oconee. 

BENJAMIN HAWKINS, 
P. T. A. for I. A. South, of Ohio. 
Cusseta, 15th November, 1798. 



BENJAMIN HAWKINS 287 

The Address. 

Friends and Brothers, as we now call you and always did, we 
are sorry that we are oblidged to take our due satisfaction our- 
selves; you have often promist to give satisfaction to us in the 
Licke casses, but never have done itt once. Now we have gott itt, 
our harts is strait and itt is all over. We are now as good friends 
as ever we was, and can take you by the hand in friendship again. 



Fort Wilkinson, 16th February, 1798. 
Sir: 

I addressed a short note to you on the 12th ultimo from the 
Tulapocca. I proceeded up that river to its source, and completed 
on the 2nd of this month the line from thence over the Currahee to 
Tugalo. Colonel Burns and Colonel Clements, two of the Com- 
missioners on the part of Georgia, accompanied me, and I am 
happy in being able to assure you that there was no diversity of 
opinion among us, and that the line was closed in perfect harmony. 
Tivere are some families on the Indian lands on the west of this 
line; I believe not more than sixteen, three of them, Mr. Cunning- 
ham, Colonel Wafiford and Mr. Smith, have embarked property to 
obtain lands, and been at some expence in making their establish- 
ments. The others are mostly tenants, and all of them with small 
huts, and some so recently made as not to have any cleared lands 
about them. Colonel Wafford, who sustains the greatest injury, 
has a letter of introduction from me to you of the 2nd of this 
month; the old gentleman will deliver it to you himself and detail 
to you the situation of that frontier. The settlers made their 
establishments under the laws of this state and with the expectation 
and general belief that they would be on the east side of the line. 
They have conducted themselves well and appeared to be a poor, 
decent, orderly and industrious set of people. I told them they 
would not be permited to make another crop on the Indian lands, 
and that they would do well to make arrangements to move by the 
spring; that in their neighbourhood, on the east side of the line, 
there was an extensive tract of uncultivated country, to which they 
could easily remove. Jackson County, which borders on this line 
to the west, and the Appalatchee on the south, has not more (I 
believe) than ten families in twenty-five miles square, of its 
southernmost corner. 

On our return to this place, I met an express on the 6th of the 
month, from the Governor of Georgia, with a concurred resolution 
of the Honourable the Legislature of that State, of the 1st, and 



288 LETTERS OF 



his order of the 3rd inst., recalling the Commissioners on the part 
of the State. His letter and my reply I herewith inclose. 
I have the honour to be very respectfully, Sir, 



Your obedient servant, 

BENJAMIN HAWKINS. 



The Honourable 

JAMES McHENRY, 
Secretary of War. 



Fort Wilkinson, 18th February, 1798. 
Sir: 

I left Greensborough immediately after I wrote my letter to 
your Excellency of the seventh. I arrived here on the ninth. I 
have been since then much afflicted with the gout, but I am nowL' 
on the recovery and soon to be well. On the 13th three men fronut 
Hancock County visited me & gave me the information, No. l/.gqdif 
this day I received a letter from a correspondent at the Cowat^.) 
that the party out were two brothers of the Indian who was killed.! 
on the 22nd of December and some of their relations. ; )ii-[ 

I find that the paper was written in the nation at the requiestil 
of the Indians, and they intended to put it on "the body of those- 
they kill," and that they intended to kill two if they found them on 
their hunting grounds. 

You will see by the enclosed. No. 2 and 3, the early steps taken 
to cause justice to be done in the case of Brown, pursuant to the 
orders of the President. I cannot now give you the whole of the 
proceedings on this subject, but I can assure you that the Creek 
nation were convened on my order; that they agreed justice should 
be done; that the guilty person should be delivered up, if practi- 
cable, or put to death. The guilty fled; were pursued, and it was 
reported they had left the Creek land & gone to the Shawnees. 
They were then outlawed, and some of the principal warriors of 
the Creeks were put under my orders to put them to death. The 
unfortunate chief, now in the gaol of Oglethorpe, was one ap- 
pointed to execute my orders, and a more friendly, useful & deter- 
mined man is not to be found in the Creek nation than he is. I 
have had so much difficulty in preparing the Indian mind for the 
new order of things in remedying former abuses and removing the 
old leven of Toryism which had fled into the Indian Department, 
that I could not do more than to try to establish peace & an inter- 
change of good offices between them and my fellow citizens. I 
have, however, in aid of the pastoral life, introduced the plough. 



BENJAMIN HAWKINS 289 

the wheel & the loom, & with success. The weaver in the depart- 
ment has just reported to me that he has wove fifty yards of good 
500 thread at one house, the whole of which was spun by two Creek 
girls, and the cotton planted and raised since my appointment. 
While I am, by a faithful discharge of my orders, increasing the 
confidence of the Indians in the justness of the United States, I 
impress on them the necessity of doing justice to my fellow 
citizens, and in all cases since the treaty at Colerain, they seem 
determined faithfully to fulfill this stipulation; but in all cases prior 
thereto, they urge either a fulfillment on their part on a requisition 
of Mr. Seagrove, or a misunderstanding of the stipulation. They 
say Mr. Seagrove called on them and they delivered all the horses 
and negros they could get, except such as were deemed legally 
their property, according to the rules of war, and which they had 
received from the British for their services, or such negros as had 
fled to them, and which they were not bound to restore. 

I mention their reasoning on this subject to show they seem 
to be intelligent, or that they have been aided in forming those 
observations. The 1st Article of the treaty of Colerain states that 
the Governor of Georgia may empower three persons to claim & 
receive this property under the direction of the President of the 
U. States. I believe there is a like stipulation in substance in the 
treaty of New York. I would advise that Your Excellency would, 
without delay, appoint persons in conformity with the beforemen- 
tioned authority, & to direct them to repare to the Creek nation 
during the present spring or summer, under the direction of the 
President of the U. States, to fulfill the duties enjoined by the said 
treaties, and I can assure you I will, on iny part, give them every 
aid in my power. 

I receive, with pleasure, the assurances of Your Excellency that 
you will cordially assist in preserving peace, & I am confident, by 
the mutual efforts of those whose duty it is to aid us, we shall 
succeed, not only to obtain this desirable end, but, by an inter- 
change of good offices, to prepare the Indian mind to accommodate 
the wishes of our fellow citizens in points important to the citizens 
of Georgia. 

If this much desired period should arrive during my agency, it 
will afford me pleasure, and I will contribute to it with zeal and 
fidelity. 

I have the honor to be, very respectfully. Your Excellency, 

Your obedient servant. 
His Excellency, 

JAMES JACKSON, 

Governor of Georgia. 



290 LETTERS OF 



Fort Wilkinson, February 22nd, 1798. 
Sir: 

I received Your Excellency's favour of the 17th this day by 
Lieutenant Smithers. I have written a letter to you, of the 18th, in 
answer to yours of the 3rd, and intended to send it by Mr. Hill 
to-morrow. I have detained Mr. Smithers till I could have the 
references copied, to send it by him. I shall write you again by 
Mr. Hill in answer to yoiir last communication. 

I heard, a few days past, a man was killed at Long Bluff, & I 
immediately called upon the Indians in my neighbourhood to inform 
me who of their nation were hunting in that neighbourhood; they 
could not give me any information, but promised to send some of 
the young warriors to examine into it. I have ordered the few 
chiefs who are now near me to attend to-morrow, & I shall unques- 
tionably take such measures as may be proper to find out and 
punish the guilty. 

I am this day informed that an Indian has been killed since 
the murder of Allen, at the same blufif. It is here reported he 
climbed up a tree to converse with a Mr. Oats, & was fired on while 
m the tree, & across the river. 

It is added this was done by way of retaliation for Allen, & 
that in consequence of it, Mr. Oats has removed from his planta- 
tion. 

I shall send down some Indians to examine into this affair on 
their part, & I shall call on Colonel Gaither to extend his patrole 
to that quarter. I have just received letters from the Upper Creeks 
of the 8th, and from the Lower of the Hth of this month; they are 
friendly. 

I have appointed a meeting of all the chiefs of the former in 
the month of April, and of the latter the last of March, or during 
the ensuing month. 

I have the honour to be, with sincere regard, &c. 



His Excellency, 

JAMES JACKSON, 

Governor of Georgia. 



Fort Wilkinson, 23rd February, 1798. 
Sir: 

I wrote you on the 16th. I was then, and am still, afflicted 
with the gout, but hope soon to be well. On the 18th I wrote, 
No. 1, to the governor, and yesterday I received No. 2 from him; 



BENJAMIN HAWKINS 291 

No. 3 is the acknowledgment and No. 4 the answer. I shall cer- 
tainly cultivate, by every means in my power, a spirit of harmony 
with the governor, as well as the citizens on this frontier. I have 
been treated with much attention by all persons during my tour 
from this to the source of Appalatche to Tugalo, and from thence 
on my return through Franklin, Jackson, Oglethorpe and Green 
Counties to this garrison. 

You have, in my letter to the governor of the 7th, the result 
of the proceedings relative to Tuskeegee Tustunnagau, one of the 
Creek Commissioners; when this unfortunate affair happened I was 
in the rear of the escort some miles with one of the gentleman 
Commissioners of Georgia who was unwell. 

The escort had divided, and when I overtook them the Indians 
<iivided also, and came on directly after me on one of two roads 
leading to Greensborough. 

I had given orders to march the Indians, under guard, through 
the settlements, to prevent their being insulted by any disorderly 
person they might meet, or giving offense to any of the citizens. 
I informed the chiefs of the orders, and the necessity then was for 
them strictly to observe my directions. They conformed immedi- 
ately. Tuskeegee Tustunnagau had been long known and respected 
for his attention to the white people, and could never believe they 
would do him any injury; he was fond of strong drink and would 
call in to the houses we passed, in one of which he committed this 
outrage. 

The complainant and two of his neighbours arrived directly 
after me; he expressed in strong terms his determination to put the 
offender to death. 

The chief was with me, but from report, the suspicion fell on 
one of those on the other road. In a short time I had a crowd of 
visitors in arms. I fixed on the place for the junction of the escort 
and had dispatched an express with the necessary orders. It was 
nine o'clock at night before they joined and I got the Indians to- 
gether. Soon after this Mr. Hilton, the injured man, arrived and 
repeated his determination to put the offender to death. 

I replied I would examine into the affair and would cause 
justice to be done; that the force with me was competent to the 
purpose, and I should deliver the offender to the civil authority. 
They urged repeatedly and with much earnestness that I should 
deliver the whole up to them. I detailed the mode I intended to 
-pursue, and declared my determination not to deviate from it. In 
the morning I convened the Indians, addressed them suitable to 
the occasion, and they, in ten minutes, delivered up the offender. 
Their first reply to me was: "Justice must be done to the white 
people; we can and will find out the offender." I told this chief 
-what I was bound to do by the duties of my office, and explained 



292 LETTERS OF 



the confinement & mode of treatment and trial he might expect. 
He replyed: "I will submit. I am a man. If I get a rope it is my 
fate." I then made a suitable address to my fellow citizens & 
ordered the cavalry to parade before my tent, & I delivered the 
prisoner to the officers & he parted from me and his companions 
with much firmness. The officers returned in the evening with a re- 
ceipt from the gaoler of Oglethorpe County for the body of the 
chief. No. 5 is the address of the Creek Commissioners to a gentle- 
man of Green County who has promised me to attend to the 
prisoner and supply his wants, and they have requested me to send 
a copy of it to the Governor of Georgia in their name. No. 6 is 
an account of a murder in retaliation for that of the 22nd of Decem- 
ber. This hasty procedure arose, I am informed, from a report 
received in the nation that the murderers of that day had been tried 
by the magistrates and acquited with joy and firing of guns. I 
have a letter from the man wlio wrote the address for the Indians. 

The affair of the 16th mentioned by the Governor, I am now 
tracing. I have some Indians from the neighbourhood of Long 
Bluff who have hunted there during the season. They were en- 
camped in a few miles of the bluff on their side of the river and 
have come up from thence since the 14th. They doubt the truth of 
the charge against them. I shall know the truth by April, if it has 
been committed by an Indian. 

I have letters from the Upper Creeks of the 8th, and the Lower 
of the 11th. The hunters begin to return, and give assurances that 
the complaints for the present winter will be much less than the 
last. I have heard of some which I can remedy. I have two 
smiths engaged, one in the Tuckabatchee, the other among the 
lower towns. The Indians seem to be much pleased at this ar- 
rangement. This establishment is founded on the VIII of the 
Treaty of Colerain, and I have hitherto directed the smiths not to 
receive pay from the Indians, but to render to me monthly, an 
account of the work done by them. 

I wish you to give me your directions on the execution of this 
article; are the smiths to be at the expense of the U. S.? My 
present decision is that they are, and on this idea the establishment 
commences; but I have reserved to myself the right whenever I 
deem it advisable, to order the smiths to receive pay; and I have 
it in contemplation to do all work appertaining to agriculture free 
of expense, but to make the hunters pay for their guns and traps. 

I have still on hand more than half of the articles which were 
sent out to commence the plan for bettering the conditions of the 
Indians; they are deposited with the two smiths. The Quaker 
present is but just carried into the nation. There are still at 
Colerain ten or 12 horse loads, and I find that Ensign Allinson, 
who commands there, has sent up by the last conveyance some 



BENJAMIN HAWKINS 293 

articles remaining of the former establishment, as present goods; 
these I shall send you an account of as soon as I get into the 
nation. I progress in the good work intrusted to me, though 
slowly. 

I have had fifty yards of good 500 thread wove at one house; 
the cotton was raised and spun by two Creek girls, the last summer 
and fall, and I sent a weaver to the house who fixed up a loom and 
wove it; he tells me he was much visited during the time he was 
weaving, by the women of the neighbouring towns, who expressed 
a determination to attend to the raising of cotton and following 
ni}' directions. I have sent some cotton to the nation, and I have 
a quantity here, with some wheels. 

I cannot express to you the difficulty I have with this proud, 
haughty, lying, spoiled, untoward race. I have daily occasion for 
an exercise of my whole stock of patience, prudence and firmness. 
Being determined to deserve success, my perseverance overcomes 
my strength of body. I have made considerable progress in learn- 
ing their language; this I find is flattering to them, and it amuses 
tne during my leisure hours, which are but few. While our affairs 
with France and Spain are unsettled, the expenses in my depart- 
ment will increase a little. I am now under the necessity of em- 
ploying a young man of this country, and to assign to him to attend 
particularly to the recovery of property from this country. I have 
allotted him 220 dollars a year subscription rate. 

I shall, as soon as I have made a report to you of the expences 
of the last year, return immediately into the nation, and this I shall 
be able to do in about 20 days. 

I have the honour to be, very respectfully, Sir, 

Your obedient servant. 
The Honourable 

JAMES McHENRY, 
Secretary of War. 



Fort Wilkinson, 25th February, 1798. 
Sir: 

I shall now reply to such parts of Your Excellency's favours 
of the 3rd and 17th as remain unanswered. I heard of, while I was 
on the western frontiers of the state, the conduct of the Indians 
towards Captain Bowen, and I took measures immediately to 
ascertain the nature of the complaint, that I might cause justice to 
be done. No. 1 is the Captain's deposition. I have sent a copy to 
the agent of the Cherokees with orders to call on that nation to 
ascertain the offenders if the charge be true. 



294 LETTERS OF 



I examined Captain Bowen in the presence of his neighbours, 
and of your Commissioners, and I can assure you the inhabitants 
on that line unanimously declared that the conduct of the Indians, 
many of whom had visited them repeatedly during the winter 
season had been very friendly, and this charge was unexpected. 
No. 2 is the address of the Creek Commissioners relative to their 
unfortunate companion, which I send by their request. 

I am informed that the court in Jackson County will be early 
in April. Although I have delivered up this chief to the civil 
authority, and it may seem I have no further agency in the case, 
it may be proper that I should order an interpreter to attend the 
trial; of this you will be the judge, and if you don't, I will 
send one here. I should be glad, he might meet a subpoena at 
this place, blank, to the care of Colonel Gaither, to be filled up by 
him. 

Colonel William Wofiford, one of the settlers on the Indian 
lands, has a letter of introduction from me of the 2nd inst., to the 
Secretary of War, to represent his situation and that of his un- 
fortunate neighbours in person. I stated in the introduction that 
"I readily grant his request, as from the best information relative 
to him, he is incapable of making any representation that will not 
be true." I have no doubt that he will fulfill the expectations of 
his neighbours by a faithful detail of every thing interesting to 
them. I shall, as I now am able to attend to business, report this 
line to you in a few days, and submit to you, whether it would not be 
proper for you to proclaim it to the citizens, that they may conform 
to it. I told the settlers that they would not, in my opinion, be 
permited to make another crop, and that they would do well to 
look out in time, and remove as soon as they could remove their 
stock, which I expected they might do in the month of April, as 
by that time there would be a supply of grass any where. There is 
a great scope of unsettled land in the southwest corner of Jackson 
County, and much of it better than any I have seen to the south- 
ward. As most of the settlers on Indian lands are tenants, they 
could there be accommodated. 

The President has not been inattentive to the wishes of the 
citizens of Georgia. I am ordered to ascertain in the most un- 
equivocal manner whether the nation is disposed to sell the lands 
you were authorized to purchase at Colerain. 

My first attempt has not been successful, but I shall take upon 
me to renew it on all fit occasions, and I am not without hopes 
that if the Indians can be impressed with confidence in the justice 
of their neighbours, and a friendly interchange of good oflices 
should take place between them, but that I shall succeed. This 
depends as much on the co-operation of Your Excellency as any 
man I know. 



BENJAMIN HAWKINS 295 

In reply to the other part of your communications, I have to 
add that I took care the last fall not to sufifer a hunting party to 
leave the nation without a chief who would be answerable for their 
good conduct, & who should be bound to report it to me at the annual 
spring meeting; I ordered expressly that the Indians should abstain 
from crossing over to the white settlements unless with a permit 
from me or the commanding officer on this frontier, naming the 
Indian & his business, and I am confident that this order would 
have been better attended to than it has been if it was not for the 
frequent invitations of my fellow citizens on the frontiers to visit 
them, and the illicit commerce carried on by some of them. 

Notwithstanding the recent unfortunate and improper conduct 
on both sides, I find that I am daily making progress, and I expect 
at the annual spring meeting, which I shall attend, I shall be able 
to do much towards lessening the complaints against the Indians. 

I am now tracing by 4 more Indians the affair of the 14th. 
I have some Indians since I wrote you, from the neighbourhood 
of Long Bluff, who have hunted there during the season; they were 
encamped within a few miles of the bluff, on their side of the river, 
and have come up from thence since the 14th. They doubted the 
charge against them. They left their women and children at their 
camp. 

I shall know the truth by April, if it has been committed by 
an Indian. 

Mr. Hill, my messenger, is intelligent and to be relied on; he 
is on his way to Savannah and will execute any of your orders. 

I have the honour to be, very respectfully. 

Your Excellency's obedient servant. 
His Excellency, 

JAMES JACKSON, 

Governor of Georgia. 



Fort Wilkinson, 25th February, 1798. 
Sir: 

I am necessitated again to send to you to have my wants 
supplied; I cannot any where find a man who will give cash for a 
bill on Philadelphia, and I have sent Mr. Hill, a man now in my 
department, who is intelligent and much to be relied on, expecting 
you will find no difficulty in getting cash for one in Savannah. 

I have closed the line on this frontier and am happy to assure 
you there was no room for adversity of opinion with the Com- 
missioners of this state, and that the utmost harmony subsisted 
between us throughout the whole of it. The recall, by order of the 



296 LETTERS OF 



Legislature, met us some days after we had completed the line and 
were on our return. There are but a few settlers on the west side; 
three of them, Mr. Cunningham, Colonel WafTord and Mr. Smith, 
have embarked property; the others are mostly tenants, and most 
of them with huts so recently made as to be without any clearing. 
I have letters from the Upper Creeks from the 8th, & the Lower of 
the Uth; they are friendly, but having been embarrassed recently 
by some worthless white people who have traveled through their 
nation, they have requested me to put a stop to it till arrangements 
can be made to secure the Indians from the imposition of such 
characters. Mr. Hill, who has been with me for some time, will 
inform you of some transactions which have happened in this 
quarter which are unpleasant. I have recently had two letters from 
the governor and I shall rely on his co-operation to secure peace 
and establish an interchange of good offices with my red charge 
and the citizens on the frontier. I have the account of your friend- 
ly attention to my request for garden seeds, but that is all; Snell 
has imprudently left them at Fort James, and I have only to expect 
them from thence in one month. I expect to go again into the 
nation on the return of my messenger, where I shall have a 
troublesome spring and summer. 

I am, with much esteem & regard, Sir, 

Your obedient servant. 



MR. JOHN HABERSHAM. 



Fort Wilkinson, 25th February, 1798. 

Exchange for 1,000 Dollars: 

At sight of this, my second of exchange, first of the same tenor 
and date not paid, pay to Major John Habersham, or to his order, 
one thousand dollars for the like sum advanced me for my sallary, 
due to the 8th of September last, exclusive of my ration allowance 
as P. T. Agent for Indian Afifairs South of Ohio. 

I am. Sir, 

Your obedient servant. 
1,000 Dollars. 

The Honourable 

JAMES McHENRY, 
Secretary of War.- 



BENJAMIN HAWKINS 297 

Fort Wilkinson, 25th February, 1798. 
Sir: 

I have this day drawn on you in favour of Major John Haber- 
sham for one thousand dollars for my sallary, due to the 8th of 
September last (exclusive of mx ration allowance), as Agent of 
Indian Affairs South of Ohio. 

I have been under the necessity of adopting this mode again, as 
I cannot sell a bill on you where I am, and have sent the bills to 
him to obtain the money for them. I am making arrangements 
again to return into the heart of the nation. 

I have the honour to be, with great respect and esteem. Sir, 

Your obedient servant. 
The Honourable 

JAMES McHENRY, 
Secretary of War. 



I drew on you of the second, in favour of J. C. Kilpatrick, the 
public surveyor, for one hundred dollars, for his services in ascer- 
taining the line from Appalatchee to Tugalo. 



27th. 

Mr. Edward Brown, on Town Creek, reported that yesterday, 
at a log rolling in his neighbourhood, he was informed by a man 
who arrived there that an Indian was recently killed at or near 
Long Bluflf. He was on the left side of the river. The person 
who killed him was in the woods, and he heard the bleat of a fawn 
and halted; he then proceeded; it was repeated, and he heard some- 
thing like the snap of a gun, and on looking about he discovered 
an Indian, who flashed at him; he jumped behind a tree and imme- 
diately fired and killed him. 



Fort Wilkinson, 5th March, 1798. 

TUSSEKIAh'mICO & YEAUHOLAU MICO: 

Beloved Chiefs: 

On the 11th of last month some Creeks fired across the Oconee 
and killed a white man, Nicholas Vines, on his own plantation in 



298 LETTERS OF 



Hancock County, near the mouth of Rocky Creek; they left an 
address to the inhabitants to inform them this was for satisfaction 
for the murder of the 22nd. They left the commission which I 
gave Ocheese Tustunnagau, as a Creek Commissioner, with the 
address; and on the 14th, two or more Indians murdered William 
Allen in Washington County, near Oats's, on Long Bluff. A short 
time after this, three Indians came opposite Oats's and called over, 
and while Oats was speaking a white man slipped up behind him 
and fired at the Indians across the river, but we do not know 
whether they are wounded or not. The cavalry has been down the 
river and Indians have been sent to all the Indian camps I could 
hear of to warn them of the danger that threatened from the bad 
conduct of a few wicked fellows. I have not heard of any more 
mischief which has happened lately. I have sent the Indian with 
this talk to you to inform you of it, to ask you to enquire and find 
out who killed Allen, and to try and make your people behave 
better. It appears to me that some of the Creek warriors have 
not the understanding of children, as when they know their people 
are hunting on the frontier, they have the wickedness and impru- 
dence to come and shed innocent blood. If I was not a better 
friend to you than you are to yourselves, your hunting camps 
would have been attacked by a body of men who would be able ta 
put all they met to the sword, & would at this moment be in your 
country. I shall do what I can for you, but you must help, or all 
I could do will amount to nothing. I am determined never to 
forgive any man, red or white, who sheds innocent blood, and I 
expect to see the day when all who shed innocent blood will be 
put to death, and that an honest man may go where he pleases and 
be not afraid. 

I have directed Mr. Oats to go back to his plantation; we all 
know he is friendly to Indians. 



Pass of 8th March, Colonel John Phillips & Charles Burk, Esq. 



Fort Wilkinson, 8th March, 1798. 

I have sent up by Michael's black man an anville for the 
Tuckabatchee shop; this makes every thing complete with you. I 
shall be among you next month. Mordecai will inform you that 
Ocheese Tustunnagau is restored to his nation; this act will, I hope, 
be received by the Creek nation as it ought. By the laws of the 
white people he has forfeited his life, but by the kind interposition 
of the frontier people it is restored to him. 



BENJAMIN HAWKINS 299 

The Indians are charged with killing one Allen at Long Bluff, 
the 14th of last month. The Dog Warrior tells me it was done by 
Uchees. I shall examine into this affair when I shall be among the 
lower towns. 

The public goods are on the way; they were shiped early in 
winter, and the vessel caught in the Ice in Delaware. Bailey's and 
Durant's two oldest boys came out with them, and they went from 
Savannah to Colerain with Mr. Seagrove. 

I received your complaints against white people traveling 
through the Creek land; if they are true, the white people must be 
punished. You must not forget yourself when you send a talk 
again and give it as the talk of the nation. I know well that the 
talk you sent me was made by a man at the Hickory Ground. I 
was myself in your land all the spring; I was with twelve towns 
and they never mentioned the subject to me, and at the time the 
talk was dated at the Hickory Ground, your chiefs were all in the 
woods. I say you must take care and not forget yourself; when 
the nation gives out a law respecting the people of a neighbouring 
nation, red or white, it must be done at a public meeting of all the 
chiefs, and I shall sign it. 

I have not yet heard what boats went down the Tennessee, 
but I am informed they were not Coxe's; he was, by the last 
accounts, at Knoxville. 

I wish you would have some of your corn planted the next full 
moon; it will be a good time, and I find the Indians all plant too 
late; we are begining to plant now; I have planted peas, early 
beans, cymblins, cucumbers and garden stuff. 

Remember me to your family, and believe me to be. 

Your friend. 
ALEXANDER CORNELL, 

Assistant & Interpreter among the Creeks. 



No. 1. Tuskeegee Tustunnagau, discharged and restored to 
his nation. 

No. 2. Address of Colonel Phillips, &c., on delivering the 
body. 



Fort Wilkinson, 9th March, 1798. 

Since my last to Your Excellency of the 25th ultimo, I have 
been informed by a Cusseta warrior that two Uchees were in the 
neighbourhood of Oats's on the 14th, and he believes they killed 
Allen. I have dispatched two runers to the nation on this sub- 



300 LETTERS OF 



ject; Mt. Barnard will go off to-morrow, and I shall follow, myself, 
by the end of the month. 

On the 7th of this month several men from Green County 
arrived here with Tuskeegee Tustunnagau. The enclosed, No. 1 
and No. 2, are copies of original papers in my possession; that 
chief has returned to the nation. 

I omitted to inform you in my last that the store at Colerain is 
not a public one, & that it is in contemplation to carry on all the 
public trade at this place. 

I have the honour to be, very respectfully, 

Your Excellency's obedient servant. 
His Excellency, 

JAMES JACKSON, 

Governor of Georgia. 



Cloth for coat 200 

Making coat 300 

Triming, do 100 

Cloth for pantaloons 150 

Making do 150 

Trimings do 50 

W. Cloth & Making 150 

K. Cloth & Making 150 

1250 



Fort Wilkinson, 14th March, 1798. 



Sir: 



I send herewith inclosed to Your Excellency, in the care of 
Colonel Burns, a map of the line from the source of Appalatchee 
over the Currahee to Tugalo. I have sent forward to the Secretary 
of War a copy, with notes explanatory, and a journal of my whole 
proceedings in relation to it. 

I have not heard of any occurrence since my last worthy of 
your attention. Mr. Barnard is gone to the nation, and I shall follow 
by the end of the month. I shall communicate to you from time to 
time the progress I make in the execution of the duties enjoined 
on my appointment. 

I have the honour to be, very respectfully, 

Your Excellency's obedient servant. 
His Excellency, 

JAMES JACKSON, 

Governor of Georgia. 



BENJAMIN HAWKINS 301 

I have had the pleasure of Colonel Burns's company for two 
evenings; he informed me you were well. My difficulties and 
embarrassments have had their crisis, and my hopes are again on 
the wing. I was, for some days after I left you, afflicted with the 
gout; it deprived me of ten or twelve days, which I intended to 
devote to bringing up my impoverished business; and what was more 
distressing, it deprived me of the pleasure I contemplated in a 
visit I intended to Louisville to pay my respects to your governor 
and to spend one day with you. 

I have had Mr. Barnard with me; he arrived just after I re- 
turned, and I have been able to express myself as I wished to the 
Indians. When the Tussekiah Mico and the other Creek Com- 
missioners left me, they requested me to remember them to you 
and to tell you they would not forget your friendly attention to 
them; that when you and Colonel Burns first joined them at this 
place, after the affair of the 22nd, they viewed you with distrust 
and dislike, but that they trusted and lived with you until they 
looked on you as their friend. 

Tuskeegee Tustunnagau, when he was brought here by Colonel 
John Phillips from his confinement, he made speech friendly in the 
extreme to Georgia: 

"I forfeited my life and the people restored it to me; I was 
ashamed that I, who had delighted in doing good acts to the white 
people, should violate their laws. I suffered much, not from fear 
of death, because I am above fear, but because I had done an 
injury to white people in company with our great beloved man and 
the beloved men of Georgia, which put me to shame. If our 
beloved man had not taken my knife, raisor and moccasin all from 
me, I should have put myself to death. I now rejoice that I am 
alive to tell how I have been treated, that the great body of the 
people of Georgia are friendly to the Indians; that the Governor 
of Georgia sent a guard to take care of me; that this guard, tho* 
but few in number, faithfully obeyed their orders, and when his 
jail was attacked by a number of bad men, the Governor's guard 
saved my life; they fired on their own people and wounded two, 
one of them badly. My people have lost four of their beloved chiefs 
by white men and we never retaliated; I expected I was the fifth, but 
I am saved, and I hope for the good of the white people; I will now 
die sooner than cease to be friendly to them. If our beloved man 
and the chiefs of our land will restore me to my former rank, I 
shall be able to do much good, and I am as willing as I shall be 
able." 

I am going on the last of this month to the nation; I have 
ordered Mr. Barnard and he has returned, and I am to follow. 
Whenever I return I hope to be your way, and until then accept of 



302 LETTERS OF 



my sincere wishes for your prosperity, and believe me, with sincere 
regard and esteem. Sir, 

Your obedient servant. 
COLONEL JOHN CLEMENTS. 



19th March. 



David Cowden, who lives within 3 miles of the High Shoals, 
states that he lost a mare, a dark bay, branded T on the shoulder, 
on the rising, and uncertain whether branded on the buttock; 4 
years old. A bright bay horse, colt, a large star and snip on his 
nose, 2 years old; he is branded T-H on shoulder and buttock. 
They were lost the 28th or 29th of January. 

Isaac Handby, near the Cedar Shoals, reports that he lost 
a black mare about the 7th; branded A-P on the shoulder, 8 or 9 
years old. 



Fort Wilkinson, Creek lands. 



James Shearly and Minna Brind did this day, in my presence, 
agree to take each other as man and wife, and having done so, they 
are to be considered as such and respected as such. 

Given under my hand this 22nd of March, 1798. 



B. H., 
P. T. A. for L A. South of Ohio. 



Charlotte Benson, taken 1780, on December 24th, then about 
5 years of age; her father and grandfather were murdered the same 
day. 



16th of April, 1798. 
TUSSBKIAH MICO: 

I arrived at Mr. Barnard's the fourth day after I left you. I 
remained there three days and arrived here last evening. In the 
morning I set out for the Cusseta and shall arrive there in the 
evening. I am unwell; I can ride, but make an awkward foot at 
walking, my left leg and foot being swelled and painful. 



BENJAMIN HAWKINS 303 

Some travelers from South Carolina, who came by Fort James 
and obtained passes from Ensign Thompson to go to Tensaw, have 
been plundered in the Cusseta by some Indians from one of the 
upper towns. The motives they assign for this improper conduct 
are that the passes were not regular, and that they were advised to 
do it to put a stop to white peoples' traveling through their land 
until arrangements can be made to secure the Indians from the 
imposition of worthless characters. 

Some of the chiefs of the upper towns have lately taken upon 
themselves to give talks to the nation, and the talk I showed you 
in February, from Alex Cornell, was their first attempt. My 
reply of the 8th of March suspended their further proceeding. I 
sent an order to them not to forget that when the nation gave out 
a law respecting the people of the U. S. or a neighbouring nation, 
red or white, it must be done at a public meeting of all the chiefs 
and signed by me. 

The chiefs of the lower towns have showed proper resentment 
upon the occasion; they have collected a considerable part of the 
property and restored it, and have sent an order to these and the 
upper town chiefs to collect and restore the remainder; as this act 
arose out of their improper conduct, they have also appointed two 
chiefs to conduct Mr. Bilbo and his party safe to their destination. 

I must request you to suspend granting passes through the 
nation till I have had a meeting with the chiefs and inform you 
■of the result. 

Individuals coming into the nation on lawful business will be 
safe; property passing through will not be safe. I find the Indians 
are much opposed to settlements being made on the waters of the 
Mobile above our line, and they view every traveling party as 
intruders on their lands. 

I opened Tussekiah Mice's letter to you at his request, as Mr. 
Barnard was with us, to know whether it was as he intended, and 
to make some additions. I readily consented to his carrying you 
some bacon, as I believe you are in want, notwithstanding we are 
in a country of improvident people, and I find it will be difficult to 
get provisions after I leave the inhabitants of this industrious little 
village. I request you to communicate this letter to Colonel 
Gaither; I shall write to him by the first conveyance from the 
Cusseta. I believe you gave 6 cents for bacon; this price is enough. 

I am, with sincere regard and esteem, Sir, 

Your obedient servant, 

BENJAMIN HAWKINS. 
MR. EDWARD PRICE. 



304 LETTERS OF 



April 21st, 1798. 

Stomolutkee, of Cohau, informs that he has an old negro called 
Tom, his property; he exchanged a negro for him, of good prop- 
erty, with Noah Harrod, who had him of Benjamin Stradham and 
son; this negro, Tom, is now among the Cherokees, and he is 
desirous to sell him to Christian Russel, a trader; that Christian 
Russel knows where this negro is, and is willing to give 200 chalks 
and a rifle gun for the negro, and he, Stomolutkee, has agreed to 
take that price for him, and applies to have the necessary writings 
on the subject to confirm this bargain, and to obtain for Russel a 
right to get possession of and to retain the negro. 

A pass to James Hubbard, his wife and two children. 



Benjamin Hawkins, Principal Temporary Agent for Indians Affairs 
South of Ohio, to Hopoithle Mico: 

I am come again into the Creek land. I expect a meeting in 
twelve days of many chiefs of the towns on this river, and after 
that I shall come up on a visit to the towns of the other two 
rivers, and I intend to pay you a visit. I want much to see you. 
I have a great regard for the old chiefs of this land, particularly 
for Hopoithle Mico, Tuskenehutkee, Efau Haujo, Yeauholau Mico, 
Mico Thlucco, Cusseta Mico and Tussekiah Mico. I wish much to 
see you all together. It is to meet & consult with such great chiefs 
on the affairs of the Creeks that I am sent by their friend and 
father, the President of the U. S., to inform them of the friendly 
disposition of the people of the U. S. towards them, and to assist 
in making the Creeks a great and happy people. You must come 
and see me in this town. I shall then go home with you, and we 
will have a meeting of your upper towns at such time as we may 
judge proper. 

Some young people of your town have lately robed some 
white women and children in this neighbourhood. The chiefs who 
give you this letter are sent to you to have justice done to these 
poor people. I hope you will assist them in doing justice. I am 
your friend. 



22nd. 

John de Strange, a native of South Carolina, pass to Tensaw; 
he is one of the unfortunate travelers recently plundered in the 
neighbourhood by some of the red people. 



BENJAMIN HAWKINS 305 

25th. 

Francis Killingsworth, a native of North Carolina, with his 
wife and three children. 

William McDonald, a native of South Carolina, his wife & four 
children, and two brothers. 



Tallauhassee, 22nd of April, 1798. 
Sir: 

Mr. Peg delivered me, the night before last, your favour of 
the 15th, and last evening I received by Mr. Marshall's servant, 
Limus, yours of the 17th, with the packets sent from the postoffice. 

It is much to be regreted that disorder of so serious and alarm- 
ing nature as those detailed by you should have taken place in the 
garrison. I understood from you the evening before I left you that 
the officers had unanimously determined to apply to the Secretary 
of War to adjust the misunderstanding between them and Mr. 
Price, and I hoped from that quarter a mandate would be sent 
that would put all things to rights. The departments were so 
distinct that there appeared to me to be nothing required from 
each other but an interchange of good offices, and I think that 
respect we owe to the source from whence we derive our appoint- 
ments ought to have influenced our conduct, and the gentlemen of 
the military and of the factory ought to have sacrificed their party 
animositys on the altar of public good. 

It is not incumbent on me, with the documents I possess, to 
say positively who has done wrong, but I have received enough by 
the two last conveyances to justify the following observations. If 
the military gentlemen have determined at all events to remove 
Mr. Price, that determination is an insult to the President of the 
United States; it is an insult to you, who have the command of the 
military on the southwestern frontier. The authority which placed 
Mr. Price, in my opinion, alone can remove him; if his conduct 
is improper, let it be stated to the Secretary of War. 

You asked me, my worthy friend, for my advice. I am sur- 
rounded with difficulties. I have some serious misunderstandings 
to reconcile in my department. I have some white women and 
children who have been robed and striped of their cloathing, now 
depending on me for aid, and I meet some Spanish interposition 
which arose out of their first improper conduct towards us. I am 
surrounded with one hundred Indians daily; all of them with 



306 LETTERS OF 



complaints, and my health is fast declining; yet with this pressure 
and my infirmities what I possess I give unto you. 

The order you have given to cut off the intercourse between 
the military gentlemen and the factory is proper. I would advise 
that until the Secretary of War could give directions, that even the 
passage through the factory be closed, and that a communication 
be either near one of the blockhouses or between your hut and the 
factory; let Mr. Price and his department be separated and uncon- 
nected; if he wants your aid, he will ask it, and then you will give 
the necessary aid. As Mr. Price is the head of an important 
department, I think you should protect him against the combina- 
tion mentioned in a former part of this letter; at all events until 
the Secretary of War has an opportunity to give the necessary 
orders. I would advise you to inform Mr. Price of the regulations 
you make for his protection, and invite him to return to his charge. 
I say I would advise you to do this, and these are my reasons: 
Mr. Price has been selected by the proper authority for the trust 
reposed in him; he has given security for the faithful discharge of 
that trust, and he is in the execution of it, and it is unquestionably 
as respectable as that of any gentleman who has only the fatigue 
of doing once in 4 or 5 days the honour of officer of the day. 

I am, my dear sir, with much regard and esteem. 

Your obedient servant. 
COLONEL HENRY GAITHER. 



Tallauhassee, 22nd of April, 1798. 
Sir: 

I have to acknowledge two of your favours, one of the 14th, 
which I received the evening before last; the other of the 17th, 
which I received last evening with several inclosures, and I lose 
no time in reply to them. 

If the charge in the first part of Mr. Price's letter be true, it 
must be resisted and checked; if the military gentlemen have really 
combined to remove him from his station, it is an insult, in my 
opinion, of the first magnitude against that authority from whence 
we all derive our appointments, and it must be known whether they 
or the President of the United States has a right to judge. You 
ask my advice; why ask it? You yourself may be removed by the 
same force and combination which removed Mr. Price; I speak 
this positively, because he says you were an eye witness of the 
"violence, outrage and unprecedented conduct of the officers of the 
garrison." The military gentlemen have nothing to do with Mr. 
Price nor he with them, but to harmonize by an interchange of 



BENJAMIN HAWKINS 307 

good offices; if they cannot do this, he has his sphere and they 
theirs to move in, and they will never come in contact. 

I have no doubt Colonel Gaither will give the assurances 
required by Mr. Price, and he will be safe in returning to the 
duties of his appointment; if he does not return, your instructions 
will warrant your acting in his absence. You will, of course, have 
recourse to your own judgment for your conduct. 

In cases where the debtors don't bring peltry sufficient to dis- 
charge the debts already created, you would do well to take, in all 
cases, the pack horses and put the public brand on them, and limit 
them to a small credit until they extricate themselves. I am an 
enemy to credit, but it arose before my agency, in a mistaken 
policy, which, as I am informed, has been since sanctioned by the 
Secretary of War. I will sanction it only until the parties can 
extricate themselves. The distinction drawn in your question I 
understand; if you had given the credits you could regulate them, 
but this is not material and you would do well, as the peltries were 
purchased with the goods on credit, to let them go to ballance 
that debt. 

The points in your last letter I have answered; that is, I would 
let the traders in arrears have a small credit to extricate them- 
selves, and a running account of small things only. The peltries 
should go to the original debt, and the remittance for the season 
should leave the ballance for our future deliberation; these bal- 
lances you will note particularly. I would advise you, by every 
exertion, to be prepared in aid of Mr. Price for the settlement of 
his accounts; he has had a very difficult task; the experiment was a 
new one and the source from which information was to be drawn 
not sure. I am not well and am under a pressure of difficulties; I 
will write you again in a few days. 

I am, with much regard and esteem. Sir, 

Your obedient servant. 

MR. MATTHEW HOPKINS. 



24th. 

Tuskenepaulauchuclee called on me to inform me that a talk 
came into his town that 4 men of Micasuckkee had been down on 
St. Mary's cloplaqufcau and stole some horses. They came up and 
crossed Sawaupa River and encamped in a bend of the river. While 
they were there, one of them went out to hunt on the back trail 
and discovered some white men pursuing of them; he returned to 
the camp, gave the information, and they fled into the swamp. 



308 LETTERS OF 



The white people came, took the horses, plundered and destroyed 
every thing at the camp, and made much exultation. On their 
return, the Indians judged where the white people would cross the 
Sawaupa. The leader of the red party said when he set out he 
determined to steal horses, and it appeared he determined to shed 
blood, and we go and waylay the crossing place of the river; that 
he did so and he discovered the white people coming, one in 
advance, at whom he fired, and he saw him fall; the fire was 
returned, and the leader wounded with shot, but has since re- 
covered, and returned to his town. Mr, Kennard has sent Mr. 
Homes, a negro and Indian, who is trusty, to Colerain to know 
the truth, and they are to return in 12 days. The man who did this 
says he will go again and will have blood; that he has but one life, 
and if that goes, there will be an end of him; that Kennard ordered 
two letters from Colerain, one for him and one for this town; when 
he gets them, he will send one up. 

24th. 

Received from Stunafuni a sorrel horse, 13 hands high, saddle 
spots & some white spots on his shoulder, blazed face, the near 
hind foot white, branded on the cheek C, and paid him three 
dollars. 

Note — The horse has a broad, tanned leather collar & bell. 

26th. 

Sowed a variety of beans and garden seeds. 

Tallauhassee, 3rd May. 

David Mortimer, late a soldier of the U. S., pass to Georgia. 

John White and Major Colber, return passes, see 3rd of 
December. 

Thomas Rutledge, Edward Hagan, Joseph Jackson and Charles 
Burk, Jr., permission to pass into Georgia. 

Plant 3 seed of a large cymblin. 

4th. 

Captain Joseph Carson, John Pinckard, pass to Mobile. 



BENJAMIN HAWKINS 309 

Coweta Tallauhassee, 10th May, 1798. 
JOHN ANTHONY SANDOVAL: 

Thomas Carr has called on me for justice on his complaint 
against you last fall for not paying your debt due him of two 
hundred and sixty-one dollars. You admitted the justness of his 
demand then, and stated that you could tell when Tarvin returned 
how soon you could be able to settle this account with him. 

I must now require of you to settle your debt with Mr. Carr 
or show cause why judgment may not be given against you and 
your property for the sum claimed by him and admitted by you. 

Given under my hand. 



5th. 

Planted cabbages, the season remarkably dry; I watered them 
and covered them. Planted corn in new ground, coultered both 
ways & checked. Planted potatoes. Our little crop late from 
necessity. 

12th May, 1798. 

John Anthony Sandoval this day appeared and agreed that he 
was justly indebted the sum charged, of two hundred fifty-six dol- 
lars, and that the mortgage now on his boy with Mr. Price should 
remain and be transferred to secure this debt, and that I am to give 
orders to that effect to Mr. Price. This debt to be paid at the 
Rock Landing, to the credit of Mr. Carr, and on the receipt, the 
negro to be returned. 



Coweta Tallauhassee, 20th May, 1798. 

Your messenger, Snell, having called on me, I avail myself of 
the opportunity to send you this note. I have had a meeting a 
few days past of the chiefs of all the towns on Chattahoochee, at 
the Coweta town to remedy some improper and unjustifiable con- 
duct of their disorderly young hunters. I gave particular charge 
to the chiefs to be attentive to your messengers and your interests, 
and not to forget that in the hour of their embarrassment you were 
their friend. 

I have given out the broken days for a general meeting of the 
whole nation at Tuckabatchee on the 23rd instant, and expect there 



aiO LETTERS OE 



to make effectual arrangements for bettering the condition of 
these people, and bringing about an interchange of good offices 
between them and their neighbours. 

I received at the meeting at Coweta, very favourable accounts 
from the Choctaws, Chickasaws, Cherokees and the northern 
nations. A broad belt of peace arrived from all of them and was 
very favourably received. 

I have not received from the War Office any intimations 
relative to your proposals on commerce. The plan of the U. S. 
is not as extensive as you suggest; it is intended as an instrument 
of peace without being a monopoly, and it will be my endeavour to 
make this instrument common and mutually beneficial to those 
trading under the authority of His Catholic Majesty and the United 
States of America. 

Mr. Seagrove, I see from an address of his to the Creeks, has 
established a store at Colerain, on the St. Mary's, in partnership 
with Jourdan, formerly an assistant of his. They invite the Creeks 
to trade with them; they promise cheap goods for furs, skins and 
cattle. 

I daily expect some important information relative to our 
political affairs; by the last accounts I have received, it was prob- 
able our misunderstanding with France would not be settled in 
the course of this season, and we should be under the necessity of 
taking effectual measures for self defense. 

I sent you by an Indian, Nitta Huntly, the last newspapers I 
received, and I shall continue from time to time to forward them. 

With assurances of my best wishes for your prosperity, and a 
desire that you would believe me, with much esteem and regard, Sir, 

Your obedient servant. 
MR. WM. PANTON. 



10th May. 
Senogeeche, pass to go to the borders of Tulapocca. 

11th. 

Planted pumpkins, water melons, tobacco, and transplanted 
cabbages and lettuce. 



Coweta Tallauhassee, 12th May, 1798. 

(Extract) TO COLONEL GAITHER: 

My Dear Sir: 

I had on the 5th a meeting of all the chiefs on this river at 
Coweta, to endeavour to remedy, if practicable, the improper conduct 



BENJAMIN HAWKINS 311 

of the young hunters and horse thieves; and I found it necessary 
on the 7th to call a meeting of the whole nation at Tuckabatchee, 
on the 23rd of this month, and then I believe I shall remedy some 
of the evils complained of. The travelers mentioned in my letter 
to Mr. Price of the 16th ultimo, I have cloathed and sent on to the 
waters of Mobile. I was not able to recover their horses or 
cloathes. The people who were guilty of this outrage and some 
mischief makers, expecting I would call them to account, deter- 
mined, if practicable, to alarm me and the people around me. Alex. 
Cornell and the Mad Dog came to see me, on invitation, the 3rd. 
In the evening an old chief called at my lodgings to inform us 
that a large body of Indians, armed, with hostile views were coming 
up the river to visit. He was soon followed by others who cor- 
roborated what the old chief said, and added they were within five 
miles. They then consulted together and ordered my horses to be 
brought from the woods and saddled. They sent runers to Cusseta 
and Coweta, and called on the chiefs to assemble at my lodgings 
without delay. They then advised me to set out immediately and 
go to a place they named, where I might be safe. I replied to the 
chiefs that if the Indians were coming here to find an enemy they 
would be mistaken; I was their friend; that if they were determined 
for war and mischief, I advised them to take a little time to collect 
all the rogues and rascals in the nation, and march in a body; I 
would conduct them to Colonel Gaither, who would soon make 
them sick of war and mischief; that I believed the well disposed 
among the Creeks, aided by Colonel Gaither and Colonel Butler, 
would be an overmatch for all the mischief makers, red and white; 
that as they called me the friend and father of the four nations, I 
should, in that character, judge for myself; I should order my 
horses to be turned into the woods and go and sleep in my tent. 
In the morning I found I had been guarded by some of the principal 
chiefs of the land. This day I amused myself with gardening and 
farming. The 5th I set out for Coweta; I had not entered into the 
square for five minutes before we heard the war whoop coming 
up the river after me in full speed. The town was alarmed. I 
retained my seat, and after the messenger arrived and made his 
report, the head warrior was ordered out to call the warriors 
together and go in force to examine into the affair. The women, 
they began to gather and declared their determination to defend 
me; they knew that there were some giddy horse thieves who 
wished to bring trouble on their land; to drive them and their 
children into the woods and swamps to perish; but they were 
determined to resist and would, if I would arm them, defend me. 
The chiefs from all the towns, being convened, they, after consul- 
tation, informed me that what had caused so much alarm and 



312 LETTERS OF 



uneasiness among themselves was in fact the misrepresentations 
of an intention to compliment me; that the young warriors had 
collected below and were coming up armed to salute me, and had 
come within a few miles of my lodging before they were informed 
that a rong construction had been given to their movement, and 
that as soon as they were informed of the misrepresentation, they 
immediately determined to return, and were now on their way 
home. I replied I was satisfied with the explanation; they saw I 
showed no concern from the first, and I felt myself quite safe among 
the chiefs of the land. 

On the tiext day I found that the people who expected to be 
called to account had in fact given the misrepresentation of the 
friendly intention of the young men expressly to alarm me and to 
prevent my demand of satisfaction. 

I have received dispatches from all our friends at Knoxville, 
and from the northern nations and southern tribes a broad peace 
belt. It was read on the 7th in the square; it is strongly expressive 
of peace and friendship toward all nations, red and white. Yeauholau 
Mico said to me: "I have a talk; it is a short one; the northern 
tribes sent it to me; they have tried our strength and are con- 
quered. The most of our old and best warriors now rot in the 
earth, or whiten on its surface. We have made peace; we have 
buried deep under a great lake our sharp weapons, and hope our 
young ones will grow up in peace and friendship with the children 
of our red and white brethren, and we hope you Creeks and Sim- 
anolees will follow our example, and that you will take the talk and 
inform us you have done so." 



Honourable Benjamin Hawkins, P. T. Agent Indian Affairs. 
To Thomas Carr, Dr. 

1797. 

To half a steer 4.00 

4 lbs. of gunpowder 4.00 

80 balls 50 

1798. 

3 yards cotton stripe 3.00 

6 white shirts 8.00 

4^ yards Stroud 6.00 

1 Dufifil blanket 4.00 

4 lbs. shot 



Dollars, 29.50 



BENJAMIN HAWKINS 313 

U. S. and the British were 
French and Spaniards or to (Torn out) 

Governor gave the old man tw 

at Tensaw or Escambie this summer with the intention of calling 
again on the Governor for his talk. 

I am, with much esteem and regard, Sir, 

Your obedient servant. 
MR. EDWARD PRICE, 
U. S. Factor. 



Coweta Tallauhassee, 14th May, 1798 

I have, in virtue of a power of attorney from John Batts Bard, 
■of South Carolina, sold to Thomas Marshall, of Coweta, a negro 
man, named Ned, for two hundred and fifty dollars, and on the 
payment of that sum into the U. S. Factory at Fort Wilkinson, and 
obtaining a receipt for the same from the principal, Mr. Price or 
either of the assistants there, acting for and on account of the said 
John Batts Bard, the receipt to be on the back of this instrument; 
then a complete title shall vest in him, the said Thomas Marshall 
and his heirs forever to the said negro Ned. 

Given under my hand. 



16th May. 

William Howel, pass from Tensaw to Georgia. 

The corn is peeping out. This day planted corn and peas. Our 
field first coultered both ways; the lands new, the season dry. 



(Torn out) Yellow Wood Creek, sold to John 

Tarvin, trader of Coweta, a negro man, named Ceasar, for two 
hundred and fifty dollars, and acknowledged receiving the above 
sum in the presence of 

TIMOTHY BARNARD, 

RICHARD THOMAS, 

Clerk in Indian Department. 



314 LETTERS OF 



Tuckabatchee, 26 of May, 1798. 

This day the chiefs of the towns of all the upper, and a depu- 
tation from the lower Creeks and Simanolees convened at the 
public square. 

26, in the afternoon. 

The chiefs having all convened in the square, and the agent 
attending, they began to reply to the address made to them 
this day. 

Efau Haujo, being selected as first speaker, addressed first 
the chiefs and then the superintendent. 

I will give you a little talk this afternoon as a begining, and 
we will then go on until we have accomplished the business 
we have met on. The first thing I will mention is relative to the 
cattle ranging on our lands. They cannot be restrained well; they 
do not understand stipulations relative to boundaries; where they 
have once had good grass they will go again; we have thought 
much on this subject, we wish for good neighbourhood; when they 
come over, people who own them must have time to hunt them; 
bad weather or sickness may some time cause delay and the cattle 
thereby get a distance from their homes. When the people come 
over they must come without their arms. We wish you to dis- 
courage all you can the white people from driving their stock on 
our lands, or permiting them to come over, and we hope you will 
prevent it if possible. We wish not to encourage our young men 
to injure their neighbours; when the men come over on 
our lands after cattle or horses let them come without arms of 
any kind, guns or swords, and if they meet an Indian, let them 
show signs of kindness, offer their hands, and if they can speak 
our language, tell what they have lost and the Indian will help 
them to recover it. These things are mentioned as our wish,, 
is to put things in a train for a friendly interchange of good 
offices; conduct like this will prevent the use of sharp weapons. 

I have considered of these things with good intentions, and 
I call on you, as the agent of the four nations, to assist and cause 
the white people to be neighbourly on their parts; I mean not 
to omit any thing that may tend to the good of both parties. 
There are people of ours who go down among the people on 
the frontiers and there pretend to be great men, chiefs of this land, 
when they are not so; they go to the white people, are kindly 
treated, get a dram, and in return grant the privilege of cattle 
to run on our lands; this conduct is improper, the grants of such 
people are of no value; it is a national right and can only be given 
by the nation. 



BENJAMIN HAWKINS 315 

1 don't mention these things to prevent a friendly intercourse 
among the red and white people; we wish this intercourse, but we 
wish no attempts may be made on our people to obtain this 
consent. 

We wish you to send this talk from our nation to all their 
neighbours around, bordering on us or the Cherokees. 

I have no other talk to give you; it is time for us to look about 
us, our land is small, game is scarce, the white people are on 
our hunting grounds, particularly near Cumberland and it's neigh- 
bourhood. 

27 May. 

The Yeauholau Mico opened the meeting with exhibiting the 
belt received from the northern nations at the meeting of the 
Lower Creeks at Coweta. He addressed himself to the agent: 
This belt you have seen and it has been explained to you, and I 
have at this meeting explained it to the chiefs, and now I call 
you to witness we take fast hold of the belt; the whole of the 
Muscogueulgee take fast hold of this belt; it is usual with us 
when we speak of peace, to hold this white emblem in our hands, 
and this is the belt we use on such great and important occasions. 
This mode of transacting our business was handed down to us 
by our forefathers; they are all dead and gone and we, their 
descendants, are following their ways. 

This business being ended Mr. Hawkins called on the chiefs 
to attend next to horse stealing and encouraging negros to leave 
the service of their masters to come into the Creek land and there 
find protection from Indians who claim them and found their 
claims on the getting possession of them first. He stated that 
this evil was of a serious and alarming nature; if the young people 
could not be restrained from stealing horses and doing mischief 
to their neighbours, that the nation would be answerable for the 
thefts; that in the first instance a deduction would be made from 
the annuity paid the nation, and that even this would not be 
sufficient, and recourse would be had to their land; that every theft 
of a horse might be considered as the stealing of a plantation 
from the Creeks; in short, they might expect that this evil, unless 
checked, would bring ruin on their land. 

The chiefs took this subject into immediate consideration, 
and Efau Haujo and Oche Haujo made two long and animated 
speaches to their own people. They then addressed the white 
traders and said you must not encourage mischief in our land, 
you must not circulate falsehoods, you must not disobey our laws, 
we are the chiefs of the land, you must respect us as such while 
you live with us, we will protect you and your property as long as 



316 LETTERS OF 



you conduct yourself well; you have some of you been imprudent 
and treated us with disrespect, you must alter your conduct. 

Mr. Hawkins said that it was the duty of the traders to 
respect the chiefs, and if any white man behaved himself in a 
way disagreeable to the chiefs, at their request, he would im- 
mediately remove him from the town or nation. 

Hopoie, of Thlotlogulgau, informed that John Shearly, a 
trader in that town, was a troublesome lying man, that he almost 
daily brought some report of murder or battles into the square 
which were not true, and that by this conduct he constantly 
disturbed the peace of the town. 

The conversation turned on the conduct of some of the 
traders, and complaints were stated against Richard Bailey, that 
he treated some of his town people with contempt, that he had 
repeatedly declared his determination to live on their lands without 
their consent, and that the limit* of the lands where he lived were 
his property. Mr. Bailey denied the charge and a warm alter- 
cation ensued; several of the traders entered into the conver- 
sation and it finally terminated by the interposition of Mr. 
Hawkins. He stated to the chiefs that this day they saw how 
necessary it was that the nation should convene annually, examine 
into the affairs of the nation, and assist by their councils to restore 
peace at home and abroad. 

In the Evening. 

Efau Haujo: I am going to talk a little to my friend the 
agent; there is twenty-nine towns present, four main towns absent; 
when we do make a law we believe we can execute it; we now 
address our talk to all our towns, and I believe when the sticks 
are cut and put into the hands of the warriors they will exert 
themselves; now I will try the experiment, it is for the good 
of our land, you have long wished it; you have a regard for our 
land and wish to see us in peace and quietness; I will try the 
experiment and I think it will succeed. 

The chiefs then informed me that the Yeauholau Mico, Cus- 
seta Mico, and Cusseta Tustunnagau, who were present, were to 
carry this talk to Oosuche and then spread it over all the Lower 
Creeks. 

They said further, they wished to send it in writing, with the 
sticks, to be lodged with Burges for the Simanolees. 

Efau Haujo: I have finished one talk and now I begin another: 

The Indians who have met here are one town with the Savanu- 
kee and this belt is our mode of speaking. This is the day I present 



* Tliis word very uncertain in manuscript. 



BENJAMIN HAWKINS 317 

my token of friendship to General Washington and his children, 
as an earnest of a long and lasting friendship. This belt of six 
strans, with two white ends, two rows of blue wampams on each 
edge, and two rows of white wampams thro' the middle is thus 
explained: The two rows of white are the path of perpetual 
peace, leading from one white end to the other, and the two 
white ends are the beloved bearer, one of them, and the other the 
Creeks and Simanolees. It is with a view to join the hands of 
the people of the United States and the people of my land that 
I offer this belt, that they may never again be separated or at 
enmity. The reason I have used white for the white people is 
that they may set down in peace, we will be at peace on our end, 
and if any thing interposes to cause uneasiness let both sides 
strive to remove it earnestly. It is a great talk I now give and I 
hope that I live to see the good effects from it, and when we are 
dead and gone, that the young people will see and remember it 
and the good effects produced by it. It is true there is bad talks 
going sometimes thro' our land, but I do not mind them, and I 
hope both sides will reject the bad talks and circulate those that 
are good. I hope when you and the other good men who are with 
you do what you can and I and the good men of my land do 
what we can, that something good will result from it to our land. 
When you and we have done all we can I hope we shall immitate 
a happy family who have swept the yard and are siting down 
viewing the children who are innocently playing in it. What I 
say to make every thing right on both sides is sincerely my wish 
and intention; I wish to remove every obstruction to a happy 
reconciliation between the red and white. This day I hope, if 
I have spoken the truth, has been allowed me to give a talk for the 
good of our women and children. I direct this talk to the 
President of the U. S. and to this great man as our father, friends, 
and brothers, and I hope it will be reviewed as an evidence of our 
ernest wish for an everlasting peace with the people of the U. S. ; 
he then delivered the belt. 

The agent then delivered the address of the Quakers with their 
present. 

28 May. 

Efau Haujo opened the business of this day; he stated that 
he was appointed to deliver the voice of the nation relative to 
the conduct of certain white men in this land. 

There is a young man here of the Ottasies, he has arrived 
to be a chief of that town; he, in behalf of his town, says that 
Richard Bailey is an unfit character to be in their land, and he 
must leave it. The chiefs present concur in opinion that Richard 



318 LETTERS OF 



Bailey is an unfit character and are determined he shall leave 
their land. 

Francis Lesley, trader in Otteluwauly, known by the Indians 
bj' the name of Wotecau, is an unworthy and unfit character to 
be in their land, and the chiefs are determined he shall leave 
their land. 

John Sherley, called by the Indians Sauluchee, the trader at 
Thlotlogulgau, is an unworthy and unfit character to be in their 
land and the chiefs are determined he shall leave their land. 

It is not for any fears we have that these people can do us 
any damage that we report them and banish them, it is because 
they are liars and medlars and rogues; they will meddle in public 
affairs, are constantly circulating reports injurious to our peace, 
that they have information that mischief is brewing, the American 
troops are coming on our land, and such like stories; they disturb 
the peace of our land by making our young men uneasy by their 
false and foolish stories. 

Samuel Lyons, a hireling of Francis Lesley, is an unworthy 
character and unfit to be in their land, and the chiefs are deter- 
mined he shall leave their land. 

William Lyons at Tuckabatchee, Tallauhassee, a hireling to 
James Moore, is an unworthy character and unfit to be in their 
land, and the chiefs are determined he shall leave their land. 

Charles Weatherford is an unworthy character and unfit to 
be in their land, and the chiefs had determined he should leave 
their land, but in consideration of his family on the Indian side, 
and of a promise made by Opoie Hutke of Ocheaupofau, that he 
will in future attend to his conduct and endeavor to make him reform 
his conduct and behave well in future, the chiefs have determined 
to forgive the past and let him remain on his future good be- 
haviour, and if he do's misbehave again he is then to be removed 
without any favour or affection. 

Robert Killgore being represented as an unworthy character 
and a vagabond, a fugitive from justice and now in the neighbour- 
hood of Ocheaupofau, the chiefs are determined that no such 
character shall find refuge in their land, and when any such arrive, 
the agent of the four nations shall give them notice to leave the 
land, and if they hesitate, he may, by an order under his hand, 
call on the head men, who will order out as many warriors as 
may be necessary to make such character respect his orders. 

The chiefs request the agent to give notice to the parties 
concerned of their banishment and that their stay in the land 
be twenty-four days; that when he sends a written notice to them, 
he will send the broken days to the head man of the town of 
their residence, and when the broken days are out they are to 
commence their journey of banishment. 



BENJAMIN HAWKINS 310 

The agent will give orders where any man is banished and 
complains that there are debts due him, that the trader who 
may be licenced to such town shall collect and account for the 
■debts, and the heads of the town will give directions and en- 
courage their young men to pay the debts. 

In the Evening. 

In conformity with the determination of the representatives 
of the Creeks now convened, a copy of the proceedings was sent 
this day to Richard Bailey, Francis Lesley, John Sheriey, Samuel 
Lyons and William Lyons with this notice: 

MR. RICHARD BAILEY: 

The foregoing is an extract from the proceedings of the chiefs 
of the land now convened in this town, and I give you notice 
thereof, and this day the broken days are sent to the head men 
of the Ottasey. If you know wherein I can be of service to you 
in arranging your affairs for the approaching state of things you will 
inform me. 

An order was sent to Robert Killgore to depart from the 
Creek land in 24 days, not to return. 

In the Evening. 

Efau Haujo, in behalf of all the Creeks, declared that no families 
should be permited to pass through the Creek lands, that honest 
men of good characters who have business in the land or to pass 
thro' it may be permited to pass. 

The Indians expressed much uneasiness at the passage of 
boats down the Tennessee, and wished that it could be stoped; 
they expressed an intention to send to the Cherokees to stop them. 

Mr. Hawkins said that boats navigating the Tennessee were 
tinder an agreement made in the treaty of Holston, and that any 
stipulations by treaty could not be infringed or violated whether 
they were in favour of the red or white people. 

29. 

The Indians spent this whole day in explanations relative to 
trade, the boundary between the United States and Spain, and in 
arranging some differences among themselves. 

In the Evening. 

I called on the chiefs to be explicit on the points I submitted 
to them, and on which the happiness of their land depended. 



320 LETTERS OF 



Satisfaction for three murders ascertained to have been commited 
by some people of their land, one a Uchee who murdered Brown, 
one of the Upper Creeks who murdered Gentry in Cumberland, 
and a Simanolee who murdered Benjamin Times. 

There was three other cases under consideration, a negro 
woman belonging to John Fielder at the High Shoals of Appa- 
latchee, the other Nicholas Vines murdered by some Cowetas in 
retaliation for the Indian Commissioner murdered on the 22 of 
December, and the 3rd that of Allen murdered near Oats's. The 
first of these must be paid for; the case relative to the second had 
already been fully explained, and as to the third, I had not yet 
had proof of the murder being commited by an Indian, but they 
must aid me in the search. 

The negros in their land and horses of every discription 
belonging to their neighbours must be given up, and property of 
every discription. 

Cusseta Tustunnagau spoke in answer to these points by 
order of the chiefs, as follows: 

I am chosen by the nation to take the sticks to the lower 
towns; I am to convene the chiefs at three places, to give out to 
them the laws given by this meeting, and I am to attend to the 
carrying them into execution; the task on the lower towns is an 
ardious one, we border on Georgia and our young people have 
been much in the habit of doing improper things. I shall do all 
I can, and if it is in the power of the chiefs, I hope we shall do 
much good. In one month I shall let you know if the guilty 
persons are in our land, and whether we can do justice to the white 
people; if we cannot, I am to apply to the upper towns and they 
are to help; I have nothing further to say. 

Yeauholau Mico then addressed the agent: I leave in your care 
this belt which we received from the northern natives, you will 
return it with the answer we have put on your book, and let the 
messenger show it to the Coweta Mico, and then deliver it to 
Colonel Butler, who will send it to the northern nations. 

When you was in my square I was discouraged from the 
gloomy prospects before me, I was fearful I could not restrain 
my young men and get my land in peace; I then said little, and 
was pleased when you ordered the broken days for the nation to 
meet at this square; we have been together, 29 of the largest 
towns in the nation, and there are only 4 of the principal towns 
absent. We have been several days in council and we are now 
unanimous in what is proper to be done for the good of our 
nation. I have gathered courage from this meeting; I shall return 
to the lower towns with the advise of these upper towns, and do 
all I can to cause justice to be done to the white people in restoring 



J 



BENJAMIN HAWKINS 321 

to them their negros, horses and property, and in the satisfaction 
demanded of us. 

Efau Haujo then said: The chiefs here present have had 
much conversation on the address of the agent to them; they 
begin to see that the rulers of the United States are desirous of 
doing justice to the red people, that the men now sent by the 
President have had much trouble with the red people, and the 
land speculators; that the chiefs now listen with pleasure to the 
voice of the President, the man who gives it has proved to us 
that he is the friend to peace and justice and that he strives to 
help us, and we have come to the determination to help him; we 
wish to do justice to the white people. 

An explanation was asked of the reasons for runing a line 
between Spain and the U. S., as this, notwithstanding the repeated 
explanations heretofore given, had caused much uneasiness, and 
perhaps the true source of this uneasiness was the improper 
mischiefmakers who had taken refuge in their land. 

The agent took much pains to explain the whole. Efau Haujo 
declared himself perfectly satisfied, and said he expected now all 
would be satisfied, the red people had confidence in the justice of 
the U. S. 

The chiefs of the lower towns took leave of the agent and 
chiefs in the square and set out on their return home. 



30th. 



The chiefs of the upper towns convened and Espannau Haujo 
exhibited a letter from Martha Ruth of Philadelphia, which was 
read and explained, and the Quaker address was again explained 
to them, and the list of presents. They directed some of the chiefs 
to give an answer in their name, in a friendly manner, to be sent 
to the Quakers. 

Eufau Haujo then said: I will as soon as I hear from the 
lower towns cause justice to be done for the murder of Gentry. 

I told the chiefs a young man at Epucenau Tallauhassee, by 
the name of Mayfield, must be ordered to visit his friends, and 
that the little girl at Occhois, daughter of Mrs. Williams, must 
be delivered to me. 

They answered Mayfield had been long at liberty to go where 
he pleased and that he must go and see his friends. 

This day the whole proceedings of this meeting were tran- 
scribed and forwarded to James Burges at the request of the 
chiefs, to be by him communicated to the Simanolees and chiefs 
in that quarter, with this letter: 



322 LETTERS OF 



Tuckabatchee, 30th .May, 1798. 
MR. BURGES: 

According to my promise and at the special request of all the 
chiefs here present, I send you the proceedings of the chiefs at 
the public meeting here. 

I have taken it from the journal from day to day as the same 
-was transacted, in the very words of the chiefs. This makes it 
longer than if I had sent the substance only, but I told the chiefs 
I would send you the whole; they wish you to explain it to your 
chiefs. 

I am, with sincere regard & esteem. 

Your obedient servant. 



3 June. 



Efau Haujo called on the agent and informed him that being 
appointed by the chiefs of the Creek land to return an answer 
to the Quakers, he had come for the purpose and would not 
deliver it. 



Coweta Tallauhassee, Garden. 1798. 

19th. 

I found my garden lott of 4 acres fenced; the timber cut down, 
the brush burnt, but the logs not cut up or the lands grubed. I 
set to cleaning up, burnt all the logs and grubed the whole; then 
coultered it both ways, ploughed it, and commenced my planting 
too late, from necessity; and I planted the divisions as they v.ere 
prepared. 

26th April. 

Sowed a variety of beans, cucumbers, radishes, beets; planted 
shallots and canteloup melons. 

May 3rd. 

Planted 3 seed of a large cymblin. 

5th. 

Planted potatoes. Planted cabbages. The season very dry; 
I watered and covered. Planted the corn at the north end of the 
garden; it peeped out the 16th. 



BENJAMIN HAWKINS 323 

11th. 

Planted pumpkins; J4 of ^" ^.cre in chuks of wheat. Planted 
tobacco. Planted water melons, cymblins; transplanted cabbages 
and lettuce. 

16th. 

Planted corn and peas. I sent for Mr. Hill from the upper 
towns, who arrived and had all the lott ploughed and freed from 
wjeds. 

13th June. 
Replanted the corn. 

14th. 
Fine rain; planted cabbages. 

ISth. 

Ploughed, and with the corn planted the 5th, two great rains. 
Planted potato slips. Planted red pepper. Finished replanting 
corn, ploughed the pumpkins, and little corn, and ploughed corn 
of the 16th. The little crop looks well. Toped a few plants of 
tobacco. 

The Indians at the Coweta Tallauhassee and Cusseta very late 
planting; some at it this day. 

19th. 

Finished ploughing and earthing our corn. 

20th. 
Snaps from those of the 26th of April. Planted potato slips. 

22nd. 
The weather continues cloudy and moist. 



324 LETTERS OF 



Orders for the Creek Stipend for the Years 1796 and 1797, Drawn 
on Edward Price, Factor for the U. States. 



1797. 

Sept. 17, No. 1, For the Dog Warrior $ 17.00 

24, 2, Big Feared of Cusseta 16.00 

25, 3, Tustunnagau Haujo 4.50 

25, 4, Sunalthly of Hatchetau 4.50 

Oct. 2, 5, Okeleesaw of Oakchoie 10.00 

2, 6, Mico Opilthocco, Big Swamp 10.00 

6, 7, Efau Haujo of Tuckabatchee 30.00 

8, Mico Opilthocco, 50 lb. meal 

3, 9, lofekah the wounded chief 20.00 

10, The Bird Tail's brother and party 10.00 

30, 11, Tuskenah Hutkee 25.00 

Nov. 1, 12, Tehikeh and his party 30.00 

5, 13, Emauthy Hutkey 5.00 

13, 14, Yeauholau Mico 500.00 

15, Enehau Thlucco 500.00 

16, Abecuh Tustunnagau 270.00 

17, Uchee Will of Uchee 100.00 

18, Opoi Mico 5.00 

IS, 19, Mico Thlucco 2.00 

15, 20, Colohtau, agent for Oconee 80.00 

16, 21, Enehau Thlucco 

19, 22, Tuskeneau of Potachooclee 80.00 

25, 23, Enehau Thlucco and Holautau Tustun- 

nagau of Hetchetu 100.00 

26, 24, Opoi Haujo of Ooseuchee 100.00 

25, Catchau Haujo of Long I. Village, one 

blanket 

30, 26, Coosau Mico of Tallauhassee 172. 1/2 

27, Opoi Uchee of Savvgohatchee 72. J^ 

28, Tuccosau Tustunnagau 80.00 

Dec. 5, 29, Tustunnagau Thlucco 250.00 

13, 30, Coosau Emautlau 2.50 

16, 31, Coosau Mico, ^ bushel of salt 

18, 32, Foosatche Mico, 1 bushel salt and 2i/2 yds. 

oznabrigs 

21, 33, Chahau Mico, agent Chickasaws 100.00 

1798. 

Jan. 2, 34, Opoie Howla of Tuskcegec 80.00 

35, Stumelugee of Oakchoie 40.00 

June 4, Fi.xico Haujo of Occhoi Tallauhassee 120.00 



d 



BENJAMIN HAWKINS 325 

June 8, Yufcau Leyja of Tuckabatchee, for a horse 

stolen at Colerain 

9, George Cornell, for sundries furnished by 

him for redeeming prisoners, by order of 

the chiefs 22.50 

10, Itchhos Haujo, for redeeming Colonel 

Titseward's daughter & negro 125.00 

Mooklausau Hopoie, for his brother, carry 

Chickasaw talks 10.00 

Ditto, for two Indians going twice with 

Chickasaw horses 15.00 

Ditto, for Josiah Francis for a horse 

restored by him 57.00 

Mooklausau Hopoie for the town of Och- 

caupofau 75.00 

Little Warrior of Coweta Tallauhassee, 
for the lone of a horse to go to Tucka- 
batchee 2.25 

Dec. 25, Salley & Patsey Headham, on E. Price 69.75 



Fort Wilkinson, 13 December, 1797. 

The Commissioners for ascertaining and marking the boundary 
line between the Indian nations and the U. S.; 

1797. Dr. 

Dec. 13, No. 1, To two blankets and 50 lbs. of corn meal delivered 
Nohah Tustunnagau and Ochese Tustunnagau, two 
of the Commissioners of the Creeks. 

2, Emautle Haujo, ditto, 25 lbs. of meal. 

3, John Galphin, ditto, 25 lbs. of flower. 

4, John Galphin, 15 dollars. 

5, John Galphin, 10 dollars. 

6, Wauthlucco Haujo, 25 lbs. of meal & 4 quarts of 
salt. 

Dec. 17, 7, Emautle Haujo, one bushel corn. 

8, Tuskeegee Tustunnagau, two bushels. 
9-10, ditto, one bottle rum. 

10, John Galphin, two dollars. 

11, Emautle Haujo, 20 lbs. beef, 25 lbs. flower. 

12, John Galphin, seven dollars. 



326 LETTERS OF 



Orders on Edward Price for the Quarterly Payment of the As- 
sistants and Others in the Creek Department. 



1797. 
Mar. 9, No. 1, Timothy Barnard $233. Vi 

2, Alexander Cornell 133.% 

3, James Burges 133.% 

4, Richard Thomas 66.% 

Aug. 3, Cash paid by Maclin 100.00 

25, Timothy Barnard, by ditto 175.00 

Richard Thomas 50.00 

Sept. 17, 5, Jeremiah Spellar, Creek farmer 60.00 

20, 6, Sackfield Maclin 12.34 

Oct. 3, 7, Timothy Barnard 175.00 

8, Timothy Barnard, for Felix Counts 196.00 

6, 9, Richard Thomas 50.00 

7, 10, Alexander Cornell 100.00 

16, 11, John Galphin, express rider 37.00 

Nov. S, 12, Robt. Walton, express rider 207.00 

Dec. 17, 13, Alexander Cornell 100.00 

19, 14, Richard Thomas 150.90 

28, 15, Townly Bruce 22.00 

31, 16, Richard Thomas 50.00 

1798. 

Jan. 1, 17, Richard Thomas 3.75 

Mar. 10, 18, Timothy Barnard, to the 1st of January, 

1798 175.00 

1798. 

May 9, James Burges, to December 31st, 1797 550.00 

Nov. 8, William Beard, an assistant for 6 months.. . 48.00 



Orders on Edward Price, U. S. Factor, for Sundries for the Creek 
Department as Contingencies. 



1797. 

Sept. 17, No. 1, lofekeh, the wounded chief $ 18.00 

22, 2, ditto ditto 23.00 

27, 3, ditto ditto 

4, Captain Johney, half bushel of salt 1.00 

Oct. 7, 5, Negro Primus 3.00 

30, 6, White Lieutenant 2.50 

Nov. 1, 7, Thletaupee, 4 kegs brandy. 



BENJAMIN HAWKINS 327 



Nov. 4, 8, Momejuh, for the recovery of a horse 7.50 

5, 9, Emautley Hutkey 1.50 

12, 10, Cotchau Tustunnagau 15.75 

11, Chemauille 12.25 

13, 12, lofekeh, the wounded chief 25.00 

13, Yeauholau Mico, for pork for Smith's 35.00 

15, 14, Cullosabe, for Mcintosh negros 25.00 

16, 15, Eufau Tustunnagau, two bags meal. 

20, 16, Whoethlau Nookesaw 3.75 

28, 17, Tustunnagau Luste, one blanket. 

Dec. 16, 18, Opoi Haujo, the old chief, one bag salt, 30 

lbs. of meal. 
16, 19, Family of the agent of Tuckabatchee, 40 lbs. 

flower. 

20, 20, Tustunnagau Eniautlau, ten lbs. of beef and 

fifty pounds of meal. 

21, Lohtau Haujo, a credit of 4 dollars. 

22, Tustunnagau Emautlau, 25 lbs. meal. 

23, John Hoskins, five dollars. 

24, Nitta Huntleah, 25 lbs. of meal. 

25, Emautlau Haujo, 25 lbs. meal. 

26, Tuskeegee Tustunnagau, 25 lbs. meal. 

27, do do 1 quart rum. 

28, do & Emautlau Haujo, 1 blanket each. 

21, 29, Andrew Darouzeaux, 5 dollars. 

22, 30, Yeauholau Mico, 1 bag of salt. 

31, Opoiethly Tustunnagau, four bags of corn 
and two quarts of salt & 1 quart of brandy. 

32, Ochese Tustunnagau, 25 lbs. flower, 2 lbs. 
sugar, one shirt, 1 silk handkerchief. 

33, ditto, 25 lbs. of flower for 2 expresses. 

34, Nitta Huntleah, six bushels of corn. 

35, Mico Thiucco, one bushel corn. 

36, Ochese Tustunnagau, one bottle rum. 

37, Tuskeegee Tustunnagau, 2 bags corn. 

38, Wauthlucco Haujo, 2 bags corn. 

39, Andrew Darouzeaux, an express, 10 lbs. 
flower, 10 of beef. 

40, Andrew Darouzeaux, express, 5 dollars. 

41, Ochese Tustunnagau have one bottle of 
wine and one of rum and one black silk 
handkerchief. 

42, Ochese Tustunnagau, 1 bottle wine, 25 lbs. 
flower and two bags of corn. 

43, Suahoey, 25 lbs. flower. 

44, Tuskeegee Tustunnagau, 2 bushels of corn 



328 LETTERS OF 



Dec. 22, 45, John Tarvin, IJ/2 dollars. 

Mittahose, 1 blanket petticoat, shift & tin 
kettle. 
46, Isweauri, J/2 bushel corn.- 
1798. 
Jan. 1, 47, Mary Brown, for property taken and de- 

stroyed when her husband was murdered, 
18 April, 1797. 

48, Ochese Tustunnagau, 1 bottle wine & one 
of rum. 

49, Ochese Tustunnagau, seven dollars 50 cents, 
for going express for the brother of the 
Indian killed on the 22nd December. 

3, 50, Wauthlucco Haujo & Tuskeegee Tustun- 

nagau, 10 lbs. meal, 10 lbs. beef. 

51, Ochese Tustunnagau, 25 lbs. flower. 

52, John Barnard, 25 lbs. flower and 20 lbs. beef 
or pork. 

53, Ochese Tustunnagau, J/2 bushel salt & 1 knife. 

54, John Barnard, 1 bushel of corn. 

55, lokee, 25 lbs. meal. 

4, 56, lokee, 1 bag of salt. 

57, John Barnard, 5 dollars. 

58, Ohiethly Tustunnagau, 10 lbs. pork. 

59, Ochese Tustunnagau, 9 bags of corn. 

60, Emautlau Haujo, J/2 bushel salt. 

61, Tuskeegee Tustunnagau, 1 bushel of corn. 

62, Suahoey, 30 lbs. bacon. 

63, Indian department, 1 bushel of corn. 

64, Hothletocco, 2 bags of corn & 1 bag of salt. 



Private Expences. 



1797. 

Oct. 3, Cash to Miss Viney $20.00 

Cash paid the sadler 2.25 

Nov. 9, Jacob, three dollars, 36 3.36 

15, Stimmahikee 16.67 

17, Tunmautalkee 20.00 

1798. 
Apr. 26, 67, Isthlolobe of Coweta Tallauhassee, twelve 

and a half dollars for the recovery of a 
negro named Tom, the property of William 
Radcliff of the Cherokees. 



\ 



\ 



BENJAMIN HAWKINS 329 



Apr. 26, 68, Eufale Tustunnagau 16.50 

27, 69, John Headham, for 73 lbs. bacon, 32 chalks, 
for the use of the public factory at Tallau- 
hassee. 
70, Mr. Headham's daughters, for 176 lbs. of 
bacon for the use of the public factory at 
Tallauhassee 75.^ 

May 10, Yeauholau Mico, for a beef for the public 

meeting, 8 dollars. 

Ditto, .25 dollars on the extra fund sent to 
my care by the Secretary of War on the — . 
The wife of Yeauholau Mico for two tin 
kettles and a small loaf of white sugar. 



Orders on Edward Price, U. S. Factor, for Contingencies in the 
Creek Department. 



1797. 

Sept. 18, No. 1, Hannah Hales, harness, hay, etc $ 4.75 

Oct. 2, 2, Daniel Spiller, for seed wheat 3.00 

1798. 
Jan. 19, William Gray, for packhorses to carry 

distressed familys to Tensaw 10.00 

19, Mahonidjee of Cusseta, one keg of 2 gallons 

whiskey for a horse. 

19, Chaktulgee of Cusseta, one keg of 2 gallons 
whiskey for a mare and colt taken up at 
Taulauhatchee. 

July 5, Tuskeegee Tustunnagau, one bag salt and 

two kegs of whiskey for the recovery of 

stolen property. 
6, Towwehegee of Cheauhau, one gun for one 

stolen by a white person. 
May 20, Mico Thlucco of Cusseta, ten dollars, being 

a part of the extra fund sent to my care by 

the Secretary at War. 

20, Nehau Thlucco of Cusseta, twelve & half 
dollars. 

12, Thomas Marshall, fifteen dollars for a beef 

to meeting on the 5th. 

Thomas Carr, twenty-nine dollars fifty 
cents for sundries furnished distressed trav- 
ellers on their way to Mobile. 



330 LETTERS OP 



May 14, John Tyler, public smith, ninety-seven dol- 

lars thirty-four cents for sundries. 
19, David Randon, twenty-six dollars fifty cents 

for provisions and board furnished dis- 
tressed travellers on their way to Mobile. 

June 13, Nitta Huntleah, going on public service to 

Tuckabatchee 2.50 

Sauwahidjau, an Indian wounded on 22 Dec. 

and unable to get a livelyhood 12.50 

Aug. 21, Chietoolgee (Jack), 20 lbs. of flower for 

taking and restoring a public horse. 
21, Eufaulau Tustunnagau, a public express 

with dispatches from the Commissioners at 
Tellico and from Mr. Dinsmoor. 
27, Sohtigee, a Cusseta woman, 12 lbs. of flower 

and 12 lbs. of beef to enable her and her 
son to return to that town. 



Creek Stipend for 1798- 

June 7, No. 1, Morgan of Wewokee, one bag of salt $ 1.00 

23, 2, George Cornell, a chief of Tuckabatchee, 

for the use of the chiefs of the Creek nation, 100.00 
Aug. 17, 3, Nancy, the Indian woman under protection 

of government 318. J4 

One bag with flower and 20 lbs. of beef. 
21, 4, Hafifocolotigee, her husband, and family, 

one bag salt and one bag of 20 lbs. flower. . 2.25 
27, 5, Sohtigee, a Cusseta woman, one shift 1.50 

6, Thomas Marshall, by order of Yeauholau 
Mico 9.50 

7, Coweta agent, Nehau Thlucco Haujo, 
stipend for 1798 125.00 

8, Coweta Tallauhassee, Abbeuh Tustunna- 
gau, agent 75.00 

9, Cusseta agent Mico Thlucco, stipend for 

1798 125.00 

10, Efau Tuckeneah & Tau Jammey, agents for 
Ooseuchee, 3 December, 1798 50.00 

11, Honaubo, Emautlau Thlucco, Sahopoie, 
agents for Palachooch, 3rd Dec, 1798 40.00 

12, Euohau Thlucco & Olocte Emautlau, agents 

for Hitchetee, 3rd Dec, 1798 50.00 

13, Mico Em.autlau of Cheauhau, agent for that 
town, 5 December, 1798 50.00 



BENJAMIN HAWKINS 331 



Aug. 27, 14, Tuccosau Tustunnagau of Sauwoogeloo- 

chee, 8 December, 1798 40.00 

15, Efau Haujo, of Tuckabatchee 25.00 

16, Uchee Will & Cholateah, agents Uchees, 

10 December 50.00 

17, Maulechau & Yeauholau Mico, agents of Sau- 
woogelo 80.00 

18, Ditto, for 1796 and 1797 50.00 

19, Euchau Thlucco of Cusseta, 14 December.. 10.00 



The Indian Department. 

Oct. 1, No. 1, Emautlau Haujo, for public dispatches from 

F. W $ 4.00 

3, 2, Thomas Marshall, for a beef for the Smith's 

Tallauhassee 11.00 

Dec. 4, The wife of Yeauholau Mico, one bag of 

flower, one of corn. 

17, Stitlepica Chate, one grind stone for the 
village of Tussekiah Mico. 

18, Thomas Marshall, on the order of Cheauhau 
Mico for the recovery of 2 negros of John 
Houtton Mcintosh of Mcintosh County 25.00 

25, James Lovet, trader of Coweta Tallauhas- 
see, for sundries for the Indian depart- 
ment 4.37^ 



1798. 



Creek Stipend for 1798. 



No. 20, Mico Hutkee, agent of Eufaula, for 1796 

& 97 $ 50.00 

Dec. 14, 21, Ditto ditto for 1798 60.00 

22, Tussekiah Mico, for his faithful and per- 
severing exertions in the service of his 
country 50.00 

23, Tuskeegee Tustunnagau, for his faithful 
service in the execution of the national en- 
gagements 12.50 

24, Tustunnagau Hopoie, for his fidelity and 

zeal in executing his national engagements, 12.50 

25, Mico of Oketeqockenne and Hopoie, agents 

of Oketeqockenne, 26 December, 1798 25.00 



332 LETTERS OF 



Dec. 14, 26, Efau Tustunnagau, 8 April, 1799, for gating 
and restoring a stolen horse, on Mr, Hop- 
kins, U. S. Factor 2.50 

1799. 

Apr. 13, 27, Billey, called Longhair, one keg of whiskey 

to be charged to the Cussetas. 



On W. Hawkins. 
1799. 
Oct. 17, No. 1, Ocheefcau of Cusseta, for a beef for the 

public meeting at Coweta $ 10.00 

2, Sumaule, for a beef for the public meeting 

at Cusseta 12.50 

20, 3, Fullauman, for a guard with Mrs. Mc- 
intosh's negros 3.00 

20, 4, Cattoqo, for a guard with Mrs. Mcintosh's 

negros 3.00 

20, 5, James Forester, for a guard with Mrs. Mc- 
intosh's negros 3.00 

20, 6, James Forester, for that sum paid James 

Burges for receiving for the warriors and 

risque taken 30.00 

7, Auhulie Auhaulau, as a guard with Mrs. 

Mcintosh's negros, 20 October, 1799 3.00 

1799. 
Jan. 1, 1, Fuscehatche Haujo, for bringing public dis- 
patches from Hillabee 5.00 

12, 2, Stephen Hawkins, an express with public 

dispatches from Hillabee 5.00 

3, Normand Mountague, public striker at 
Tuckabatchee, 1st Sept. -31st Dec 40.00 

15, 4, Olohtau Haujo of Ooseuchee, for a stolen 

mare 15.00 

20, 5, Townly Bruce, for a public packet brought 

from Colonel Gaither 3.00 

Emautlau Haujo, 2 or 3 bags of meal or 
corn. 

31, 7, Dole of Yeauholau Mico, for 1,500 rails for 

the Indian department 7.50 

Feb. 27, 8, Nauothcc, with public dispatches, in com- 
pany with Japtha Tarvin to Fort Wilkinson, 3.00 
Apr. 9, 9, James Looch, for a horse and the hire of a 
horse to McDonald and Killingsworth, dis- 
tressed travellers 25.00 



BENJAMIN HAWKINS 333 

Apr. 9, 11, Lewis Rowley, a striker, to the public smith 

at Coweta, from 1st January to the 31st 

March 30.00 

IS, 12, John Tarvin, for horse hire and labour for 

public service 13.00 



Tustunnagau Cochookomee. 

July 31, Efau Tustunnagau, on the stipend to the 

medal chiefs according to the treaty with 
McGillivray for 1798, ten dollars, 2, ditto... 12.00 
Aug. 2, Chief of Coweta Tallauhassee, one bushel of 

salt 2.50 

3, George Cornell 2.75 

Ditto 1.00 

23, Tussekiah Mico 3.00 

Oct. 18, Paid for corn at the Cusseta square 2.00 

Tussekiah Mico 5.00 

Sept. 24, Paid an express from Surges to St. Mark's 

with letter to Mr. Utak 2.00 

Oct. 20, Paid Jack of the Green, a public express... 3.00 

21, Paid Tuskeegee Tustunnagau 9.00 

29, Paid Tyler Brothers for the recovery of a 

public horse 2.50 

20, No. 8, Aupeithle, for three horses and sundry 
articles of small property taken or destroyed 
when Major Adams attacked the Indians 
near Fort Fidins; this account allowed by 
the chiefs out of their stipend 70.00 

20, 9, Thauneco, brother of Mico Thlucco, as a 

guard for Mrs. Mcintosh's negros 3.00 

21, 10, Nitta Huntleah, for restoring two public 

horses 5.00 

25, 11, Nehau Thlucco, of the stipend allowed the 

6 medal chiefs, etc 5.00 

26, 12, Cusseta Tustunnagau Thlucco, his portion 

of the stipend allowed the great medal 
chiefs and other beloved men of that town, 
for 1798 10.00 

28, 13, Framautlau, for his services as a guide and 
hunter with the Commissioners of Spain 
and the U. S 7.25 

28, 14, Sauwaulee, for his services as a guide and 
hunter with the Commissioners of Spain 
and the U. S 11.00 



334 



LETTERS OF 



Oct. 28, 15, Ofonitche of Coweta, for his services as a 
guide and hunter with the Commissioners 
and to accompany Mr. Robbins to St. 
Mark's 11.25 

16, Aupoique Haujo, for his services as a guide 
and hunter with the Commissioners, from 

13th August to 29th October, inclusive 19.50 

17, Oche Haujo, for his services as a guide and 
hunter with the Commissioners of Spain and 
the U. S., from 14 September to 29 October, 

both inclusive 1 1.50 

31, 18, Naukeche, marked in the certificate, No. 8, 

Immauthlmuke, for his services as a guide 
and hunter with the Commissioners of 
Spain and the U. S., from 13 August to 

17 inst., inclusive, 66 days 16.50 

Nov. 1, 19, Okelesee Nehau, of the Tussekiah Mico's 
village, for taking care of two public horses 
which were stolen from the Commissioner's 
escort and recovered. 
1, 20, Hoseputtalk Tustunnagau, for apprehend- 
ing two negros of Mrs. Mcintosh 20.00 

6, 21, The son of Yeauholau Mico, four dollars for 

a packet on public accounts sent to Fort 
Wilkinson. 

8, 22, William Mcintosh, for restoring a negro 

belonging to Mrs. Mcintosh 10.00 

9, 23, Efau Haujo, for recovery of a stolen horse, 

by an Uchee from near Carr's BlufT 2.50 

24, Mico Thlucco, of the stipend allowed the 
great medal chief of Cusseta, etc 20.00 

25, Tuskeegee Tustunnagau 20.00 

Dec. 8, 26, Hopoiejee of Cusseta, for a canoe stolen by 

two negros, the property of a citizen of 

Georgia, who fled to Bowles 6.25 

8, Ofullejee of Ocfuskee, for an express to 

His Excellency, Governor Foch 7.50 

10, 27, Sauwauhidjee, for recovery of a negro 

belonging to W. Ingram 12.50 

10, 28, Mr. Thomas Carr, for a horse to go to 

Pensacola on public account. 

11, 29, Tustunnagau Emautlau, for the provisions 

for the national council at Tuckabatchee. . . 12.50 
11, 30, Olohluh Mico, one blanket for butchering 

beef for the national council. 



BENJAMIN HAWKINS 335 

Dec. 11, 31, Tustunnagau Haujo, 'for a beef for John 

Miller, the smith at Tuckabatchee 7.50 

Z2, Tustunnagau Emautlau and Tustunnagau 
Haujo, agents for the stipend to the medal 
chief and others of Tuckabatchee 798.00 

12, 33, Tunnotalkee, for beef and bread furnished 
the chiefs at the national council at the 
annual meeting at Tuckabatchee 54.75 

22, 34, Tallauman, for recovering a horse of 

Colonel Hawkins' stolen at Hatchetoochee, 7.00 

22, 35, Imhulle, for provisions 66.50 

36, Tewhooche, for pork 5.12^ 

37, Timothy Barnard, 1 quarter's pay, 1 July - 30 

September 175.00 

On Mr. Wright Imhulle 71.50 

Mar. 13, Mr. Barnard 175.00 



Stipend for 1796, 1797 and 1798. 
1799. 

Nov. 14, No. 1, In favour of Tustunnagau Hopoie of 
Cow^eta Tallauhassee, the stipend allowed 

that town for 1798 $ 75.00 

14, 2, In favour of George Cornell, out of the 
stipend allowed by the U. S. to the Creeks 
for the year 1798 10.00 

3, Ditto, Nahomohtah Hopoie 10.00 

4, Ditto, Emautlau Jauno 10.75 

16, 5, Emautlau Haujo, for delivering a horse 

stolen by a black man from George Brown, 2.10 

And Insomochuh, for carrying him to the 

fort 1.00 

17, 6, Cusseta Tustunnagau Thlucco, for a horse 

taken the summer 1797 from Cotchau Tus- 
tunnagau, belonging to a citizen of the 
U. S.; this claim allowed in the Cusseta 

square 7.50 

7, Cusseta Hoithlepoie of Eufaulau, for a 
prisoner delivered up by order of the chiefs; 

payment decreed 29 November 25.00 

29, 8, Summoniejee, for the recovery of a horse 
lost in Tennessee in the spring; this draft 
by order of the chiefs on loan, and if it 
appears that the horse is really stolen by 
white people, then the sum to be refunded 
to the stipend by the U. S 33.00 



336 LETTERS OF 



Nov. 29, 9, Ooseuchee Yeauholau, a rifle gun as pay 

for one of their prisoners; this per order of 
the national council. 

Dec. 11, 10, Emautlau Hutkee, for beef supplied the 

national council at the meeting in Tuckabat- 

chee, one 6, one 5 years old 27.50 

11, Olohtuh Mico, one low priced shot gun, of 
the stipend allowed by the U. S. to the 
Creeks, and $3.75 for a blanket and shirt 
Vvorn by some citizens of Georgia. 
11, 12, Tuscoonau Haujo, the value of a low 

priced rifle, or such an one, of the stipend 
allowed the Creeks by the U. S. 

13, Tuscoonau Haujo, agent for Tuckabatchee, 
for to pay some old woman for supplies for 

the meeting at Tuckabatchee 40.00 

14, The representative of Aupoithle; see No. 8 

on Mr. William Hawkins 70.00 

14, 15, Nehau Thlucco Haujo, agent for Hillabee, 75.00 

1800. 
Jan. 8, 16, Tuskeegee Tustunnagau, warrior of the 

5 great towns on Chattahoochee 13.37J4 



Stipend for 1799. 
1800. 
Apr. 16, No. 1, Tuccosau Tustunnagau, agent for Sauwoo- 

golooche $ 40.00 

22, 2, Nehau Thlucco, Jauneco, agents for Cus- 

seta, stipend 1798-1799, 225 dollars; the 
whole sum being 250, from which was de- 
ducted 25 for a rifle given their late Tus- 
tunnagau Thlucco, and 20, one-third of a 
bay mare stolen by John Galphin and sold 
at Grunsborough, claimed and demanded by 
the agent in the public square of Cusseta, of 
*he 3 towns, Cusseta, Tallauhassee and 
Coweta and lost by their inattention. 
May 3, 3, Coweta Tallauhassee, Tustunnagau Co- 

chookome, agent 75.00 

3, 4, For the chiefs of the Creek nation about 

to assemble at Tuckabatchee, William Hill, 200.00 
5, 5, For a meeting of the chiefs, one beef, Tus- 
keegee Tustunnagau 5.00 



BENJAMIN HAWKINS 337 

May 17, 6, Nehau Thlucco, Necau Haujo, Ecunchate, 

Emautlau Chatejus, Coweta Tustunnagau, 

agents for Coweta 65.00 

This town was rated at 125, and 60 has 
been deducted for a bay mare stolen by 
John Galphin, demanded of the 3 towns 
by the agent and lost by their negligence. 
23, 7, Efau Tuskanehau and Tustunnuc Haujo, 

agents for Ooseuchee 50.00 

27, 8, Tustunnuc Hopoie, brother of Mico Thluc- 

co, one grind stone. 

June 7, Upper towns 1500.00 

Hiussetuh 20.00 

17, Messrs. Hutke & Long Tom, Talchiscau 

Mico, account of Ocfuske 100.00 

July 20, Emautlau Haujo, a messenger on public 

business from the Creek nation 7.50 

23, Tuskeegee Tustunnagau, for his services on 

the mission to the Simanolees 12.50 

23, Hoithle Ponorich, for like services 10.00 

June 7, The chiefs of the upper towns $1,500, in the 

following drafts: 

9, Abbacoochee $54.00 

11, Eufaulauhatchc 75.00 

14, Hillabee 60.00 

15, Unnelluh Chapco 80.00 

15, Nuoqaucou 60.00 

$329.00 

Nauche 200.00 

17, Robert Walton 102.50 

Mr. Tygard 100.00 

Tussekiah Mico, Hutke & Tommy Cregseo, 

public dispatches 6.00 

55, John Tyler, public smith, one quarter, to 

the end of September 78.00 

1798. 

July 2, 5, Henry Wilson, assistant to the public smith 

at Coweta, one quarter's sallary, to the last 

of June 30.00 

6, 12, William Hill, from 9 February to 30 June.. 85.00 

June 24, 13, John Tyler, public smith, from 1st April 

to 30 June 75.00 

Sept. 5, 29, William Beard, from 5 March to 5 July, 

in the service of the I. department 45.00 

42, Caurlu Burks, note to B. H. for the U. S.. . . 40.00 



338 LETTERS OF 



Sept. 5, 43, Mr. Barnard, two orders, from 1st April to 

last September 350.00 

45, Received Thomas Clark, 1st April - 30 Sep- 
tember 100.00 

48, W. Tuly, smith, 1st April to 30 September.. 130.00 

54, L. Raby, 26 September to 31 December, 
striker 30.00 

55, John Tyler, from 1 June to 30 September, 

as public smith 75.00 

1799. 
Jan. 58, James Burges, assistant and interpreter, 

from 1st December, 1796 to 30 March, 1797, 133. Va 

59, Ballance, from July 1st, 1796 to December 

31, 1797 550.00 

60, Richard Thomas, 1 quarter's sallary, 31 
December, 1797 50.00 

61, Timothy Barnard, 1st October -31st Decem- 
ber, 1799 175.00 

62, William Hill, 1st July to 31 December, 1798, 110.00 
65, John Miller, public smith, from 24 July, 1798 

to 31 March, 1799, for rations 55.55 

161 days, at 2 rations $40.25 

322 at 1214 15.30 

90 at 17 $55.55 

69, Nomand Montague, from 1 September to 

31st December, and 1 January to 31 March. . 36.30 
73, Louis Renby, striker to the smith, one 

quarter, 1 January to 31 March, 1799 30.00 



Creek Agency, 27 December, 1799. 
No. 1. 

Mr. Edward Wright, U. S. Factor: 

Pay Uchee Will and Cholatcta, agents 
for the Uchees, stipend goods of the value of 
fifty dollars, being the portion assigned to 
that town of the stipend allowed by the 
U. S. to the Creeks for the present year, 
1799. 



BENJAMIN HAWKINS 339 

1801. 

Wheels made by Lemmons and delivered out to the Indians: 

1. Peggy Sullivan. 

3. Hannah Hale of the fish ponds. 

1. Stimmau Whocatlau. 



John Headham has in his possession Sandy, about 45 or 50, 
claimed as the property of Israel Bird of Bryant, formerly Effing- 
ham. John Headham bought him of Fuakolusta of Ooseuchee; 
he gave fifteen head of cattle, and he gave eighty dollars for a 
horse which he gave to the Bason (Stimmocee). He gave also 
a gray horse of the value of twenty dollars, and the cattle are 
estimated at four dollars. 

Major Jesse McCall and James Bird, the first of Bryant and 
the second of Bulloch County, in Georgia, demanded this negro 
this 13 November, 1799. The answer to the demand is a state- 
ment of the sum given by John, and he offers the negro for the 
payment of the sum given by him, not otherwise. 

JESSE McCALL. 
JAMES BIRD. 
W. STIDHAM. 
BENJAMIN HAWKINS, 

P. T. A. for I. A. S. of Ohio, 

Creek Agency, 12 November, 1799. 



Joseph Thomas, formerly of North Carolina, a favourable 
certificate by Redman Thornton, J. P., and other reputable 
citizens of Green County, in Georgia, 18th February, 1801. Attested 
under the county seal by Thomas Carleton, Clerk, 22nd February, 
Inf. Court G. C. Certified by the agent 6th of April. 



8 July, 1801. 



John Woods of Adams, bound to Georgia; pass by Major 
John Collier, Esq., 26 June, 1801. 

8 July. 

John Laurence of Washington County, M. Territory, of good 
character, by Major J. Collier, Esq., 26 June. 



340 LETTERS OF 



8 July. 

Frederick Tillen, by Captain Steaumbuosh, 24 June. 

15 July. 

Thomas Aikens of Bristol, in Pennsylvania, without pass, 
returning to his native country from New Orleans. Pass into 
Georgia by the agent. 

22 July. 

Stern and David Simmons, return pass to Georgia, 31st May, 
by Major Peters. 

22 July. 

Major John Moore of Berkley County, in Virginia, on his 
return from Mississippi Territory. 

B. H. Pass. 

7th September, 1801. 

William and John Pierce of Washington County, Mississippi 
Territory, on their way to Savannah. 

18th September, 1801. 

Major Stuth Deen, Isaac Masseck and Robert Walton, from 
Burk County to Tombigbee, pass from David Emanuel, Governor of 
Georgia. 

Saufochigee, opposite the fields of Cusseta, for a wheel and 
cards, 7 March. 

Jenney Stephenson, in Coosau, has 4 children and at the house 
of Passcofe Emautlau. She wants to leave the Creek nation. 

Salley Stephenson, in Eufaulau, has 1 child, the wife of Hill- 
abee Mico. 

Passcofe Emautlau claims Jenney for a brother of his who 
was killed accidently by the fire of a gun while on a corn house. 

Landon of Efau Haujo, striker to the smith, 2 August to 28 
November, lost 8 days. 

13 days, Indian John. 



BENJAMIN HAWKINS 341 



Souhotina, the wife of Auttossee Emautlau, and Auhoinjee, 
8 Februar}'. 1 pair No. 10 cotton cards; each a pair of cards 
and wheels. 

A short chunky negro, 21 years old, about 140 lbs., Tom, lost 
one eye, near white, William Robertson, 10 days before Christmas. 

Matthew Durham vs. Creeks, drawn under treaty July, 1793. 



In all cases of property lost or supposed to be stolen by 
Indians, the applicant for payment must state his claim in writing, 
expressing: 

1. Where the property was taken or stolen and the time. 

2. Where and how situated at the time. 

3. The reason why it is supposed to be stolen by Indians. 

4. And whether they be Creeks or Cherokees. The applicant 
must describe the horses and cattle and accompany it with the 
best evidence the nature of the case will admit of. The whole 
must be certified by a magistrate and there must be two copies, 
one of them to be sent to the Agent of War at Fort Wilkinson. 



Auhonijee, Sauhotina, each a pair of cards, delivered Feb- 
ruary 8th. 

Salley and Patsey Headham, February 15, each a pair of cards. 

Suckey Randon, Peggy Sullivan, Muthoie Barnard, each a 
pair of cards. 

Sarah, the daughter of the Little Prince, Louis's wife. 



F. 
The United States in Account with the Indian Department. 

1796. Dr. 

Nov. 29, No. 1, Cash paid William Ralley, a pilot from 

Ocunna Station to Etowwah $ 5.00 

Dec. 3, Cash paid two Cherokee pilots to the first 

Creek station 6.00 

9, Paid my guides at Nuoqaucou to procure 

provisions for the path home 1.00 



342 LETTERS OF 



1797. 


Jan. 


31, 


Mar. 


9, 


Apr. 


15, 


July 


16, 


Aug. 


3, 



Cash paid for cloathing for Tiejee, her son 
and daughter engaged as an interpreter 
for the factory 10.00 

4, Cash paid Richard Williams for his 
service from the 1st of October 50.0() 

5, Paid Chohaddookee of Etowwah for re- 
covering a sorrel mare of the U. S 15.00 

6, Cash paid Sackfield Maclin in part of his 
sallary 50.00 

7, Cash paid Alexander Cornell, one 
quarter's sallary, from 1st of April to 30 
June 100.00 

25, 8, Cash paid Timothy Barnard, one quarter's 

sallary, from 1st April to 30 June 175.00 

9, Cash paid Richard Thomas, ditto 50.00 

10, Cash paid R. Williams, going express to 
Louisville and Savannah 13.00 

11, Cash paid Sandy Grierson, a half breed, an 
express from the U. Creeks 4.67 

12, Cash to Autopey to enable herself and 
family to buy provisions for their home.. . 2.00 

13, Cash paid I. Hawkins for a pair of cards 
for a halfbreed at Hillabee 1.50 

14, Cash paid Darouzeaux, an express sent 
from the Creek chiefs 6.00 

15, Paid John Tarvin for a pair of cards for 
a halfbreed Creek woman 1.50 

16, Paid Wm. Hill, going express to Louis- 
ville and Savannah 10.00 

17, Paid ditto, for 4 green pine for Indian 
department 2.00 

10, 18, Cash paid James Darouzeaux for services 

as interpreter 3.00 

May 9, 19, Paid Alexander Cornell on account of his 

sallary 100.00 

10, 20, Yeauholau Mico, part of the extra fund... 25.00 

15, 21, Paid William Mcintosh, a halfbreed, for 

beef for the public meeting at Cusseta.... 12.00 

16, Cash paid John Galphin, going express to 

Opoithlu Mico 4.00 

Paid ditto, for a horse, bridle, and saddle 

taken on the 22 December, when the 

Indian Commissioner was murdered , 65.00 





25, 


Oct. 


6, 


Nov, 


,10, 


Dec. 


13, 




16, 




21, 




30, 


1798. 


Mar, 


. 9, 



BENJAMIN HAWKINS 343 



June 22, 22, Paid Thomas Lott for stocking seven 

ploughs and making a pair of bars 4.00 

Paid Nitta Huntleah and his brother for 
the hire of one horse and conducting the 
distressed families to Tenesau 15.00 

$ 730.67 

1796. Cr. 

Sept. 17, By cash received in Philadelphia 800.00 



The United States in Account with the Commissioners for Ascer- 
taining and Marking the Creek Boundary. 



1797. Dr. 
Sept. 9, No. 1, Paid John Batts Bard for corn for the 

escort returning from the Cherokee line..$ 3.50 

14, 2, John Linsey for ditto 3.00 

3, William Lord for 3 bushels corn 1.50 

15, 4, Shadrick Taylor for corn & fodder 3.00 

19, 5, Wm. Edwards for sheaf oats 1.25 

1798. 
Jan. 3, 5-6, David McKinney, express from General 

Pickins 8.00 

9, 6, James Young for corn & fodder .42 

11, 7, George Vaughn for corn 1.14 

18, 8, Joseph Wilson for whiskey 1.25 

9, John shields for bacon & corn for the 

surveyors 6.00 

22, 10, George Vaughn, a pilot 13.00 

11, Wm. M. Stokes, a pilot 9.00 

12, John Laflferty, a pilot 9.00 

30, 13, Wm. Kilpatrick, pack horseman 14.00 

14, Abraham Anderson chain carrier 14.00 

15, Rheubon Reynolds, chain carrier 14.00 

Feb. 3, 16, J. C. Kilpatrick, small expences 4.50 

17, J. C. Kilpatrick, as surveyor 100.00 

The contractor, his account for supplies 
for the Commissioners, surveyors & as- 
sistants, certified 392.59% 

12, John Galphin, as Creek Commissioner 
and interpreter to the Commissioners, a 

draft on E. Price, U. S. Factor 9400 



344 LETTERS OF 



Feb. 12, 5 Creek Commissioners, one dollar each 

per day, a draft on E. Price 243.00 

Two Indian attendants, ditto, on ditto.... 23.00 

11, Joel Freeman, for his and assistants ser- 
vices in marking the lines 13.00 

John Brown, for T. Wade for pack horse 

service 16.50 

J. Brown & Randal Carter, for ditto 17.00 

14, Joseph Spillar, for attendance on Indian 

Commissioners 19.00 



$1,024.65^ 
1798. Dr. 

Feb. 16, Phil Carroll, for self and associates in 

marking the line $ 14.00 

18, Martin Swob, 3 day's labour in ditto .75 

Benjamin Hawkins, as Commissioner on 

the Cherokee line, from 11 March to 12 

September, both inclusive, 186 days at $4, 744.00 

To ditto, as Commissioner on the Creek 

line, 41 days at 4 dollars per day 164.00 



$1,947.40 
1798. Cr. 

Feb. 2, By a draft on the Secretary of War in 

favour of J. C. Kilpatrick, public surveyor, 100.00 
By sundry drafts on E. Price, U. S. Factor, 

as stated in the account 448.25 

By contractor's account, to be paid by J. 

Habersham 392.59 

By ballance due the Commissioners, to be 
drawn for by Benjamin Hawkins on the 
Secretary of War 1,006.56 



$1,947.40 



A. 

The Indian Department to the U. States Factory. 



1797. Dr. 

Sept. 5, For 2 gallons corn for Maclin $ .12j4 

17, Paid J. Spiller, services from 11 March to 

11 September, as Creek farmer 60.00 



BENJAMIN HAWKINS 345 

Sept. 18, Mrs. Hawkins, per order for cards 

& harness $4.75 

Vz bushel of salt, $1; 1 lb. sugar, 2Sc, 1.25 

4 lbs. flower for wounded chiefs... .25 — 6.25 

20, Sackfield Maclin, per order $12.35 

6 yards silk furnished Colonel 

Hawkins 60— 12.95 

23, 1 stripe blanket, $2; 1 lb. sugar, 25c; 6 lbs. 

of flower at 6j^c, 37j4c, for lofekey 2.62^ 

27, 10 lbs. flower 6^c, 62^c; 1 qt. brandy, 
37^c; 1 lb. sugar, 25c, for lofekey, the 
wounded chief 1.25 

30, 1 bottle brandy for ditto 37^ 

Oct. 1, 10 lbs. flower, blYzc; 3 lbs. sugar, 75c, for 
ditto. 29 lbs. corn meal, 87j/2c; J/2 bushel 
salt. Captain Jon 3.24^ 

2, Daniel Spiller, for 2 bushels wheat 3.00 

3, Timothy Barnard, assistant & interpreter, 
for 1 quarter's sallary, 1st July to 30 Sep- 
tember, inclusive 175.00 

100 lbs. corn meal, $3; 28 lbs. flower, $1.75; 

3 lbs. sugar, 75c, for the wounded chief, 

&c 5.50 

4 club axes delivered Downs, at 

$1.50 $6.00 

1 par. needle, 654c; 13 yds. oz., 

$3.25; 1 oz. thra., 25c 3.5654— 9.56^4 

4, To Tim Barnard for part his 
draft, in favour of Hardy Reed, 
for 40 days going express to 

Cherokees $ 32.00 

Felix Counts, Creek smith, ifrom 

21 February to 21 September. 

inclusive, per order 196.00— 228.00 

20 lbs. of flower, $1.25; 50 of corn meal, 
$1.50; 40 lbs. of beef for Tyler, the smith, 
& party going to the nation 5.25 

5, 10 lbs. beef, 62i^c; 10 lbs. corn 

meal, 4 cents $1,125^ 

3 54 augers at ?)7y2 cents \.\2y2 

1 hand saw 2.00 

1 drawing knife 62^4 

1 spike gimblet, 50c; 5^4 rope 

at 25c 1.9354 

6 oz. of wire, 375/2c; 2 oz. borax, 

25c, for the smith at Tallauhassee, .62J/2 — 7.33^ 



346 LETTERS OF 



Oct. 5, To Primus 3.00 

To Indian rope 25c, pork salt 25c .50 

6, 8 yds. bale cloth to Harry Dergin, at \2y2C, 1.00 
Richard Thomas, sallary, 1st July - 30 
September 50.00 

7, 1 whip saw, 9 dollars; 2 shovels, $2.25 11.25 

1 spade, $1 ; 2 bear skins, $4 5.00 

19 lbs. bacon, 12^c 2.373^ 

1 pair sisars, 25c; 1 grind stone, 2 dollars.. 2.25 

4 whip saw files .50 

1/^ yds. oznabrigs at 25c 37J/2 

No. 9, 2 yds. ropes, 50c; 2 yds. oznabrigs for 

bags, 50c 1.00 

40 lbs. of nails at 25c 10.00 

17, ZYz gallons brandy at $1.50, per order to 

lofekey 3.25 

7 lbs. beef to Whitaker, 21c; 1 qr. venison, 

25c 46 

29, Silas Downs, for wages from 2 to 28 Oct., 

at 10 dollars per month 8.38 

Nov. 12, 12, Robert Walton, express rider, 2 October, 

1796, to 17 February, 1797 207.00 

9, Emautlau Hutkee, for burying Down's 

mare 1-50 

16, Thlataupee, 9 gallons brandy, 4 kegs 13.50 

13, 28, Yeauholau Mico 35.00 

Dec. 10, 1, Clotchau Tustunnagau, for sundries 

taken from him in August, 1796, by white 

men 15.75 

11, Chemauille, for sundries taken at 
Sainahau 12.25 

12, 8, To lofekey, the wounded chief, for his 

support during the winter 25.00 

13, To Nitta Huntleah, 1 bottle brandy 37i^ 

One of the Indians who was robed, 25 

lbs. meal .75 

Sullivan's daughters, 5j/2 lbs. sugar 1.37j4 

1 bottle brandy 37j4 

3 lbs. coffee at 37^ cents 1.12j^ 

15, To Somochee, for his services in recover- 
ing stolen horse, 1 blanket 2.50 

16, Wm. Wright, an Indian, 1 bottle brandy.. .37j^ 
The Big Warrior of Tuckabat- 

chee, 1 bottle brandy $ .37^ 

One bushel corn 62J/2 

19, 40 lbs. flower for the path home.. 2.50 — 3.50 



BENJAMIN HAWKINS 347 

Dec. 18, To Opoi Haujo, 30 lbs. meal 90 

H bushel of salt 1.00 — 1.90 

2, Alex Cornell, sallary, 1 December, 1796, to 

30 March, 1797 133.33 

10, ditto, ditto, 1 July to 30 September 100.00 

ditto, ditto, 1 October to 31 Dec, 1797,... 100.00 

20, 16, To bill for provisions and other expences 

at the annual meeting of Creeks at Tuck- 
abatchee 22.00 

20, Tustunnagau Emautlau, going 

express, 10 lbs. beef at 614c $ .62i^ 

50 lbs. meal at 3c, $1.50; 1 brass 
bottle, $4.50 6.00 

22, 25 lbs. ditto 75 — T.Ziy^ 

Nitta Huntleah, 1 bag salt 1.00 

21, Loctau Haujo and his party, 50 flints and 

5 lbs. powder 5.50 

22, Tustunnagau Emautlau, 13 ft. blanket, 
$2.67; y2 oz. thread I21/2C, ^ yd. serge 

18^c, 31^c 2.98^ 

Dec. 24, To Nitta Huntleah, 25 lbs. corn meal at 3c, .75 

34 lb. powder to G. Galphin in pursuit of 

Indian murderer .25 

Richard Thomas, clerk in the Indian de- 
partment, his sallary, 1st July to 30 
November, 1796, and for sundry expences, 150.90 

30, 24, Yeauholau Mico, 1 bag salt 1.00 

31, To Opoithly Emautlau, 4 bags 

corn $1.50 

2 quarts salt, 6%c; 1 bottle 

brandy, 37^c 43^— 1.93^ 

23, John Hoskins, 10 bushels cotton seed.... 5.00 

29, A. Darouzeaux, express from the nation.. 6.00 

25, For the Indians wounded on the 22nd: 

2 2H point blankets, $2.25 $ 4.50 

3 brass bottles, 18 lbs., at 75c... 13.50 
25 lbs. flower 1.56J4 

2 lbs. sugar, 2 quarts whiskey.. 1.25 — 20.81 J4 

26, Ocheese Tustunnagau, 1 qt. spirits .75 

John Middlebrook, 6 cotton wheels 13.00 

33, Ocheese Tustunnagau, 25 lbs. flower 1.56^4 

32, ditto, 25 ditto $1.56^ 

2 lbs. sugar, 50c; 1 shirt, $1.50... 2.00 

1 black handkerchief for wounded 

Indian 1.50 — 5.67^^ 

36, 3 pints brandy to ditto 56J4 



348 LETTERS OP 



Dec. 29, Z7, T. Tustunnagau, 2 bags corn .75 

35, Mico Thlucco, 2 bags ditto .75 

To the old Lt. of Broken Arrow, 18 bags.. 6.75 

To Efau Tustunnagau, 2 bags .75 

39, Andrew Darou/eanx, 10 lbs. flower, 10 lbs. 

beef 1.25 

To ditto, going express to the nation 5.00 

34, To Nitta Huntleah, 6 bushels corn 4.50 

27, 41, Ocheese Tustunnagau, for the wounded 
Indians, 1 bottle wine, 75c; one 
pair pants, 75c $1.50 

1 black handkerchief 1.25— 2.75 

12 lbs. of flower, 75c; 4 qt. kettle, 62>^c, 

for a iTian going after Rolley's horse 1.37^2 

15, Townly Bruce, clerk in the Indian Depart- 
ment, from 1st December, 1796, to 9 Jan- 
uary, 1797 22.00 

42, Ocheese Tustunnagau, for the 

wounded Indians, 1 bottle wine..$ .75 
25 lbs. flower 1.56i^ 

2 bags corn 75 — 3.06j^ 

30, 43, 25 lbs. flower, sallary 1.56^ 

44, Tuskeegee Tustunnagau, 4 bags corn .... 1.50 

45, John Tarvin, for 1 pair cotton cards for 

a halfbreed 1.50 

46, Iswhocauna, half a bushel of corn 37^4 

Nitta Hose, mother of the wounded 
Coosau: 

1 blanket $2.67 

1^ yds. strand 1.75 

1^ yds. Linen 87^ 

1 3 qt. bottle, 50c; ^ tobacco, 

6% 56H— 5.85 

Nitta Huntleah, 1 qt. rum .75 

Paid the contractor for that part of his 
account belonging to the Indian Depart- 
ment, up to 15 November 10.64 

Tim Barnard, per order No. 1, 4 months' 

sallary, ending 31st March, 1797 233.33 

Received Thomas, order No. 4, same time, 66.67 
Tussekiah Mico, in repayment of Colonel 
Hawkins's draft 3.75 



$1,898.7314 



BENJAMIN HAWKINS 349 

Cr. 

By a draft on James McHenry, Secretary 

of War, for the amount of this account, 1,898.73J4 



B. 

The United States in Account with Sackfield Maclin, Assistant 
In the Indian Department. 



1797. Dr. 

Dec. 17, To sundries furnished a Creek Indian for 

assisting in collecting and delivering 25 
horses stolen from Cumberland, one rifle.. $ 20.00 
1798. 

Feb. 24, 3 yds. furniture callico 3.00 

Apr. 14, 3 yds. linsey for a shirt at 62i^ 1.87^ 

^ yds. cloth at $3.00, $2.25; 1 iron comb, 

25c 2.50 

1 handkerchief, $1.00; 6 yds. binding, 54c.. 1.54 

18, ^ lb. powder, 50c; 1 lb. lead, 25c; 1 

knife, 50c 1.25 

19, 1 pc. binding, $2.00; 1 bridle, $1.50; 1 

blanket, $3.00 6.50 

To the hire of a horse, Encau Thlucco, to 

go to the Hickory Ground, $1.00; cash 

paid him, $1.00 2.00 

Paid a pilot from Arthur Cordy's to 

Willstown 4.00 

Corn for a Cumberland horse, 6 days 1.00 

ditto, 4 horses, 8 days 4.00 

Paid a squaw for corn, $1.00; ditto, John 

Tarvin, $3.00 4.00 

Paid John Turner, assisting in with horses. 3.00 

Paid a squaw for corn 1.00 

Nov. 6, Paid an Indian for gathering Cumberland 

horses to Hillabee 3.00 

15, Paid for feeding four Cumberland horses 

4 weeks 9.00 

Paid an Indian for recovering a stolen 

horse 3.00 

Paid Sandy Grierson for carrying dis- 
patches to Cusseta 5.00 

Paid a pilot from the Turkey's town to 

the Upper Creeks 3.00 



350 LETTERS OF 



Paid for provisions and corn for three 
Cumberland horses and an Indian from 
Upper Creeks to Knoxville, and from 

thence to Nashville 24.00 

Paid for recovery of two Cherokee horses 

which were stolen and returned 8.00 

To my sallary as assistant in the Indian 
Department, from June 8, 1797, to June 
the 8th, 1798, both inclusive, at 1 dollar 
per day 365.00 



$475.66^ 



Cr. 

July 15, By cash received of Colonel Hawkins: 

P. T. A. for I. A. S. of Ohio. .. .$50.00 

Sept. 20, By Cash received at Fort Wilkin- 
son 12.00 

Dec. By ditto received of Colonel 

Henley 40.00— 102.00 

By a draft on David Henley for this 
ballance, Tuckabatchee, 4 June, 1798 373.66J/2 



$475.66i/i 
Signed, 

SACKFIELD MACLIN, 

Asst. in the Indian Dept. 

Subscribed and sworn before 

BENJAMIN HAWKINS, 

P. T. A. for I. A. S. of Ohio. 

This is a duplicate account of Sackfield 
Maclin; on the original I gave a draft on 
David Henley, Agent of War, for the 
ballance, 373.66^ dollars. 

BENJAMIN HAWKINS, 

P. T. A. for I. A. S. of Ohio. 



BENJAMIN HAWKINS 351 



E. 



The United States in Account with Benjamin Hawkins, P. T. A. 
for I. A. S. of Ohio. 



1798. Dr. 

To my sallary, from 8 September, 1796, to 

1 January, 1797 $ 626.02 

To allowance for the same time, 12 rations 

per day at 9 96-100 cents 139.00 

To my sallary for 1797 2,000.00 

To rations for the same period, 11 cents.. 481.80 
To my sallary for the first half year 1798, 1,000.00 
To rations for the same period 273.75 



$4,520.50 

1797. Cr. 

Sept. 20, By a bill of this date in favour of Major 

John Habersham on the S. of War $1,000.00 

1798. 

Feb. 25, By ditto ditto ditto 1,000.00 

Aug. 2, By ditto in favour of Maj. Com. Freeman, 1,000.00 

By ballance 1,520.50 

$4,520.50 
BENJAMIN HAWKINS, 

P. T. A. for I. A. S. of Ohio. 



Account of Sundries Furnished Wm. McDonald & Francis Killins- 
worth on the 29th May. 



123/2 yds. Russia sheeting at 62>lc $ 7.81 J^ 

8 skeins white thread, 25c; 4>4 yds. linsey, GlYzC 3.06j^ 

2 handkerchiefs, $1.25; 2 lbs. soap, 50c 1.75 

6 yds. Russia sheeting, 62j/2C 3.75 

AYz yds. striped linsey, 62^c 2.81 J^ 

4 ditto 2.50 

4 yds. Russia sheeting, 62^c 2.50 

12 skeins white thread ZlYz 

6 yds. Russia sheeting 3.75 



352 LETTERS OF 



2 handkerchiefs 1.25 

2 lbs. soap 50 

20 bushels of corn, 67c 13.33 

100 lbs. bacon 10.75 

5 horse ropes 93^ 

3 pack saddles 9.00 

4 3 point blankets 10.67 



$74.75 
Freight 2.00 



$76.75 
Signed, 

His 
FRANCIS X KILLINGSWORTH. 
Mark 

WILLIAM McDonald. 

Witness: 

RICHARD THOMAS, 

Clerk in the Indian Department. 



An Account of Sundries Furnished William Hubbard, 19 May, 1798. 



One pair of Britannias $ 3.50 

8^ yds linsey at 62^c 5.31^ 

9 skeins of thread 25 

6 needles 06]S4 

7 yds. brown sheeting at 62y^c 4.37}^ 

4 handkerchiefs at 62j/^c 2.50 

2 lbs. soap 50 

10 lbs. bacon 1.06j^ 

2 3 point blankets 5.33 



$22.89^ 
Signed, 

JAMES HUBBARD. 



I. 
National Council at Tuckabatchee, 6 June, 1798. 



An account of sundries paid for provisions for the chiefs of 
the Creek nation convened in national council at Tuckabatchee, 



BENJAMIN HAWKINS 353 

May 25, 1798, by order of Benjamin Hawkins, P. T. A. for I. A. 
S. of Ohio. 

2 pes. strouds at $23.33 $ 46.67 

10 pes. callico at $1.25 12.50 

1 lb. thread 1.50 

2 gross binding at $2.67 5.33 

3 3 point blankets at $2.67 8.00 

$ 74.00 
25 per cent, advance 18.50 

$ 92.50 
Cash paid for 1 stear 12.00 

$104.50 

By 1 for farm land $6.00 

12 broaches 6.00— 9.00 



$ 95.50 
Provisions Consumed: 
8 beeves. 
1 hog. 

1 side bacon. 
50 baskets corn. 



The United States in Account with the Creek Nation. 



Dr. 

To sundry expenditures, marked A $1,898.73>^ 

To ditto, Maclin, ditto B 475.66>^ 

To ditto, Indian Department, ditto C 2,454.98 

To ditto, Burges' assistant, ditto D 683.33 

To ditto, P. T. A. for I. A., ditto E 4,520.50 

To ditto, contingincy, ditto F 730.67 

To ditto, sundries, ditto G 488.75 

To ditto, discribed in ditto H 99.64^ 

To ditto, ditto I 95.50 

To ditto, ditto K 450.81j'4 



To James Burges $133.33 

ditto, sallary to 31 December, 1797 550.00— 683.33 



354 LETTERS OF 



1796. Cr. 

Sept. By cash received in Philadelphia as Contingent 

Fund «UO.OO 

1797. 

Sept. 20, By a bill of this date in favour of Major John 

Habersham, for 1,000.00 

1798. 

Feb. 25, By ditto, ditto, ditto 1,000.00 

June 4, By cash paid Sackfield Maclin $ 12.00 

By ditto, by Colonel Henley 40.00 

By a draft on Colonel Henley for bills, 373.66^— 425.66>> 

Aug. 2, By a bill of this date in favour of Major Com. 

Freeman on Secretary of War 1,000.00 

6, By a bill of this date in favour of Edv^ard 
Price, U. S. Factor, on Secretary of War, for 
debt, A 1,898.731^ 

Sept. 3, By a bill on ditto, ditto, for ditto, C 2,454.98 

By cash received and acknowledged the 22 June, 

for a special purpose 500.00 



Coweta, Tallauhassee, 22 June, 1798. 

Expenditure of the contingent fund of 500 dollars to be 
expended as therein advised by the Secretary of War, the receipt 
of which is acknowledged in my letter to the Secretary of War. 

Paid at the request of Indian Commissioners appointed to see 
the Creek line ascertained and marked, sundry extraordinary ex- 
pences amounting in the whole to 488.75 dollars, and which was 
noted and approved in the meeting of the chiefs of the Lower 
towns at Coweta. 

Certificate of Mr. William Hill. 

I do certify that Colonel Hawkins did, in my presence, and for 
tlie purposes approved of by him, at the request of the Creek 
chiefs, pay four hundred eighty-eight dollars 75 cents as above 
stated. 



The document marked K. for 450.81-)4 dollars, for supplies 
by the United States Factor, from 1797, January 1, to the 25 of 
April, to the Indians without authority from the agent. This 



BENJAMIN HAWKINS 355 

document rests on the letter of Mr. Price or a voucher. If it is 
admited by the Secretary at War, the factory will have credit for 
it; or if it should be deemed a debt against the nation, provision 
is made for the payment of it in the treaty concluded last year 
at this place. 



Teusee — God. 

Soliiste — The inhabitants of the sky. 

Soli — Sky. 



SENIOR BURNEY: 



in 



ifi 



~ rt 



Pay Efau Tusskeucah and Tacycinney, agents for 
^ ^ Ooseuchee, fifty dollars, being the portion assigned to that 
^ Q town of the stipend allowed by the U. S. to the Creeks for 
8 >> the year 1798. 
"^ g $50. 

Form of certificate. 



The Creek nation have classed their towns and appointed a 
warrior over each class to carry the laws into effect against 
thieves and mischiefmakers. 1st class named Sunomomekee of 
Wewacau. 

18 August, 1800. 

Elijah Lumsden of Green County, pass into the Cherokees. 

18 August. 

Claiborn Foster and Samuel Dale, to trade in hogs and cattle. 

John Fielder of Jackson County, to trade in cattle and hogs. 

James Graham, to trade in the Creeks for cattle and hogs. 

Joseph Graham, his assistant. 

Major Edward Moor & J. Raston of Jackson County, to trade 
in hogs and cattle among the Creeks and Cherokees for the present 
season, to end with the month of January next. They will have 
three assistants, for whose conduct they will be accountable. 

15 July, 1800. 

Aquilla Scott of Georgia, to trade in hogs and cattle only. 
22> July, 1800, 2 assistants. 



356 LETTERS OF 



Creek Agency, 23rd of May, 1801. 

Leonard Saunders Sims of Warren County, in North Carolina, 
on a journey of amusement. Certificate of propriety of character, 
26 February, 1801, by Wm. Falkener, J. P. Certified to be so by 
the clerk, under the county seal, and others. 



23rd May. 

Captain William Wiggins of Green County, in Georgia, de- 
sirous of traveling into the Mississippi Territory. Certificate of good 
character, by Adjutant General Fauchee, Colonel Melton and 
several other respectable characters. 

23rd May. 

William Hill, Esq. of Green County, in Georgia, desirous of 
traveling into the Mississippi Territory. Certificate of good 
character, by Andrevi^ Baxter, Brice Gaither, Adjutant General 
Fauchee, Colonel Melton and several other respectable characters. 

24th. 

William Hunt, return passport from Captain Shaumburgh, 
27 January, 1801. Passed thro' 8 February; repassed 24 May. 

24th. 

Sylvanus Walker of Green County, in Georgia, on a journey 
to the settlements on Tombigbee on lawful business. Certificate 
of good character, signed by E. Park, Clerk of that County; Wm. 
Greer, J. P.; James Nisbet, J. P. 

24th. 

Robert Hide of Green County, certified to be a young man 
of good report, by E. Parks, Jos. Phillips, Wm. Hill and W. 
Wiggins, to pass to Tombigbee. 

24th. 

Micajah Wall of Green County, Georgia, Certificate that he 
has supported a reputable character; desirous to travel to the 
settlements on Tombigbee. Certified by, 

E. PARKS. 

J. PHILLIPS. 

L. SOWALL. 

W. WIGGINS. 

WILLIAM HILL. 



BENJAMIN HAWKINS 357 

24th. 

Lewis Sewall, Esq., of Columbia, in Georgia, request to pass 
to the settlements on Tombigbee. 

24th. 

Thomas Simmons of Lincoln County, Georgia, to pass to the 
settlements on Mississippi. 

24th. 

William Johnson, a man of good character, and an honest 
citizen of this State of Georgia. Certificate by the Honourable 
David Emanuel, Governor of Georgia, 13th of April. 

25th. 

Hugh Cassady, from the Mississippi Territory to Georgia; 
pass by John Steel, Secretary, acting as Governor. 

25th. 
Nathaniel Clark Green, ditto. 

25th. 
Moses Modic, to pass into Georgia. 

25th. 

Mr. W. J. Smith of the house of Smith and Robinson, to pass 
thro' the agency South of Ohio. 

4 June. 

William George, to pass to the Mississippi Territory, 7 April, 
by the Governor of Georgia. 

3rd June. 

William Patrick Hays of Georgia, to the Mississippi Territory, 
by the Governor of Georgia, 7 April. 

3rd June. 

Robert Finley of Georgia, to the Mississippi Territory, by the 
Governor of Georgia, 7 April. 

5 June. 

Major Seth Dean and Jesse Thomas, returning from Tom- 
bigbee, 10 February, 1801, by Governor Jackson. 

Joseph Kercam & John Waterson of Georgia, 8 May, by 
Governor Emanuel. 



358 LETTERS OF 



16 June. 

Samuel Berryhill and Alexander Shaw Newman, on business 
in the nation, 23 May; signed David Emanuel, Governor of Geor- 
gia. 

16 June. 

Jonathan Arnold and James Gold, citizens of the U. S., to 
New Orleans, 7 June, 1801, by William Peters, Major Com. 

25 September, 1801. 

Isaia Brenton, his wife and family, with two negros; a certifi- 
cate of propriety recommended from the officers, civil and military, 
of Green and Jackson Counties. 

22nd October, 1801. 

Lewis McLain, with his family, nine whites and one black. 
Pass from David Emanuel, Governor protem. 

Micajah Wall and John Young, pass as above. 

John Burney, with his family, nine blacks and five whites, pass 
as above; all from Green County, Georgia. 

William Verdeman, a citizen of Mississippi Territory, pass 
from Captain Shaumburgh, 27th Januarj', 1801. 

22nd October, 1801. 

John Grayham, from Georgia, pass from David Emanuel. 
With him Daniel and Wm. Burford and Touchstone with two 
negros with passes, 20, 1801. 

24th November. 

William G. Gregory, from Columbia County, by David 
Emanuel, President of the Senate. 

John Esspy, of Columbia County, Georgia, pass from David 
Emanuel. 

Isack Weldon, Columbia County, Georgia, by David Emanuel. 

John Elijah Ofin, pass from the Governor of New Orleans. 

William Griffin, pass from Louisiana. 

1st December, 1801. 

William Colman, pass from Governor of Georgia. 



BENJAMIN HAWKINS 359 

journal of the Commissioners of the United States Appointed to 
Hold Conferences with Several of the Indian Nations 
South of the Ohio, Commenced by Mr. Haw- 
kins, One of the Commissioners. 



On the 18 July I received from the Secretary of War this 
letter, at Tuckabatchee: 



War department, 18 June, 1801. 
Sir: 

The President of the United States having appointed you a 
Commissioner, jointly with William R. Davie and James Wilkin- 
son, Esquire, to hold conferences with several of the Indian 
nations South of Ohio, you are requested to repair to South West 
Point, in the State of Tennessee, by the first day of August next, 
there to meet your colleagues, the first named of whom will be 
the bearer of your commissions and instructions, and commence 
the business of your mission. 

I am Sir, with high consideration, 

Your most obedient servant, 

H. DEARBORN. 
BENJAMIN HAWKINS, ESQ. 



I made the necessary arrangements for the agents in the 
Creek Department, and set out on the 25th of that month, and 
passing through the Upper Creeks and Cherokees, arrived at 
South West Point on the 4th instant. 

4th August. 

Colonel Meigs, the agent for the Cherokees, informed me 
that on the 11th July he sent the following address "to the chiefs 
and warriors of the Cherokees: 

Friends and Brothers: 

The President of the United States takes you by the hand 
and invites you and all the nations of red people within the terri- 
tory of the United States to look up to him as their father and 



360 LETTERS OF 



friend; to rely in full confidence upon his unvarying disposition 
to lead and protect them in the paths of peace and harmony, and 
to cultivate friendship vi'ith his brothers of tlie same colour and 
with the citizens of the United States. 

The chain of friendship is now bright and binds us all to- 
gether; for your and our sakes, and for the sakes of your and our 
children, we must prevent it from becoming rusty; so long as the 
mountains in our land shall endure and our rivers flow, so long 
may the red and white people dweling in it live in the bonds of 
brotherhood and friendship. 

To aid in perpetuating this highly desirable object, the Presi- 
dent has directed three of his beloved men to meet your principal 
men at South West Point, in the State of Tennessee, on the first 
day of August next. He requests you to send such of your chiefs 
and principal men as you have full confidence in, then and there 
to meet the Commissioners; and that you will empower them 
to state for the consideration of the government all that you have 
upon your minds; to hear in behalf of your nation all that those 
Commissioners shall have to propose, and to acceed to such pro- 
posals as the Commissioners shall make and your representatives 
shall conceive to be proper and useful. 

Given at the War Office of the United States this 18th day of 
June, A. D. 1801. 

HENRY DEARBORN, 

Secretary of War. 



Colonel Meigs delivered me two packets from the Secretary 
of War, containing the commissions and instructions to James 
Wilkinson, Brigadier General in the service of the United States; 
Benjamin Hawkins, of North Carolina, and Andrew Pickins, of 
South Carolina, or any two of them, to hold conferences with the 
Cherokees, Chickasaws, Choctaws and Creeks, and to conclude 
and sign treaties with them. 

7th August. 

Several chiefs from the towns on the Tennessee called on me 
and had a long conversation with me on the affairs of their nation. 
They stated the improvements made in the products of the 
country; that a total change had taken place in the habits of the 
nation since the introduction of the plan for their civilization; that 
a desire for individual property was very prevalent, and that the 
current of conversation now was how to acquire it, by attention 
to stock, to farming and to manufactures. 



BENJAMIN HAWKINS 361 

J wrote this letter to the Secretary of War: 

South West Point, 7th August, 1801. 

I traveled through the Upper Creeks and Cherokees, and 
arrived here on the 4th of this month, where I received your 
packet containing the commissions and instructions for the Com- 
missioners. My colleagues have not arrived. 

Colonel Meigs had taken measures to send your address of 
the 18 of June to the Indians. Some time after this the deputa- 
tion sent by the Cherokees to the seat of government arrived; who, 
having agreed among themselves it was necessary that the chiefs 
of the nation should convene and consult prior to their ineeting 
with the Commissioners of the United States, they communicated 
their opinion to the Little Turkey, the chief of the nation, who 
concured in opinion with them and sent runners through the 
nation to invite the chiefs to assemble at Oosetenauleh on the 
18th of this month to consult together accordingly; but before 
this, the invitation sent by Colonel Meigs had been received and 
several of the chiefs have attended here, and with them some 
sent by the Little Turkey to take the Commissioners by the hand 
and welcome them to his land. 

The meeting at Oosetenauleh will unavoidably derange the 
periods pointed out by you for the other conferences, as the one 
contemplated to be held here cannot be closed till the last of this 
month. 

I have been very unwell for some days past; am getting better, 
and am just able to attend to business. 

I have the honour to be, very respectfully. Sir, 

Your obedient servant. 
The Honourable 

HENRY DEARBORN, 
Secretary of War. 



10th. 

Weele, John Wats and Doublehead, with several other chiefs, 
called on me and delivered this talk in behalf of themselves and 
the chiefs of the river towns: "Colonel Meigs sent us the invita- 
tion of the President to come and meet his Commissioners here on 
the first of this month; we have come accordingly and we have 
with us a representation from our part of the nation. We have 
been here several days, waiting for the arrival of the Commis- 
sioners; you are come, but we cannot hear of your colleagues, and 



362 LETTERS OF 



it appears now quite uncertain when you will have a meeting. The 
chiefs who are to convene at Oosetenauleh sent us no invitation; 
to go there; of course we suppose they have no need of our 
council. We will return home. VVe have taken the talks of the 
President from soon after your first coming among us, and as 
you have come through our nation, you can see and know we 
have done so. We shall now return home, as we are determined 
to concur in every thing agreed upon between you and the old 
chiefs soon to convene at Oosetenauleh, there is no necessity for 
our remaining here, and as we have manifested our respect for the 
new President by our immediate attention to his invitation. One 
thing we mention for your information: There is a division now 
among ourselves; we have thought seriously of it, and it is right 
that you should know it. We leave to the chiefs to convene at 
Oosetenauleh the government of our country as they think proper, 
which lies on the other side of Chilhowe Mountain; we shall govera 
that part to the west. We have one thing to say to you as Agent 
for Indian Affairs, which you will hear in stile of complaint from 
some of the other chiefs; they say we have had more wheels and 
cards than our share, and in consequence are more advanced in 
making our own cloathing, as well as in farming, than they. The 
fact is this: The ofifer of those things was made to all of us at 
the same time; we accepted of it, some of us immediately, and 
others soon after; those who complain came in late; we have 
got the start of them, which we are determined to keep." 

The reply: Your attention to the invitation sent by your 
father, the President, to meet his Commissioners here do's you 
credit; he is a new father for you, made so by the voice of the 
American people. Your first father, Washington, is dead. During 
his administration the plan for your civilization originated in the 
justice of the American people; this benevolent care of ■ the 
government was confided by him to my agency. His successor, 
Mr. Adams, was authorized by the laws of the United States to- 
pursue the same course, and he continued me, as he found me, the 
agent for carrying into effect the benevolent views of the govern- 
ment in relation to you red people. By the Constitution of the 
United States the ofifice of President is during the term of four 
years. This man stood high in the estimation of the people of 
the U. S. when they elected him President, but on mature delibera- 
tion they have altered their opinion of Mr. Adams, and would not 
elect him again to that office. Mr. Jefferson is the man of their 
choice; he is their President and your new father. He is in every 
way worthy of the high trust confided to him by his fellow citizens 
and of your entire confidence, your love and veneration. From 
such a man you red people have every thing to hope and nothing 
to fear. 



BENJAMIN HAWKINS 363 

I cannot say when the Commissioners will be here; by the 
papers 1 have received since my arrival they were expected to be 
here ten days past, and I expect one or both of them daily. One 
of the gentlemen named to you declined coming, resigned his 
appointment, and General Pickins, your old friend, is in his stead. 
If one comes, two of us will proceed to execute the duties of our 
mission, and it will be as effectual as if we were all present. I 
can now only tell you you may have entire confidence in my 
colleagues; that you have nothing to fear from such men; that 
all propositions made by them to you will manifest a fair and 
candid attention to your rights. You will be treated as a free 
people, under the guarantee and benevolent care of the American 
people. Nothing will be asked of you without offering an equiva- 
lent, and whatever is asked of you, you are advised to weigh well 
before you answer, and always keep this in view: You are a free 
people under the guarantee of the government of the United 
States; that you have for several years had daily and substantial 
proofs of the benevolent care of the government, by the protection 
of your rights, by a strong and expensive military establishment, 
by the introduction, at a considerable expence, of the wheel, loom, 
and plough into your land, and that if you can accommodate a 
people who do so much for you, and who mean to continue their 
good offices to you, whether you attend to their wants or not, you 
ought to weigh well, to deliberate long, and to have substantial 
reasons to offer before you say no to any proposition made to 
you by the Commissioners, when none will be made without 
offering you an equivalent. 

If you return home you must leave some men who possess 
your entire confidence to join the other chiefs of the nation who 
we may expect from the council at Oosetenauleh. Your nation 
must not divide, you must be one people, under the government 
of your old chiefs. 

As to the complaint you mention, it is very agreeable to me. 
I am glad that the people of your towns attend early to the benefits 
arising from the plan for bettering your condition; that you have 
got the start of the other towns should not be a subject of com- 
plaint on their part, but a stimulous, as they now see your pros- 
perity from the experiment among yourselves. When they com- 
plain, tell them come on, you are ahead of them now, but to 
double their diligence and they may overtake you. 

14th. 

The evening of this day General Wilkinson arrived. 



364 LETTERS OF 



S. W. Point, 14th August, 1801. 

I wrote you on the 7th to inform you of my arrival here on the 
4th of this month. I am now recovered from my late indisposition 
and able to attend to the duties of my mission. A waggon arrived 
here yesterday with some public stores for the Commissioners. 
We have received no accounts to be relied on respecting my col- 
leagues. 

I have the honour to be, &c. 

The Honourable 

HENRY DEARBORN, 
Secretary of War. 



15th. 

The Commissioners proceeded to execute the duties of their 
mission. Being informed that some of the chiefs were opposed 
to meeting the Commissioners at this place, and had proposed 
Tellico, and that there was some discontent and division among 
the chiefs on the propriety of the meeting at Oosetenauleh after 
they had received the invitation of the President to convene at 
this place, they wrote and sent the following-letter by an interpre- 
ter express to the chiefs about to convene at Oosetenauleh: 

To the chiefs and warriors of the Cherokee Nation: 

We send you under cover a talk from our beloved great 
chief and father, Thomas Jefferson, President of the United States. 
We beg of you to open your ears to listen to it attentively and let 
it sink deep into your hearts. It is the same speach which has 
been sent to you by your agent. Colonel Meigs. 

The people of the United States having given you a new 
father, we have pleasure in assuring you that he holds his red 
children and his white children in the same regard; that he will 
neither violate your lands or suffer them to be violated while you 
behave as you have done, like dutiful and afifectionate children, 
who look up to him for protection; but it is our duty also to tell 
you that your father, the President, will expect you to pay prompt 
regard to this, his first invitation to meet us at this place, which 
he has appointed for the purpose, and where provisions and neces- 
saries are collected. Your father has a right to name the place 
where he will speak to you, and you have no right to object to his 
invitation, since he has for object your own good as well as that 



i 



BENJAMIN HAWKINS 365 

of his white children. We do therefore confidently expect you 
will be on your feet so soon as you receive this talk, and that we 
shall have the happiness to take you by the hand on the 25th of 
the present month, that is ten days from this day. We urge this 
injunction upon you because our business calls us elsewhere. 

We are your friends and the representatives of your father, 
the President. 

S. W. Point, ISth August, 1801. 



16th. 

At the special request of a deputation from the towns on the 
Tennessee below this, the Commissioners wrote and delivered to 
them, to be sent under their direction, this address: 

To the chiefs and warriors of the Cherokee Nation of Indians on 
the Tennessee: 

The talk from your father, the President, was sent you by 
Colonel Meigs, your agent, inviting you to send such chiefs and 
principal men as you have full confidence in, to meet his Commis- 
sioners at this place on the first of this month, to state for the 
consideration of government all that you have upon your minds, 
to hear in behalf of your nation all that the Commissioners shall 
have to propose, and to agree to such proposals as they shall 
make, and your representatives shall conceive to be proper and 
useful. 

We, two of the Commissioners of the United States, are now 
arrived and have sent to your council, convened at Oosetenauleh, 
to attend here by the 25th of this month, and as we understand 
trom some of your most distinguished chiefs, that you will not 
be at the meeting at Oosetenauleh, we have proposed to them to 
send runners to invite you to attend here on the day appointed, 
where we shall expect and be glad to see you, for the purposes 
expressed in the talk of the President. 

We are your friends and the friends of your nation. 

S. W. Point, 16th August, 1801. 



Colonel Meigs, the agent for the Cherokees, communicated 
to the Commissioners a letter from Mr. Hooker, U. S. Factor at 



366 LETTERS OF 



Tellico, of the 15, informing that an Indian woman was killed on 
Stock Creek, in Knox County, on the 12th inst., refering him to 
Captain Flannegan, near Knoxville, for the particulars. The Com- 
missioners requested the agent to send an express immediately to 
the gentleman refered to for the particulars, and they wrote to the 
Governor this letter: 



y 



V 



S. W. Point, 16th August, 1801. 




V 



At the time that we do ourselves the pleasure to announce to 
your Excellency our arrival here as Commissioners of the United 
'States, for the purpose of holding a conference with the Cherokees 
on subjects interesting to our fellow citizens, we have to lament 
and to regret a most wicked and barbarous murder, perpetrated 
,- .ijk^n Stock Creek, in Knox County, on the body of an Indian woman 
'vVr \ho was with her young child and a part of her family on her way 
■ ' to Knoxville seeking a market for the products of her industry. 

Your excellency knows as well the affect this will have on 
the minds of the Indians, as the necessity there is of a speedy 
exertion of the competent authority to bring, with the least pos- 
sible delay, the offender to justice, and we must request your 
interposition to produce that desirable end. The particulars of 
this transaction have not reached us; we are refered to Captain 
Flannegan, near Knoxville, who is mentioned too as a man in 
estimation for them; as you are near him we presume you will have 
received them ere this. 

We have the honour to be, &c. 
His Excellency, 

JOHN SEVIER, 

Governor of Tennessee. 



The family of the murdered woman sent a runner to the 
chiefs at S. W. Point to inform them of the murder and that the 
woman left a young child not four months old, and to request 
their advise after they had consulted the Commissioners of the 
United States how they were to act. 

The Commissioners communicated what they had heard and 
done to the chiefs, and made such observations on the transaction 
as were suited to the occasion. 

18th. 

The Commissioners, taking a thorough view of the duties 
enjoined by their mission & being of opinion that the delays here 
would unavoidably derange the conferences contemplated to be 



BENJAMIN HAWKINS 367 

held with the Chickasaws and Choctaws, determined to prevent 
all unnecessary expence to place both these conferences under 
their control, and for that end sent a steady Cherokee runner with 
the following letters to the agents of the Chickasaws and Choc- 
taws: 



South W. Point, 18th August, 1801. 

General Wilkinson and Mr. Hawkins, two of the Commis- 
sioners of the United States, appointed to hold conferences, &c. 
with the Indian nations South of Ohio, are now here, and as 
they will be delayed longer with the Cherokees than was expected 
by the President, they cannot be at the Chickasaw Bluffs by the 
time fixed for the conference with that nation. I have in conse- 
quence dispatched an express to you to apprise you of it, and to 
inform you that you may expect the Commissioners at the Bluffs 
by the last of September or early in October. 

I request you to communicate this, without delay, to the chiefs 
and warriors of the Chickasaws, and to inform them that as soon 
as the Commissioners can fix on the day for meeting them they will 
be informed of it. 

I have sent you a letter for Colonel John McKee which you 
will forward by express to prevent a like disappointment with the 
Choctaws. 

I am, with due regard and esteem. Sir, 
Your obedient servant, 

BENJAMIN HAWKINS, 

Agent for I. A. S. of Ohio- 
MR. SAMUEL MITCHELL, 

Agent for the Chickasaws. 



S. W. Point, in Tennessee, 18 August, 1801. 

General Wilkinson and Mr. Hawkins, two of the Commis- 
sioners of the United States, appointed to hold conferences, &c., 
with the Indian nations South of Ohio, are here, and as they will 
be detained longer with the Cherokees than was expected by the 
President, they cannot be at Natches by the time fixed for the 
conference there with the Choctaws or at the Bluffs for that with 
the Chickasaws. 

As the conference with the Choctaws follows that of the 
Chickasaws, it cannot probably take place till the last of October 



368 LETTERS OF 



or early in Xovcmber. I request you to communicate this, without 
delay, to the chiefs & warriors of the Choctaws and to inform them 
that as soon as the Commissioners can fix on a day certain for 
meeting of them they will be informed of it. 

I send this by express to Mr. Mitchell with orders for him to 
forward it by express to you. 

I am, with due regard & esteem. Sir, 

Your obedient servant, 

BENJAMIN HAWKINS, 

Agent for I. A. South of Ohio. 
COLONEL JOHN McKEE, 

Agent for the Choctaws, in his absence, to John Pitchlin, inter- 
preter, to take order. 



The contents of both these letters were communicated to the 
runner, and to prevent as much as possible a failure of the object, 
the letters were, in the absence of the agents, to be opened by the 
interpreters or chiefs; and the General, he wrote to the com- 
mandant at the Bluffs respectmg supplies: 



Head Quarters, S. W. Point, August ISth, 1801. 
Sir: 

You will be pleased to inform me by the bearer what may be 
your actual intention in regard to provisions, and what may be 
your expectations, with the grounds on which such expectations 
are founded. You will be pleased also to inform me whether 
provisions could, in an extremity, be suddenly procured in your 
neighbourhood, taking care to designate the species and quantity. 

It is proposed to hold a conference with the Chickasaws at 
the post of your command, towards the end of next month, and the 
contractor has been required to furnish rations for the purpose, 
but as he has failed, I am fearful he may be deficient in this 
instance, and I send this express to be ascertained of the fact by 
you, that I may, in case of his default, take measures to procure 
a supply before I leave the Ohio. The bearer is to return in 
season to meet me at the mouth of Bear Creek. I therefore 
request you to furnish provisions and to dispatch him without 
a moment's unnecessary delay. I expect to leave this place 
about the 5th of next month. 

With consideration and esteem, I am. Sir, 
Your obedient servant, 

J A. WILKINSON. 
CAPTAIN SPARKS. 



BENJAMIN HAWKINS 369 

The Commissioners then wrote this letter to the Honourable 
Secretary of War: 



S. W. Point, in Tennessee, 18 August, 1801. 

General Wilkinson arrived here on the evening of the 14th, 
and we proceeded immediately to execute the duties of our mission. 
Being informed that some of the chiefs were opposed to meeting 
the Commissioners at this place and had proposed Tellico, and 
that there was some discontent and division among the chiefs on 
the propriety of the meeting at Oosetenauleh after they had 
received the invitation of the President to convene at this place, 
we wrote the address, No. 1, and sent it by an interpreter to the 
chiefs convened in that town. After this, on a consultation with 
some chiefs of the towns on Tennessee, we wrote and sent 
under their direction, 2. The same day having received the 
account, 3, of the murder of an Indian woman in the neighbour- 
hood of Knoxville, we wrote, 4, and sent it by express to the 
Governor of this State, and directed Colonel Meigs, the agent for 
the Cherokees, to take measures immediately to obtain the particu- 
lars of this transaction. 

Taking a thorough view of all the duties enjoined by our 
mission, we find that the delays here will unavoidably derange 
the conferences contemplated to be held with the Chickasaws and 
Choctaws, and we have judged it advisable to prevent all unneces- 
sary expence to place both these conferences under our control, 
and to that end have sent a careful, steady Cherokee runner with 
the orders, 5, 6, 7. 

As we have received no information from the council convened 
at Oosetenauleh, we have formed no idea of the probable issue 
of the conference to be held here. As Colonel Hawkins came 
through the nation he found the chiefs had been seriously alarmed 
by a report circulated among them "that three gentlemen of this 
State were appointed Commissioners, and that it was in contempla- 
tion to endeavour to obtain a large tract of country from them;" 
that the Indian deputation sent to the seat of government had on 
their return quieted the fears of the Indians as to the Commis- 
sioners, but not altogether as to the propositions for land, and that 
on this subject they seemed fixed and determined not to part with 
any more. 

On the 13th of this month a waggon arrived here with some 
stores for the use of the Commissioners, but no goods for the 
Indians. We have heard of three waggons arriving at the same 
time at the United States Factory at Tellico, but whether for the 



370 LETTERS OF 



trade or the purposes contemplated in the conference here, we are 
not informed. 

General Wilkinson, who came here by the way of Wilkinson- 
ville, is of opinion that the stores, goods and provisions intended 
to be sent down for the conferences at the Chickasaw Bluffs and 
at Natches will not reach the first point before the begining of No- 
vember, because of the lowness of the waters and the consequent 
impediments to the navigation of the Ohio. 

We have the honour to be, very respectfully. Sir, 
Your obedient servants, 

JA. WILKINSON. 
BENJAMIN HAWKINS. 



The Honourable 

HENRY DEARBORN, 
Secretary of War. 



References. 



No. 1, See 15th August. 

2, See 16th. 

3, Mr. Hooker, 16th. 

4, See letter to the Governor, 16th. 

5, To S. Mitchel. 

6, Colonel McKee. 

7, Captain Sharp. 



23rd August. 



The messenger sent by the Commissioners to Oosetenauleh 
returned with the answer to the talk of the Commissioners, of the 
15th. He reported that he delivered the talk sent by him and 
heard it correctly interpreted to the chiefs; that after this they 
consulted among themselves and prepared an answer, which was 
to have been sent, but on further reflection, was altered to the 
one sent, which he delivered to the Commissioners; that of him- 
self he told the chiefs that provision was made at South West Point 
for the meeting which could not be transported in time from 
thence to Tellico; that he understood the first answer was not 
respectful or friendly. 



BENJAMIN HAWKINS 371 



The Answer. 



Oosetenauleh, 19th August, 1801. 

Brothers, the Commissioners of the United States: 

Your express arrived at a time when our council was seting, 
and we are glad to hear from you. We suppose we have, or ought 
to have, a right to have something to say in choosing the place 
of conference. Tellico is the place where we arranged to meet, 
and that is the place we expect you will meet us. Our nation is 
much scattered and it will take up time before we can communi- 
cate to the different towns the time that may be convenient to all 
to meet. Tellico is our beloved ground and more convenient for 
our nation; besides, the range there is much better, whereas, about 
the Point there is nothing for horses. 

Beloved Commissioners: 

One of our people is missing and fell, but we expect the Com- 
missioners will look about them and have that bad action repaired 
by apprehending and punishing the agressor before we meet. We 
expect our friends, the Commissioners, will use their best en- 
deavours to bring the murderers to light and punishment, that the 
authority of leading and wise men may not be trampled on. 

You will see us in twelve nights at Tellico, if that place should 
be agreeable to you, you will see us there. With sentiments of 
great regard for the Commissioners, I remain. 
Your friend and brother, 

THE GLASS. 

In behalf and at request of the meeting. 



24th. 

The Commissioners communicated the answer which they had 
received to the chiefs from the river towns who were with them. 
Two of them, Chuquilataque ( Doublehe ad), and Nanetopquh.. (The 
Bloody F ellow ), seemed much concerned and said: "This is 
unusual and contrary to our expectations; the invitation from our 
father, the President, is to meet his Commissioners at this place, 
and here the commissaries have made the requisite provisions; to 
move this will cause additional and unnecessary expence. If the 



372 LETTERS OF 



Indians had provisions of their own it would be another thing; 
they have not; that this place is as convenient as Tellico, and they 
have food sufficient at this season for their horses; that the 
meeting at Oosetenauleh, as well as the present procedure, they did 
not comprehend; they hoped the Commissioners would not take 
any definite steps for the present, that Nenetooquh would go him- 
self to the chiefs about to asesmble at Tellico and advise them 
to come down immediately on their arrival." 



25th. 



S. W. Point, 25th August, 1801. 
Sir: 

Since our last, of the 18th instant, we have received from the 
Cherokees assembled at Oosetenauleh the talk you will find under 
cover, indicative of a degree of presumption which must not be 
indulged; this being the spot assigned by the President for the 
conference and the provisions being deposited here; could we 
wave the impolicy of the step, we should not consider ourselves at 
liberty to change the ground, under circumstances of increased 
expence and delay. 

We shall therefore mildly, but firmly, admonish the chiefs 
who may assemble at Tellico of the impropriety and inadvisability 
of their pretentions, and again invite them to attend the conference 
here at a short day, in which measure we shall have the concur- 
rence of Doublehead and Bloodyfellow, two of the most conspicu- 
ous chiefs, who reside near the Tennessee below and are now with 
us. We believe our business, when once begun, may be completed 
in a few days, after which we shall send a runner to convene the 
Chickasaws, and will proceed by water without delay to the point 
of interview. 

Perhaps it may not be amiss for us to remark at this time 
that we apprehend the assembling of the Choctaw nation agreeably 
to your notification at the town of Natches, near the center of 
population in that district, will expose the inhabitants to much 
unavoidable vexation and abuse of property, and the Indians to the 
debauchery inseperable from our frontier villages. 

We therefore beg leave to submit to the executive considera- 
tion the expediency of naming a different place for the conference, 
or of authnri/cing us to do so. Should any communication to us 
on this subject be deemed necessary, it can be forwarded from 
Fort Washington CCincinnati) by the commanding officer there to 
the cantonment on the Ohio, and from thence, in season, to over- 



BENJAMIN HAWKINS 373 

take us at the Bluffs and enable us to give change to the rendez- 
vous proposed for the Choctaws M'ithout inconvenience or delay. 
We have yet no information respecting goods intended for the 
conference at this place, but we do not propose to halt for them, 
and we are sorry to add that we understand the murderer of the 
Cherokee woman on Stock Creek has escaped from the country; 
the perpetrator is generally believed to be Peter Wheeler, said to 
be of bad character. 

We are, with high consideration and respect, Sir, 
Your obedient servants, 

JA. WILKINSON. 
BENJAMIN HAWKINS. 
The Honourable 

THE SECRETARY OF WAR. 

N. B. — We hear nothing of General Pickins. 



30th. 

Nenetooquh reported to the Commissioners that he had beetl 
at Tellico and delivered a strong talk to The Bark for the chiefs 
about to assemble at that place, which he enjoined on him to 
deliver immediately on their arrival. Among other things, he said 
"that at Tellico there was no provisions and those who assembled 
there could not expect any; that provision was made at S. W. P., 
and that they must go there to get their belley full; that was the 
place appointed by the President for the conference, that was the 
place where provision was made, and it was idle to expect an 
alteration would be made as there was no substantial reason for it 
and the usual course had been to attend at the place and time 
appointed by the President." 

All the Indians who were waiting the conference with the 
Commissioners showed much uneasiness at the mode of procedure 
on their part. 

31st. 

Charles Hicks, an interpreter, a halfbreed, who attended the 
meeting at Oosetenauleh, made this report: The chiefs at Oose- 
tenauleh conducted their business in secrecy, seemed to distrust 
him, as he was in the public service, and withheld every thing from 
him as far as in their power. It appeared to him the chiefs were 
desirous of assuming and attempting to exercise the right of remov- 
ing the public agents and interpreters; that the evening after they 
received the talk from the Commissioners, they prepared an answer, 



374 LETTERS OF 



in his opinion rude and improper; among other things, they said 
that when the Commissioners of the United States would inform 
them that they had the murderer of the Indian woman (murdered 
on the 12th, on Stock Creek, near Knoxville) in custody, and would 
execute him in their presence, they would attend, and not till then. 
The next day, reconsidering this part of the answer, they deter- 
mined to alter it and send a respectful one, which was done by The 
Glass and one or two only. In the course of the conference, at 
which Major Lewis, late agent attended, there appeared an inten- 
tion in James Van and some others to replace the Major in the 
agency; he could not, being excluded, hear the proposition dis- 
tinctly, but he heard the Major reply "that he would not now 
accept of it." He is at a loss to know whence this conduct among 
the chiefs originated. 

1st September. 

The Commissioners sent this address to the chiefs about to 
assemble at Tellico: 



Brothers: 

In addition to the talk delivered to The Bark by the Bloody- 
fellow, we think proper to inform you that having waited here 
27 days to met you in conference, agreeably to the invitation of 
our great father, Thomas Jefferson, President of the U. S., which 
was delivered to you from Colonel Meigs, the Agent of War, on 
the 13th ultimo, we can but express our surprise that you should 
not have appeared before this time. 

Brothers: We are sorry that you manifest so little respect to 
the voice of your new father, who is as able and as desirous 
to foster you and to protect your interests as his prede- 
cessors. We are sorry that you should be so perverse and 
foolish as to set up your will against that of your father, the Presi- 
dent of the sixteen fires, who alone is able to defend you against 
your enemies. 

Brothers: We are your friends and we are solicitous for your 
happiness. We therefore hope you will no longer turn a deaf 
ear to the voice of your father, the President; for if you shut your 
ears against his councils and refuse to meet those t loved men 
whom he has appointed to confer with you, you will deprive him 
of the power to serve you, and must not expect either his friend- 
ship or his protection. 



BENJAMIN HAWKINS 375 

Brothers: We have given you our advise, the good and bad 
are before you, and you are men and can choose for yourselves. 
If you consider the friendship and protection of the President of 
the U. S. necessary to you, then come forward to this place with- 
out loss of time. If you do not need his friendship and protection 
and can stand alone without him, we expect you will, like men and 
warriors, speak out and declare it. 

Brothers: We have waited long for you, and we now feel it 
our duty to tell you, that if you are not here within four days from 
this date, we shall be oblidged to leave the country without seeing 
you and to report your conduct to your father, the President. 

We are your friends and the representatives of your father, 
the President. 



Commissioners Camp, near Coosau, 1 September, 1801. 

The Commissioners of the U. S. have sent to your care a talk 
for the chiefs about to assemble at Tellico, and they request you 
to have it interpreted to them by Carey. You will find that the 
language is plain and impressive and by no construction intended 
as a threat; we mention this to put the interpreter on his guard. 

You have enclosed also a short talk from the chiefs here to 
the people of Chilhowe, which they request you to have interpreted 
in like manner. 

I am, with much esteem and regard. Sir, 
Your obedient servant, 

BENJAMIN HAWKINS. 
JOHN W. HOOKER, 
U. S. Factor, Tellico. 



South West Point, September 1, 1801. 
Sir: 

To gain all the time possible for an answer to our proposition 
respecting the conference to be held with the Choctaws, we took 
the liberty to address the original of the inclosed duplicate to the 
President at his seat, and we are sorry to inform you an unexpected 
casualty will detain it at Knoxville until the departure of the 
descending mail, which will convey this to you. 

Since writing the within we have information to justify the 
belief that the Cherokees are indisposed to any conference at this 
time; we have not yet been able to develop the causes which have 
produced this temper, but we suspect the interference of the dis- 



376 LETTERS OF 



contented, we apprehend the insertion of political prejudice, 
we ascribe great influence to the fear of further encroachments, 
and we impute much to the late base assassination of a squaw 
near Knoxville, whose murderer has not yet been apprehended. 

The Glass has illy requited the courtesies he experienced at 
the seat of government. He is the author of the partial and un- 
seasonable meeting at Oosetenauleh, which has produced the 
delays we sufifer, and gave birth, we are informed, to several violent 
propositions against which the discretion of the assembly finally 
prevailed. 

To prevent the further waste of time and treasure and to test 
the determination of the nation, we have this day dispatched the 
message, of which you have a copy, under cover to the chiefs 
assembled at Tellico, and should it fail of the desired affect, we 
shall immediately embark for the Chickasaw Blufifs. In this pro- 
cedure we believe we consult the essential dignity of the govern- 
ment's sound principles of economy and the views of the execu- 
tive attached to this commission. 

Should a partial assembly of the chiefs take place here, insuffi- 
cient to decide on the presidential proposition, we shall make a 
provisional adjournment of the conference to a future day, subject 
to the executive control. 

We are assured that the Cherokees have proposed a general 
council of the four nations to be convened at Willstown about the 
20th instant, at which a deputation from the northern nations, said 
to be charged with talks, is to be present. 

Colonel Hawkins is of opinion that this measure is produced 
by a panic terror, uprising from the apprehension that they are 
soon to be pressed for a further relinquishment of lands. Colonel 
Meigs will attend this meeting, and whether it be held in public 
or in private, the result must soon reach us. 

We have the honour to be, with much respect. 

Your obedient servants. 
The Honourable 

THE SECRETARY OF WAR. 



Since writing this General Pickins is arrived. 



S. West Point, September 1st, 1801. 

Understanding from the public prints that you are on a visit 
to Monticello, we avail ourselves of the direct conveyance to intrude 
on ygu our communications of the 25th ult. and of this day to the 



BENJAMIN HAWKINS 377 

Secretary of War, and we hope you may approve of this deviation 
from the regular course of our correspondence, which we hazzard 
with the intent to secure time for the seasonable arrival of any 
order you may think proper to issue respecting the place for hold- 
ing the proposed conference with the Choctaws. Our letter of the 
25 was intended to be sent on the day it was written, in the care 
of a Mr. Watson of Alexandria, who informed us of his being 
then on the road, and that he should pass near your residence, but 
as we found afterwards that he would be detained, we took it 
back and send it by the mail. Our colleague, General Pickins, 
arrived last evening. 

With the highest consideration and the most respectful attach- 
ment, we have the honour to be. Sir, 

Your obedient servants, 

JA. WILKINSON. 
BENJAMIN HAWKINS. 
THOMAS JEFFERSON, 

President of the United States. 



2nd September. 
General Pickins arrived last evening. 

4th. 

The chiefs having informed the Commissioners they were 
ready to assemble whenever required thereto and to hear what they 
had to say to them, the Commissioners fixed on 2 o'clock, when 
they all convened at the conference harbour, and the Commis- 
sioners delivered the following address, by General Wilkinson: 

Chiefs and Brothers: 

About six moons past the people of the sixteen fires assembled 
in their grand national council house thought proper to elect our 
beloved chief, Thomas JeflFerson, to be the President of the United 
States in the place of Adams, who had succeeded Washington. 

Brothers: Open your ears. No sooner did our new father, 
Thomas Jefiferson, find himself at the head of all the white people 
and sixteen fires than he turned his thoughts towards his red 
children, who stand most in need of his care, and whom he regards 
with the same tenderness that he does his white children. 



378 LETTERS OF 



Brothers: Under the influence of his attachments to his red 
children our great father, the President of the U. S., has appointed 
General Pickins, Colonel Hawkins and myself his Commissioners, 
to meet you in council, to assure you from his mouth of his paternal 
affections, and to say to you that he holds your rights as sacred 
and is as solicitous to promote your interests and happiness as 
his predecessors, Washington and Adams, were. 

Brothers: Listen well and let our words sink deep into your 
hearts. Your new father, Thomas Jefferson, is equal in power to 
your former fathers, and he is entitled to as much confidence and 
respect as they were; he is as able to protect you as they were, and 
he cherishes the same disposition towards you. We charge you 
then to shut your ears against the thieves, lyars and mischief- 
makers who speak evil of him, because they mean to deceive you,, 
in order to gratify their own views and malignant dispositions. 

Brothers: Your great father, the President, is desirous to- 
ameleorate your condition, to advance you in independence, and to- 
provide for your permanent happiness and that of your prosperity. 
His ears are always open to you to listen to your complaints when 
you are aggrieved, and to hear the details of your wants, should you 
need assistance, that his good will may be exerted to redress your 
rongs and to relieve your sufferings. 

Brothers: Two of us are known to you and we hope you have 
reliance on our friendship; of the third, I will only say that he 
has long been the friend of the red people beyond the Ohio, and 
that his station forbids him to deceive them or you. 

Brothers: Open your ears. Your father, the President of the 
United States, is bound to pay the same attention to the interests 
of his white children that he does to he welfare of his red children 
throughout this great country. 

Brothers: Your white brethren who live at Natches, at Nash- 
ville, and in South Carolina, are very far removed from each other 
and have complained to your father that the roads by which they 
travel are narrow and obstructed with fallen timber, with rivers 
and creeks, which prevent them from pursuing their lawful business 
with his red children and with each other. 

Brothers: To remove these difficulties and to accommodate 
his red children as well as his white children, your father is 
desirous to open wide these roads, but as they pass over the lands 
of his red children, he first asks their consent to the measure, and 
is willing to pay them an equivalent for the indulgence to his 
white children. 

Brothers: Your white brethren have also complained to your 
father that on these long roads they have no place for rest or 
accommodation, which exposes them and their horses to much 
inconvenience and suffering. To remove this complaint your 



BENJAMIN HAWKINS 379 

father is desirous that his red children would consent to establish 
houses of entertainment and ferries on these roads, to be kept by 
persons appointed by himself, who shall give security for their 
good behaviour, and pay such annual rent to his red children as 
may be agreed on. 

Brothers: This is a small request made by your father; it is 
intended not to extinguish your rights, but to give value to your 
land and to make it immediately productive to you, in the manner 
of your ferry over Clinch River. 

Brothers: You have been alarmed by the songs of lying 
birds and the talks of foolish tongues; you have heard that your 
father would press you for further concessions of land, and it has 
been said by some, even as far as the Big River. You will know 
hereafter how to listen to such thieves, lyars and mischiefmakers, 
and will treat them as they deserve. 

Brothers: Listen to us and hear the truth. We stand up in 
this place between you and your white brethren, and we are ready 
to speak from the one to the other. Your white brethren want 
land and are willing to pay for it; if you have any to sell they will 
buy it from you, if you can agree on the terms, but if you are not 
disposed to sell any land, not one word more will be said on the 
subject. 

Brothers: The Commissioners are all your friends; they there- 
fore caution you to shut your ears against all white men who are 
not authorized by your father, the- President, or his beloved men, 
to speak to you. 

Brothers: We intreat you not to listen to your traders, 
because they are skin catchers and have more regard for their own 
interests than to yours. Deal with them honestly, pay them punc- 
tually and take care they do not cheat you, but never admit them to 
your councils. 

Brothers: Listen not, we pray you, to drunkards or men who 
spill innocent blood, because they are fools and lyars, and regard 
not the laws of God or man. 

Brothers: Listen not, we beseech you, to those white men who 
run after your women, because they are dispised among their own 
people and seek only to gatify their lusts without regard to truth, 
to honour, or to your welfare, and would sell their fathers, their 
mothers, or their country for a wench. 

Brothers: We have nothing further to write at this time; we 
thank the great spirit for bringing us this day together in peace 
and friendship, which may, we hope, last as long as the waters run 
& the trees grow. 



380 LETTERS OF 



Soquilataque, called Doublehcad, in behalf of the chiefs replyed: 

The chiefs now have heard the talks of a father, and the sun 
is now lowering and the same hour to-morrow we will deliver our 
answer, and the answer we shall give will be short, and hope there 
will be no more of it, and hope the Commissioners will not insist 
on making a reply. 

The Commissioners: When we have heard what you have to 
say we shall know whether to replj'' or not. 



5th September. / J t> f 



Doublehead, on the part of the chiefs: We shall commence 
to-day, notwithstanding the indisposition of one of the Commis- 
sioners (General Pickins) and some of our own. 

I am now going to speak. 

It is but yesterday that we heard the talk of our father, the 
President, and to-day you will hear ours. You are appointed by 
the U. S. to tell us the means to be used for our interest; this was 
planed eight years past for the welfare of our nation, big and 
small; done by our father, the President, who is now no more. 
It seems it is by his plan that the means have been pursued to 
take care of the red people, and the present President, it seems, 
cherishes the same good will towards us, which is pleasing to us 
and we hold to it. 

I think that the new President ought to listen to our talks, 
and not throw them aside. We hope his good disposition towards 
us will continue, that our children may live in peace, and you who 
are authorized by the President have said we ought not to listen 
to the crooked talks of those who are about us. I, in behalf of 
my nation, am authorized to speak to you. 

There are a number of land speculators among you who say 
we want to sell lands. We hope you will not pay any regard to 
them, as they give them out for the sake of geting property. We 
hope you will not listen to those talks. The chiefs, the head men 
of these frontiers, are themselves interested in these speculations, 
and they will give you fine talks, which are meant to deceive, as 
they are for their own interest. We think it is a shame that these 
land sellers should impose on the government, and say that we 
want to dispose of our lands when we do not. When you first 
made these settlements there were paths which answered for 
them. The roads you propose we do not wish to have made 
through our country. Our objection to this road is this: A great 
many people of all discriptions would pass them, and that would 



BENJAMIN HAWKINS 381 

happen which has recently happened and you would labour under 
the same difficulties you do now. 

We mean to hold fast the peace that is subsisting between you 
and us; to preserve this we hope you will not make roads thro' our 
country, but use those which you have made yourselves. I mean 
within your own limits. There is a road we have consented to 
be made from Clinch to Cumberland, and another, the Kentucky 
trace. I expect you will think we have a right to say yes or no 
as answers, and we hope that you will say no more on this subject; 
if you do, it would seem as if we had no right to refuse. You 
who are picked out by the government from among the first and 
best men of the U. S., we hope you will take our talks and assist 
us; likewise you who are placed on our borders to see our rights 
maintained, that we may not be plagued by those people who want 
land. 

We consider General Wilkinson the General of the army of 
the U. S., and we hope he will not insist on any thing here; we 
look to him as children do's to their father. We remember the 
former talks; we were told the General was to preserve our lands, 
and not to let us be imposed on. I am now done speaking for 
this day, and I hope you will not say any thing more about the 
lands or about the roads. 

Commissioners Reply. 

What has passed between us shall be faithfully reported to 
the President, who knows best how to estimate it. The Com- 
missioners, having business with other nations, will leave this as 
soon as the boats are prepared to take them down the river. 

Chuleoah. 

I will now address myself to the man, meaning Colonel Haw- 
kins, who was appointed by our former father, the President, who 
was to use every exertion for our benefit. I have been to the seat 
of government where you came from, and I hope you will have 
those people removed to where they formerly lived; meaning 
those at the Currahee Mountain. 

Those people who live on our lands deceive the government; 
therefore to ascertain our claims we wish to remove those people 
(meaning Woflford). Those lines were run by order of the govern- 
ment; you, yourself, run those lines, and we hope this incon- 
venience will be removed, as the general of the army is present. 
There are now upwards of 50 families settled over the lines, which 
you did run. 



382 LETTERS OF 



These things we mention, and we know he has deceived the 
government. He attended at the council at Willstown and there 
received orders to remove in three months. He afterwards at- 
tended the council at Oosetenauleh and received a like order. This 
is all I have to say to the Commissioners, and I hope things will 
be done as we have requested. 

Chuquilatossue. 

I am going to speak again, and I hope these gentlemen of 
Tennessee will listen well (the Governor-elect, General White, 
and several others being present). There is no doubt you remem- 
ber the talks of Tellico, which we remember. We shall not forget 
the talks of the U. S., but I suppose they are forgotten by the 
State of Tennessee. As I have mentioned, we recollect the talks 
of the government; they have some of our prisoners v.'ho are not 
returned; whereas, on our part, we have delivered all within our 
bounds. As I have mentioned already, this subject, which we have 
given proof of, as to any thing our people have done, the debt 
hns not remained long, and in these we give our proof of friend- 
ship. As I have said, we don't forget these debts, there are two 
which the whites owe us, killed in Cumberland, and these debts 
seem to increase, as blood has been spilt lately, near to where we 
have met the Commissioners. We wish the State of Tennessee 
would exert herself night and day, and pay that blood which they 
owe us. We shall therefore wait for these payments, which we 
will never forget, and we shall think of these debts night and day. 
There are great numbers of warriors (among the whites) who can 
soon have one person taken and executed. As we know the dis- 
positions of those chiefs, meaning of the State of Tennessee, we do 
not suppose they mean to be out-done by one individual. Exert 
yourselves and follow our example when our people do rong, that 
peace may be preserved. That is all I have to say to my friends 
and brothers. 

6th September. 



South West Point, 6th September, 1801. 
Sir: 

On the morning of the 4th instant, the Cherokee chiefs an- 
nounced to us their readiness to hear whatever the Commissioners 
might have to say. We immediately met them in council and 
addressed them in terms adapted to the occasion, to which their 



A 



BENJAMIN HAWKINS 383 

speaker, Doublehead made a laconic reply, and the conference ad- 
journed until yesterday, when we received from the same chief the 
answer of the council assembled here, which induced us to break up 
the conference without accomplishing a single object of the com- 
mission. 

We beg leave to refer to our minutes, which are under cover, 
for the particular conduct of the Commissioners and for the detail 
of the conference, which, tho' unsuccessful, may, we hope, produce 
happy effects on the Indian mind, of late much bewildered and 
perplexed by occurrences which they did not understand, by mis- 
representations, and we believe, by sinister intrigues. 

We discovered several days since that the chief of the nation, 
the Little Turkey, had determined at the council of Oosetenauleh 
not to meet us, and we had received other information to justify 
the opinion that the measures to be pursued here had been resolved 
upon at that council. We had observed in all our conversations 
viith the chiefs from the commencement of our interviews with 
them a strong repugnance to the idea of a commission of any kind 
which has relation to their lands, and it was discernable that the 
views and dispositions of the President were suspected, nowith- 
standing the kindness and friendship so recently experienced at 
the seat of government. 

These observations determined us in opening the conference 
to explain the standing of the President and to asert his disposi- 
tion and prerogatives in such stile as appeared best calculated to 
remove their doubts and distrusts and to inspire them with confi- 
dence and respect, but in unfolding the object of the commission 
we confined ourselves to general propositions as far as was practi- 
cable, and held the specific views of government in reserve until 
the temper and disposition of the council might be unequivocally 
demonstrated. 

The decided tone of "Doublehead" on the subject of their 
Innds, his pathetic appeal to the justice and magnanimity of the 
government respecting the roads, and the pressing demands which 
followed from himself and from Chuleoah for the fulfillment of 
■existing treaties, and for the reparation of injuries recorded in 
olood, rendered it, in our judgment, unavailing and inconsistent 
with our instructions to press the conference further; while by 
disolving it, we not only oblidged the Indians, but gave them an 
vnpregnable testimony of the consideration and sincerity of the 
President. 

It is with singular pleasure we have witnessed the advance of 
■•'lis people in the arts of civilization, the acquirement of individual 
property by agricultural improvements, by raising stock, and by 
domestic manufactures, seems to have taken strong hold of the 
nation, and we believe that a few years perseverence in the benefi- 



384 LETTERS OF 



cent plan, which has produced these effects, will prepare them to 
accommodate their white neighbours with lands on reasonable 
terms. 

We propose to embark the day after to-morrow for the Chick- 
asaw Bluffs, where we are apprehensive we shall be detained 
unreasonably by the non-arrival of the goods intended for the con- 
ference at that place, as we are informed they had not reached 
Pittsburgh on the 31st of July, and without them we cannot 
promise ourselves success with the Chickasaws. 

We shall continue our exertions without waste of time on our 
part, to carry into effect the instructions of the executive, and we 
beg leave to assure you that whatever may be the result, we shall 
labour zealously to invite your approbation and that of the Presi- 
dent. 

With great respect, we have the honour to be, Sir, 
Your obedient servants, 



JAS. WILKINSON. 
BENJAMIN HAWKINS. 
ANDREW PICKINS. 



The Honourable 

HENRY DEARBORN, 
Secretary of War. 



South West Point, 6th September, 1801. 

The conference with the Cherokees having terminated yester- 
day without the Commissioners of the United States being able to 
accomplish any of the objects contemplated in their mission, I 
have judged it advisable to give you the impressions I have 
received of the affairs in this quarter to accompany the report of 
the Commissioners. 

The Glass and his associates who were sent to the seat of 
government, convened the chiefs of the nation at Oosetenauleh 
on their return and made a detached report of their mission to 
them, upon which it was agreed that being then in full council, 
and made acquainted by The Glass & his associates from the compe- 
tent authority, with the objects intrusted to the Commissioners 
of the United States here, they would decide on them, and accord-* 
ingly they refused the whole, the' not without some diversity of 
opinion as to the propriety of such a procedure. It was then 
agreed that a deputation from the towns should go & meet the 
Commissioners at Tellico, if agreeable to them, hear what they 
had to say, and if it corresponded with the report made by The 



. BENJAMIN HAWKINS 385 

Glass and his associates, to refuse the whole. The chief of the 
nation, the Little Turkey, returned home from Oosetenauleh. It 
was agreed he should not meet the Commissioners, but receive 
accounts of the proceedings with them at the annual festival soon 
to be held at Willstown. 

The Commissioners had received information soon after their 
arrival to justify the belief that the Cherokees were indisposed 
to any conference at this time, and it is probable the causes sug- 
gested in their letter of the 1st of this month had produced it. 

I find that the pressure for land exhibited from all quarters 
had alarmed the chiefs of the nation. The exultation of the 
frontier citizens on the election of the President produced a belief 
that the President would favour the views of those deemed by 
Indians inimical to their rights. The report circulated through 
the nation soon after the adjournment of Congress that a treaty 
was soon to be held to extinguish the Indian claims to the lands 
on the right side of the Tennessee, and the withdrawing the troops 
from this frontier. All these circumstances, combined by mischief- 
makers, produced on the Indian mind a distrust of the President 
and of every thing proceeding from him. It produced a panic 
terror in the nation, which the chiefs have endeavoured to spread 
throughout the agency South of Ohio. They have consulted me 
as agent for the department, on the propriety of looking out west 
of the Mississippi for an eventual residence where this nation has 
a settlement of near one hundred gun men. 

The correct views of our government in relation to our fellow 
citizens and its benevolent care manifested towards the Indians, 
in the fidelity and success with which the plan for their civilization 
has been carried into effect, will soon attract the current of opinion 
from error and rivit the confidence of the Indians in the justice 
of the President. 

In the Cherokee agency the wheel, the loom and the plough 
is in pretty general use; farming, manufactures and stock raising 
the topics of conversation among the men and women, and the 
accumulation of individual personal property taking strong hold 
of the men. It is questionable with me whether the division of 
land among the individuals would tend to their advantage or not. 
In such an event, the long and well tried skill of land speculators 
might soon oust a whole tribe, whereas the whole country being 
a common, each of the community having exclusive property in 
their own farms only, the combined intelligence of the whole might 
be sufficient to resist such an evil, and secure at all times land 
for the cultivation of the indijent and improvident. 

It is my duty to apprise you of one thing in relation to the 
Creeks: It is usual with the old chiefs of that nation to spend 
the winter in the woods and they seldom return to their towns 



386 LETTERS OF 



till the last of February, and I have found March, April and May 
the most favourable season to gather them together. In the latter 
months there is grass for their horses, provisions is scarce in their 
towns, and they now usually return poor and hungry from their 
hunts. They begin their hunt late in the fall, generally in October. 

I cannot close my letter without expressing to you that I am 
-well pleased with Colonel Meigs; he is a character well suited to 
the affairs of this agency. I shall occasionally write to you on 
our tour, and as soon as I can get the materials for drawing, send 
you a map of my tours through the agency. 

I have the honour to be, with much esteem and regard, Sir, 



Your obedient servant, 

BENJAMIN HAWKINS. 



The Honourable 

HENRY DEARBORN, 
Secretary of War. 



Occochappo or Bear Creek, 26th September, 1801. 

I wrote you on the 18th of August to inform you of the 
probable delay in the conference with the Cherokees, and that you 
might expect the Commissioners of the U. S. at the Chickasaw 
Bluffs by the last of September or early in October. I can now 
inform you that the Commissioners are here on their way by 
water, and they expect to be at the Bulffs on the 10th of October. 

You will, without delay, communicate this to the chiefs and 
warriors of the Chickasaw nation and invite them to send such of 
their chiefs and principal men as they have full confidence in, to 
meet the Commissioners of the U. S. at the Bluffs on the 10th 
of October, to confer with them on objects interesting to the 
welfare and prosperity of the Chickasaw nation. Provision is made 
for all who may attend, and you will accompany them yourself, 
with your interpreter. 

I have paid the express. 

I am, with sincere regard and esteem, Sir, 

Your obedient servant, 

BENJAMIN HAWKINS, 

Agent for I. A. S. of Ohio. 
MR. SAMUEL MITCHELL, 
Agent for the Chickasaws. 



BENJAMIN HAWKINS 387 

Bear Creek, 26th September, 1801. 
MAJOR COLBERT: 

I called here on my way to the Bluffs to see you and to inform 
you of the time fixed by the Commissioners of the U. S. for the 
conference with the chiefs and principal men of your nation at the 
Bluffs. It is to be on the 10th of October, provision is 
made for all who may attend, and as the object of the 
conference is the welfare and prosperity of the Chickasaws and of 
their white neighbours, I must request your attendance and that 
of your brothers and other principal chiefs and men of your nation. 

I am, your friend and the friend of your nation, 

BENJAMIN HAWKINS, 

Agent for I. A. S. of Ohio. 



Wilkinsonville, October 7th, 1801. 

I wrote you from Occochappo the 26th ultimo, to inform you 
that the Commissioners were there and expected to be at the 
Bluffs by the 10th of this month. We cannot move so fast as I 
expected; we are now here and are to leave this to-morrow, and 
I do not believe we shall be able to reach the Bluffs till the 15th. 
Captain Roth goes off to-day and is the bearer of a letter from 
the Commissioners to the chiefs of your agency, announcing to 
them the period of our expected meeting with them. 

The Indians must be supplied immediately as they arrive with 
provisions, and you will take order or their application for rations 
to prevent irregularity and waste. 

I am, with sincere regard and esteem. Sir, 
Your obedient servant, 

BENJAMIN HAWKINS, 

Agent for I. A. S. of Ohio. 
MR. SAMUEL MITCHELL, 
Agent for the Choctaws. 



October 21st. 



Minutes of a conference held at the Chickasaw Bluffs by 
General James Wilkinson, Benjamin Hawkins and Andrew Pickins, 
Esq., Commissioners of the United States, with the mingco, chiefs, 



388 LETTERS OF 



and principal men of the Chickasaw nation, the 21st, and ending 
the 24 of October, 1801. 

The parties being assembled, the following address was de- 
livered by General Wilkinson, on the part of the Commissioners: 

King, Chiefs, and Principal Men of the Chickasaw Nation: 

You are now addressed by Commissioners from the United 
States, who have been appointed by your father, the President, to 
meet you in council and to confer with you on subjects interesting 
to your own welfare and to that of the citizens of the United 
States. 

Your father, the President, takes you by the hand and invites 
you to look up to him as your friend and father, to rely in full 
confidence on his unvarying disposition to lead and protect you 
in the paths of peace and prosperity, and to preserve concord 
between you and your white brethren within the United States. 
We invite you to open your minds freely to us and to set forth 
nation and what you wish on the part of your father, the President, 
to better your condition in trade, in agriculture and manufactures, 
that we may state the same for the consideration of government. 
We invite you to open your minds freely to us and to set forth 
your wishes and all your wants. When we hear from you the 
true state of your affairs, we shall be able to assist you with our 
advise, our attention and our friendship. 

On the part of your white brethren, we have to represent to 
you that the path from the settlements of Natches (thro' your 
nation) to those of Cumberland is an uncomfortable one and very 
inconvenient to them in its present unimproved condition, and we 
are directed to stipulate with you to make it suitable to the accom- 
modation of those who may use it, and at he same time beneficial 
to yourselves. 

We are your friends and the representatives of your father, 
the President. 

After some explanations as to the accommodation to be estab- 
lished on the road, Major Colbert, a chief, observed that no answer 
could be given to-day; that they would have to consult with each 
other, and when they had made up their minds, they would speak 
to the Commissioners. 

22nd. 

The council being convened, Major Colbert requested the 
Commissioners to explain fully the views of the President with 
respect to the road, which was accordingly done. The Indians 
then went into a discussion of the subject among themselves. The 



BENJAMIN HAWKINS 389 

Commissioners being about to withdraw, Major Colbert observed 
the Indians wished to settle the business as soon as possible. 
After some time spent in deliberation in their own language the 
king spoke as follows: "I am very glad to hear the Commis- 
sioners hold such language that does not require the cession of 
land or any thing of that kind; I consider the propositions to be 
made for the benefit of our women and children." 

Major Colbert being fully empowered by the council, gave its 
determination in the following words: 

"The nation agrees that a waggon road may be cut thro' this 
land, but do's not consent to the erection of houses for the accom- 
modation of travelers. We leave that subject to future considera- 
tion, in order that time may enable our people to ascertain the 
advantages to be derived from it. In the meantime travelers will 
always find provisions in the nation sufficient to carry them 
through." 

The council then adjourned. 

24th. 

The council met, and the treaty being deliberately read and 
interpreted by sections and paragraphs, was signed by the con- 
tracting parties. 



THE TREATY. 



A treaty of reciprocal advantages and mutual convenience 
between the United States of America and the Chickasaws: 

The President of the United States of America, by James 
Wilkinson, Brigadier General in the armies of the United States; 
Benjamin Hawkins, of North Carolina, and Andrew Pickins, of 
South Carolina, Commissioners of the United States, who are 
vested with full powers, and the Mingco, principal men and war- 
riors of the Chickasaw nation, representing the said nation, have 
agreed on the following articles: 

Article 1. The mingco, principal men and warriors of the 
Chickasaw nation of Indians give leave and permission to the 
President of the United States of America to lay out, open, and 
make a convenient waggon road through their lands, between the 
settlements of Moro District, in the State of Tennessee, and of 
those of Natches, in the Mississippi Territory, in such manner 
and way as he may deem proper; and the same shall be a highway 



390 LETTERS OF 



for the citizens of the United States and the Chickasaws; and the 
Chickasaws shall appoint two discreet men who shall serve as 
assistant guides or pilots during the time of laying out and open- 
ing the said road, under the direction of the officer charged with 
this duty, who shall be paid a reasonable compensation for their 
service; provided always that the necessary ferries over the 
water courses crossed by the said road shall be held and deemed 
to be the property of the Chickasaw nation. 

Article 2. The Commissioners of the United States give to 
the Mingco of the Chickasaws, and the deputation of that nation, 
goods of the value of 700 dollars, to compensate them and their 
attendants for the expence and inconvenience they may have sus- 
tained by their respectful and friendly attention to the President 
of the United States of America and to the request made to them 
in his name to permit the opening of the road; and as the persons, 
towns, villages, lands, hunting grounds and other rights and 
property of the Chickasaws, as set fourth in the treaty stipulations 
heretofore entered into between the contracting parties, more 
especially in and by a certificate of the President of the United 
States of America, under their seal of the 1st July, 1794, are in 
the peace and under the protection of the United States, the Com- 
missioners of the United States do hereby further agree that the 
President of the United States of America shall take such 
measures, from time to time, as he may deem proper, to assist the 
Chickasaws to preserve entire all their rights against the encroach- 
ment of unjust neighbours, of which he shall be the judge; and 
also to preserve and to perpetuate friendship and brotherhood 
between the white people and the Chickasaws. 

Article 3. The Commissioners of the United States may, if 
they deem it advisable, proceed immediately to carry the first 
article into operation, and the treaty shall take effect and be 
obligatory on the contracting parties as soon as the same shall 
have been ratified by the President of the United States of 
America, by and with the advise and consent of the Senate of the 
United States. 

In testimony whereof the plenipotentiaries have hereunto 
ascribed their hands and affixed their seals at the Chickasaw Blufifs 
the 24th of October, 1801. 



Chickasaw BlufYs, 25 October, 1801. ' 
Sir: 

We arrived on the 15th instant, and on the 21st we com- 
menced our conference with a full and respectable deputation from 
the Chickasaw nation, headed by their mingco or king. 



BENJAMIN HAWKINS 391 

We found this people, like all others of their kind under 
similar circumstances, jealous of our views and alarmed for their 
rights of territory, but their confidence in the government had 
not been shaken, and we experienced little difficulty in accomplish- 
ing the treaty which we have the honour to transmit to you under 
cover for the consideration of the President and the Senate. 

Perceiving the deputation to be strongly opposed to the propo- 
sition to introduce licenced establishments on the road, for the 
accommodation of travelers, we waved that point without hesita- 
tion, because we are persuaded such accommodations will be 
provided by the natives themselves, or the whites among them, as 
soon as the highway is completed. 

We enclose you the minutes of our conference for the satis- 
faction of the executive, and also an inventory of the goods 
delivered on the occasion, taken from an invoice of articles 
amounting to 2,696 dollars, which, with 200 gallons of whiskey 
and 1,000 lbs. of tobacco, comprehends all the goods and mer- 
chandize we have yet received for the purpose of our commission. 

To aid and inform the officers who may superintend the con- 
struction of the proposed road, and to prevent misunderstandings, 
we have advised that two Indians, recommended by the deputa- 
tion, should be employed to attend those officers until the guide 
line is established, and that the resident agent of the nation should 
accompany them. We are also of opinion that interpreters may 
be necessarj' with the working parties until a clear understanding 
of our engagements with the nation may be generally diffused; it 
is easier to prevent difficulties with people jealous, tenacious and 
ignorant, than to remove them after their occurrence. 

It seems fortunate the Cherokees did not consent to open a 
road from Nashville to the Tennessee, because we find the pro- 
posed rout embraced by the limits of the Chickasaws, which have 
been clearly defined in that quarter, and explicitly recognized in 
a declaration of President Washington bearing date the 1st July, 
1794, now in possession of the nation and corresponding with the 
authentic copy under cover, which has been furnished us by the 
mingco. 

The whole deputation manifested great anxiety on this subject, 
and expressed a strong desire that we should acknowledge this 
declaration and renew the assurances attached to it, and it was 
on this ground, to prevent distrusts and to evince the integrity of 
the government, that we entered into the stipulation contained 
in the 2nd Article, viewing it in effect, as the mere repetition of 
an obligation which existed in full force. 

We, with pleasure, bear testimony to the amicable and orderly 
disposition of this nation, whose greatest boast is they have never 



392 LETTERS OF 



spilt the blood of a white man, but with those dispositions they are 
not so far advanced in the habits of civilization as their neigh-, 
bours, the Cherokees, tho' they discover a taste for individual 
property, have made considerable progress in agriculture and in 
stocking their farms, and are desirous to increase their domestic 
manufactures. 

The enclosed schedule of their wants, which the deputation 
have requested us to submit to the executive, strongly marks their 
views and their providence. "We are about to raise cotton," said 
a chief; "we shall want canoes to carry it to market, and azes are 
necessary to build them." We, with great deference, submit these 
claims of the Chickasaws to the consideration of the government, 
and were it not presumptuous, we would earnestly recommend to 
the council of our country a steady perseverance in that humane 
and beneficent system which has for its object the civilization and 
great salvation of a devoted race of human beings. The prospects 
of success become daily more flattering, but to insure it an exten- 
sion of the means and a reform in the application may be neces- 
sary. 

It occurs to us that it may be salutory to compel all white 
persons who traverse the Chickasaw country to confine themselves 
to the highway proposed to be opened, for which end the authority 
of the National Legislature may be found expedient. 

We have taken measures to convene the Choctaws at Loftus's 
Heights on the grounds of convenience and economy to the 
public and of accommodation to the inhabitants, and we 
expect to meet them there in council about the 20th of November. 



The Honourable 

HENRY DEARBORN, 
Secretary of War. 



Chickasaw Blufifs, 28 October, 1801. 

The Commissioners of the United States having closed their 
labours here, I will give you, in detail, some occurrences connected 
with the agency. When the chiefs first heard of the objects sup- 
posed to be in contemplation of the government, they expressed 
some fears and doubts, and with these they met the Commis- 
sioners. As soon as they were made acquainted with the objects 
intrusted to the Commission, and were assured that their lands 
were safe, they debated the propositions stated to them in our 
presence, refered the one establishing houses for the accommo- 
dation of travelers to the nation for their future determination. 



BENJAMIN HAWKINS 393 

and conceeded the opening of a waggon road through their lands 
with a hearty good will. We could not mention the Post Occo- 
chappo without alarming the fears of the nation, and we judged it 
advisable to be silent on it. 

The Chickasaws are setting out from their old towns and 
fencing their farms. They have established and fenced within two 
years nearly two hundred. All of these farmers have cattle or 
hogs and some of the men attend seriously to labour. Major 
Colbert, who ranks high in the government of his nation and was 
the speaker at the treaty here, has laboured at the plough and 
hoe during the last season, and his example has stimulated others. 
Several of the families have planted cotton, which grows well, and 
some of the women spin and weave. As they cannot count, they 
cannot warp without aid, but they know the process and perform 
w^ith exactness when the threads are counted for them. They 
begin to have a taste for individual property, and are acquiring 
it by every means in their power. 

Their land claims have been the theme o/f conversation at every 
meeting they have had with me. In the year 1795, at the Treaty 
of Hopewell, the Cherokees & these people contended about their 
claims, and it was generally understood that their claims, as 
detailed in the certificate of President Washington, were the best 
founded. I have once seen their old town on the Tennessee; as 
mentioned in the certificate, it is several miles above the Muscle 
Shoals and extended for 6 miles on the north side of the river. 

After several years of eflfort the Chickasaws have been pre- 
vailed on to appoint a head to transact their business; they have 
now a mingco, who is the first chief of the nation, and a delibera- 
tive council. 

The arrangements contemplated for the agency here is one 
agent, Samuel Mitchell, with a sallary of 800 dollars per annum, 
and 4 rations per day at the contract price for rations at the 
post in the agency, and one interpreter, Malcom McGee, mentioned 
in your favour of the 25th of March, has been appointed, by 
Colonel John McKee, agent for the Choctaws, interpreter, with 
a sallary of 30 dollars per month. I find McGee to be well quali- 
fied; he has a good memory, but cannot read; he is deemed honest; 
a man of great probity, and much confided in by the nation, where 
he has lived six and thirty years. William McClish has received 
pay as interpreter for several years, and now near Nashville, where 
there was a deposit of goods for the Indians; the v/hole proceedure 
I deem improper. I have directed McClish to be notified that he is 
no longer an interpreter. These lodgments have been made in 
the Indian Department under the auspices of people who should 
have no connexion with it. I equally dislike the regulations 
adopted at the military posts for tl^e issue or rations, doing work 



394 LETTERS OF 



for Indians, and having interpreters without the knowledge or 
participation of an agent. The military should move in their own 
sphere, and co-operate only with the Agency for Indian Affairs, 
when required thereto by an agent. 

This rule I adopted with Colonel Gaither when he commanded 
on the frontiers of Georgia, and the beneficial eflfects resulting 
therefrom were soon discoverable. The Creeks, the most numer- 
ous, proud, haughty and ill behaved Indians in the agency South 
of Ohio, did not receive one year with another 1,000 rations, and 
these only to use on public business and at the request of the 
agent. This regulation was disliked at first; they claimed as a 
matter of rights, to be cloathed, fed and indulged at the military 
posts, and in revenge they crowded my table for the first year. 
I persevered in the regulation; they conformed, and now a chief 
who is going to the frontiers will come 20 or 30 miles to me to 
know if I have any commands which he can execute to get an 
order for provisions. An officer commanding a post cannot know 
any thing of Indian affairs; if complaints are made to him, he must 
refer them to the agent, and it would be better done in the first 
instance, and without the expence usually attendant, to let the 
complaint go to the agent; then if the injury sustained is really 
serious, and of a nature to require the aid of the civil or military 
authority, the agent has the aid of the old chiefs to prepare the 
mind to wait our mode of doing business, which at best is deemed 
slow by an Indian. On this subject you will hear again from me. 

I have just received a letter from Colonel McKee; he writes 
10 October: "You will have Choctaws enough, I fear more than 
enough, at Natches, tho' I doubt not a full representation of the 
nation; some of the most active chiefs could not be prevailed from 
going into the woods to hunt, a few of the most influential young 
chiefs I have prevailed on to stay; of the number is your acquaint- 
ance, Mingco Ham Massabba, and of the old kings and women and 
children you will have enough in number to make up for the 
want of weight. 

The Commissioners have all had the fever of the climate and 
are now recovering and will soon be well. 

I have the honour to be, with much esteem and regard, Sir, 

Your obedient servant. 
The Honourable 



HENRY DEARBORN, 
Secretary of War. 



BENJAMIN HAWKINS 395 



Natches, November 13th, 1801. 
Sir: 

We arrived here yesterday at noon and shall proceed in a day 
or two to Loftus's Heights, w^here we expect to meet the Choc- 
taws on the 20th instant, agreeable to our invitation forwarded to 
them through the proper channel from the Chickasaw Blufifs. 

We have had the honour to receive the President's- letter dated 
at Monticello, the 16th of September, and are happy to iind he 
has been pleased to approbate our proposition respecting the 
change of place for holding the treaty with the Choctaws. We 
beg leave to assure you that we shall loose no time in terminating 
this conference, which we flatter ourselves may eventuate favour- 
ably. 

Having closed our business with the Choctaws, we shall, after 
due deliberation, adopt the most feasible means for convincing 
the Creeks and shall regulate our movements accordingly. 

JAMES WILKINSON. 
B. HAWKINS. 
A. PICKINS. 
The Honourable 

HENRY DEARBORN, 
Secretary of War. 



Natches, 14th November, 1801. 

The Commissioners of the United States arrived here on the 
12th and will leave to-morrow for Loftus's Heights. We have all 
had the fever of the climate and are recovering. Our tour down 
the pellucid Tennessee, opaque Ohio and muddy Mississippi has 
been tedious, and in the season unfavourable for health. Here 
I received dispatches from the Creek agency, the most interesting 
of which I communicate to you, v.'ithout loss of time, by the mail 
of this day. 

No. 1, a letter from Mr. Fateos; No. 2, from His Excellency, 
Henry White, His Catholic Majesty's Governor of East Florida; 
No. 3, from Timothy Barnard, one of my assistants and inter- 
preters, who resides among the Lower Creeks, to Governor White; 
No. 4, from James Darouzeaux, interpreter, for his Catholic 
Majesty; No. 5, extract from the talk of the Lower Creeks and 
from Mr. Darouzeaux to the Upper Creeks; No. 6, report of Mr. 
Hill, an assistant, who resides among the Upper Creeks, & No. 7, 
from Timothy Barnard. 



396 LETTERS OF 



You have the character of Mr. Barnard in the sketch of the 
Creek country, which I forwarded to you in the course of the 
spring, and from his character, his long residence among the 
Indians, and his knowledge of their language, there can not be 
the least doubt but that his report to Governor White is strictly 
correct. 

It is high time the affairs of His Catholic Majesty had taken 
effectual measures to vindicate the honour of their sovereign by 
the punishment of the Simanolees. They have long since allowed 
Bowles and his partizans full time to make the most of the means 
in his power for the accomplishment of his views. Their omission 
to take effectual and timely measures in these premises is likely 
to involve us in difficulties. The Simanolees being Creeks, their 
friends on our side of the Line of Limits will aid them as long 
as the conduct of the officers of Spain continues to be what it has 
uniformly been, coaxing, timid and wavering; the principle which 
operates most powerful on Indians is fear; this, when accompanyed 
with justice, secures a strong hold on the Indian mind. 
The officers of Spain in my neighbourhood have totally neglected 
the first; of course the train of evils which they experience is a 
necessary consequence. 

I do not know whether it would be advisable for our govern- 
ment to complain to the Court of Spain of this remiss conduct of 
their officers, to urge them to do their duty and to wait the issue, 
or to take prompt and efficacious measures on our own part to do 
ourselves justice, altho' I retain the same opinion I formerly 
suggested to one of your neighbours on this subject in a propo- 
sition to put end to those disturbances which I stated for the con- 
sideration of the President. 

In my letter of the 6th of September, I stated the custom of 
the old chiefs of the Creeks relative to their hunts, and that I 
found March, April and May the most favourable months to 
gather them together. In the latter months there is grass for 
the horses, provisions is scarce in their homes, and as they now 
return poor and hungry from their hunts, these will be two ad- 
ditional inducements to attend the treaty proposed to be held with 
them. I think the opinion of the Commissioners will be that 
some time in the spring will be the proper season to convene the 
Creeks, and in that case I shall return without loss of time to the 
Creek agency, General Pickins to his home, and General Wilkinson 
to the troops on the proposed road. 

I have the honour to be, with much consideration & esteem. Sir, 

Your obedient servant. 
The Honourable 

HENRY DEARBORN, 
Secretary of War. 



BENJAMIN HAWKINS 397 

Minutes of a Conference between Brigadier General James Wilkin- 
son, Benjamin Hawkins & Andrew Pickins, Esquires, Com- 
missioners of the United States, and the Principal Chiefs 
of the Choctaw Nation of Indians, held at Fort 
Adams, the 12th day of December, 1801. 



The conference commenced. The interpreters being called 
forth and warned to correct each other, & after having gone thro' 
the ceremonies of the pipe, General Wilkinson, in the name of 
the Commission, addressed them as follows: 

Mingcos, Chiefs & Principal Men of the Choctaw Nation: 

You have all heard of the death of your father, the great 
Washington, and you have no doubt wept for the loss; since we 
experienced that heavy misfortune the people of the sixteen fires 
assembled in their great national council house have thought 
proper to elect our beloved chief, Thomas Jeflferson, to be President 
of these United States. 

Brothers: Open your ears and listen well. Your new father, 
Jefferson, who is the friend of all the red people and of humanity, 
finding himself at the head of the white people of the sixteen fires, 
immediately turned his thoughts to the condition of his red 
children, who stand most in need of his care and whom he regards 
with the affection of a good father. 

Brothers: Your father, the President of the U. S., being far 
removed from you by the intervention of deep rivers, high moun- 
tains and wide forests, finds it impossible to look upon you with 
his own eyes or to speak to you from his own lips; he has therefore 
appointed two of his beloved men, Colonel Hawkins & General 
Pickins, with myself, to meet you in council and to confer with 
you on several subjects interesting to yourselves and to your white 
brethren of the sixteen fires. We are happy to see you. We, on 
his behalf and in his name, take you by the hand and we con- 
gratulate you on your safe arrival here. 

Brothers: The President of the U. S. invites you to look up 
to him as your friend & father, to rely in full confidence on his un- 
varying disposition to lead & protect you in the paths of peace & 
prosperity, and to preserve concord between you and your neigh- 
bours. In his name we promise you that you may at all times rely 
upon the friendship of the U. S., and that he will never abandon you 
or your children while your conduct towards the citizens of the 
U. S. and your Indian neighbours shall be peaceable, honest & fair. 



398 LETTERS OF 



Brothers: We invite you to state to us freely the situation of 
your nation, and what you wish on the part of your father, the 
President, to better your condition in trade, in hunting, agriculture, 
manufactures and stock raising, that we may represent the same 
for his consideration. We wish you to open your minds freely to 
us and to set forth all your wishes and all your wants, that we 
may learn the true state of your condition and be able to assist 
you with our advice, our attentions and our friendship. 

Brothers: On the part of your white brethren, we have to 
state to you that the path from the settlements of Matches thro' 
your nation towards Cumberland is uncomfortable and very incon- 
venient to them in its present unimproved condition, and we are 
directed to stipulate with you to make it suitable to the accommo- 
dation of those who may use it & at the same time beneficial to 
yourselves. Your brethren, the Chickasaws, have heard our request 
on this subject and they have consented that we should open a 
road through their lands to those of your nation, and we now ask 
your consent that we may continue the same road through your 
lands to the settlements of this Territory. We propose, for the 
accommodation of travelers and for your interests, that houses of 
entertainment and ferries should be established on this road, and 
that they may be rented by you to such persons as your father, 
the President, may appoint to keep them; the ground, the houses 
and the money arising from the rents to be for the use of your 
nation and subject to its disposal, and that not more than one 
family be suffered to live at the same place. 

Brothers: Since the King of Spain has given up this district 
to the United States, a necessity has arisen for frequent communi- 
cations between your white brethren who live in the neighbour- 
hood of the Mississippi and those who have settled on the Tom- 
bigbee, and it follows that people are constantly traveling across 
your country from one place to the other. Under such circum- 
stances, to prevent disagreement and mischief, we leave to your 
confederation the expediency of having but one road of communi- 
cation between these Settlements, to be opened and improved 
after the same manner and on the same terms as that proposed 
from the settlements of this territory to the Chickasaw nation. 

Brothers: We come not to ask lands from you, nor shall we 
ever ask for any unless you are disposed to sell, and your father 
will assist and protect you in the enjoyment of those you claim, 
but to prevent future misunderstandings and to confine the settlers 
of the territory within the line long since run between you and 
them, we recommend that it should be traced up and marked anew, 
while men can be found who were present at the survey and assisted 
in marking it, for if all these witnesses should die before this is 



BENJAMIN HAWKINS 399 



done, then disputes may arise between you and your white brethren 
respecting the boundary and mischief may ensue. 

Brothers: For several years past your father, the President 
of the U. S., has sent you a present of goods as a token of his 
friendship, which will be continued the present year, but you must 
recollect that you have never given any equivalent for this strong 
evidence of his paternal regard, and you must bear in mind that 
you are indebted for it to his generosity more than to his justice. 
Should his bounty be continued to you in future, you ought to 
be grateful for it, and should it be discontinued, you will have 
no cause to complain, as you have never given any thing to the 
U. S. in return. 

Brothers: We wish you to let this talk sink deep into your 
hearts; we wish you to take time and reflect seriously on it, and 
when you have made up your minds, we shall listen to you with 
pleasure in the hope that you may enable us to make an agreeable 
report to our common father, the President of the U. S., and in the 
meantime, we shall be happy to contribute to your accommoda- 
tion and the good of your nation. 

Colonel Hawkins then addressed the Indians: 

I was appointed, as you all know, by your father, Washington, 
to take care of the affairs of the four nations; I am continued in 
the same charge by your new father, Jefferson. I always have 
been the friend of the red people and relied on as such. You 
"have heard the talk of the Commissioners who represent your 
father, the President, here; take it with you to your camp, ex- 
amine well every point of it, and if you want any information, send 
for one or all of the Commissioners; we will attend you im- 
mediately. You have heard us here; make your own fire and we 
will hear your answer here, or at any other place you may choose. 
Do not hurry yourselves, we have plenty of provisions for you 
here and for the path home. 

December 13th. 

The chiefs met the Commissioners at their conference room 
and Tuskonahopoie, a chief of the lower towns, informed the 
Commissioners that there were seven chiefs from different towns, 
and he requested, on their behalf, that they might be heard sepa- 
rately, that each might speak for his own town, and that after they 
had spoken, that the young warriors might be heard and the same 
attention paid to their talks as to those of the chiefs. 

The Commissioners replied: You will manage your affairs 
your own way, we will hear all of you patiently and with pleasure. 



400 LETTERS OE 



Tuskonahopoie then addressed the Commissioners: 

To-day I meet the Commissioners here who have delivered 
to us the talks from the President. I am well pleased with his 
talks, which I have received from my brothers, the Commissioners, 
for the welfare of my nation. I take you three beloved men by the 
hand and hold you fast; you three Commissioners who have visited 
the Cherokees and Chickasaws. One request which you ask of 
my nation, the cuting of a road I grant; I grant it as a white 
road, as a path of peace and not as a path of war; one which is 
never to be stained. I understood yesterday that my father, the 
President, allowed me an annual present, and it should never be 
taken from me; it must have been a mistake of his officers, as I have 
not received any annual allowance. He must have given it to some 
other of my red brethren; I deny ever having received an annual 
gift. It has never been told to the chiefs of the nation through 
the interpreters that their father allowed them an annual present 
for their nation. 

I forgot something when I spoke of presents, which I will now 
mention. We have received presents from our father, the Presi- 
dent, part at the Walnut Hills and part at Natches. I, myself, and 
a few of the chiefs, with a few warriors, went to the Walnut Hills 
and the presents were but very small. I do not know whether 
these presents were concealed from us or not, but I know we got 
but few, not worth going after. A company of the war chiefs and 
warriors received the last spring past a few presents at the Bluffs, 
that is all. If there have been any others given, it must have been 
to idle Indians who are stragling about and do not attend to the 
talks of the chiefs of the nation. 

There is an old boundary line between the white people and 
my nation, which was run before I was a chief of the nation. This 
line was run by the permission of the chiefs of the nation who were 
chiefs at that time. They understood when that line was run that 
they were to receive pay for those lands. These chiefs here 
present acknowledge the lands to be the white peoples land; they 
hold no claim on it, although they never received any pay for it. 
They wish the line to be marked anew and that it be done by 
some of both parties, as both should be present (meaning red 
and white people). 

Tootehoomuh from the same district then spoke: 

I thank the President, my father, for sending you three beloved 
men here to speak to me; I take you by the hand, hold you fast, 
and am going to speak to you. I grant the road to be cut which 
the chief, who spoke before me, granted. I grant the road only; 



i 



BENJAMIN HAWKINS 401 

you may make it as firm, as good, and as strong as you will; there 
are no big water courses on it, and there is no occasion for canoes 
or ferries. 

I speak now concerning an old line which was run when I was 
a boy; I wish for this line to be traced and marked anew. I do not 
know where the line is; I have been informed by some of the 
young men of my nation that there are white people and stock 
over it. We, chiefs of the nation, wish, if any are over our lines, 
that they may be moved back again by our brothers, the officers of 
the U. S., and that they would move them back with their stock. 

Mingco Pooscoos, of Chickasawha town: 

I am an old acquaintance here; I came here, with other chiefs 
of the nation, not to dififer with them, but to join them in what- 
ever they do. I understand this business plainly; you three siting 
there were sent by our father, the President, to speak to our 
nation. Aly talks are not long. I am here before you three 
beloved men. I am a man of but few words in my town; it is 
the lowest, but one, in my nation. My talks are not long; I hope 
this will be considered as if I had said a great deal. The first 
time I ever saw my friend, the General (Wilkinson), he appeared 
as if he wished to say a great deal; I objected; I was but one. I 
am a well wisher; the day will come when we head men will see 
each other. The road through our land to Tombigbee it is not in 
my power to grant; there are other chiefs who hold claims on 
those lands; my claim is but short. The white people travel the 
Line of Limits (between Spain and the U. S.) ; they are free to 
use that and any of the small paths. 

Oakchume, of the upper towns: 

I see you to-day in the shade of your own house. I am a poor 
distressed red man; I know not how to make anything; I am in 
the place here from the upper towns. My uncle was the great 
chief of the nation; kept all paths clean and swept out, long poles 
of peace, a number of officers and chiefs in his arms. He is gone, 
he is dead, he has left us behind. You three beloved men in my 
presence I am glad to see you; you may be my father for what 
I know; the Great Spirit above is over us all. I hold my five 
fingers, and with them I hold yours; mine are black, but I whiten 
them for the occasion. 

I understood your great father. General Washington, was 
dead, and that the great council got together and appointed 
another in his stead, who has not forgot us and who loves us as 
our father, Washington, did, and I am glad to hear our father, the 



402 LETTERS OF 



President, wishes that the sun may shine bright over his red 
children. The Chickasaws are my old brothers; you visited them, 
and talked to them before I saw you here. I understand you 
asked them for a big path to be cut, a white path, a path of peace, 
and that they granted it to you as far as their claims extend. 
I grant it likewise. There are no big water courses; there are no 
big rivers nor creeks, and therefore no occasion for canoes; nor 
is there any occasion for horse boats. It is not our wish that there 
:should be any houses built; the reason I give is that there is a 
number of warriors who might spoil something belonging to the 
occupiers of those houses, and the complaints would become 
troublesome to me and to the chiefs of my nation. 

I speak next of the old line; I wish it to be traced up and 
marked over again. I claim part in it (meaning the line itself); 
those people who are over it I wish back again for fear they 
may destroy the line and it be lost. I have done. 

Puckshunubbee, from the upper towns: 

The old line that the other repeated; as far as I understood 
from my forefathers, I will name its course and the water courses 
it crosses: Begining at the Homochitto runing thence nearly a 
southwest course until it strikes the Standing Pines Creek, thence 
crosses the Bayou Pierre high up, and the Big Black; from thence it 
strikes the Mississippi at the mouth of Tallauhatche (Yauzoo); 
that line I wish may be renewed, that both parties may know 
their own. There are people over or on the line; it is my wish they 
may be removed immediately. Where the line runs along Bayou 
Pierre some whites are settled on this line and some over it; those 
over I wish may be removed; if there are none over, there is 
nothing spoiled. 

From the information I have received from my forefathers, 
this Natches country belonged to red people; the whole of it, 
which is now settled by white people; but you Americans were not 
the first people who got this country from the red people. We 
sold our lands, but never got any value for it; this I speak from 
the information of old men. We did not sell them to you, and as 
wa never received any thing for it, I wish you, our friends, to 
'Iiink of it and make us some compensation for it. 

We are red people and you are white people; we did not come 
here to beg, we brought no property with us to purchase any thing, 
we came to do the business of our nation and return. The other 
chiefs have granted you this road; we don't wish the white people 
to go alone to make the road, we wish a few of the red people and 
an interpreter to go with them. 



BENJAMIN HAWKINS 403 

We of the upper towns district, a large district; I speak for 
them now; there is but one interpreter in our nation; he is a long 
distance from us; when we have business to do we wish to have 
our interpreter near. It is the wish of the upper towns to have 
an interpreter from among the white people who live with us, that 
we may do our business, with more satisfaction with the chiefs 
of the district. I have another request to ask of you for the 
distress of our nation; a blacksmith, who can do our work 
well, for the upper towns district. Another thing I have to request 
for our young women and halfbreeds; we want spining wheels and 
somebody to be sent among them to teach them to spin. I have 
nothing more to say; I have complied with the request of the 
Commissioners; I have done. Further, I have to ask concerning 
the blacksmith's tools; if the man leaves us, let him leave his tools, 
and they remain with us as the property of the upper towns 
district. 

Elautaulau Hoomuh: 

I am a stranger; this is the first time I ever saw the Ameri- 
cans; I came here; I am sorry that it appeared cloudy, but it has 
cleared off (alluding to the cloudy weather, which cleared ofif 
just as he began to speak). I understood by what I have heard, 
that you are authorized by our father, the President, to come and 
talk to us. I am glad to take you by the hand, which I do kindly, 
and am glad our father, the President, thinks of his red children. 
It is my wish, with the rest of the old chiefs, that the line may 
be marked anew. There are a number of water courses in our 
land and I wish the white people to keep no stock on them, or to 
build houses. I am done; my talk is short and I will shake hands 
with you. 

The interpreter then stated that the chiefs directed him to 
inform the Commissioners the young warriors wished to be in- 
dulged with making their talks on paper at their encampment, if 
that would do, and to be supplied for that purpose with paper. 

It was ordered accordingly, and the Commissioners adjourned. 

14th December. 

The young warriors sent from their camp a request that 
Colonel John McKee, their agent, might be allowed to attend 
chem; he was ordered accordingly. 

15th December. 

The communications made from the deputation from the 
Choctaws, in their camp, to the Commissioners of the United 
States, thro' their agent, Colonel John McKee: 



404 LETTERS OF 



Bucshunabbe: 

1 am a factor and have been so for a long time; my merchant 
is in Mobile; I have traded for him until I am become old. I am 
a man of one heart and of one mind; w^hite people make a number 
of fine things; my mind is not to be changed for these fine things, 
and if the people of Mobile are not able to supply us, I do not wish 
to look to other people to supply us; we are old, we cannot take 
all the supplies that may be offered to us; the trade of the Choctaw 
nation is my object; I do not look for any trade from this quarter. 
We wish that no people may from this quarter, cross the road we 
have granted, with trade to us; we receive our supplies from 
another quarter, and must make our remittances there. There 
are a number of people wanting to trade from this quarter; we do 
not wish the people of Bayou Pierre, Big Black and Walnut Hills 
to purchase skins from the red people. We do not apply for that 
trade; it is a trade interfering with ours, and stealing our property, 
who trade from other places. These people may introduce a trade 
of liquor amongst us; this may cause the death of our people, 
which has happened lately at Natches, for which we are sorry. I 
want our father to send us iron wedges, hand saws and augurs. 

Mingco Hom Massatubby: 

I understand our great father, General Washington, is dead, 
and that there is another beloved man appointed in his place, and 
that he is a well wisher and lover of us four standing nations of 
red people. Our old brothers, the Chickasaws, have granted a 
road from Cumberland as far south as their boundary. I grant a 
continuance of that road, which may be straightened, but the old 
path is not to be thrown away entirely and a new one made. We 
have been informed by the three beloved men that our father, the 
President, has sent us a yearly present we know nothing of; there 
are 3 other nations, perhaps some of them have received it. 
Another thing, our father, the President, has provided us, without 
being asked, that he would send people among us to learn our 
women to spin and weave. He has made us these promises; I will 
not ask for more; I ask for women to teach our women; these 
women may first go among our halfbreeds and teach them, and 
the thing will then extend itself; one will teach another, and the 
white people may return to their own people again. I want people 
qualified well to teach our women; not people who know nothing. 
I understand that such things are to be furnished as I wish, there- 
fore as we have halfbreeds and others accustomed to work, I wish 
that ploughs may be sent us, weeding hoes, grubing hoes, axes, hand 
saws, augurs, iron wedges and a man to make wheels, and a small 



i 



A 



BENJAMIN HAWKINS 405 

set of blacksmith's tools for a red man. Father (the P. of the 
U. S.), we have a number of warriors who use their guns for a 
living; I understand your goods are cheap; I wish you to send 
us on a supply of trade; I don't want this trade here (Fort Adams), 
this is a strange land; I want the store at Fort Stoddart or Fort 
Stephens. Father, I hold your talks strong; I hope you will hold 
ours fast also (i. e., grant what we ask). I wish the old marks of 
the line of demarkation between us and the whites to be marked 
over, and as our father has said, he has sent us on some thing every 
year; I hope it will be continued, altho' we have never received it. 
I hope that my father will comply with my request, as we have 
been informed by his beloved men that he is disposed to afford 
us aid. 

We came here sober to do business and wish to return so, and 
request therefore that the liquor which we are informed our 
friends had provided for us may be retained in store, as it might 
be productive of evil. 

Hoche Homo: 

This is the talk of the chiefs and warriors. I am one of the 
children of the President who has seen him in his own house; I 
saw my father in the beloved council house in Philadelphia; he 
is now dead and I am informed there is another father to the 
red people, appointed to keep up the great council house. I have 
taken by the hand these three beloved men sent by my father, the 
President, to meet the Choctaws. I have received his talk by 
them, and put it in my heart, and send this of mine in return. 
With the other chiefs I have granted permission to the Com- 
missioners to open the white road of peace asked for. Father, 
when you receive this, I hope you will hold it fast; the chain of 
friendship, like an iron chain, should never be broken. I have 
but a short talk and hope it will be remembered. 

Shappa Homo: 

I was present when my father, the President, talked with the 
Choctaws, Creeks, Cherokees, Chickasaws and four northern 
nations, and heard his good advise to his children. When I was 
in the beloved house all talks and all paths were whitened with 
every nation. I am well pleased that they are kept bright. I am 
glad there are some people alive yet belonging to that white 
house, who wish to take care of the red people. We give up the 
road; it is not to be settled by white people. 



406 LETTERS OF 



Edmond Folsome: 

Mingco Horn Massatubby's talk is mine, except that he has 
forgot to ask for cotton cards. My people already make cloth; I 
know the advantage of it, and request that good cotton cards may- 
be sent us. 

Robert McClure: 

A gin is a thing I asked for long ago; it was once offered to 
my nation & refused by our chiefs. I asked for it last July, but 
have received no ansv^^er; I now ask for it again; if this will be 
granted I wish to know soon. I am glad to hear it is the wish of 
our father, the President, to teach us to do such things as the 
whites can do; the sooner those things are supplied the better, for 
by long delay they may grow out of our young people's minds. 
We halfbreeds and young men wish to go to work, and the sooner 
we receive those things the sooner we will begin to learn. I want 
a blacksmith sent to the lower towns district with a good set of 
tools, which may not be at the disposal of the smith, but remains 
with us should he go away. Some of our young people may learn 
to use these tools, and we wish them to remain for the use of the 
district. My reason for asking this is that our interpreter may 
die and our agent be recalled by his superior and another sent us 
who may not live at the same place and may wish to remove the 
tools; we wish them to remain with us and our red children. 

We red people do not know how to make iron and steel; we 
wish our father to send us these with the smith, &c., and when 
presents are sent on, we wish a true inventory of all the presents 
that we may know when we are cheated, and that the invoice may 
be lodged with one of our chiefs. 

17 December. 

The chiefs met the Commissioners of the U. S. in the council 
chamber and were addressed by the latter: 

Mingcos, Chiefs and Principal men of the Choctaw Nation: 

We have heard the talks you delivered to us the 13th, and 
we have since received your written addresses of the 15th instant; 
those talks and this address have sunk deep into our hearts; they 
give us great pleasure and must prove highly satisfactory to your 
father, the President of the United States, to whom we shall 
faithfully transmit them, because he will perceive therefrom that 
his red children of the Choctaw nation are wise, just, dutiful and 
affectionate. 



BENJAMIN HAWKINS 407 

Brothers: We are sorry to be informed that the goods here- 
tofore forwarded to you by your father, the President of the 
United States, have been delivered to improper characters, and 
have not reached your hands; we will take care that those which 
his bounty may hereafter dispense to you shall be faithfully 
delivered, but to prevent misunderstanding, we think proper to 
repeat to you that although this bounty will be extended to you 
the present year, and may be hereafter continued to you, at the 
discretion of your father, the President, yet you must not look 
upon it as a right, or to claim it as a debt, because you have never 
given any thing for it. 

Brothers: We shall faithfully report to your father, the 
President, your wants and your wishes, as set forth in your written 
address to us, and we have no doubt he will give attention to them 
and will endeavour to ameliorate your condition; on our own parts,, 
we promise you every attention to your true interests, and that 
we will use our best exertions to promote all your laudable per- 
suits and to advance your solid happiness. 

Brothers: Your father, the President, knows as well how to 
reward his good children as he does to punish the bad; he has 
therefore authorized us to give to you at this time some arms and 
ammunition for your hunters and some goods for your old men 
& women, as a proof of his friendship and as an equivalent for 
your dutiful attentions to his request respecting the roads & the 
old line of demarkation. 

Brothers: To avoid future misunderstandings, we, the Com- 
missioners of the United States, have deemed it expedient to 
commit to record the agreement entered into with you, the 
mingcos, chiefs and warriors of the Choctaw nation at this time. 
By this measure we propose to prevent wicked men from encroach- 
ing upon the rights of either party, to inform those who may come 
after us, and to keep alive forever the good works of this council. 
We will now read and interpret this record to you, and we shall 
be ready to explain any doubts or difficulties which may arise, 
and a fair copy be lodged with your nation, to be appealed to 
should occasion ever render necessary. The treaty being then 
deliberately read by General Wilkinson and interpreted, paragraph 
by paragraph, was signed & sealed and a duplicate delivered to 
the head chief of the Choctaw nation. 

The treaty is in the following words, viz.: 



408 LETTERS OF 



Treaty of Friendship, Limits and Accommodation Between the 
United States of America and the Choctaw Nation of Indians. 



Thomas Jefferson, President of the United States of America, 
by James Wilkinson, of the State of Maryland, Brigadier General 
in the army of the United States; Benjamin Hawkins, of North 
Carolina, and Andrew Pickins, of South Carolina, Commissioners 
plenipotentiary of the United States on the one part, and the 
mingcos, principal men and warriors of the Choctaw nation, repre- 
senting the said nation in council assembled, on the other part, have 
entered into the following articles and conditions, viz.: 

Article 1. Whereas the United States in Congress assembled, 
did, by their Commissioners plenipotentiary, Benjamin Hawkins, 
Andrew Pickins and Joseph Martin, at a treaty held with the chiefs 
& head men of the Choctaw nation, at Hopewell, on the Koowee, 
the third day of January, in the year of our Lord one thousand 
seven hundred and eigthy-six, give peace to the said nation, and 
receive it into the favour and protection of the United States of 
America, it is agreed by the parties to these presents respectively, 
that the Choctaw nation, or such part of it as may reside within 
the limits of the United States, shall be and continue under the 
care and protection of the said States, and that the mutual confi- 
dence & friendship which are hereby acknowledged to subsist 
between the contracting parties, shall be maintained and per- 
petuated. 

Article 2. The mingcos, principal men and warriors of the 
Choctaw nation of Indians, do hereby give their free consent that 
a convenient and durable waggon way may be explored, marked, 
opened, and made under the orders and instructions of the Presi- 
dent of the United States, through their lands, to commence at 
the northern extremity of the settlements of the Mississippi 
Territory, and to be extended from thence by such routs as may 
be selected and surveyed under the authority of the President of 
the United States, until it shall strike the lands claimed by the 
Chickasaw nation, and the same shall be and continue forever, a 
highway for the citizens of the United States and the Choctaws; 
and the said Choctaws shall nominate two discreet men from their 
nation, who may be employed as assistants, guides, or pilots, 
during the time of laying out and opening the said highway, or so 
long as may be deemed expedient, under the direction of the officer 
charged with this duty, who shall receive a reasonable compen- 
sation for their services. 

Article 3. The two contracting parties covenant and agree 
that 'the old line of demarkation, heretofore established by and 



BENJAMIN HAWKINS 409 

between the officers of His Britanic Majesty and the Choctaw 
nation, which runs in a parallel direction with the Mississippi 
River and eastwardly thereof, shall be retained and plainly marked 
in such a way and manner as the President may direct, in the 
presence of two persons, to be appointed by the said nation; and the 
said nation does, by these presents, relinquish to the United States, 
and quit-claim forever, all their rights, title and pretension to the 
land lying between the said line and the Mississippi River, bounded 
south by the 31 degrees of north latitude and north by the Yazoo 
river where the said line shall strike the same; and on the part of 
the Commissioners it is agreed that all persons who may be settled 
beyond this line shall be removed within it on the side toward 
the Mississippi, together with their slaves, household furniture, 
tools, materials and stock, and that the cabbins or houses erected 
by such persons shall be demolished. 

Article 4. The President of the United States may, at his 
discretion, proceed to execute the Second Article of this treaty, 
and the Third Article shall be carried into effect as soon as may 
be convenient to the government of the United States, and without 
unnecessary delay on the one part or the other, of which the 
President shall be the judge. The Choctaws to be seasonably 
advised by order of the President of the United States, of the time 
when and the place where the survey and marking of the old line, 
referred to in the preceeding article, will be commenced. 

Article 5. The Commissioners of the United States, for and 
in consideration of the foregoing conceptions on the part of the 
Choctaw nation, and in full satisfaction for the same, do give and 
deliver to the mingcos, chiefs and warriors of the said nation, at 
the signing of these presents, the value of two thousand dollars 
in goods and merchandise, net cost of Philadelphia, the receipt 
whereof is hereby acknowledged, and they further engage to give 
three sets of blacksmith's tools to the said nation. 

Article 6. This treaty shall take efifect and be obligatory on 
the contracting parties so soon as the same shall be ratified by the 
President of the United States of America, by and with the advice 
and consent of the Senate thereof. 

In testimony whereof the Commissioners plenipotentiary of 
the United States and the mingcos, principal men and warriors of 
the Choctaw nation have hereto subscribed their names and affixed 
their seals, at Fort Adams, on the Mississippi, this seventeenth 
day of December, in the year of our Lord one thousand eight 
hundred and one, and of the independence of the United States 
the twenty-sixth. 



410 LETTERS OF 



December 18. 

In conformity with the directions of the Commissioners, the 
whole deputation of the Choctaw nation attended at the council 
chamber and received from the Commissioners the goods promised, 
being of the value of 2,038 dollars, exclusive of tobacco, with which 
the Indians appeared to be well pleased, and they parted with the 
Commissioners with apparent good humour. In addition to the 
provisions they had received, the Commissioners ordered them 
to be furnished with twelve rations each for the path home. 



Loftus's Heights, Fort Adams, on the Mississippi, Dec. 18, 180U 
Sir: 

After some unexpected delay on the part of the Choctaws, we 
opened our conferences with a respectable representation from 
the upper and lower towns, which comprehended the mass of the 
nation and essential representation of the six towns which continue 
their attachment to Spain, and are now at New Orleans, on the 
invitation of the Governor, as we are informed; 

This humble, friendly, tranquil, pacific people oflfered but few 
obstacles to our views, and we yesterday concluded a treaty with 
them, which we now transmit you, for the consideration of the 
President & the Senate. 

Our minutes, which we herewith forward to you, will explain 
in detail the course of the conference held on this occasion, and 
may we hope, give satisfaction. We forebore to press for the 
establishment of houses of entertainment on the road, from respect 
to the objections of the chiefs, and from the conviction (founded 
on minute enquiry) that it would be extremely difficult, if not 
impracticable, to give protection to each solitary, sequestered settle- 
ment (where made by citizens of the United Sates) against the 
rapacity and abuse of vicious, mischievous individuals, to be found 
in every community, civil or savage. 

The obvious expediency of the thing suggested to us the 
proposition for opening the road to the settlements of the Tom- 
bigbee and Mobile, and we have no doubt we should have suc- 
ceeded if the six towns, through which the present trace passes, 
had been fully represented. Having received no instructions on 
this subject, we did not consider ourselves authorized to reply to 
the objections of the council, but connected with it we will beg 
leave to submit to the consideration of the executive the policy 
and propriety, not to say necessity, of devising some plan by 



BENJAMIN HAWKINS 411 

which the extinguished claims of the natives on the Mobile, Tom- 
bigbee and Alabama Rivers may be ascertained and fixed. Un- 
licensed settlements have been made on those waters; they have 
been formed into a county by the late Governor of the 
Mississippi Territory and are now progressing; they are 
now thinly scattered along the western banks of the Mobile 
and Tombigbee for more than seventy miles, and extend 
nearly twenty-five miles upon the eastern borders of the Mobile 
and Alabama; the whole population may be estimated at five 
hundred whites and two hundred and fifty blacks, of all ages and 
sexes. The land east of the Mobile and Alabama Rivers is claimed 
by the Creeks; that which lies west of those rivers by the Choc- 
taws. These nations view with jealousy and inquietude the pro- 
gression of the above settlements; individuals among them 
acknowledge that concessions of soil were made to the British 
Government long since, and the whole appear anxious to have the 
lines fairly defined and their limits established. We believe this 
to be reasonable, and we are persuaded it is necessary to avert 
mischief. 

The recognition of the old line to bound our right of settle- 
ment on the east in this quarter, and the stipulations, which have 
been founded thereon, we consider of some moment, because it 
appears to be a questionable point whether that line was ever 
extended farther south than the Hounchitto River, which would 
leave a considerable proportion of the population of the territory 
on the lands of the Indians, and therefore to obviate eventual diffi- 
culties, we embraced the concession to obtain from the nation 
a formal relinquishment of their claims under specific limits. The 
equivalent we have given to legitimate the contract into which 
we have entered, has been taken from the residue of the invoice 
for two thousand six hundred and ninety-six dollars worth of 
goods, out of which we paid the Chickasaws seven hundred dollars, 
& we trust this allowance may not be deemed profuse. 

The Choctaw nation, in point of physical powers, is at least 
on a level with its neighbours, and its dispositions in relation to 
the whites are more trac*"ible and less sanguinary than those of its 
kind, yet it has been long buried in sloth and ignorance; but the 
destruction of years has diminished the resorts of their ancestors, 
and the chase has become a precarious source of the support 
of life; goaded by penury, and pressed by the keenest wants to 
which animal nature is exposed, their suflFerings seem to have 
roused their dormant faculties, and the rising generation urged by 
these powerful motives and encouraged by the examples of the 
Creeks on the one side and the Chickasaws on the other, have 
rent the shakles of prejudice, and in spite of repugnance of their 
old chiefs, are now casting their eyes to the earth for sustenance 



412 LETTERS OF 



and for comforts. A very few families have commenced the 
culture of cotton, and it is not manufactured by more than twelve 
in the whole nation whose population exceeds fifteen thousand. 

At this conference, for the first time, the bounty of the United 
States has been implored and we vvere supplicated for materials, 
tools, implements and instructors to aid their exertions 
and to direct their labours. These circumstances induce 
us to cherish the hope that by the liberal and v^rell 
directed attention of the government this people may be made 
happy and useful, and that the United States may be saved the 
pain and expence of expelling or destroying them. It is a singular 
fact, perhaps it is without example, and therefore it is worthy of 
record, that this council should not only reject a quantity of whis- 
key intended as a present to them, but should have requested that 
none might be issued before, during, or after the conference. 

We have deemed it expedient to recommend that an inter- 
preter should attend the two deputies of the nation who are to 
accompany the troops to be engaged on the road, and we beg 
leave to offer the suggestion that travelers who pass through the 
Indian country should be confined to this rout so soon as it is 
opened. 

With great consideration & respect, we are, &c., 

JA. WILKINSON. 
BENJAMIN HAWKINS. 
ANDREW PICKINS. 



The Honourable 

HENRY DEARBORN, 
Secretary of War. 



Fort Adams, 21st December, 1801. 

Relying on the information we have received, that it is im- 
practicable to convene the Creek chiefs in the winter, as they are 
in the habit of going during that season into the woods, and 
returning with the spring, we have fixed on the first of May for the 
conference with that nation at Fort Wilkinson. 

We have the honour, &c. 

The Honourable 

HENRY DEARBORN, 
Secretary of War. 



Fort Adams, December 21, 1801. 

The Commissioners of the United States having closed their 
labours here, I set out in the morning, with General Pickins, to 
the Creek agency; there I shall remain, and he will return home 



BENJAMIN HAWKINS 413 

till the period fixed for the conference with that nation. The 
quartermaster here has furnished us with the necessary camp 
equipage and horses to take us and our baggage through the 
woods. The season is uncomfortable and we have 500 miles to 
my residence and 280 from thence to General Pickins's. 

The arrangements contemplated for the agency here is one 
agent, one interpreter, to reside with him and one for the upper 
towns. As these people border on the proposed road, it is neces- 
sary to have a man among them to watch over their conduct for 
their benefit & the security of travelers. Turner Brasshear resides 
among them; he is a native of Maryland, of good character, under- 
stands the Indian language and appears to me to be fit for the 
appointment. The allowance to such a character should not exceed 
300 dollars per annum. On the subject of rations to the agent, I 
am of opinion they should be increased to six, and this will not 
meet his expenditures for the present, but he must be satisfied 
with it & regulate himself accordingly. The chiefs, on all impor- 
tant occasions, visit the agents, and often on slight ones, and 
always with dependants, and he must receive and treat them with 
attention. Travelers are in the habit of calling on him, and 
persons of all discriptions, who feel themselves aggrieved, call on 
him for redress. There are as yet no houses for entertainment; of 
course they are a tax on his hospitality. 

I have repeatedly expressed my disapprobation of the practice 
of issuing rations to Indians at military posts without the knowl- 
edge of the agent. The idle and the worthless are generally fed 
thereby, greatly to the injury of the plan of civilization. Coupled 
with this is the custom and error from pure motives heretofore in 
use among the military gentlemen, of giving certificates to chiefs 
and others, some times of very worthless, and at best, of doubtful 
characters. These certificates are lent from one to another, & are 
used to obtain rations at the posts and accommodations on the 
rout thro' the settlements to those who possess them. I have 
been plagued with the possessors of them for several years, & 
restrained, by respect for gentlemen holding commissions from the 
same source as my own, from taking them in and destroying 
them. I have expressed my ideas on this subject to the General, 
who has repeatedly declared to me his willingness to remedy the 
abuses complained of. I wish the military gentlemen to move in 
their own sphere, and co-operate only with the Agency for Indian 
Affairs when required thereto by an agent. 

I shall write you soon; in the meantime I pray you to believe 
me, with sincere regard & esteem. Sir, 

Your obedient servant. 
To The Honourable, 

THE SECRETARY OF WAR. 



414 LETTERS OE 



Journal of occurrences at Fort Wilkinson during the conference 
and treaty with the Creek Indians there, by Benjamin Hawkins. 



April 30th, 1802. 

Colonel Hawkins left Tuckabatchee on the 25th and arrived 
at Fort Wilkinson this day. 



Fort Wilkinson, 2nd May, 1802. 

I have to acknowledge the receipt of your favours of the 
19th of January, 1st of March, enclosing circular orders to the 
Territorial Governors, the 22nd of February, and a letter under 
cover fronted by you the 21st of March; the two last the 26th of 
April on my way to this place where I arrived on the 30th. 

I send you, agreeable to your request, a copy of our negotia- 
tions and treaty with the Choctaws, and of the letter of the 
Commissigners. I have no copy with me of my letter on the 
affairs of that nation, which accompanyed the original dispatches 
of the Commissioners; it is at my residence at Tuckabatchee, and 
shall be forwarded as soon as I have it in my power. 

I have been much crowded by Indians for the last three 
months, at my residence. The chiefs appeared greatly agitated 
on the affairs of their nation, and on the probable objects of the 
conference proposed to be held with them at this place. I gave 
all a hospitable reception, and availed myself of the occasion to 
impress on them that in the hour of their difficulties they would 
be safe if they relyed firmly on the justice of the United States 
and the friendship of the President; an opportunity now offered 
to state all they had on their minds for the consideration of the 
government, to hear what the Commissioners have to say to 
them, and to make such friendly regulations with them as may 
tend to the mutual happiness and prosperity of them and their 
neighbours. 

I gave no detail of the objects of the commission. On oc- 
casions only when they stated their poverty, and contrasted the 
present scarcity of game and withdrawing of presents, with 
former times of plenty and British profusion, I recommended to 
them to sell some of their waste lands to meet the present and 
future wants of the old chiefs, the poor and indigent; to rely 
firmly on the justice and benevolence of the United States, and 
the friendship of the President, and for the rest to give the plan 



BENJAMIN HAWKINS 415 

devised for their civilization a fair trial among the young and 
middle aged. On these conditions I promised, in the name of 
the President, that poverty should be a stranger in their land, and 
that the difficulties and perplexities occasioned by the thieves, 
the lyars and the mischiefmakers should be banished from it. 

Being apprised in March, by some Indians in my confidence, 
of an attempt to be made in April by the mischiefmakers to dis- 
turb the peace of the Indians, and to draw them ofif towards the 
Simanolees, under the pretence of meeting an embassy from the 
Governor of Providence and a ship loaded with goods for the 
Indians, I determined to seize the present moment to alarm the 
indisposed by an act of signal justice. I was informed of the 
haunt of an Indian who scalped and otherwise illtreated a Mrs. 
Smith on Tombigbee, about four years past, and had been absent 
and outlawed by the nation. I called on the three leading warriors 
of the upper towns to have him put to death with the least pos- 
sible delay; they accordingly sent four suitable characters early 
in April who came up with and sho.t him, and one of the leading 
warriors came with the head of the family, a good man, who made 
the report to me in a solemn formal manner. The welldisposed 
throughout the nation rejoiced at it, and the chiefs sent to me to 
give them the necessary days for preparation for the path, and 
they would set out accordingly to meet the Commissioners here. 
They were to move from the upper towns on the 26th ult., and 
I expect many of them here on the 4th and Sth. My journal 
during this period and to the last of April is now copying and 
will be sent by the next mail when I shall write you' again. 

I have the honour to be very respectfully Sir. 

The Honourable 

HENRY DEARBORN, 
Secretary of War. 



General Pickins has arrived since writing this letter; we have 
no news of General Wilkinson, he was to be at my residence the 
20th of April; I waited for him to the 2Sth and heard nothing 
of him. 

May 2nd. 

Being informed that there were no arrangements made to 
feed the Indians at the proposed conference, I sent for the con- 
tracter's agent, who informed me "they had received no orders 
on that head from the Secretary of War; that they had a large 
supply of salt provisions on hand, a plenty of salt, some flower 



416 LETTERS OF 



and cum meal, and that there was plenty of flower in the country 
and some of it convenient to Fort Wilkinson; that the only article 
they were deficient in would be beef, & that Mr. Grymes, a partner 
of the contractor, would be here in a day or two." 

3rd of May. 

i\lr. Grymes reported as his assistant, and added that he could 
supply the rations wanted if he had or could get beef; he was 
only deficient in the article of fresh beef, the beef in the settle- 
ments was not yet fit to eat, and he had some dependence on 
a supply from the Indians, and had some goods suited to the 
Indians, but he was in want of money, and a supply would be 
absolutely necessary to enable him to get beef. 

Reply of Colonel Hawkins. 

I expected orders here for the supply of rations; last year 
the Commissioners of the United States were informed that the 
contractor of this post had orders to furnish the necessary sup- 
plies; since then I have received no further information. If no 
orders should soon arrive, I shall give the necessary orders, but 
I expect to hear from the Secretary of War by the next mail, and 
until then I cannot give any directions on that head. The rations 
for Indians will be meat and meal only, and they will want beef. 

Upon the arrival of General Pickins, the Commissioners order 
that the rations to Indians shall be a pound and an half of flower 
and a like quantity of fresh beef, and that salt and tobacco shall 
be issued as wanted, and under the direction of the assistant 
agent, Mr. Barnard. 

5th May. 

Received dispatches from the Secretary of War of the 12tb 
ult., enclosing definitive instructions to the Commissioners, and 
information that the United States factor was to supply the neces- 
sary provisions and other accommodations for them and for the 
Indians who may attend the treaty. 

Mr. Halstead, the United States factor, was informed of the 
order; he said he had not received any information on the subject, 
but would proceed immediately to fulfill the duties enjoined on 
him. Colonel Hawkins ordered that all the assistants in his 
department and the Indian countrymen to assist the factor, and 
to execute his orders during the treaty. Runners were im- 
mediately sent to the stockholders in the Creek country to send 
on, without delay, a supply of beef. 



BENJAMIN HAWKINS 417 

The following orders were issued by Colonel Hawkins: The 
deputation from every town must appoint one man to attend the 
drawing of provisions for his town; he will report the number 
to Mr. Barnard and receive from him a ticket for two day's 
provisions at a time, and Mr. Barnard will, at discretion, issue 
salt and tobacco. Spirits are only to be issued on the orders of 
the Commissioners. The white people from the Indian country 
will assist the white people who weigh out provisions. 

Mr. Grymes was informed of the order of the Secretary of 
War for the supply of provisions to the Indians. 

8th May. 

General Wilkinson arrived. A runner arrived to inform 
Colonel Hawkins "that the chiefs were in motion pretty generally, 
and would be on as soon as they could, but not as soon as was 
expected, and that notwithstanding the misrepresentations of the 
partizans of Bowles, who were seting out for St. Mark's, the 
nation would be with him." 



Colonel Hawkins to the Secretary of War. 

Fort Wilkinson, 8th May, 1802. 

I have had the pleasure to receive your favour of the 7th ult. 
by the last mail; the officers of his Catholic Majesty have no just 
cause of complaint against the Creek nation, and have received 
substantial and repeated proofs of a disposition here friendly and 
determined to carry their national engagements into effect. On 
the 17 September, 1799, a banditti from Talassee, in this agency of 
21 only, went to the Simanolees and there, conjointly with the 
Simanolees, insulted the Commandants of Spain and the United 
States, at their encampment on the Spanish side of the Line of 
Limits in East Florida near the confluence of Flint and Chatta- 
hoochee. I called on the chief, being myself a witness to the fact, 
to punish immediately the leader and his associates in an examplary 
manner; they sentenced the leader to be roped and whiped, his 
property destroyed, and his associates whiped; and tliis sentence 
was carried into effect on him and three of his associates by 72 
warriors, under directions of their great chief, and in presence of 
Mr. Cornell, one of my assistants and interpreters. The whole 
was reported to the Commissioners, to the Secretary of War, and 
to the Governor of Pensacola, with such assurances as were proper 
on my part. 



418 LETTERS OF 



Some time in May, 1800, being informed that Tussekiably, a 
chief on our side of the line, had been towards Pensacola and 
stole some horses, I, without waiting to hear from the Governor 
Folch there, sent nine warriors under a distinguished leader, who 
whiped with great severity the chief and took six horses from him 
which were restored. The chiefs of the nation being convened, 
approved highly of this act and sent two of their men to accom- 
pany the dragoons who came after the horses, to ensure their safe 
arrival at Pensacola, with assurances of a peaceable and friendly 
deportment towards the subjects of his Catholic Majesty in W. 
Florida, and from arrangements made and under my control, these 
assurances have hitherto been fulfilled. 

Towards East Florida, notwithstanding the Simanolees, are 
Creeks, and they have their connexions among our towns on 
Chattahoochee; the fears of a co-operation hitherto from this quarter 
were imaginary. The Indians on our side have not co-operated, 
but in a few instances; feeble in point of number, and those out- 
laws and fugitives from justice only. The expectation of presents 
has frequently induced some of them in numbers, men, women, 
and children to go down towards St. Mark's on the invitations of 
Mr. Bowles. These expectations were founded on assurances from 
that quarter that he was there under the auspices of Great Britain, 
and would receive presents from thence for the red people; and 
while he promised, they continued to hope for the fulfillment of 
them, and this hope still makes a lively impression on their minds, 
as he attributes his failures to the hostility of Spain and to 
captures made by the privateers of that nation. 

There has been no negros nor property brought within our 
limits and Mr. Bowles has been but twice only, and then but for a 
short time within our limits. His residence is at Miccosooke, 
about 30 miles from St. Mark's, and his effective force is generally 
estimated by us at not more than 60 Indians, and they are more 
attentive to frolicking than fighting, and more desirous of property 
than sheding of blood. The reward offered for Mr. Bowles was 
4,500 dollars by Governor Folch of Pensacola, and at his request, I 
had his offer interpreted to the chiefs in a convention of the 
nation; and it is a trait in the Indian character worthy of record, 
that notwithstanding the poverty and nakedness of the Indians, 
no one has been found to get the reward. 

I have corresponded with the Governor of Pensacola and the 
Governor General of New Orleans, and advised the first particu- 
larly of every occurrence in the Creek agency interesting to the 
subjects of his Catholic Majesty, our neighbours. I will avail 
myself of every apportunity to do the like with Governor White 
of St. Augustine; it is high time the officers of his C. M. had 
taken effectual measures to vindicate the rights of their sovereign. 



I 



BENJAMIN HAWKINS 419 

During the war in Europe, I could attribute their continued state 
of preparation without action to imperious circumstnces, and I 
contributed all in my power to protect their defenseless borders 
from the predatory warfare of their Simanolee Indians, aided by 
the mischiefmakers within our boundary, and had the pleasure to 
see that to the plans devised by me and carried into effect, they 
owed the safety they have enjoyed in W. Florida. 

Mr. Bowles has had full time to make the most of the means 
in his power for the accomplishment of his views, and the ofificers 
of Spain must give up the Floridas or fight for them. If the 
officers of Spain will not act with vigour and a show of force on 
their part, they need not apprehend any thing from our Indians. 
If on the contrary, their conduct continues as it has been, coaxing, 
timid and wavering, they will be embarrassed and embarrass us. 
Our Indians near them will join in the predatory warfare. 

I have the honor to be, with much esteem & regard. 

Your obedient servant. 



10th of May. 
The Commissioners of the United States to the Secretary of War: 

Fort Wilkinson, 10 May, 1802. 
Sir: 

We have the honour to acknowledge the receipt of your dis- 
patch of the 12th ult., covering instructions for our government 
pending our conference with the Creek nation, to which we shall 
pay strict regard, and you may rest assured no exertion on our 
part shall be omitted to accomplish the views of the executive, and 
to make the desired impression on the public mind of the State 
of Georgia. 

The importance of the objects for which we are to treat, 
suggests difficulties to us, but we will struggle to surmount them, 
and in the meantime we take the liberty to recall your attention 
to the third article of our instructions, which directs us to obtain 
the consent of the Creeks, if practicable, to the extension of the 
present boundary between Tugalo and Apalatchee Rivers. Should 
we succeed in the pending negotiation to obtain the concession 
of the Creeks, it will be considered by the Cherokees as a tres- 
pass on their territory, and will actually include a considerable 
tract claimed by them and heretofore disclaimed by the Creeks, 
particularly to Colonel Hawkins, the Commissioners of the United 



420 LETTERS OF 



States, and the Commissioners of Georgia, for riming the line 
before mentioned. These Commissioners, begining at the Apalat- 
chee and proceeding northwards towards the Tugalo, found the 
attending chiefs of the Creeks averse to accompanying them 
further than the middle fork of Oconee River, but by the pressing 
insistance of Colonel Hawkins, they proceeded as far as the 
Currahec Mountain beyond which they positively refused to 
march a step into a country which, to use their own language, 
they "neither knew nor claimed;" for confirmation of these facts, 
we refer to the treaty of Hopewell and to the personal knowledge 
of Colonel Hawkins and General Pickins, and we beg leave to add 
that the settlement of Colonel Wofford, which consists at present 
of about sixty families, is included by the claims of the Cherokees 
and not by the claims of the Creeks. 

We are induced to believe cash will be most acceptable to 
the Indians for any concession they may make, and we are per- 
suaded it may be rendered most useful to them. The suspension 
of the negotiations for a short period will not be difficult or 
unfavourable to the views of the government. 

We are &c. 



Fort Wilkinson, 10th May, 1802. 
The Commissioners of the U. S. to Governor Tattnall of Georgia: 

In obedience to the instructions of the President of the United 
States, and with the most cordial disposition, we have the honour 
to assure your excellency that we shall procrastinate the pending 
treaty with the Creek nation at this place, to accommodate the 
views of the government over which you preside, and that we 
shall take great pleasure in co-operating with your excellency 
to the extent of our authority for the promotion of the good 
people of the state. 

With high consideration and perfect respect, we have the 
honour to be, 

Your Excellency's obedient servants. 



May the 11th. 



The Commissioners having determined to move out and en- 
camp with the Indians, they chose a suitable place, visited the 
Indian encampment, and communicated their intention to the 



BENJAMIN HAWKINS 421 

chiefs; the chiefs were pleased with the communication of the 
Commissioners, & ordered two of their Micos to go and examine 
the ground pointed out to them, that they might encamp in a 
bodj' together and have their council house in a central position. 

Colonel Hawkins informed the chiefs that he had provided 
such things as he had promised them for the ceremonies usual 
on such occasions among the Indians, which he would deliver to 
the chiefs at any time; that they were on their own ground and 
n."^-t make their own arrangements for their camp and council 
house; if for the latter they required the aid of the white people it 
would be furnished on the application of the chiefs; that on this oc- 
casion the Commissioners would attend and confer with them in their 
own council house, and at their own council fire, as they looked 
on the red and white people as people of one great family under 
one chief, the President of the United States, for all national objects. 

Mr. Cornell informed Colonel Hawkins that the partizans 
of Bowles had moved on towards St. Mark's, and did every thing 
in their power to frustrate the proposed conference, but without 
efifect, as he hoped and believed, and that he expected the repre- 
sentation would be numerous and respectable, but would not 
arrive as soon as was expected when the invitation was first given 
out. 

Colonel Hawkins directed Mr. Cornell to inform the chiefs 
that they must take time for their arrangements; there was no 
necessity for hurrying any thing; the Commissioners had pro- 
vided every thing for their accommodation and they must rest 
themselves and wait for their brethren. 

12 May. 

General Wilkinson informed the Commissioners that he wished 
for an opportunity to visit Louisville, and as they were now, by 
their instructions, to retard the proposed conference, if his col- 
leagues approved of his going, he would be the bearer of their 
letter to the Governor and contribute what they might deem 
advisable to promote the views of the government; after some 
deliberation on the subject, it was determined that the General 
should go as soon as should be convenient for him, & that his 
colleagues should address another letter to the Governor suitable 
to the occasion. 

Received information from Fort James that a party of Spanish 
horse, 12 or 13 in number, had attacked the Muskette town, a 
small one belonging to the Simanolees, killed one Indian, burnt 
the town, and took some horses, skins, &c., with the loss of one 
man and one horse; and from Oketeqockenne, a town on Chatta- 
hoochee, that some Indians of that town had been towards Pensa- 



422 LETTERS OF 



cola, plundered some property, and brought off some horses 
belonging to the subjects of Spain, and among them five horses 
belonging to Tom Miller, a citizen of the United States, who for 
the present is at the residence of his late brother Jack Miller, on 
the east side of Koonecuh, in West Florida, and having discovered 
some of the horses were Miller's the thieves sent them back. 

Upon the requisition of Colonel Hawkins the chiefs dispatched 
runners to the lower towns to cause justice to be done. 

16 May. 

Colonel Hawkins to the Secretary of War: 

Owing to some alteration in the transportation of the mail 
I am informed that my communications intended to be sent the 
last mail will go by this; you will see in my journal the mode 
adopted by me to prepare the Indian mind to dispose of some 
of their lands, as well as a sketch of some of the difficulties with 
which I am surrounded. 

We have now the most numerous and respectable represen- 
tation I have ever seen of the Creek nation; they are forming 
their encampment and mean to conduct their affairs with great 
solemnity. We shall encamp out with them two or three miles 
from this garrison. 

I cannot give you as yet any opinion how our mission will 
eventuate; the chiefs are importunate for presents, and have 
repeatedly urged me, and some times rudely so, to accommodate 
their wants or to introduce them to the Commissioners that they 
may, conjointly with me, accommodate them; I have not deviated 
from the course detailed in my journal. I shall avail myself of 
the existing state of things to further by every means in my power 
the objects of the government; and if the disturbances among the 
Simanolees had subsided, being compelled to yield to a dignified 
and energetic conduct on the part of Spain, the time would 
have been a favourable one. 

I am informed that a party of Spanish horse surprised and 
destroyed a small town of the Simanolees, killed one and took 
some horses, skins, etc., with the loss cA one man and one horse; 
and that a party of Indians from Oketeqockenne, a town low 
down on Chattahoochee, in this agency, have been towards Pensa- 
cola and brought off some horses, and that the adherents to the 
system of plunder devised by Mr. Bowles have pretty generally 
gone down to St. Mark's on an invitation of his. 

The expenditures in this agency for the last year were drawn 
for as reported to you in favour of I\Ir. Edward Wright, U. S. 
factor; at 10 days sight, he had no opportunity of selling them 



I 



BENJAMIN HAWKINS 423 

here, and after keeping them by him for a long time, sent Mr. Hill 
with them, for the first and two last quarters, to Savannah and 
Charleston, to the collectors of the revenue there, to take them 
up or to sell them. Mr. Hill has returned; the collectors had no 
orders to take them up; he could not sell but on credit, and he 
has brought them back. The assistants in the department are 
much inconvenienced by the delay, as they are all needy and have 
no other dependence but their pay for their support. I must 
request the favour of your interposition to secure a regular pay- 
ment in such way as you may judge proper. 



Fort Wilkinson, 17 May. 

The Commissioners of the United States addressed a letter to 
your excellency the 10th of this month; since then the Creek rep- 
resentation have arrived, more full and respectable than we have 
ever known them to be. 

As we are sensible of the real & sincere disposition of the 
general government to make every exertion in its power for the 
accommodation of Georgia and citizens of Georgia in whatever 
may depend on the conference proposed to be held at this place 
with the Creek Indians, we have judged it advisable for General 
Wilkinson to wait on your excellency to have a personal con- 
ference with you to obtain such advise, aid or agency as may 
be considered useful and proper by your government. We wish 
we could ourselves accompany him, but it is necessary we should 
remain with the Indians at this crisis, to use our best exertions 
to promote the views of the government, and we wish it may 
be convenient for you, and that you would do us the favour to 
visit and aid us yourself during the conference; let it eventuate 
as it may, we trust such a measure would be beneficial to the 
State of Georgia. 

We have the honour to be. Sir, 

Your obedient servants, 

BENJAMIN HAWKINS. 
ANDREW PICKINS. 

To the Governor of the State of Georgia. 



May the 19th. 



Tussekiah Mico, with Mr. Cornell, the interpreter, called on 
Colonel Hawkins and made this communication: "The chiefs are 
embarrassed in an afifair that requires the advise and assistance 



424 LETTERS OF 



of Colonel Hawkins, and they have sent us to inform him that 
the warriors sent after the murderer of Moreland have returned, 
and without success; the murderer is concealed and protected 
near Kennard's, and it appears that the failure may be attributed 
to Yeauholau Mico, of Coweta, Tustunnagau Hopoie, of Coweta 
Tallauhassee, and Jack Kennard. In this state of things the chiefs 
know not what to do; it has occured to them to make two repre- 
sentations to Colonel Hawkins, the one that the murderer being 
out of reach, they can and will, if required by him, give, according 
to the Indian rule, one of the family, a bad man and somewhat 
instrumental in his escape (Succuh Haujo); this man is now here 
and can be executed immediately, or delivered up, as Colonel 
Hawkins will direct. As this ofifer is made with some apprehen- 
sion from the doctrine of Colonel Hawkins on guilt and innocence, 
that it will not be approved of, the other is that Colonel Hawkins 
will permit the chiefs, in a body, to bring and deliver this man, 
fast bound, to him, and that he will send him ofif and keep him 
closely confined in iron, if he will so order, until the guilty one 
can be come at. The chiefs are of the opinion that when this 
man is sent off, if Colonel Hawkins will permit them to report 
that he is executed, that the murderer will return and they will 
put him to death. The conduct of the chiefs in the satisfaction 
demanded in the present case has .placed them in the present 
crisis of their afifairs in a situation painful and humiliating, as 
they know what they have promised and Colonel Hawkins knows 
that they have failed to fulfill their promise and he knows how 
they have come to have failed. 

Their friend and father Washington is dead, and they see 
but one of his men alive, who brought the beloved talks into 
their land; he is now sickly and if he should die before they get 
their affairs settled, they should be in a miserable situation. 
Colonel Hawkins has been long with them, knows their ways, and 
is, by his conduct, an old chief of their land; they come to him. 
he must order in this case and the chiefs will obey." 

Colonel Hawkins's Reply. 

I know the whole of this transaction as well as the chiefs 
themselves. Before the murderer was found out I had assurances 
given me by the chiefs of the lower towns, in a body, that the 
murderer should be executed as soon as discovered, and the four 
men were named who were to fulfill this promise. These assur- 
ances were made with so much solemnity that I had no right to 
doubt them and sent accordin.gly to the Governor of Georgia. 
They have not been fulfilled, and I shall speak on this affair 
in the square of all the chiefs as soon as they are ready to meet 



BENJAMIN HAWKINS 425 

the Commissioners. On one point I can speak positively, I will 
have no innocent -man punished, and I shall not hold those 
innocent who have suffered the guilty to escape, and who's duty 
it was to aid in punishing him. 

The proposition relative to confining a man as you propose, 
I will refer to my colleagues; as for myself, I am a man of plain 
dealing and dispise duplicity. I will ask you a question which you 
will carry to the old chiefs for them to reflect on and for them 
to answer: How is it that the old chiefs who send you to 
me, who are wise and honest men, should think of offering 
Succuh Haujo because he is a worthless man and one of the 
family of the murderer, and not the three great chiefs to whom 
they attribute the failure? 

If your confidence is really placed in me, in this and on all 
other affairs, open your minds freely to the Commissioners of 
the United States, and put your heads together with theirs and 
enter into such arrangements as will be for the present and 
future welfare of the Creeks. 

Tussekiah Mico rejoined: "I am greatly troubled, and the 
old chiefs with me; we have now our two friends who met us at 
Colerain and entered into a treaty with us for the good of our 
land. I was greatly in hopes we should be able to meet them 
like men, but we must hang our heads and we shall never meet 
them again, and have not done what we promised in our treaty 
with them." 

20th May. 

Ordered in future that the issues shall be to towns 
and not to camps, that the tickets be made out in the public square 
on the report of the chiefs there, and that Mr. Hill and Mr. 
Barnard attend to the execution of the order; tobacco and salt 
to be issued in like manner as provisions. The Indians coming 
on business, or who may arrive in small parties, to be supplied 
till the regular issue to their town, in which they will be included. 

Colonel Hawkins visited the public square of the chiefs and 
spent the day with them; there were present 150. The conver- 
sation turned generally on the internal affairs of the nation, and 
of the other three nations. Colonel Hawkins read to them a talk 
from the Choctaws claiming the lands of Tuscaulusau (black 
warrior), the main east fork of Tombigbee, and told them to 
take this claim into consideration, to make their minds up on it 
and to return a friendly answer; that in this as in every other 
case of contention between them and their red neighbours he 
wished a thorough investigation and an amicable adjustment and 
would contribute all in his power to produce it. 



426 LETTERS OF 



He stated to them "that the war between the Simanolees and 
subjects of Spain in the Floridas would scorch the Creeks unless 
the old chiefs turned their attention seriously to it, and adopted 
such measures as might meet the approbation of their friends 
and were suited to their particular situation. 

The United States were bound to compel us to respect the 
rights of Spain, and they were able and willing to fulfill all 
their treaty stipulations as well with Spain as the Creek nation, 
and in the present case it was particularly enjoined on him by 
the President of the United States to watch over and attend to 
the execution of these treaties. He must of course make it a 
serious affair with them at some convenient time during our 
conference. They will of course revolve in their minds what we 
have already done, and what remains yet to be done to keep our 
thieves and mischiefmakers within bounds." 

The chiefs replied: "We shall do what we can to get our 
affairs right and to keep them so." 

23rd. 

General Wilkinson returned from Louisville and informed 
the Commissioners about being informed of the agreement entered 
into between the Commissioners of the U. S. and those of Georgia 
for the adjustment of their conflicting claims to the lands border- 
ing on the Mississippi and the southern boundary of the United 
States. 



Zoholo Haujo of Oketeqockenne lost a black horse two miles 
from Milledgeville up Tesling Creek, branded X on the thigh and 
rump. Year 1806. 



Directions for Taning, by Mr. Brown. 

Green Hides. 

Take them immediately from the carcase to the pond, and let 
them remain 12 hours; then put them in lime. One peck of black- 
jack ashes to a hide if large, or half a bushel to 3 hides. 

The season being warm, in 3 or 4 days the hair will come; as 
soon as it will come, take it off; the first and second & 3rd day 
work them well in the lime; do this by taking them quite out, and 
replace them; if necessary add ashes and always water enough 
to cover them. After they are haired take them to the pond; the 



BENJAMIN HAWKINS 427 

second and 3rd day work each side well till the water or lime 
appears to be out the hide, of a dyish cast. The 4th day put them 
in beaten bark, so as at that no part of the hide lies on another 
case; here they are to lie 9 days, and replace them in a second 
bark; 6 weeks replace them in fresh bark and let them remain in 
the tan. 

Dry Hides. 

7 days in warm weather; 9 days in March to soke in the pond; 
7 days in lime, and 7 to take it out for warm weather, in March 
9 or 10 — every thing else the same. 



The Reserve at the Ocmulgee Old Fields. 

Surveyed by John Thomas, February, 1806. 

Begining at the mouth of Oakchoncoolgau and runing thence 
N. 5 W., 34 pole. 

N. 55 W., 132 to the road, an offset, S. 49 W., 34 pole. 

280 to a branch runing to the left. 

380 to a small branch. 

420 to a point. 
W. 28 pole. 
N. 33 W., 44 to a large branch runing to the left. 

70 to the old trader's path, offset to the river, S. 79 W., 
42 pole. 

240 pole to a branch to the left. 
S. 85 W., 60. 
N. 40 W., 52 to a branch to the left. 

114 to the mouth of a branch. 

126 to the river bank. 
N. 27 W., 80. 
N. 75 W., 46. 
S. 28 W., 28. 

S. 2)6 E., 10 to an ash on the bank of the river 3 miles above 
Oakchoncoolgau. 

From the mouth of Oakchoncoolgau and for miles down the 
river: 

S. 71 E., 156 pole. 

S. 19 W., 48. 

S. 55 E., 24 to a dark creek runing to the right. 

270 pole to a small creek, 

292 to a trail. 

340. 



428 LETTERS OE 



S., 80 to the dark creek runing to the left. 

S. 45 W., 92 to the river bank. 

S. 51 E., 32. 

S. 10 E., 60 pole. 

S. 50 VV., 8 to the river. 

These courses give for the river or guide line, N. 44 W. for 
five miles. Begining at the point 3 miles above Oakchoncoolgau 
at an ash on the river bank and runing: 

N. 46 E., 182 pole to a branch to the right. 
368 to a path. 
416 to a branch to the left. 
512 to a branch to the right. 
523 to a branch to the right. 
664 to a branch to the right. 
700 to Oakchoncoolgau. 
960 to the corner, being 3 miles. 
S. 44 E., 150 to a branch to the left. 
150 to a branch to the left. 
310 to a branch to the right. 
370 to the same branch, going down with it. 
630 a branch to the right. 
732 to the road. 

1040 to a branch to the right, fine flowing. 
1600 to a hill, a pine on the north side of a large branch, 
being 5 miles. 
S. 46 W., 800 to a large creek to the left. 

960 or 3 miles to a maple on the river bank and up the 
same to the begining. 

Courses within this survey to fix some points for the infor- 
mation of the Secretary of War. 

Begining at the "offset of S. 79 W. on the old trading path:" 
N. 7Z E., 16 pole to a branch to the right. 

80 pole to the old path to the right. 
N. 23 E., 66 to the hill. 
S. 88 E., 78. 
N. 84 E., 30 the ridge of 3 mounts. 

54 to the 1st mount. 

60 to the 2. 

64 to the 3. 

72. 
S. 49 E., 48 to the Commandant's quarters. 

78 to the 4th mount. 



BENJAMIN HAWKINS 429 

S. 80 E., 26 to a branch to the right. 

60 to the road. 

72 to a branch to the right. 

96 to mount N. 5, the ridge from it S. 57 E. 
S. 45 W., 34 to a branch to the left. 

62 to the 6th mount Xing the road. 
S. 20 E., 50 to mount N. 7, 30 by 3u yards. 

84. 
S. 34 W., 22 to the curve of the hill. 

50 to a deep valley. 
88 to mount N. 8, 11 by 9 pole square at top. 
N. 20 W., 20 to mount N. 9. 
N. 39 W. 26 to a branch to the left. 

34. 
N. 65 W., 32 to mount N. 10. 



It will be some time before the Creek young will get rid of 
the remains of that alloy which debased the agents and refugeed 
their associates, who fled to them and took up their residence 
among the Indians during the Revolution War, and it may be 
deemed unbecoming in a public character at this period of our 
history to drag into light occurrences of that period unfavourable 
to the moral character of one of the parties, but it is due to the 
character of the Indian to state some of these occurrences, as 
they are the clue to unravel the improper ideas formed by the 
Indians of the white character. The agents were instructed to 
turn loose the Indian fury against the frontiers, and some of 
them accompanyed the war parties and urged them to an undis- 
tinguished destruction of all ages and sexes. The American ref- 
ugees, fugitives from justice in the United States, joined in this 
warfare, accompanyed as guides, and when too cowardly to fight, 
formed parties for predatory warfare, took to themselves wives, 
and instructed and encouraged all the connexions of their wives 
in every species of cuning and theft. By the return of peace 
they had become such adepts in the most cuning traits of villiany, 
that the restraints heretofore in use among the chiefs were but 
cobwebs to them. From the declaration of peace to the introduc- 
tion of the plan of civilization in 1796, these white people pretty 
generally continued their predatory warfare; at that period some 
of the worst fled, some died, and some promised to reform; their 
red associates stole horses and they found a market for them, and 
it is a remarkable fact that the plan, since it begins to develop 
itself and to be understood, takes root every where better among 
the Indians who have had no white people connected with them 



430 LETTERS OF 



than where they have; the Indian country man, with but few 
exceptions, is a lazy, idle, craving, thievish animal, so much 
degraded in the estimation of the Indians that they are considered 
a slave of their family and treated accordingly; if a red man has 
a wife, he can put her away or she can put him away, and after 
the annual festival the claims on each other cease; not so the 
white man, he is a tenant at will so far as wives' promises are 
concerned, but permanently bound in his property, and moreover, 
if she commits whoredom it is no offense against a white husband 
and only makes him a subject of redicule, but towards a red husband 
it is a crime (murder excepted) of the deepest die; she forfeits, 
and the adulterer also, their cast. 



That the evidence of any person, red, white or black, shall be 
allowed and admited in all cases, the right of which evidence 
being seriously considered and compared with all other circum- 
stances attending the case, shall be left to the court. 



Taning. 



Put the hides in soak in the water pool, draw them daily 
and brake them first lengthways, then crossways until they become 
quite soft and pliant, then put them into lime; the first operation 
will be from 4 to 6 or 8 days, according to the season and dryness 
of the hides. 

Limery. 

Put the lime in the vat the day before used, churn up and 
put the hides in, draw daily, and add occasionally lime until the 
hair comes freely, then draw them, take hair ofT, and put them 
in the water pool; this operation is from 3 to 10 days, according 
to the season. A bushel of lime is usually enough for 20 hides. 

When returned to the water pool work them daily, first on 
the grain side, then flesh them till the lime is out, which is ascer- 
tained by the feel, they will not be slippery; then into the handler. 

The handler is a vat of ooze to colour the leather; draw them 
daily, handle them, hang them over the vat in smooth order and 
four or two at a time until coloured, then into the tan vat. 

Pack them in tan bark for 40 or 60 days, then take them up 
and pack them away in a sufficiency of bark and let them be. 



BENJAMIN HAWKINS 431 

Small Skins. 

These, when limed, should be put into lime drying, handled 
daily until they appear slimey, then into the water pool free 
from slime and into ooze. 

Note on Liming in the Winter, 1804-5. 

I put hides in ashes on the 30 December and some of them 
remained till 26 January before the hair came ofif, they raised the 
1st, 2nd and 3rd day; in the same vat fresh hides came in 5 and 
six days; hides dried on a pole 10 to 15, and worked hides 15 to 27. 



Colonel Hawkins will much oblige J. Lyon by forwarding, 
along with the plants collected and introduced into his garden at 
the Flint River establishment, a number of the smallest plants of 
lUicium Floridanum (Bergamot Bay) from Tuckabatchee, also 
seeds of the Hydrangea, Quircifolia, Haboia Tiptera, Collonsoniasp 
{French Tea) and any others that he may judge uncommon or 
curious that he can conveniently procure. 

Direct the packages to John Lyon, to the care of Mr. David 
Landreath, corner of Market & 12th Streets, Philadelphia. Per 
favour of Dr. Brickell, Savannah. 



24th June. 

The chiefs assembled at Tuckabatchee sent an invitation to 
Colonel Hawkins, General Meriwether and the Commissioners 
of Georgia to attend their square to-morrow to partake of the 
ceremonies usual on the reception of dignified strangers and to 
dine with them. 

25. 

The gentlemen invited attended and were treated with very 
great attention; the ceremony of the black drink was given with 
the usual solemnity, and Efau Haujo addressed the chiefs on the 
occasion. "This," says he, "is not a new thing, our first acquaint- 
ance commenced with the English at Charleston, Coweta first took 
them by the hand, and this town next, and this ceremony was 
in use then and has been repeated on all like occasions; after the 
English, our next acquaintance was with the French, then the 
Spaniards, and lastly with the United States; so that what you see 



432 LETTERS OF 



is only tlie ceremony used by our grandfathers in old times at 
their lirst acquaintance with and reception of the representatives 
of the white nations. We are a poor people, this we cannot help; 
every thing around us bespeaks our poverty, but such as we have 
we give freely; these visitors are born in this land with us, they 
are our older brothers, come from the head of their nation to aid 
us, a poor people; you must receive and treat them as your clan 
brothers and give them a hearty welcome during their stay 
among us." 

26. 

General Meriwether and Colonel Hawkins arrived in town 
and took up their quarters as assigned them by the chiefs; the 
Colonel directed the chiefs to appoint suitable persons to value 
the cattle and to superintend the issues of provisions to the 
Creeks, all cattle to be paid for by age, at two dollars and half 
per year, six years old to be highest for cattle; above that age the 
cattle are being killed, to be reported to Air. Hill who will pay 
for them. 

Mr. Cornell, the agent and interpreter, informed Colonel 
Hawkins that the speaker felt himself greatly embarrassed by 
the non-arrival of many towns in the opposition, and desired him 
to mention this to the Colonel and to inform him "that he would 
immediately send an express to Hopohielthle Mico, the head of 
the opposition, to know from him what he meant, and that he 
would make one of his principal supporters in mischief the mes- 
senger; that this would of necessity create some delay, but it 
was unavoidable and he intended it for the best, and probably to- 
morrow or next day he would be able to receive the Commis- 
sioners and hear what they had to communicate to the chiefs of 
the nation; that the chiefs of the upper towns, with the exception 
of Ocfuskee, were all arrived, and he should in the mean time 
sift the reports relative to the murders on the Mississippi; he had 
examined one of the Indians and was not satisfied, and he had 
ordered the other to attend; when they come he would endeavour 
to get the truth and then consult the agent upon what was best 
to be done." 

Colonel Hawkins told Mr. Cornell to keep constantly in the 
council, attend all the debates, and take part in such parts only 
as was connected with the objects of the government and leave 
every thing else to the council of the speaker to be managed 
in such way as they might deem proper. 



i 



BENJAMIN HAWKINS 433 

28. 

]\Ir. Cornell stated that the chiefs were greatly perplexed about 
their afifairs and were apprehensive some thing was coming upon 
them which would alarm their nation, and they requested to have 
a conference with Colonel Hawkins and General Meriwether 
before they addressed them on the subject of their mission; "the 
speaker said he would call on the Colonel and appoint the time." 
j\Ir. Cornell added, the chiefs were very generally vexed with the 
opposition and seemed desirous, if they knew how, to take some 
decisive measure with them; that on this subject they expected 
from him what he gave them, his opinion at great length; 
he told them, "on a former occasion when the Commis- 
sioners of Spain and the United States were insulted, he 
was called on by Colonel Hawkins to turn out the warriors and 
punish the leader; this he did at the apparent risk of his and the 
Colonel's life, but the effect was such as all like conduct will 
produce, and was predicted by the Colonel, the opposition being 
their heads." 

29. 

The speaker requested the agent to attend the national council 
to assist them by translating a talk from the western nations 
addressed to the four nations; the purport was "that they had 
resolved on a war with the Ozauzee, that their friends and fathers, 
the white people, had recommended to all red nations to be at 
peace with one another and with the white people; that all red 
people had come into this talk except the Ozauzee, these wared 
with all people, red and white, and they had united themselves 
against this nation. Our kings and warriors have spoken; our 
kings say: "Keep your legs ready, be at your homes;" the 
Ozauzee say: "We are their wives, and in four moons we will go and 
see our husbands; be ready to rise up and meet us at New 
Madrid." 

This talk was accompanyed with four strans of red beeds, in 
the center of one stran were 14 white beeds, the number of 
nations who had taken the talk, but no names mentioned, and on 
the paper the name only of the others; the verbal talk accompany- 
ing the talk was that the Cherokees, Chickasaws, Choctaws, 
Delawares, Shawnees and other nations had taken this talk, and 
that the Creeks would hear from the Cherokees the day and place 
for the rendesvous. 

In the Evening. 

General Meriwether and Colonel Hawkins had a conference 
with a secret council of the chiefs at the request of the speaker; 



434 LETTERS OF 



he began by stating that he felt himself under obligations to 
General Meriwether and his father the President, for his visit 
to the nation; they were a poor people and he would see them 
as such, he might expect that they were better off than he found, 
but much of their present embarrassments were to be attributed 
to their folly, not of their young people, but of some of their old 
chiefs who might know better; he had been at New York and 
seen and taken Washington by the hand, and he remembered the 
beloved talks he received from him and was glad to hear what he 
believed to be true, that the same friendly disposition still existed 
towards the red people on the part of the present President and 
the great council of the American nation. He knew and regreted 
that his people were jealous and foolish, and of course he must 
observe caution; he was desirous to hear what the gentlemen 
had to say in a friendly way, but it was necessary, for him to 
prevent this jealousy, to confine, for the present, this conference 
to points connected only with the mission, and he wished in the 
first place to have what the gentlemen had relative to the murders 
commited by the red people or white people on the Mississippi. 

The gentlemen replyed they would now or at any other time 
disclose to him the objects of their mission, they had reduced the 
w^hole to a small compass; it was to be regreted that a jealousy 
did exist among the chiefs, but while we regreted it, we might 
rejoice at there being no grounds for this jealousy; we had come, 
not to find fault, but to give them a correct view of the con- 
nexion between the red and white people, to point out what 
appeared to us indispensable to their future weldoing, and what 
appeared, in the opinion of the President, to be necessary on 
their part for the present, what he declared to be his opinion of 
the conduct of the American Government was true, and there was 
no question but the President was their friend and anxious for 
their weldoing; he was born among them and friendly to the 
rights of man from his infancy; that the gentleman here. General 
Meriwether, who was a member of the great council of the American 
nation, could well assure them of this, and the impression of such 
a man was an evidence of the anxiety of the President for our 
weldoing. They communicated the letter of 22 February from 
Governor Harrison, giving an account of the murder of five 
Creeks; the speaker said it appeared to be true in all its circum- 
stances, and he would state what he had collected, but he was not 
satisfied with the report he had received and he had sent for the 
reporters to be examined in the square of the nation; he would 
get the truth if he could and then see what was to be done. Two 
of the Indians had returned and tlieir story is this: "They went 
to war with the Quoppaumookee (Delaware) against the Ozauzee, 
and when they were on the enemy's ground, they discovered some 



BENJAMIN HAWKINS 435 

men which were traced to a camp, this they surrounded in the 
evening and fired on in the morning and killed three of the party 
which they found to be a Frenchman and two of his sons by a 
Quoppaumookee; his wife was of the party and fled with a small 
child which she left in the woods where it perished. This man 
lived at Quoppaumookee, was a trader, and had been with the 
Ozauzee trading, and on the return in the beaver hunt, catching 
beavers, they found they had commited a mistake, that they had 
killed their friends; upon this they returned to Quoppaumookee 
and to the house of the murdered man, where they saw his wife 
and where the whole circumstances were related; the Quoppau- 
mookee said it was a mistake, the Creeks were their friends going 
to war, and had commited a mistake in killing some of their 
friends. The brother of the Frenchman demanded satisfaction, 
but the Quoppaumookee said the white man and his sons were 
under white laws and those laws must give it; the man himself 
was white and his sons wore the garb of white people and not 
of Indians, and they in consequence looked on them as white also; 
that the brother was not satisfied, and some time after, at Pancore, 
they went to a man who is interpreter for many nations, this man 
told them to go off; the murdered man's brother was there and 
was determined to kill all the Creeks he could meet with; that he 
said he had applied to the Spanish governor for satisfaction, who 
said it was a mistake, but he persisted that he would kill all he 
saw; they, two of the Creeks, in consequence attempted to leave 
the town, but this man fired on them and killed one, his companion; 
he applied for satisfaction and for information why such a thing 
should be done; he came down some distance where a party of 
his comrades were fired on and five of them killed, this irritated 
him and determined him to take revenge; he got together the few 
that remained and saw a boat with three men he determined to 
kill them; some of the party said no, they were not the guilty 
people, and the rule now was "to put the guilty alone to death;" 
however he went and fired on the boat, killed the two men at the 
oars, the gun pointed at the man at the helm snaped, and he 
called out he was a friend to red people, they knew him, he had 
been useful to them, was a Frenchman, and had assisted them in 
their trade and could interpret their language; they told him their 
story, that he and his property was safe, and as they had lost their 
guns and silverware when their five men were killed, they wouTd 
take the property of the two dead men; this he pointed out, and 
they carried him home and came to their country." 

30th. 

Mr. Cornell called on the Commissioners to state to them 
that the chiefs manifested a considerable degree of uneasiness at 



436 LETTERS OF 



the situation of their affairs and did not know well how to conduct 
themselves in the present state of their affairs, that they were 
sensibly impressed with the obligations they were under to the 
President and people associated with him for their friendly atten- 
tion to the red people and would receive the Commissioners to day 
and hear what was intended to be communicated to them. 

General Meriwether and Colonel Hawkins communicated to 
Mr. Cornell the whole object of their mission and requested him 
to conduct himself in every thing in conformity with the spirit of 
it; they then attended the square and delivered this address: 

Hopoie ]\lico and you chiefs of the Creeks assembled in the 
national council: 

Since our last meeting some difficulties have occured among 
us which seemed to threaten to disturb the peace of the agency; 
the division among the chiefs is the cause of this and we must 
unite ourselves to put an end to such divisions and dissentions 
for the future. Here the nation are assembled and you Hopoie 
Mico are the great chief, and must be obeyed as such. Every man, 
red, white or black, must look here and to you and pay attention 
to the orders of this assembly delivered by you as the law of the 
land; if the thieves, lyars and mischief makers will not listen to 
us and obey you, we must use force and compel them to do it; 
no man or town must take the law from us and if they attempt to 
disturb our peace or to deprive this assembly of the right to 
govern the land, they must be punished with death. In the course 
of the spring a case of this sort occurred; although I received 
repeated promises on the part of the red people to complete the 
line from Altamaha to St. Mary's, and the last from the opposition 
themselves, who gave me the broken days in your presence, yet 
they not only refused to attend the time appointed by themselves, 
but threatened to rob or otherwise to injure the people on this 
service. Mr. Freeman, the surveyor, sent one of your chiefs 
(Olohuth Hathee) to me to know what was to be done; I was 
too far from Hopoie Mico to consult you, and I sent Mico Thlucco 
to Tuskenehau Chapco with directions for him to go to Hopoie 
Haujo to take measures to fulfill the promises of the nation, and 
for fear that they could not take measures in time, I called on the 
chiefs of Cusseta and Coweta to aid us and they sent Tuskenehau 
Thlucco and Tuskegee Tustunnagau with twelve men to go on 
with the line. Mico Thlucco gave them their orders and they 
told me to tell you they would obey your orders at the risque of 
their lives. 

Among other things to prevent the finishing of the line they 
threatened the public establishment at Flint River, to break it 



BENJAMIN HAWKINS 437 

up and to spill blood; they threatened Tuskenehau Chapco with 
the war stick. I paid no regard to their threats, being determined 
if they made the attempt to call on you, Hopoie Mico, to come 
with the warriors of the upper towns. 

In the Evening. 

Efau Haujo called on General Meriwether and Colonel Haw- 
kins to invite them to a conference with the chiefs; the old man 
told them the subject under consideration was tangled and per- 
plexing, but for himself he was not inclined towards it. 

In the conference the speaker stated that they had seriously 
deliberated on the communication made to them in the name of 
the President and felt all its importance, the communication was 
of that sort as to carry conviction in their minds and they wished 
to consult the Colonel and General on some points; these were 
two, the "Road and Ocmulgee," here from the division among 
them, they deemed it proper to appoint some of the most dis- 
tinguished men among them to go to the towns in opposition and 
communicate freely to them what they had received from the 
Commissioners, and they were certain it would open their ears; 
and to this end they contemplated having a meeting at Oose- 
uchee as soon as possible and it could be convenient for the Gen- 
eral to attend previous to his departure for Congress; they thought 
at that meeting one or both of the points would be granted by 
the nation, and they wished to consult the gentleman on this mode 
of procedure; here they thought it impracticable to do any thing 
with effect, but it was their opinion one or the other, or perhaps 
both, would be done so as to meet the wishes of the President. 
Of this mode of procedure they requested freely the opinion of 
the General and Colonel, the first as a friend coming from the 
council of the American people, and the other as their agent and 
as an old chief of the land. 

After some conversation among the chiefs and between the 
gentlemen, General Meriwether addressed the chiefs: "I feel for 
your situation, and my friendship for you and anxiety to con- 
tribute towards your prosperity induces me to make a sacrifice 
of every personal consideration in the present instance, and if 
you deem it indispensably necessary, of which you are the best 
judge, I will make my arrangements so as to meet you any where 
from the 20 to the last of August; I feel a sincere friendship 
for your rights and am very desirous that you would make such 
a use of the present offer of service on our part as will enable 
me to report you to the President as favourably as I wish, and 
may we, consistent with truth; I possess the disposition and will 
certainly do all I can for you, from this you will readily see my 



438 LETTERS OF 



willingness to conform myself to whatever your judgment may 
deem for the best." 

Colonel Hawkins said he would make some observations on 
past transactions as their friend and speak freely in mind on 
some points. He did not expect any good from a mutiny at 
Ooseuchee and in his opinion it would be giving a negative to both 
the propositions and it would be better to say no at once here, 
than to ask the General to come there and to receive that answer; 
they well knew the insult oflFered to us last year in the square 
of Ooseuchee, it was to the speaker of the nation, to the head 
warrior, to Efau Haujo and all of us, the President did not escape, 
he was charged with cunning, with duplicity, and what were we 
to expect in such a square, where we were told they would adhere 
to old times, they prefered the old bow and arrow to the gun; 
I have no opinion that it would be right for us to commit our- 
selves again among such a people; here are the chiefs assembled, 
and in some of the old and usual squares it would be proper to 
meet; if a delay was necessary, we could send 5 or more good 
men to the towns in opposition to bring them to us, but it was 
not our business to be runing after thieves and mischiefmakers 
and to be influenced in our conduct by that of a people who act 
like spoilt children. If these people will not attend on the orders 
of their chiefs, we must make them, our warriors must make them, 
and if it is necessary, your father, the President, will aid you in 
men and money; he has both men and money at your service, and 
the first point of our address was the necessity of geting into 
one talk and supporting you, Hopoie Mico, as the head and this 
assembly as the great body of the nation; you, surrounded with 
these chiefs, are the nation, and here is the place to act as such. 
We shall not do our duty to place ourselves in a situation where 
your authority will be treated with contempt, I never can consent 
to this; there are some good men in Ooseuchee and some of them 
are here, but the town behaved ill; we have six towns from that 
river, Coweta, Tallauhassee, Cusseta, Uchee, Ooseuchee and 
Oconee, five of them may be relied on, and they must unite with 
us and let us do what our judgment dictates. From the manner 
in which you have invited the General he may think, & of right, 
that when he comes it is to receive a favourable answer to the 
two propositions, and I am certain it is giving this trouble for 
nothing, if you conduct him to that square. You have rightly 
estimated the friendly expressions in our address, and I must 
request you to reflect on what I have said and what you have 
learned from the General, and in the morning you will be able 
perhaps to form a different and more correct decision. I repeat, 
if you must first confer with the opposition, do it by a deputa- 



BENJAMIN HAWKINS 439 

tion of 5 or 6, and order them here, and here conclude on the 
business I have laid before you. 

1 July. 

Hopoie Mico informed General Meriwether & Colonel Haw- 
kins that he had appointed the men to set out and confer with 
the chiefs of the lower towns, and that he, after consulting his 
chief, had determined to have a meeting at Coweta which he would 
attend himself, with some chiefs of the upper towns, that he had 
allowed in all about eighteen days for this business, and he wished 
it to be a meeting among themselves, not attended by white 
people at all, and he would see what could be done, he would 
try these people once more before he would throw them of?. 

In the Evening. 

Hopoie Mico requested Colonel Hawkins "to inform the 
Commissioners of Georgia he would to-morrow hear what they 
had to say," and he communicated it accordingly. 

2 July. 

The gentlemen. Commissioners from Georgia, attended, and 
General Clark, first named in the Commission, addressed the 
chiefs; he first communicated the resolution of the Legislature 
of Georgia and their appointment in conformity therewith, and 
m.ade the demand in conformity with the resolution and quoted 
extracts from the treaties, 1st of Augusta, 2nd, Galphinton, and 
3rd, Shoulderbone, and urged a fulfillment of them, and demanded 
that all negros, prisoners, horses, cattle and other property taken 
from the citizens of Georgia should be restored. His speach was 
signed and left with the chiefs together with a digest of the laws 
of Georgia containing the treaties refered to. They had some 
halfbreeds with them who could read and they spent the day in 
deliberation thereon. 

The Commissioners of Georgia having determined to intro- 
duce the treaties of Augusta, Galphinton and Shoulderbone, 
the agent, having given decidedly his opinion that they were not 
made by competent authority and of course of no validity, deter- 
mined not to interfere so far as they were insisted on, and to 
leave this to the Commissioners to negotiate in their own way, 
and in like moment on these points, not to interfere unless asked 
thereto by the Indians. 



440 LETTERS OF 



9 O'clock in the Evening. 

Hopoie Mico sent Mr. Cornell to General Meriwether and 
•"olonel Hawkins to communicate the result of their deliberations 
on the communication made to them this day, to ask their opinion 
of a part of it, and to inform them of some discoveries made by 
the chiefs which was one great cause of present embarrassments. 

On the first he stated "that the speaker himself was at New 
York when the treaty was made there and he recollects well what 
passed between the President, General Washington, and his old 
chiefs; he was not then a man himself, but he was there and re- 
members it, and the old chiefs who were there also remember 
it, such of them as are alive. "General Washington told us that 
we had joined the British in their war against him, that he did 
not blame us for it, it was not our own hearts that were prevailed 
upon by the British and we joined them, but now it is peace 
between us and the British; at that time if you have taken any 
property from the whites we have no demand for these things, it 
was in time of war. but after the English & we laid down our 
arms and made peace, if you have taken any negros and property 
we look to you to return it; the white prisoners in your land 
must all come back, if any of them want to remain among you, 
let them come and see their friends and then they may return 
and live with you if they choose." We are willing to conform 
to this treaty as we believe it binding on us, we are willing to 
abide by the talks of Washington, and this is the opinion of all 
of us; we want however the advice on this point of General Meri- 
wether and Colonel Hawkins, and we wish them to tell us whether 
what we have agreed upon in answer to our brothers of Georgia is 
right; we know nothing about the other talks mentioned by the 
gentlemen of Georgia, those who they say made them are people 
who never attend here, who never explained them in our public 
meetings, and who had no right to make talks for the nation." This 
is all I was ordered to communicate to you on this point and to 
wait your answer. 

Reply. 

You may tell the speaker and chiefs assembled that the 
treaties of New York and Colerain are binding on them, and 
that by these treaties they are bound to deliver up the negros 
and property where as expressed in those treaties, that we know 
nothing of the treaties mentioned by the gentlemen of Georgia. 

Mr. Cornell continued: The discoveries made by the Indians, 
and which is a great cause of their present embarrassment, is 
this: When General Wilkinson was coming up here after the 
meeting at Ooseuchee had broke up, he met some of our people 



BENJAMIN HAWKINS 441 

going to Pensacola, he inquired and they told him the talks were 
done; upon this he requested them to take a letter from him to 
a gentleman in Pensacola, which he rote and they took with them; 
on their way, being anxious to know the contents and having a 
white person with them who could read, they got him to open 
the letter with his penknife and read it to them; the purport of it 
was to explain the course of procedure in acquiring lands from 
the Indians; that Forbes must press them for lands at the mouth 
of Apalatchecola and up that river to the fork of Flint River, 
there must be a bay or place for shiping, which he would fortify 
and garrison with troops, and the stores must be near the fork 
of that river, and from thence roads to St. Mary's and St. Augus- 
tine's; that the first pressure was to be made for land to Ocmulgee 
and the next to Flint River, and then the white people would 
own all on the east side of that river. This was the purport of 
the discovery which, combined with other things, disturbed the 
Indians greatly; there was somebody trying to get lands that 
way, some of Mr. Forbe's clerks, and it appeared as if what they 
had heard was soon to come to pass. The Indians were greatly 
disturbed at this business, they saw what the white people were 
driving at; that in that quarter he for some time had discovered 
a disposition to oppose every thing that was for the good of the 
nation, these Indians, who were a wild people, seemed determined 
to bring trouble upon themselves and us, that he should try once 
more to bring them to reason, and if they persisted in their bad 
doings, he had one resource and would have recourse to it; the 
four nations had resolved on peace, and if the Simanolees wanted 
war he would give it to them, the other three nations had 
promised to help and he would give it to them; if land was to be 
parted with it must be by the will of the nation and not by a few 
wild people. 



15 July. 
Hopoie Mico to Colonel Hawkins: 

"I have some chiefs with me on the way to Coweta, and I 
wish you to repeat to me what you and General Meriwether said 
to us in the national council, and that you'd add whatever you 
may deem suitable; the chiefs with me are well disposed and 
desirous of being armed by you with the strongest reasons in 
your power in aid of your propositions. I make this request to 
you in the presence of all the old chiefs with you here, and I 
hope you and they will be a council for me on the occasion and 
advise me for the best." 



442 LETTERS OF 



In reply, I recapitulated the whole address and added such 
observations on every part as occured; 1 stated that I believed he 
would find an opposition to every thing, that the chiefs who were 
negotiating with land jobbers for the land below the fork of 
Flint River were determined on their object and would not, if 
they could help it, admit him to interpose one word in opposition 
or even in co-operation, that as they had heretofore acted in 
opposition to the will of the nation and violated every promise 
they had made us it was in vain to expect them to aid us in any o£ 
our plans for bettering ourselves; we had already tasted the sweets 
of civilization, we began to know the value of property and the 
necessity of defending it, we were in a fair way of having plenty 
in our land and enjoying it in peace, we could spin and weave, we 
could plough, and had recently begun to settle out from our old 
towns for the benefit of stock, of new and rich lands, convenient 
to firewood and to fence rails; we had now four smiths at work, 
and four tons of iron, and this fall we were to sow wheat, I had 
for them of my own stock, raised on their lands, 150 bushels of 
seed wheat which I should present to those who would sow it, 
and I should add from my own resources six ploughs completed,, 
filed with persons who could use them for the seed time this fall,, 
and I should superintend the whole myself. 

We all know one fact, that from our continuing to cultivate 
the old towns from year to year where the land was tired, we 
had scanty crops, and that for three months, that is from the 
middle of April to the middle of July, some of our women and. 
children were actually starved and many so reduced by hunger 
as to be unfit for any business and a pray to disease; we all know 
this, and I know, Hopoie Mico, who is to blame; it is you, it is I, 
it is these old chiefs, we should blame ourselves, and not the poor 
and ignorant women, we have been in the United States and we 
know how to remedy this and we ought freely to unite our coun- 
cils, we can all set examples and we can compel some to follow 
and some we know are well disposed and will gladly follow when 
once an example is made by such people as we are, and this is 
one of the first duties of all people who are placed at the head 
of a government. How often have we in this town (Tuckabat- 
chee) wared against our services when I recommended to our 
people to go out and settle on new lands; an order was passed 
to bring them or lock them in, the latter was obeyed and hunger 
punished us severely. When I was vested with the authority of 
a chief, I spoke as a chief, and Ooseuchee Emautlau obeyed me, 
he moved seventy miles on Pertawau Hatchee, and has increased 
his settlement to 70 souls and has informed us that while we are 
starving he is surrounded with plenty of bread and meat. One 
observation which I made the other day upon being told that two- 



BENJAMIN HAWKINS 443 

little girls had perished with hunger near us, has haunted my 
mind; these little girls are murdered, who murdered them? It is 
you Colonel Hawkins and the old chiefs of the land, you know 
and they know how to prevent this; if a bear was about to murder 
them, if an Indian or white person was about to murder them, 
how willingly would you take your arms and at the expence of 
your own lives save their's, and yet you know this enemy called 
hunger, and you will not unite in destroying him to save many 
of our little ones from being murdered. 

It is time for us to look about ourselves and to act according 
to our judgement for the good of our country; let us accommodate 
the President in whatever he asks of us and thereby enable him 
to accommodate us and to perfect our plan of civilization which 
will be our salvation; great changes are daily taking place around 
us for the happiness of men and we alone seem, of choice, still 
to grope in the dark, we must either associate with our neigh- 
bours in our intercourse with them as a people who know and 
can respect their rights or forfeit all claim to their justice, in 
short, we must associate with them or the wild beasts of the forest, 
and in the latter case we must fly our country and go to the 
wilds in the west; we must swap some of our lands here for lands 
there; you will be opposed, and seriously opposed, by many of 
the chiefs who you seem to confide in, but you must take courage, 
try once more to bring them to act with us, point out every thing 
to them in your own way when you are in secret council with 
them, and keep constantly in view before them that Ocmulgee 
must be our boundary, that the value for it is indispensable to our 
weldoing; that in accomodating the President in this, we shall 
have a strong claim to his future attention to us, that we cannot 
yet protect ourselves and must depend on the frienship of the 
President and justice of the American people; we must have their 
troops or aid otherwise, to protect our rights as well from our 
own unruly people as from lawless neighbours, when such should 
obtrude themselves on us, a line of marked trees cannot be a line 
of peace; where the land is good and admits of thick settlements, 
stock will come over, our young people will destroy it, their 
owners will destroy them, and thus this source of confusion will 
overwhelm us with distress. If, in your management of this affair, 
you should find it necessary to sacrifice one of the two great 
objects, let it be the road, we may do a little longer without that, 
but hold to Ocmulgee at all events, the other must follow in a 
little while, and the first recourse is in our claim to the friend- 
ship of the President. 

I must repeat again you will be opposed, strongly opposed, 
you will be threatened; I know one of their weapons they intend 
to pull on me, they intend to break up my establishment at Flint 



444 LETTERS OF 



River, out of resentment for the loss of their favourite leader 
(Bowles); be it so, we can remedy that, we can take time and 
let it affect me as it may personally, I sacrifice all to the acquisi- 
tion of Ocmulgee. I know they well know how high I stand in 
the estimation of the chiefs of the nation, and they think by 
threatening me to intimidate us; our course is plain, if we find 
these people will not unite with us and obey their old chiefs and 
you as their head, let us act without them, let us exercise our 
judgments and leave them to mouthe for a while and follow the 
course we shall shape for them. I have heard they say "they 
have done rong in robing and plundering of their neighbours 
and mean now to do an act of justice by giving land for their 
debts and robberys." To pay a just debt is right, to repay an 
injury is an act of justice, laudable in all who do so, but to pay 
land for this without the voice of the nation, who owns it, is doing 
injustice to the nation, is in fact, to commit a robery to patch 
up a robery. The nations alone have the right to dispose of 
their lands, and they have the right of appointing proper persons 
to liquidate the claims against themselves and to pay them, in fact 
they have told Mr. Forbes they mean to pay the just debts of 
their traders. If they forget us let us not forget ourselves, let 
•us cleave to the friendship of the President, accommodate him 
in all he wants for the value which he will give, and ask of him 
all aid we require in our present difficult and embarrassing 
situation. Let us go on to get our affairs right and these wild 
sons of ours must 'ere long become tame and follow in our steps; 
if they are determined to ruin themselves and to involve us, let 
us take care of ourselves and punish in good time some of their 
leaders, and for this purpose turn out our warriors and use force; 
this experiment of using force has turned out well hitherto. 

The old chiefs assembled assented to every thing and each 
give us his opinion "that we should try them once more before we 
left them to themselves, and accommodate the President if 
"we can." 

One difficulty presented itself to all who spoke relative to the 
road, "when waggons and property pass, our people may steal 
and we be involved in difficulties, yet as it is right our white 
friends should pass thro' our country, if they will use such paths 
as we have they are welcome, the risque to be to themselves; we 
promise on our part to do what we can to protect them and their 
property." 

Hopoie Mico to Colonel Hawkins: 

I have one report you will hear with pleasure: Four men of 
Wewocau went on a thieving party to the Cherokees, stole some 



BENJAMIN HAWKINS 445 

horses and killed some cattle; just as they returned, one of the 
warriors sent up to punish a fellow for theft having heard of it 
just after he had collected his warriors, went immediately and 
executed the law on them; they croped both ears from the leader 
and whiped him, and cut off one ear from each associate and 
whiped them; the sticks and ears have just arrived and I shall 
take them to the lower towns. 

Reply. 

This was well timed and well done, it is to be regreted that 
we are under the disagreeable necessity of having recourse to 
such remedies to cure our people of the itch for horse 
stealing, but to be secure ourselves in our lands and other 
property, it is rendered now indispensable, and in my opinion, 
we must soon go further and make provision for hardened 
offenders, all leaders of thieving parties for a second offense must 
suffer death. 

Being on this subject, I will make one observation on our 
fears relative to a road through our country: The same precau- 
tions we take to keep our people honest towards the Cherokees, 
Chickasaws, Choctaws, the people of the United States and our 
neighbours of Spain, seing what a wide range our traders and 
hunters take, will serve to protect the traveller in our land. 

Another: Our people know and practice the rights of hospi- 
tality better than the Creeks, and I think we can exhibit this 
amiable trait towards the traveller. 

I am certain if our old chiefs at the head of our annual 
festivals, and those appointed to initiate youth into manhood, 
would make it a cardinal point to instruct them to protect the 
traveller and strangers in our land, that when the impression is 
once made on infant minds, the pleasure resulting from such 
estimable conduct would free us from any apprehensions on this 
head. 

28th. 

Hopoie Mico sent to the agent that we were under the neces- 
sity to add 4 days to the time appointed to get a distinguished 
chief from the Cherokees (Cusseta Mico) to aid him. 

30 July. 

Okelesau informed Colonel Hawkins that the meeting at 
Coweta was such an one as the chiefs never had before; the oppo- 
sition held a council among themselves and had an answer written 
to Colonel Hawkins; it was such an one as made the speaker 



446 LETTERS OF 



ashamed, in it was a determination to move the agent over to 
Georgia or to the upper towns, they did not want him or any 
v.-hite people among them. The speaker told them that this was 
a meeting among the Indians themselves and he had not heard 
of any speach from Colonel Hawkins to them, of course the 
answer or talk to him would not be understood by him; he had 
called the meeting himself to consult the Indians about the sale 
of some lands to pay their debts, the white people did not want 
land, they wanted money, we owed them money and they must 
and should be paid; the President did not want land, he had, from 
the recent purchase cwf Louisiana, more land than he had people 
to settle, but was nevertheless willing to buy some from us to 
accommodate us in the payment of our debts and providing for 
us such things as we wanted; for his part he was determined to 
sell as much as would do for this purpose, and he came here to 
meet the chiefs to consult them upon the business. He wanted no 
written talk for Colonel Hawkins, he should give him his talk 
when he saw him in his own way with his interpreter; "that 
Ocmulgee should be the line or he would loose his life." To 
vvhich Tuckeuchau Chapco replied: "It should not, if it was, he 
would loose his life." Hopoie Mico said he did not understand 
his own colour and he did not know how Colonel Hawkins 
should. It was agreed at Ocheubofau, in presence of the four 
nations, that land should never be sold but in a meeting of all 
the chiefs of the nation, and he has heard that the Simanolees 
are selling land to Forbes's clerks to pay debts and damages done 
to the store at St. Mark's; he did not understand this, it was rong, 
and would be resisted by the chiefs. 

Hopoie Mico replied that all concerned in this must meet at 
Tuckabatchee in ten days to give an answer there to an address 
^iven there by the representatives of the President to the chiefs 
of the nation, and there also to account for this land selling 
without the voice of the nation. Hopoie Haujo replied he 
would not attend there, he would go immediately down "to meet 
the ship and establish the store and the lands he had sold to pay 
debts and which he would suffer no one to undoe." 

The speaker then added: I came here to meet Indians, to 
talk with them, and now I shall go to talk with the representa- 
tives of the President in ten days, I will see them, talk with them, 
and do what I think is for the best; if you come it is well, if you 
do not, I know what to do. 



CAPT. STEPHEN CLARK, 
Plainfield, 

State, Connecticut. 



BENJAMIN HAWKINS 447 



Orders on *- 



Eufaula, for beef, order to T. Tustunnagau, $200. 

Ingers Brothers, for transport of bellows, $10. 

John Oriley, his account, $224. 

Efau Haujo, $25. 

Intatchhoe Sullivan, $300. 

Cusseta Mico of the Cherokees, $100. 

Mr. Grierson, for four loads iron, $600. 

Tustunnagau Thlucco, Xties, 100, $450; steel, $50. 



1. Sehochaja, one bag. 

2. Sauhoithle, one bag. 



Price, large at 4 cts. ; that of 120 and under, 3 cts.; live, at 
less. 

1804. Provisions for 1805. 

Nov. 

16. Bacon, 225 lbs., new made, at 5 cents, $11.25. 

17. Pork, alive, 140 lbs., at 3 cents, $4.20. 

19. Pork, 119 lbs., at 4 cents, $4.76. 

20. Pork, 69 lbs., at 3 cents, $2.07. 
22. Pork, 273 lbs., at 3 cents, $8.79. 
22, Pork, 95 lbs., $3.00. 

22. Pork, 162 lbs., at 4 cents, $6.48. 

22. Live Pork, 680 lbs., at 3 cents, $20.40. 
Dec. 

27. Pork, 350 lbs., $7.50. 



Creek Agency, 16th January, 1805. 

Tom, w^ho called himself Johnson in the Cherokees, 36 years 
old, wt. abt. 140, very black, brought from Africa when young and 
speaks tollerable plain, small holes in his ears, the property of 
William Banks, of Patrick County, Virginia, when he run off in 
June, 1802. He is now the property of Elijah Banks, of Patrick 
County. While in the Cherokees he was with James Vann, and 
left him in November last. He run off in company with Israel, 
a light complected fellow about 35 years old, the property of George 
Anston, of Henry County Virginia, the post town Henry Court- 
house. Colonel George Anston had run from about 13 years 
past, a negro carpenter about 53 years old at this date, play on 
the violin and fond of drink; named Vole, alias William Johnson. 



'Word in manuscript illegible. 



448 LETTERS OF 



R. THOMAS, 

His Book, 
Begun November 21st, 1796. 



William Addis, London, No. 2496, capped & jewelled. 

Dr. Brodum's botanical syrup & nervous cordial, at £1.2. 

From M. E.: 3 yds. Stroud's for John Randall. 

Barrow's mare, mounting check 2 S. 

Do. cushion, A. F. 

Strawberry roan, bald face, 4 white legs. 

From Pensacola: Thompson's note, frying pan, pump, tacks, 
1,000; ketchup, shirts, salt. 

July 28, 1796: 3 shawls, $3.75; 2 romals, $1.00; 3 yds. calico, 
$1.75; 3 yds. calico, $1.25; 2 oz. thread, 25c; 3 yds. calico, $1.50; 3 
romals, $1.50. 

July 29th, provisions to three Spanish deserters, $10; John 
Galphin, 2 rings, $4. 

August 13th, paid the Rat, for going express to the Tuckabat- 
chee, $20. 

August 14th, provisions supplied three American seamen, $10; 
M. Elhert, 2 pair ear bobs, $4. 

September 1st, provisions to Spanish deserters, $10. 

September 9th, provisions to 4 Spanish deserters, $18. 

9th June, John Thompson, 1 ring, 1 pr. ear bobs. 



Cusseta, 21st November, 1795. 
Dear Sir: 

I arrived at this place on the 19th instant, from Knoxville; I 
am happy to have it in my power to inform you that the Creeks 
who visited Governor Blount have returned satisfied, and speak 



Note: Richard Thomas was the clerk of Colonel Benjamin 
Hawkins, stationed at Cusseta, an Indian town on the eastern bank 
of the Chattahoochee River, a few miles below the present city of 
Columbus. 

Colonel Hawkins, during most of the time included in these 
letters, was at Fort Wilkinson, on the Oconee River, a few miles 
below Milledgeville. 



BENJAMIN HAWKINS 449 

in high esteem of the kind treatment they received. I now inclose 
you the Choctaw and Chickasaw talks, with the Baron De Caron- 
delet's letter to the Mad Dog, and a letter from Governor Blount 
to Alex Cornell. I have been constantly on the move ever since 
my return from Beard's Blufif, being obliged to attend the calls of 
the chiefs in the upper towns as well as here. Mr. Barnard left 
this place to-day for Flint River, having interpreted your talks and 
Wayne's treaty with the agreeable news I brought from Knoxville 
to the chiefs of the Lower Creeks here assembled. They have all 
promised to lay still and receive satisfaction from the laws of the 
United States, but you are no stranger to the dependence that can 
be placed in Indian promises. To-morrow morning 1 return to 
the Tuckabatchee to attend a meeting of the Cherokees & chiefs 
of the upper towns for the purpose of informing them of what 
has been done at Tellico Blockhouse, and to endeavour to restore 
peace between the Chickasaws and this nation, & explain your talk. 
A Captain Chisholm is to be at the meeting, with whom Governor 
Blount has promised to send a copy of the journal of the con- 
ference at Tellico Blockhouse when it arrives, if the paper can be 
procured I will send you a copy of it. Every part of this nation 
appears disposed to preserve the peace so happily concluded, 
and the frontiers have nothing to fear from the Creeks, & if the 
Euchees do but lay quiet until the fate of Harrison and his party 
is decided, I am in great hopes that the peace will long continue. 

After the meeting is over I shall return to this place, but if I 
am wanted in the Upper Creeks, I shall go up, so that your busi- 
ness has not suffered by neglect, altho' I have both the Upper and 
Lower Creeks to attend to. 

I wish you would send me by the bearer, Jno. Tarvin, 
one piece of Stroud's. 4 large London duffels, 6 3-point blankets, 40 
lbs. sugar, 20 lbs. coffee, 1 lb. of good tea, 4 groce binding, 3 yards 
oznabrigs for bags, & if Mr. Tarvin can bring it, one three gallon keg 
of good Jamaica rum. You will also pay Mr. Tarvin twelve dollars 
for the hire of his horse to bring up my things. I shall write you 
again in a few days from the Tuckabatchee, till when I remain, 
with great respect. 

Your most obedient and honourable servant. 



R. T. 



J. SEAGROVE, ESQ. 



Dear Sir: 



Cusseta, Sth December, 1795. 



Contrary to my expectations, John Tarvin is not yet ready 
to proceed to St. Mary's, but I suppose will cross this river some 



450 LETTERS OF 



time to-morrow, and I have embraced this interval to acquaint 
you of what has passed since my letter to you of the 21st of 
November. 

On my return to the Tuckabatchee, I found the chiefs of the 
Upper Creeks assembled, but as the Cherokees had not arrived, 
I thought proper to wait two days before I read your letter. At 
the meeting the chiefs, one and all, agreed to make a peace with 
the Chickasaws & receive satisfaction from the laws of the United 
States for the death of the men killed by H. & his party; viz., one 
Creek, 4 L. Creeks & 12 Euchees, but I am obliged to add that 
since my arrival here, runners have come in with an account of 
the murder of two Cussetas & one Coweta by the people high up 
the Oconee. 

The nation has determined to wait 3 moons for satisfaction, 
which, if not given by that time, they are determined to take. 

I could not write you as fully as I wished from the Tuckabat- 
chee without creating a jealousy in the breast of your deputy; from 
the appearance of afifairs, I believe you will hear from me but 
seldom, for if I should have any important intelligence to com- 
municate, you have put it out of my power to send you a letter 
by not giving me power to send an express when I should think 
it absolutely necessary. The Mad Dog strongly insists on my 
residing at the Tuckabatchee, or else that you must send him a 
man capable of reading your letters & writing their talks. I told 
him I would inform you of it, but that they should recollect the 
reasons why I left the Tuckabatchee, but on the return of Fisher 
I would be up there to read your letters to them & they should 
hear what you said on the subject. 

I expect before this reaches you that Mr. Clark has informed 
you of his narrow escape; he has a negro boy named Dick, the 
son of Scipio, one of the negros he got from Grierson; I wish to 
purchase the boy & will thank you to write him on the subject 
& let me know his price. 

Before long, a Colonel James White, of Knox County, in tlie 
Territory S. W. of the Ohio, will, I have reason to believe, make 
intercession with you for Obadiah Low to be appointed your 
deputy agent in the Upper Creeks. The Cherokees & the gentle- 
man G. Blount promised to send in has not yet arrived; what can 
detain him I know not. With Tarvin comes one of the leading 
men of the Cowetas, to talk with you concerning the settlement 
of Choulapake; he talks English and has the character of a good 
Indian. 

I am Sir, 

Your obedient servant, 

R. T. 



I 



BENJAMIN HAWKINS 451 

P. S. I would have come down to see you, but my present 
state of health prevents my undertaking so long a journey at this 
time. I wish you to procure for me two flannel shirts and two 
pair of flannel drawers; if Tarvin cannot stay for them to be made, 
send me as much flannel as will make them. 



Flint River, February 19th, 1796. 
Dear Sir: 

I have been here anxiously waiting the return of Tarvin & 
the other traders & Indians who went to St. Mary's; their long 
detention makes me uneasy, and I much fear some Georgians have 
made free with their horses, if not with their persons. Should 
any accident have happened to the Indians, I expect the lives of 
some white people in the nation may be taken for it, & probably 
those who are the greatest friends to the United States. 

Captain Chisholm has lately returned from the Chickasaws 
without making a peace, being only able to obtain a cessation of 
arms until the chiefs of the Chickasaws & Creeks meet in the 
presence of Governor Blount at Knoxville; from Knoxville I under- 
stand the Creek chiefs are to proceed to Congress. This affair 
was talked of when I was last in the Tuckabatchee, but I told the 
head men that if they wished to go to Congress they should have 
embraced the offer you made them when you was in the nation; 
that their father, General Washington, had appointed three beloved 
men and yourself to meet them some time in the spring, in some 
part of Georgia, for the purpose of settling all disputes with them, 
and to. regulate matter