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1214024
GENEALOGY COLLECTION
ALLEN COUNTY PUBLIC LIBRARY
3 1833 00828 6582
TRANSACTIONS
KANSAS STATE HISIIICAL Mm,
1903-1904;
TOGETHER WITH
ADDRESSES AT ANNUAL MEETINGS, MISCELL/VNEOUS
PAPERS, AND A ROSTER OF KANSAS FOR
FIFTY YEARS.
Compliments of
IQansas State Historical Society.
Ge». W. Martin,
Secretary.
VUl^. viu.
TOPEKA:
GEO. A. CLARK, STATE PRINTER.
1904.
TRANSACTIONS
i?| 4 ^ 01^ 1 TT^ lUC^TAnTn \ \ OAmmT
x:
1 903-1 fl(U;
TOGETHER WITH
ADDRESSES AT ANNUAL MEETINGS, MISCELLANEOUS
PAPERS, AND A ROSTER OF KANSAS FOR
FIFTY YEARS.
Edited by GEO. W. MARTIN, Secretary.
VOL. YIIL
TOPEKA:
GEO. A. CLARK, STATE PRINTER.
1904.
Past Presidents of the Historical Society.
Samuel A. Kingman, Topeka 1876,
George A. Crawford, Fort Scott 1877.
John A. Martin, Atchison 1878.
Charles Robinson, Lawrence 1879-'80.
T. Dwight Thacher, Lawrence 1881-'82.
Floyd P. Baker, Topeka 1883-'84.
Daniel R. Anthony, Le<iven worth 1885-'86,
Daniel W. Wilder, Hiawatha 1887.
Edward Russell, Lawrence 1888.
William A. Phillips, Salina.. 1889.
Cyrus K. HoUiday, Topeka 1890.
James 8. Emery, Lawrence 1891.
Thomas A. Osborn, Topeka 1892.
Percival G. Lowe, Leavenworth 1893.
Vincent J. Lane, Kansas City, Kan 1894.
Solon O. Thacher, Lawrence 1895.
Edmund N. Morrill, Hiawatha 1896.
Harrison Kelley , Burlington 1897.
John Speer , Lawrence 1898.
Eugene F. Ware, Topeka 1899.
John G. Haskell, Lawrence 1900.
John Francis, Colony 1901.
William H. Smith, Marysville 1902.
William B. Stone, Galena 1903.
John Martin, Topeka 1904.
1214024
Board of Directors of the Society.
FOR THE THREE YEARS ENDING DECEMBER 1904.
Adams, J. B El Dorado.
Brown, W. L Kingman.
Clark, George A Junction City.
Cory, C. E Fort Scott.
Cowgill, E. B Topeka.
Da vies, Gomer T Concordia.
Dawson, J. 8 Hill City.
Francis, John Colony.
Hoch, E. W Marion.
Hudson, J. K Topeka.
Isely, Wm. H Wichita.
McCarter, Mrs. Margaret Hill.. Topeka,
Mack, J. C Newton.
Martin, John Topeka.
Murdock, M. M Wichita.
Park, H. Clay Atchison.
Prentis, Mrs. Caroline Topeka.
Pierce, A. C Junction City.
Remington, J. B Osawatomie.
Rice, Harvey D Topeka.
Richey, W. E Harveyville.
Rockwell, Bertrand Junction City.
Royce, Mrs. Olive I Phillipsburg.
Scott, Charles F lola.
Smith, Chas. W Lawrence.
Smith, F. Dumont Kinsley.
Strong, Frank Lawrence.
Stone, W.B Galena.
Taylor, Edwin Edwards villa.
Thompson, A. H Topeka.
Valentine, D. A Clay Center.
Whiting, A. B Topeka.
Whittemore, L. D Topeka.
FOR THE THREE YEARS ENDING DECEMBER 1905.
Anderson, T J Topeka.
Anthony, D. R Leavenworth
Bailey, W. J Baileyville.
Baker, Floyd P Topeka.
Barnes, Chas. W Topeka.
Bertram, G. Webb Oberlin.
Bigger, L. A Hutchinson.
Calderhead, W. A Marysville.
Capper, Arthur Topeka.
Carruth, W. H Lawrence.
Cole, George E Girard.
Cunningham, E. W Emporia.
Greene, A. R Lecompton.
Harris, Edward P Lecompton.
Hamilton, Clad Topeka.
Hodder. Frank H Lawrence.
Howe, E. W Atchison.
.Junkin, J. E Sterling.
Kingman, Miss Lucy D Topeka.
Leis, George Lawrence.
Leiand, Cyrus Troy.
Plass, Norman Topeka.
Montgomery, F. C Topeka.
Madden, John Emporia.
Moore, H. Miles Leavenworth.
Nof tzger, T. A Anthony.
Bondi, August. Salina.
Riddle, A. P Minneapolis.
Speer, John Wichita.
Veale, Geo. W Topeka.
Ware, E. F Topeka.
Wilder, D. W Hiawatha.
Wright, John K., died Jan. 14,
1904 Junction City.
FOR THE THREE YEARS ENDING DECEMBER 1906.
Adams, Miss Zu Topeka.
Blackmar, Frank W Lawrence.
Chase, Harold T Topeka.
Chase, Julia A Hiawatha.
€onnelley, William E Topeka
Crane, Geo. W Topeka.
Fisher, H. D. Kansas City.
Oleed, Chas. S Topeka.
Griffing, W.J Manhattan.
Guthrie, John Topeka.
Haskell, John G Lawrence.
Hill, Joseph H. Emporia.
Hopkins, Scott Horton.
Hovey, G. U. S White Church.
Johnson, A. S Topeka.
Johnson, Mrs. Elizabeth A Courtland.
Lane, Vincent J Kansas City.
Lowe, P. G Leavenworth.
McMillan, Harry Minneapolis.
Martin, Geo. W Kansas City.
Mead, J. R Wichita.
Milliken, J. D McPherson.
Moore, Horace L Lawrence.
Morrill, E. N Hiawatha.
Munlock, Victor Wichita.
MacDonald, John Topeka.
Randolph, L. F Nortonville.
Ruppenthal, J. C Russell.
Sims, William Topeka.
Smith, William H Marysville.
Vandegrift, Fred L Kansas City.
Wellhouse, Fred Topeka.
Wright, R.M Dodge City.
Wilson, Hill P Hays City.
(iii)
IV
KANSAS STATE HISTORICAL SOCIETY.
List of Members of tlie Society.
LIFE-MEMBERS.
A. R. Greene Lecompton.
L. A. UiKKor Hutchinson.
W. B. Stono Galena.
Eliza May Stone Galena.
D. R. Anthony Leavenwortli.
John A. Halderinan Washington, D. C.
Grant Horuaday Fort Scott.
J. C. Rupponthal Russell.
ANNUAL MEMBERS.
All newspaper editors and publishers are
publications.
Alma: S. H. Fairfield.
Anthony : T. F. Noftzger.
Atchison : Bailio P. Waggener, H. Clay Park,
E. W. Howe, J. W. Fisher.
Baileyville: W.J.Bailey.
Burlington : Joseph Rolston, Henry E. Gause.
Chanute: Wm. E. Connelley, J. W. Massey,
John C. Carpenter, S. W. Brewster.
Clay Center: D. A. Valentine.
Colony: John Francis.
Concordia: Evalyn Bradford, Gomer T. Da-
vies.
Cottonwood Falls: Archibald Miller.
Courtland : Elizabeth Johnson, George John-
son.
Denver: John Speer.
Dodge City : R. M. Wright.
El Dorado: J. B. Adams.
Emporia: P. B. Maxson, E. W. Cunningham,
Joseph H. Hill, John Madden, W. E. Bray.
Fort Scott: C. E. Corey.
Harvoyville: W. E. Richey.
Hays City : Hill P. Wilson.
Hiawatha: E. N. Morrill, Julia Chase, D. W.
Wilder.
Hill City : John Dawson.
Helton : Case Broderick.
Horton : Scott Hopkins.
lola • Charles F. Scott.
Junction City: John K. Wright, B. Rockwell,
S. W. Pierce, Geo. W. McKnight, A. C. Pierce,
George A. Clark.
Kansas City : Winfleld Freeman, Vincent J.
Lane, J. O. Fife, Geo. W. Martin.
Kansas City, Mo. : J. C. Horton, F. L. Vande-
grift, H. D. Fisher, Irene Stone Clapp.
Kinsley : F. Dumont Smith.
Lawrence: Horace L. Moore, John G. Has-
kell, W. H. Carruth, George Leis, F. H. Hod-
der, G. Grovenor, C. W. Smith, Paul R.
Brooks, W. S. Tougli, Frank Strong, Wilbur
C. Abbott, A. C. Mitchell, R. G. Elliott, R.
W. Luddington.
Leavenworth: P. G. Lowe, Alex. Caldwt'll,
E, T. Carr, H. C. F. Hackbusch, H. Miles
Moore.
Lecompton : Ed. P. Harris.
Lyndon : Charles R. Green.
McPherson: John D. Milliken.
members by virtue of the contribution of their
Manhattan : W. J. Griffing, J. S. Cunningham,
Carl Engle.
Marion: E. W. Hoch.
Marysville: E. R. Fulton, Earl J. Miller, W.
A. Calderhead, Emma E. Forter. W. H.
Smith.
Minneapolis: Harry McMillan, A, P. Riddle.
Newton: J. C. Mack.
Nortonville: L.F.Randolph.
Oberlin: G. Webb Bertram.
Olathe: D. Hubbard, D. P. Hougland.
Olsburg: John Booth.
Osawatomie: J, B. Remington.
Ottawa: W. S. Jenks, L. C. Stine.
Paola : S. J. Shively.
Phillipsburg: Olive I. Royce.
Pittsburg: Thad C. Histed.
Salina : August Bondi, L. F. Parsons, T. D.
Fitzpatrick, A. M. Campbell.
Solomon : Richard M. Wimsatt.
Stanton, Minn.: John J. Lutz.
Sterling: J. E. Junkin.
Tecumseh: J. A. Read.
Topeka: William Sims, Fred Wellhouse, Pat-
rick H. Coney, A. H. Thompson, E. F. Ware,
John R. Mulvane, Clad Hamilton, A. S.
Johnson, John Martin, S. J. Reader, Geo. W.
Veale, Geo. W. Weed, Chas. 8. Qleed, E. J.
Dallas, L. D. Whittemore, A. B. Whiting,
Zu Adams, Lucy D. Kingman, Samuel A.
Kingman, Geo. W. Crane, T. J. Anderson, J.
Ware Butterfield, G. W. W. Yates, Geo. E.
Cole, A. B. Quinton, F. P. Baker, Caroline
Prentis, G. M. Kellam, F. L. Hayes, J. W. F.
Hughes, John Guthrie, Margaret Hill Mc-
Carter, L. S. Ferry, J. G. Wood, John M.
Mead, J. M. Simpson, R. T. Herrick, F. W.
Ellis, A. M. Hyde, Norman Plass, S. G. Stew-
art, Jesse Shaw, Nettie A. Shaw, Geo. A.
Huron, Harold T. Chase, John MacDonald,
E. B. Cowgill, J. K. Hudson, Arthur Capper,
F. C. Montgomery, Chas. W. Barnes, Jona-
than D. Norton, W. W. Phillips.
Troy : Cy. Leland.
White Churcii: Geo. D. S. Hovey.
Whittier, Cal. : R. M. Pock.
Wichita : W. H. Isely, J. R. Mead, Victor Mur-
dock, M. M. Murdock.
Winlield : E. C. Manning.
York, Pa. : L H. Betz.
CONTENTS.
PAGE
United States Land-oflBces in Kansas, with map, by Albert R. Greene, of Le-
compton 1
The Story of the Seventh Kansas, by S. M. Fox, of Manhattan 13
Sherman County and the H. U. A., by E. E. Blackman, Roca, Neb 50
Massacre of Confederates by Osage Indians in 1863, by W. L. Bartles, lola, 62
Along the Trail, by John Madden, of Emporia 67
Indian Reservations in Kansas and the Extinguishment of their Title, with
map, by Anna Heloise Abel, of Salina 72
Black Kettle's Last Raid — 1868, with illustrations, by Hill P. Wilson, of
Hays City 110
Secretary's report for 1903 118
Historical Work in Osage County, by Charles R. Green, of Lyndon 126
Report on Exploration, by W. J. GrifiBng, of Manhattan 133
Mounds and Deserted Villages, by W. E. Richey, of Harvey ville 135
A Famous Old Crossing on the Santa Fe Trail, with illustrations, by George
P. Morehouse, of Council Grove 137
Business Then and Now, by James C. Horton, of Kansas City 143
The Fourth Kansas Militia in the Price Raid, by William T. McClure, of
Bonner Springs 149
Early Spanish Explorations and Indian Implements in Kansas, with map
and illustrations, by W. E. Richey, of Harvey ville 152
Reminiscences of the Yeager Raid on the Santa Fe Trail, in 1863, by D. Hub-
bard, of Olathe 168
The Wichita Indians in Kansas, by James R. Mead, of Wichita 171
The Pottawatomie Massacre, by S. J. Shively, of Paola 177
The Osage Ceded Lands, by C. E. Cory, of Fort Scott 187
Reminiscences of James C. Horton, of Kansas City 199
Along the Kaw Trail, with illustrations, by Geo. P. Morehouse, of Council
Grove 206
An Attempted Rescue of John Brown from Charleetown, Va., Jail, by O. E.
Morse, of Mound City 213
Taking the Census and Other Incidents in 1855, by James R. McClure, of
Junction City 227
The Friends Establishment in Kansas Territory, by Wilson Hobbs 250
Kansas at Chickamaugua and Chattanooga 271
With John Brown in Kansas, by August Bondi, of Salina 275
The Great Seal of Kansas, illustrated, by Robert Hay 289
A State Flower 300
Emigration to Kansas in 1856, by Robert Morrow 302
John A. Anderson, a Character Sketch, by Geo. W. Martin 315
Quantrill and the Morgan-Walker Tragedy, by John J. Lutz, of Stanton,
Minn ' 324
The Capitals of Kansas, by Franklin G. Adams 331
The Eleventh Kansas Regiment at Platte Bridge, with illustrations, by S. H.
Fairfield, of Alma 352
(V)
Vi CONTENTS, VOL. VIII.
PAGE
The Big Springs Convention, by R. G. Elliott, of Lawrence .362
In Memoriam — O. B. Gunn. 378
A Kansas Pioneer Merchant, by Geo. W. Martin .380
Railroad Grading Among Indians, by A. Roenigk, of Lincoln 384
A Defense, by Samuel D. Lecompte 389
A Kansas Soldier's Escape from Camp Ford, Tex., by Geo. W. Martin 405
Autobiography of F. B. Sanborn 415
Reminiscences of Frederick Chouteau 423
Biographical Sketch of Judge Rush Elmore, by John Martin, of Topeka 435
Isle au Vache, by George J. Remsburg, of Oak Mills 436
The Battle of the Spurs, or John Brown's Exit from Kansas, by L. L.
Kienie, of Topeka 443
The Establishment of Counties in Kansas, with maps, by Helen G. Gill, of
Vin land 449
High Waters in Kansas — Extracts from the Diary of Rev. Jotham Meeker
and Others 472
The Kansas Indians in Shawnee County after 1855, by Miss Fannie Cole.. . . 481
Recollections of Early Times in Kansas Territory, from the Standpoint of a
Regular Cavalryman, by Robert Morris Peck 484
A Roster of Kansas for Fifty Years 508
Addenda 543
MAPS AND ILLUSTRATIONS.
PAGE
Map of Kansas in 1856 8
Map of Kansas in 1846, showing location of Indian Reservations 88
Cheyenne Village on the Washita 110
Tepee in Cheyenne Village on the Washita 112
Cheyenne Chiefs held as hostages by General Custer 116
A Famous old Crossing at Council Grove 138
Council Oak, under which the Treaty of 1825 was made 142
A Pioneer Store at Council Grove 142
Map of Coronado's March, 1542 152
Indian Implements in Kansas 156, 160, 164
Group of Kaw Indians, including Wa-mun-kah-wa-sha, She-ga-in-ka, two
braves, and Margaret Ma-hun-gah, a belle 138
Old Kaw Mission at Council Grove 206
Ah-ke-tah-shin-gah, a Kaw brave 212
Group of Kaw Warriors — Alle-ga-wa-ho, Kah-he-gawa-ti-an-gah, Fool
Chief II (in the middle), and Wa ti-an-gah 208
Kansas Monuments at Chickamauga and Chattanooga 272, 274
The Great Seal of Kansas 296
The Platte Bridge 352
Maps, showing changes in county lines, 1854-1904 449-471
PREFACE.
TT^ANSAS has closed the first half century of her organized exist-
-^^ ence. As this publication goes to press a general observance of
the anniversary of the passage of the bill creating the Territory of
Kansas, May 30, 1854, prevails throughout the state, in the schools
and clubs, and miscellaneous gatherings of the people. Wonderful
results followed the opening of this fair Territory, consigning to our
pioneers the greatest issue that ever confronted the nation for settle-
ment through the doctrine of Squatter Sovereignty. A writer in the
St. Louis Globe- Democrat says this was one of the most portentious
pieces of legislation ever placed on the national statute-book. "That
day, in 1854, was a great date-mark in the history of the country," he
tells us. "The act which organized those two territories [Kansas and
Nebraska], and which at the same time repealed the Missouri anti-
slavery compromise of 1820, was responsible for a good many very
important things that came afterward. It killed the Whig party,
created the Republican party, precipitated civil war in Kansas, split
the Democratic party in the Charleston convention of 1860, made
Lincoln's election certain in that year, and this sent eleven states into
secession and war against the government, all of which brought
emancipation and several other things of consequence to the country*.''
" According to Atchison, .the Stringfellows, and some
of the other leaders of the proslavery side, the division of the proposed
territory into Nebraska and Kansas, in the act which Douglas pressed
and which Pierce signed, was with the tacit understanding that the North
was to have the upper territory and the South the lower. When the
free state men began to send settlers into Kansas, the Southern leaders
called their conduct a breach of faith and hence the raids across the
border from Missouri." It not only caused all this confusion in the
world's history, but in a generation and a half, it has transformed a
barren and uninviting waste into a commonwealth of wonderful pro-
portions, wealth and enlightenment, one of the most conspicious of
peoples and governments known on the earth, with an activity of
thought and action never surpassed.
Hence the absorbing interest everywhere and at all times in the
history of Kansas. How the people love to linger and revel with the
story of the territorial days of Kansas. What an interminable history
(vii)
viii PREFACE.
this people have made. Examine the papers in this volume and then
consider how lightly they touch the semi-centennial period. There
are forty-seven contributions in this publication, embracing three of
a prehistoric character, fifteen territorial reminiscences, six relating
to our Indian predecessors, six treating of John Brown and the terri-
torial conflict; of the civil war six; five of reminiscences since
statehood, and six of a biographical nature. The Historical Society
would gladly lead contributors to the consideration of events since
statehood, but people generally seem to consider that with which
they are familiar as not history — they love to delve into that which is
old and unsettled. Every state administration should have a chapter
in these Collections. Our territorial history was marked by factional
and personal bitterness, and there will be adherents of all views for
generations to come. Hence it is the purpose of the Society, so far
as in its power, to place first things on record. There is a great
quantity of material on file with this Society, which is not regarded
as something to be carefully locked away in pigeon-holes, but of
right belongs to the public.
There are quite a number of citizens of Kansas still living who
participated in the territorial struggles, and these witnesses are en-
titled to be heard, for soon all living testimony will be closed. It is
a great blessing to be a citizen of Kansas, but how wonderful to have
been a participant in her creation from territorial days down to the
present.
The Society is under great obligations to a number of friends at
various points in the state for able and conscientious contributions
on different subjects of state history. Especial credit is due to Frank
H. Hodder, professor of history in the State University, for three
papers of great practical importance, contributed by young lady
students — members of his class in history. In the seventh volume
is an address by Miss Rosa M. Perdue, entitled "The Sources of the
Constitution of Kansas." In this volume are two papers, one entitled
"Indian Reservations in Kansas, and Extinguishment of their Title,"
by Anna Heloise Abel, of Salina, and "The Establishment of Counties
in Kansas," with maps, by Helen G. Gill, of Vinland. These papers,
prepared under the direction of Professor Hodder, are of infinite value
to the students of history, and show that the people have a very practi-
cal teacher of history at the State University. They involved great
labor and application upon the part of the young ladies, who have thus
made their mark in Kansas history, and naturally suggests, the first
thing, what are the young men doing? Hon. D. W. Wilder writes,
concerning Miss Abel's paper: "Miss Abel has a great but neglected
field. I cannot recall any paper in the Society's proceedings that
PREFACE. ix
equals it in matter and manner. I have not read every page, but
have looked at them all with high respect for the author. We need
such writers in all the states." We know of several instances where
lawyers have consulted Miss Perdue's work on the constitution. And
we are sure the public will regard Miss Gill's work as of exceeding
value and satisfaction.
The roster of Kansas for fifty years is as complete and perfect as
can be made. There has been no systematic method of keeping such
a record, and the sources from which obtained are in a much scat-
tered condition. This list of names recalls many historic characters,
and is suggestive of incidents, untold, of value and interest in form-
ing conclusions as to the purposes and accomplishments of those who
have gone before. As this Historical Society has grown practically
to be the record for all the departments of state, as well as of the peo-
ple at large, there should be more definite legislation concerning pub-
lic records.
G. W. M.
ADDRESSES AND PAPEES DELIVEEED AND EEAD
AT ANNUAL MEETINGS.
UNITED STATES LAND-OFFICES IN KANSAS.
An address delivered by Albert R. Greene,* of Lecompton, before the twenty-seventh annual
meeting of the Kansas State Historical Society.
BY act of Congress approved July 22, 1854, the territory of Kansas was cre-
ated a land district, with provision for the location of a land-oflBce at the
temporary seat of government.
Before a land-oflBce could be put in operation, however, the country would
have to be sectionized, for public surveys must precede private entry. This in-
volved an immense amount of detail and the expenditure of much time as well as
money. Advertisement for bids for surveys, the letting of contracts, the execu-
tion of the work in the field, the office work on the returns, and the inevitable
delays incident to the approval of the completed surveys in Washington and the
issuance of the proclamation opening the lands to entry, vyere some of the pre-
liminaries. ^
On August 4, 1854, John Calhoun t was commissioned surveyor-general of the
♦Albert Robinson Greene was born in Mt. Hope, McLean county, Illinois, January 16,
1842. He is the fifth son of Elisha Harris and Lucy Stacy Greene, of Pawtucket, R. I., and
Saco, Me., who were married December 10, 1832, and removed to Illinois in 1837, and to Kan-
sas in April, 1857. The subject of this sketch attended the district school in Illinois during
the winters until he was fifteen. He lived at Mt. Hope and Metamora, 111., until April, 1857,
when he came to Kansas with his father's family, and settled on a claim in Weller ( now Osage )
county, in Wakarusa (now a part of Ridgway) township, on Elk creek, three miles west of
Twin Mound post-office, in Douglas county. He has been engaged as a farmer, merchant, news-
paper correspondent and publisher, and from August 20, 1862, until July, 1865, he was a soldipr
in company A, Ninth Kansas cavalry. He has served as postmaster at Richland; alternate to
the Republican national convention, 1880; private secretary to Congressman Dudley C. Haskell;
state senator from Douglas county, 1881 to 1885 ; inspector general land-office, 1883 to 1885 ; state
railroad commissioner, 1887 to 1893; private secretary to Congressman R. W. Blue, 1895-'96; in-
spector general land-office, 1897 to 1901 ; chief forestry division, January to August, 1901 ; special
inspector Department of the Interior, August, 1901, to date. He was also department commander,
Grand Army of the Republic. He was married August 31, 1868, to Julia Annie Coblentz, and has
had six children, five of whom are living. His father had a personal acquaintance with James
G. Birney, Owen Lovejoy, David Davis and Abraham Lincoln in anti-slavery work. Mr. Greene
is located at Portland, Ore., temporarily, in the service of the government.
tThe Kansas State Historical Society has a manuscript entitled "A Vindication of
John Calhoun." He was born October 14, 1806, and died at St. Joseph, Mo., October 13, 1859.
He had moved his family to Nebraska City, where he had permanently located, but had spent
the summer at Springfield, 111., his former place of residence, having gone there to settle
his affairs, which, by the mismanagement of a dishonest agent, had become greatly deranged.
He left for Nebraska in quite a feeble state. At St. Joseph he was so ill he could go no further,
and a physician was called, who pronounced his illness a case of exhaustion. On the tenth day
after his arrival at St. Joseph he complained of being more unwell. He was given a prescrip-
tion to take at ten p. m. Very soon after taking it he was seized with excruciating pains, and a
little before twelve expired. He died from the effects of strychnine. Physicians in Cincinnati
investigated the matter and said he had taken enough to kill six men. His family and friends
took a charitable view of the matter, and accepted it as one of those inexplicable casualties
that cannot be fathomed. John Calhoun was president of the Lecompton constitutional con-
—2
2 KANSAS STATE HISTORICAL SOCIETY.
twin territories of Kansas and Nebraska, and ex officio register of filings for the
land-offices soon to be opened in them. Soon after this he opened an office in
Wyandotte and commenced operations. His first report of completed surveys
was made October 20, 1856, and was addressed to Hon. Thomas A. Hendricks,
commissioner of the general land-office. At this date the area surveyed and ap-
proved was 1,864:, 141 acres.. The estimate for the fiscal year ending June 30,
1857, was 2,860,000 acres.
The approved surveys comprised a strip of country extending along the Mis-
souri river to the Nebraska line, and embraced for the most part the counties of
Atchison, Doniphan, Brown, the east half of Nemaha, a small corner of Jackson,
the greater part of Jefferson, and all of Leavenworth and Wyandotte except
Indian and military reservations.
Extensive surveys south of the Kansas river as far as Fort Scott had been
completed in the field, but the office work was not finished at the time of this
report, and not a single township had been reported to the commissioner for
approval.
The base line, u e., the dividing line between Kansas and Nebraska, had been
surveyed as far west as the sixth principal meridian, 108 miles from the Missouri
river, and standard parallels from first to fifth, inclusive, had been established south
from the base line and west to the sixth principal meridian. Or, to state it in
another way, the area included in the exterior lines which had been run at the
date of this report had for its northeast corner the corner of the territory; for
its northwest corner a point 108 miles west of this, and not far from where is now
the village of Mahaska; for its southwest corner almost the identical location of
Wichita, and for its southeast corner a point on the Missouri line opposite Fort
■ Scott. It was 108 miles long on its north line, and 150 miles on its west and south
lines. This was Kansas for the time being.
I have before me Calhoun's map of the two territories at that time, and note
that Kansas had but three towns which he considered worthy of a place — Atchi-
son, Leavenworth, and Wyandotte. But Kansas was three times better off than
Nebraska, which had not so much as one town or post-office shown on the map.
The only watercourse shown in Kansas, except the Missouri, is a section of the
Kansas extending as far west as the eastern boundary of the Pottawatomie
vention , and this vindication by a brother, A. H. Calhoun, shows that he was in favor of submit-
ting-the entire constitution to a popular vote. His brother says: "It was the design of the
Southern element in that body to fasten slavery upon the people of Kansas, and to that end
they embodied a clause establishing the institution and proposed its adoption without submis-
sion to the people. This Mr. Calhoun strenuously apposed, and advocated the plan of submit-
ting the whole constitution to the popular vote. He was in favor of a constitution based on
that of Massachusetts ; indeed, he would have adopted the bay state fundamental law almost
literally, as he told me after he had been chosen a delegate and before the convention con-
vened." This is substantiated by the testimony of A. J. Isacks and H. L. Martin in the report
6f the Covode investigating committee, page 175. The candle-box episode was due entirely to
L. A. Mac Lean, the chief clerk in the surveyor's office. His proclamation of the result of the
election gave oft'euse to the administration at Washington, and he was dropped from thence on,
as Reader, Geary, Walker and Stanton had been, his biographer says. John Calhoun was sur-
veyor of .Sauganion county, Illinois, in lJ-33. In Nicolay and Hay's "Abraham Lincoln," page
115, we find: " Looking about for a youug man of good character, intelligent enough to learn
surveying at short notice, liis attention was soon attracted to Lincoln. He offered young Abra-
ham a book containing the elements of the art and told him when he had mastered it he should
have employment." Edward D. Baker, who was in command of a brigade and killed at Ball's
Bluff, October 21, 1861. defeated Calhoun for Congress in 1841. Lincoln was at that election a
candidate for presidential elector. Calhoun was made surveyor-general of Kansas and Ne-
braska by Stephen A. Douglas. At a state fair in October, 1854, Calhoun and Lincoln had a de-
bate. John Calhoun and Abraham Lincoln were warm friends until the end of life. Id., pp.
90-118.
UNITED STATES LAND-OFFICES IN KANSAS. 3
reservation. A large part of the surface of this small portion of Kansas which
was then for the first time coming into the occupancy of white men was covered
by Indian reservations and trust lands. The latter were, of course, to be opened
for settlement, but upon conditions which were more exacting than those pre-
scribed for the public domain. The country west of the Missouri border had for
a generation before the organization of the territories of Kansas and Nebraska
been the common dumping-ground for the half-civilized Indian tribes which had
surrendered their lands in the East, and hence, when the white men came, they
found the choicest locations covered by the reservations of these people. These
lands comprised the following areas, approximately:
Sacs and Foxes 350,0C0
Sacs and Foxes of Iowa 16,000
Sac and Fox trust lands 75,000
Otoos 28,t00
Kickapoos 140,000
Pottawatomies 575,000
Dela wares 350,100
Delaware trust lands 700,000
Shawnees 500,000
Kansas 200,000
New York ( the part included in the above-stated area ) 1 ,000,000
Miami trust lands 400,000
Peoria and Kaskaskia trust lands 100,000
Piankeshaw and Wea trust lands 150,000
Ottawas 30,000
Otta was of Roche de Boeuf 50,000
Chippewas 10,000
Wyandottes 75,000
4,749,000
It was a big slice to take out of the Kansas pie, but the very fact that these
lands had been selected by the Indians, the acknowledged best judges of land in
the country, made the emigrants all the more anxious to possess the remainder.
Besides, a reservation line has little terror for a land-grabber anyway.
There had been several "temporary" seats of government previous to the se-
lection of Lecompton, in August, 1855, but no occasion for the opening of a land-
office, for the reason stated at the beginning of this paper. When a selection
had been made, however, which bade fair to become permanent, on the j^round
of a compromise between the rival candidates of Douglas, five miles down the
river, and Tecumseh, ten miles up the river from the new location, and when
Congress had made an appropriation of 850,000 foracapitol building, a real land-
office was considered necessary to complete the felicity of the aspiring metropolis
of the young commonwealth.
After the designation of Lecompton as the territorial seat of government, the
provision of law referred to found expression in an order for the establishment of
a land-office there, to be called the Pawnee land-office. The first register was
Ely Moore, of New York, and the first receiver was Thomas C. Shoemaker, whose
appointment was coincident with that of Register Moore, but who served but
little more than one year, so that he was receiver only in name, for the office
was hardly opened for business at the time he was succeeded by Gen. William
Brindle.
Accompanying the commission of Register Moore was an order from the com-
missioner of the general land-office, Hon. Thomas A. Hendricks, directing him
to erect with all possible dispatch a suitable building in which to transact the
business of the office — "the locating of military bounty land-warrants, preemp-
tions, sale of lands, and filings, as well as rooms for the adjudication of contested
land cases."
This was easy enough to dictate from the comfortable distance of Waehing-
ton, but the execution of such an order was something of an undertaking, with
4 KANSAS STATE HISTORICAL SOCIETY.
the base of supplies 500 miles away and the Missouri and Kansas rivers blocked
■ with ice.
When the materials had finally reached the mouth of the Kansas river, it was
found that the water of that stream had followed the ice into the Missouri, and
the only alternative was to freight the stuff by ox team the remaining sixty miles
to Lecompton. It was just fourteen months from the time the order was given
' until the contractor, Antionet, had the building ready for occupancy. It was a
two-story affair, with the land-office domiciled below and the legislative house of
representatives above. This building has since gained a national reputation as
Constitution hall. It is now owned by the Odd Fellows, and is used for fra-
ternal-society purposes.
In May, 1856, the first filings were received in the Lecompton land-office, al-
though there had been a large number of filings in the office of the surveyor-gen-
eral, who had acted prior to this time as a sort of ex officio land-office on his
own account. These latter made no small amount of trouble for officers and set-
tlers alike when they came to be transferred to the regular books of the land-
office, as the numbers were irregular, often duplicated, and not infrequently called
for lands not open for settlement. Also, the plats were incomplete in many in-
stances, there being no lot numbers, and the areas being incorrectly stated,
showing carelessness, and incompetency as well.
It was fortunate for the government and litigants that so able a man as Ely
Moore had been selected for the responsible and arduous duties of register of
this land-office. A brief biographical sketch may be permitted, although it will
,be impossible to accord to many other of the land officers of Kansas more than a
mention of their names.
Ely Moore was born in Sussex county, New Jersey, July 4, 1798, and died in
Lecompton, Kan., January 27, 1861. He came of revolutionary stock, his father
being Capt. Moses Moore, who distinguished himself at the battles of Long
Island, Monmouth, and Trenton. The son had a remarkable career. He com-
, menced as a printer in New York city, and was at one time proof-reader on an
edition of the Bible when Horace Greeley was copy-holder. He served in Con-
. gress from 1834 to 1838, and won national fame in hie reply to Waddy Thompson,
of South Carolina, when the senate did him the honor to attend in a body to
listen and applaud. After retiring from Congress he was surveyor of the port of
New York from 1839 to 1845, when President Polk appointed him marshal for
the southern district of New York. In 1853 President Pierce offered him the
position of minister to England, but he declined, and preferred, on account of
his health, to take an Indian agency in what was soon to become the territory of
Kansas. It is a part of the unwritten history of that time that he was to have
been the first territorial governor, but his health forbade, and he recommended
his friend, Andrew H. Reeder.
With the retirement of Receiver Shoemaker, in September, 1856, Gen. William
Brindle, of Maryland, was appointed to the place, and held it until March, 1861.
He is still living, his home being in Washington, D. C, a courtly gentleman of
the old school, and honored by a wide circle of friends.* Of deliberate, even
*GrEN. William Beindlb died at the university hospital, Philadelphia, December 4, 1902,
aged eiRhty-four years. He was a resident and large property-owner at Gloucester City,
N. J. He was born at Muncy, Pa., and served in the war against Mexico as lieutenant-colonel
of the Second Pennsylvania volunteers. He was made a brigadier-general by act of Congress
for gallantry. After a residence during his term of office ia Kansas he returned to Pennsylvania
and served a term in the legislature of that state. About 1882 he became a citizen of New Jersey.
' For several years ho was superintendent of schools in that city, and was at one time the Demo,
cratic candidate for Congress from the first New Jersey district. He was a student and writer
ou economics. For a year or so he was editor of the Kansas National Democrat, at Lecompton.
UNITED STATES LAND-OFFICES IN KANSAS. 5
plodding modes of thought, tenacious to obstinacy in his political and religious
convictions, and utterly oblivious to the influences of public opinion, he was the
Yery antipodes of the brilliant, impulsive and fiery Moore. But they were alike
in sterling honesty, and in those troublous times when human character, like
human life, was cheap, were never the subjects of an aspersion or a sneer. In-
tense partizans though they were, politics never tempered their official action,
Brindle was editorial writer on the Lecompton Dc/nocrat, the administration
organ of the territory. He was a Presbyterian and doctrinarian of the most pro-
nounced type. His spicy squibs, of three and four columns in length, on foreor-
dination, predestination, abolitionists, damnation and the divine right of slavery
left nothing to be added in the way of sectarian and partizan fervor. But if he
left his politics out of his official life he carried his religion squarely into it, and
it is refreshing to recall, in these days of contemptuous reference to the Deity in
administering an oath in many of our land-offices, the solemn obligation this man"
compelled those to feel who uncovered and held up their right hands in his pres-
ence to be sworn. Sometimes he rather overdid the matter, however, as I re-
naember, when waiting my turn to appear as a witness for a neighbor, and being
impatient to be done with it and off for the tramp of seventeen miles across the
prairies to my home. William Brown was the express messenger on the stage'
between Kansas City and Lecompton, and appeared with his witnesses and pa-
pers to make proof on his preemption claim. Everything was ready, and Moore
being busy in another part of his office, the duty of administering the oath de-
volved upon Brindle. Here is the way he went at it:
Brindle: "What is your name, sir?"
Brown: "Brown — William Brown."
Brindle: "Now, Mr. Brown, look me in the eye, sir. Raise your right hand,
William Brown — yes, sir, your right hand. I am about to administer an oath to
you, sir. Are you ready ? This is a very important act in your life, sir. 'You do-
solemnly swear, in the presence of Almighty God, the searcher of all hearts, that
the testimony you are about to give shall be the truth, the whole truth, and noth-
ing but the truth, and this you swear under the pains and penalties of perjury,
as you shall answer at that great day.'"
When Brindle got within sight of the judgment Brown broke, and landed up
against the register, with a remark which, coming down through the dim vista of
years, recurs to me as something like he "be d if he didn't hunt some one
else" to swear him.
Moore put him over a shorter catechism, much to his delight, and we went
away singing an improvised adaptation of "Nora McShane: "
" 'Tis true I've no money, but then I've no sorrow;
My heart it is light and my head has no pain;
And if I but live till the sun shines tomorrow,
I'll be off to old Johnson and Billy Brown's claim."
These were the men who presided over the destinies of the first land-office and
eat in judgment in the thousands of cases that arose between rival claimants for.
the coveted Kansas lands.
The first man in line on the day of the opening was Jacob Myers, and, upon
consulting the blotter maps, it was found that there was a contestant in the per-
son of one James G. Blunt. After long and acrimonious litigation Myers won,
and Blunt went to the war and became a major-general and a national figure.
The office force was as follows:
register's department.
Head clerk: Cbas. W. Otey, Lynchburg, Va. Deceased.
Entry clerk : Maynard M. Chambers, New York city. Deceased.
Assistant entry clerk : Henry Rauser, Germany. Deceased.
6 KANSAS STATE HISTORICAL SOCIETY.
General clerk: John Haggerty, Cork, Ireland. Deceased.
Filing clerk: T. J. B. Cramer, West Virginia. Deceased.
Examiner: Thomas B. Price, Baltimore, Md. Deceased.
Contest clerk: George Fred, Pentecost, Greencastle, Ind. The great evan-
gelist, later. *
Assistant to above: Andrew P. Walker, Alabama. Deceased.
Docket clerk: David Bailey, Pennsylvania. Deceased.
receiver's department.
Headclerk: Hardman Peterkin, Pennsylvania. Killed at Antietam. (Union.)
Evidence clerk: Henry W. Peterkin, Muncy. Pa. Deceased.
General clerk: Edward W. Wynkoop, Pa. Deceased.
The jurisdiction was coextensive with the boundaries of the territory and ex-
tended from the Missouri line to the summit of the Rocky Mountains and the
Rio Grande. Roughly speaking, it contained eighty million acres of land. To-
day it contains a population of two million souls. Denver, Golden, Blackhawk,
Georgetown, Colorado Springs, Leadviile, Pueblo, Cripple Creek, Aspen, Victor,
Salida, Buena Vista, Canon City, Del Norte, Trinidad and a hundred lesser towns
were destined to spring from its gold-seamed mountains and fertile plains, far
beyond the dreams of urban settlement when its boundaries were first defined.
As its eastern portion was dotted with Indian reservations, so its southwestern
corner was marked with Spanish grants, which had been made as concessions to
adventurous spirits who had come up from the land of the Montezumas. And
while the prairies and valleys of the Kansas river and its tributaries were being
overrun with a rush of emigrants to occupy the virgin soil, the upper Arkansas,
the historic Huerfano, the Rio Grande and their tributaries were resting in the
indolent contentment of pastoral settlements which had existed for a century or
more. Coronado had dedicated these valleys to the cross long before the Pil-
grims "sought a faith's pure shrine" on the shores of New England. Four ma-
jestic rivers, the Platte, the Kansas, the Arkansas, and the Rio Grande, all found
their sources in this same jurisdiction. The crystaled towers of the Spanish
Peaks, of Pike's Peak, of Sierra Blanca, the loftiest in all the Rocky Mountain
chain, and of Harvard, from whose summit the sunlit crests of Arizona, New
Mexico, Utah and Wyoming are plainly visible — all these were within the jurisdic-
tion and belonged to Kansas. And over this older Kansas, this truly historic
Kansas, they looked down on a fair land that had been acquired from France in
part, from Spain in part, and for a part of which the heroes of the Alamo had
laid down their lives.
♦"Who's Who in America" —George Fredeeick Pentecost, clergyman-author, l)ora at
Albion, 111., September 23, 1842; son of Hugh L. and Emma (Flower) Pentecost; apprenticed
to printer; private secretary governor of Kansas territory, 1857, and clerk of the United
States district court, 1858; entered Georgetown University ( A. M., Hamilton, New York ; D. D.,
Lafayette College, Pennsylvania ) : left college to join Union army ; chaplain Eighth Kentucky
cavalry, U. S. volunteers, 1862-'61 ; married, October 6, 1863, Ada, daughter of Dr. Augusta Web-
ber, Hopkinsvillo, Ky. ; pastor Greencastle, Ind., 1864; Evansvillo, Ind., 1866-67; Covington,
Ky.,1867-'68; Brooklyn, N. Y., 1868-'71; Boston, 1871-'80; Brooklyn, 1880-'87 ; evangelical work in
Scotland, 1887-'88; special mission to English-speaking Brahmins in India, 1889-'91 ; minister
Marylebono Church, London, 189l-'97; pastor First Presbyterian Church, Yonkers, N. Y., 1897-
1902; now in evangelical work in Japan, China, and the Philippines. Hois the author of The
Angel in tlie Marble, In the Volume of the Book, South Window, Out of Egypt, Bible Studies
(ten volumes ), Birth and Boyhood of Christ, Forgiveness of .Sins, Systematic Beneficence, and
Precious Truths. His address is Northfield, Mass. "Pente"set type for some time on the
Kansas National Democrat, at Lecompton, in lS57-'58.
UNITED STATES LAND-OFFICES IN KANSAS. 7
The Spanish-American settlements comprised in whole or in part the follow-
ing grants, the area stated being that portion in Kansas territory, viz.:
Beaubien and Miranda: Made January 11, 1841, by Manuel Armijo, governor
of New Mexico, to Charles Beaubien and Guadalupe Miranda, "for faitli-
ful and patriotic services to church and state," in the stilted language of
the parchment 322,560.00 acres.
Sangre de Christo : Made December 30, 1843, by Governor Armijo to Luis Lee
and Narciso Beaubien, " for faithful and patriotic services to church and
state" 770,144.23 "
Kio Las Animas: Made December 9,1843, by Governor Armijo to Cornelio
Virgil and Cerain St. Vrain, " for faithful and patriotic services to church
and state" 126,720.00 "
Bio Don Carlos: Made December 1, 1842, by Governor Armijo to Geracio No-
lan, "for faithful and patriotic services to church and state" 184,320.10 "
Baca location No. 4: Made by Congress, June 21, 1860, to the heirs of Luis
Maria Baca, in lieu of lands confirmed to the pueblo of Las Vegas, New
Mexico 99,289.39 "
Total area Spanish grants in Kansas 1,502,583.72 acres.
Surveyor-general Calhoun states, in the annual report referred to, that "the
number of preemption filings registered in this office to date, for the territory of
Kansas, is 3036." Probably no equal number of filings in any known land-offlce
on the face of the earth ever led to so much litigation, expense and bad blood as
these same mentioned. And all because Calhoun undertook to do something be-
fore he was ready, and about which he knew absolutely nothing.
On November 29, 1856, Commissioner Hendricks made his annual report to the
secretary of the interior, and, under the heading of "Kansas" makes the follow-
ing remarks:
"The returns of the surveys of public lands, Indian trust lands and perma-
nent Indian reservations show that they have been prosecuted with great dis-
patch, considering the severity of last winter, which forced the deputy surveyors
to abandon field operations. Besides this, the disturbances in the country and
the intricacy of surveys under Indian treaty stipulations, which had devolved
upon the surveyor-general, tended to retard the progress of the business. These
accumulated causes deferred the preparation of the Iowa, Delaware and other
trust lands for market as early as had been contemplated, and consequently no
public lands, although surveys to the extent of hundreds of thousands of acres
and plats of the same are prepared, could be brought into market. The eastern
portion of the Delaware trust lands of about ten townships were, however, pro-
claimed for sale, to take place on the 17th of the last month."
This explains, diplomatically, why a surveyor-general, with a force in the field
for more than two years and ample funds at his command, had failed to have an
acre of land on the market I
In March, 1857, Congress provided for additional land-offices at Doniphan,
Fort Scott, and Ogden.
The first register at Doniphan was Gen. John W. Whitfield, who served from
March, 1857, to April, 1861. He had been a delegate in Congress, and was a
prominent person in the early days of the territory.
The first receiver of public moneys at Doniphan was Daniel Woodson, who
also served from March, 1857, to April, 1861. He had been acting governor
under a commission as secretary of the territory much of the time, under two or
three of the governors.
Ashael Low succeeded Register Whitfield, and served from April, 1861, to De-
cember, 1863, when the office was consolidated.
Ira H. Smith succeeded Receiver Woodson, and also served from April, 1861,
to December, 1863.
The Doniphan office was removed to Kickapoo December 3, 18.57, and to Atchi-
son September 6, 1861. In December, 1863, it was consolidated with the To-
peka office and cease to exist.
8 KANSAS STATE HISTORICAL SOCIETY.
The first preemption entry made in Kansas was by Julius G. Newman, of
Atchison, the record in the Washington archives being as follows, in the abstracts
from the Lecompton office : " No. 1. Julius G. Newman, SW 1-4, Sec. 25, Tp. 5,
S. R. 20, E. April 21, 1857."
In June, 1857, Calhoun removed the surveyor-general's office from Wyan-
dotte to Lecompton, occupying the log house on the river bank built and used
as a residence by Sheriff Jones for a few weeks, until a frame house he had or-
dered from St. Louis in the " knock down " could be got ready for occupancy.
There was considerable delay, and the work of extending the public surveys was
still further retarded in consequence, the office work being altogether suspended
for several weeks. One good result of this move was toshutoff Calhoun's mania
for taking filings as a sort of branch land-office.
The opening of the land-office was delayed and greatly embarrassed by a failure
to receive the books and supplies promptly. The safe also added to the trib-
ulations of the officers. This had been billed to Kansas City but by some mis-
take was carried to Leavenworth. In unloading it from the boat the stage broke
and precipitated the safe into the river. When it had been fished out and hauled
to Lecompton the lock was found to be full of Missouri river mud. An expert
safe man had to be brought from St. Louis to open and repair it, and while all
this was being done there was no place for the funds other than a drawer in the
desk of the receiver.
Notwithstanding there were four land-offices in Kansas in 1857, the only lands
sold during the fiscal year ending June 30 of that year were in the Lecompton
district. These amounted to 17,350.86 acres, and brought into the treasury the
sum of $21,688,85.
The Fort Scott land-office was removed to Humboldt, in September, 1861
where it was raided by guerrillas, and the treasure taken ; whereupon it was re-
moved to Mapleton, the county-seat of Bourbon county at that time, on October
3, 1861. It was again removed to Humboldt, May 15, 1862, where it remained,
until December 15, 1870, when it was removed to Neodesha ; and on October 3,
1871, it was removed to Independence, where it remained until February 28, 1889,
when it was consolidated with the Topeka office and ceased to exist.
The list of officers from first to last is a long one, and includes many well-
known and important names.
The first register was William H. Doak, who served from March, 1857, to May,
1858, when he was succeeded by Jesse Morin, who served until April, 1861.
Morin was a Kentuckian, and had settled in Platte county, Missouri, in 1837,
was twice elected to the legislature, was clerk of the circuit court, and a major
in Colonel Doniphan's regiment in the Mexican war. At the outbreak of the
rebellion he returned to Missouri, and was immediately offered a brigadiership
in the confederate army. He returned the commission to the governor, saying
that he could not tight against the flag under which he had won such a good
name.
After Morin came Jonathan C. Burnett, who served to March, 1865, and
gave way to Watson Stewart, who held the position of register until December,
1866, and was succeeded by Olin Thurston, who held it until April, 1867, and
turned it over to Nathaniel S. Goss, who held the place until April, 1869, and
was succeeded by Watson Stewart again, who surrendered it to P. B. Maxson,
who was register until March, 1873, and was succeeded by W. W. Martin, who
held the place until July, 1877, and was followed by Melville J. Salter, who held
it until July, 1885, and was succeeded by Clate M. Ralston, who held the posi-
tion until February, 1889, when, as has been said, it was consolidated with the
Topeka office.
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UNITED STATES LAND-OFFICES IN KANSAS. 9
The receivers of public moneys at this office, which had such a varied history,
were as follows :
Epaphroditus Ransom, from March, 1857, to January, 1860.
George W. Clarke,* January, 1860, to April, 1861.
Charles W. Adams, from April, 1861, to March, 1863.
Francis E. Adams, from March, 1863, to April, 1861.
Josiah C. Redfield, from April, 1864, to April, 1867.
David B. Emmert, from April, 1867, to October, 1871.
Joseph J. Wood, from October, 1871, to December, 1871.
Milton Wellington Reynolds ("Kicking Bird"), 1871 to March, 1873.
E. S. Nichols, from March, 1873, to December, 1873.
Henry W. Waters, from December, 1873, to October, 1885.
Henry Wilson Young, from October, 1885, to February, 1889, when the office
ceased to exist.
The first homestead entry made in the Fort Scott office was while it was on
duty temporarily at Humboldt, and is recorded as follows: "No. 1. Melkes J.
Martin, NE 1-4, Sec. 29, Tp. 23, S. R. 25 E., 6th P. M. Jan'y 1, 1863."
The Ogden office was removed to Junction City October, 6, 1859, to Salina
May 1, 1871, and was consolidated with the Topeka office December 31, 1893.
The registers of this office were as follows :
Frank Emory, March, 1857, to May, 1858.
Ira Norrie, May, 1858, to March, 1859.
Samuel B. Garrett, March, 1859, to April, 1861.
Robert McBratney, from April, 1861, to March, 1865.
George W. Martin, from March, 1865, to October, 1866.
John Willans, October, 1866, to March, 1867.
James R. McClure, March, 1867, to April, 1869.
George W. Martin, April, 1869, to April, 1871.
Thomas L. Bond, April, 1871, to April, 1880.
John M. Hodge, April, 1880, to August, 1886.
Smith M. Palmer, August, 1886, to May, 1889.
John M. Hodge, May, 1889, to December, 1893, when it ceased to exist.
The receivers of public moneys were as follows:
James P. Downer, March, 18.57, to May, 1858.
Findlay Patterson, May, 1858, to April, 1861.
Samuel D. Houston, April, 1861, to April, 1871.
Daniel R. Wagstaflf, April, 1871, to July, 1879.
Lewis Hanback, 1879, to February, 1883.
Harper S. Cunningham, February, 1883, to August, 886.
Oscar F. Searl, August, 1886, to September, 1889.
Charles W. Banks, September, 1889, to December, 1893, when it was consoli-
dated with the Topeka office and ceased to exist.
The first homestead entry in this office was as follows: "No. 1. Robert G.
Titus, NE 1-4, SW 1-4; W 1-2; SE 1-4; NE 1-4; SE 1-4 Sec. 34, Tp. 13, S. R. 2,
E., 6th P. M., January 1, 1863. 160 acres minimum land, 81.25."
The Lecompton office was removed to Topeka in September, 1861, where it
still remains, and to which have been added from time to time other offices, as
has been shown. All the outlying land-offices in the state will eventually be
consolidated with this one, and when there is no longer sufficient business for
the maintenance of a land-office in Kansas the records of all the offices will be
removed to Washington, where application will have to be made for the entry of
any remaining tracts of land in the state.
* There is some conflict regarding the date of General Clarke's receivership of t he Fort Scott
land-office. In 1856 he resided at Lecompton, and was long reputed as the murderer of Barber.
Later he was one of the principal instigators of the troubles in southeast Kansas between the
free-state and pro-slavery men. In 1858 Goodlander mentions him in his "Early Days of Fort
Scott" as receiver of the Fort Scott land-office. Wilder says that in September, 1858, he was
appointed a purser in the United States navy.
10 KANSAS STATE HISTORICAL SOCIETY.
The list of registers of this office is as follows:
Ely Moore, March, 1855, to February, 1860.
James R. Jones, February, 18G0, to April, 1861.
Franklin G. Adams, April, 1861, to November, 1863.
Ira 11. Smith, November, 1863, to April, 1873.
W. H. Fitzpatrick, May, 1873, to January, 1882.
John J. Fisher, January, 1882, to April, 1886.
John L. Price, April, 1886, to April, 1890.
James I. Fleming, April, 1890, to April, 1894.
Herman von Langen, April, 1894, to August, 1895.
John S. Richardson, August, 1895, to March, 1898.
George W. Fisher, March, 1898, to May, 1902.
Charles H. Titus, May, 1902, to .
The receivers of public moneys were as follows:
Thomas C. Shoemaker, March, 1855, to September, 1856.
William Brindle, September, 1856, to March, 1861.
Charles B. Lines, March, 1861, to April, 1865.
David W. Stormont, April, 1865, to March, 1867.
Joel Thurston, March, 1867, to March, 1871.
George Merrill, March, 1871, to January, 1875.
Charles B. Lines, January, 1875, to April, 1877.
Charles S. Martin, April, 1877, to September, 1877.
David W. Finney, September, 1877, to December, 1877.
Harrison Kelley, December, 1877, to September, 1878.
George W, Watson, September, 1878, to February, 1883.
John Q. A. Peyton, February, 1883, to July, 1885.
Charles Spaulding, July, 1885, to January, 1890.
J. Lee Knight, January, 1890, to February, 1894.
James J. Hitt, February, 1894, to January, 1898.
Rudolph B. Welch, January, 1898, to April, 1902.
Joshua G. Wood, May 1, 1902, to .
On June 11, 1870, an additional land-office was opened at Augusta. On Feb-
ruary 20, 1872, it was removed to Wichita, and on February 28, 1889, it was consoli-
dated with the Topeka office and ceased to exist.
The list of registers of this office is as follows :
Andrew Akin, June, 1870, to July, 1872.
W. S. Jenkins, July, 1872, to May, 1875.
H. L. Taylor, May, 1875, to March, 1879.
Richard L. Walker, March, 1879, to July, 1885.
Frank Dale, July, 1885, to May, 1888.
James G. McCoy, May, 1888, to February, 1889, when the office was consoli-
dated.
The list of receivers of public moneys is as follows:
William A. Shannon, June, 1870, to July, 1872.
Josiah C. Redfield, July, 1872, to December, 1876.
James L. Dyer, December, 1876, to October, 1885.
Samuel L. Gilbert, October, 1885, to October, 1888.
Robert F. Coates, October, 1888, to February, 1889, when it was consolidated.
On July 7, 1870, an additional land-office was opened at Concordia. It was
consolidated with the Topeka office February 28, 1889.
The list of registers of this office is as follows :
Amos Cutter, July, 1870, to March, 1874.
B. H. McEckron, March, 1874, to March, 1883.
S. Hollister Dodge, March, 1883, to March, 1887.
Samuel Demers, March, 1887, to February 28, 1889, when it was consolidated.
The receivers of public moneys were as follows :
Thomas J. Sternberg, July, 1870, to August, 1870.
Evan J. Jenkins, August, 1870, to January, 1884.
UNITED STATES LAND-OFFICES IN KANSAS. 11
Thomas Wrong, January, 1884, to June, 1886.
A. A. Carnahan, June, 1886, to February 28, 1889, when it was consolidated.
In June, 1872, an additional land-office was opened at Cawker City, and on
January 4, 1875, it was removed to Kirwin, and on September 11, 1893, it was
consolidated with the office at Oberlin.
The list of registers of this office is as follows:
A. A. Thomas, June, 1872, to April, 1876.
Frank Campbell, April, 1876, to June, 1878.
Thomas M. Helm, June, 1878, to March, 1883.
John Bissell, March, 1883, to March, 1887.
Henry A. Young, March, 1887, to October, 1889.
Webb McNall, October, 1889, to April, 1892.
Lafayette F. Smith, April, 1S92, to September 11, 1893, when it was consoli-
dated with Oberlin.
The receivers of public moneys were as follows :
Thomas Plowman, June, 1872, to May, 187i.
J. M. Hodge, May, 1874, to June, 1878.
Lewis J. Best, June, 1878, to May, 1882.
Robert R. Hays, May, 1882, to July, 1886.
Amos J. Harris, July, 1886, to August, 1890.
William H. Caldwell, August, 1890, to September 11, 1893, when it was con-
solidated with Oberlin.
On June 20, 1874, an additional land-office was established at Hays City, and
in October, 1879, it was removed to Wa Keeney, where it still is in existence.
The list of registers of this office is as follows :
John H, Edwards, July, 1874, to December, 1874
Luther F. Eggers, December, 1874, to October, 1877.
Benjamin J. F. Hanna, October, 1877, to May, 1886.
W. C. L. Beard, May, 1886, to September, 1889.
Lee Monroe, September, 1889, to September, 1893.
Abram Frakes, September, 1893, to September, 1897.
Isaac T. Purcell, September, 1897, to June, 1902.
The receivers of public moneys were as follows:
John C. Carpenter, July, 1874, to December, 1874.
Andrew J. Vickers, December, 1874, to November, 1877.
William J. Hunter, November, 1877, to August, 1880.
W. H. Pilkenton, August, 1880, to April, 1888.
John Schlyer, April, 1888, to March, 1891.
Hill P. Wilson, March, 1891, to February, 1894.
Simpson S. Reynolds, February, 1894, to January, 1895.
William E. Saum, January, 1895, to June, 1898.
Frank W. King, June, 1898, to 1902.
On June 20, 1874, an additional land-office was established at Lamed. On
January 25, 1894, it was consolidated with the Garden City office, and on
February 10, 1894, the consolidated office was removed to Dodge City, where it
still remains.
The list of registers of this office is as follows:
Charles A. Morris, July, 1874, to June, 1883.
William R. Brown, June, 1883, to October, 1885.
W. R. Brownlee, October, 1885, to June, 1888.
Henry W. Scott, June, 1888, to April, 1890.
Harlan P. Wolcott, April, 1890, to January 25, 1894, when it was consolidated
with Garden City.
The receivers of public moneys were as follows:
Eli Gilbert, July, 1874, to December, 1877.
Henry Booth, December, 1877, to May, 1885.
2 KANSAS STATE HISTORICAL SOCIETY.
Henry M. Bedell, May, 1885, to June, 1889.
Edward L. Chapman, June, 1889, to January 25, 1894, when the office waa
consolidated with Garden City.
In May, 1881, an additional land-office was established at Oberlin, and on
February 5, 1894, it was removed to Colby, where it is still in operation.
The list of registers at both places is as follows:
Thomas H. Cavanaugh, May 1, 1881, to March. 1883.
A. L. Patchen, March, 1883, to December, 1886.
Frank Bacon, December, 1886, to October, 1889.
Cyrus Anderson, October, 1889, to January, 1894.
James N. Fike, January, 1894, to January, 1898.
Kleber E. Willcockson, January, 1898, to April, 1901.
William E. Ward, April, 1901, to .
The receivers of public moneys were as follows:
E. C. Chandler, May, 1881, to June, 1885.
Tully Scott, June, 1885, to April, 1889.
James B. McGonigal, April, 1889, to January, 1894.
Thomas J. McCue, January, 1894, to January, 1898.
Cyrus Anderson, January, 1898, to January, 1902.
Charles C. Evans, January, 1902, to .
In May, 1883, an additional land-office was established at Garden City, and
on February, 1894, it was removed to Dodge City, where it still remains. '
The list of registers at both places is as follows :
H. P. Myton, June, 1883, to March, 1885.
C. F. M. Niles, March, 1885, to October, 1889.
Daniel M. Frost, October, 1889, to January, 1894.-
John J. Lee, January, 1894, to January, 1898.
William A. Scates, January, 1898, to January, 1902.
Henry F. Milliken, January, 1902, to .
The receivers of public moneys were as follows:
A. J. Hoisington, June, 1883, to July, 1885.
Samuel Thanhauser, July, 1885, to July, 1889.
Jesse Taylor, July, 1889, to January, 1894.
George T. Crist, January, 1894, to April, 1895.
Albert B. Beerer, April 1, 1895, to March, 1898.
Lewis J. Pettyjohn, March, 1898, to 1902.
This completes the list of Kansas land-offices, and traces the official history of
each to its merging in the present four offices at Topeka, Wa Keeney, Colby,
and Dodge City. It will be seen by the above that the Topeka office, which is
the original Lecompton office, no new office ever having been established in To-
peka, contains the fourteen series of books of the offices of Atchison, Doniphan,
Kickapoo, Fort Scott, Humboldt, Mapleton, Neodesha, Independence, Ogden,
Junction City, Salina, Augusta, Wichita, and Concordia; Colby contains the
records of the former offices of Cawker City, Kirwin, and Oberlin, besides its
own; Wa Keeney has the records of the Hays City office besides its own; and
Dodge City has the records of the former offices of Lamed, Garden City, and a
part of the old Wichita and Augusta offices.
The Topeka office was destroyed by fire (November or December, 1869) a
number of years ago, and all of the original records of the Lecompton, Doniphan
and the older offices went up in smoke. These have been duplicated in part from
the files in Washington for business purposes, but the old papers and signa-
tures of the notable men in the Kansas struggle, which would be interesting
historical relics, are gone forever.
Among a mass of misinformation in the official records which have been con-
THE STORY OF THE SEVENTH KANSAS. 13
suited in the preparation of this paper are many amusing things, but want of
space forbids their mention here. I will, however, give one or two, at the risk of
having them pruned out when the editorial knife is applied.
Here is a sample of the correspondence that whitens the hair of the average
land oflBcer, for it is an inflexible rule that every communication must have a
courteous answer.
"Hon. RegesTer find enclosed forten monnie audor and my fileing Papers, if
Dejected for eny caus Plas Stat causlf Filed upon Previus State Wher and When
and By Hoom filed Pleas Let Me Her from you at one." [No description of the
land accompanied the filing papers.]
But it is not alone the illiterate who make a misfit in history. The following
is from a former commissioner of the general land-office who undertook to do
Kansas a friendly turn in a description of her natural advantages :
"The Kansas, the principal river, is formed by the confluence of the Repub-
lican and Smoky Hill forks which rise in the Rocky Mountains and flow, the
former southeast and latter almost due east, uniting at Fort Riley: it continues
thence east to the Missouri river, being navigable to Fort Riley. . . . With
the exception of the Kansas, none of her streams are navigable, having generally
broad, shallow channels."
Accompanying this article is a map of Kansas territory as it was when the
the first land-office was established, showing boundaries and natural features, to
which I have briefly referred.
In closing, I desire to express my grateful thanks to Hon. Granville N. Whit-
tington, chief clerk of the central land-office, for valuable assistance in collect-
ing the data for this paper. His thirty years' service in that position fits him in
an eminent degree to become the colaborer with any man in the compiling of
records pertaining to the public lands.
But it must be left for a Wilder or a Gilmore or a Stillwell to elaborate and
correct this, so far as the personnel of the offices here mentioned is concerned.
I shall feel flattered if they are constrained to notice the paper to that extent.
THE STORY OF THE SEVENTH KANSAS.
An address made before the twenty-seventh annual meeting of the Kansas State Historical
Society, December 2, 19C2, by S. M. Fox,* Adjutant General.
rpHIS it not intended to be a history, but is a sketch, based, from a lack of suf-
-'- ficient records, on a memory which at times may be at fault. From the
conditions, the story can but be rambling and incomplete. The history of a cav-
alry regiment that nearly every day during its four years of active service was in
the saddle would fill many volumes with stories of adventure and hardship and
then be a tale half told.
* Simeon M. Fox was born in Tompkins county, New York, August 28, 1842. When he was
eleven years old he moved with his family to Elmira. He was educated in the high school at
Elmira and the Genessee college at Lima. His father came to Kansas in 1855, and located at
Highland ; the mother came later, and the son remained East attending school. In the spring
of 1861, upon the close of school, the son came to Kansas, immediately enlisting in company C,
Seventh Kansas regiment. He served nine months as a private, then was made a corporal, a
regimental sergeant-major, and then first lieutenant and adjutant, which place he held until
mustered out. At the close of the war he settled in Manhattan, and engaged in the book busi-
ness. He was appointed adjutant general of the state in 1895, serving during the administra-
tion of Governor Morrill, and was reappointed by Governor Stanley in 1899, serving six years.
The Kansas regiments during the civil war have a disjointed and very imperfect record of
their service. There is a wide-spread impression that their service was practically limited to
14 KANSAS STATE HISTORICAL SOCIETY.
At the beginning of the civil war Kansas had just been admitted as a state,
the machinery of government was hardly in working order, and the people were
very poor; yet when the call of the president for troops came the response was
immediate, and always in excess of every demand. Eight regiments were organ-
ized and placed in the field during the year of 18G1. Much confusion existed in
the organization of these regiments, resulting from the action of the War Depart-
ment at Washington in giving Senator James H. Lane authority to raise troops
and organize regiments of volunteers in Kansas independent of state authority.
The first two regiments were, however, practically organized before Senator Lane
appeared, armed with a brigadier general's commission, to begin his independent
recruiting. These two regiments had been ordered on the 2.3d of May to ren-
dezvous, one at Leavenworth and one at Lawrence. The regiment rendezvoused
at Leavenworth was mustered into the United States service on May 30 as
the First Kansas volunteer infantry, under the command of Col. George W.
Deitzler, and immediately ordered into the field. The secretary of war, deeming
the draft too heavy for so young a state, hesitated about mustering in the second
regiment. When, however. General Lane arrived in Kansas, on Friday, June 7,
Governor Robinson sent his quartermaster-general, George W. Collamore, post
haste to Washington, who after persistent urging finally secured the following
order.
War Department, June 17, 1861.
To his Excellency Charles Robinson, Governor of Kansas :
Sir — This department will accept, for three years or during the war, two regi-
ments of volunteers from Kansas, in addition to the one commanded by Colonel
Deitzler and mustered already into service, said regiments so accepted to be the
ones commanded by Colonels Phillips and Mitchell, respectively ; and the muster-
ing officer ordered by the adjutant general to muster them into the service is
hereby directed to make such requisition as may be necessary to supply them
with arms and ammunition, clothing, etc., they may require, and also to supply
any deficiency that may exist in Colonel Deitzler's regiment.
Simon Cameron, Secretary of War.
The Second Kansas volunteer infantry was mustered into the United States
service for three years at Wyandotte immediately thereafter, under the command
of Col. Robert B. Mitchell. Many recruits had enlisted in this regiment with
the understanding that it was for three months' service; they expressed dissatis-
faction, and the regiment was finally ordered to be mustered out on October 31,
1861, but nearly all its members soon after joined other regiments. The Second
Kansas cavalry, organized later. May 7, 1862, was practically a new organization,
although commanded by Colonel Mitchell and retaining in its ranks a number
of the officers and men of the old Second Kansas infantry.
The Third and Fourth Kansas volunteers were regiments of mixed arms, and
were organized by General Lane. These two regiments, with the Fifth Kansas
patrolling or bushwhackiDg along the border, or leisurely camping on the plains. Because of
the controversy between Gov. Charles Robinson and Senator James H. Lane, the organizations
of some of the regiments read like chaos. The directors of the Kansas State Historical
Society, prompted by the military pride of the people, and their observation of the value
of patriotic ancestry, determined to gather the story of the state's soldiery as complete as pos.
sible, in justice to the descendants of those who made a record as brilliant as that of any of the
nation's defenders. Adj. Gen. S. M. Fox, who served with the Seventh Kansas during its entire
enlistment and was mustered out as regimental adjutant, at tlie solicitation of the Society, pre-
pared " The Story of the Seventh Kansas," herewith published, which shows a strenuous service
at the front, and which it is hoped may be an incentive and guide to the members and friends
of other regiments. The Kansas State Historical Society has the story of the Nineteenth,
Twentieth, Twenty-first, Twenty-second, and Tv/enty-third, also well told. See volume 6,
Historical Collections. For further sketch and muster roll of the Seventh Kansas, see Adjutant
General's Report, reprint 1896.
THE STORY OF THE SEVENTH KANSAS. 15
cavalry, constituted what was known as "Lane's brigade." The Third was
mustered into the United States service at Mound City on July 24, 1861, under
the command of Col. James Montgomery. This regiment took the place of the
third regiment authorized by the secretary of war in the order of June 17, pre-
viously quoted. The Fourth Kansas volunteers was mustered into the United
States service about the same time, under the command of Col. William Weer.
The Fifth Kansas cavalry was mustered in under the command of Col. Hampton
P. Johnson,- who was killed in action at Morristown, Mo., on September 17, 1861,
and was succeeded in command by Col. Powell Clayton.
The Sixth Kansas cavalry was mustered in at Fort Scott on September 10.
It was commanded by Col. William R. Judson.
The Seventh Kansas cavalry was mustered into the United States service as
a complete organization at Fort Leavenworth on October 28, 1861, under the
command of Col. Charles R. Jennison.
The Eighth Kansas volunteer infantry was organized with eight companies
during October, 1861, and commanded at its organization by Col. Henry W.
Wessels.
It will be remembered that in June the secretary of war was hesitating about
authorizing a second regiment, for fear of making too great a draft on a young
and sparsely settled state, yet four months later eight regiments had been organ-
ized and were in the field, and all this was done without one dollar being offered
or paid by the state to secure enlistments.
I have given this brief sketch of the eight regiments recruited in Kansas in
1861 as preliminary to the story of the Seventh Kansas, and to show the patriotic
conditions that existed when this regiment was organized. All these regiments
helped to make history, and have left records of unfading glory. The First and
Second Kansas fought on the bloody field of Wilson Creek, and their heroism
there has given a luster to the name of Kansas that time can never dim. One
hundred and six men was the death record of the First Kansas alone during that
terrible day, and this regiment marched off the field in perfect order when the
battle was lost. The Second Kansas, although not suffering so great a mortality,
left a no less brilliant record for bravery and discipline. The Third and Fourth
Kansas regiments were never complete organizations, but, with the Fifth Kansas
cavalry, did excellent service along the Missouri border, and their presence there
undoubtedly saved Kansas from rebel invasion when, after the dearly bought
and doubtful victory at Wilson Creek, the Confederate general. Sterling Price,
marched north to Lexington, in September, 1861. The Third and Fourth Kan-
sas volunteers were broken up in February, 1862, and assigned to other regiments.
The infantry companies were consolidated, and became designated thereafter
as the Tenth Kansas volunteer infantry; the cavalry companies were trans-
ferred to the Fifth, Sixth and Ninth Kansas cavalry, and helped to complete the
organization of those regiments. The Fifth and Sixth Kansas cavalry regi-
ments served to the end of the war in Missouri, Arkansas and the Indian Terri-
tory with great credit, and took part in all the principal battles west of the
Mississippi fought after Wilson Creek. The Eighth Kansas infantry served in
the army of the Cumberland. The regiment lost heavily at Chickamauga, and
was one of the first regiments to reach the summit of Missionary Ridge, in the
famous charge of Wood's division at the battle of Chattanooga.
In the absence of records, it is difficult at this late date to know under whose
authority some of these regiments of 1861 were organized. Governor Robinson
resented the interference of the War Department in sending General Lane to
Kansas to raise troops independent of the state government, and when General
16 KANSAS STATE HISTORICAL SOCIETY.
Lane began to recruit, and usurp what the governor considered his constitutional
rights, he went ahead and raised troops himself and ignored Lane as far as pos-
sible. The governor also made matters as uncomfortable as possible for him ; he
started a tire in his rear by appointing Fred P. Stanton to fill the vacancy as-
sumed to have been created in the senate when General Lane was confirmed as a
brigadier general, and the senator general was given much trouble to maintain
his seat. The First, Second, Seventh and Eighth regiments were clearly raised
under state authority, and the Third and Fourth regiments by General Lane;
the Fifth cavalry, while a part of Lane's brigade, was practically organized under
state jurisdiction; the Sixth cavalry originated under authority of General Lyon,
who authorized the organization of several companies for the defense of the bor-
der near Fort Scott; additional companies of the Sixth were organized by order
of Major Prince. This action seems to have been approved by Governor Robin-
eon, and the Sixth was practically organized under state authority.
It was natural that a state made up of the hardy settlers who came to Kansas
to make it a free state should be patriotic. The men all had convictions, and
they knew that the war was inevitable, and expected when the time came to take
a hand in the game. Military companies began to report to the state government
as soon as Kansas became a state, and before the end of June, 1861, there was
scarcely a hamlet that did not have its military organization that met nearly
every night for drill. Leavenworth city alone had twenty-three companies;
Atchison and Doniphan county and the settled counties to the westward were
organized and asking for arms. The border counties from Wyandotte to Bourbon
kept their old companies, organized for the protection of the border, alive, and
organized others in addition. All through the state, as far west as Junction
City, these companies were drilling and preparing for the trouble to come.
Many of these organizations enlisted in the United States service in a body and
were the nucleus of the permanent volunteer regiments. Whenever a company
so enlisted, another company was organized to take its place at home. There is one
thing that must be said: many of the soldiers in the Kansas volunteer regiments
came from other states, directed here by motives that were various, but this class
was mostly made up of men of abolition belief who wanted to help strike a blow
at slavery in the name of Kansas. They left states where large bounties were
being offered and enlisted in Kansas, a state too poor to pay an additional bounty,
and composed of a class of citizens so patriotic that no such inducement to enlist
was ever required.
It will be observed that the Kansas regiments were numbered consecutively
without reference to the arm of service they represented.
About the Ist of August, 1861, Governor Robinson gave authority to Dr.
Charles R. Jennison to raise a regiment of cavalry. Something of a glamour
surrounded Jennison in those days; he had been conspicuous as a leader in the
early days of border troubles, and his " jayhawkers" had inflicted damage on the
pro-slavery sympathizers that ranged all the way from blood to loot; indeed, he
carried the latter to such an extent that the pedigree of most Kansas horses, it
was said, should have been recorded as "out of Missouri by Jennison." So
when Jennison began to raise his regiment the organization became immediately
known as "the jayhawkers," a name that followed through its whole history, as
the war records will show. Much conjecture as to the origin of the word "jay-
hawker" has been indulged in; one story is that it was a modification of "gay
Yorker," an appellation applied to Doctor Jennison when he first came to Kan-
sas, he having been of sportive proclivities and hailing from the Empire state.
There are always persons who take a great deal of trouble to explain or account
THE STORY OF THE SEVENTH KANSAS. 17
for a very natural or commonplace thing. The predatory habits of the jayhawk
would indicate that the name as applied to Jennison's men was singularly ap-
propriate and one need not speculate as to what suggested the application. The
"jayhawkers" did not certainly originate then, for as early as 1849 a little band
of Argonauts from Illinois, who made the overland journey to California, called
themselves "the jayhawkers" ; they were lost in Death valley, and the thrilling
story of their suffering and final rescue has often been told.* I have seen it
somewhere, but I cannot now recall where, that the name was of common appli-
cation in Texas during the struggle for liberty, but of this I am not sure.
Colonel Jennison was commissioned as such on September 4, 1861, and re-
cruiting began immediately. Burning placards were posted in the villages offer-
ing inducement in way of proposed equipment that would have made every man
a portable arsenal. The recruit, in imagination, saw himself bristling with death
*The most interesting party that ever crossed the plains, the discoverers of Death valley, of
silver in Nevada and of the great niter deposits in the desert east of California were the " jay-
hawkers of '49." The party was made up at Galesburg, 111., from which place they started,
April 5, 1849. They crossed the Missouri river at Omaha. Since 1872 the survivors of this party
have held annual reunions. The first was held that year in Galesburg, 111., and the last one was at
Lodi, Cal., February 4, 1903. On the 4th of February, 1850, John B. Colton, who now resides in
Kansas City, Mo., saw the first sign of vegetation, and on that day thirty-two of the thirty-six
emerged from Death valley terribly emaciated wrecks. Seven of the party are now known to
be alive. The Historical Society has had letters from three of tliem, one being from Mrs.
Juliette W. Brier, the only woman in the party, now past ninety years old. When the party
reached a Spanish ranch, big, strong men were nothing but wrinkled skin clinging over visible
skeletons. Their teeth showed in outline beneath clinging parchment cheeks. At the last re-
union but three attended, Mr. Colton, from Kansas City, a gentleman from San Jose, and the
hostess, Mrs. Brier. Mr. Colton has a newspaper scrap-book, containing as much as 3000 col-
umns of reading-matter, about the " jayhawkers of '49," and yet the world cannot get away from
the impression that the word originated in a Kansas raid on Missouri. John B. Colton, of
Kansas City, Mo., in a letter, gives the origin of the word :
" For the information of the Bostonese, who is endeavoring to fix the origin of the word 'jay-
hawker,' I will say that it was coined on the Platte river, not far west of the Missouri river, in 1849,
jong before the word 'Kansas' was known or heard of. I cannot tell him why, but I was
there. Some kind of hawks, as they sail up in the air reconnoitering for mice and other small
prey, look and act as though they were the whole thing. Then the audience of jays and other
small but jealous and vicious birds sail in and jab him, until he gets tired of show life and
slides out of trouble in the lower earth. Now, perhaps this is what happens among fellows on
the trail — jaybirds and hawks enact the same role, pro and con —out of pure devilment and to
pass the hours of a long march. At any rate, ours was the crowd that created the word 'jay-
hawker,' at the date and locality above stated. Another thing : in the mountains and mines of
California, in those early days, words were coined or born, climatic surroundihga materially
contributing. The words were short, like the latter-day ' tenderfoot ' ; ' shorthand ' meant a line,
a sentence, and perhaps a whole page. I have heard a word that meant a whole lifetime to the
other fellow. Now, when these Argonauts of early times returned to the states, those shorthand
words clung to them and were distributed among the surrounders, and they took them up and
perpetuated them. Possibly an early-timer, in the troublous times of new Kansas, when they
were settling difficulties in promiscuous ways, may have known or heard the word ' jayhawker'
from the far West, and knew it was a winner, and so adopted it as a talisman. So far as Kan-
sas is concerned, the word was borrowed or copied ; it is not a home product. I knew many of
the leaders in jayhawker times of early Kansas '50's, and have met them at Leavenworth and
other points frequently in those days."
Mr. U. P. Davidson writes from Thermopolis, Wyo. : " In answer, I will state that our com-
pany was made up from schoolboys at Galesburg, 111. We formed an order of our own. One of
our party suggested the name of ' jayhawk,' so that was adopted. Our company has gone by
that name ever since." A few days out from Salt Lake the jayhawkers left a large party
and took a different course. In a day or so more they were joined by Rev. Mr. Brier, wife, and
three little boys. When Mrs. Brier reached the ranch at the end of their march through Death
valley, the Spanish women cried piteously and hugged her to their bosoms as though she were a
child. Mrs. Brier writes that " they (the company ) took upon themselves the name jayhawker
when they started for California,"
18 KANSAS STATE HISTORICAL SOCIETY.
and desolation, mounted on an Arabian barb, breathing flame as he bore his rider
to victory. All this was in strong contrast to the pitiful equipment that was at
first in reality issued.
The field and staff of the Seventh Kansas at organization was as follows:
Colonel Charles R. Jennison.
Lieutenant-colonel Daniel R. Anthony.
Major Thomas P. Herrick.
Major Albert L. Lee.
Adjutant John T. Snoddy.
Quartermaster Robert W. Hamer.
Surgeon ( vacancy ).
Assistant surgeon Joseph S. Martin.
Chaplain Samuel Ayers.
Sergeant-major William A. Pease.
Quartermaster sergeant Eli Babb.
Commissary sergeant Lucius Whitney.
Hospital steward John M. Whitehead.
Hospital steward James W. Lansing.
Chief bugler George Goss.
Chief bugler John Gill.
Company A was organized the last part of August, 1861, principally in Doni-
phan county, although the northern tier of counties supplied recruits from as
far west as Marshall. The original officers were:
Captain Thomas P. Herrick.
First lieutenant Levi H. Utt.
Second lieutenant Thomas H. Lohnes.
The company was recruited by Captain Herrick, of Highland, in conjunction
with Lieutenant Utt, of White Cloud, and was mustered into the United States
service at Fort Leavenworth on August 27, 1861. When the regiment was or-
ganized, on October 28, Captain Herrick was made a major, and Lieutenant Utt
was promoted to captain, and Sergt. Aaron M. Pitts was commissioned a first
lieutenant to fill the vacancy. Second Lieutenant Lohnes remained in his origi-
nal grade until his resignation, February 13, 1862. Major Herrick became lieu-
tenant-colonel on September 2, 1862, and colonel on June 11, 1863. Captain Utt
had served under General Lyon in Colonel Blair's First Missouri infantry and
was a proficient drill master. He molded the company, and it was through his
first training that the company became and always remained the most efficient
and reliable organization in the regiment; and there is no disparagement to the
other companies in saying this; all were good, but company A was a shade better.
Let me say here that the military nomenclature of the civil war differs from the
present; the word " troop" as now applied was not then used ; "company" was,
at the beginning of the war, applied alike to cavalry and infantry; later, in 1863,
the name "squadron" became the designation of a company of cavalry. The
word "squadron" as applied to cavalry, as the equivalent of "battalion" as ap-
plied to infantry, is of much later date.
Captain Utt was one of the most fearless men that I ever saw ; when in the
greatest hazard he seemed entirely unconscious of danger. He lost a leg at
Leighton, Ala., April 2, 1863, while charging a battery with his mounted com-
pany; his horse was killed under him. As soon as the stub healed sufficiently,
he outfitted himself with a wooden leg and came back to the comuiand of his
company. He was promoted major November 17, 1864, which rank he held until
finally mustered out with the regiment. Although a young man, the name "old
timber toes" became his familiar appellation.
First Lieut. Aaron M. Pitts was appointed captain of company D Octo-
THE STORY OF THE SEVENTH KANSAS. 19
ber 3, 1862; the vacancy created was filled by the promotion of Sergt. Bazil C,
Sanders to first lieutenant. Second Lieutenant Lohnes resigned February 13,
1862, and Jacob M. Anthony was appointed to the vacancy from civil life. On
the promotion of Captain Utt to major, Lieutenant Sanders, who had gallantly
commanded the company while Utt was disabled by wounds, became captain, and
under his command the company always maintained its reputation for efiBciency.
Lieutenant Anthony was promoted to captain and assigned to company I on May
16, 1863, and Sergt. Dewitt C. Taylor was promoted to the vacancy. Sergt.
Henry C. Campbell was appointed a first lieutenant to fill the vacancy created
by the promotion of Sanders.
All these officers proved themselves to be brave and efficient. Lieutenant
Lohnes was, however, a deserter from the regular army, but no question as to
his bravery was ever raised ; for cold-blooded nerve he was not often equaled.
After his resignation he followed the regiment as far as Rienzi, Miss. From
there he went back to Kansas and indulged in a little " jayhawking" on his own
hook. He was captured, but while under guard at White Cloud, one cold winter
night, when all the guards had come in to the fire in an old building where he
was confined, he raised up as if to stretch himself, and with a remark about hard
luck, suddenly jumped through the window, carrying away sash and glass. The
guard rushed out but their prisoner had vanished. He was heard from in 1865,
and was then living in Nova Scotia.
Company B was organized by Capt. Fred Swoyer, of Leavenworth; it was
composed of men recruited in Leavenworth and Atchison counties, except about
thirty men brought from Chicago by Lieut. Isaac Gannett. The company was
recruited during September, 1861, and partially organized with two officers. First
Lieut. Fred Swoyer and Second Lieut. William S. Moorhouse. Early in Oc-
tober, when Lieutenant Gannett arrived with his recruits from Chicago, the
organization was completed, with the following officers:
Captain Fred. Swoyer.
First lieutenant Isaac Gannett.
Second lieutenant WilHam S. Moorhouse.
Captain Swoyer commanded the company until he was killed, January 3,
1863. He was succeeded by Capt. William S. Moorhouse, promoted from second
lieutenant. Lieutenant Gannett was absent from the regiment on staff duty dur-
ing most of his term of service and lost out on promotion in consequence. Moor-
house was succeeded as second lieutenant by Charles L. Thompson, advanced
from first sergeant. Lieutenant Thompson deserted February 18, 1863.
Captain Swoyer was a man of great physical courage, but exceedingly reck-
less. In the winter of 1861-'62 he did a little steeple-chasing down Delaware
street, in Leavenworth, and while putting his horse over a sleigh loaded with
cord wood, standing across the street, the animal fell and broke the captain's
leg. He limped through the rest of his life. His death was the result of his
recklessness, but he was brave and patriotic and did splendid service while he
lived. After the death of Captain Swoyer the company was temporarily com-
manded by Capt. Bernard P. Chenoweth, of the First Kansas infantry, who was
with the company for a short time; after his departure Moorhouse was made
captain, as above stated. Captain Chenoweth was a gallant officer, who had done
splendid service at Wilson Creek with his regiment. He was very punctilious,
and exceedingly neat in his dress; he always wore a black regulation hat with a
long white feather trailing down his back, but you can be assured that, like the
white plume of Navarre, it would always be seen dancing in the forefront of
20 KANSAS STATE HISTORICAL SOCIETY.
battle when the fight was on. Moorhouse became captain April 22, 1863, and
Chenoweth returned to his old regiment. Moorhouse commanded the company
most efficiently until he was mustered out, March 7, 18C5.
Sergt. John A. Middleton, a member of company B, who deserted at Ger-
:maDtown, Tenn., in February, 1863, gained a later notoriety; he was the des-
perado, "Doc" Middleton, who terrorized a portion of Nebraska some twenty
years ago.
Company C was recruited in Leavenworth city by its first captain, William S.
'Jenkins. About twenty-five men recruited in Doniphan and Brown counties
completed the organization. Recruiting began September 5 and the organiza-
tion was perfected at Kansas City on October 10, with the following officers:
Captain William S. Jenkins.
First lieutenant Francis M. Ray.
Second lieutenant James Smith.
Captain Jenkins commanded the company until his promotion to major. May
27, 1863. He was promoted to lieutenant-colonel March 21, 1864, and resigned
November 14 of same year. Lieutenant Ray resigned December 8, 1861, and
was succeeded by First Lieut. James D. Snoddy, appointed from civil life. Lieu-
tenant Snoddy was later temporarily transferred to company G, and left the
service in December, 1862. Snoddy was succeeded by Lieut. John A. Tanner,
promoted from second lieutenant of company F. Lieutenant Tanner resigned
July 23, 1863, and was succeeded by the promotion of Second Lieut. Bayless S.
Campbell. Captain Jenkins was succeeded by Capt. James Smith, promoted
from second lieutenant July 1, 1863. Lieut. Bayless S. Campbell, promoted
■from sergeant, filled the vacancy created by the advancement of Smith; when
Campbell was promoted to first lieutenant he was succeeded by Second Lieut.
John H. Wildey, promoted from first sergeant.
Captain Jenkins was an efficient officer and deserved his promotions. Lieu-
tenant Ray and First Sergt. John H. Gilbert were the original drill-masters of
the company. They had both served in the regular army, and were efficient, and
soon had the company whipped into excellent shape. Lieut. James Smith, later
captain, was a native of the East Tennessee mountains, and had an intense hatred
for a rebel. He was a big, awkward fellow, with very light hair, which he always
wore close cropped ; he never escaped the name of ' ' Babe, ' ' given him at his first
enlistment. He was perfectly fearless and would fight an army rather than re-
treat, and, when he held the command of the company, had always to be watched
and ordered back in a most peremptory manner or he was liable to stay too long.
He would have died any time rather than surrender, as the story of his death will
attest. After his discharge from the service he went to southern Kansas, where
he jumped, or rather took possession of, a claim deserted by the original preemp-
tor; a party of men who considered him an interloper rode out to drive him off.
He did not drive, and when they opened fire he promptly returned it, and killed
two of their number before he himself fell. As one of the posse bent over him to
ascertain if he was dead, he suddenly raised his pistol hand and sent a bullet
through the brain of his inquisitive enemy, and with a look of grim satisfaction
■joined him on his unknown journey. Poor old Jim ! His men always loved him,
and when he was twice deprived of promotion by the appointment of officers from
outside the company over him, they made it so uncomfortable for the intruders
that they were glad to be transferred to more agreeable surroundings. Lieuten-
ants Campbell and Wildey were brave men and made good officers. Lieutenant
Campbell commanded the artillery detachment attached to the regiment in 1863.
THE STORY OF THE SEVENTH KANSAS. 21
Ex-Gov. E. N. Morrill was a member of this company during the first year of its
service. He served as company commissary sergeant until he was promoted to
captain in the subsistence department.
Company D was recruited in Bureau county, Illinois, and vicinity. It was or-
ganized at Wyanet, by Capt. Clark S. Merriman, in August, 1861. The company
had not been assigned when it came to Fort Leavenworth on escort duty, and .■
was induced to cast its fortunes with Jennison's regiment, then organizing at that t
post. The company was made up of a fine lot of men and was always considered
a great acquisition. The officers at organization were :
Captain Clark S. Merriman.
First lieutenant Andrew Downing.
Second lieutenant Isaac J. Hughes.
Captain Merriman was promoted to major October 3, 1862, and resigned July ,
13, 1863. Lieutenant Downing remained with the company until the close of his-
original term of service, September 27, 1861:. Lieutenant Downing was writing
poetry then, as he is to-day, and I have a printed sheet of his poems of 1861, writ-
ten under the nom de jj'ume, "Curley Q., Esq." Second Lieutenant Hughes'
was not a success, and resigned June 2, 1863. Hughes was at first familiarly
known as "Shang Hai," which was soon abbreviated into"Shang." He once had'
an exceedingly narrow escape from death. At Coffey ville, Miss., he was in com- •
mand of his company, and, when it was dismounted and ordered on the firing line, '
sent it in under command of First Sergeant Hinsdale, while he personally took
charge of his lead horses in the rear. The gallant Hinsdale was killed. The
vacancy created .by the promotion of Captain Merriman was filled by the ad-
vancement of Lieut. Aaron M. Pitts, of company A, who commanded the com-
pany until its final discharge. When Lieutenant Downing was mustered out, •
First Sergt. William Henry was promoted to first lieutenant to fill the vacancy.
No appointment was made to fill the vacancy created by the resignation of Second
Lieutenant Hughes. Lieutenant Henry was an exceptionally fine officer, abso-
lutely fearless, and, although a boyish-appearing, smooth-faced young fellow, ■
had a remarkable control over men.
Company E was originally organized at Quincy, 111., in the month of August,
1861, by Capt. George I. Yeager. Tho members of the company were mostly
from Chicago. The company arrived at Fort Leavenworth on September 22 and
moved immediately to Kansas City, where it joined the other companies of the
regiment recruited up to date, that were temporarily stationed there. The origi-
nal officers were :
Captain George I. Yeager.
First lieutenant Charles H. Gregory.
Second lieutenant John Noyes, jr.
Captain Yeager became very unpopvilar with his men, and was forced to re-
sign on October 8, 1861, and First Lieut. Charles H. Gregory was commis-
sioned captain, and First Sergt. Russell W. Maryhugh was appointed first lieu-
tenant, on October 18, 1861. Captain Gregory was promoted to major April
8, 186i, and Second Lieutenant Noyes was promotedcaptain to fill the vacancy on
May 19, 1864; the vacancy in grade of second lieutenant was never filled. First
Lieutenant Maryhugh was mustered out October 12, 1864, by reason of the ex-
piration of his term of service, and was succeeded by the promotion of Corp. .
Edwin T. Saunders, of company A. Captain Gregory was a man of the greatest
22 KANSAS STATE HISTORICAL SOCIETY.
bravery and dash and had the knack of doing just the right thing at just the
proper time. His gallantry produced brilliant results and much of the credit
earned by the regiment was due to him. Noyes and Maryhugh were both sturdy
and reliable soldiers. Lieutenant Saunders was little more than a boy, but he
never knew what fear was.
Company F was organized by Capt. Francis M. Malone, of Pana, 111., in
September, 1861. The company was recruited largely in Christian county and
vicinity. Captain Malone brought his men to Kansas and joined Jennison's regi-
ment in October, 1861. The original oflBcers of the company were:
Captain Francis M. Malone.
First lieutenant Amos Hodgeman.
Second lieutenant John A. Tanner.
Captain Malone was promoted to major August 12, 1863, and to lieutenant-
colonel November 19, 1864, and was in command of the regiment during the
most of its last year's service. Lieutenant Hodgeman was promoted to captain
and assigned to company H June 23, 1863. Second Lieut. John A. Tanner
was promoted to first lieutenant of company C, and First Sergt. Edward Col-
bert was promoted to second lieutenant to fill the vacancy October 31, 1862,
and promoted captain October 26, 1863, and was in command of the company
until its muster-out. First Sergt. John Clark was promoted to first lieuten-
ant October 26, 1863, and resigned February 15, 1865. First Sergt. John W.
Moore was appointed first lieutenant July 17, 1865, and was mustered out with
the regiment. The vacancy in the grade of second lieutenant, occasioned by the
promotion of Lieutenant Colbert, was never filled.
Captain Hodgeman was a brave officer and was killed in action. Captain
Colbert had previously served in the regular army and was a good officer and
most excellent in the field.
Company G was recruited in Linn county, Kansas, and vicinity, by Capt.
Edward Thornton, and was mustered into the United States service on October
12, 1861, with the following officers:
Captain Edward Thornton.
First lieutenant David W. Houston.
Second lieutenant Christopher C. Thompkins.
Captain Thornton commanded the company during its full term of service.
First Lieutenant Houston was promoted captain of company H September 30,
1862, and promoted lieutenant-colonel July 1, 1863. Lieutenant Thompkins re-
signed February 1, 1862. Sergt.maj. Harmon D. Hunt was promoted to first
lieutenant, to fill the vacancy created by the promotion of Lieutenant Houston.
Lieutenant Hunt resigned November 30, 1864, and was succeeded by First Lieut.
Zachariah Norris, promoted from second lieutenant January 17, 1865. The va-
cancy in the grade of second lieutenant created by the resignation of Lieutenant
Thompkins was filled by the appointment of Richard H. Kerr from civil life.
Lieutenant Kerr was dismissed from the service November 24, 1862, and the va-
cancy created was filled by the promotion of Corp. Zachariah Norris, who was
promoted to first lieutenant as above. Private William A. Pease was appointed
second lieutenant to fill the vacancy. Captain Thornton was a generous whole-
souled man, and made an excellent company commander. Lieut. Zach. Norris
had been a soldier in the old Second Kansas infantry, and had been severely
wounded at the battle of Wilson Creek.
THE STORY OF THE SEVENTH KANSAS. 23
Company H was organized by Capt. Marshall Cleveland, of jiyhawker fame,
and was mustered in at Fort Leavenworth on September 27, 18G1, with the fol-
lowing officers:
Captain Marshall Cleveland.
First lieutenant James L. Rafety.
Second lieutenant Charles E. Gordon.
The original company was largely made up of members of Cleveland's old band
of jayhawkers, that had operated along the Missouri border. Captain Cleveland
was one of the handsomest men I ever saw; tall and rather slender, hair dark,
beard dark and neatly trimmed. He was very neat in his dress and his carriage
was easy and graceful. As a horseman he was superb. A stranger never would
get the impression from his appearance that he was the desperate character that
he was. His real name was Charles Metz. He was a native of New York state,
had been a stage-driver in Ohio, and had served a term in the Missouri penitentiary.
After his graduation from this institution he had for a time called himself " Moore,"
but later settled down on to the name "Cleveland." He did not remain with
the regiment long; he could not endure the restraint, and one evening at Fort
Leavenworth the culmination came. The regiment marched out for dismounted
dress parade ; Colonel Anthony was receiving the salute and, as the regiment was
formed, took occasion to censure Captain Cleveland for appearing in a pair of
light drab trousers tucked in his boot tops. Cleveland immediately left hie sta-
tion in front of his company and advanced directly towards the colonel; all ex-
pected bloodshed, but it only culminated in a few characteristic and pointed
remarks on the part of the two officers immediately involved, and Cleveland
passed on. He mounted his horse and rode away to Leavenworth city, and im-
mediately sent in his resignation, and we saw him no more. He soon gathered a
band of kindred spirits about him and began his old trade of jayhawking.* He
was quite impartial in his dealings with rebels and Union men at the last, and if
there was any question he took the benefit of the doubt. He made his head-
quarters at Atchison and eluded for a time all attempts to capture him ; once or
twice he captured the posse sent out after him and, after taking their horses and
arms, sent them home on foot, as may be supposed, somewhat crestfallen. He
* John James Ingalls published in the Kansas Mac/azine, April, 1872, an article entitled
"The Last of the Jayhawkers." Two paragraphs will suffice :
" The border ruffians in '56 constructed tlie eccaleobion in which the jayhawk was hatched,
and it broke the shell upon the reedy shores of the Marais des Cygnes. Its habits were not
migratory, and for many years its habitat was southern Kansas; but eventually it extended its
field of operations northward, and soon after the outbreak of the war was domiciled in the
gloomy defiles and lonely forests of the bluffs whose rugged bastions resist the assaults of the
Missouri from the mouth of the Kaw to the Nebraska line.
"Conspicuous among the irregular heroes who thus sprang to arms in 1861, and ostensibly
their leader, was an Ohio stage-driver by the name of Charles Metz, who, having graduated
with honor from the penitentiary of Missouri, assumed, from prudential reasons, the more eu-
phonious and distinguished appellation of Cleveland. He was a picturesque brigand. Had he
worn a slashed doublet and trunk hose of black velvet he would have been the ideal of an Ital-
ian bandit. Young, erect, and tall, he was sparely built, and arrayed himself like a gentleman,
in the costume of the day. His appearance was that of a student. His visage was thin ; his
complexion olive-tinted and colorless, as if slicked over with the pale cast of thought. Black,
piercing eyes, finely cut features, dark hair and beard, correctly trimmed, completed a tout en-
semble that was strangely at variance with the aspect of the score of dissolute and dirty des-
peradoes that formed his command. There were generally degraded ruffians of the worst type,
whose highest idea of elegance in personal appearance was to have their moustaches dyed a
£l, villainous metallic black, irrespective of the consideration whether its native hue was red or
H brown. It is a noticeable fact that a dyed mustache stamps its wearer inevitably either as a
W^. pitiful snoi) or an irreclaimable scoundrel."
I
24 KANSAS STATE HISTORICAL SOCIETY.
finally ran up against the inevitable while trying to escape across the Marais
des Cygnes, when pursued by Lieutenant Walker with a squad of company E,
Sixth Kansas cavalry ; he was shot and killed by a sergeant. He sleeps peace-
fully in the cemetery at St. Joseph. The headstone which marks his grave bears
this gentle epitaph :
"One hero less on earth,
One angel more in heaven."
Cleveland was succeeded in command of the company by Capt. Horace Par-
dee, appointed from civil life. Captain Pardee led a strenuous life during the
few months he was with the regiment. He was wounded at Columbus, Mo. He
resigned May 15, 18G2, and was succeeded by Capt. James L. Rafety, promoted
from first lieutenant. Rafety was dismissed August .31, 1862. Capt. David W,
Houston, promoted from first lieutenant of company G, was next in succession,
and commanded the company until his promotion to lieutenant-colonel, July 1,
1863. He in turn was succeeded by Capt. Amos Hodgeman, promoted from first
lieutenant of Company F, July 23, 1863. Captain Hodgeman died of wounds re-
ceived at Wyatt, Miss., October 16, 1863. Capt. Charles L. Wall, promoted from
first lieutenant April 6, 18Gi, was Captain Hodgeman's successor, and commanded
the company until its final discharge.
The first lieutenants of the company were: James L. Rafety, promoted and
dismissed as above ; John Kendall, promoted from second lieutenant May 15,
1862, and dismissed the service November 22, 1862 ; and Charles L. Wall, pro-
moted from second lieutenant September 1, 1862. Lieutenant Wall having been
promoted to captain, was succeeded by the promotion of Lieut. Samuel N. Ayers
from first sergeant, May 28, 1864. Lieutenant Ayers resigned March 20, 1865,
and First Sergt. Wallace E. Dickson was promoted to fill the vacancy, and held
the rank until the muster-out of the company.
The second lieutenants were: Charles E. Gordon, who resigned February 11,
1862 ; John Kendall, promoted as above ; Charles L. Wall promoted from ser-
geant May 15, 1862, and later promoted to first lieutenant and captain ; Samuel
R. Doolittle, promoted from first sergeant September 1, 1862, and resigned March
3, 1863. Doolittle was succeeded by Joseph H. Nessell, promoted from sergeant
April 8, 1863. He was dismissed the service April, 1864, and the vacancy was
never filled.
Company H was made up of splendid fighting material, but did not have the
proper discipline at first. After Cleveland's resignation, many of his old men
deserted and joined the band their old leader was organizing. When Blunt was
made a brigadier-general, Jennison, who was an aspirant for the promotion him-
self, was highly wroth, and made an intemperate speech while in camp at Law-
rence, during which he practically advised the men to desert. That night a
number of men, principally from company H, took his advice and disappeared.
Jennison himself sent in his resignation, which was promptly accepted on May 1,
1862, and the regiment was relieved of a worthless officer. Houston, Hodgeman
and Wall were fine officers and brought the company out in excellent shape.
Some of the best and most daring men of the regiment were in this company.
Capt. Amos Hodgeman did much to discipline and make company H what it
eventually became. He was a man of great bravery, and I believe was liked by
his men. He was dark, with a countenance that gave him an almost sinister
appearance ; he rarely smiled and did not talk any more than necessary. He was
mortally wounded October 10, 1863, while leading a charge at Wyatt, Miss. A
severe fight was in progress between the cavalry forces under General Hatch and
General Forrest. As we were forcing the rebels back, they made a determined
THE STORY OF THE SEVENTH KANSAS. 25
stand around a log house on a ridge. A charge had been made and repulsed,
and Captain Hodgeman was leading the second assault when he fell, mortally
wounded; he died on October 16, 1863. Hodgeman county was named after him.
Hie was born in Massachusetts, and when the war broke out was a carpenter and
builder in Leavenworth city.
There is a pathetic story connected with hie life that may here be told. After
he joined the regiment he married a pretty young woman who served drinks in a
Leavenworth beer hall. In the spring of 1863 he brought her to the camp, at
Corinth, Miss., and she remained there for a number of weeks. The wives of a
number of the other officers were there, but Mrs. Hodgeman made no attempt to
push herself into their company; she seemed contented with her husband's so-
ciety, and busied herself in taking care of hie quarters. They were very fond of
each other, and that was enough. The camp became liable to attack any day from
Forrest, and the women were sent North. After Captain Hodgeman's death, she
came to the regiment dressed in deep mourning, and went out with her husband's
old company under a flag of truce, secured his body, and took it away for burial.
Soon after she entered a military hospital at Cincinnati, Ohio, as a nurse. She
was never very robust, but she steadily performed her duties, growing a little
less strong each day. She was always patient and gentle, and worked on until
she could work no more. She did not have to wait long before death came to
her as her reward. Poor Kitty Hodgeman ! There are heroes who deserve to be
"enskied and sainted" other than those who, striving for principle, go down in
the forefront of battle.
One of the members of company H has since become famous — W. F. Cody,
"Buffalo Bill." He entered ae a veteran recruit, and was mustered out with the
regiment.
Company I was recruited by Maj. Albert L. Lee in Doniphan county. Major
Lee lived at Elwood, opposite St. Joseph, and a number of recruits came from
that city. Lee was made a major at the organization of the regiment, and on
May 7, 1862, was promoted to colonel. The company was recruited in October,
and was mustered into the United States service October 28, 1861, with the fol-
lowing officers :
Captain John L. Merrick.
First lieutenant Robert Hayes.
Second lieutenant Edwin Miller.
Capt. "Jack" Merrick resigned November 27, 1862, and was succeeded by
Capt. Jacob M. Anthony, promoted from second lieutenant of company A. First
Lieut. Robert Hayes died of disease at Corinth, Miss., September 20, 1862, and
was succeeded by the promotion of Second Lieut. William Weston. Second Lieut.
Edwin Miller resigned September 27, 1862, and First Sergt. WMlliam Weston was
promoted to the vacancy. When Weston became first lieutenant the grade of
second lieutenant remained vacant. Company I was steady and reliable at all
times, and did splendid service; it was made up of a lot of unpretentious men
who came promptly when needed and remained until orders directed them other-
wise. Capt. Jack Merrick was something of a character: he was somewhat Fal-
stafflan in his proportions, and used to wear a pair of big cavalry boots that
slopped down about hie heels. His oft-repeated phrase, "If the court knows her-
self, and I think she do," rings in my ears yet. Captain Anthony, who succeeded
him, was a brother of Daniel R., but he had been molded from more plastic and
tractable clay. He had courage and staying qualities, and made up in persist-
ency what he lacked in aggressiveness. He was an excellent company commander,
26 KANSAS STATE HISTORICAL SOCIETY.
and I believe that he, of all the officers appointed from civil life who came to the
regiment after it went into the field, overcame the resentment of the men and
served through to the end.
Lieutenant Weston was a quiet soldier who did his duty always, and the regi-
mental commander always knew that if he was sent to accomplish a purpose it
would be done, if within the limits of possibility.
Company K was originally organized at Jefferson, Ashtabula county, Ohio,
by John Brown, jr., on September G, 1861. Captain Brown sent the company on
to Fort Leavenworth under the command of First Lieut. Burr H. Bostwick, and
remained for a time in Ohio to finish the recruiting. Company K reached Fort
Leavenworth on November 7, 1861, and was mustered into the United States
service on November 12. The officers at the original muster were:
Captain John Brown, jr.
First lieutenant Burr H. Bostwick.
Second lieutenant George H. Hoyt.
Captain Brown was the son of John Brown of heroic fame. He was with the
company very little, on account of ill health; he soon found that he could not
perform the service and resigned May 27, 1862. Second Lieut. George H. Hoyt
was made captain to fill the vacancy ; he was jumped over a man better qualified
in every respect for the command of the company. Hoyt had the good taste to
resign on September 3, 1862, and Bostwick was given his deserved promotion.
He commanded the company during the remainder of its term of service. The
vacancy in the grade of second lieutenant was filled by the appointment of Fred
W. Emery from civil life, May 27, 1862. Emery was promoted first lieutenant
and adjutant October 30 of same year, and Sergt. Thomas J. Woodburn was
promoted to fill the vacancy in the company. Lieutenant Woodburn was killed
in action at Coffey ville. Miss., on November 5, 1862. Sergt. William W. Crane
was appointed second lieutenant August 15, 1863, and first lieutenant Septem-
ber 30 of same year, the vacancy in the grade of second lieutenant remaining
unfilled.
As may be supposed, company K was made up of abolitionists of the intense
sort. I believe that it was this company that brought the John Brown song to
Kansas; at least, I had never heard it until they sang it, immediately after their
arrival. For a while after the company joined the regiment the men would as-
semble near the captain's tent in the dusk after "retreat" and listen to the deep
utterances of some impassioned orator ; the voice was always low and did not
reach far beyond the immediate circle of the company, who stood with heads
bent, drinking in every word. The speaker always closed with "Do you swear to
avenge the death of John Brown ?" and the answer always came back low and
deep, " We will, we will " ; then would follow the John Brown hymn, sung in the
same repressed manner, but after the last verse of the original song was sung it
would be followed by a verse in accelerated time, beginning with "Then three
cheers for John Brown, jr." This almost lively wind-up of these nightly exercises
had the same effect on me as the quickstep that the music plays immediately on
leaving the enclosure after a soldier's burial. At first the whole regiment used
to gather just outside of the sacred precincts and listen, but soon it ceased to at-
tract, and the company itself became too busy avenging to hold their regular
meetings.
Of the officers, Bostwick, Woodburn, Emery and Crane were all efficient.
Captain Brown never had the opportunity to show the stuff he was made of, his
broken health forcing him to resign very soon. Lieut. Tom Woodburn was
THE STORY OF THE SEVENTH KANSAS. 27
a brave, dashing fellow, with a clean cut, attractive face : he went gallantly to his
death leading his company at Coffeyville. Lieut. Fred Emery was a man of
unusual ability and had a strong personality, that would even override the regi-
mental commander if his opinions went counter to the adjutant's idea of matters
in question. He was promoted to the staff department as assistant adjutant gen-
eral June 30, 1863. Captain Bostwick was an energetic officer and fearless of
danger. He was quick to execute a command, and in case of a sudden attack hia
company was under arms and out to the defense before any other. Capt. George
H. Hoyt was a combination of ambition and cruelty; posing as a defender of
John Brown at his trial at Harper's Ferry he went after and secured a commis-
sion as an officer of the young John Brown's company. He did nothing to de-
serve the promotion that he received over a better and more deserving man. The
company and regiment were well rid of him when he resigned.
These ten companies as described made up the Seventh Kansas cavalry. At
the beginning of the civil war the cavalry regiment of the United States army
was a ten-company organization, and it was only after the war had progressed a
year or two that the twelve-squadron organization was adopted. The Seventh
Kansas, although making repeated efforts, was never able to secure the privilege
accorded to the other cavalry regiments from the state, of recruiting the two ad-
ditional squadrons. The numbering of the regiment as the "Seventh" was not
done until in the spring of 1862; previous to that time the regiment designated
itself as the "First Kansas cavalry." In December, 1861, the governor, in mak-
ing his report to the War Department, designated it as "1st Calvary or 6th Regi-
ment," and he designated Judson's regiment, which became finally the Sixth
Kansas cavalry, as the "Seventh regiment." Some time during the spring of
1862 the numbering was definitely fixed and Jennison's regiment became the
Seventh and retained that designation thereafter.
In the beginning I gave the field and staff as first organized. Many changes
occurred during the career of the regiment. Colonel Jennison performed some
acts worthy of commendation, conspicuous among which was his resignation.
Jennison was succeeded by Col. Albert L. Lee, advanced from major. Some
trouble arose at the time of Colonel Lee's appointment from an act of Lieutenant-
governor Root, who, assuming that he was governor in the absence of Governor
Robinson, who had gone beyond the limits of the state, issued a commission to
Charles W. Blair, as colonel of the Seventh. Governor Robinson himself, im-
mediately after his return, issued a similar commission to Colonel Lee. Colonel
Blair appeared at Fort Riley, where the regiment had been stationed, one morn-
ing just as the command was forming for its march to Fort Leavenworth, pre-
paratory to moving South. He assumed command of the regiment, put it in
motion toward the Missouri river, and promptly disappeared. The day following
Colonel Lee met the regiment and assumed command also: he rode with it a
short distance and finally ordered it into camp. He had "assembly" sounded,
and, after he had made a speech to the men, vanished also. Colonel Lee went
directly to Washington and submitted his case to Attorney-general Bates, who
decided the contention a few weeks later in his favor.
Colonel Lee ranked from May 17, 1862; he was promoted a brigadier-general
November 29 of the same year. He won his star at Lamar, Miss., where the
Seventh Kansas alone, although two miles from any supports, attacked Colonel
Jackson's Confederate cavalry division over 4000 strong, and routed them with
great loss. Colonel Lee was succeeded by Col. Thomas P. Herrick, who had
passed through the successive grades of captain, major, and lieutenant-colonel.
28 KANSAS STATE HISTORICAL SOCIETY.
Colonel Herrick was not an officer as impetuous as Lee, but he was brave,
and a safe and judicious commander and an excellent disciplinarian. lie was
a lawyer of fine ability, and was in demand when a detail for court martial
service was required. He died of cholera not long after his discharge from the
military service. After Colonel Herrick left the service, the regiment was com-
manded by Lieut. -col. Francis M. Malone, until the final discharge of the com-
mand.
Lieut.-col. Daniel R. Anthony commanded the regiment during its early
service; Colonel Jennison was nominally in conamand part of the time, but he
was too busy playing poker over at Squiresville, or elsewhere, to find time to
take the field in person. Colonel Anthony was equal to the occasion, and the
regiment led the strenuous life while he exercised his authority. He resigned
September 3, 1862. The succeeding lieutenant-colonel was David W. Houston,
who retired from the service on account of disability February 1, 18G4. Maj.
William S. Jenkins was promoted lieutenant-colonel March 27, 1863, and re-
signed November 14, 186i. Lieut.-col. Francis M. Malone was next in succes-
sion, and held the grade until the regiment was discharged.
The majors who served with the Seventh Kansas were, Daniel R. Anthony,
Thomas P. Herrick, and Albert L. Lee, accounted for above. Maj. John T.
Snoddy followed next; he was promoted from adjutant July 22, 1862, and re-
signed March 6, 1863, on account of ill health. He died April 24, 1864. Next in
succession was Clark S. Merriman, promoted from captain of company D ; he
resigned July 13, 1863, and was succeeded by William S. Jenkins, who was
promoted to lieutenant-colonel March 21, 1861. Maj. Francis M. Malone came
next; he became lieutenant-colonel November 19, 1864. Majs. Charles H. Greg-
ory and Levi H. Utt were the last, and were mustered out with the regiment.
Gregory was an officer of especial brilliancy and dash, and performed many acts
of distinguished bravery. He had splendid judgment, and never failed of success
when he made an attack. It was to his dash the regiment owes much for its
victory over Jackson at Lamar. Major Utt was also brave to a fault; he had no
conception of what fear was, and yet was watchful and a safe officer. He lost a
leg at Leighton, Ala.
Lieut. John T. Snoddy was the first adjutant. He was succeeded by Lieut.
Fred W. Emery, who was promoted to the staflF department. The vacancy was
not regularly filled, but Lieut. Harmon D. Hunt acted until the promotion of
Sergt.-maj. Simeon M. Fox to the position, which he filled until the regiment was
discharged. Lieut. William O. Osgood was battalion adjutant for a time, but
was mustered out by order of the War Department in the fall of 1862.
The quartermasters of the regiment were Robert W. Hamer, Ebenezer Sny-
der, and James Smith, who filled the position successively in the order named.
Lucius Whitney was the original commissary, and held the position during
the full term of service.
Maj. Joseph L. Wever was the first regular surgeon ; he resigned June 7, 1864,
and was succeeded by Maj. Joseph S. Martin, promoted from assistant surgeon.
Martin was the original assistant surgeon, and, on promotion, July 18, 1864, was
succeeded by Lieut. Joel J. Crook.
The chaplains were Samuel Ayers, who resigned August 31, 1862, and Charles
H. Lovejoy, appointed April 19, 1863, and discharged with the regiment.
When Price moved north to the capture of Lexington, Mo., all available troops
were pushed forward to the defense of Kansas City. Companies A, B and C being
organized, were hurried to Kansas City from Fort Leavenworth and remained
THE STORY OF THE SEVENTH KANSAS. 29
there until all danger had passed ; they were later joined by company E and, I
believe, by some of the other companies as rapidly as organized. After Price had
begun his retreat these companies were returned to Fort Leavenworth by river
transport. October 28, 1861, all companies having been recruited, the regiment
was regularly organized. Company K was not present, but was on its way from
Ohio ; it arrived November 7 and was assigned its designating letter. The regi-
ment was mounted and equipped at once ; the equipment was disappointing, how-
ever, as pertains to carbines ; companies A, B and H received the Sharp's carbine,
but the other companies had at first to content themselves with nondescript
weapons that ranged from the obsolete horse-pistol mounted on a temporary stock
to the Belgian musket. Later the Colt's revolving rifle was issued to the seven
companies, and it was not until the last year of the war that the regiment was
uniformly outfitted with the Spencer carbine. The Seventh Kansas, as soon as
the equipment was completed, marched South and went into camp near Kansas
City, companies A, B and H on the Majors farm, located about four miles south-
east of Westport, and the rest of the regiment on O. K. creek.
On the evening of November 10 Colonel Anthony received information that
the rebel colonel, Upton Hayes, was in camp on the Little Blue, about thirteen
miles out. He at once moved, with parts of companies A, B, and H, and surprised
the camp early on the morning of the 11th. The enemy was driven out and the
camp captured, with all the tents, horses, and wagons. The rebels, however, re-
treated to an impregnable position among the rocks beyond and made a stand ;
they numbered nearly 300 and Colonel Anthony had but 110 men. The attempt
to drive the enemy from the rocks cost the jayhawkers nine men killed and thirty-
two wounded. The camp was destroyed and our boys retreated, bringing off the
captured property. The fighting was most desperate and lasted several hours,
and although not entirely successful caused Up. Hayes to retire from the neigh-
borhood, and, moreover, showed the fighting qualities of the regiment to be all
that could be desired.
From Kansas City the regiment marched back towards Leavenworth and
went into camp at a point about nine miles south of the city. This camp was
named "Camp Herrick," after the major. Here the first pay was received.
Camp was broken soon after, and the regiment returned to the vicinity of Kansas
City and went into camp on the Westport road, just north of the old McGee
tavern, and scouted the country in that section. Independence was raided and
the citizens were given a little touch of the misfortunes of war. Colonel An-
thony made a characteristic speech to the citizens, who had been rounded up
and corraled in the public square.* The secession spirit, which had been ram-
pant in Independence since Price's raid on Lexington, was much subdued after
this expedition. The regiment moved from Kansas City and was camped at In-
dependence, Pleasant Hill, and West Point, in the order named, scouting and
making it uncomfortable for the guerrillas in the vicinity. On December 21 the
command moved from West Point to Morrietown, arriving there after night. It
was a bitter cold day, and the march was made in the face of a blinding storm.
Camp was made in the snow and an uncomfortable night was passed. The win-
* Brittou, in his "Civil War on the Border," attempts to give an account of this raid on In-
dependence. He fixes the date as the latter part of September, and places the command of the
expedition under Colonel Jennison, whom he accredits with the speech at the court-house
square. The facts were that the Seventh Kansas was not organized at that time. The raid was
towards the middle of November, and under the command of Col. D. R. Anthony. Colonel An-
thony made the speech at Independence. Colonel Jennison was not present, nor was he in per-
sonal command of the Seventh Kansas (or First Kansas cavalry, as then known) while doing
active service in Missouri at any time while he was colonel of the regiment.
30 KANSAS STATE HISTORICAL SOCIETY.
ter of 1861-'62 was spent in tents. New Year's day was devoted to a raid out into
the vicinity of Rose Hill and Dayton. The latter town was burned.
On January 5, 1862, a foray was made into Johnson county, Missouri, by a bat-
talion under command of Major Herrick. His force was composed of companies
A, B, D, and F. The battalion went into camp at Holden and detachments
were sent out to scovit the country in different directions. Company A went to
Columbus and camped for the night; a considerable force of the enemy was in
the neighborhood, but as Captain Utt was on the alert they did not attempt to
attack. After company A had moved out company D came up and occupied
the town. As Captain Merriam was leaving the village his company was fired
on from ambush and five men killed, and he was compelled to retreat. Soon
after. Captain Utt, learning of the disaster, returned to Columbus, buried the
dead, and burned the town. He remained in the vicinity until nightfall, but the
rebels failing to attack, he moved with his company back to Holden. Two days
later the entire detachment returned to Morristown.
On January 31 the Seventh Kansas marched to Humboldt, Kan., wherecamp
was established until March 25. On this date the regiment broke camp and
moved to Lawrence, remaining there until April 22. From Lawrence the com-
mand proceeded, via Topeka and route south of the Kaw, to Fort Riley, where it
was joined by Mitchell's brigade of infantry, cavalry, and artillery. The orders
were to remove to New Mexico as soon as grass had started sufficient for grazing.
On May 18, however, this order was countermanded and the entire brigade
ordered to march to Fort Leavenworth and from thence to move by river trans-
ports to Pittsburg Landing, Tenn. The command embarked at Fort Leav-
enworth on May 27 and 28, and was carried as rapidly as possible to its
destination. The landing was made at the Shiloh battleground and the boys
were permitted to see the wreck and desolation that resulted from the great bat-
tle recently fought.
A pleasant incident occurred here that will always cling to my memory.
While at Morristown, Mo., the regiment had been brigaded with a battalion of
the Seventh Missouri infantry, under Major Oliver. While coming up the Ten-
nessee river our leading transport, " The New Sam. Gaty," had joined in a race
with another river steamboat, and our boys in their zeal had burned up all their
" sow-belly " to assist in getting up steam. When we arrived at Pittsburg Land-
ing we were hungry and out of rations. An infantry soldier on the levee, who
was of the Seventh Missouri and one of our old comrades, discovered this condi-
tion and immediately ran down the levee yelling that the jayhawkers were there
hungry and out of grub. In half an hour a formal invitation to dinner came,
and the entire boat load was fed. The Seventh Missouri had divided their ra-
tions and I have no doubt went hungry in consequence.
As our army had occupied Corinth on May 30, the pressing need for cavalry
had passed and the regiment was once more ordered on board transports and
carried down the river and around to Columbus, Ky. From Columbus it moved
south on June 7, as a guard for the working parties occupied in repairing the
Ohio & Mobile railroad to Corinth. While performing this duty the regiment
was camped for a time at Union City, and while there Colonel Anthony, in the
absence of Gen. R. B. Mitchell, was in temporary command of the brigade. Dur-
ing this time he took the opportunity to issue bis celebrated order, dated June
18, 1862, and containing the following language : "Any officer or soldier of this
command who shall arrest and deliver to his master a fugitive slave shall be
summarily and severely punished according to the laws relative to such crimes."
General Mitchell, on returning, ordered Colonel Anthony to rescind this or-
THE STORY OF THE SEVENTH KANSAS. 31
der. Colonel Anthony refused, stating that as he had been relieved from com-
mand he had no authority to countermand a brigade order. General Mitchell
then said hotly, " I will place you in command long enough for you to rescind
it." Anthony then asked, "Am I in command of the brigade?" General
Mitchell replied "Yes." Then said Colonel Anthony, "You, as an oflBcer with-
out command, have no authority to instruct me as to my duties." If this order
was ever rescinded it was not Colonel Anthony who did it. It will be remem-
bered that the government was handling the question of slavery very gingerly in
the early part of the war, and every encouragement was being given Kentucky to
maintain her attitude of non-secession. Colonel Anthony was deprived from
command, but remained with the regiment until September 3, 1862, when his
resignation was accepted. Major Herrick succeeded Colonel Anthony and com-
manded the regiment until Colonel Lee returned to relieve him.
There was an incident consequent on this order of Colonel Anthony's that
should not be lost to history. The regiment was marching towards Corinth
when, on July 3, late in the afternoon, tired and dusty, it entered Jackson,
Tenn. Gen. John A. Logan was just convalescing from wounds received at
Shiloh, and was in command of this post. While the regiment was halted in a
shady spot at the south part of town waiting for details to fill canteens at a well
near by, an aide-de-camp rode up and said, "General Logan orders this regiment
moved immediately outside his lines," and rode away. The regiment did not
move with any great degree of alacrity, and was standing to horse, waiting
for the canteens to be filled, some twenty minutes later, when the same aide-de-
camp dashed up in great wrath and said: "General Logan orders this d
abolition regiment outside his lines or he will order out a battery and drive it
out." The men at once passed along the word and were in the saddle instantly,
and the answer came promptly back, "Go and tell Gen. John A. Logan to
bring out his battery and we will show him how quick this d abolition regi-
ment will take it." The officers tried to move the regiment, but the men eat
grim and silent and would not stir. No battery appeared, and finally a com-
promise was made ; the regiment was moved around General Logan's head-
quarters by a street to the rear, and marched back past his front door with the
band playing "John Brown." The command moved out and camped on a
stream just south of town, but inside of General Logan's lines.
General Logan was no doubt incensed over Colonel Anthony's order and other
conditions were irritating to him. As soon as the jayhawkers arrived in the
South it became the immediate custom for all depredations committed by other
troops to be done in their name, and in consequence the Seventh Kansas was
■ compelled to bear opprobrium largely undeserved. The men averaged with the
men of other regiments, and were no better or worse as far as honesty went, but
at this time they were bearing the aggregated transgressions of regiments from
other states. A day or so previous the Second Illinois cavalry had broken into
the railway station at Trenton, Tenn., and had appropriated a considerable
quantity of sugar; company A of the Seventh Kansas came up later and also
augmented their supply of sweetness. Really not $100 worth of sugar was taken
all together, but the owner made a great outcry, and complained through General
Logan to General Grant. In September, when the paymaster came to pay the
troops, the Seventh Kansas was informed by a messenger from General Grant that
if the men would voluntarily consent to the stoppage of two dollars against the
pay of each man, to reimburse for this sugar, the men would receive their money;
otherwise they would not be paid. It was disrespectful, but word went back by
the messenger for "General Grant to go to hell." The stoppage would have
32 KANSAS STATE HISTORICAL SOCIETY.
amouDted to over $1500, and no claim had been made on the Second Illinois cav-
alry, who were the principal aggressors. The regiment Anally received its pay,
but it was nearly nine months later when the paymaster made the disbursement.
The First Kansas infantry served with the Seventh in the sixteenth army
corps for some time and, of course, sympathized with us, but we never knew how
far this sympathy extended until late in the year. While General Grant was
making his attempted move toward Vicksburg by way of the Mississippi Central
railroad, one morning, as the infantry column was moving south out of Oxford,
Miss., the line of march carried it by General Grant's headquarters, and the
general himself was sitting on the front veranda smoking and viewing the troops
as they passed. Each regiment as it came up was wheeled into line and gave
three cheers for the "hero of Donelson." As the First Kansas passed the
same program was attempted. The evolution was made all right, but when the
cheers were ordered not a sound followed ; the men looked up at the sky or away
towards the distant landscape, but never at the general, and their lips remained
closed. However, as they broke into column and were being led away by their
discomfited commander, an old ram in an adjacent corner lot lifted up his voice
in a characteristic bleat; the men took it up, and as they marched away down
the street plaintive "baas" came back to the ears of the great general.
The regiment arrived at Corinth, Miss., on June 10, and went into camp to
the eastward of the town, at Camp Clear Creek. The line of march to camp led
by the extensive infantry camps, and the usual interest was manifested. The
jayhawkers were something of a curiosity, and as soon as it became known what
this passing cavalry regiment was the road was lined by infantry soldiers. The
usual badinage was attempted by the lookers-on, but no response was elicited —
the Seventh Kansas rode by with their faces set straight to the front, apparently
oblivious to the surroundings; they might have been passing through the desert,
as far as any expression of their countenances indicated. The jokes grew fewer
and finally ceased entirely, and the infantry men became only silent lookers on.
As the rear of the regiment passed one big sergeant said, "I '11 be d ." That
was the only remark that came to our ears. I mention this, for it was a charac-
teristic of the regiment to ignore surroundings of this nature.
Colonel Lee took command of the regiment on the 17th of July, and on the
20th marched it to Jacinto and from thence to Rienzi, Miss., arriving there on
the 23d. Rienzi was the extreme southern outpost of the Northern army. The
Seventh Kansas was assigned to the second brigade of the cavalry division ;
Col. Philip H, Sheridan was our brigade commander; he was at that time a
diminutive specimen and did not weigh more than 110 pounds. When he (later)
was transferred to the Army of the Cumberland, Colonel Lee became com-
mander of our brigade. Gen. Gordon Granger commanded the cavalry division.
The camp of the Seventh Kansas was at this post until its evacuation, Septem-
ber 30. Typhoid fever was prevalent, nineteen deaths resulting in the regi-
ment during a period of about a month. The Confederate army lay about twenty
miles to the south, with their advance outposts at Baldwyn and Guntown, and
our cavalry was constantly in the saddle. Skirmishes were frequent between
opposing scouting parties, and Colonel Lee showed himself to be a dashing and
capable cavalry officer. Colonel Sheridan led us on many dashing expeditions,
and raids were made into Ripley and through the enemy's lines at Marietta and
Bay Springs. At the latter place the Confederate camp was captured and de-
stroyed.
A detachment of the Seventh Kansas had a lively skirmish with a guerrilla
leader, who bore the Teutonic name of Funderberger; the affair was always
THE STORY OF THE SEVENTH KANSAS. 33
known in the regiment as "the battle of Funderberger's Lane." It was a dash-
ing, picturesque engagement, fought at dusk and after dark, and the flashing of
small arms was exciting and beautiful. It was a running fight, and Funderber-
ger was driven down the lane badly beaten.
On August 26 Faulkner's rebel cavalry drove in our pickets under Captain
Eaton, of the Second Iowa cavalry, who were guarding the Ripley road, and
charged in nearly to our camp. Most of the command was out on a scout to the
south, and matters looked a little dubious for a few minutes. The "sick, lame,
and lazy," however, rallied and drove them off. All available men were mounted
and started in pursuit; the enemy was routed, and pursued for ten miles. The
next day Captain Malone with his company ( F) was attacked while scouting on
the Kossuth road ; he lost four men killed and eight wounded, one of the wounded
men dying afterwards. The company rallied and charged the enemy, routing him.
Our dead and wounded were recovered, and the Confederates lost three killed.
The dead were buried and the wounded brought off the field. About this time
Colonel Sheridan received his promotion as brigadier-general and went to Ken-
tucky with Granger's division, and Colonel Lee assumed command of the bri-
gade. Companies B and E took part in the battle of luka, fought on the 19th of
September, the remainder of the regiment operating on our right flank. General
Rosecrans said in his report: "I must not omit to mention the eminent services
of Colonel Du Bois, commanding at Rienzi, and Colonel Lee, who with the Sev-
enth Kansas and part of the Seventh Illinois cavalry, assured our flank and rear
during the entire period of our operations." Colonel Lee had not only to guard
the flank of Rosecrans's army, but he had to prevent the enemy moving on Cor-
inth, then almost denuded of troops.
After the battle of luka the Confederates began to organize for a movement
against Corinth. Reinforcements were rushed to them, and the 1st of October
their advance began. The Seventh Kansas operated on their right flank and
harassed the movements of the Confederates, participating in several sharp
skirmishes. On the night of October 3 the regiment entered Corinth by the
Kossuth road in time to take part in the terrible battle of the next day. When
the regiment entered, it was supposed the Kossuth road lay a half mile to the
right of the Confederate flank. Lovell, who commanded their right, had, after
dark however, extended his lines across the road, it being the Confederate plan
to open the battle in the morning by an attack by Lovell on College hill. He did
not want to expose the new disposition of his troops, so let us pass through his
lines, expecting to have us the next day anyhow. It was a bright moonlight
night, and the way appeared innocent enough, but Lovell could have swept us
out of existence any moment with the artillery and musketry masked in the
brush along our line of march. I have often wondered if the Confederate Colonel
Jackson, whose cavalry division, formed on the right, was guarding this road,
ever knew that the regiment he permitted to pass by in safety was the same that
less than two months later assaulted and decisively whipped his whole division in
the Lamar lane. The Seventh Kansas operated mostly on our left flank, and
were deployed in the abattis as sharpshooters. The regiment was conspicuous in
the pursuit, until it ended at Ripley; it took part in many sharp skirmishes, re-
peatedly defeating Baxter's rebel cavalry brigade and capturing many prisoners.
The night we entered Ripley, during the pursuit, Captain Houston, with com-
pany H, was stationed as picket on the road leading south from town. Suspect-
ing a move on the part of the enemy, he caused a fire to be built, and arranged
dummies in imitation of soldiers lying asleep about the smoldering embers,
and then posted his company in the brush down the road. Sure enough, about
—4
34 KANSAS STATE HISTORICAL SOCIETY.
two o'clock in the morning a Confederate company came stealing up the road and,
deploying, moved silently on their supposed sleeping victims. Houston noise-
lessly deployed his company in their rear and stealthily followed. At the proper
distance the Confederates drew a bead on the dummies, and the captain exult-
ingly demanded a surrender. "Had you not better surrender yourself ?" said
Captain Houston, quietly ; the startled Confederates turned and discovered a
line of Yankee carbines, with a man behind each one, drawn level at their heads.
They promptly obeyed Captain Houston's injunction and surrendered. It was
a neat job and resulted in over forty prisoners, including several officers.
Referring to prisoners, I wish to record here that the entire number of the
Seventh Kansas made prisoners of war during over four years of active service
would not aggregate a score, and in but one instance was ever more than one
taken atone time. The exception was Lieutenant Osgood, and, I believe, two
men, picked up near Rienzi, Miss., in the fall of 18G2. Several times were squads
and companies nearly surrounded by superior numbers, but they fought their
way out and made their escape.
The battle of Corinth is a matter of history and students of the civil war
know how severe the fighting was. Our forces numbered about 20,000 and the
Confederates about 40,000. We, of course, had the advantage of position and
the chain of redoubts that strengthened our line. The writer was an orderly at
General Rosecrans's headquarters during the last day of the engagement, and
was privileged in seeing more of a severe battle than usually falls to the lot of
one individual. Orders went out thick and fast and staff officers and orderlies
rode the lines with rapid frequency. When the victory was achieved, I had the
privilege of riding in the train of the great general when he rode along the lines
and thanked his regiments for the victory they had given him: The Confederate
dead still lay along our front, and, especially in front of Fort Robinet, the slaugh-
ter had been fearful.
On its return from the pursuit the regiment went into camp for a few days
east of Corinth, on the Farmington road. From this point a raid was made
across Bear creek into Alabama, as far as Buzzard Roost station. Roddy's com-
mand was met and driven back, badly whipped. A most gallant act was per-
formed here by Sergt. Alonzo Dickson and three men of company H, who led the
advance. As they came in sight of the Confederate outpost, although it con-
sisted of about fifteen men, they at once dashed forward, and the rebels mounted
their horses and fled in a panic. Dickson and his squad pursued them over a
mile, killing over half of their number and capturing several; but two or three
escaped.
Oh the return of the regiment from this expedition, it received orders to
move to Grand Junction, where General Grant was concentrating an army for a
movement against Vicksburg. The Confederate army, under General Pember-
ton, was encamped along the Coldwater, about twenty miles to the south. On
November 8 a reconnoisance in force was made under the command of General
McPherson towards Hudsonville. The Seventh Kansas led the advance on the
main road and moved about two miles ahead of the infantry column. Near La-
mar it came on the flank of the Confederate cavalry division under the command
of Colonel Jackson, General Pemberton's chief of cavalry. Captain Gregory,
who held our advance with his company (E), immediately attacked, and was fol-
lowed by an assault by the whole regiment. The Confederates were completely
routed, and fled, leaving their dead and wounded and many prisoners in our hands.
They left thirty-six dead and 400 or 500 prisoners, many severely wounded, and
nearly 2000 stand of arms. The glory of this victory will appear more pronounced
THE STORY OF THE SEVENTH KANSAS. o5
when it is understood that the attack w&a made by one small regiment, number-
ing about 600 men, nearly two miles away from any support, and against a divi-
sion numbering 4000. This defeat caused the retreat of the entire Confederate
army to a point below Holly Springs, and the victory gave Colonel Lee his star.
The regiment advanced the same evening to the enemy's lines and drew his artil-
lery fire, but his cavalry were too badly demoralized to offer any opposition. On
the return to the camp at Grand Junction the regiment w^s received by the in-
fantry with cheers. jL(<d-i_^.A->','C'l
November 27, 1862, the advance of the army began. The Seventh Kansas led
the advance of the main infantry column, and on the morning of the 28th charged
into Holly Springs, capturing the pickets on the Hudsonville road, routing the
garrison, and driving the Confederates beyond the town. The regiment was given
the post of honor and held the extreme advance most of the time during the for-
ward movement, fighting almost constantly from dawn until well into the night,
and then finding rest disturbed by the playful shells which the enemy would ex-
plode over its exposed bivouac. The Confederates contested every foot of the way
between Holly Springs and the Tallahatchie with cavalry and artillery, but the
Seventh Kansas steadily pushed them back. Ten miles below Holly Springs a
Confederate force supporting a twelve- pound gun was charged and the gun cap-
tured. The enemy finally retired within their fortifications that stretched along
the Tallahatchie river, and as the jayhawkers camo within range of their big
guns proceeded to give them the benefit of the concentrated fire of some forty
siege pieces. Half an hour later, when the infantry supports came up, the First
Kansas infantry led the advance. They came on at the double-quick, and as they
piled their blankets and knapsacks and deployed in the field beyond our left
each company would give hearty cheers for the jayhawkers and the jayhawkers
returned them as heartily, telling them to ''Give 'em Wilson Creek." Shells
were bursting overhead or ricochetting across the fields, and the Seventh was
much relieved when the infantry came up, and it was especially pleasing to have
this splendid fighting regiment from our home state come to our support. Sev-
eral times during this advance would we see an infantry regiment away across
the fields tossing their caps in the air and cheering; we knew that it was the
First Kansas, who by some infallible means always recognized their brothers
from home and sent them greeting.
At nightfall the infantry fell back out of range, and left the Seventh to picket
the advance line. During the night scouts were sent forward; Sergeant Honry,
of company D, with two men, crept within the forts on the left of the road, and
confirmed the suspicion that the Confederates were evacuating. Sergeant WilJey
and one man of company C crawled through their pickets and across a cotton
field on the right to the vicinity of the bridge, and returned with a ccafirmation
of the report. At daylight the Seventh Kansas advanced and found the earth-
works dismantled, the enemy in full retreat, and the bridge over the Tallahatchie
destroyed. Again the jayhawkers led the advance on the main road. It had
rained heavily during the night and the roads were very muddy, but that did not
delay to any great extent. The enemy's rear guard was struck soon, but was
easily pushed back until within a mile of Oxford, where they were reenforced,
and a strong stand was made, supported by one piece of artillery. They opened
at short range with double-shotted canister, and did considerable damage to
the oak undergrowth. Lieut. James Smith led company C in a charge di-
rectly against the artillery, but they were handling the gun by fixed prolonge
and succeeded in dragging it out of reach. At the edge of town the entire regi-
ment dismounted and deployed for the final rush; first, however. Captain
30 KANSAS STATE HISTORICAL SOCIETY.
Swoyer led company B in a mounted charge in column down the main street,
but, meeting a heavy fire from the public square, was forced to retire. When the
formation was complete the order to advance was given, and the men went in
with a yell. Strong opposition was met, especially at the court-house square,
but this force, seeing that they would be flanked, fell back with the rest, leaving
a number of dead and prisoners in our hands. During the fight a man was no-
ticed standing on the observatory of a large house watching our advance through
a field-glass. A bullet fired at him struck the railing near by. He disappeared,
and in a few minutes was seen galloping away to a place of safety. That man
was the Hon. Jacob Thompson, formerly secretary of the interior under President
Buchanan.
The next day the regiment pushed forward as far as Water Valley, skirmish-
ing the entire distance and capturing nearly a thousand prisoners, who were
straggling behind the retreating army. Late in the afternoon a captured drum-
mer boy was trudging back along our column to take his place with the other
prisoners: "Where are you going, Johnny ?" was asked him; "Back to the rear
to beat roll-call for Pemberton's army," was his prompt answer. That evening,
as the regiment was formed in a hollow square around the prisoners, our boys,
who had supplied themselves with a bountiful store of tobacco at the expense of
the Oxford merchants, discovered that the prisoners were destitute and fainting
for a "chaw of stingy green," and so began to pitch whole plugs of "flat," which
was a luxury, to the suffering Johnnies. It created a transformation; despond-
ency disappeared and contentment took its place; three cheers for the jayhawk-
ers were given with a gusto, and the little drummer boy of the afternoon came
forward and regaled the regiment with the rebel version of the "Happy Land of
Canaan," a song much in vogue during the first years of the war. One verse still
clings to my memory :
"Old John Brown came to Harper's Ferry town,
Old John Brown was a game one;
But we led him up a slope, and we let him down a rope,
And sent him to the happy land of Canaan."
, That night the regiment picketed the main road at the burning bridge across
the Otuckalofa. Fording the river early in the morning the pursuit was continued,
the Seventh Kansas still leading the advance. Sharp skirmishing continued dur-
ing the day until after noon, when the resistance grew lighter. The cavalry had
pressed forward nearly thirty miles in advance of the infantry supports and the
enemy, cognizant of this, had prepared a surprise. About a mile north of Cof-
feyville, Lovell's infantry division had been posted in the timber with two six-gun
batteries masked in the brush, and a large cavalry force on each flank. Com-
panies A, G, I, and K, deployed as skirmishers, were advancing dismounted across
an open field when they were received by a withering volley from the rebel in-
fantry and artillery. These companies fell back to the belt of timber in the rear,
and rallied on company C coming forward in support; the five companies then
fell slowly back, contesting the Confederate advance every inch of the way across
a field to the rear until our main line, which was rapidly forming along the edge
of the timber on the next slope, was reached. The Confederates numbered from
8000 to 10,000, supported by two batteries, while the Union forces were scarcely
4000 dismounted cavalry, with but two twelve- pound guns, and entirely without
reserves; yet our position was maintained for over half an hour, and until the
Confederate force had swung around our flanks and had us nearly surrounded.
Our loss was heavy but that of the Southerners very much greater. The Seventh
Kansas, with detachments of other regiments, made a fine stand at a bridge across
THE STORY OF THE SEVENTH KANSAS. 37
a deep stream to the rear and repulsed the final charge of the rebels. The entire
command fell back to Water Valley.
The battle of Coffeyville was fought on December 5, 1862, Our regimental loss
was eight killed and about forty wounded. Lieut. Tom Woodburn, a gallant of-
ficer, fell at the head of his company; Lieutenant Colbert was wounded and Col-
onel Lee's horse was wounded beneath him. We lost no prisoners. Our artillery,
supported by the Seventh Kansas, was served until the charging Confederates were
within a hundred feet of the muzzles and then was successfully dragged away at
fixed prolonge, with a sergeant riding the last gun, facing to the rear with his
thumb to his nose at the eluded rebels, who sent a shower of bullets after him.
The report of the Confederate general says: "The tactics of the enemy did
them great credit." Among our dead was Private Francis Schilling, a German
of fine education and great refinement. He came to Kansas from Chicago and
joined the Seventh Kansas, led hither by his extreme abolition belief. He was a
frequent correspondent of the Chicago Tribune. He fell with his face to the foe,
dying for a principle, if ever a man did during the history of this world.
The cavalry division fell back to the Yocknapatalfa and encamped at Prophet
bridge. From this point company A scouted back to the vicinity of the Coffey-
ville battle-field and secured information of the raid against our line of commu-
nication, just starting under the leadership of the rebel general. Van Dorn.
Securing complete details of the movement, the company returned rapidly and re-
ported to Colonel Dickey. He received the report with incredulity and neglected
to report to General Grant until eight hours later. When General Grant finally
received the information he instantly ordered all the cavalry by forced marches
to Holly Springs. The Seventh Kansas moved out in advance and rode the forty
miles with scarcely a halt, and with jaded horses reached Holly Springs at about
ten o'clock the next morning, in advance of all the rest, but about an hour after
the rebels had destroyed the vast amount of supplies stored there, and had moved
north. The delay of Colonel Dickey had been fatal. Had he sent the informa-
tion forward without delay, reenforcements would have easily reached Holly
Springs in time to have beaten off Van Dorn and saved the town, with millions of
dollars' worth of stores. The regiment immediately pushed north to Bolivar, Van
Dorn's next objective point, reaching there in advance of the rebel raider. The
garrison was small, but a determined show of force was made, and Van Dorn
feared to attack, and immediately began a hasty retreat. The Seventh Kansas
followed, constantly skirmishing with him until he passed south of Pontotoc,
The regiment returned to Holly Springs, and on the 3lst of December moved
north to Moscow, Tenn., and later to Germantown, where the command wintered.
The march north was in the wake of our retiring army ; buildings and fences were
burning, and frequent detours had to be made to pass places too hot for comfort
or safety of ammunition. I wish some of our ultra sentimentalists who are posing
at the present day, and whose souls are full of metaphorical tears for the cruel
acts of the American army, could have seen some of the gentle touches of the
civil war. But most of these gentlemen, if of a suitable age, took extremfe care
to be absent from the scenes of ignoble strife.
At Germantown Colonel Lee received notice of his promotion as brigadier-
general, and took leave of the regiment. He was a fine officer, brave, dashing,
and ambitious. General Grant commended him highly, and placed him in com-
mand of the brigade when General Sheridan was transferred to Kentucky. In
a dispatch to General Halleck, dated November 11, 1862, General Grant said:
"Colonel Lee is one our best cavalry officers ; I earnestly recommend him for
promotion." Lieutenant-colonel Herrick continued in command of the regiment
38 KANSAS STATE HISTORICAL SOCIETY.
after Colonel Lee'a promotion. While stationed at Germantown the regiment
was almost constantly in the saddle, patrolling the roads and scouting far out
into the country. A number of sharp skirmishes were fought, with unvarying
success to our side.
On the loth of April, 186.3, the Seventh Kansas moved to Corinth, Miss., ar-
riving there on tbe 17th, and the next morning marched to join General Dodge>
who waa concentrating a considerable force at Bear creek, preparatory to a
movement into Alabama. The army crossed Bear creek on the 24th. At Tus-
cumbia the regiment attacked the rebels under General Roddy and drove them
out of the town, carrying the place by a brilliant charge. The capture of Tua-
cumbia was followed by the immediate advance of the cavalry brigade, under
command of Colonel Cornyn, of the Tenth Missouri cavalry, an impetuous leader,
who hated a rebel as he did the devil. The enemy was met a short distance out.
He opened up on the Seventh Kansas, leading the advance, with artillery, but
was soon driven back to within a mile of Leighton, where he made a determined
stand with artillery strongly posted on an elevation to the left of the road. The
Seventh held the left of the line and advanced against this position. The Tenth
Missouri held the road with a mounted battalion, with the rest of the regiment
deployed dismounted in the field on the right. A light mountain battery of five
guns, supported by a battalion of the Seventh Kansas, was advanced close under
the muzzles of the heavy cannon of the enemy and fairly smothered them with
their rapid fire. Captain Utt at the same time led a charge of three companies
around the left against their battery. Companies B and H judiciously swerved
to the left and opened fire with their small arms from the shelter of the timber,
but Captain Utt led company A square in the face of the artillery. It was an-
other case of the sunken road of Ohain ; an impassable fence intervened — one
of those straight fences bound together with hickory withes. Captain Utt's leg
was carried away and his horse killed beneath him by a charge of grape. The
company was compelled to retreat.
The whole command then assaulted and the rebels were driven back two
miles beyond Leighton. Colonel Cornyn withdrew his cavalry at nightfall to
Tuscumbia, where he lay until the morning of the 27th. This engagement was
fought against a superior force, but the result was a splendid victory. General
Dodge in his official report says, relative to this battle: "The command con-
sisted on our part of the Tenth Missouri and Seventh Kansas cavalry, about
800 in all, driving the enemy eight miles. The enemy's force was 3500, besides
one battery. The fighting of the cavalry against such odds is beyond all praise."
A second advance was made on the 27th, led by Cornyn's brigade. The
enemy was met in force and driven beyond Town creek. At that stream a severe
engagement took place. The infantry supports came up and a heavy artillery
duel, which lasted several hours, occurred. From Town creek the entire in-
fantry command fell back to Corinth. The cavalry fell back to Burnsville, Miss.,
and then moved rapidly to the south. This last movement was in conjunction
with the advance of General Grierson, just ready to start on his great raid
through Mississippi. Cornyn's brigade moved on the left and in advance of
Grierson. The enemy were soon met, and constant skirmishing was kept up un-
til the command reached Tupelo.
At this place, on May 5, was met a strong force under the command of the
rebel Generals Gholson and Ruggles. The rebels were preparing an elaborate
plan to capture our whole command, and they had the force to do it, but Cornyn
did not do his part to make it a success. Instead of deploying at the bridge and
being two or three hours forcing a crossing, the Seventh Kansas charged it in
THE STORY OF THE SEVENTH KANSAS. 39
column, was over it in five minutes, and the enemy were caught with their forces
divided. Company A of the Seventh came suddenly on the flank of a rebel cav-
alry regiment moving down under the shelter of some timber to take the Tenth
Missouri in a similar manner. Lieutenant Sanders attacked at once, and the
surprised Confederates were driven down on the Tenth Missouri, who charged,
and the entire rebel regiment was captured. A number were killed and wounded,
and many of the prisoners bore marks of the saber that played a conspicuous
part in this division of the fight. Company A lost but one man killed, Corp.
Edwin M. Vaughn. While this fighting was going on General Gholson, suppos-
ing their plan was meeting with success, came up through the timber on the left
with his infantry, to catch our column on the flank and rear and complete the
conquest. He ran into the Tenth Missouri's mountain battery, supported by
companies I and K of the Seventh Kansas, and met a galling fire of double-
shotted canister and rapid volleys from the supporting companies. Company C
charged in on his right flank and poured volley after volley into his charging
lines. Gholson'e infantry were largely raw levies and could not stand the cross-
fire they were subjected to; they wavered, then turned and fled, in a panic. The
timber was strewn with corn bread and haversacks as far as our pursuit ex-
tended. They did not attempt to follow when, at night, according to plan,
Cornyn fell back, nor did they molest Grierson's column as he passed. The loss
of the enemy was heavy in killed and wounded, and the prisoners numbered
several hundred, including a large number of officers.
The regiment had permanent headquarters at Corinth after its return until
January 8, 1864. The duties performed during the summer and fall of 1863 were
arduous — scouting and skirmishing daily, and keeping a constant surveillance
over the movements of the enemy. Many severe engagements with Forrest were
fought, and the work was always well and bravely done. Until the fall of Vicks-
burg, constant watch was maintained to prevent reenforcements going to Johns-
ton. On July 11, 1863, Lieutenant-colonel Herrick was promoted to colonel, and
Captain Houston, of company H, lieutenant-colonel.
On the 26th of May, 1863, Colonel Cornyn, with a mounted force consisting of
the Seventh Kansas, Tenth Missouri, and one battalion of the Fifteenth Illinois
cavalry, and the Ninth Illinois mounted infantry, moved towards the Tennessee
river. The river was crossed at Hamburg during the night, and the whole force
advanced towards Florence, Ala., the Seventh Kansas leading the advance.
During the day two companies of the regiment made a detour to Rawhide, out
on the left flank, and destroyed the large grist-mill and the cotton and woolen
factories located there and employed in manufacturing material for the enemy.
The Confederate cavalry were met about ten miles out of Florence. They con-
tested our advance, but were easily forced back. Their pickets were driven in,
but the forces composing the garrison of the place were found posted along the
west edge of town, supported by artillery. Their cannon were quickly silenced
and the place carried by assault, and their entire force, which was commanded
by General Villepigue, driven beyond the town. A large quantity of fixed am-
munition and a number of shops making war material were destroyed, and seven
large cotton and woolen factories were burned; also large quantities of corn and
forage belonging to the Confederate government. As the command moved out to
the southward after nightfall it was attacked, and a severe encounter took place.
The enemy was driven off but returned to the attack repeatedly, and more or
less skirmishing lasted during the night. A major and about fifty men were
captured by a charge of a company of the regiment; after that the enemy be-
came more cautious. The Seventh Kansas covered the rear while the brigade
40 KANSAS STATE HISTORICAL SOCIETY.
was crossing the river on the return, and repulsed several sharp attacks, and,
finally, making a countercharge, drove the enemy back over a mile. The brigade
returned to Corinth on the 29th. During this raid the Seventh Kansas was in
the saddle constantly during five days and four nights, never resting more than
two hours at any one time.
Col. Florence M. Cornyn, of the Tenth Missouri cavalry, who commanded
our brigade for several months, was a red headed Irishman, absolutely fearless,
of iron constitution, and untiring while in the field. He never stopped to ascer-
tain the number of the enemy's force, but attacked at once wherever he was met.
His audacity always won out and never failed to score a victory. He was shot
and killed by his lieutenant-colonel in a personal encounter in the fall of 1863.
The raids that we made under him were dashing and always produced great re-
sults, and it used to be said in discussing the forays that he led, that "Solomon
in all his glory was not arrayed like one of these."
It will be too long a story to go into detail in describing all the engagements
which the regiment participated in during the season of 1863. It was a year of
constant work and weary night marches, through mud and rain or stifling dust,
and many sharp encounters occurred with Forrest.
It will be remembered that the year 1863 — the turning-point in the war — was
a season of great activity. In northern Mississippi Forrest was operating to
keep reenforcements from Grant and Rosecrans, and the Union forces, which
were really the outposts of Grant's army operating before Vicksburg until after
Pemberton's surrender, were constantly employed in scouting and watching to
prevent reenforcements going to Johnston. Forrest was the most skilful of all
the Confederate cavalry generals. He was almost ubiquitous, constantly on the
move, and, operating as he did in a country friendly to the cause of the South,
gave us no end of work. Forrest never seemed to think the life of a man of
much consequence when he had a purpose to accomplish. He exposed his men
recklessly and suffered heavy losses, but at the same time forced the Union
cavalry frequently to take desperate chances to offset his movements. In telling
the story of 1863, one can give but little idea of the constant strain the little force
in northern Mississippi was subjected to. The Seventh Kansas, nominally in
camp at Corinth, spent very little time there ; the raids into the Tuscumbia valley,
to Tupelo, and across the Tennessee river to Florence, already briefly described,
are but samples of the work performed until the regiment was veteranized
and went North on furlough. After the fall of Vicksburg, every effort was made
to hold Forrest with as large a Confederate force as possible in Mississippi and
prevent his reenforcing Bragg. Movements to the north and east as well as to
the east and south were made, and numerous affairs that entailed more hardship
than loss of life resulted from frequent contact with the enemy, and many small
encounters of more significance than appeared on the surface will be passed over
in this story, in which only the most conspicuous affairs are described.
On March 12, 1863, a fight with Richardson near Gallaway station, Tenn.,
ended in a rout of the enemy. Colonel Looney, Major Sanford and Captain
Bright, of the Confederate army, were captured, together with a considerable num-
ber of enlisted men.
On March 16, near Mount Pleasant, Miss., the Confederates were whipped
and their rear-guard captured.
On April 2-6 a series of sharp engagements occurred, which resulted in the
defeat of the enemy.
On September 30 companies A and C attacked the rear-guard of a Confed-
erate force crossing the Tennessee river at Swallow Bluffs, Tenn. The rear-guard
THE STORY OF THE SEVENTH KANSAS. 41
of the enemy, consisting of a major and thirty men, was captured. The fighting
was severe. Our loss was one man killed and five wounded. The enemy lost
several killed.
On October 12 and 13 the regiment participated in a sharp battle with
Forrest at Byhalia and Wyatt. The Seventh Kansas made a number of brilliant
charges, and Forrest was eventually driven across the Tallahatchie with heavy
loss in killed and wounded. In this engagement Capt. Amos Hodgeman was
mortally wounded, while leading a charge against the enemy. He died on the
16th. The fighting lasted three days, begining at Quinn's mill, south of Colliers-
ville, and ending with the severe cavalry battle at Wyatt, on the 13th> A num-
ber of prisoners, including several prominent officers, were captured.
The cavalry engagement at Wyatt was an affair of considerable magnitude,
and during the first-year of the civil war would have easily ranked as a battle.
Sharp fighting began about three o'clock in the afternoon, and lasted with
little intermission until ten at night. Our force consisted of the Seventh Kan-
sas cavalry, the Third, Sixth and Seventh Illinois cavalry, Ninth Illinois mounted
infantry. Third Michigan and Sixth Tennessee cavalry, and eight pieces of ar-
tillery. The rebel force was a cavalry division numbering about 6000, reenforced
with artillery. A severe thunder-storm, with heavy downpour of rain, lasted
during the whole time. Our last charge was made by Phillips's brigade, consist-
ing of the Seventh Kansas, Third Michigan and Sixth Tennessee cavalry, and
Phillips's own gallant regiment, the Ninth Illinois mounted infantry. The troops
were dismounted, and the charge was made at nine o'clock, in pitch darkness,
and the enemy's position indicated only by the flashing of small arms and ar-
tillery. Over fences, across ditches, and through mud, our men went up and
carried the enemy's position, driving him across the Tallahatchie river, and, fol-
lowing close on his heels, prevented the destruction of the bridge, which he at-
tempted.
That grim sense of humor that can see a joke in the face of death found an
opportunity for exercise just before this charge began. Major Malone, who was
mounted, rode out in front of the regiment, preparing to lead the coming charge,
with the remark that "we '11 drive 'em to hell!" and then vanished from sight.
A smothered and distant voice from the bowels of the earth at last indicated his
whereabouts. Halter-straps were spliced and let down, and he was dragged up,
considerably jarred, but not otherwise injured. A measurement was made the
next morning from the surface to the saddle on the dead horse; the distance was
thirty-two feet. The well was dry and not walled, and the caving earth proba-
bly broke the fall and saved the life of the major. When we asked him what he
thought as he was going down, he said: "Thought? I thought that I was going
to hell on horseback."
On December 1 the regiment was engaged at Ripley, with a superior command
led by General Forrest in person. The Seventh Kansas had been sent to retard
the advance of the rebels on the Memphis & Charleston railroad. The action
was severe and full of hardship and danger, but the Confederates were held back
and the jayhawkers came off with honor. Maj. W. S. Jenkins was severely
wounded in the head in this engagement.
On December 24 a battalion of the regiment defeated a detachment of For-
rest's command at Jack's Creek, Tenn.
On the 1st day of January, 1864, while the Seventh Kansas lay in temporary
camp below Wolf river, south of La Grange, Tenn., the subject of reenlisting as
veterans was taken up. The men were bivouacked in the snow without shelter,
and the weather was bitter cold ; they were returning from a raid into Mississippi,
42 • KANSAS STATE HISTORICAL SOCIETY.
and the last two days' march had been made through rain, sleet, and snow. Be-
fore night over four-fifths of the regiment had signed the reenlistment papers and
stood ready for " three years more." The Seventh Kansas was the first regiment
to reenlist in that part of the army, and was the only Kansas organization to en-
list as a regiment and maintain, as veterans, the full regimental organization.
The regiment at once moved to Corinth. On January 18 camp was broken and
the command proceeded to Memphis, where, on January 21, the veterans were
mustered, to date from the 1st of January, 18Gi. The men who did not reenlist im-
mediately became known as the "bobtails." They looked sad as the regiment
went aboard the transports to go North to their homes for a month's furlough,
and a number, who could stand it no longer, reenlisted at the last moment. The
"bobtails" were assigned to other regiments and remained in the field and con-
tinued to do excellent service. They joined the regiment again on its return South
in June, and served with it until their discharge.
At Cairo the veterans were paid, and then proceeded towards Kansas by way
of Decatur and Quincy, 111., and St. Joseph, Mo.: the objective point was Fort
Leavenworth. The men enjoyed themselves on the journey, and made no end of
fun. At Decatur, 111., the men discovered that the landlord of the eating station
was charging them seventy-five cents for dinner, while he was charging civilians
but fifty. The landlord was up against trouble at once, and, realizing it, fled
from danger and hid in the attic. He was soon found and dragged out, and,
begging for mercy, promised restitution. Probably not more than a hundred of
the men had eaten at his hotel, but the whole regiment suddenly assembled and
fell in, and, when payment began, as soon as the man on the right received his
twenty-five-cent shinplaster he would drop out and fall in again on the left.
Had not the train for Quincy pulled out soon that hotel-keeper must have been
a bankrupt. At Weston, Mo., the ferryman refused to cross the regiment to the
Kansas side at the expense of the government, because he had had difficulty in
collecting pay for similar service. The captain of the boat was promptly set on
shore, Lieut. D. C. Taylor took the wheel, while several men manned the en-
gines below. As soon as loaded, the boat swung out, made the crossing, and
never knew that it had changed crews.
At the landing above Fort Leavenworth the regiment was met by a delegation
of Leavenworth citizens and received with honors. The men were accorded the
freedom of the city; formal action in this direction was unnecessary, for the boys
would have taken it anyhow.
At the end of their furloughs the men assembled at Fort Leavenworth and
again were paid off', and March 12, 1864, sailed towards Memphis. At St. Louis,
however, the regiment was halted, and went ashore and remained there in camp
on the old Camp Gamble grounds until June 6. Having been reequipped, it
moved by river transports to Memphis, Tenn. On the 17th of June the Seventh
Kansas left Memphis and moved out along the Memphis & Charleston railraad,
to cover the retreat of a portion of Sturgis's command, defeated at Guntown,
Miss., by General Forrest.
On July 5 the regiment moved from La Grange, Tenn., as the advance-guard
of Gen. A. J. Smith's infantry column, starting south on its expedition against
General Forrest. General Smith had detached the Seventh Kansas from Grier-
son's cavalry division and given them the post of honor with the main column,
which it retained until Pontotoc was reached and captured, and then on the
never-to-be-forgotten 13th of July was trusted to cover the rearguard during the
movement from Pontotoc to Tupelo. The advance from the beginning was op-
posed by the enemy in considerable force, but the Seventh Kansas kept the main
THE STORY OF THE SEVENTH KANSAS. 43
road clear, and the march of the infantry column was never retarded ; the re-
maining cavalry force operated on the flanks.
On the 10th a sharp fight was had with Barteau's cavalry, and they were
badly whipped and driven back, with the loss of five men killed and left on the
field. Approaching Pontotoc on the 11th, the enemy was met in force, and a
sharp engagement followed. He was driven back on Pontotoc with heavy logs,
but General McCulloch, with a brigade of rebel cavalry, held the town. The
Seventh Kansas was reenforced by a brigade of infantry and drove in the rebel
skirmishers. Grierson's cavalry attacked at the same time from the east. The
Confederates were driven from their position and retreated in disorder, leaving
their dead and wounded in our hands. The main force of the enemy was fortified
on Cherry creek, about eight miles south of Pontotoc. General Smith rested on
the 12th, and gave General Forrest an opportunity to come out and attack, which
he failed to take advantage of. Early on the morning of the 13th Grierson's
cavalry was pushed rapidly to the east, with instruction to seize a position at
Tupelo, about eighteen miles distant. The infantry, followed by the train,
pushed out immediately after, leaving the Seventh Kansas drawn up in line of
battle waiting for the Confederate advance. The attack came soon after day-
light, and the regiment slowly fell back, contesting every inch of the way. For-
rest had thrown his infantry forward to the east, on a parallel road to Pontotoc,
and sent his cavalry to our rear to pursue. Twice during the day he attacked in
force from the right, but was repulsed by the Minnesota brigade guarding that
flank of the train.
To the Seventh Kansas, under the command of Colonel Herrick, had been
assigned the duty of guarding the rear of the train against a division of cavalry.
It was done, but how it was done is difficult to understand; it was the accom-
plishment of a seeming impossibility. Every point of advantage was seized and
held to the last moment. Squadrons were detached and fought in isolated posi-
tions on the flanks, to give impression of a stronger force. Early in the day com-
pany A was dismounted and placed in ambush, at the risk of probable capture.
They caught the Confederate advance coming on too confidently and emptied
many saddles, sending their advance regiment back in confusion. Company A
regained their horses in safety, and this deed had a restraining influence on the
Confederate cavalry during the rest of the day. The enemy immediately brought
up artillery and shelled the timber in advance, as a precaution against similar
attempts. Company C fought once on the left in an isolated position until nearly
surrounded, and then cut their way out and escaped. The Confederate advance
was made in three columns ; if you checked one the others came on and threatened
your flank. The Seventh Kansas covered the rear alone during the whole fore-
noon; later. Colonel Bouton, commanding a colored brigade, dropped back to
its support. During the day three distinct charges were made on the rear of the
column, which were handsomely repulsed by the Seventh and Bouton's brigade.
Forrest says in his report, relative to the conduct of the Seventh Kansas that
day, " He took advantage of every favorable position, and my artillery was kept
almost constantly busy."
This tells but little of the constant fighting done by the jayhawkers from five
in the morning until nine in the evening, when they passed to the rear of the in-
fantry line of battle, formed to meet the attacks of the following day. Supperless
the men dropped to sleep, and lay as dead until the enemy's shells bursting over-
head in the early morning caused them to turn, and at last one by one to raise
up and utter maledictions at the "man that shot the gun." This day's work
was one of the best that the regiment ever did, and Colonel Herrick showed how
44 KANSAS STATE HISTORICAL SOCIETY.
much genuine BtuflF there was in him during the trying time when desperate
fighting and skilful maneuvering were necessary to hold a much superior force in
check.
The Seventh Kansas with a portion of the cavalry division guarded the right
of the line during the battle and was but lightly engaged. The battle of Tupelo
was a bloody engagement, and the Confederates suffered terrible loeses; some
regiments were wiped out of existence.
At noon on the 15th General Smith began to move north by the Ellistown
road, the Seventh Kansas taking the advance and skirmishing constantly, until
camp at Town creek was reached. On the day following the regiment took the
rear, and contended all day with McCulloch's Confederate brigade until Ellis-
town was approached; here a sharp, almost hand-to-hand engagement was fought,
which resulted to the discomfiture of the enemy.
During the afternoon Major Gregory, who had been sent back on an inter-
secting road with two companies to guard against an attack on our flank, had re-
mained too long, and, as he finally came down through the timber that lined the
road to join the main column, discovered that the head of the Confederate cav-
alry advance was passing the intersection of the roads and was pushing on rap-
idly after the rear of Our regiment. Gregory had not been seen, and could have
easily withdrawn his command and, by making a detour, regained the regiment,
but that was not his manner of doing things. He instantly ordered his men to
draw pistol and charge by file down upon and along the flank of the enemy.
The movement was brilliantly executed ; the Confederate cavalry was taken abso-
lutely by surprise, and our men rode by, Gregory bringing up the rear, emptying
their revolvers into the rebel flank without a shot being returned. Many sad-
dles roust have been emptied, but our men were not waiting to count dead John-
nies. With a parting shot they galloped across an intervening ford and rejoined
the main column without the loss of a man.
From Ellistown the march was unmolested, and the regiment arrived at La
Grange on the 19th of July, 1864.
On August 9 General Smith again moved from La Grange to Oxford, Miss.
The Seventh Kansas, assigned to Hatch's division, moved on the 1st to Holly
Springs. On the 8th a severe engagement was fought at Tallahatchie river, in
which the regiment was engaged. The enemy was whipped and driven across
the river in retreat. On the 9th heavy skirmishing continued eight miles to
Hurricane creek, where the enemy was found in force occupying the heights
on the opposite side. He was driven back with loss and his strong position car-
ried. The pursuit continued to Oxford. At this point the enemy made a stand,
supported by artillery; he was again driven back, with the loss of his caissons
and camp equipage. Our cavalry force then fell back to Abbeville. During
this expedition a considerable portion of Oxford was burned by our troops.
Much censure was heaped on General Smith's command for this act of vandal-
ism. I wish to state here that the day this was done Southern newspapers fell
into our hands glorying over the burning of Chambersburg, Pa. This was the
first news that we had received of this act of incendiarism, and Oxford was
burned in retaliation.
On the 13th a second advance was made, and Forrest was again found occupy-
ing his former strong position on the opposite side of Hurricane creek. The
Seventh Kansas was a part of HerriCk's brigade, which composed the left wing.
The enemy's right was assaulted and driven back across the stream. In the
meantime heavy fighting was going on at the left and center, where the enemy
was badly beaten and forced to retire. This defeat caused him to withdraw his
THE STORY OF THE SEVENTH KANSAS. 45
right, and Herrick advanced and occupied his position. The enemy retreated
rapidly on Oxford and the Union forces were again withdrawn to the Tallahatchie.
This last battle at Hurricane creek was an afifair of considerable magnitude: it
was purely a cavalry battle, no infantry being engaged.
Grim-visaged war, if not always able to smooth his wrinkled front, must even
in times of stress sometimes let a crease or two slip down to the corners of his
mouth, to create the semblance of a smile; otherwise the monotony of solemn
things would become too serious to be borne. A smile may be permitted here,
after twoscore years, and all about a pair of trousers.
Just as this expedition moved from La Grange in the lightest of marching or-
der. Captain Thornton appeared arrayed in a pair of buckskin breeches; "Not
regulation," he said, "but durable." We had all recently returned from a simi-
lar expedition with trousers showing many a gaping rift, created by the constant
friction of the saddle, and he would not be caught that way again, he said, not
he. The day before the cavalry fight at Hurricane creek it rained, and we were in
the saddle during the downpour and thoroughly wet through, and Thornton's
buckskin breeches, soaked and soggy, became a sort of tenacious pulp. That
night he improvised a clothes-line and hung them out to dry. At early reveille
he sought his trousers ; they were there. But you know what can be done with
wet buckskin! Some evil-disposed person, under the cover of the night, had
streched them until they looked like a pair of gigantic tongs — they were twenty
feet long if they were an inch. The cavalry battle of Hurricane Creek was
fought that day, and Thornton led his company, but it was in a costume that
must have made pleasant to him the knowledge that the exigencies of war de-
barred the presence of the female sex. There was a hiatus between the extrem-
ity of the undergarment that obtruded below his cavalry jacket and his boots.
Thornton was a Scotchman, and we accused him of coming out in kilts. He
turned his trousers over to his colored servant in the early morning, and the
faithful darky rode that day in the wake of battle with the captain's breeches
wreathed and festooned about his horse, industriously employed in trying to
stretch and draw them back into a wearable shape. He reported progress to the
captain's orderly (sent back frequently during the day with solicitous inquiries),
and by the following morning, after cutting off about five feet from each trouser-
leg, the captain was able to appear in attenuated and crinkled small clothes, so
tight and drawn that it was difficult to know whether it was breeches or nature
that he wore.
About noon on August 23 Chalmers's cavalry division made an attack on
our infantry outpost and met a disastrous defeat. The Seventh Kansas went out
to reenforce, and, when the enemy was driven back, pursued him to the old battle-
ground at Hurricane creek. Here a fight lasting over two hours took place, the
enemy bringing a battery into action, but the regiment maintained its position
until ordered back by General Hatch. Here was killed First Sergt. Alonzo Dick-
son, of company H. A braver man never lived nor one capable of more daring
deeds.
On return to La Grange the regiment met orders to proceed immediately to
St. Louis. It arrived there on September 17, 186i, and reported to General
Rosecrans. It formed a part of the defense against Price, who was advancing
north on his last raid through Missouri. When Price turned west, the Seventh
Kansas moved out in pursuit, while our forces were being concentrated to drive
him from the state. When the troops were organized, the regiment was assigned
to McNeil's brigade of Pleasanton's cavalry division. Skirmishing of more or
less importance attended the advance_across Missouri. On October 22 the enemy
4G KANSAS STATE HISTOKIOAL SOCIETY.
was struck at the Little Blue. He opened up with artillery, but was driven
back ou Independence, which place was captured by a brilliant cavalry charge.
Two cannon complete and over a hundred prisoners were taken. Kansans must
remember that the first sound of firing on Pleasanton's advance, that cheered
their weary hearts and told them that relief was coming, was the thunder of the
two cannon that played upon the Seventh Kansas as it charged in column up
that long street through Independence, and, with Winslow, carried the Confeder-
ate position and captured the guns. Forty of the enemy's dead were left on the
field. After an all night march the Confederates were attacked near Hickman's
Mills, the engagement lasting the entire day, the enemy retiring at nightfall,
leaving his dead on the field. On the 25th, at the crossing of the Marmaton,
the regiment participated in the cavalry charge that routed the Confederates: it
also took part in the subsequent engagement at Shiloh creek, and indeed in al!
the battles of the pursuit.
From Newtonia, where the pursuit of Price was abandoned, the regiment re-
turned across Missouri to the St. Louis district, where it was divided into detach-
ments and stationed at various points. Guerrillas were quite active, especially
around Centerville and Pattison, and the garrisons at these points had plenty to
occupy their attention. Capt. Jim Smith swept Crowley's Ridge and sent over
twenty to their long home in one day's action. A mere boy, a member of com-
pany D, killed the guerrilla leader, Dick Bowles, in open fight, the guerrilla hav-
ing the decided advantage, being behind a fence with a Winchester, while the
boy dismounted under fire and, kneeling in the open road, sent a bullet from his
Spencer through the brain of the desperado. Dick Bowles was as conspicuous
in his neighborhood as Bill Anderson used to be in his. The headquarters of the
regiment was at St. Louis during the winter and until moved to Pilot Knob.
Early in July, 1865, the companies were concentrated at Cape Girardeau, and on
July 18 moved by transports to Omaha, Neb. From thence the regiment marched
up the Platte to Fort Kearney, and went into camp south of the trail to the
southwest of the fort.
The Seventh Kansas had fought its battles and its term of service was draw-
ing to a close, but its story would not be complete without a reference to two or
three enlisted men who bore a distinguished part in its history. There were a
number of men whose fund of humor was never exhausted and whose bravery
was always a subject of admiration. Conspicuous among this class was Sergt.
Morris Davidson, of company A, familiarly known by his nickname, "Mot."
His quaint jokes are as fresh and funny to me to-day as they were twoscore
years ago. In 1861 the original pilot bread was issued to the troops; it was modi-
fied later and an article of a less flinty sort was issued; but the original article
was something to be remembered. It was soon after enlistment when Mot broke
a period of unusual silence, while the boys were at mess, with the interrogative
remark: "Boys, I was eating a piece of hardtack this morning, and I bit on
something soft ; what do you think it was ? " "A worm," was the answer of the
inevitable individual who stands ready with instant information. "No, by G — ,"
said Mot, "it was a tenpenny nail." Mot had a deficiency in the roof of his
mouth, and the defect in his speech, like Charles Lamb's stutter, made his say-
ings seem much funnier than they show up in cold print. He was absolutely
fearless.
At Hurricane Creek he was sent with four dismounted men to scout across a
gap between our left wing and center; a similar gap existed in the enemy's line,
and Mot crossed with his men over the stream and crawled up around the left of
THE STORY OF THE SEVENTH KANSAS. 47
Chalmers's brigade, which opposed us. He opened fire on their left rear from the
brush, and the rebel leader, thinking he was flanked, hastily withdrew his whole
force and rapidly fell back nearly a mile and formed a new line. As our line ad-
vanced and took position across the stream, Davidson and his men were met com-
ing out of the brush, and then the cause of Chalmers's retrograde movement,
heretofore a matter of mystery, became evident. "What on earth were you try-
ing to do, sergeant ? " was Colonel Herrick'a remark, as he stared in astonishment
at Mot and his diminutive army. "Trying to snipe 'em," was the sergeant's
answer as he took his place in line. He had whipped a brigade. In the winter
of 1862-'63, Mot was commanding a picket post of five men on Wolf river, in Tennes-
see. It was a bitter cold night, and, although the enemy was lurking about. Mot
and his men had built a fire in a hollow and were huddled around it trying to
keep from freezing, when they received a volley from the brush on the opposite
side of the creek, "Twenty-five men with me and the rest hold horses!" thun-
dered Mot as he dashed alone towards the enemy, who immediately fled.
Ira B. Cole, bugler of company H, familiarly known as "Buck" Cole, was
another fellow of infinite jest. Colonel Herrick, who never changed expression
or smiled when a funny thing was said, nevertheless appreciated a joke in his
own way ; he used to have Buck detailed as his bugler just to have him near, that
he might hear his jokes, and Buck took advantage of the situation and played
the court fool to his heart's content. He was notoriously sloven in his dress,
but used to say "that he was bound to dress well if he did n't lay up a cent."
He was not always amenable to discipline, and once, while he was carrying a log
of wood up and down the company line as a punishment, was accosted by the
chaplain, who had come for a book he had loaned Buck and had not been re-
turned. The chaplain was a recent appointment, and as yet guileless, and when
Buck suggested that he hold the log while he went after the book, the chaplain
absent mindedly took it and, ten minutes later, when the captain appeared on the
scene, was pacing up and down, thinking over his next Sunday's sermon, with
the stick till on his shoulder. Buck was found peacefully sleeping in his tent ;
he stated to the captain that he supposed the idea was to have the log carried,
and as the chaplain was doing it he thought it would be all right.
There were those who made jokes, and those who enjoyed them, and conspic-
uous among the latter class was Elihu Holcomb, of company A, known in common
as "Boots." No matter how serious and disarranged the surroundings. Boots
always saw something to be amused at, and his mirthful laughter would ring out
above the din and bring a smile to the face of despair. A marked occasion was
at Coffeyville, when the Confederates, after having been whipped and driven for
many days, turned the tables on us and sent us back in retreat across the field
to our rear. Boots deemed this to be an excellent joke, and during the retreat
his laughter was easily distinguished between the crash of volleys, as he gave ex-
pression to his enjoyment.
I could go on and fill many pages with the humor that lived to temper the
hardships of a soldier's 11'-:, and could relate instances of heroic daring that grew
commonplace in thev frequency. I have only referred to those instances which
come uppermofeo in my mind as I write.
There was one incident that I would like to speak of, simple in itself, but it
always left an impression on my mind that I never want to grow less distinct.
When the Seventh Kansas entered Independence, Mo., the first time, in 1861, as
it rode down the long street from Kansas City, toward the court-house, to our
left, a block away, two ladies stood on the upper floor of a double porch waving
their handkerchiefs, loyal to the core. Three years later, when the regiment
48 KANSAS STATE HISTORICAL SOCIETY.
was charging up that same street against Price's artillery, which was sending
shot and shell to meet it, those same two ladies stood on the same porch waving
their handkerchiefs, and although we could not hear them, I know they were
cheering.
The name " jayhawkers," given the regiment, was possibly a disadvantage,
for it was this name that suggested to other regiments to lay their sins on our
shoulders. It resulted in the regiment being declared outlaw by Confederate
authorities, and a tacit understanding existed that, as far as the Seventh Kansas
was concerned, no ijrisoners would be taken. Once Lieut. B. C Sanders es-
corted some prisoners to a Confederate camp in Mississippi for exchange.* This
was the ostensible purpose, but the real object was to locate and ascertain the
strength of the rebel force. That night, in the rebel camp, under the softening in-
fluence of some excellent whisky that our squad had taken along, very cordial
relations were established. A Confederate officer, growing frank iu his discourse,
finally declared that he stood ready to greet any Yankee under like circumstances,
excepting one of those d Kansas jayhawkers; they were outlawed, and
death was too good for them. Lieutenant Sanders, who never touched liquor,
sat watching and taking notes. He smiled grimly, and in a few minutes, when
asked what regiment he belonged to, quietly answered, "the Kansas jayhawk-
ers." The situation looked a little dubious for a few moments, but the Confed-
erates finally decided, in consideration of the excellent quality of the whisky, to
make an exception in this instance, and cordial relations were reestablished. As
soon as Sanders was out of the rebel camp the next morning on his return, he
tore up the flag of truce, saying, "I don't want any white-rag protection; I '11
fight my way through from this time on." And he did. While the name "jay-
hawker" was a reproach among the white people of the South, it was a symbol
of deliverance to the blacks, and in their simple minds a jayhawker was a Moses
who would lead them out of bondage.
At Fort Kearney orders were received to proceed to Fort Leavenworth for final
muster-out and discharge. "Assembly " was sounded at once and the order read
* James Smith, of Topeka, was one of the squad with Captain Sanders on this occasion.
James Smith was born in Armstrong county, Pennsylvania, July 29, 1837. Ho was the oldest
son of Robert and Sarah ( Wray ) Smith. The mother died in 1860 and the father in 1892. The
father and seven sons wore in the Union army in the war of the rebellion — James, John, William,
Matthew, Daniel, Elder, and Henry. Another, Robert, was on the plains freighting, while the
ninth son, George, was too young. All the sons except James were in the army of the Potomac.
John was a prisoner at Andersonville, exchanged, and killed at Petersburg ; Matthew died in the
service, and William was severely wounded at Malvern Hill. James Smith was educated at El-
der's Ridge Academy, Indiana county, and afterward graduated at Jefferson College, Pennsyl-
vania. After graduation he taught school in Mississippi, and in 1860 emigrated to Kansas,
settling in Marshall county. In 1861 he enlisted in company A, Seventh Kansas cavalry, serving
as a private until 1864, when he reenlisted as a veteran. Upon his discharge, September 30, 1865,
he resumed work on the farm. In 1S65 ho was elected a member of the house of representatives.
In 1869 he was elected county clerk of Marshall county, reelected in 1871, holding for four years.
In 1873 he was elected county treasurer, and reelected in 1875. Before the expiration of his sec-
ond term he was nominated for secretary of state, in 1876. He was reelected in 1878, and again in
1880, serving six years — through the administrations of John P. St. John and George W. Glick.
He next served four years as private secretary to Gov. John A. Martin, following this with four
years in the same capacity for Gov. Lyman U. Humphrey. During the receivership of the
Atchison, Topeka & Santa Fo he was expert accountant for the master in chancery. He was ap-
pointed quartermaster-general of the state militia by Gov. William E. .Stanley, which position
he now holds. January 23, 1867, he was married to Miss Jane Edgar, of Marshall county. Capt.
James Smith, of comi>any C, was another person. Capt. B. C. Sanders is still living, in Cloud
county, near Concordia, where ho settled upon the close of the war. William H. Smith, a
brother, has held various positions in Marshall county, and lias been a member of the legisla-
ture several sessions. He was president of the State Historical Society for the year 1902. Fivo
of the Smith brothers, James, William, Robert, Henry, and George, settled in Marshall county.
James served for some time as quartermaster of the Seventh regiment.
THE STORY OF THE SEVENTH KANSAS. 49
to the men. In less than an hour thereafter camp had been struck and the regi-
ment was moving down the river on its final march toward home. Fort Leaven-
worth was reached on September 14, and on the 29th of September, 1865, the
companies formed on the parade-ground for the last time. They were formally-
mustered out, and the following day received their last pay and final discharge.
Their tour of duty was ended.
I have called this "The Story of the Seventh Kansas," but the story of the
Seventh Kansas will never be written — can never be written. The story of a
few battles — not a tenth part told; a sketch of many skirmishes — but briefly
related, are mere suggestions of four years of energetic action, of hardship and
suffering, and of gratification that strength had been given to endure it all. I
have not told the story of marches under a midday sun that beat down and
seemed to shrivel up the brain as you grasp for breath in the dust beaten up by
the horses' feet; of marches through mud and never-ceasing rain that soaked
you, saturated you, until you felt that you had dissolved into a clammy solution
yourself; of marches through winter storms of sleet and driving snow, without
hope of shelter or rest ; of struggles against almost irresistible drowsiness when
sleep had been denied you for days and to sleep now would be death ; of weeks
of tossing in the fever ward of a field hospital, where the oblivion of stupor came
to you as a blessing ; of thirsting for water when only brackish, slimy pools fester-
ing in the sun were near to tantalize you — this part of the story has not been
told. The thrill and excitement of battle were wanting in all this; it was only
plain, monotonous duty, made endurable by the grim humor that jeered at suffer-
ing and made a joke at the prospect of death.
Winter or summer, a cavalry regiment in the field has no rest. Picketing, pa-
trolling, scouting, it is the eyes of the army, and must not sleep. It leads the ad-
vance or covers the rear; faraway to the front, the infantry column, moving
along without interruption, hears the dull jar of cannon, or the popping of car-
bines; it is the cavalry sweeping the road. The fences torn down in gaps along
the wayside indicate that the enemy had grown stubborn and the cavalry had
been deployed. A dismounted skirmisher can lie down and take advantage of
cover; a mounted cavalryman is an easy mark for a sharpshooter as he advances ;
but he must take his chances; it is his duty. A cavalry regiment does not usu-
ally suffer a heavy loss in any one engagement ; it is one here, two or three there —
a constant attrition that is ever wearing away the substance ; it is the aggregate
that tells the story. The dead are scattered here and there, buried by the way-
side where they fell. Few have been gathered into the national cemeteries, but
they rest as well, and the same glory is with them wherever they may sleep.
—5
50 KANSAS STATE HISTORICAL SOCIETY.
SHERMAN COUNTY AND THE H. U. A.
An address by E. E. Blackman,* of Roca, Neb., before the Kansas State Historical Society,
at its twenty-seventh annual meeting, December 1, 1903.
SHERMAN COUNTY, as you will learn by consulting a map of this state, is
situated in the extreme western border, and one county south of the north
line. It is in what is commonly called the arid belt, and people have long since
found to their cost that the cattlemen told the truth when they said it was fit
only for range. The mad rush of immigrants, nearly twenty years ago, thought
different then, but they have learned a lesson which they will not soon forget.
A more beautiful country to look at is hard to find. As the prairie-
schooner began its westward sail from Colby or Oberlin, the heart of the immi-
grant gladdened as he beheld the almost level surface and saw the dark, rich-
looking soil. The larger portion of Sherman county was entered at the land-office
in the winter of 1881-'85, and the claims near the center of the county were
deeded or proved up as soon as possible, that the county-seat might be located
at that particular point, and the owner find himself rich in a single day.
People settled in the north part of the county first — a number of ranches
could be "proved up," and the town of Voltaire was laid out on one of these
ranches. Voltaire was four miles north of the center, but it was an active candi-
date for the county-seat at an early day.
Itaska was near the center of the county, but not exactly so; Gandy estab-
lished a town not far off. In time these two towns moved together on new land
and pooled their interests, calling the place Sherman Center.
Early in the spring of 1885 a number of men, with P. S. Eustis and O. R.
Phillips at the head, organized the Lincoln Land Company, and laid out the
town of Eustis.
This put three towns in the field actively striving for the county-seat. The
history of intrigue and fraud practiced by the "other towns" would fill volumes;
those of you who have passed through a county-seat fight know, and those who
have not are in luck. We will not try to tell the history — others can do it bet-
ter— but you have a glimpse of the field as it stood in the autumn of 1886. Vol-
taire had won one election, Eustis claimed the second election, but Sherman
Center was growing and bid fair to win in the autumn of 1887, when the next
election would take place. In that case, the question would be submitted once
again. At best, the settlement seemed a long way off.
Sherman Center had its set of officers and was running the county in its own
way. Eustis had its set of officers, and was contracting debts. Voltaire, I think,
was rucnicg the public affairs its way. Between them all, one did not know
wheie to i ay hie taxes, and few tried to learn ; as usual, the honest man was the
victim, and in cot a few cases he lost all he had in the mad shuffle.
* Elmeb Ellsworth Blackman was born August 16, 1862, ia Scott county, Iowa. He was
d ucated in the common schools. In 1885 lie was teaching school in Sanborn, O'Brien county,
Iowa, when he visited Sherman county, Kansas. Ho intended to return to his duties as school-
teacher in Iowa, but he was so pleased with the natural beauties and future possibilities of the
new country that ho preempted the southwest quarter of section 1, township 10 south, range 41
west, and lived there until 1889. He sold out and moved to Lincoln, Neb. There he taught school
until 1901, when he was called to the position of archpeo'.ogist of the Nebraska State Historical
Society. August 19, 1903, he married Miss E. Margaret Woods, of Fort Calhoun, Neb. His
home is at Roca, Neb.
SHERMAN COUNTY AND THE H. U. A. 51
While all these town affairs were agitating the minds of speculators, out in the
surrounding precincts the actual settlers were trying to make a home and sub-
due a farm. The cattlemen had held undisputed possession of these range lands
so long, that great herds of range cattle roamed at will over the settlers' crops as
well as the unbroken prairie. A herd of 500 head of cattle would come down on
a settlement and in one night all the fodder for the settler's little bunch of stock
would be destroyed.
No herders were with the cattle; they were "rounded up" once a year and
the branding was done. The owners of the stock never saw the cattle — their
pasture was from Texas to Manitoba, and not a few settlers thought it no ein to
kill a beef once in a while. How much of this was really done is not possible to
tell, but some cattle were killed in the winter of 188G-'87.
The cattlemen sent cowboys out to protect the cattle and punish the culprits.
However, it is safe to say they did not catch the settlers killing cattle. Those
who knew how the cattle were killed say that five minutes was time enough to
kill and dress a beef on a foggy night — the brand was cut out of the hide and
then proof of ownership was lacking.
The cattle men offered $500 for evidence to convict a man of killing range
cattle ; this came pretty near home. Every community has some one or two
men who, under some circumstances, will give their beat friends away. The
people, who bought the range beef were as liable as the one who killed it, and there
were very few of the settlers not guilty of eating range beef that winter. A man
would kill one of his own yearlings and sell twenty quarters of beef to his neigh-
bors. One man who had sold beef to a company of bachelor neighbors began to
get alarmed and the boys proposed that the settlers organize for protection.
I am not sure who first proposed the matter, nor do I know much about the
first meetings held in an informal way, but there was a man in the neighborhood
whom they suspected of a design to wreak vengeance on this man who had sold
beef and they wished to give him a scare.
The three or four prime movers in the organization I knew quite well, but the
real cause of the move — the man most interested^! never knew personally, and
was never sure which one of two or three it might be.
Billy Blackwood, Frank Oldham, Douglas Sylvester and two or three others
on their corner were the prime movers.
I had a very graphic description of the first real secret meeting ever held. It
was in a dugout belonging to Mr. Stahm. The Homesteaders' Protective
Association had been the talk for some days, and a select few were asked to join.
The one particular man that they wished to scare into secrecy was one of those
invited. He was taken through many oaths — not to contest a neighbor's claim
during his absence, not to tear down the house of a neighbor while he was away,
and many other ostensible reasons for the "protective association," until the
last, most solemn oath of all: "I do solemnly swear not to tell anything
that may in any way lead owners of cattle which are running at large contrary
to law and destroying the settlers' crops to discover who has killed or crippled
or in any way injured these same cattle, when driving them away from the crops
or at any other time. If I do, then I shall expect this society to use me thus" —
here a straw man, with a rope around his neck, was suspended before the aston-
ished candidate, who said "I do" so quickly he bit his tongue. Let me say
right here that he never told anything for money after that. The society pros-
pered, others came in, and new lodges were organized throughout the county.
I was a notary public and did a little land business. I was pushing the in-
terests of a little town in the western part of the county, and when I asked to
52 KANSAS STATE HISTORICAL SOCIETY.
join the society they rolled the black balls against me — ostensibly because I was
obliged to contest claims for other people, as I practiced before the land-office ;
so I was not eligible to membership.
They bought a case of Winchester rifles and held meetings all winter. When
thirteen lodges had been organized and the Homesteaders' Protective Associa-
tion had assumed proportions never dreamed of by the originators — when the
first reason for the organization had passed away and the range cattle had all
been rounded up — Billy Blackwood, who seemed to be spokesman for the or-
ganization, came over to my shack and gave me the whole s'tory of the organiza-
tion, and asked me to join. "If you will join, we will organize a central lodge
and settle this county-eeat fight." At first I was inclined to give the organiza-
tion a wide berth, but I knew most of the leading members, and I saw the great
need of active measures to prevent speculating town companies bankrupting the
county by contracting debts that we would have to pay or repudiate — and either
horn of the dilemma meant ruin.
A mass meeting of H. P. A.'s only was called. The password was taken at
the door. The building was thoroughly guarded, and a very enthusiastic meet-
ing was held.
This meeting was called to order by Douglas Sylvester June 18, 1887, in the
town of Eustis. A. M. Curtis was chosen president, and E. E. Blackman secre-
tary.
The thirteen lodges existing at this time had each a different constitution
and by-laws. All that held them together was the general password and secret
grip and signs. They were really thirteen separate units. The object of this
meeting was to cement these thirteen unite into one strong unit, that the strength
might be felt and pressure brought to bear on the county-seat question. It was
an open secret that the whole energy of the organization should be directed to-
ward a settlement in some manner of this vexing question. Every member of
these various thirteen lodges had a financial interest in this settlement.
Some had lots in one of the three towns ; some had friends who had property
or business interests there ; some lived near one town or the other, and, should
that particular town succeed, the price of their land would double; others were
paid tools of one town or the other, who joined the lodge to keep the various
town companies posted on the secret workings. This last number was few,
iiowever, and the earnestness of the association soon carried the petty interests
to the wind and the best interests of all became the single aim. The majority
were honest in their endeavors and spent time and money unsparingly for the
'Cause.
There was a general feeling of distrust in the mind of almost every one; each
member watched the movements of his neighbors with suspicion, and some of
the leaders were accused, from time to time, of working for the interests of the
town of their particular choice.
In an old community, where every one had a history, and where that history
was known, such an organization could never be effected. Here all were strangers.
Scarcely a man knew the power or the nature of his neighbor. This un-
certainty of material gave a strength to the organization which became a wonder
to the student of sociology. The wise heads said, "They will not stick together."
Scarcely a single person expected to see the association accomplish anything. I
have yet to hear of a like instance in all history. I think the fact that all were
strangers to each other had more to do with the success than anything else.
Then there were a few strong intellectual men in the lodges who directed the
forces and who guided the destinies of the organization from a subordinate poei-
SHERMAN COUNTY AND THE H. U. A. 53
tion. The chairman, A. M. Curtis, was a strong character and did much to bring
success. The feeling of distrust worked his defeat at the second election, but I
am certain it was unfounded. He declined reelection and this feeling of distrust
prevented the society urging him to accept : he labored in behalf of the organiza-
tion behind the scenes and much of the ultimate success is due to his efforts and
good judgment.
But this is not a history of people, and I aim to mention as few names as pos-
sible. One of the first acts of this mass-meeting was the appointment of one
member from each lodge to draft a subordinate lodge constitution. Ye who
believe in the unlucky thirteen, observe the work of the association, built of this
committee of thirteen men, and note the results. On June 25, 1887, this com-
mittee met in a 12 X 14 frame shack a half mile west of Eustis, which belonged to
Mr. Parkhurst, a banker in Eustis.
The old gentleman loaned money at 300 per cent, per annum until he had no
more to loan, then he closed his doors, and has long since passed to the other
shore. He was a genial, kind-hearted old fellow, despite his Shylock proclivities,
and many a very pleasant hour have I spent by his fire. He had no faith in the
organization and but little in the country. I asked him what he raised on his
"claim." "Well," said he, "some people succeed in raising 'Cain' wherever
they are; I have tried to raise a disturbance but did not get my breaking done
in time. Last year I raised 'hell and watermelons.' This year it is too dry to
raise anything; I shall try to raise the mortgage next year and skip."
A. M. Curtis was chosen president of this deliberate body; E. E. Blackman
and W. J. Colby were secretaries. The whole proceeding was secret — not a
scratch of the minutes was allowed to be preserved. The completed constitution
for the subordinate lodge was the result, and it took thirty-eight hours of argu-
ment and discussion to produce it. All that time we were confined in the house;
a committee went to the nearest well for water, and the merchants at Eustis sent
over some crackers and cheese which the outside guards passed in. All night the
guards paced their weary beats, and all night we contended each for his special
feature. The finished constitution was a compromise at best and really suited
no one. However, competent critics have pronounced it a work of art as a work-
ing basis for such an organization.
The following is an exact copy :
PREAMBLE.
We believe the cause of agriculture and the interests of the laboring classes would be ad-
vanced by uniting in an organization to be known as the Homesteaders' Union Association;
hence we adopt this constitution for subordinate lodges.
Article I.
Section 1. This association shall be known as the Homesteaders' Union Association, of
Sherman County, Kansas.
Sec. 2. The object of this association shall be to protect the laboring classes in our county,
and for the advancement of their interests financially, morally, and socially.
Aeticle II.
Section 1. The elective otBcers of this association shall he president, vice-president, sec-
retary, treasurer, captain, chaplain, together with three representatives to the grand lodge,
who shall be elected at the first regular meeting in July and January of each year, and shall
hold their respective offices for a period of six months, or until their successor is elected and
qualified.
Sec. 2. The appointive ofiicer shall be outside guard.
Sec. 3. The president shall be deemed duly qualified when he has filed with the secretary of
the grand lodge his acceptance of the office and the number of weeks for which he is elected,
over his own signature.
Sec. 4, The secretary shall be deemed duly qualified when he has filed with the secretary
of the grand lodge his full name and post-office address, together with his acceptance of said
office, over his own signature.
Sec. 5. The representatives to the grand lodge shall be deemed duly qualified when they
have received a certificate of election, signed by the president and secretary of the lodge at the
time of tlieir election.
Sec. 6. All other officers shall be deemed duly qualified at the time of their election.
54 KANSAS STATE HISTORICAL SOCIETY.
Article III.
Section 1. The duties of tho officers shall be such as devolve upon the corresponding: offi-
cers in all orders governed by parliamentary rules, and as may be prescribed by the rituals of
this order.
Article IV.
Section 1. Every male citizen over tlie age of twenty-one years shall be eligible to member-
ship in this order; provided, that his interests do not conflict with the interests of this order.
Sec. 2. No person shall be eligible to membership in this order who shall contest or assist
iu contesting any claim for speculation.
Sec. 3. Any person wishing to become a member of this order shall petition through one of
its members.
Sec. 4. Upon the receipt of an application for membership the president shall immediately
appoint a committee of three members, whose duty it shall bo to investigate the qualifications
of the candidate, and report at the next regular meeting. It shall then be tho duty of the presi-
dent to order a secret ballot to be taken ; and should the ballot be clear, the candidate shall be
declared elected ; but should two b'ack balls appoar by the report of the president, there shall
be a new ballot taken; and if two black balls again appear, the candidate shall be declared re-
jected.
Sec. 5. A candidate that has been rejected shall not be eligible to membership until the
expiration of three months from date of rejection.
Sec. 6. It shall be the duty of the secretary of any sublodge, when a member or a candi-
date has been expelled or rejected, or from which a member has withdrawn, to inform by letter
the secretaries of all other subordinate lodges, and it shall be the duty of the secretary of each
lodge to keep a record of all such names reported.
Sec. 7. It shall be the duty of the members of this association to inform the president of the
lodge to which he belongs of any misdemeanor in the vicinity as soon as possible.
Sec. 8. All members at time of initiation shall pay into the treasury of the lodge which he
joins an initiatiou fee of not less than ten cents nor more than one dollar.
Article V.
Section 1. Upon presentation of charges and specifications in writing against any officer
or member, signed by three members of the order, an othcer may be impeached or fined, and a
member may be fined, suspended or expelled ; provided, first, that he shall have been duly noti-
fied; second, that he may be heard in his own defense; and third, that two-thirds of the mem-
bers present at that meeting, after hearing the testimony on both sides, concur in the charges
and specifications presented.
Sec. 2. Any member wishing to withdraw from the order shall, upon filing with the secre-
tary a written request, receive a certificate of withdrawal, signed by the president and secre-
tary, and shall not again become a member without due process; provided, that the president
and secretary may, upon presentation by a member of good and valid reasons, issue to said
member a certificate of standing, and a letter to some other lodge, and may accept members of
other lodges on the same credentials, or may again admit the member to the same lodge by a
majority vote, but by no other way.
Article VII.
Section 1. This association hails with pleasure any equitable adjustment of all difficulties
between its members, and, where practicable, recommends arbitration.
Article VIII.
Section 1. This constitution shall not be altered or amended except by a two-thirds ma-
jority of all the lodges, taken separately, after a notice of thirty days has been given, and not
then exept a two-thirds majority of tho grand lodge concur therein at one of its regular meet-
ings.
Obligation.
I do solemnly pledge my sacred word and honor that I will not divulge any of the signs,
grips, passwords, or any of the secret workings of this order, directly or indirectly, and that I
will not vote against any case at issue on personal grounds, and that I will in all my acts do
that which I believe to be to the best interests of Sherman county, and that I will do all in my
power to promote justice, equity, and morality.
Order of Business foe the Grand Lodge,
1. Calling the mooting to order by the president.
2. Roll-call of otlicers by the secretary.
3. Appointments to fill vacancies.
4. Taking the password by the inside guard.
5. Prayer by the chaplain.
6. Reading of the minutes of tho last meeting,
7. Appointment of committee on credentials.
8. Report of committee on credentials.
9. Unfinished business.
10. New business.
11. Report of standing committee.
12. Report of special committee.
13. Election of officers.
14. Reading and correction of minutes.
15. Benediction by the chaplain.
16. Adjournment.
The secret work was never written, even in cipher, and I have forgotten most
of it. I remember the man (I have forgotten his name ; however, he was a Mor-
mon preacher, I have since learned, and he gave us the secret workings of the
SHERMAN COUNTY AND THE H. U. A. 55
Endowment House) who gave us the idea, and seemed to have a very perfect
system.
The grip was made by dividing the fingers so that the little finger was left
out, and the thumb pressed the second knuckle. This is the best description I
can give. Some one told me later that it is still the Mormon Endowment House
grip; so if you ask a Mormon preacher, he can tell you, if he will.
The secret work was really very fine and gave the society much dignity. A
copy of the constitution was pen-written for each of the thirteen societies or sub-
ordinate lodges. The name was changed to "Homesteaders' Union Associa-
tion," after many hours' wrangle over a suitable name. The committee
adjourned in the afternoon of the second day. The report was accepted at the
first grand lodge meeting, held in Eustis, July 12, 1887.
A committee of three was appointed to draft a constitution for the grand
lodge, but after a number of reports were rejected and much valuable time
wasted the committee was discharged and another appointed, with like results,
and the last I knew no report had been made, and the grand lodge of the H. U.
A. struggled through its short but vigorous life without a constitution.
It was governed by the rulings of the president and motions of its members
(at times by the emotions of its members, as some of us well remember; but more
of this anon). The grand lodge was composed of three delegates from each subor-
dinate lodge, and the grand officers were elected from this body. The first regu-
lar election of officers occurred at this first regular meeting, July 12. It is a
mystery to me, now, as I look back, how much real business was transacted at
one of these meetings.
The first election resulted in J. N. McDanniels for president ; Alex. Martin,
vice-president; E. E. Blackman, recording secretary; A. Swan, corresponding
secretary; W. J. Cobby, treasurer; and David Robinson, chaplain. This list
was easily elected, but there was a split on captain (it was supposed by some
that there would be some real fighting with guns before the affair was over ; so
two factions contended for the office of captain) ; S. Poff and L. C. Moore entered
the contest. Moore was defeated by eleven votes. The roll-call gave Poff twenty-
one and Moore ten.
I must stop here and tell you of the first mass-meeting, on June 18. It was
held in Allen's hall, above his store. There were over 300 present, and the hall
was crowded until all were standing. The floor was occupied by Fred Albee, who
was afterward county attorney, and was accidently killed down on the Smoky
Hill while hunting ducks.
This is the first time I ever saw Albee, but he was a talented young attorney,
holding down a claim at that time, and his speech produced a profound sensa-
tion. Everybody cheered to the echo, and the stamping of the crowd began to
tell on the underpinning of the fragile building. Fred saw the condition ; he
raised his old slouch hat, which he had been swinging vigorously, and com-
manded silence. In an instant you could have heard a pin drop. Fred turned to
A. M. Curtis, who presided ; he took the hint, and the president ordered the room
cleared in a systematic manner. Two men moved down the center and quietly
separated the weight, then the center was cleared, and, after some repairs, the
room was again used. The floor settled a few inches but no one was hurt, chiefly
on account of the tact of those two men. The account of this organization is in-
complete without a few of the many little incidents which are a part of it.
One affair which happened about this time serves to illustrate the condition
of affairs outside of the lodge. A citizen who lived as near Eustis as he did to
Sherman Center came to the Eustis Town Company and told them he was going
56 KANSAS STATE HISTORICAL SOCIETY.
to leave Sherman Center and vote for Eustis, and, as he was a man of no little
influence, the Eustis Town Company realized the advantage of his influence and
vote. They promptly offered him 8250 — §200 when Eustis was successful and
$50 cash. He took the bills in. his fingers, drove to his old town, Sherman
Center, and flourished the money in everybody's face, telling how he got it and
where, at the same time advising every one to vote for Eustis. There is no
honor in a county-seat fight at best, and this is but one instance of money being
passed — there are many.
The second regular meeting of the grand lodge was held in Eustis July 30.
This meeting was chiefly devoted to organization and education. A committee
reported the county indebtedness at both Eustis and Sherman Center, and the
county-seat question was an open discussion. Many had joined the lodge think-
ing that the great aim of the society was to protect homesteaders in their rights
while they were away from their claims earning a living; now they saw the flimsy
excuse was" but a pretense, and the living issue was brought forward.
A certain faction thought that the meetings should not be held in a town,
and they succeeded in having the meeting called in a sod house a mile north of
Sherman Center. On August 1.3 the members began to arrive, and before long
it was found out that the house was not large enough to hold the crowd. There
were no seats and the room had such a low ceiling that the air became difficult
to breathe, even before the president called to order. During the filing of cre-
dentials ( which always preceded a meeting) many were clamoring for adjourn-
ment to better quarters. The motions were made for Eustis, for Sherman
Center, and for the prairie, but all were voted down ^ it looked to me as though
the rank and file meant to stay.
My labors as secretary were exhausting, and the heat was intense. Alex. Mar-
tin, the vice-president, presided. I stood it about half an hour, when I closed
my books, and, addressing the chair, said I would not record another scratch in
that oven. Some ugly replies were made by a gang who wanted to show ofT.
Almost every man carried a gun out there those days, and a general feeling to-
ward the belt took place all around, and for a minute I was sorry I had been so
demonstrative. The president leaned my way and whispered, "Stick to it." A
few replies were made that would not sound well here, about plenty of men who
would act as secretary, etc. , and two guns were drawn with much bravado. Then
one of our sober-minded men, who had opposed moving and who never carried
a gun in his life, jumped in front of the ugly men and ordered the guns up or he
would not be responsible for consequences. The guns went back into the belts,
and the gentleman gave a sober, sensible talk of five minutes, winding up with a
motion to move to Allen's hall in Eustis.
He told them that no one else could do the work of accepting credentials but
the present secretary, as no one else knew where to find the proof of each
lodge's standing; so, if the secretary objected to working here, he was in favor of
moving. The motion was put, and not a voice said no. I am not sure, but I
think this man was the former president, A. M. Curtis.
We loaded up and nearly fifty teams drove to Eustis in a body. The county
officers barricaded the court-house door and prepared to fight (they said), because
they thought Sherman Center was coming to take the books. But Sherman
Center did not want the Eustis books at this time, as they had books of their own
and claimed the Eustis books were illegal.
We had a good meeting in a comfortable place and much was accomplished.
Both towns were inclined to ridicule this "farmer move" as they called it, and
not a few in the lodge expected to see the association go to pieces any time.
SHERMAN COUNTY AND THE H. U. A. 57
The next meeting, August 27 (being the fourth), met in Eustis again. The
various town companies were asljed to submit propositions at a prior meeting,
and it was expected that a decision would be reached at this meeting. Excite-
ment ran high and the town was full of teams. All the men, what few women
and children the county boasted and nearly every team of horses in the county
were in Eustis that day. No business was transacted in the stores — everyone
was too full of interest in the great pending question to think of anything else.
Little knots of men were scattered here and there and every one spoke in con-
strained voice.
I think the various town companies (who had their secret spies out to report
every move) began to think the H. U. A. had the thing in its own hands. It
was estimated that nine-tenths of the entire vote of the county was in the organi-
zation, and I think it was true. Most of them were ready to vote as the majority
said.
The advantage which the little town of Eustis had that day cannot be over-
estimated. Such a chance come& but once to any one. If they could have gone
before that meeting with a good, clear proposition that would have cost them
8100,000 to make, they could have taken time by the forelock and secured the
decision. Had they realized the situation, as some of us on the inside did, Eustis
would adorn the map of Kansas to-day. The strongest faction in the H. U. A.
was for Eustis at heart, but they dared not say so. One reckless individual, who
was up near the head, called three of the leading members of the town company
together and argued for an hour, but they were obdurate. O. R Phillips had
said: "It won't amount to anything; don't recognize them; we have one elec-
tion and are all right." The Lincoln Land Company had plenty of money to use
on election day, but one-half what they used that day would have made every-
thing secure on this 27th of A ugust.
The meeting was called to order and propositions were submitted by Voltaire,
Sherman Center, and a private individual (one B. Taylor) who owned deeded
land near the center of the county. Eustis came in to ask a two weeks' stay of
proceedings, but made no offer.
The lodge wanted the town company which they selected to uphold, and whose
town they made the county-seat, to build a court-house and jail free of cost to
the county. This was all they really expected to get, but they were ready to
settle it once for all and stop the expense and agitation, even if they got nothing.
Much more than their simple demands was offered by all but Eustis, which only
asked for a wait of two weeks to prepare an offer.
Eustis had a court house under way, and they said on the side that it was to
be presented to the county, but they did not even tender that much at this meet-
ing. When the vote was taken a two weeks' stay was granted, which in itself,
at this heated stage of the game, only proves the strength Eustis had in the grand
lodge.
Everything was harmonious, and the meeting adjourned, to meet September 5.
In the meantime, a few people at Sherman Center began to see how matters were
going. Sherman Center had some shrewd business men mixed up in it, but they
were shy on the money question. They had no rich Lincoln Land Company back
of them, but they had ability to scheme and sense enough to know a good thing.
One of their party said he would give $50,000 for the chance Eustis had August
27, "but," he remarked, "they won't get the chance again." Nor did they.
I do not know just how it happened, but before the next meeting there was a
new company in the field. "A new broom sweeps clean," you know, and so did
this new company.
58 KANSAS STATE HISTORICAL SOCIETY.
Ed. F. Madden, of Hays City, who adh barrels of money at his command,
joined with A. B. Montgomery, a shrewd business man, and bought some land
near by. They formed a company, with new men it, and persuaded Taylor and
Sherman Center to join with them. They gave lot for lot in all the other towns
but Eustis, and before the next meeting had an office up on the new site. I think
they offered Eustis lot for lot, too, but am not sure. I do know that many active
Eustis men were given lots in the new town, and the H. U. A. was asked to name
the town.
The new company offered to do more than the H. U. A. asked: They would
build a $20,000 court-house, and an $8000 jail, and give a block with each; they
would deed forty acres for a fair-ground and lots for school buildings, churches,
etc. When Montgomery stated the offer in the grand lodge, he wound up a five
minutes' talk with: "We will do more; we will pay off every cent of the county
debt in all the towns, and let the county start the day after election with a clean
elate."
The enthusiasm knew no bounds, and a unanimous vote was ready then and
there, but the level-headed ones said "No" ; they wanted to take a secret vote
by ballot, and it was done, after all the towns had been heard from. Thirty-one
subordinate lodges voted, with a total vote of ninety-three ; after the various
propositions had been carried back and discussed in the home lodge, the vote
stood 75 for the new town, 12 for Eustis, 3 for Voltaire, and 3 for no town at all.
Arrangements were made by which the provisions of the offer should be car-
ried out.
A committee of three was appointed as trustees to receive the deeds and money
in trust for the county. Fred Albee, W. W. La Rue and O. H. Smith were ap-
pointed on this committee, and served with credit. Not one crooked move was
made, and the county interests were well taken care of.
A meeting of the grand lodge was called two weeks later to arrange for nomi-
nating a county ticket, as party lines were not drawn at that time.
October 11, 1887, a delegate convention was held, which nominated a full
county ticket. The county-seat question was in a fair way to be settled, a ticket
was in the field, and the necessity of a grand lodge meeting did not appear.
There was an active campaign, which involved the interests of all, and before
the day of election even Eustis knew how the matter would go. I cannot stop to
enumerate every step taken, nor is it necessary. My work is the history of the
H. U. A.
You all know how the election went. Goodland is still the county-seat of
Sherman county, and the court house still stands, although old settlers are scat-
tered and new faces are about town.
A few years ago I was in Goodland. I went to the court-room and looked up
at a circle of wood bearing the letters H. U. A., and forming a circle for the
chandelier. Not a soul in that building had ever noticed those letters, and no
one knew what they meant.
Send them a copy of the report of this meeting lest they forget, lest they for-
get.
The result of the election in numbers and majorities I cannot give, but it is a
matter of record and may be found. The majorities were overwhelmingly for
Goodland, but Eustis had the books, and the supreme court had recognized that
town as the temporary county-seat against Sherman Center; so the returns were
made to the old officers, and the "official " count was delayed as long as possible.
Eustis claimed fraud on the part of Goodland, and was threatening to contest
the election. Possession was nine points of the law, especially in a county-seat
fight where no principle but money is involved, and Eustis had possession.
SHERMAN COUNTY AND THE H. U. A. 59
The town was guarded, sentries were placed at every road, and every one
coming into the town was halted and questioned. Rifle-pits were dug and a
posse of men with Winchesters held possession of the town.
By this time the court-house at Eustis was nearly done, but the county rec-
ords were kept in the second story of a building immediately across from Allen's
hall, and a company of men with Winchesters was stationed in the hall, with
orders to shoot any man who attempted to take the books from the building
across the street. They were to ask no questions, but were to shoot the first
man who mounted the stairs.
Hank Carpenter, half cowboy and half citizen, one of those bold, dashing
men of the frontier who enjoyed a round with guns better than a good dinner,
and the laugh after it was over better than all the rest, had mustered a posse of
like creatures and some real cowboys who cared no more for the life of a man
than most people do for the life of a dog. They ofl'ered to bring the books to
Goodland for a stipulated amount of money in time for the new officers to be in-
stalled on January 1, 1888. This may not seem just the thing, but you will
remember that right usually goes with might, where law is lax. The officers
could be regularly installed if the books were there, and there was some fear
that Eustis might destroy them or hide them, so causing more trouble.
Early one morning (I cannot give the date, as this is written wholly from
memory; there were no notes made at the time) a number of cowboys drove a
team into the street at Eustis, captured one of the old county officials, forced
him to mount the stairs ahead of the cowboys and unlock the safe.
The cowboys were aware of the guard across the street, and knew the orders
they had, but Carpenter conducted the raid as though he was ignorant of any
danger. He threatened to fire the town if a shot was fired, and declared he
would shoot the first man who showed his head.
The books were quickly loaded, and not a man appeared until the rising sun
showed the departing cowboys. A few shots were sent after them to arouse the
town, but it was too late; the county-seat was at Goodland, not only by a ma-
jority vote but by right of possession, which was more effective.
In two weeks from that day Eustis was, as it still is, a few deserted cellars.
Every building was removed to the new town.*
*A business man of Eustis, absorbed by Goodland, and whose prominence and usefulness
have extended, was William Walker, jr. He was born at Peru, 111., in 1858, and settled in Sher-
man county in 1885, identifying himself with Eustis. When Eustis pulled down her colors, in
1888, Mr. Walker promptly moved his business to the successful town of Goodland. He was a
member of the drug firm of Ennis & Walker, which continued until 1889, when the latter retired,
and engaged in the implement business. During the second term of Grover Cleveland Mr.
Walker was made postmaster. He was subsequently elected sheriff of Sherman county on the
Democratic ticket, serving three years. In February, 1904, he changed his residence and busi-
ness to Lincoln, Kan. During his service as sheriff, one of the most startling events in the his-
tory of western Kansas happened. On the 5th of August, 1900, about midnight, two robbers
boarded the Union Pacific train near Hugo, in Colorado, and held up several of the passengers,
killing a passenger named William J. Fay, from California. The Union Pacific Railroad Com-
pany offered $2000 reward for the robbers, dead or alive. The robbers were known as the Jones
brothers, of Missouri, although some of the papers referred to one of them as Teodoro Arretano,
of Arroya, N. M. Hugo is about 100 miles west of Goodland, and from the 6th until a few days
before the 11th the robbers managed to reach Goodland and stop with a family named Bar-
tholomew, living two and a half miles northeast of the town. Sheriff Walker heard of them,
and his suspicions were aroused. On the morning of the 11th he deputized John B. Riggs and
George Cullins. They dressed up as cowboys and gathered a bunch of horses which they were
supposed to take to some pasture. They reached the Bartholomew house about nine A. m. In
this manner they got within ten feet of the house, when they began inquiries about a certain
pasture. One of the robbers was standing in the door ; he reached for a revolver in his left
breast. Walker attempted a little parley in order to get the family out of the house, bat one of
()0 KANSAS STATE HISTORICAL SOCIETY.
Voltaire alone remained intact; it was far enough away to still exist, and I
believe it is a poet-oflice now.
The H. U. A. held one meeting after election, which developed into a sort
of love-feast or gratification meeting; no business was transacted, and the
whole time was devoted to speeches. This was the last of which there is a
record; another was called for December 10, but no one came, and the H. U. A.
has never been mentioned since.
The organization goes down in history as the most unique on record. It
saved the county at least 8100,000, and effectually settled the county-seat ques-
tion before a railroad built into the county. Goodiacd had strength enough to
draw the Rock Island railroad. It was made a division, and is now a railroad
town of some importance.
One hair-lifting experience which I witnessed at a meeting in Sherman Center
should be related before this is complete. Jim Stevenson was actively employed
in pushing the interests of Eustis. By some means he became a member of the
H. U. A., and so gained admission to the grand lodge as an honorary member
— they had a rigHt to talk but not to vote.
As soon as the meeting at Sherman Center was called to order, he got the
floor and began a harangue for Eustis. Stevenson was a good talker, and, had
he been less aggressive, would have drawn many his way, as the rank and file
stood for Eustis at first, but he became so pointed in his remarks that a few be-
gan to call "Put him out." In a short time the confusion became so great that
no one could be heard. The excitement began to grow to fever heat, and every
one jumped to his feet. There were about sixty men in the room, and at least one-
half had a gun strapped on. In Ibss time than it takes to tell it, a dozen or more
guns were drawn, and the ominous click of the hammer was heard in all parts of
the room. Men in that frame of mind might do something rash.
The room had a high platform in front, where the chairman and secretary
sat, at least three feet above the level of the floor. Stevenson was in front, near
the platform, but not up on it. He was wound up, and just had to unload; he
was not afraid of anything, guns and all. Of course he was excited, and the
more they tried to shut him off the harder he poured it into the opposition. One
of the more sober individuals, who knew how things were going, jumped to the
front of the rostrum and got the attention of the house; he began to pour oil on
the troubled waters, and Stevenson stopped to listen. I am not sure that Steven-
son realized hia danger until that moment. After a conciliatory talk of a few
minutes, the hammers came down one by one and the guns went back into the
belts. Stevenson quietly left the room later and business was resumed.
In all this hard fight it was a battle of words and money after all; not a
single accident, and no one was hurt through it all. They do say that fools and
drunken men are the special care of the gods.
the deputies jumped out of his saddle and unthinkingly placed his hand over his right hip,
which induced the robber in the door to signal the one in the liouse, and this prompted the
sheriti to sudden action, and he ordered him to throw up his hands. Walker and Riggs entered
the house, firing at the robbers, being only twelve feet apart. One of the robbers ran outdoors
and fell dead in about forty feet. Four other citizens joined the party, having followed in a
carriage. Tlie second robber remained in the house pouring bullets at the officers as rapidly as
he could shoot. The posse exhausted their ammunition, and did not succeed in capturing him
until five o'clock in the evening, and did so then by firing the house. There were i)robably 500
shots fired from rifles after the crowd arrived. Mr. Riggs was shot through the left breast, and
Mr. Cullins was shot in the back by the sheriff, who in the movements mistook him for one of
the robbers. Riggs and Cullins recovered. The Union Pacific doubled the reward, and paid
1100 for the house destroyed. The one dying in the house was a bulk of blackened flesh. They
were buried in one grave. The coroner's jury warmly commended Sheriff' Walker and his
deputies.
SHERMAN COUNTY AND THE H. U. A. 61
Through the dim vista of fifteen years, we can look back on these wild scenes
with complacence and be thankful that it was not more serious.
Some of the leading characters in this H. U. A. movement are still in Sher-
man county, but by far the larger part are scattered.
A. B. Montgomery, who carried the Goodland Town Company to success, is in
Boulder, Colo., and has become very wealthy.
John Bagly, secretary of the Eustis Town Company, is in Oregon. He has
made a success of life and is a prominent lawyer.
Thomas Leonard, who was one of the leading men in old Itaska, is running a
hotel in Goodland.
Call Russell, who was the prime mover in Sherman Center, has a coffee plan-
tation in Mexico.
J. K. Warrington, who got $10,000 for a half-interest in the town site of Good-
land, is in Iowa, and M. A. Low, who paid the $10,000 to Warrington, is in
Topeka now.
W, J. Cobby is a prominent lawyer in Denver, I have lost track of all the
other active officers of the H. U. A.
O. H. Smith is in Lexington, Neb. In Lincoln there are many of the men who
helped to make Sherman county.
J. C. McKesson is the governor's private secretary, in Lincoln. D. K. Sham-
baugh and family are in Lincoln. Also, Mr. Hottell, Doctor Swister, E. A. Comp-
ton, Art. Gentzer, O. H. Mulrane, Frank Parks, Jim Stevenson, George Webb,
and the Oxley boys — there may be others whom I have not met.
Now, I will say to the Kansas Historical Society, this is a move in the right
direction. In fifty years from now, when we who took part in these historical in-
cidents are all passed away, it will be impossible to gather the data for these early
reminiscences. In the main these facts are all true, as I have the documents be-
fore me, but much more can be added, and did time permit I would be pleased to
supply many incidents of people. The documents will be preserved and in time
deposited in your vaults ; now, while yet some of the active participants are living,
I prefer to keep their secrets sacred.
This list of the presidents and secretaries of subordinate lodges, with the cor-
responding number of each lodge, is gleaned from the credentials filed in the
grand lodge secretary's book:
Lodge Xo, President. Secretary.
1 A. W. Willard W.J.Blackwood.
2 James W. Cobby W. D. Pagan.
3 W.W.LaRue T.T.Roberts.
4 W.V.Moore Aquilla Johnson.
5 I. S. Ellenberger Fred A. Albee.
6 W.J.Smith.
7 S. F. Meeker John Cameron.
8 M. M. Wellman J. B.Jacobs.
9 J. N. McDanniels J. W. Navert.
10 W. H. H. Pratt.
11 J.H.Wheeler M. F. Lanborn.
12 H. Sonner.
13 J. W. Hedges Geo. H. Dyer.
14 J. W. McKiney M. Greenlup.
15 G. D, Potts W. C. Wellborn.
16 E. S. Teagarden W.B.Swisher.
17 Herman Hengstler Warren Carmichael.
18 L. Rodgers James W. Robinson.
19 J.D.Stone Isaac M. Fergason.
20 E.D.Adams A. Swan.
21 A. Ericson A.L.Rich.
22 Solomon Parker Frank L. Jones.
23 H. D. Blagrave.
24 J.C.Brown.
25 W.H.Brown James H. Springer.
26 H.E.Spencer W. S. McClintock.
27 D. Sylvester.
28 James Ballinger Clarence Thorp.
62 KANSAS STATE HISTORICAL SOCIETY.
Lodqe No. President Secretary,
31.!!!!! Henry B. Slight !!!!!!!!!!!!!! Calvin N. Graves.
32 Theodore Williamson Virgil Numan.
33 J. A. Corkil.
34 Newton Wells Hart S. Harris.
35 James H. Hodge Martin Heauchamp.
36 Jolin F. Mock Joe 8. Williams.
37 I.Huston. John Carson.
Note.— No credentials were ever filed for Nos. 29 and 30. They were probably never organ-
ized, or it may be a misnumbering of the lodges caused the error. \
Any errors that can be pointed out I shall be glad to correct, as some of this
paper is from memory, after fifteen years have passed.
MASSACRE OF CONFEDERATES BY OSAGE INDIANS
IN 1863.
An address delivered by W. L. Bartles,* of Tola, before the twenty-seventh annual meeting of
the Kansas State Historical Society, December 2, 1902.
TN the month of May, 186.3, the time when the events herein occurred, the town
-^ of Humboldt was the extreme southern town occupied by the United States
forces in this section of the country. The garrison at the time mentioned
consisted of troop G, Ninth Kansas cavalry, commanded by Capt. Willoughby
Doudna, numbering 100 men.
The country to the south was occupied by bands of Indians belonging to the
Osage tribe. These bands were camped over the country in villages, but made
their general headquarters at Osage Mission, where the priests maintained a posi-
tion of neutrality, extending hospitality to Union and Confederate forces alike.
The sympathies of the Osages, however, were with the Unionists, and numer-
ous half-breeds joined the Union army, some being members of troop G; notably
Thomas Moshier, now clerk of the court at Pawhuska, Okla., and to whom I
am indebted for assistance in preparing this paper.
South of the country ranged over by the Osages was the nation of the Chero-
keee. The majority of these latter Indians were active sympathizers with the
Confederacy, and it was from them, and particularly the Indian contingent com-
manded by Standwaite, who twice raided and once burnt Hunaboldt, that the
border towns had most to fear. Thus itvvae that the Osage country was the
scouting-ground of both armies.
Scouting was the main duty devolving upon the garrison at Humboldt, as no
supply trains went south of there, and those coming had their own escort.
One scouting party of fourteen men, commanded by a sergeant, left Humboldt
and were gone ten days, going south of the present site of Arkansas City into Ok-
* William Lewis Bartles was born in Muskingum county, Ohio, May 11, 1842. His father,
Christian Bartles, was born in Hanover, Germany, in 1808, came to the United States in 183,5,
and in 1840 married Sarah Pryor. In 1851 he moved to Bureau county, Illinois, and in 1860
brought his family to Kansas. He preempted a quarter-section in lola township, Allen county,
where ho died in 1878. His widow died at lola in 1898. "Lew" Bartles, the subject of this
sketch, enli.sted August 10, 1861, in company G, Ninth Kansas, and his first service was in pur-
suit of the rebels who sacked Humboldt. He passed througli some very active service, and was
discharged at Devall's Blutf , Arkansas, January 16, 1865, after three years and a half. He farmed
for four years succeeding the war, and then learned the saddler's trade. In 1874 ho opened busi-
ness in lola. For four and one-half years he served as a deputy revenue collector for fourteen
counties in eastern Kansas. He then engaged in the hardware business at lola, and retired in
1899. March 22, 1863, he married Miss Sidney Tibbetts. Mr. Bartles served two terms as mayor
of lola.
MASSACRE OF CONFEDERATES BY OSAGE INDIANS. 63
lahoma, and sighting Cody's bluff, a famous landmark of those days. Fre-
quently these scouting parties would meet like parties sent out from the garrison
at Fort Scott, and occasionally a party of the enemy would be encountered, with
an exchange of compliments. In spite of the ceaseless scouting, the country to
the south was, to the little settlement and handful of troops, an ever-present
source of danger and dread, from out of which, at any moment, might come
their destruction and death.
One afternoon, just after the troops had had dinner, two Indians rode up to
the camp, in the public square, and reported to Captain Doudna that their band
had had a fight with some white men, and that the white men were dead. They
would make no further statement, except that it had been a big fight, and that
the chief wanted the captain to come to his camp.
Captain Doudna was a man of action, and in a few moments was on the
move with half his troop en route to the Indian camp.
It must be borne in mind that at this time the identity of the dead men was
unknown. They might be a stray scouting party of our own or the enemy's, or
they might be an advance party of an approaching hostile force. In the latter
event, there was no time to be lost. The horses and men were seasoned to rough
riding, and before midnight the command rode up to the camp of the Indians,
and, picketing their horses, lay down in the tall grass to sleep.
Sleep, even to tired troopers hardened by two years' campaigning on the plains,
was well-nigh out of the question. On a rise in the ground near our bivouac
were bodies of two warriors slain in the fight. Painted and decked for the long
journey to the happy hunting-ground, they had been placed in a sitting posi-
tion, with their backs to a tree. In front of each warrior was a squaw, sitting
flat upon the ground, her hair hanging over her face, and at intervals her low,
mournful moans rose in a tremulous, wavering cry to a long drawn-out, soul-rend-
ing wail of indescribable sorrow. It is a cry which once heard is never forgotten,
and its unutterable sadness cannot be expressed in words. Beside the mourning
cries of an Indian squaw, the distant howl of the coyote is cheering and the lonely
call of the whippoorwill is mirth-inspiring. Other squaws, scattered through the
grass and in the camp, occasionally added their voices to the cries of the two
principal mourners. Few, if any, of the troop slept that night, but at last the
morning brought welcome relief from that night of horror. Escorted by about
100 mounted Indians, we rode out to the scene of the first encounter. Here it is
best to tell the story as gathered from the Indians, simply stating that, from what
had already been learned from the Indians, we were fairly certain that the dead
men were not our comrades in arms, but either a party of the enemy or one of
those bands infesting the border who claimed either side, as suited their conven-
ience, and preyed upon both. The Indians were exceedingly anxious as to the
outcome of the investigations, fearing they had committed an overt act in attack-
ing the party and would suffer the displeasure of the government.
Two days before the messengers arrived in Humboldt, a small party of In-
dians, numbering eight or ten men, had started from the Big Hill village to the
mission. When not far from their camp they discovered the traces of a recently
abandoned camp and at once took up the trail, soon overtaking a mounted force
of white men. This party numbered twenty or twenty-two men and had no
wagons. Riding up to this party the Indians inquired who they were, and re-
ceived the reply that the' party was a detachment of Union troops, and were a
part of the command stationed at Humboldt. To this the Indians replied that
they knew the troops then at Humboldt and failed to recognize any familiar
faces in the party. The Indians stated that the government held them respon-
64 KANSAS STATE HISTORICAL SOCIETY.
sible for what occurred in their country, and asked the party to accompany them
to Humboldt, to be identified by the commander of the post, when they would
be allowed to go anywhere they pleased. To this the white men would not con-
sent, and started to continue their march. The Indians, growing more suspi-
cious and insistent, sought to restrain them, and in the altercation which followed
one of the whites shot and killed an Indian,
The Osages being outnumbered, dropped over on their ponies and were soon
out of range. Racing for their village they aroused the camp, with the news of
the killing of one of their number by the war party of strange white men.
This village could muster over 200 fighting men, and the entire force of the
village turned out in pursuit.
They struck the party of white men about five miles from a loop in the
Verdigris river. Over that entire five miles there was a running fight. The little
party of whites, hemmed in on all sides by the circle of death, were striving to
beat off the Indians and reach the timber they could see in the distance. In
this running fight the Confederates, for so the whites proved to be, lost two men,
whose bodies were abandoned where they fell. Being well armed and in the
open, they were able to keep the Osages at some distance, and killed at least one.
The timber they fought so valiantly to gain proved their undoing. Not being
acquainted with the country, they entered it where it ran back into a loop in the
river. Back from the edge of the timber they were forced by the ever overlap-
ping Indians. Step by step they retreated, contesting every foot of ground. The
odds were too great, and they found themselves forced to the bank of the river
and out onto a sand-bar at the water's edge, under a terrible fusilade from the
Osages, now concealed and protected by the timber.
At their backs ran the river, at this point wide and deep; on the opposite
shore a high and precipitous bank ; in their front an enemy in whose game of war
the white flag was unknown.
Wrong though these men were, and on a mission which almost bars them from
our sympathies, yet we cannot but feel proud that they faced their doom with
that unflinching bravery which the men of our nation have ever displayed. To
the last cartridge they held their enemy at bay, and when they had been fired
the survivors stood in a little group, their dead around them, and met the rush
of the Indians with clubbed carbines and revolvers, and fell one upon the other.
It was brave blood that reddened the little sand-bar in the Verdigris that day.*
* Petee Peecival Eldee was born ia Somerset county, Maine, September 20, 1823. He
came to Kansas in the spring of 1857, and settled in Franklin county. He aided in the organiza-
tion of that county, and was first chairman of the board of county commissioners. He was a
delegate to the Osawatomie convention in 1859, which organized the Republican party in Kan-
sas. He was a member of the territorial council in 1860 and 1861. President Lincoln made
him agent of the Osage and Seneca Indians, at Fort Scott, which position he filled for four
years. He induced a regiment of the Osages to enlist in the service of the government during
the civil war. In 1865 he resigned, and engaged in the banking business at Ottawa, where he
still resides. He was elected to the legislature many times, and was twice speaker of the
house, in 1878 and 1891, and was lieutenant-governor in 1870. He served also as chairman of the
ways and means committee of the house. Governor Elder also wrote, August 30, 1864, to General
Curtis, urging the enlistment of a regiment of Osage Indians, and oifering to take command of
them. He had much to do with holding the Osages loyal to the government. In the official
Records of the War of the Rebellion, series 1, volume 22, part 2, page 286, is the only official
reference to this incident to be found, made by P. P. Elder, and is as follows :
" Office Neosho Indian Agency,
.. ,, . T ^ „, . r .IT' Foet Scott, Kan., May 17, 1863.
Maj.-gen, James O. Blunt; Lem^enworlh, Kan,:
"Dear Geneeal — I have often written you on matters appertaining to mutual and the
public interest, without making any apparent impression on your mind. 1 feel prompted, from
the deep regard I feel for people living on the Osage reservation and along the northern
boundary, to say that raids are constantly being made into that country by small bands for
MASSACRE OF CONFEDERATES BY OSAGE INDIANS. 65
Captain Doudna and his detachment went over the scene of the running fight
and into the timber, which showed the marks of the heavy firing. Down on a
sand-bar, in a space some four rods square, were found the almost nude bodies
of the Confederates, badly decomposed and horribly mutilated. The heads, be-
sides being scalped, had been, according to the Osage custom, severed from the
bodies. Long gashes had been cut the entire length of the bodies. The sight
was a terrible one, even to men accustomed to Indian butcheries. We had come
prepared to bury the dead, and, digging a trench, we cut hooked sticks from the
bushes and dragged the bodies into the trench. The men engaged in the work
had sponges containing assafoetida tied over their faces, but in spite of that the
stench was bo terrible and the sight so loathsome that many were made sick and
all had to be frequently relieved.
The heads were all collected, some being found at a considerable distance,
and placed in the trench with the bodies.
One of the dead men, who, from what we could learn, had been in command
of the party, was entirely bald, but had a very long and heavy full beard. This
head had not been scalped, but the beard had been removed, and was hanging
on a pole with the scalps in front of a tepee in the village. The bodies of the two
men killed in the running fight were buried on the prairie where we found them.
Of one body only the skeleton remained ; the other had not been touched by the
wolves.
After the burial the troops returned to the Big Hill camp, and were enter-
tained with a war-dance in honor of the victory. Prior to the dance the mounted
warriors were drawn up in line, and on the fact that their front exceeded the
front of two troops of cavalry is based the estimate of their fighting force.
The captain in the meantime was endeavoring to ascertain the identity of the
dead men. Numerous articles of confederate clothing and equipment in the pos-
session of the Indians plainly showed to which army they had belonged. The
predominance in the plunder of officer's uniform and equipment led to the belief
that it was no ordinary scouting party. Captain Doudna stated to the chief and
head men that he had no desire to take the horses and arms they had captured,
that they could keep them as spoils of war, but he wanted all papers that had
been captured. The Indians replied that they did not have any papers; they had
taken a few, but they were so bloody that they threw them into the river. This
proved to be false, and, the captain suspecting as much, was insistent, and finally,
after some time, numerous papers were produced. It came out afterwards that
the demand for the papers was unexpected, and the Indians being fearful of any-
thing written, and not yet certain that they would be held blameless in this mat-
ter, had been gaining time for Big Joe, a mission-educated Indian, to read the
papers. Big Joe having satisfied himself that there was nothing harmful to the
Indians, they were turned over.
the purpose of plunder, and I am informed that official information has been conveyed to you
(which you are bound to respect ), that the Osages are in collusion with these rebel bands.
This I utterly deny, and the achievement of the 15th clearly proves their loyalty and good feel-
ing. I write for the purpose of suggesting the propriety of organizing one company of Osages,
under one of the captains of Osage companies, who are not now on duty, aud who have not been
mustered out, and detail them on duty in this country, to report to and be under command of
Captain Doudna. They know that country, and will, in my opinion, protect it against all in-
vasion, for which they should be paid. This, it seems to me, can be done under the old organ-
ization.
" On the 15th they met a party of robbers on the Verdigris. After the proper inquiries, and
receiving no satisfaction from them, they attacked them and killed the entire party (nineteen
in number), leaving no one to tell the tale. They cut off their heads, over which they held a
war-dance. Two Osages were killed.
" If this suggestion should meet your view of the exigencies pending, I should, with pleas-
ure, render any assistance in my power. They are in high glee, and have been furnished with
ammunition. They are anxious to be thus organized and act for their mutual protection.
Very respectfully yours, etc., P. P. Elder."
66 KANSAS STATE HISTORICAL SOCIETY.
Captain Doudna made a careful examination of the papers, assisted by mem-
bers of the troop, and the investigation brought to light the astounding fact the
party had been composed entirely of commissioned officers, one ranking as colonel
and the others being captains and lieutenants. Only the name of one officer,
Captain Harrison, is now recalled. Papers signed by Gen. Kirby Smith, then
commanding at Little Rock, were found. From these and other papers it was
learned that the massacred party constituted a commission to treat with the tribes
of the West and Southwest and incite them to war. The officers composing
the party were to divide up among the tribes and endeavor to secure cooperation,
and to receive supplies and to assist the Indians in every way in the war of exter-
mination which was to be waged more particularly against settlements in Kansas.
Harassed by the wild tribes on one side and the no less savage foe on the other,
it would have been a wonder if Kansas had not been wiped out. So the Osages,
as they swarmed through the timber, in the bend of the Verdigris, were, though
they knew it not, striking a blow for the security of more than one frontier home
and settlement and making a mark on the pages of Kansas history.
It is a matter of regret that of this incident, like so many others of war-time
history, so little is now known. The name of only one man of the party, Captain
Harrison, remains. A diligent inquiry by one who is well acquainted in the tril)e
and possessing the confidence of the Indians has resulted in the finding of only
one Indian who admits being present at the fight. Indians know nothing about
the statutes of limitation, and while they will talk freely concerning intertribal
wars, they are silent when it comes to discussing dead whites.
A love-letter faken from one of the bodies by a member of the burial party
remained in his possession for a number of years. It was written from Cross
Hollows, Miss., and the name of the writer was signed in full, the surname being
Vivian. This letter was shown to a lady visiting in lola, who recognized the
name of the writer as that of a former schoolmate in southwest Missouri, before
the war. At the outbreak of the war Miss Vivian had accompanied her parents
to Mississippi and the other lady had come to Kansas and lost trace of her former
schoolmate. The letter has passed into the keeping of the lady.
It will be remembered that in giving the strength of the Confederates it was
put at twenty or twenty-two men. The bodies of two were found on the prairie
and eighteen on the sand-bar. Leading from these bodies were the boot tracks
of two men walking side by side and close together, as if one might have been
supporting the other. There were no tracks leading bacli to the bodies. Care-
ful search up and down both sides of the stream failed to disclose any tracks
coming out of the water. It is probable that these men were shot while in the
water, in attempting to swim across the stream. It is possible they made good
their escape.
This fact and the incident of the letter are related here, and the name of
Captain Harrison is given, in the hope that they may meet the attention of some
one who can give additional information concerning this event.
The subsequent general uprising of the Indians that very year, which has
often been attributed to the machinations of the Confederates, gave us a taste of
what we might have experienced if they had acted in unison, and been led and
directed by the men whose career came to an abrupt end in the loop of the Verdi-
gris. Kansas has, much charged against the Indians on her books, and it is but
due to the Osages that this one little item of credit should not be overlooked.
ALONG THE TRAIL.
ALONG THE TRAIL.
An address delivered by John Madden* before the Kansas State Historical Society, at its
twenty-seventh annual meeting, December 2, 1902.
"PVERY country has its historic age, and the men who contribute to such
-■-^ periods, in time, pass into eong and story, and become a part of the leg-
endary lore of the people. Thus, we find in the heroic age of Greece the names
and labors of Hercules and Jason's men,
"Earth's first kings, the Argos' gallant sailors —
Heroes in history, and gods in song."
In:the traditional period of Rome we find Romulus and Remus, the builders
of the walls — the strong, wolf-suckled boys of the Tiber: among the strong men
of Germanic stock, the names and labors of Thor of the Hammer and Odin of the
Twibill, who fought the forces of nature in the twilight of the gods. And so we
might enumerate of every nation and of every tribe of men, when we go back to
the traditions of the past, and place in the Pantheons the strong men who loved
and labored and died, and passed through the trail of stars to become demigods.
As the past recedes, and the beautiful opalescent coloring of romance softens
the rugged outlines of prosaic history, the mere dry annals, clothed with the
drapery of thought and action, bring out the strong faces of the men who moved
through the lines of action, until they appear to us strongly chiseled, like the
faces in the frieze work of a Grecian temple. We then unconciously' begin to
realize that history is passing through that transition period known as legend
and tradition. We look through the enchanted fields of the years, as we realize
these things, and, like the other tribes and nations of men who have preceded us
begin to understand that we are growing old as a people, and that we have our
heroic age, and with it our demigods. We, being more practical than the peo-
ple of a more immature age, and having something like written history to depend
upon, do not clothe these men with the same coloring as did the Greeks, Romans
and Norse, but place them in their proper relation, and pay to them the tributes
denied them in the past. To me, the men who made the trails of the West, and
carried the banners of their nations through the mountains and across the prairies,
who faced death in a thousand forms, and built their camp-fires along the streams
as they passed, are the men who are entitled to be remembered, because they
blazed the pathway for others to follow. The eastern portion of our country has
never been as rich in the treasure-trove of action as the West, with its trails, and
its rapidly-shifting scenes along these great highways of the past. We may pity
the fate of De Soto and his deathless men, and say they were foolish in pursuing
the ignis fatuus of gold; and yet, through different lines, we are engaged in the
same quest. Hence, we ought not to criticize too closely the action of the Span-
iard, or to seek to assume that we are wiser than he. While we may pity the
fate of De Soto's expedition we cannot help but admire his heroism, and remark,
in passing, that from Tampa, Fla., to New Madrid, Mo., he blazed a trail that
must always remain as a red line of action in the history of the new world. We
may not be impressed with the character and leadership of his lieutenant, Mos-
coso, after the death of his commander, but we must remember that he crossed
the prairies of Kansas long before the Pilgrim fathers settled at Plymouth Rock,
* See page 40, sixth volume, Historical Collections.
68 KANSAS STATE HISTORICAL SOCIETY.
and that with his coming he impressed upon the minds of the savage tribesmen
that the man with the pale skin, in coat of mail, belonged to the line of the
world's conquerors. Although he passed away, leaving behind him a trail of
blood and fire, he left to the men of succeeding generations lessons of devotion,
sacrifice, and heroism, which shall not be forgotten.
The pure-minded Coronado, from his capital of Compostello, in Mexico, led
an expedition to the north, which he hoped would rival in glory and wealth the
expedition of the great Hernando in the valley. In his long march through the
mountains, over the desert sand, by the pueblos of the ancient tribesmen, into
the fertile valleys of the Canadian, the Arkansas, and the rivers of Quivira, he
was following out the line of his life's destiny, and leaving to the world an
example of endurance, devotion and fortitude that up to that time had not been
equaled in the new world. While his line of march is well defined, and its ex-
tent and duration well authenticated, yet it seems to me that after 360 years it
would be practically impossible for even the archaeologist to locate with any de-
gree of certainty, any of the villages of the shifting, roving tribes through which
he passed in Kansas. I am inclined to knock on these uncertain locations, and,
while I feel kindly toward the men who made these investigations, I feel that, as
a student of history, there should be less strife and more of a general desire to
bring about something like certainty. The location of Quivira near Junction
City, and the erection of a monument on the supposed site of an ancient village,
strikes me as a little mythical, and to some extent humorous. While as a work
of art the monument may be valuable, yet as a matter of history it is a little mis-
leading. Arrow-heads and spear-heads and the usual weapons of war known to the
savage tribes are so much alike, and are scattered over such a vast extent of terri-
tory, that they cannot be said to be the indicia of any particular tribe or village.
I am inclined to think that Mr. W. E. Richey has produced much stronger evi-
dence of the route of Coronado than any of the others — in the Spanish sword
which he found. It is more authentic than spear-heads or arrow-heads, and indi-
cates that the white man must have passed over the route, and left behind the
distinct evidence of his line of march. It seems to me that the monument build-
ers, while correct on the general lines of the trail, have lost out on the location
of the Indian village. In fact, they are somewhat in the same predicament as
was the Indian in search of a trail in the forest, who, when asked by the hunter
if he were lost, answered: "No, Injun not lost; wigwam lost."
The old Spanish and French trailsmen left no personal marks along the trails
they made. It was left for the American to do that. And so we deal with him,
and he is more to our liking, and his work possesses more historical merit than
that of his predecessors. The Spaniard was a romancist, who failed to catch the
beauty of sky and landscape, and whose only thought was to find wealth, in order
that he might return to the castle land of his fathers, and among the hills and
valleys of his childhood enjoy the gold he had wrung from the heathen. He did
not understand himself, and consequently we are not surprised that he misun-
stood the Indian, and that the Indian understood him and his purposes. The
tribesmen who resisted his advance and barred his way were wise, and the strug-
gle which they made against the invader is more creditable to the Indian than to
the Spaniard. While he was a savage man, and lacked the refinement of the
gay cavalier of Madrid and Seville, yet he did not lack the courage that moved
into the dusky ranks of action, and stood like a wall of flame before the invader,
who challenged his right to live.
The Frenchman was a voyctgeiir, whose gay abandon and community feeling
made him a favorite in the wigwam of the tribes. The careless life of the woods
ALONG THE TRAIL. 69
appealed to him, and he easily became a habitant of the Indian village. His
priests moved out into the forest and erected the tabernacles of testimony,
and appealed to the natives. They acquired the dialects of the tribes among
whom they lived, and in the warrior speech of the tribesmen told them the ten-
derest story that had ever been told to men — the story of Him who died on the
cross that all men might be saved. They recognized the broad and catholic
principle that "God has made of one blood all tribes and nations of men." The
Frenchman wedded the dusky maiden of the wigwam, and cast in his lot with
the strong, fleet-footed hunters of the prairies.
The American was different from the Spaniard and the Frenchman. He was
a nation builder, and came to stay. When he moved out into the lines of enter-
prise he asked no questions; neither did he count the cost. Along his line of
march he left the cairns of the dead, to remind coming generations of the fact
that here the death fight raged, and the Saxon passed on to conquest, or to
death. The savage tribesmen soon learned the difference in character between
the last comer and his predecessors. They found that the men who followed
Pike and Fremont along the trails they broke were serious, determined factors
placed in the restless, uncertain life of the prairies and woods, and, when placed,
made everything certain. The wild foeman might attack the cabin of the fron-
tiersman, but the latter met the danger in common with his neighbors and fought
it out. He had no explanations to make to rude barbarians who questioned his
right to live. His rifle was his companion, and, when challenged, he played the
work of death, unmindful of results. He loved his wife and children, and
covered them with a roof made by his own hands. He was constant in his love
to those who shared his life, but as terrible as fate when roused by danger. He
hated the Indian with an undying hatred, and despised the white man who took
up with the life of the wigwam and became what he called a "squaw man."
This pioneer type is fast disappearing, and it is with much sadness we note the
change. The world will never again witness such determination, constancy and
devotion as was shown by this class of men who made states out of the old
Louisiana purchase. Their camp-fires have gone; the trails they traveled have
grown dim; they passed over the range and laid down to rest wherever death
found them.
Like the boy at school, when asked by the teacher who was the first white
man, answered, "George Washington — first in war, first in peace, and first in
the hearts of his countrymen." When informed that Adam was the first man,
he tossed his head, with that peculiar pride common to the American, and said:
"Well, if your are speaking of foreigners, I suppose he was." Like the boy in
the story, to me the first men are Americans. They came to stay. They built
their homes, founded their towns and villages, and constructed states in a savage
wilderness, and thus demonstrated to the world that the most powerful factor in
civilization is the determined, constant home-builder. Hence, I am not disposed
to waste words in dealing with men of other races. If I had time I would like
to speak of the expedition of Pike, and more particularly of the heroic enterprises
of General Fremont, who opened up the trail from the Missouri river to the
South Pass, in Wyoming, so as to afford a highway and a safe passage through
the mountain ranges for the emigrants who were beginning to move from the
frontier settlements of Missouri to California and Oregon. I would like to speak
of the fierce battles that raged around the South Pass, where the Sioux and
Saxon fought their last great battles for supremacy. I would like to speak of that
mountain Thermopylte in Montana, where Custer and his 300 men rode to their
death. I would like to speak of the devotion, the constancy and the courage of
70 KANSAS STATE HISTORICAL SOCIETY.
the men who held in their veteran grip the swords of conquest, and passed away
among the Western mountains to join their brothers of the "light brigade" who
had passed beyond the stars. But this paper must necessarily be brief, and deal
particularly with those portions of the trails that belong to our state.
There is one minor trail, the history of which has not been written. While
the history of Santa Fe, Utah and California trails has been well preserved, yet
but little has been said of the old Kaw trail. This trail commenced at Big John,
on the Kaw reservation, near Council Grove, and passed through the counties
of Morris, Chase, and Marion, to where Florence now stands; and thence to
what was known as Big Timbers, on Turkey creek, where it intersected the old
Santa Fe trail. This was distinctly an Indian trail, and so its history and tradi-
tions are local, and belong to the Kaw tribe and the settlers living along the
route. Over this trail the Indians traveled on their hunting expeditious every
year, and some traces of it may yet be found on the rising ground west of Flor-
ence and also on the Doolittle farm, on Diamond creek, in Chase county. In my
boyhood days I have seen the Indian hunters passing over the trail and return-
ing with the results of the chase, which they were always ready to "swap" for
flour and corn-meal. The long lines of ponies dragging teepee poles and carrying the
squaws and pappooses were quite familiar in those days. It was not an uncom-
mon thing to see among the hunters an occasional blue coat, indicating that the
wearer had served as a soldier in the war of the rebellion ; for it is a fact that the
Kaw tribe furnished many sharpshooters to the government, and these men per-
formed their duty well in dealing with the bushwhackers of Missouri and Ar-
kansas. I remember, with some degree of tenderness, that these blue-coated
braves were always kindly received and treated well by the settlers along the
trail.
I may be pardoned if I relate a personal reminiscence of this old trail, and of
a frightened condition that existed among the settlers during the Cheyenne raid
of June, 1868. It will be remembered that Little Robe, with a band of Cheyenne
warriors, came in from their tribe lands to fight the Kaw Indians, located on the
reservation near Council Grove. Many of the settlers fled in dismay and sought
protection in the little towns, where they erected fortifications to resist attack.
Our family remained in the little log cabin, on Doyle creek, near where Florence
now stands. For a week we had not seen a white face, and the horrible uncer-
tainty of the situation began to impress itself upon us. My father, who but re-
cently had been a soldier in the civil war, and who was a man of great courage,
refused to leave, preferring to take chances of an Indian attack rather than lose
the little crop he had planted. Night after night he walked back and forth in
front of the little log cabin, with his gun on his shoulder, keeping guard while
his family slept. At last he began to feel that depression which even the bravest
will feel, after days of uncertain waiting in the midst of danger. One day he
asked me to take a horse and go to where the nearest neighbor lived, and ascer-
tain if he had returned, and what news, if any, there was to be obtained of the
whereabouts of the Indians and the result of the fight at Council Grove. I rode
through the old cow trails, where Florence now stands, and had some difficulty
in getting through the sunflowers, which had grown so high as to impede progress
and at the same time to be very uncomfortable for a small boy's bare feet. I
went to the house of this neighbor and did not find a soul about. I began to
have that uncanny feeling common to lonely situations, and imagined that In-
dians were everywhere. On my return I made but slow progress through the
sunflowers, and sought to get my bare feet up on the saddle to avoid the rasping.
As the stalks dragged across my feet I looked toward the west to the head of a
ALONG THE TRAIL. 71
little draw and saw a warrior's plumes waving, as though he was moving rapidly
on his pony. All I could see was the plumes. I stuck the brass spur, which I
had on my bare heel, into the horse's side until he doubled up like an ox-bow. I
thought he did not moye fast enough ; so I slipped oflf and ducked down under
the sunflowers, and moved along the path as fast as I could, like a young quail
seeking cover, and reached home before the horse. That night was one of dis-
may and uncertainty. We were now thoroughly frightened, and realized our
helpless, hopeless condition, in a strange, new country, surrounded by savage
foemen. We were glad when morning dawned and brought us the welcome faces
of the returning settlers. I then went to investigate and find, if possible, the
trail of the Indian whose plumes I had seen. I ascertained that all my fright
was due to a sumach bush at the head of the little ravine, and this had caused
us all the uneasiness of the previous night. I might relate a hundred humorous
incidents that happened during the Cheyenne raid, but space will not permit.
I might tell many interesting stories of the log-cabin days along the old Kaw
trail. If I possessed the gift of Ian Maclaren, I might weave into story the de-
votion, the pathos, the loves, the fortitude and the courage common to the set-
tlers who made up the little communities along this old trail, in the wild land of
the West. They might lack the quaint expressions of the little village of Drum-
tochty,',that make such pleasant reading in "Beside the Bonnie Brier Bush,"
but they would contain as much tenderness and as much self-devotion, all of
which were common to the people of that early period. This old trail is now de-
serted. The Indian hunter, the squaw, the pappoose, the ponies, the teepee
poles and the dogs no longer stir its lines with life. The mimosa was not more
tender to the touch of the trusting foot of the Indian pony than were the hearts
of the settlers along this trail, when grief and sorrow struck into the log cabin
of a neighbor. The frontier funeral brought out all the tender sympathies of
these hardy men and faithful wives of the border. Then the cheek that never
blanched in the face of the Indians' fire grew soft, and
"Something upon the soldier's cheek
Washed off the stains of powder."
These thoughts come down the trail of the years, filled with the perfume of
the heart life of the frontier, which was as pure in joy, and in sorrow, as the deli-
cate odor of the wild flower of the prairies. If the giddy mountain heights of
Tahiti are adorned with vaporous arcades, among its beautiful palms, through
which the rays of sunshine glide like spirits, so the clouds of a dreamy May day,
chasing each other across the blue sky above the old trail, cast shadows within
the sunshine, like hooded nuns and cowled monks, hurrying away to the spirit
world. The lone tree by the spring, or on the edge of some rocky hill, standing
like an anchorite of the grassy dells, was a feature of Western beauty, distinctive
in its character, and as truly natural to the prairies as its tiny handmaiden, the
sensitive rose — the shrinking wonder of the plant world. There was a charm
about the prairies natural to themselves alone. In this respect they asserted the
individuality — if I may use the word — of Western beauty, fresh from the hand of
nature. The red glow on the cheek of the Indian maiden and the red glow of
the summer sunset behind the gathering darkness of the woodland did not seem
so distant from each other, but seemed kindly to blend and form a kinship in
this wondrous Western land of trails. The tinted hues, the rich coloring of tree
and ehrub, of grass and flower, of sky and land beneath, filled up and>efreshed
the soul with a baptism of pure thought and feeling surpassed only by the purity
of the dewdrop o£-a May morning in the open heart of a prairie rose.
72 KANSAS STATE HISTORICAL SOCIETY.
INDIAN RESERVATIONS IN KANSAS AND THE
EXTINGUISHMENT OF THEIR TITLE.
Thesis prepared in partial fulfilment of the requirement of the University of Kansas for the
degree of master of arts, by Anna Heloise Abel,* of Saliaa, and read before the Kansas
State Historical Society, at its twenty-seventh annual meeting, December 2, 1902.
THE LOCATION OF THE INDIAN RESERVATIONS.
SOME thirty years previous to the passage of the Kansas-Nebraska bill the
trans-Missouri region became an integral factor in the development of the
United States Indian policy. Those of us who are accustomed to regard the
tariflf, the national bank and negro slavery as the all-important issues that made
and unmade political parties prior to 1861 forget how intimately the aborigines
were concerned with the estrangement of the North and the South. That they
were intimately concerned in that estrangement no one who has made a careful
study of the period can conscientiously deny; and, strangely enough, that part of
the "Great American Desert" which, on account of its sunny skies and brilliant
sunsets, has been called "the Italy of the New World" was destined to be the
testing-ground, or experimental station, of the two principal theories connected
with the sectional conflict — squatter sovereignty and Indian colonization. Truly,
Kansas has had a remarkable history.
The Indian colonization plan, involving the congregation of eastern tribes
west of the Mississippi river, dates back in its conception to the days of Jefferson.
Even if conceived earlier, it was not rendered practicable until the purchase of
Louisiana had placed an extensive territory, unoccupied by white people, at the
disposal of the central government. In drafting the constitutional amendment
which, it was thought, would validate the acquisition of foreign soil, Jefferson
proposed! that all the land lying west of the Mississippi river, east of the Rocky
Mountains and north of the thirty-second parallel should be left in the possession
of the native inhabitants, and that thither the eastern tribes should be gradually
*Anna Heloise Abel was born in Sussex, England, 1873, of Scotch and Welsh-English par-
entage. Her father and mother settled in Kansas comparatively early — having preempted land
here in 1871 ; but afflicted with ague and wholly dissatisfied with frontier life, they soon returned
to the British Isles, and did not venture West again until 1884. About sixteen months later, their
daughter, the author of this article, who had been left behind at school in London, came with
two younger sisters to Saline county, and late in the fall of 1887 was enrolled as a pupil in the
Salina public schools, with which she was identified until 1893. Then, after teaching two years
in the Parsons district, directly east of Salina, she entered the Kansas State University, from
which institution she was graduated with honor in 1898. While at college her favorite studies
were English (particularly Anglo-Saxon and argumentation), history, constitutional law,
and philosophy, and it was in those subjects that she took her A. M. degree — her master's
thesis being " Pessimism in Modern Thought." For a short time after graduation. Miss Abel
taught English and Latin in the Thomas county high school, and tlien returned to the State Uni-
versity as head manuscript reader in the English department. In 1900-'01 she pursued graduate
work at Cornell University, Ithaca, N. Y., and from that time until tlie summer of 1903 taught
American history and civics in the Lawrence high school. All her leisure time for the last four
years has been devoted to research work on the political and legal status of the North American
Indians. The present article is, in part, a result of that work, although an introductory chap
ter on the nature of the Indian title has been withheld from publication on account of the lack
of space. The merits of the article were recognized by Yale University in the award of the Bulk,
ley fellowship in history, and it is at that institution that Miss Abel is now studying, intending
to offer for the degree of doctor of philosopliy a dissertation on the " History of the Westward
Movement and the Migration of the Indian Tribes." — Ed.
t Works, 8:241-249.
INDIAN RESERVATIONS IN KANSAS. 73
removed. This was the real origin of the famous removal policy of the United
States government.
It is difficult to explain why the plan of Indian colonization was not put into
immediate execution. No constitutional use was made of the draft in which it was
embodied, yet a clause in the Louisiana territorial act of 180i* shows that the
ideas of Jefferson, even at the time of their inception, were not wholly disre-
garded. Years passed away, however, before any serious effort was made to re-
move the eastern tribes, and, in the meantime, white settlers established an
illegal preemptive right to a large part of the Louisiana purchase.
After the close of the war of 1812, Southern politicians attempted to revive a
national interest in the removal project. Their reasons for so doing were mainly
economic. Some of the most valuable agricultural districts south of the Mason
and Dixon line were occupied by the Choctaws, Chickasaws, Creeks, and Chero-
kees — powerful tribes whose integrity had been repeatedly guaranteed by the
treaty-making power. Nothing could have been more detrimental to the com-
mercial development of the plantation states, and therefore their criticism of the
national policy was bitter and persistent. Georgia took the lead in opposition,
and historically justified her own action by a liberal interpretation of the com-
pact of 1802. t Her construction of that document was not consistent with the
facts in the case; for the federal government had not promised to expel the In-
dians from Georgia, but only to extinguish their title within the reserved limits
of the state "as soon as it could be done peaceably and on reasonable terms."
The Southern states were not alone in desiring compulsory migration of the
Indian tribes. The white population increased so rapidly northwest of the Ohio
river that the Indians in the "hunter stage" became a nuisance and a serious
impediment to progress. New York speculators made a desperate effort to get
the present state of Wisconsin reserved as an Indian terrritory, so as to force the
remnants of the Iroquois beyond their ancient boundaries. As a general thing,
however, the movement in the North was a trifle less mercenary, less indicative
of race animosity, than that in the South. Indeed, at times it was actually philan-
thropic, for isolation appeared; to an occasional zealous missionary like Rev. Isaac
McCoy, X the only possible way of preserving the red men from moral degradation
and from ultimate extinction.
* 2 U. S. Statutes at Large, pp. 283-290.
fAmerican State Papers, class 8, " Public Lands," 1 : 126.
^Rev. Isaac McCoy was born near Uniontown, Fayette county, Pennsylvania, June 13, 1784.
He speut his youth in Kentucky. In 1817 he commenced his missionary work among the Miami
Indians in the Wabash valley, Parke county, Indiana. Here he remained until 1820, when he
opened a school at Fort Wayne. When the Pottawatomies were granted a reservation on the
St. Joseph river, in Michigan, in 1820, he went to them. In 1826, in company with others, he estab-
lished the Thomas mission, on Grand river, among the Ottawas. Here the idea came to him that
if he could get the Indians removed from the vicinity of white settlements greater progress
might be made in elevating them. In January, 182-1, Mr. McCoy visited Washington and sub-
mitted a scheme for the removal of the eastern tribes to the west of the Mississippi to John C.
Calhoun, then secretary of war. Calhoun approved the idea, and from that time on was a valu-
able friend to the measure. From 1824 to 1828 Mr. McCoy made vigorous efforts to further the
object, and in the latter year an appropriation was made for an exploration of the territory de-
signed for the tribes. On the 15th of July, having been appointed one of the commissioners for
the purpose, he arrived at St. Louis, with three Pottawatomies and three Ottawas, to explore
the country now Kansas, and, if desirable, select homes for those tribes. On the 21st of August
he started with his northern Indians to explore a portion of the territory purchased of the
Osages and the Kaws, and east of the country of the Pawnees. The party crossed Missouri
and reached the Presbyterian mission of Harmony, on the Marais des Cygnes, a few miles from
the south line of Bates county, Missouri. With a half-breed Osage for a guide, the party fol-
lowed the Osage and Neosho rivers until they came to the head waters of the latter, and then
crossed over to the Kansas, returning down stream on the south bank to the Shawnee settle-
74 KANSAS STATE HISTORICAL SOCIETY.
During the presidency of James Monroe the strict constructionists fought for
the expulsion of the aborigines in real earnest. At national headquarters Indian
rights were, in a sense, still respected. At least, they were considered to the ex-
tent that nothing but voluntary removal was to be thought of. In certain local
communities, on the other hand, it was evident that force and force only would
suffice. The questions became involved with that of the territorial extension of
slavery, and John C. Calhoun, disappointed in the loss of Texas, is said to have
planned in his elaborate report of 1825* the undoing of the work of the Missouri
compromise. His idea was to give the Indians a perpetual property right in an
extensive tract west of the Mississippi river. Had he stopped there, suspicion of
an ulterior motive could no more have been directed against him than against
Jefferson; but unfortunately he went on to arrange for the definite location of
the individual tribes; and in placing them as a permanent barrier west of Lake
Michigan and west of the Missouri river, he exposed himself to the charge of en-
deavoring to block free-state expansion in its legitimate field north of the inter-
dicted line.
The administration of John Quincy Adams offered, in its political disturb-
ances, a rare opportunity for Georgian partizanship to work its will. The schol-
arly president did his best to maintain his own dignity and to protect the Indians;
but he was no match for Gov. Geo. M. Troup. In the controversy that arose
over the setting aside of the fraudulently obtained treaty of Indian Springs,
charges of bad faith were hurled with vituperative fierceness against the federal
executive. His authority was ignored and even openly resisted. Georgia was
dangerously near the brink of secession ; and, had not some faint, lingering hope
of reelection caused Adams to modify his opposition to Southern aggression by
advocating the policy of removal, it is not difficult to surmise what would have
been the outcome.
With the election of Andrew Jackson, the Indians were given to understand
that their removal westward, voluntary or compulsory, just as they pleased to
make it, was only a question of time. There was to be no more wavering, no
more sentimental talk about justice. For several years fragments of tribes had
emigrated under the direction of the treaty-making power; but now Congress
was appealed to as an aid to systematic migration. In 1830 a law was passed!
which legalized removal and prepared for the organization of an Indian country
west of the Mississippi that should, in theory, embrace all the federal territory
that had not yet been preempted by the insatiable pioneers. It is believed that
ment on the Missouri state line. He was d irected to make another tour, covering north and west
Kansas, but the Pawnees being on the war-path, he went south to White Hair's village, on the
Neosho, about five miles soutli of the present town of Oswego, in Ricliland township, Labette
county. In January, 1829, Mr. McCoy visited Washington and submitted a report and map of
his explorations to the department of Indian affairs. On the 27th of July, 1829, he started on a
trip into the territory occupying twenty days. In 1837 he was sent out again by the government,
and was absent four months. From this time until his removal to Louisville, Ky., he labored
unceasingly for the advancement of the tribes in the West. He died at Louisville in 1846. The
Kansas State Historical Society has Mr. McCoy's manuscripts, correspondence, journals and
diaries, business papers, etc., covering a period from 1808 to 1819, bound in thirty-eight large
volumes, and pamplilots publislied by him as follows: The Practicability of Indian Reform
and their Colonization, 1827; second edition of the foregoing, with an appendix, 1829; An
Address to Philanthropists, written on the Neosho river, 1831 ; Annual Register of Indian
Affairs, No. 1, 1835, and No. 3, 1837; Proceedings of the American Indian Mission Association,
1843; the same for 1846; and the Indian Advocate, 1846. The Annual Register was printed in
Kansas, the first number by "J. Meeker, printer, 1835," and the third number by "J. G. Pratt
printer, 1837."— Ed.
*Gales and Seaton's Register, 1, appendix, pp. 57-59.
t4 U. S. Statutes at Large, pp. 411, 412.
INDIAN RESERVATIONS IN KANSAS. 75
a few of the most broad-minded statesmen hoped that an Indian state in the
Union would ultimately be created : and, indeed, a small federal reserve was laid
off in Franklin county, Kansas; but, unfortunately, long before the emigrants
were ready for statehood, or for anything approaching it, they were obliged to
move on.
Some of the tribes indigenous to the trans-Missouri region had been in trade
relations with the United States since the early years of the century. Neverthe-
less they were anything but peaceful, and were disposed to be a serious obstacle
to the planting of Indian colonies. In recognition of that fact, the federal gov-
ernment, without actually committing itself to the removal policy, opened
up negotiations for the extinguishment of the primary title. Its object was
to introduce the reservation system — not to drive the natives westward, but
simply to restrict their territorial limits, and thus make room for the would-be
emigrants. Two powerful tribes, both of Dahcotah lineage, dominated the terri-
tory under discussion ; and it was with them that the government had first to
deal. With the Arapahoes, Cheyennes, Kiowas, and Comanches — Indians of
the plains, as they were called — it had no intention of interfering; because their
hunting-grounds lay beyond the line of immediate need. Other tribes, like the
Pawnees, the Otoes, and the Missourias, were likewise, for the time being, left
unmolested; because infectious diseases and internecine wars had placed them
in no condition to dispute the entrance of foreigners.
Up to 1825 the Kansa Indians, more familiarly known in the vulgar language
of to-day as the Kaws, claimed an ill-defined hunting-ground north of the Kan-
sas river. They constituted the only tribe whose territorial limits were exclu-
sively within the present boundaries of Kansas, and, therefore, it seems eminently
fitting that they should have given their name to the sunflower state. Their
blood relations and hereditary enemies, the Osages, were somewhat similarly
situated south of the river, although the best part of their tribal lands extended
east of the Missouri line and south of the thirty seventh parallel. It was with
these two tribes that the United States saw fit to negotiate, in order to prepare
for Indian colonization.
The Kaw and Osage treaties of 1825, drafted by Governor Clark,* of Missouri,
were of a complex character; but their real object was sufficiently well accom-
plished in the cession of an immense tract of territory, the greater part of which
was to be paid for on a sort of instalment plan. Thus did the United States
transfer to virgin soil its pauperizing system of annuities. Such lands as were
not ceded, either directly or in trust, were retained as reservations — the first to
be recorded in the history of Kansas.
* Gen. William Claek, born in Virginia, 1770, died in St. Louis, 1838, was joint commander
■with Capt. Merriwether Lewis of the expedition across the Rocky Mountains to the mouth of
the Columbia river, 1804-'05. He was appointed Indian agent at St. Louis in 1807, and the same
year brigadier-general for Louisiana territory. He served as governor of Missouri territory
from 1813 to 1820, and as superintendent of Indian affairs at St. Louis from 1822 until 1838. The
library of the Kansas State Historical Society has among its St. Louis Indian office manuscripts
ten volumes of the correspondence of General Clark between the years 1812 and 1839, embracing
volume on Indian surveys in Kansas, 1830''36. The Society also has his original diary and
meteorological record kept at St. Louis, 1826-'3I, and one of the manuscript volumes of the Mis-
souri Fur Company, with which he was connected. ( See pages 49 and 125 of the Society's third
volume of Collections.) Coues says that General Clark had the respect and confidence of the
Indians, and that "during his long administration of Indian affairs he was instrumental in
bringing about many important treaties, not only between his government and the Indians, but
also between different tribes of the latter." —Ed.
7() KANSAS STATE HISTORICAL SOCIETY.
KANSA.
The Kansa Indians, at different times, occupied two distinct reservations in
the trans-Missouri region. In 1825* one was carved out of their original posses-
sions; the other in 184G,t out of unoccupied territory in the neighborhood of
Council Grove. The first reservation had practically no western boundary, ex-
cept as it was naturally limited by the presence of other Indians ; but it began at
a point twenty leagues up the Kansas river and extended westward with a uni-
form width of thirty miles. In 18d6 the Kaws sold the eastern part of it, thirty
by thirty miles in extent, to the federal government for the use of the Pottawato-
mies; and stipulated that if the diminished reserve proved destitute of timber
adequate to their needs, it should be exchanged for lands of equal value farther
south. The timber was really scarce, and accordingly Maj. Richard W. Cum-
mins, with the approval of Supt. Thos. H. Harvey, staked out a new reservation,
which was, most unfortunately for the future peace of Kansas, not regularly sur-
veyed until several years had elapsed. S. Eastman's map, generally adjudged
authentic, represented the reservation in a particular position, which the official
survey of Montgomery, in 1856, declared to be inaccurate. Meanwhile settlers
had inadvertently trespassed upon the lands of the real reserve. They refused to
vacate the premises until the government had indemnified them for their im-
provements. Their removal became an issue in local politics; but in the long
run the Indians, as usual,' were held responsible for the carelessness of the federal
government.
The treaty of 1825 made special provision for the Kaw half-breeds, who seem
for the most part to have been the offspring of French traders. The full-blooded
Kaws shared the reserve in common, but the half breeds received an individual
interest in twenty-three sections of land, which were subsequently surveyed by
Maj. Angus L. Langham and located pretty generally side by side on the north
bank of the river. In the absence of exact data, their relative position can be
best understood by remembering that section 4 constitutes the site of North
Topeka, and that section 23 is almost directly opposite Lecompton.
The title to these centrally situated lands became in after years the subject
of much litigation. A question arose as to whether the restriction placed by the
treaty of 1825 upon the alienating power of the full-blooded Kaws applied with
equal force to the half-breeds. In 1860 Congress declared that it did ; f but two
years later reversed its own decision § Much mischief had been caused by the
uncertainty, and it is interesting to know that it was ostensibly for alleged specu-
lation in the Kaw half-breed lands that Andrew H. Reeder, the first territorial
governor of Kansas, and Judges Rush Elmore and Saunders W. Johnson were
removed from office.; Another controversy arose as to what property rights
were transmissible to the children of the half breeds. Did the title lapse with
the grantee? The case was argued before the supreme court, and there decreed
that the word "heirs," as used in the congressional enactment of 1860, signified
such individuals as were there recognized as heirs by the laws of Kansas.^
OSAGE.
In 1825 the' federal government pushed the Osages as far south of the Kansas
river as possible. Their reserve was fifty miles wide and extended westward
*7 U. S. Statutes at Large, pp. 244-247.
t Revised Indian Treaties, pp. 410-414.
1 12 U. S. Statutes at Large, p. 21.
§12 U. S. Statutes at Large, p. 628.
II Kansas State Historical Collections, vol. ,5, pp. 225-234.
IT Brown et Brovyn v. Belmarde, 3 Kan. 41.
INDIAN RESERVATIONS IN KANSAS. 77
from White Hair's village, an Indian encampment which is supposed to have
been situated on the Neosho river about " six miles below the present city of
St. Paul."* The treaty provided that the western boundary should be " a line
running from the head sources of the Arkansas river southwardly through the
Rock Saline " — probably as far west as the Osages had ever dared to assert an
occupancy claim. Nevertheless, governoaent maps invariably extend the reserve
to the old United States line, or the one-hundredth meridian. Such a discrepancy
between authoritative data can be satisfactorily explained only by revealing the
duplicity of the official who superintended the survey of the Osage trust lands
in 1865. Instead of leaving the matter entirely to the management of the sur-
veyor-general, as was customary, the secretary of the interior let the contract,
for political reasons, to private surveyors, and permitted them to charge just
double the regular cost of such work. Naturally it was to their advantage to
represent the reserve as large as possible, and so they arbitrarily extended its
western boundary to the one hundredth meridian.
An additional provision in the Osage treaty of 1825 deserves at least a passing
notice; because it created a "buffer state" between Missouri and the reserva-
tion. The object was to prevent hostile incursions of one race upon the other.
It cannot, however, be said that the land was absolutely surrendered to the
federal government. It was simply neutralized, and the Osages retained a
nominal interest in it by establishing a hilf-breed settlement between Canville
and Flat Rock creeks. This was in accordance with a clause of the treaty which
had set aside forty-two sections of land on the Neosho and Marais des Cygnes
rivers. About 1825 some wandering Cherokees, an advance-guard, so to speak,
of the banished tribe, settled in the southeastern corner of the "buffer state" ;
and in 1836, the federal government having extinguished the Osage half-breed
title, sold the whole of it to the Georgian exiles. Henceforth it was called,
very appropriately, the Cherokee neutral lands.
* Nelson Case, History of Labette County, pp. 18, 26 ; Kansas State Historical Collections,
vol. 6, p. 148; Gov. Sam'l J. Crawford's message, January 11, 1865, pp. 26-31.
From the following correspondence, it will be seen that there was some controversy regard-
ing the initial point of the survey of the Osage reservation, ending in favor of the survey of
1859, at least, so far as the northern boundary was concerned, which coincides with Miss Abel's
location. — Ed.
State of Kansas, Executive Office,
ToPEKA, September 15, 1865.
Dear Sik— Some time ago I referred the question as to the boundary lines of the Osage and
Cherokee reservations to the secretary of the interior, at Washington, which was by him re-
ferred to the commissioner of the general land-office, and he reported adverse to our claims,
taking the survey and report of Deputy Surveyor George C. Van Zandt as his basis, and ignor-
ing previous surveys. The only way we can settle the question definitely is, to ascertain the
exact locality of the "old White Hair village," its distance from the western boundary line of
the state of Missouri, and the 87 or southern boundary of Kansas. Also the location of.the sub-
sequent villages laid out and called by the same name of White Hair Village. If you will, at
your earliest convenience, go down and ascertain these facts, together with the names and lo-
cation of parties now living, who know them to be true, and report them to me, (in person, if
possible,) I shall be able to have a new survey made and the boundaries of these reservations
properly established. I am satisfied that a great fraud has been committed, and think we
should use every eii'ort to have it corrected. Answer.
To G. J. Endicott. Yours truly, S. J. Crawford, Govertior.
To his Excellency, Gov. S. J. Crawford :
Sir — In accordance with your instructions, I proceeded to ascertain the bounds of the Osage
and Cherokee neutral lands, and have the honor to report that during the month of November,
1865, 1 proceeded, incompany with John A. Cramer, Wm. Howard, Jacob Youstler, John Q.Adams,
and George W. James, to ascertain, by actual survey and measurement, the exact boundary line
of the Osage Indian reservation and the Cherokee neutral lands ; also the Seneca, Quapaw and
Shawnee reservations.
The first and most important question for us to determine was the exact location of the
original "old White Hair village," the place designated in the Osage treaty of June 2, 1825, as
the starting-point for the described boundary of their reservation, and from wliich the bound-
ary line of the Cherokee neutral lands is established.
Starting at a point on the western boundary line of the state of Missouri, 136i4 miles south
from the Missouri river, and forty-one and a half miles north from the southwest corner of the
state of Missouri, thence running on a due west line for twenty-seven miles to the original "old
White Hair village," which is situated on the right or west bank of the Neosho river.
From the "old White Hair village," to the thirty-seventh degree of north latitude (the
78 KANSAS STATE HISTORICAL SOCIETY.
SHAWNEE.
Aa 80on as the Kaws and Osages had left a clear field in which to plant col-
onies, the United States set to work to effect an exchange of lands with the east-
ern tribes. The Shawnees, whose ancestors had been parties to the Pennsylvania
compact of perpetual peace, were the first emigrants. In the long course of
years their tribe had become greatly disintegrated and fragments of it had wan-
dered away in different directions. Some of the exiles had settled in Missouri,
on the Carondelet grant, and it was with them that the federal government treated
in 1825. Governor Clark superintended the affair, and induced the Shawnees to
exchange their Cape Girardeau lands for a Kansas grant of fifty miles square.
The selection was first made in the southeastern corner of the Osage cession : but
it was not altogether pleasing to the Shawnees, so they made a second choice, di-
rectly south of the Kansas river. The reservation was deeded to them May 11,
1844.*
A peculiar clause in the treaty of exchange gave rise to a transaction in which
the honor of the United States was seriously compromised. The Missouri
Shawnees very magnanimously made their brethren of Ohio beneficiaries of
the treaty, and promised them 100,000 acres of the new reserve if they would
emigrate to Kansas. The Ohio Shawnees were slow in complying with the con-
dition, and, when they did at length decide to emigrate, permitted the federal
government to superintend the sale of their old lands. The result was that the
agents abstracted from the net proceeds a sum equivalent to seventeen cents an
acre, on the pretense that it was to pay for the 100,000 acres in Kansas. The
whole Shawnee tribe objected to the double payment, and preferred a claim for
indemnity against the United States, In 1852 Congress thoroughly sifted the
matter, and ended by refunding the ill-gotten gains. "j"
DELAWARE.
The history of the Delawares is intimately connected with that of the Shaw-
nees, and therefore it was perfectly natural that, pursuant to the supplementary
treaty of 1831, J a new colony should be planted on the Kansas river, this time on
the north bank, opposite the Shawnee settlement, and that there the Delaware
southern line of the state of Kansas ) is eleven and a half miles, but to the present survey of said
line, only four and a half miles.
At this village I found three mounds of stone, and a large mound of earth with stone in the
center, which, I am satisfied, was the original starting-point for the boundary line of the Osage
reservation,
The southeast corner of the Osage lands is the same as the southwest of the Cherokee neu-
tral lands, which is found by starting at the southwest corner of the state of Missouri ; thence
north on said line of Missouri one and a half miles to Honey creek — first running water —
(original southeast corner of the Seneca lauds) ; thence west to a large mound of earth, origi-
nally seven feet square, and six and a half feet high, with a rock in it, on which is inscribed
" Cherokee lands," west of which mound (about forty chains), is a mass of rock; running from
said mound of earth twenty-five miles east, to a rock and three post-oak trees ; thence north fifty
miles, to a mound of earth, originally six feet square and five and a half feet high ; thence west
twenty-five miles, to the northeast corner of the Osage lands, which is a mound of earth six feet
square and five feet high. No timber in the vicinity.
And I further state that the Cherokee neutral lands now embrace within their limits all the
Seneca, Quapaw and Shawnee reservations.
I also superintended the running of the line from tteorge White Hair village to the west line of
the state of Missouri, tliirty-two miles, seventy-one chains, and twenty-nine links, striking said
lino of Missouri nineteen chains and fifty links south of milestone 111 from the Missouri river.
From a number of the oldest Indians in tlie nation, including a grandson of the "old White
Hair," and a son of George White Hair, wlio laid out and located the present White Hair vil-
lage, which stands on the west bank of the Neosho river, about thirty-three miles west of the
state line of Missouri, and from the house of George White Hair to tlio state line of Missouri
thirty-two miles, seventy-one chains, and twenty-nine links; and about twenty-nine miles nortli
of the original "old Wliite Hair village." It was from the village laid out by George White
Hair, a son of the original White Hair, that Dept. Surv.-gen. George C. Van Zant is supposed to
have started his line when he surveyed those lands in 1859. ( Signed) G. J. Endioott.
♦Congressional Globe, 26, pp. 811-814.
t Congressional Globe, 26, pp. 811-814; Harvey's History of the Shawnees, chapter 31.
1 7 U. S. Statutes at Large, p. 327.
INDIAN RESERVATIONS IN KANSAS. 79
Indians should slowly congregate. They ceded certain lands in Indiana * and ac-
cepted in exchange an extensive tract lying within the Kaw cession. The reserva-
tion, as it was originally laid out, extended from the confluence of the Missouri
and Kansas rivers to the eastern limit of the Kaw lands, thus encroaching upon
the twenty-three sections that had been already granted to half-breeds. Bicker-
ings and disputes followed, as a matter of course, and continued until 1860, when,
in the settlement with the Kaw half-breeds, the Delawares were reimbursed by
the United States for the surrender of the title.! In addition to the actual re-
serve the Delawares were given an "outlet," which implied that they were to have
free access to the hunting-grounds lying west of their reservation limits. This
outlet, ten miles in width, extended along the entire northern boundary of the
Kaw reserve. J
OTTAWA.
The Ottawas, or Ottois, as their name is more correctly pronounced, came
originally from Canada. Indeed, some of them are still within British dominions.
Those that emigrated therefrom first settled in Michigan, and then gradually
moved southward until they occupied lands around Toledo. In 1832 some of
their number entered into treaty arrangements with the United States, and, as a
result, agreed to remove to Kansas. § The Ottawas of Blanchard's Fork were
promised 3i,000 acres and those of Roche de Boeuf 40,000. The two assignments
were comprised, however, in a single compact body of 72,000 acres. It was lo-
cated on the banks of the Osage river, and the present city of Ottawa, founded
by Isaac S. Kalloch"T and C. C. Hutchinson, in 1863, is situated almost in its
center.
* By treaty of October 3, 1818, the Delawares ceded to the United States their land in In-
diana, with the proviso that they might retain the use of their old improvements for three
years. In return, they were to be given lands upon the west side of the Mississippi. The lands
given them were on the James fork of the White river, in southwestern Missouri, though John
Johnston, of Piqua, Ohio, whose name is signed to the treaty of 1818 as "agent,'' says in Cist's
Cincinnati Miscellany, December, 1845, volume 2, page 241: "I removed the whole Delaware
tribe, consisting of 2400 souls, to their new home southwest of Missouri river, near the mouth
of the Kansas, in the years 1822 and 1823."
1 12 U. S. Statutes at Large, p. 1131.
i This is the only instance in which an outlet was marked oS in Kansas. It was a rather ex-
traordinary arrangement, but seems to have occasioned no particular trouble in the case of the
Delawares. The Cherokee outlet, in the Indian Territory, had a somewhat more eventful history,
owing to the fact that for a long time the government land-office was disposed to regard No
Man's Land as its western extension. Such a view was, of course, quite erroneous ; because the
Cherokee outlet, having been granted previous to the Mexican war, could not have been extended
beyond the old United States line.
The tract known as No Man's Land was originally part of Texas. It became separated from
her in a peculiar way. By the joint resolution which admitted her to the Union as a state, Texas
was forbidden to have slaves north of the Missouri compromise line. Consequently No Man's
Land and all the rest of the territory that lay north of 36^ 30' became excluded from her limits.
When the southern line of Kansas was first run, it was placed considerably farther south than
it is to-day, and No Man's Land lay to the north of it. Later on, when the government moved
the southern boundary of Kansas to the thirty-seventh parallel, expecting to make it correspond
with the dividing line between the Osage and Cherokee reservations. No Man's Land was left
outside. It was not even incorporated with New Mexico when her boundaries were determined,
and therefore came to be considered by some cattlemen, squatters and traders who settled
on Beaver creek, subsequent to 1870, as outside the limits of any jurisdiction whatsoever.
Eventually it was attached to Oklahoma.
§7 U. S. Statutes at Large, pp. 360, 361.
IRev. Isaac S. Kalloch was born at Rockland, Me., in 1832. He died, after a most tem-
pestuous career, at Whatcom, Wash., December 11, 1887. He became a Baptist minister, and
began life as pastor of the First Baptist Church at Rockland, where he remained five years.
He removed to Boston and was pastor of Tremont Temple for two years, when, in January, 1857,
80 KANSAS STATE HISTORICAL SOCIETY.
The first Ottawa emigrants came to Kansas in 1837. They were singularly
susceptible to civilizing influences, and made, under the guidance of the Rev.
Jotham Meeker,! both spiritual and material progress. Vet they suffered more
than some other tribes from the radical change in climate. Mr. Roby, the
Indian agent who conducted them to their new home, reported that "out of
about 600 emigrants, more than ,300 died within the first two years, because of
exposure, lack of proper food, and the great difference between the cool, damp
woods of Ohio and the dry, hot plains of Kansas." It is even said that at no
time during their comparatively brief sojourn in Kansas did the natural increase
more than equal the mortality. They also suffered from the great flood of 1844,
which devastated the whole valley of the Marais des Cygnes.
he was tried in the civil courts for adultery — all of which he donourci^d as persecution because
of his fearless interest in free-soil Kansas. He was a matchless orator, with a flow of language
rarely equaled. After one of the most exciting trials in all the history of the country, he re-
signed the pastorate of Temple church in 18ii8, when he came to Kansas, remaining until 1860.
In this latter year he was given a unanimous call to the pastorate of the Laight Street Baptist
Church, in the city of New York. He served in that place throe years, and in 1864 returned to
Kansas. He drifted to Ottawa, and in company with C. C. Hutcliinson* started a paper called
the Westfrn Home Journal. This he afterwards removed to Lawrence, where he formed a
partnership with T. Dwight Thacher and Milton W. Reynolds in the publication of the Jir-
publican. This firm soon dissolved, and Kalloch started the Spirit of Kansas. He served a
year or so as superintendent of the Leavenworth, Lawrence & Galveston railroad. He was land-
lord of the Eldridge House for a while, ran a stock farm, traded horses, and indulged in poli-
tics. In the Hammond revival, in 1871, he "experienced a change of heart," and returned to the
ministry. He was a candidate for the United States senate in 1867, and in 1868 was a presi-
dential elector. He was a member of the Kansas legislature in 1873. He was pastor of the
Baptist church in Leavenworth, at $3000 per year, and between 1873 and 1877 he went to San
Francisco as pastor of the Metropolitan Temple, at $5000 per year. He soon became mixed in
politics with Dennis Kearney and the sand-lotters, and on the 3d day of September, 1879, he was
elected mayor of San Francisco by this element. In 1880 articles of impeachment were pre-
ferred against him. In the summer of 1879, Charles De Young, of the San Francisco Chronicle,
shot and wounded Kalloch for some reflection upon bis family in a speech. Kalloch recovered.
De Young came to Kansas and worked up a pamphlet about Kalloch's debaucheries, and for
this I. M. Kalloch, the son, entered the Chronicle office and killed De Young. About the 1st of
March, 1885, Kalloch and his family moved to Whatcom, Wash., to make their home.— Ed.
* Clinton Carter Hutchinson was born at Barnard, Windsor county, Vermont, December
11, 1833. He was educated in the common schools, and prepared himself for civil engineering.
At the age of nineteen he entered the service of the Rock Island & Pacific Railroad Company,
at Iowa City. In 1854 he bought a farm near Chicago for three dollars per acre. In 1856 he sold
the farm and moved west, and arrived in Lawrence May 14, and immediately joined a free-state
military company. After making a trip east that summer in the interest of the free-state cause
he settled on a claim ten miles south of Lawrence, on which he resided two years. He became
connected with a newspaper in Lawrence. In 1860 he went east again, soliciting for Kansas,
and was mainly instrumental in getting $50,000 from the New York legislature. In 1861 he was
appointed agent for the confederated tribes of the Sac and Fox, Chippewa, Munsee and Ottawa
Indians. In 1863, associated with Kalloch, he located the town of Ottawa, in Franklin county.
He identified himself with the building of the Atchison, Topeka & Santa Fe, and in November,
1871, located the town bearing his name, which has been ever since the county-seat of Rouo
county. He represented Reno county in the legislature of 1873. He was the author of a book
entitled " Resources of Kansas," of which the legislature purchased 2500 copies.— Ed.
t Rev. Jotham Meeker was born at Xenia, Ohio, November 8, 1804. He worked on the farm
during boyhood, and became a thorough printer before reaching majority. Under the supervi-
sion of Rev. Isaac McCoy, he commenced missionary work among the Pottawatomies, at Carey,
Mich., in 1825. In 1827 he became superintendent of the mission among the Ottawas, at the
neighboring station of Thomas. In 1830 he married Miss Eleanor D. Richardson, one of his co-
workers. While at Thomas he applied the English alphabet to the phonetic spelling of Indian
words so successfully as to greatly lessen the labor of the Indian children and adults in learn-
ing to read. His method was adaptable to all Indian languages. At the instance of Rev. Isaac
McCoy, he came to Kansas in the fall of 1833, bringing with him the first Kansas printing-press,
which was set up at the Shawnee Baptist mission, in what is now Johnson county. The first
issue was the Delaware First Book, in March, 1834. Of the many books and pamphlets printed by
INDIAN RESERVATIONS IN KANSAS. 81
PEORIA AND KASKASKIA, WEA AND PIANKESHAW.
It is difficult to determine just when the Wea, Peoria, Kaskaskia and Pianke-
ehaw Indians first came to Kansas. They made treaties of cession in 1833 ; but
allusions in those treaties show that some of their number had already emigrated.
It is still more difficult to disassociate any one of the four tribes from the other.
They were neighbors in their old Illinois home and neighbors in Kansas. They
are almost always mentioned together in the government records, and it is not
at all surprising that they eventually affiliated as a single tribe.
In 1833 the United States increased the Indian emigration to Kansas by agree-
ing to possess the Peorias and Kaskaskias* of 96,000 acres, and the Weas and
Piankeshaws of 160,000. t The two reservations were located side by side, imme-
diately south of the Shawnee lands. The larger of the two fronted Missouri, and
extended fifteen miles north and south by sixteen and two-thirds miles east ard
west ; the smaller lay to the westward and bordered upon the Ottawa reserve.
KICKAPOO.
By a very early treaty, that of Edwardsville.J negotiated in 1819, the Kicka-
poo Indians were promised a grant of land which should be situated within the
territory of Missouri. That grant was resigned some fourteen years later in favor
of another which bordered upon the Missouri state line and the northern part of
the Delaware lands. §
QUAPAW'.
In 1834 the Quapaws, the unfortunate remnants of the old Arkansa Indians,
were placed upon a tract of. 150 sections. Ten years earlier they had been the
victims of Southern politics ; that is, they had been prevailed upon by the United
States to vacate their own lands, in order to make way for the possible emigra-
tion of the Choctaws. They were the first western Indians to feel the ill effects
of the removal scheme. For a time they dwelt with the Caddoes, of Louisiana,
and then applied for a separate reservation. One was assigned them as an act of
justice in 1834, "^ only twelve sections of which lay in Kansas, as was discovered
when the state line was run, in 1857.** In 1867 the Quapaws disposed of those
twelve sections by ceding eleven and one-half to the federal government and pre-
senting the remaining one-half to Samuel G. Vallier.ll
CHEROKEE.
In 1834 the Cherokees, realizing that not even the decision of the United
States supreme court could protect them against injustice, JJ prepared to emigrate
Mr. Meeker at this station and at the Ottawa mission, to which he moved in 1837, the Historical
Society has the following : Cahta Holisso, cikosi aikhana ; Shawnee Baptist mission, J. Meeker,
printer, 1835. The History of our Lord and Savior Jesus Christ, translated into the Delaware
language, in 1806, by Rev. David Zeisberger ; retranslated by I. D. Blanchard ; J. Meeker, printer,
Shawnee Baptist mission, 1837. Original and Select Hymns in the Ottawa Language, by Jotham
Meeker, Shawnee, I. T., 1845. Ottawa First Book, and Ottawa Laws, by Jotham Meeker, second
edition, Ottawa Mission, 1850. Isaac McCoy's Annual Register was also published by Mr. Meeker.
The Society has also four large manuscript volumes of Mr. Meeker's correspondence, and his
diary, 1832-'5o, in three volumes. He died at Ottawa Mission in January, 1855. — Ed.
*7 U. S. Statutes at Large, p. 404,
t7 U. S. Statutes at Large, p. 410. ■
?7 U. S. Statutes at Large, p. 200.
§7 U. S. Statutes at Large, p. 391.
•[7 U. S. Statutes at Large, p. 424.
**Act of Congress, July 8, 1856, 11 U. S. Statutes at Large, pp. 27, 139.
ft 15 U. S. Statutes at Large, p. 514.
t;7 U. S. Statutes at Large, pp. 156, 414, 478.
— 7
82 KANSAS STATE HISTORICAL SOCIETY,
west of the Mississippi. President Jacksoo had already given them to under-
stand that there was to be no more temporizing. Go they must, because the
sovereign state of Georgia, coveting their lands and particularly their gold-fields,
had so decreed. A tract of seven million acres, lying mostly in the present Indian
Territory, was set apart for their use; but even then they had fairly to be driven
into exile, and Gen. Winfield Scott, at the head of a strong military force, was
detailed for the accomplishment of the work. Had the Cherokees contented them-
selves with these seven million acres they could not have properly been called
Kansas emigrants ; because their reserve extended only a very short distance be-
yond the thirty-seventh parallel.* In 183G, however, they purchased the Osage
"buffer state" from the general governmeift for SjOO.OOO.f It comprised about
800,000 acres ; but the Cherokees never actually occupied it. It lay directly east
of the Osage reserve, and presumably bordered upon the Quapaw strip. That
proved a mistaken notion when the land came to be surveyed ; for it was then
found that, between the two tracts, lay a tiny ribbon of public domain. J
CHIPPEWA.
Between the years 183.3 and 1836, the United States entered into several treaty
arrangements with the various Chippewa bands. In 1836 the Swan Creek and
Black River Chippewas were granted land in what is now Franklin county, Kan-
sas. § It was a small reservation, covering approximately 8320 acres, yet proved
amply sufficient for their needs. In 1838 the Saginaw band of Chippewas, by
treaty with the federal government, •[ were promised a reservation southwest
of the Missouri river. A later treaty, amendatory ** in its nature, located the
land a trifle more definitely on the head waters of the Osage. That would have
brought the hitherto scattered bands very close together; but apparently the
Saginaws never came to Kansas.
IOWA, SAC AND FOX OF MISSOURI.
In 1837 two tribes, the lowas and the confederated Sacs and Foxes of Mis-
souri,|| each received a grant of 200 sections lying immediately north of the
Kickapoo reservation, and extending a considerable distance beyond the fortieth
parallel. Their grants might very aptly be called the twin reservations, as they
were made by the same instrument and were exactly the same size and shape.
The entire tract of 400 sections was in the form of a rectangle, and Rev. Isaac
McCoy, who, by the way, surveyed the greater number of the Kansas reserves,
assigned each of the two parties its 200 sections in such a manner that the
original tract was divided diagonally from the northwest to the southeast, the
lower half being given to the Sacs and Foxes of Missouri and the upper half to
the lowas.
POTTAWATOMIE.
Early in 1837 a treaty was proclaimed J J by which, in consideration for the ces-
sion of much coveted lands in Indiana, the Pottawatomie Indians were promised
a tract of country on the Osage river, southwest of Missouri, "sufficient in extent
and adapted to their habits and wants." The treaty was negotiated, as Indian
* Report of the United States Land Office, 1867, pp. 89, 90.
t7 U. S. Statutes at Large, p. 478; Report of the Indian Commissioner, 1859, p. 163.
i Report of Secretary of Interior, 1869, p. 71 .
§7 U. S. Statutes at Large, p. 504.
1 7 U. S. Statutes at Large, p. 530.
**7 U. S. Statutes at Large, p. 548.
ti-7 U. S. Statutes at Large, p. 511.
H Revised Indian Treaties, pp. 710-715 ; 7 U. S. Statutes at Large, p. 533.
Indian reservations in kansas. 83
treaties so often were, to our national discredit, in a rather questionable manner;
for, instead of dealing with the tribe in its authorized council, the federal agents
conferred with individual chiefs. Notwithstanding, the senate ratified the treaty
in due season, and McCoy was instructed to lay out a reservation in the Marais
des Cygnes valley. The Indians occupied it for about ten years and then moved
northward in 1847-'48.
The second Pottawatomie reserve was situated in one of the most fertile dis-
tricts of Kansas. It was a part, and that the most eastern, of the old Kansa re-
serve. Its eastern boundary lay two miles west of Topeka and sixty-two miles
west of the Missouri river.* A few weeks before the arrival of the Pottawatomies
some Jesuits established St. Mary's Mission f almost in the center of the reser-
vation, and the Indians very conveniently made it the nucleus of their new set-
tlement. The Pawnees, who had agreed with the United States in 18.S4 J to retire
north of the Platte, resented the presence of the Pottawatomies and continually
committed depredations upon them. In 1850 a regular war § was declared.
Henceforth the immigrants were left in undisturbed possession. T[
NEW YORK INDIAN.
The treaty of Buffalo creek, negotiated in 1838, attempted to provide a home
in Kansas for the Senecas, Onondagas, Cayugas, Tuscaroras, Oneidae, St. Regis,
Stockbridges, Munsees, and Brothertowns, who had been the victims of un-
scrupulous speculators. The history of the affair goes back to the compact of
1786, which conceded to Massachusetts a preemptive right, based upon charter
grant, to certain lands in western New York.** Such a preemption right signified
nothing more nor less than the privilege of buying out the Indian occupants ; and
after passing through various hands it was transferred to the Ogden Land Com-
pany.
In the decade succeeding the war of 1812, the holders of the preemptive right
*St. Mary's Times, October 25, 1877.
t Father Christian Hoecken, a Catholic missionary to the Kickapoos, visited the Potta-
watomie Indians on Sugar creek, Kansas, in 1837. The following year he established a perma.
nent mission among them. He appears, from the records of St. Mary's Mission, to have ■
accompanied one of the first parties of Pottawatomies to their new reservation on the Kansas
river, in the fall and winter of 1847-'48. Mr. W. W. Cone, in his " History of Shawnee County," un-
der "Auburn Township," says: "A mission was established by the Catholics in the fall of 1847 for
the Pottawatomie Indians at the junction of the east, middle and west branches of the Waka-
rusa river. . . . About twenty log cabins were built here by them. In the spring following
the Indians found that they had located by mistake on Shawnee lands, and, as they could not
draw their annuity until they were on their own land, they moved to the north side of the Kaw
river, near the center of the reservation, and established a mission there. . . . On the 12th
day of August, 1854, Mr. J. W. Brown purchased of the Shawnees some of these cabins and their
right to a part of the land."— Ed.
1 7 U. S. Statutes at Large, p. 448.
§" From the time of the arrival of the Pottawatomies at their new home they lived at peace
with the government, and had no difficulty with the neighboring tribes, except in 1850, when, on
account of frequent depredations committed by the Pawnee tribe, the Pottawatomies declared
war against them. The first engagement between the warriors of the two tribes was on the east
side of the Blue river, near the Rocky Ford, and on territory now included within the limits of
Pottawatomie county. In this engagement the Pottowatomies were victorious, and compelled
the Pawnees to retreat west to Chapman creek ; here the Pawnees rallied, and here was fought
a fierce and bloody battle, in which some of the Pottawatomie braves displayed great valor and
won for themselves great fame as warriors among the members of their tribe ; one of the braves,
Now-quah-ge-zhick, particularly distinguished himself by daring feats of bravery and the num-
ber of scalps of the enemy which he took in the battle . The Pottawatomies came off victorious,
and forever after lived in peace."— James S. Merritt, in Wamego Tribune, June 6, 1879. — Ed. .•
*T The Westmoreland Recorder and Period, January 7, 1886.
** Journal of Congress, 1787, vol. 4.
84 KANSAS STATE HISTORICAL SOCIETY.
conspired with speculators, political demagogues and a few traitorous chiefs to
dispossess the New York Indians by inducing their removal to Wisconsin. A
personal appeal was made to President Monroe; yet there is no evidence that
either he or Congress sanctioned the matter. Nevertheless, it was represented to
the unsuspecting Indians that they might purchase of their own accord a reser-
vation in the neighborhood of Green Bay. They did so, but their title was soon
contested, on the ground that Indians could not purchase in their own right.
An adjustment of the dispute over the Green Bay lands was amicably sought
for in the negotiation of the treaty of 1838; but speculators, concerned only with
their own selfish interests, managed to defeat the ends of justice. They suc-
ceeded in bribing the Massachusetts commission and the United States agents
to make removal a prominent feature of the treaty. The main body of the In-
dians stubbornly resisted, but the chiefs again proved perfidious. Indeed, a most
suggestive fact was brought out in the later senate speeches on ratification. It
was then shown that every chief that had knowingly signed the document to re-
move his people westward held a private contract with the Ogden Land Company.
Such as had signed it unknowingly were, at the time, too intoxicated to need
further bribe. Van Buren declared the whole transaction "a most iniquitous
proceeding." The treaty went to the senate and was there bitterly contested.
It was finally ratified, through the casting vote of the vice president, on a day
when many of the really honest friends of the Indians happened to be absent,
March 25, 1840.*
President Van Buren proclaimed the treaty of Buffalo creek in due season,
but the Indians were not satisfied. "Fearful and sullen, they refused to leave
Wisconsin. The action of President Jackson with the Seminoles of Florida
could not be repeated with the Senecas of New York. They could not be forcibly
transported. Investigations in New York, in Massachusetts, and in Congress,
largely stimulated by the Society of Friends, laid bare the whole plot, and
threatened to bring about the amendment of the treaty, which, by the way, was
never constitutionally ratified in the Council of the Six Nations. As the title of
♦innocent purchasers' from the Ogden Land Company seemed to be imperiled,
a compromise was effected in the shape of the supplementary treaty of 1842."
Thereupon the territory in New York, secured under false pretenses from the
Senecas and their allies at the time of their removal to Green Bay, was in part
restored to its rightful owners, who, in turn, agreed to exchange the Wisconsin
purchase for 1,874,000 acres west of Missouri.
The New York Indian reserve was laid off in rectangular form, north of the
Osage and the Cherokee neutral lands ; but in years that followed only thirty-two
persons applied for patents for the 320 acres which the treaty provided should be
given on application to every individual. This gave rise to a very interesting
lawsuit. A proviso in the treaty had stipulated that "should the Indians not
agree to remove within five years, or such time after the ratification of the
treaty as the president might determine upon, they should forfeit all right and
interest in and to the reservation." In 1860 President Buchanan declared the un-
occupied reserve public domain and threw it open to settlement. The Indians
protested, and preferred an indemnity claim against the federal government.
The matter was pending in Congress for nigh upon twenty years. Finally, under
the provisions of the Bowman act, March 3, 1883,1 a resolution was adopted re-
ferring the case to the court of claims to find the facts. Then the Indians, upon
the basis of those findings, demanded payment. In January, 1893, Congress
♦Congressional Record, January to April, 1840; 7 U. S. Statutes at Large, pp. 550-561.
122 U. S. Statutes at Large, pp. 485, 486.
INDIAN RESERVATIONS IN KANSAS. 85
passed an act authorizing the court of claims to render judgment upon the facts
found,* with the right of appeal to the United States supreme court resting in
both parties. Thereupon the court of claims dismissed the petition, or, in other
words, decided in favor of the government. In 1898 the Indians appealed the
case, with the result that the decision of the lower court was reversed and their
own claim allowed.!
MIAMI.
In 1839 the United States agreed J "to possess the Miami Indians of and to
guarantee to them forever a country west of the Mississippi river, to remove to
and settle on, where the said tribe [might] be so disposed." A second treaty, §
confirming the grant of the first, was made in 1841. "In 1846, eight hundred
Miamis settled on Sugar creek, in the southeastern part of Miami county. Their
reservation, estimated to contain the equivalent of their old lands in Indiana, or
about 500,000 acres, was situated west of the Missouri line and between the New
York Indian and Wea-Piankeshaw lands. In 1847 a second emigration from
Indiana took place, and three hundred souls were added to the Sugar Creek set-
tlement. The following year five hundred recrossed the Mississippi, and the
federal government acquiesced in their departure. The settlement in Kansas
was then moved from Sugar creek to the Marais des Cygnes.]]
SAC AND FOX OP MISSISSIPPI.
In 1841, in exchange for about three-fourths of Iowa, the Sacs and Foxes of
Mississippi** were granted a reservation of thirty miles square, west of theChip-
pewas. Their agreement with the United States simply specified that "the
president should assign them and their descendants a permanent and perpetual
residence upon the Missouri river or some of its waters." They came to Kansas
in 1845, numbering less than a thousand souls. "At first they lingered on the
banks of the Wakarusa, and later established themselves in their wickyups near
Quenemo."tt
WYANDOT.
In 1848 the Wyandots, reputed nephews of the Delawares, urged the United
States government to purchase for them from their uncles a small tract of land
which lay in the fork of the Kansas and Missouri rivers. It was part of the
Delaware reserve ; and, in compliance with the Wyandot plea. Congress adopted J J
a resolution authorizing its transfer. §§ This small reservation — only thirty-nine
*27 U. S. Statutes at Large, p. 426.
t30 Court of Claims Reports, 413 ; 170 U. S. 1, 614 ; 173 U. S. 964 ; 18 Supreme Court Reporter,
531, 735 ; 19 Supreme Court Reporter.
J 7 U. S. Statutes at Large, p. 569.
§7 U. S. Statutes at Large, p. 582.
IE. W. Robinson, History of Miami County.
** 7 U. S. Statutes at Large, p. 596.
ft James Rogers. History of Osage County, in Edwards's Atlas; Report of Indian Commis,
sioner, 1859, p. 152.
tt 9 U. S. Statutes at Large, p. 337.
§§By the treaty of 1842 the Wyandots ceded their lands in Ohio and Michigan to the United
States, and were promised in return " a tract of west of the Mississippi, to contain 148,000 acres."
This land, they understood, was to be located on the Kansas river, but upon examination "it
was found, however, that there was no land in the vicinity in which they desired to locate which
did not belong to some of the tribes which had previously been removed. On December 14,
1843, a purchase of 23,040 acres of land was made from the Delawares. This tract included the
present town of Wyandotte."— Andreas, 1883, p. 1227. By treaty of 1850, the government made
final settlement with the Wyandots for the unfulfilled provisions of the treaty of 1842, one item of
which was a sum "to pay and extinguish all their just debts, as well as what is now due to the
Delawares for the purchase of their lands." The Wyandots emigrated to Kansas in July, 1843 .
86 KANSAS STATE HISTORICAL SOCIETY.
sections in extent — was not, however, the only Wyandot land in Kansas, although
it was all that the tribe held in common. Such other lands as the Wyandots pos-
sessed in the trans-Missouri region have been very significantly designated the
"Wyandot floats," and the meaning of the term can best be understood if
their history be told. By the treaty of 1842,* certain members of the Wyandot
tribe were given the right to choose 640 acres of public land apiece anywhere
west of the Mississippi. These preemptions, or "floats," were located very gen-
erally in Kansas. They were extremely convenient for town sites; because they
could be acquired without the trouble and expense of complying with the ordi-
nary preemption laws. This would not have been possible had they been held
by the usual occupancy title. It is interesting to know that Lawrence was
located on the Robert Robertailet float, and West Lawrence on the Joel Walker
float. Topeka, Manhattan and Emporia were also built upon Wyandot floats.
Some of the floats were illegally located on the Shawnee reserve prior to July 9,
1858, at which date that land was publicly thrown open to settlement. J
MUNSEE.
The last Indian reservation to be laid out in Kansas was the Munsee, a tiny
subdivision of the Delaware, provided for by one of the Manypenny treaties of
1854. § It consisted of four sections of land situated near the city of Leavenworth,
and is now the site of the Old Soldiers' Home and of Mount Muncie Cemetery.
The fathers of the emigrants, perchance even they themselves, were among the
survivors of the terrible Gnaden Hutten massacre; and the story of their wan-
derings in search of the Kansas refuge for Indian exiles reads like a romance of
the olden time.]] But they came to Kansas too late to enjoy peace, and after a
sojourn of four years sold their reservation, under the sanction of an act** of Con-
gress, to A. J. Isacks.
II.- EXTINCTION OP THE RESERVATION TITLES.
Scarcely were the emigrant tribes fairly established on their respective reser-
vations when a movement arose in the political circles at Washington to dises-
tablish them. So soon had the nation forgotten its sacred guaranty that Kansas
should be an Indian territory forever, and that the reservation lands should belong
to the red men "as long as the grass should grow and the water should run."
One important objection to the passage of the Kansas-Nebraska bill, and an
objection heretofore overlooked, or at least unremarked, was that the territory,
the organization of which was in contemplation, could not be legally appropri-
ated until the Indian occupancy title had been extinguished. This was an ob-
jection more fundamental in its nature than any other presented, because it
involved the faith of the nation as that faith had been most solemnly expressed
in treaties. It is said, and doubtless with truth, that, among the many occa-
sions for the repeal of the Missouri compromise, was the fear that, unless some-
thing were done, and that quickly, the broad plains lying east of the Rockies
would, as a permanent Indian reservation, be forever closed to civilization.
It is a matter of common belief that, prior to 1854, Kansas was untraversed
*7 U. S. Statutes at Large, app. v, p. 608.
tTliis spelling accords with the U. 8. Revision of Indian Treaties, 1873, p. 1020. Connelley, in
his Provisional Government of Nebraska, p. 420, spells the name " Robitaille."
JMcAlpine v. Henshaw, 6 Kan. 176; Walker v. Henshaw, 83 U. S., 16 Wallace, 436. Another
instructive case on Wyandot floats is Gray v. Coii'man, 3 Dillon, 393. A complete list of the Wy-
andot floats may be found iu Senate Documents, 1857-'58, vol. 2, pp. 274, 275.
§10 U. S. Statutes at Large, p. 1051.
^1 Sen. Docs. 1839-'40, vol. 2, No. 355; Report of Indian Commissioner, 1857-'58, No. 524.
**11 U. S Statutes at Large, p. 312,
EXTINCTION OF RESERVATION TITLES. 87
by white men. This is a mistaken idea. Aside from regularly organized ex-
ploring expeditions, various things, such as trade routes, mission stations, mili-
tary posts, and the Mexican war, had enabled the hardy pioneer to become more
or less familiar with the "Great American Desert." Up to the time of Mexican
independence the hostility of the Spaniards was a great obstacle to commercial
intercourse with the Southwest. None the less, from the beginning of the nine-
teenth century the trade along the Santa Fe trail was a highly profitable one,
especially after a right of way had been secured from the Great and Little Osages.
The Mexican war caused a temporary break, but peace brought renewed activity,
and among the many material advantages derived from that most unjust of
American wars, acquaintance with Kansas was certainly not the least. The
soldier was succeeded by the California gold-seeker, and the "forty-niner," in his
turn, by the Mormon enthusiast. Their passing through was the signal for the
Indian to decamp. He lingered on the prairie only just long enough for the gov-
ernment to give a legal coloring to his expulsion and then was again an exile.
Although it was a well-understood thing that the trans-Missouri region was
to belong exclusively to the Indians, the very coming of the red men induced the
coming of the white. Coexistent with the establishment of the Indian reserva-
tion was the establishment of the military post. A cantonment on the present
site of Fort Leavenworth was erected in 1827, and by the spring of 185i Kansas
was wholly under military supervision. It would hardly be fair to say that the
soldiers were brought here to keep the Indians in subjection, although, as the
Indian bureau was then a subdivision of the war department, it would be a
natural supposition. The excuse for the soldiers' presence was primarily the
protection of the frontier, and secondarily the maintenance of peace among the
widely differing tribes. Civilians followed in the wake of the army; for white
men cultivated the military reserve, white men conducted the Indian trade, and
white men presided over the Indian schools and missions. Furthermore, Kansas
was the starting-point for all expeditions that followed the Oregon trail. It was
the connecting link between the far Northwest and the far Southwest. Is it any
wonder, then, that steps were taken in the early '50'3 to undo what had been
done in the '30's ?
The first indication that the idea of breaking faith with the Indians had
gained ground at Washington, and that the administration was favorable to it,
was seen in the visit which George W. Manypenny paid to the emigrants in the
winter of 1853-'54. If, as Indian commissioner, his sole object was to negotiate
treaties of cession, he succeeded most admirably, and during the months subse-
quent to May, 185i — at which time the Douglas measure became a law — Presi-
dent Pierce was able to proclaim treaties that his agent had successfully
consummated with the Otoes and Missourias, the Delawares, the Kickapoos, the
lowas, and the Sacs and Foxes of Missouri.
OTOE AND MISSOURIA.
The first treaty of secondary Kansas cessions to be ratified after the passage
of the organic act* was that to which the Otoes and Missourias t were a party.
These Indians were native to northeastern Kansas and southeastern Nebraska;
but, being constrained by the treaty of 1834 J to remain north of the Little Nemaha
*10 U. S. statutes at Large, p. 277.
tin 1723 BourgmoQt located the Missourias on the river of that name, thirty leagues below
the mouth of the Kansas. Soon afterwards the tribe was greatly reduced in numbers by war
and smallpox, and the majority of the tribe took refuge with the Otoes in Nebraska, and were
living in a village near the Otoes on the Platte river, a few miles above its mouth, in 1842.
1:7 U. S. Statutes at Large, p. 429.
88 KANSAS STATE HISTORICAL SOCIETY.
river, they would not be entitled to consideration in this thesis were it not for the
fact that their reservation, as laid out by the government, extended a short dis-
tance south of the fortieth parallel. In the winter of 1853-'54, George W. Many-
penny gained their consent* to the relinquishment of all their territory west of
the Missouri river except a strip ten miles wide and twenty-five miles long which
was situated on the waters of the Big Blue. This cession was conditional upon
the payment of annuities. For several years thereafter the Otoes and Missourias
lived quietly upon their diminished reserve; but finally, as might have been ex-
pected, would-be settlers staked out illegal claims. Complaints from the Indians
amounted to nothing until, by act of Congress, March 3, 1881, t the whole band
was given permission to remove to the Indian Territory.
In recent years the quieting of the title to the Otoe and Missouria lands in
Kansas and Nebraska has caused considerable discussion. The congressional
enactment just mentioned arranged for an auction sale of the diminished re-
serve; and preliminary thereto the government appraised it. The estimated
value was $256,000. Cattlemen, anxious to prevent bona fide settlement, took
an active part in the auction; and, by means of "straw bids," raised the price
far above the means of the settlers and above the appraised value. The sale was
set aside as fraudulent and nearly all the participants were sentenced to a term
in the Penitentiary.
Later on, a second auction sale of the Otoe and Missouria lands was provided
for, the result of which can best be understood in the light of later events. The
settlers, fearing to be outbid a second time, and resting under the impression that
they had the verbal guaranty of the land-office commissioner that, no matter
what they might bid, the lands would be assured to them at the appraised value,
offered $516,000; but when the Indians insisted upon the payment of that sum,
the settlers cited the promise of the commissioner in order to free themselves from
the obligation. For nearly twenty years the settlers lived upon the lands, tax
free and rent free, without paying a single cent of either principal or interest to
the Indians, who clamored for the payment of the debt. Finally the settlers had
the impudence to ask Congress to effect a compromise, and, in the end, the
matter was adjusted to their satisfaction. J
DELAWARE.
The Delaware reserve, lying near the Missouri line and north of the Kansas
river, covered a region so productive and so advantageously situated that it
proved an early prey to the squatter. A treaty was proclaimed July 17, 185i.§
It provided for two cessions, the one conditional, the other unconditional. The
unconditional cession comprehended the transfer of the "outlet" to the general
government for a cash payment of $10,000. The conditional cession was a con-
veyance of lands in trust, and included all of the reservation proper excepting
the thirty-nine sections that had already been sold to the Wyandots, four sec-
tions that were about to be sold to the Munsees, and a tract that was to be re-
tained for the use of the tribe. The last named constituted the "diminished
reserve" and, "extending westward forty miles from the western boundary of
the Wyandot lands, was ten miles wide at its western extremity." A clause,
said to have been inserted at the suggestion of Senator David R. Atchison, in
order to prevent men too poor to hold slaves ^j from possessing any of the land,
* Revised Indian Treaties, pp. 633-641 ; 10 U, 8. Statutes at Large, p. 1038, et passim.
t2l D. S. Statutes at Large, pp. 380, 381.
i'Si U. S. statutes at Large, p. 59.
S Revised Indian Treaties, pp. 340-345 ; 10 U. S. Statutes at Largo, pp. 1048-1052.
* Webb Scrap Books, 1 : 60, Kansas Historical Library.
/7
IS.
Indian Reservations
In territory included in Kansas, 1846.
1637.
KICKAPOO RESERVE Esiablisfiea und
DELAITARE RESERVE AND OUTLET Esta
I PESEHVE Est
EXTINCTION OF RESERVATION TITLES. 89
stipulated that ae soon as the trust lands had been surveyed they should be put
up at public auction. Such as remained unsold were to be "subject to private
entry, and, after three years, graduated in price until all had been disposed of."
The Delaware trust lands covered a part of the counties of Leavenworth and
Atchison, in addition to about one-half of Jefferson. By order of the Interior
Department, their sale was advertised to begin at Fort Leavenworth November
17, 185i, to be limited at first to the land lying east of ranges 18 and 19, and to
continue until December 13, 1856. The land west of those two ranges was sold
at Osawkie* in the summer of 1857.
The approaching first sale j produced great excitement, owing to a misconcep-
tion of the real nature of Indian trust lands, which are not in any legal way dis-
encumbered of the occupancy title, but only temporarily conveyed to the general
government, in order that they may be sold " upon the account and for the
benefit" of the reservees. The legal title, domain and jurisdiction are in the
United States, to be sure; but the equitable beneficiary interest remains in the
original owners. Contrary to this view, the would-be settlers were inclined to re-
gard the trust lands as public domain, and therefore immediately subject to pre-
emption under existing laws. They also professed to believe that the sixteenth
article of the Delaware treaty, which extended the application of the act of
March 3, 1807, J had been nullified by the act of July 22, 1854, § which had ren-
dered Kansas and Nebraska subject to the operation of the preemption law of
1841."^ This gave rise to a dispute over the relative importance of a treaty and a
statute. It was entirely irrelevant, however, because the congressional enact-
ment in no sense contemplated the preemption of territory in which the Indian
tribes held a reserved interest.
For several weeks prior to the auction, the Delaware trust lands were the
scene of dire confusion. At first log cabins, and later such rude contrivances
as four crossed sticks, were used to mark the staking out of claims. Meanwhile
the squattera beguiled the time with riotous living. They even gambled away
the fertile farms that, for them, as yet lay only in the bright land of prospect.
The greed for territory was contagious. Army officers and territorial officials
shared in the general uproar, and, as later investigations into their conduct**
divulged, they even connived at every possible invasion of Indian rights.
In 1860 another treaty was concluded with the Delawares, whereby provision
was made for a portion of their diminished reserve tt to be allotted in severalty,
not only to members of the tribe at the time residing in Kansas, but likewise to
some absentee Delawares dwelling with the southern Indians, if they would re-
turn to their own people. Until they did so return, the land intended for them
was to beheld in common by the resident Delawares. The treaty further pro-
vided that the Leavenworth, Pawnee & Western Railway Company might have
the privilege of buying what remained of the diminished reserve. The condi-
tions under which the railroad company was to have the land were not complied
with, and, in 1861, it was found necessary to make other arrangements with the
same corporation. J J A sale of 223,890.94 acres was finally effected; but a note-
* Historical Society Collections, v. fi, pp. 367, 375.
fAndreas's History of Kansas, pp. 419-422.
i 2 U. S. Statutes at Large, p. 445. § 10 U. S. Statutes at Large, p. 310.
15 U. S. Statutes at Large, pp. 456-460.
** House Ex. Docs., 33 Cong., 2d session, No. 50.
tt Revised Indian Treaties, pp. 345-350; Andreas's History of Kansas, p. 500; 12 U. S. Statutes
at Large, pp. 1129-1134.
H Revised Indian Treaties, pp. 350-362 ; 12 U. S. Statutes at Large, pp. 1177-1185.
90 KANSAS STATE HISTORICAL SOCIETY.
worthy circumstance connected with it illustrates remarkably well the advantage
so often taken of the too- trusting Indians. The railroad company paid down no
money whatever, but gave a mortgage on a part of the land to secure to the poor
Delawares the payment of the whole.
In 1866 the same Indians, having become weary of living a restricted life on
their separate allotments, resolved to emigrate to the Indian Territory and re-
sume the old life in common. Accordingly a treaty * was drawn up by which
they ceded in trust all of their remaining Kansas lands. The secretary of the inte-
rior was authorized to sell the same, if possible, to the Missouri Pacific railroad.
The sale was made the following year; but in the meantime, "in order to vest
every future holder of the real estate with a government title, all the lands were
deeded in trust to Alexander Caldwell, who gave a deed to each Indian holding an
allotment under the treaty of 1860. The lands then remaining unsold and unoc-
cupied were sold at $2.50 per acre to the railroad syndicate — Thomas A. Scott, of
Pennsylvania, Thomas L. Price, L. T. Smith, Alex. Caldwell, Oliver A. Hart
and others to the number of thirteen."! Thus abruptly was the Delaware his-
tory in the trans-Missouri region brought to a close.
KICKAPOO.
By one of the so-called Manypenny treaties of 1854, J the Kickapoos ceded un-
conditionally to the general government the larger portion of their reservation,
"which seems to have occupied parts of Brown, Atchison and Jackson coun-
ties." The cession comprised the whole of the tract of 1200 square miles con-
veyed to them in 18.33, with the exception of 150,000 acres in the western part, at
the head of the Grasshopper river.
Several years later another treaty, negotiated in 1862, and ratified with an im-
portant senate amendment in 1863, § provided for the disposition of the Kickapoo
dimished reserve. Every chief signing the treaty received 320 acres, every head
of a family 160 acres, and every other person in the tribe forty acres; but only
those sufficiently advanced in civilization and desirous of severing their connec-
tion with the main body received an allotment in severalty. The others received
their shares in an undivided quantity, and held the tract in common by the same
tenure as the entire tribe had held the original reservation. Upon the president
was conferred the discretionary power of granting to the allottees a title in fee
simple whenever they should be "sufficiently intelligent and prudent to control
their own affairs." The land, when conveyed in fee simple, could be alienated
by the Indians and taxed by the state.
An additional provision was made in the Kickapoo treaty of 1863 for the set-
ting aside of 1120 acres for miscellaneous purposes, and of forty acres for each
Kickapoo absent with the southern Indians, provided he returned to Kansas
within one year from the ratification of the treaty. The remaining Kickapoo
lands were ceded in trust to the United States, for the purpose of selling them to
the Atchison & Pike's Peak Railroad Company, whose agents, it is said, prac-
tically drafted the treaty. At any rate, they went around among the Indians
and secured individual marks, instead of trusting to a possible ratification in the
general council of the tribe. In 1865 the United States succeeded in selling
123,832.61 acres, lying mostly in Brown county, to the railroad. Almost imme-
diately the lands were advertised, and, as "all time purchasers were required to
improve one-tenth each year, the reserve was soon dotted over with farms."
♦Revised Indian Treaties, pp. 362-369; 14 U. S. Statutes at Large, pp. 793-798.
t Biographical and Historical Memoirs of Wyandotte County, p. 154.
J Revised Indian Treaties, pp. 443-447; 10 U. S. Statutes at Largo, p. 1078.
§ Revised Indian Treaties, pp. 447-454 ; 13 U. S. Statutes at Large, p. 623.
EXTINCTION OF RESERVATION TITLES. 91
The Kickapoos still own a much diminished reserve in Kansas. Ever since al-
lotment in severalty was first permitted, the Indians have been given a personal
interest just as quickly as their progress has seemed to justify it, so that at the
present time only 6168 acres remain unallotted. That tract is held in common.
In 1896-'97 the commissioner of Indian affairs reported that out of it a lease of
5828 acres had been made in favor of George W. Leverton for a period of live
years. The remaining 610 acres are temporarily reserved for school purposes.*
IOWA, SAC AND FOX OF MISSOURI.
The cessions made in 1851 by the lowas t and the Sacs and Foxes of Missouri X
comprised land lying almost entirely in Nebraska, and are therefore not entitled
in this paper to a detailed description . Suffice it to say, that the lowas ceded a large
acreage in trust, which, embracing some of the best lands in Brown county, were
sold at Iowa Point from June 5 to June 9, 1857. They retained a diminished re-
serve which, with the exception of 16,000 acres, they ceded J nine years after-
wards to the general government for the use and benefit of the Sacs and Foxes
of Missouri, who at the same time made a new disposition of the fifty sections
which the tribe had retained in common under the treaty of 1851. They set
aside one section for miscellaneous purposes and one and one eighth sections for
various individuals, 160 acres for Joseph Tesson and for each of three chiefs, and
eighty acres for George Gomess. At the present time nearly all the Sacs and
Foxes of Missouri have taken allotments and have received their head rights.
Their reservation in consequence is reduced to about 8000 acres, of which per"
haps one-third lies north of the fortieth parallel.
MIAMI.
Miami county, Kansas, bears a most appropriate name, for, of all the Indian
tribes that helped to colonize it and the surrounding country, the Miami was de-
cidedly the most important, both in point of numbers and of influence.*^ After
the organization of Kansas Territory, white people, as has been already inti-
mated, encroached to such an alarming extent upon the Indian lands that the
federal government was forced, with unseemly haste, to extinguish the occu-
pancy title. Naturally the lands adjoining Missouri were the first to be disen-
cumbered and preempted. The Miami reservation, easily accessible to the
South, was coveted almost as much as the Delaware and the Shawnee. It was
soon seized by squatters, and in order to allay the apprehension of the Indians,
the federal government purchased the greater part of it for §200,000, in August,
1851.**
The reservation contained originally about 500,000 acres. The Miamis kept
72,000 acres and sold the rest. The tract reserved was to be apportioned as fol-
lows: 610 acres to be set aside for educational purposes, 200 acres to be assigned
in severalty to every member of the tribe, and the residue, about 20,000 acres, to
be held for the time being in common. The treaty provided, likewise, that the
president "might cause patents to issue to single persons and to heads of families
for the lands selected by or for them, subject to such restrictions respecting leases
and alienation as the president or Congress of the United States" might "im-
pose, and the lands thus patented " should "not be liable to levy, sale, execution,
* 13 House Documents, p. 39.
t Revised Indian Treaties, pp. 403-407; 10 U. S. Statutes at Large, pp. 1069-1073.
t Revised Indian Treaties, pp. 758-762: 10 U. S. Statutes at Large, pp. 1074-1077.
§ Revised Indian Treaties, pp. 777-781; 12 U. S. Statutes at Large, pp. 1171-1175.
•[ Miami Republican, March 21, 1879.
** 10 U. S. Statutes at Large, pp. 1093-1100.
92 KANSAS STATE HISTORICAL SOCIETY.
or forfeiture; provided, that the legislature of a state within which the ceded
country" might be thereafter embraced might, "with the consent of Congress,
remove such restrictions." In 1873 Congress did remove the restrictions in cases
where title had legally passed to white citizens.*
In the later 'GO"s, the anti-Indian feeling in Kansas was exceedingly bitter.
Utterly regardless of the fact that the land had only a short time before been
assured to the tribes in perpetuity, settlers viewed their presence as an intru-
sion. Such presumption was excusable only when due weight was given to the
atrocities of the Indians of the plains, and now we know that those same atroci-
ties were often excited by the barbarous cruelty of the troops. To allay the ex-
citement, the federal government opened up negotiations with various Kansas
tribes. The result was the omnibus treaty of 18G8. Thereupon the Miamis
agreed to dispose of their remaining lands west of the Missouri river and move
to the Indian Territory. They selected a place on Spring river and settled there
in IBTl.f
A congressional act approved March 3, 1873,1 arranged not only for the sale
of their school-section and unallotted lands, but also for the abolition of their
tribal relations and the union with the Wea and other Indians § of such as did
not wish to become citizens of the United States. A commission appointed
under this act^ appraised the Miami lands, and its report was duly approved
by the Department of the Interior. The unoccupied lands, including the school
sections, were advertised for sale February 20, 1874, and sold under sealed bids.**
WEA, PEORIA, KASKASKIA, AND PIANKESHAW.
By 1854 the Wea, Peoria, Kaskaskia and Piankeshaw Indians had become
confederated as a single tribe, and one of the Manypenny treaties provided for a
cession in trust of the greater part of their consolidated reserve. If Certain lands
were withheld froiB the cession ; namely, one section for the American Missionary
Society, ten sections for a reserve in common, and more than enough besides to
give every individual of the united bands a quarter-section allotment. Selections
to the allottees were approved by President Buchanan August 28, 1858, and the
land over and above the allotments was sold to the highest bidder for cash. The
sales of some of the trust lands were approved July 1, 1859.
The confederated Indians, like their neighbors, the Miamis, figured as parties
to the omnibus treaty of 1867-'68.JJ By its terms provision was made for ad-
mittance to citizenship, for removal to the Indian Territory, and for the final
disposal of Kansas land. A schedule attached to the document throws consid-
erable light upon Indian methods. In the first place it shows that the ten-
section reserve — which in reality contained only nine and one-half sections — was
sold to actual settlers for cash ; and in the second place, that the red men were
often as accomplished in the art of trickery as the white. In the final division
of the land, minors were often counted as adults with large families. One of the
minors was Kimolaniah, the son of an Indian interpreter, Baptiste Peoria, who
sold the land of Kimolaniali and of Kimolaniah's reputed children, under the pre-
*17 U. S. Statutes at Largo, p. 417.
^ Miami Republican, March 21, 1879; Robinson's History of Miami County.
% 17 U. S. Statutes at Large, pp. 631-635.
§ Report of Indian Commissioner, 1880.
TI Report of the Indian Commissioner, 1873, pp. 18, 200.
♦♦Report of the Commissioner of Indian Affairs, 1874, p. 19.
ft Revised Indian Treaties, pp. 426-432; 10 U. S. Statutes at Large, pp. 1082-1087
it Revised Indian Treaties, pp. 839-852; 15 U. S. Statutes at Large, pp. 513-529.
EXTINCTION OF RESERVATION TITLES. 93
tense that the owners had died and that he was the heir at law. Many lawsuits
grew out of the attempted fraud.
SHAWNEE.
Perhaps the most important of the Manypenny treaties ratified in 1854* was
that by which the Shawnees surrendered their immense reserve of 1,600,000
acres and received one-eighth of it back again for distribution among the tribe.
The re-ceded tract lay almost wholly within the limits of Johnson county, and its
nearness to the Missouri border made it an inevitable prey to illegal settlement.
Voluntary allotment in severalty was a prominent feature of the treaty, and the
division of the diminished reserve was to be made upon the basis of 200 acres for
every individual, including absentee Shawnees, Shawnees by adoption, females,
minors, and incompetents. Such as preferred it might, as communities, receive
their portion in an undivided quantity; and, at the time of the cession, the fol-
lowers of Longtail and of Black Bob seemed disposed to profit by the arrangement.
Before proceeding to discuss the distribution of the Shawnee land, it might
be well to show how the simple fact of receding to the tribe a one-eighth part of
the original reserve produced trouble for the tax collector. It all turned on the
question whether or not allotment in severalty constituted an extinguishment of
the Indian title. The local authorities of Johnson county were disposed to think
that it did, and that, therefore, the allotted lands of the Shawnees were subject
to state taxation. The holders refused to pay the taxes, however, on the ground
that the land was still Indian, and because, under the act of admission, | the state
had bound itself never to interfere with the primary disposal of the soil.
The case came before the courts for settlement in 1866, and the district judge
for Johnson county rendered a decision adverse to the Indian claim. The In-
dians appealed the case by petition in error to the Kansas supreme court, and it
was there argued that the treaty of 1854, although not expressly stating the fact,
had, by necessary implication, invested the individual Shawnees with an abso-
lute and complete title in fee simple. In other words, it was held that the cession
of the entire tract had been a surrender of the usufruct, or ordinary occupancy
title, and that the retrocession had conferred a new title upon the grantees
which was not merely possessory, inchoate, and non-transferable, but of exactly
the same legal value as that held by the United States and its citizens. Again
the case was appealed on a writ of error, but the second time to the United
States supreme court. J The result was the decision of the state court was re-
versed, its construction of the treaty of 1854 being altogether untenable.
In the winter of 1856-'57, Lot Coffman , a surveyor, was appointed by the federal
government to take a census of the Shawnees and to distribute the land in ac-
cordance therewith. He found that the Longtail families, comprehending twelve
members, now preferred allotments; but that the Black Bobs were still true to
their original purpose. He therefore set aside for them, in the present Aubrey
and Oxford townships of Johnson county, 33,392.87 acres, approximately the
equivalent of 200 acres for each of 167 persons. This tract, lying southeast of
Olathe, has every since been known as the Black Bob land, and has been, as
we shall presently see, the occasion of much legal and political controversy.
The treaty of 1854, in making provision for the absentee Shawnees, who had
gone down to dwell with the southern Indians, stipulated that their individual
grants of 200 acres each should be conditional upon their return to Kan-
*10 D. S. Statutes at Large, pp. 1C53-1063.
1 12 U. S. Statutes at Large, p. 127.
i5 Wallace, 737.
94 KANSAS STATE HISTORICAL SOCIETY.
eas within the space of five years, at the expiration of which time all un-
assigned lands were to be sold. As it happened, the absentees did not return in
due season; so, in August of 18013, President Lincoln issued a proclamation to the
effect that continued absence and non affiliation with the tribe had rendered
their claim nugatory. The lands, which had already been seized, as usual, by
squatters, were ordered to be sold at the land-office in Topeka. The sale did not
take place immediately, however. In fact, it was postponed indefinitely, because
the squatters — the men most interested in the passing of the Shawnee title^ —
were, for the most part, absent in the United States army. After the war was
over, Congress enacted a law, *April, 1809, authorizing permanent and legitimate
settlement.
The main body of the Shawnees took their land in severalty; but the process
of allotment extended through a series of years; and long before some of the
tribe had received their patents, others were ready to sell out and move to the
Indian Territory. Such a condition of affairs was only too evident in 1809, when
all the lands that had been already allotted and patented were put upon the
market. The Indians remained in Johnson county until the early 'TO'sj and
then removed to the Indian Territory, there to be consolidated with the Chero-
kees. Such of their lands as were yet unsold were left in the care of the agency.
During Grant's first term. Dr. Reuben L. Roberts was appointed United States
agent to transact business for the Shawnees and to finish up the allotting of the
land. Henry McBride, of Olathe, acted as his secretary, and assumed almost
complete control of the business. Doctor Roberts being little more than a figure-
head. Under the treaty, the allottees were powerless to convey land without the
consent of the secretary of the interior. This fact, together with the neglect or
incompetency of Doctor Roberts, worked as a first cause to produce some of the
great legal complications that have distracted Johnson county during the last
forty years.
Trusting implicitly in the Indian agent, the settlers formed the habit of pay-
ing his secretary a small fee in order to get him to transmit their Indian deeds to
Washington for approval. In many instances the approved deeds were not re-
turned to the settlers, and additional fees were charged, from time to time, osten-
sibly to hasten official action at headquarters. When at length a barn in which
Mr. McBride kept his papers was destroyed by fire, the settlers insisted upon re-
ceiving their approved deeds ; but were told that the documents had all disap-
peared in the conflagration. This placed the settlers in a fearful predicament.
The Shawnee records were also destroyed, because, when the agent had been
ordered to send them down to the Indian Territory, where the tribe then dwelt,
his secretary had simply sent abstracts and had retained the originals. Strangely
enough, too, the Indian office at Washington had no duplicates or anything to
prove that the settlers were the legal occupants of the land.
As always happens under like circumstances, unscrupulous lawyers took ad-
vantage of the awkward situation, and until Hon. J. D. Bowersock J succeeded
* 16 U. S. Statutes at Large, p. 53 ; Report of the Secretary of Interior, 1878, p. 144.
tBoport of the Indian Commissioner, 1871, p. 497.
t Justin D. Bowersock was born in Columbiana county, Ohio, September 19, 1842. At the
close of his course in Oliio common schools he engaged in business as a merchant and grain
dealer at Iowa City. In September, 1866, he was married to Miss Mary C. Gower. He removed
to Kansas in 1877, settling at Lawrence. He became interested in the water-power, and estab-
lished several manufacturing plants. In 1887 he was elected to the house of representatives,
and in 189.5 to the state senate. In 1898 the Republicans of the second district nominated him
for Congress. He was reelected in 1900, and again in 1902. He also served two terms as mayor
of the city of Lawrence.— Ed.
EXTINCTION OF EESERVATION TITLES. 95
in getting a law passed through Congress to quiet the title, settlers in the region
of disputed ownership, that is, in Monticello, Lexington and Olathe townships,
were at the mercy of all who chose to assail them. One lawsuit after another
summoned them into the court-room, and the pity of it was that no amount of
litigation of that kind could ever settle the point at issue. Without the inter-
ference of Congress the thing might be repeated ad infinitum. An undisturbed
possession of thirty or forty years availed nothing as far as the settlers on the
Shawnee lands were concerned ; for the state law, which gives title after fifteen
years of quiet occupancy, is inoperative when applied to land held under Indian
title. Whatever it may have done once upon a time in Georgia, state law can
never deprive an Indian of his property rights in Kansas.
The material on the Black Bob controversy would make a thesis in itself.
The story is a long one and involves much that is too delicate for consideration
here. During the civil war the Black Bobs fled from Kansas, leaving their
lands open to encroachment and to the unmolested occupation of settlers. Some
people say they were scared into flight by troubles on the border ; others that they
went voluntarily, having never been really satisfied with the location of their
communistic settlement. Settlers on the deserted lands remained in possession
for several years without the payment of taxes on realty or rents of any kind.
Finally the Black Bobs were induced by speculators to petition the general gov-
ernment to allow them to make selections and to receive patents as other Shaw-
nees had done. The prayer was granted ; then came the episode of the Black
Bob frauds.
Speculators, eager for the opportunity, swarmed into the Indian Territory,
hunted up the patentees, and obtained, or professed to obtain, conveyances of a
large portion of the Black Bob reserve. The conveyances were immediately
filed with the secretary of the interior for approval ; but as the settlers, believing
them to be fraudulent, entered a protest, that officer refused to approve them.*
For the same reason, Congress passed an act, July 15, 1870, forbidding the issue
of patents to any more Black Bob allottees. This injected the affair into politics,
and for years thereafter it was an issue that knew no party lines save only those
that its own peculiarly local character determined. Both the speculators and
the settlers maintained a lobby in Washington to procure favorable legislation.
The Indians, having interests distinguishable from those of the white man, hired
a special agent, T. S. Slaughter, of Olathe.
At the time when interest in the Black Bob fraud was at its greatest height,
Sidney Clarke, | of Lawrence, "the tall young oak of the Kaw," was the only
United States representative from Kansas, and the settlers depended upon him
to see that justice was done them. He deferred action from one year to another,
* 16 U. S. Statutes at Large, p. 310.
t Sidney Claeke was born at Southbridge, Worcester connty, Massachusetts, October 16,
1831. His grandfather was an ofiBcer in the revolution, and was present at the surrender of
the British army under General Burgoyne, at Saratoga, and his father served in the war of
1812. Until eighteen years of age he remained on the farm, and then engaged in mercantile pur-
suits. In 1854 he became the publisher of the Southbridge Press. His first vote was cast for
Hale and Julian, in 1852. In the spring of 1858 he came to Kansas, and in 1859 settled in Law-
rence. In 1862 he was elected to the state legislature. In 1863 he was appointed assistant adju-
tant general by President Lincoln, and assigned to duty as acting provost-marshal general for
the district of Kansas, Nebraska, Colorado, and Dakota. In 1863 he was made chairman of the
Republican state central committee. In 1861 he was nominated and elected by the Republicans
as their candidate for Congress. He was reelected ic 1866 and 1868, and defeated by D. P. Lowe
in 1870. In 1878 he was elected to the legislature from Lawrence, and was made speaker of the
house in 1879. He has since become a resident of Oklahoma, and is now engaged in the state-
hood movement.— -Ed.
96 KANSAS STATE HISTORICAL SOCIETY.
held 86 lenient, so to speak, in abeyance, in order that he might be elected on
the same issue again and again. He served three terms in Congress, and managed
to do something for distressed settlers in other parts of the state, but never any-
thing for those in Johnson county. The people then supported Stephen A. Cobb
as congressman for two successive elections, and he was similarly inactive. He
came up once more for reelection, but the people had grown weary of empty
promises, void of tangible results, from men of their own political faith, and gave
their support to the Democratic nominee, John R. Goodin. He was elected, and,
in a community where the men were, on national questions at least, nearly all
Republicans of the stalwart type, he carried the vote by an overwhelming ma-
jority. This shows how, independent of party, the settlers were determined to
aecure a man who would truly represent them and their immediate interests. In-
deed, it was commonly reported in those days that Johnson county went Demo-
cratic or Republican according to the politics of the man who, in the heat of
campaign strife, would promise to support the settlers' cause. Goodin, like his
predecessors, promised great things, but accomplished nothing. He failed of re-
election in consequence. Dudley C. Haskell,* a Lawrence merchant, was his
successor; and within twelve months after taking his seat he succeeded in get-
ting a joint resolution adopted which gave the settlers a colorable right of occu-
pancy, and which, by introducing the legal phase eventually settled the whole
matter.
The joint resolution,! which passed Congress March 3, 1879, authorized and
required the attorney-general to cause a suit to be commenced in the United
States circuit court for the district of Kansas for determining the validity of
what were known as the " '69 patents." The United States was made the com-
plainant in the suit, while the speculators holding deeds of conveyance, the
Black Bob band, the individual Indian patentees and the settlers occupying the
land were all made defendants. Geo. R. Peck and J. R. Hallowell, United States
attorney for the district of Kansas, signed the bill as solicitors for the govern-
ment. Later on, W. C. Perry and W. J. Buchan, of Kansas City, Kan., ap-
peared in the case for the settlers; and W. H. Rossington, C B. Smith, A. L.
Williams, C. W. Blair and A. S. Devenney for the speculators. The Indians were
represented by special counsel appointed by the government.
Four years afterwards a "consent decree was entered as to part of the land,
* Dud LEY C. Haskell, was born at Springfield, Vt., March 23, 1842. He was the son of
Franklin Haskell and Almira Chase. The father came to Kansas with the second Lawrence party
September 15, 1854. Dudley C. Haskell came to Kansas with his mother in March, 1855, being
then thirteen years old. The father was mainly instrumental in organizing Plymouth Church,
in Lawrence, and offered the first public prayer on that historic town site. Dudley immediately
became interested in the free-state cause, and enlisted under James H. Lane. In January, 1857,
the father died. In 1857 he returned to Springfield, Vt., to attend school. In 1858 he returned
to Lawrence, and engaged in business. In 1859 he went to Pike's Peak, and prospected for two
years. Upon the breaking out of the war he returned to Kansas and became a master of trans-
portation, and for two years he engaged in the most hazardous service iu Missouri, Arkansas,
Kansas, and the Indian Territory. He participated in the battles of Newtonia, Cane Hill, and
Prairie Grove. In 186',^ he entered Williston's Seminary, Easthampton, Mass., to complete his
education. He graduated from Yale, in the scientific course, in November, 1865, Ho returned
to Lawrence, and engaged iu merchandizing until the fall of 1876. He was elected to the Kansas
legislature in 1872, 1875, and 1876, in this latter session being elected speaker of the house. In
the fall of 1876 lie was elected a member of the forty-flftli Congress from the second congressional
district of Kansas, reelected in 1878 to the forty-sixth Congress, and to the forty-seventli, in 1880.
He served with distinction as a member of the ways and moans committee and as a tariff
leader. He was elected for the fourth time in 1882, but failing healtlj prevented him from tak-
ing his seat. He died iu Washington, December 16, 1883. He was married December, 1865, to
Hattie M. Kelsey, of Stockbridge, Mass.— Ed.
t20 U. S. Statutes at Largo, pp. 488, 489.
EXTINCTION OF RESERVATION TITLES. 97
under which the patents were approved, the speculators' deeds also approved,
and the settlers required to pay to the Indians or to the speculators, as the case
might be, a certain amount of money for every quarter-section occupied." Simi-
lar decrees were entered from time to time as occasion oflFered. All were in the
nature of compromises, although the interests of the settlers and of the Indian
patentees appear to have been sacrificed. It must be understood, however, in
crediting such a remark, that the decrees were merely advisory to the secretary
of the interior as to his duty to approve the deeds. The settlers finally obtained
a clear title at an average price of ten dollars an acre, and it is said that the In-
dians managed to secure about four dollars of that amount. The rest went to
the speculators.
In October, 1890, a similar proceeding was begun in the United States circuit
court for the district of Kansas to settle the title to the remaining Black Bob
lands, and David Overmyer was appointed special master in chancery to collect
testimony. The suit was upon a bill filed by the United States district attorney,
J. W. Ady, under the direction of the United States attorney-general, whose name
was attached to the bill on behalf of the government. There was no consent de-
cree in this case. Overmyer took the depositions of witnesses, and his find-
ings of facts and conclusions of law were afterwards confirmed by Judge Foster.
Voluminous evidence was introduced to show that the deeds had been drawn up
with all due formality, and that a reasonable amount of consideration money had,
in every case, been paid. The decree in the second suit was entered September
7, 1895.*
WYANDOT.
In the early part of March, 1855, a treaty f with the Kansas Wyandots went
into effect, whereby each member of the tribe was invested with the right of
claiming citizenship under the laws of the United States. The significance of
such a provision can be fully appreciated only by bearing in mind the general
superiority of the Wyandots to most of the Indian emigrants. As is well known,
they had considerable political ability ; and in 1852, when the organization of a
Kansas territory was the subject of discussion, it was their leading men who
called for the election of delegates to Congress, and William Walker, first pro-
visional governor, was one of their number.
The citizenship clause was, nevertheless, only an incidental feature of the
treaty of 1855. It was necessarily so, because other clauses provided for the dis-
position of much-coveted soil. The thirty-nine-section reserve was ceded to the
general government, and then, almost in its entirety, reconveyed to the tribe un-
der a new and better title, i. e. , declared open to allottment on a fee-simple patent.
Of the lands not reconveyed, some were to be consecrated as a common burying-
ground, and the rest, eighty acres, transferred to institutions. A slight revival
of the old promise — the redeeming feature of so many Indian treaties — that the
reservations should always remain outside the limits of a state or territory, was
seen in the concession that Wyandot patented lands should be exempt from tax-
ation "for a period of five years from and after the organization of a state gov-
ernment in the territory of Kansas."
The most peculiar thing about the Wyandot treaty of 1855 was its division of
the Indians into two classes, competents and incompetents, according as they
were capable or incapable of managing their own affairs. The land granted to
the competents was held by an absolute and unconditional title in fee simple,
* Report of David Overmyer, Special Master in Chancery, Journal S, United States Circuit
Court, pp. 159-190.
t Revised Indian Treaties, pp. 1022-1028; 10 U. S. Statutes at Large, pp. 1159-1164.
98 KANSAS STATE HISTORICAL SOCIETY,
and its future conveyance required no outside approval whatever. The lands of
the incompetents were to be inalienable for five years and to be patented at the
discretion of the commissioner of Indian affairs, but the courts decided that as
soon as the restrictions had been removed title by prescription might be ac-
quired.* The competent Indians seem to have had a decided advantage over
their less fortunate kindred, and there is some suspicion that the division into
two classes was a scheme for the abler members of the tribe to make away with
the property of the others. Heads of families took land in severalty for their
wives and children and were held to possess the fee-simple title to the whole.!
In fact, minor children remained incompetents after coming of age. J As time
went on, however, both competents and incompetents became so impoverished
that they were glad to avail themselves of the omnibus treaty of 1869 § and emi-
grate to the Indian territory. Before going the competents wisely destroyed the
books of the council in which the guardianship records were kept.
KAW.
If Council Grove had been made the capital of territorial Kansas, as Governor
Reeder wished, the Kaw reserve would have been one of the first opened to set-
tlement. As it was, all efforts to negotiate a cession previous to 1859 failed. In
October of that year, Alfred B. Greenwood, who had been especially commissioned
to treat with the Kaws, called them together in executive session without notify-
ing the local agent of his intention. That in itself was a suspicious circumstance
and might have been taken as a premonition that all was not well. As soon as
the Indians were assembled. Greenwood presented a treaty that had been secretly
drafted by the Indian ring in Washington, and provided for the sale of 150,000
acres under sealed proposals to the highest bidder. As soon as the terms of the
treaty became known, the settlers were aroused and measures were set on foot to
defeat its ratification. Rush Elmore, a federal judge, was sent as a delegate to
Washington and succeeded in getting the senate to amend the treaty so as to re-
imburse the unintentional trespassers on the Kaw reserve for the loss of their
improvements.
The treaty was ratified in 1860.]f It provided for a division of the original
reservation into trust and diminished reserve lands. Out of the latter, which
lay in the southwest corner, nine by fourteen miles in extent, allotments were
to be made in severalty. Each head and member of a family, each single adult
male, and each of thirty-four half-breed Kaw children, residing on the north
bank of the Kansas river, had the privilege of selecting forty acres, which they
were to hold as inalienable property under certificate title. The trust lands were
to be appraised immediately and advertised for sale under sealed proposals. The
settlers were not made aware of the amount of the official appraisement, but an
employee of the Interior Department volunteered some information which they
concluded to act upon. He pretended to be their friend, and gave them certain
figures which they supposed equaled the value placed by the government upon
the trust lands. Great, then, was their chagrin when they found that he had
deceived them and had caused them to offer bids that were too low by only a few
cents. A speculator named Bob Corwin offered a few cents more and obtained
nearly the whole of the coveted lands. The fraud was so evident that the bids
ware rejected and new proposals called for.
*Schrimpcher v. Stockton, 58 Kan. 758.
t Summers v. Spybrick, 1 Kan. 370.
J Frederick v. Gray, 12 Kan. 399.
§ Revised Indian Treaties, p. 844 ; 15 U. S. Statutes at Large, pp. 516, 517.
TI12 U. S. Statutes at Largo, p. 1111.
EXTINCTION OP RESERVATION TITLES. 99
In the meantime H. W. Farnsworth negotiated a new treaty, supplementary
to that of I860.* It was proclaimed in March of 1863, and although its avowed
object was the relief of the men who had ignorantly settled prior to the Mont-
gomery survey, it availed them little, because it stipulated that they should be
reimbursed for their improvements in Kaw land scrip; that is, in certificates
which had a cash value, and, indeed, were supposed to be receivable as cash in
payment for the Kaw trust lands. The scrip soon depreciated, and the settlers
holding it were rarely able to realize more than fifty cents on the dollar.
In 1863 Congress passed an actf which authorized the president to treat for
a removal of all the Kansas tribes to the Indian Territory. Excitment ran high
in Morris county, and there was so much party feeling between the settlers and
the speculators that nothing could be done. A treaty was negotiated, it is true,
in 1866, which provided that the southern branch of the Union Pacific, now
known as the Missouri, Kansas & Texas railroad, should have the privilege of
buying all the unsold trust and diminished reserve lands. The treaty was sent
to the senate and "hung fire for six months." The people of Kansas were be-
ginning to object seriously to monopolistic control of Indian lands, and their com-
plaints echoed and reechoed throughout the length and breadth of the land,
Hon. Sidney Clarke, of Lawrence, took up the settlers' cause and eventually
succeeded in procuring the rejection of the treaty.
The excitement was not quieted, however, and Senators E. G. Ross and S. C.
Pomeroy were urged repeatedly to bring pressure to bear upon Congress, so as to
force the Kaw lands upon the market. In 1871 emigrants went to Morris county
in great numbers, and the demand for the extinguishment of the Kaw title grew
ever more fierce and bitter. In 1872 the trust lands were appraised, preparatory
to a sale; but again the appraisement proved unsatisfactory to the settlers and
was set aside. In July, 1876, Congress authorized a new appraisment,J which,
being made in the following year, enabled the Kaw lands to pass without further
trouble into the hands of actual settlers. The Indians had already emigrated to
the Indian Territory.
CHIPPEWA AND MUNSEE.
The treaty of 1860, made§ with the Chippewas of Swan creek and Black river,
divided their reservation, which lay about forty miles south of Lawrence, into
two parts, the ceded and the reserved. The former consisted of 3410 and the
latter of 4880 acres. Out of the reserved land assignments in severalty were
made, not to the Chippewas alone, but likewise to the Munsees, or Chris-
tians, who had a short time before agreed to pay $3000 for a share in the Chip-
pewa reserve of thirteen sections. The allotments in severalty comprised tracts
not exceeding forty acres for each member of a family and for each orphan
child, and tracts not exceeding eighty acres for each unmarried person not con-
nected with a family. The assignments having been made, there remained a
surplus of about 1428 acres, which was appraised in 1865, preparatory to a sale.][
The sale began in 1871, and the Chippewas then asked permission to sell such
lands as were held by certificate title and to move to the Indian Territory.**
In 1896, the Department of the Interior reeommer.dedjt that the Chippewa
* 12 U. S. Statutes at Large, p. 1221.
tl2 U. S. Statutes at Large, p. 793.
± 19 U. 8. Statutes at Large, pp. 71-76.
§ Revised Indian Treaties, p. 229; 12 U. S. Statutes at Large, pp. 1105-1109.
r Report of the Indian Commissioner for 1865, p. 45.
**Report of Indian Commissioner for 1871, p. 462; ibid, for 1876, p. 75.
tt Report of the Interior Department, House Documents, 12, p, 62,
100 KANSAS STATE HISTORICAL SOCIETY.
and Munsee allotted lands be patented and their remaining vacant lands sold.
For that purpose final action was urged upon house bill No. 7569, introduced at the
preceding session of Congress. The ninth section of the Indian appropriation act,
approved June 7, 1897, thereupon provided* that, "with the consent of the In-
dians, a discreet person should be appointed to take a census of the Chippewa
and Munsee Indians, of Franklin county, to investigate their individual title to
the several tracts of land within their reservation for which certificates were is-
sued under the treaty of 1859-'G0." The act of Congress further provided for
the issue of patents in fee to those entitled to receive them, for the appraisement
and sale to the highest bidder of the residue lands, and for the distribution per
capita of the trust funds credited to the Indians on the books of the United
States treasury. The Chippewas and Munsees were duly notified of this legisla-
tion and were convened in general council to act upon it. Both men and women
debated. t Hon. C. A. Smart, of Ottawa, now district judge for the coun-
ties of Douglas, Franklin, and Anderson, was appointed special commissioner.
In March, 1901, a large part of the Chippewa and Munsee lands were sold at
public auction at the Topeka land-office, J and final payment was made to the
Indians at Ottawa November 5, 1901.
SAC AND FOX OF MISSISSIPPI.
The Sacs and Foxes of the Mississippi band from Illinois and Iowa made a
treaty of cession in 1860, § by which they ceded in trust to the general government
"all that part of their reservation lying west of range line 16, comprising about
.300,000 acres," and retained 153,600 acres as a diminished reserve.]] The treaty
of 1860 conceded head rights by assignments of land, which were to be inalienable,
except to the United States or to other members of the Sac and Fox tribe. The
lands of the diminished reserve were to be disposed of in this wise: Every full-
blooded Indian was to receive eighty acres, and the agent 160, while another quar-
ter-section was to be set aside for the establishment and support of a school.
The Sac and Fox trust lands included "all that territory lying south of the
Marais des Cygnes, and extending to Coffey county and into Osage county. "** The
treaty provided that, after 320 acres had been given to every half-breed, and to
every squaw married to a white man, the remainder of the trust lands should be
sold under sealed bids for the benefit of the Indians,!! and especially for the liqui-
* Report of InteriorDepartment, House Documents, 13, p. 404; 30 U.S. Statutes at Large, p. 92.
t Reports of the Indiaa Commissioner, 1897-'98, p. 78.
$ Kansas City Star, October 27, 1901.
§ Revised Indian Treaties, pp. 762-767; 15 U. S. Statutes at Large, pp. 467-471.
1[ Charles R. Green, of Lyndon, Kan., who is engaged in writing a book on the "Tales and
Traditions of the Marais des Cygnes Valley," describes in Cia-rent Remark, February 20, 1896,
the Sac and Fox cession as comprising the western twelve miles and the eastern six miles of the
original reserve. He says, further, that the six-mile strip of 76,800 acres lay almost entirely
within Franklin county, and seems never to have been offered by the general government to
actual settlers, but was soon allowed to be appropriated by speculators. Chief among those
speculators was John P. Usher, secretary of the interior under Lincoln, and William P. Dole,
commissioner of Indian affairs. Judge Usher was, as his wife is at present, a resident of Law-
rence, and afterwards owned an extensive farm near Pomona. J. H. Whetstone, who was coo
of the founders of that town, purchased 15,000 acres of the Sac and Fox trust lands.— Ed.
**Ottawa Republican, October 4, 1877.
tt A largo part of the trust fund was expended, contrary to the wishes of the Indians, in the
the erection of about 1.50 little stone houses. Some sharpers, led by Robert S. Stevens, it a
later time a represenative in Congress from New York, secured the building contract. When
the houses were completed, the Indians sold the doors and windows for whisky, and used the
frames as stables for their horses. A similar story is told of the Kaw Indians, and, strange to
say, Stevens seems to have been the prime mover in both affairs.
EXTINCTION OF RESEKVATION TITLES. 101
dation of their debts. Accordingly, some time in that same year, they were sur-
veyed, but it was not until late in 186J: that the secretary of the interior invited
sealed bids. "A good many bids were offered by persons then residents of the
territory ; but those men were either overbid by parties at Washington or awarded
lands of an inferior quality for which they had made no bid. Hugh McCuUoch,
the comptroller of the currency, W. P. Dole, commissioner of Indian affairs, and
John G. Nicolay, Lincoln's private secretary, apfieared among the bidders."
The largest bidder was John McManus, of Reading, Pa., who sold the land
awarded to him to Slyfert, McManus & Co., an iron manufacturing corporation.
The McManus purchase was the largest ever made in Kansas on individual ac-
count.
In 1868 the Sacs and Foxes* concluded another treaty,! by which they ceded
directly all that remained unsold, not only of their trust lands, but also of their
diminished reserve, excepting 4096 acres of the latter, which, upon approval of
the secretary of the interior, were to be patented to individuals, as were also the
lands granted in 1860 to half-breeds. In consideration for the direct cession, the
United States agreed to pay the Indians one dollar an acre and to extinguish
tribal debts amounting to about $26,571 plus the accumulated interest. J The
Indians thereupon prepared to emigrate to the Indian Territory. Some of them
had gone in 1867. § By 1871 all but one chief, Mokohoko, and his band, had de-
parted from Kansas.^
* Revised Indian Treaties, pp. 767-775 ; 15 U. S. Statntes at Large, pp. 495-504.
t A peep behind the scenes reveals the fact that a few whites, among them Perry Fuller, of
Ottawa, and some of the most prominent citizens of Lawrence, plotted to secure possession of
the "four-mile strip," situated in the fine bottoms of Quenemo. It is commonly reported that
these men brought about the intoxication of Chief Moses Keokuk, and then obtained, or pro-
tended to obtain, his signature to the treaty of 18B7-'68. After a time he recovered his senses,
but they were already on their way to Washington and the treaty was ratified before he could
enter a protest. Keokuk then brought a suit in Osage county for a thousand dollars damages
against the agent, Dr. Albert Wiley. The money was paid, in order to prevent further dis-
closures. The Indians were so enraged at the fearful fraud which had been practiced upon
them that they tried to kill the interpreter, George Powers, for his share in the matter.
iThe Indian office in 1865 recommended that the unallotted lands should be sold in liquida-
tion of debts. Report of Indian Commissioner, 1865, p. 383,
§ Report of the Indian Commissioner, 1871.
IT The story of Mokohoko, sad as it is, gives a touch of romance to a history that would
otherwise be filled with the recital of shameful episodes only. By the regular succession of
Indian chiefs, Mokohoko ought to have succeeded Black Hawk; but a usurper, commonly
called "Old Keokuk," to distinguish him from his grandson, John Keokuk, of Indian literary
repute, contested his rights, and was sustained in his own pretensions by the main body of the
tribe. When the Sacs and Foxes of Mississippi were banished from Iowa, whither they had re-
treated after the Black Hawk war, Mokohoko refused to recognize the authority of Keokuk,
and instead of going to the reservation on the Marais des Cygnes, joined the Cheyennes. Later
on he became reconciled; but in the fall of 1866 took opposite sides with Keokuk against the
Indian agent, Maj. H. W. Martin. This brought up again the old question of precedence in
rank. The trouble called for a trial before a commission sent out from Washington. H. P.
Welsh, of Ottawa, Kan., was employed as attorney by the disaffected Indians, Keokuk sup-
ported Major Martin, and the court rendered a decision adverse to Mokohoko. When the time
came to approve the treaty of 1867-'68, Mokohoko positively refused to annex his signature, and
obstinately held out against removal. The main body of Sacs and Foxes went south, but
Mokohoko and his band hung around the old home like disconsolate spirits.— Paul Jenucss, in
J^ansns Home JVeii's, January 2, 1880. In November, 1875, when federal troops were sent to
compel removal, the Indians yielded to force and went, but returned immediately. Mokohoko
died in the summer of 1870. His followers were grief-stricken and lingered around Quenemo,
keeping a lonely vigil over the exiled chieftain's grave. After a time many of them wandered
down to the Indian Territory. Those who stayed in Osage county worked for the neighboring
farmers, but in 1886 the troops were again sent to escort them to their friends. They have
never since returned.
102 KANSAS STATE HISTORICAL SOCIETY.
POTTAWATOMIE. '
In 18G2 the United States made a treaty* with the three bands of Pgttawato-
mies that had settled in the eastern part of the first Kaw reserve. Thereupon
the blanket Indians, known as the Prairie band, severed their connection with
the other two bands, the Mission (or Christian) and the Woods, f and received
77,440 acres — eleven square miles — as their share of the tribal domain. The
other two bands, the "citizen Pottawatomies," were allotted land in severalty —
<)40 acres to each chief, 320 to each head man, 160 to each other head of a family,
and eighty acres to each other person. Two institutions were granted 320 acres
each. The residue was offered under the treaty to the Leavenworth, Pawnee &
Western Railroad Company, but no sale was successfully made. In 1867, by an-
other treaty,! a new home was provided for that portion of the citizen Pottawato-
mies, chiefly of the Mission band, that had not yet acquired a personal ownership,
while the land originally intended for their individual use was transferred to the
Atchison, Topeka & Santa Fe Railroad Company at the price of one dollar an
acre, the amount to be paid, not in gold, but in lawful money — that is, in green-
backs.
The disposal of the Pottawatomie lands contained a departure, new in several
respects, from that hitherto followed in releasing Kansas soil from the Indian
encumbrance. Under the treaty of 1862, certificates of allotment were issued,
with the restriction that they be non-transferable except to full-blooded Potta-
watomies. The treaty of 1868 provided that patents might be issued to the hold-
ers of the allotments and that the head of a family might receive the patent for
the lands of his family. For the first time in the history of Kansas, an Indian
was obliged to go before the courts and be citizenized, by a process similar to the
naturalization of an alien. Thereupon he received a patent free from all condi-
tions. A very important question arose, and one of vast practical interest, as to
whether the head of the family took an absolute title to the lands of his family
or only held them in trust. The supreme court of Kansas and the United States
circuit court § held thai, the title of the patentee was absolute. Another novel
provision was ' aat the Indians might resort to the state law to determine heir-
ship. Thus it would seem that the provision by which patents could be issued
was a contrivance of the Indian ring to put the land into the hands of a few per-
sons, so that it could be more easily disposed of. The probate courts were used
as parties to the scheme of plunder. The estates of living Indians absent in Mex-
ico were administered upon and sold.
During the civil war a good many of the Pottawatomies took refuge in Mex-
ico, and while they were absent their estates were administered upon as though
the owners were dead. Several cases ^1 bearing upon the subject were brought in
the United States circuit court for the district of Kansas and dismissed by the
plaintiff without prejudice. The condition of affairs was as follows:
"A memorial purporting to be signed by certain Pottawatomies concerning
their grievances was presented to Congress, and referred to the committee on
* 12 D. S. Statutes at Large, pp. 1191-1197.
jMrs. Sarah Baxter, daughter of the Pottawatomie missionary, Rev. Robert Simerwell,
says, in a memorandum presented to F. G. Adams, late secretary of the Kansas Historical So-
ciety, that the names of the three bands were, respectively, the Prairie, St. Joseph, and Wabash.
1 15 U. S. Statutes at Large, pp. 531-538.
§Veale v. Maynes, 23 Kan. 1-19.
'] United States v. Mkoiiua wakahwsot et al. ; United Statos v. Zebaqna ct nl. ; United States
V. Tabahsug e« ai.; United States v. Kahwsot e< a2.; and United States v. Mazhenahnummuk-
skuk et al.
EXTINCTION OF RESERVATION TITLES. 103
Indian affairs. Complaint was made that certain parties had obtained posses-
sion of the lands of those Pottawatomies through forged deeds, and had obtained
money from the United States by reporting the Indians dead and obtaining let-
ters of administration on their estates.
"In 1871 the business committee of the Pottawatomie tribe filed in the oflBce
of Indian affairs a certain list and certificate, in which it was represented that
patents ought to be issued in the name of the absentees, in order to prevent the
destruction of the timber on their estates.. Thereupon President Grant, acting
with the advice of the secretary of the interior, on the 15th of April, 1872, issued,
under the treaty of 1867, patents to the Pottawatomies reputed to be dead. One
of these patents was issued to Mokoquawa, a woman of the family of which Kahw-
sot was the head, who, being an adult female, was entitled to the beneficial pro-
visions contained in the third article of the treaty of 1861, as those provisions
had been extended by the supplemental article in the treaty of 1866. If she had
been really dead, the title would have accrued to the benefit of her heirs by vir-
tue of the provisions of the act of Congress of May 20, 1836; but as she was not
dead, it passed to and vested in her, not as mere donee of the government, but as
a purchaser, the United States retaining no beneficial interest in the estate, either
legal or equitable.
" Some years later it was rumored that the absent Pottawatomies were yet
alive; and Oliver H. P. Polk, a man of honorable character, as attested by pa-
pers on file in the Indian ofiice, went to Mexico, found the missing Indians liv-
ing with the Kickapoos, and bought their allotments in Kansas. The deeds
given him were certainly not forged, for the Mexican government superintended
the sale. On Polk's return to Kansas, he sold the Pottawatomie lands to Messrs.
Mulvane and Smith, who in turn sold them to actual settlers.
"After the purchase, the United States filed its bill in equity in the circuit
court for Kansas against both the Indians and the purchasers, asking that the
patent issued to the Indians be canceled and the title revested in the United
States. To this bill the defendants put in a general demurrer, on the ground
that the facts stated in the bill did not entitle the cjmplainant to the relief
prayed for. The bill in equity did not pretend to deny tae ho}ia fides of the
parties concerned, but proceeded on the theory that the patents were void for
purely technical reasons. While the suit was pending, Congress passed an act
confirming the conveyance from the absent Pottawatomies, providing it had been
made in good faith and for a valuable consideration, whereupon the suit was
dismissed." *
The Prairie band of Pottawatomies did not emigrate with their kindred to the
Indian Territory. They still live upon a reserve which has been greatly dimin-
ished in acreage since the date of its first assignment. It is situated in Jackson
county, north of St. Marys, or about twelve miles north of the Kansas Pacific
railroad. Nearly all of the lands,! much to the disfatisfaction of the older
Indians, have been allotted; but there still remain 16,000 acres of surplus land,
constituting a tract which is likely to become a subject of contention in the near
future, and there seems to be a growing sentiment in the tribe favoring its sale. J
This compulsory allotment, if it might be called such, is in accord with the
spirit of the congressional enactment of 1890, whereby the Pottawatomies were
directed to select their tracts in severalty before the 1st of September, 1894.
Some of them declined to do bo.§
* Brief of Shannoa & Williams, solicitors for the defendants.
t The Commomcalth, April U, 18*5.
t Reports of Indian Commissioner, 1874; p. 38, 1877; report of the Indian agent, Ho. Docs.
1897-'9«, pp. 13, 151.
gTopeka Daily Capital, September 20, 1894.
104 KANSAS STATE HISTORICAL SOCIETY.
OTTAWA.
In the opening years of the civil war the Ottawa reserve, lying almost in the
center of Franklin county, was besieged by prospective settlers, and once again
the enterprise of white men sounded the knell of Indian progress. The Ottawas
were at first indignant at the influx of the foreign population and then resorted
to a novel expedient to obtain relief. The experience of their race, if not their
own shrewdness, had taught them two things: First, that, as against the greed of
the land-shark, the tribal occupancy of the Indians is little more than a tenancy
at will; secondly, that the individual holding is not a guaranty of security, suf-
ficient to warrant its adoption, unless it is accompanied by citizenship, because,
when separated from the rights conferred by citizenship, it is the shadow without
the substance. Here was a dilemma. Allotment, from its temporary nature,
was not worth the effort necessary to secure it as an alternative to removal, and
citizenship was, perhaps, more than the federal authorities would be willing to
concede. At this juncture two men appeared upon the scene who were destined
to illustrate, in its most glaring form, the miserable farce of government guard-
ianship over an alien race, Although Wm. P. Dole was the person regularly
commissioned to arrange matters with the Ottawas, Isaac S. Kalloch, superin-
tendent of the Leavenworth, Lawrence & Galveston Railroad Company, and C.
C. Hutchinson,* from interested motives, it is believed, "engineered the treaty
of 1862, "t a treaty which marks an epoch in Ottawa history, because its provi-
sions, dealing for the most part with citizenship and the disposition of land,
caused no end of trouble to the reservees.
The first article of the treaty of 1862 indicated the means by which the Otta-
was hoped to protect themselves from future intrusions. It stipulated that,
within five years from the date of ratification, all individuals of the united
bands of Blanchard's Fork and Roche de Boeuf should be admitted to full and
free citizenship in state and nation. This was a provision wider in its scope, be-
cause more immediate in its operation, than that in the Pottawatomie treaty
concluded a few months before. Its constitutionality may well be questioned,
inasmuch as citizenship is coincident with naturalization, and naturalization
ie admittedly an exercise, not of the treaty-making, but of the law-making
power. This was not a serious objection, however, and in the particular case
under consideration does not seem to have been raised at all. Indian treaty-
making, at best, was a questionable prerogative, and can be defended only on
the supposition that the end always justifies the means.
The article on citizenship was introductory to the articles that followed. It
was the fundamental one — the one without which they amounted to little, but
from which the Ottawa beneficiaries confidently trusted a great deal would come.
The 72,000 acre reserve, after being surveyed, platted into eighty-acre tracts, and
diminished by a grant of five sections which was to be distributed in full council
among chiefs, councilmen, and head men, was to be subject to allotment in
severalty under the issue of patents in fee simple. The allotments were of two
sizes — quarter-sections for heads of families and half quarter-sections for every
other individual in the tribe, presumably males and females, competents and in-
competents, minors and adults, share and share alike.
The provision in the treaty which caused the Ottawa controversy of later
*C. C. Hutchinson was United States agent for the Ottawas at the time, and thns was in
a position to carry the treaty through. The real purpose of Hutchinson and Kalloch was to
obtain a town site at the Oiiio City crossing of the Little Osage river, where Ottawa now stands,
and to speculate with both the town lots and the Indian lands.
tl2 U. S. Statutes at Large, pp. 1237-1243.
EXTINCTION OF RESERVATION TITLES. 105
years was that which stipulated for the endowment of a school with 20,000 acres,
plus an additional section, which was to be inalienable, and which was to consti-
tute a site for the erection of buildings. The 20,000 acre endowment was itself
not inalienable; but a board of trustees, created for purposes of supervision,
was somewhat limited in its power to sell any part of it. The proceeds from
sales were to be invested so as to constitute a principal that could never be di-
minished. The interest only was to be available for current expenses.
The intention of the Indians, and the understanding of all who were in any
way concerned with the negotiation of the Ottawa treaty of 18G2, was that the
school so endowed should be devoted exclusively to the education of Ottawa
youth. If white children partook of its benefits, it was to be supposed that the
Baptists, since that denomination controlled the religious affairs of the tribe,
would contribute an equal amount, so as to double the endowment. The treaty
did not so specify; but aa Kalloch, with the help of the American Baptist Home
Missionary Society, proceeded forthwith to raise between $30,000 and $iO, 000, os-
tensibly for the erection of buildings, it would seem that he at least, one of the
leading spirits of the whole concern, was fully cognizant of the tacit agreement.
As soon as Kalloch returned from New York, whither he had gone to solicit aid
from the Baptist Home Missionary Society at its headquarters, he undertook the
management of the school fund, and with the ready assistance of C. C. Hutch-
inson, the special United States agent to superintend the division of the Ottawa
land, started to erect the main building.
It would be too long a story to describe how the Ottawa Indian school fund*
was diverted from its purposes. Kalloch was a long time in erecting his build-
ing; and, in 1870, the Ottawas emigrated, under the omnibus treaty, to the In-
dian Territory. That of itself would not have prevented their participation in the
benefits of their own endowment, because article 6 of the treaty of 1862 ex-
pressly declared that, no matter where they might wander, their rights in the
school should follow them and should never pass away. It is generally believed
that the conditions of the school were changed when the Rev. Robert Atkinson
assumed control in place of Kalloch, who had been forced to resign by the Bap-
tist Home Missionary Society. Atkinson had probably no intention of depriving
the Ottawas of their vested rights; for immediately on his appointment he went
down to the Indian Territory and induced about twenty young girls to return
with him to the school. Besides, later on, we find him, on more than one occa-
sion, standing up for the Ottawa rights against the dishonesty and trickery of
Hutchinson.! The act of Congress of March 3, 1873,J provided for the winding-
up of the Indian connection with Ottawa University, and in the process many
prominent citizens of Kansas so manipulated things that the Indians received
practically nothing from all that was left of the original endowment.
*The Kansas State Historical Society has two pamphlets relating to this suit, "The argu-
ment of Henry Beard, attornej' of the university, before Jacob D. Cox, secretary of the interior,
August 2, 1870," and "Reply of tha Ottawa University, presented to the United States senate
April 20, 1871," by Henry Beard.
tWhen the time came to settle the Ottawa accounts, C. C. Hutchinson was $42,000 behind,
and three men (Enoch Hoag, the Quaker. superintendent of Indian affairs, A. N. Blackledge, a
Lawrence lawyer, and Kalloch) devised a scheme to release him from all responsibility. They
went down to the Indian Territory and called an Ottawa council meeting for May 14, 1870. At
that meeting they distributed the regular annuities and then opened up the subject of the
Hutchinson shortage. The Indians did n't comprehend just what was wanted of them, and Hoag
made them believe, if they released Hutchinson, that they would win in the Ottawa University
case and receive the $42,000 from the United States government. He was careful not to refresh
their memories with the fact that only a short time before the Interior Department had rejected
a receipt which Hutchinson had managed to inveigle from the all too credulous Indians.
^17 U. S. Statutes at Large; pp. 623-625.
106 KANSAS STATE HISTORICAL SOCIETY.
A controversy of less importance, but none the less interesting, because it il-
lustrates the unreliability of government agents, grew out of the fifth article of
the treaty of 1862, which conditionally nationalized the outstanding debts of the
Ottawas to an amount not exceeding $15,000. The condition imposed was that
the claim." should be acknowledged by the Indians and confirmed by the secre-
tary of the interior before any obligations to pay should be laid upon the govern-
ment. The Cusick claim was the one that raised the difficulty. Doctor Cusick
kept a store at Peoria City, and had an account against the Indians for something
between $13,000 and $14,000. Doctor Cusick died before the Indians had, under
the treaty, recognized the indebtedness, and his son and heir became adminis-
trator of the estate.
Thinking that the federal government was responsible for the Indian debt,
young Cusick employed attorney L. B. Wheat, of Leavenworth, to secure a judg-
ment for damages. The court decided that the obligation to pay had not yet
rested upon the United States, and could not so rest until the Indian sanction
had been given. Cusick then applied to Col. John Deford, of Ottawa, to secure
the sanction, but that gentleman declined to act in the matter. Col. C. B.
Mason likewise refused, and referred Cusick to Doctor Glover as the person most
influential with the Indians and the one most familiar with their affairs. Doctor
Glover undertook the task and straightway proceeded to the Indian Territory,
where he secured the Ottawa acknowledgment of the debt. It was made out in
writing, and forwarded to Enoch Hoag, and thence to the commissioner, at Wash-
ington. Hoag received an immediate instalment from the secretary of the in-
terior, but failed to pay it to Cusick. On the contrary, he placed it to his own
credit in the bank, and for the space of three years repeatedly denied, in corre-
spondence with Doctor Glover, that he had ever received anything from the
government. In 187-1 Doctor Glover requested Stephen A. Cobb,* representative
in Congress, to make inquiries respecting the Cusick claim at the office of the
Department of the Interior. Cobb did so, and found to his surprise and that of
Doctor Glover that the account had long since been canceled and the claim
satisfied.
CHEROKEE.
During the war of the rebellion some of the Cherokees joined with other
southern Indians in furthering the cause of the confederacy, and, as a conse-
quence, the federal government, in 1866, justified its demand for a cession, urging
as an excuse that all treaties had been abrogated by the war and that the prop-
erty of the conquered was open to confiscation. f The Indians yielded the point
and consented to surrender, not only Oklahoma, which was to be a place of ref-
uge for the Indian freedmen of color, but also the whole of their Kansas land.
Under the terms of the treaty of 186G, Secretary Harlan made a contract with
a Connecticut corporation — the American Emigrant Company — by which the
whole of the neutral lands was to be disposed of for a very nominal sum. His
successor, O. H. Browning, declared the contract void, because the purchase-
money had not been paid down, and then, with strange inconsistency, negotiated
one with James F. Joy, president of the Kansas City, Fort Scott & Gulf Railway
♦.Stephen Alonzo Cobb was born at Madison, Somerset county, Maine, June 17, 1833. He
graduated in Providence, R. I., in 1858, and read law in Beloit, Wis. In 1859 he moved to Kan-
sas, settling at Wyandotte. In 1862 he was elected mayor, which place he resigned to enter the
army. He rose to the rank of lieutenant-colonel. In 1868 iie was again elected mayor of Wyan-
dotte. He was a member of the senate in 1869 and 1870, and speaker of the house of representa-
tives in 1872. In the fall of 1872 he was elected to Congress. He was defeated for a second term.
He died August 25, 1878.— Ed.
+ Revised Indian Treaties, p. 85; 14 U. S. Statutes at Large, pp. 799-809.
EXTINCTION OF RESERVATION TITLES. 107
Company, that was open to the same objection. A supplement to the Cherokee
treaty of 1SG6* tried to prevent litigation and to harmonize conflicting interests
by arranging that the Aaaerican Emigrant Company should transfer its contract
to Joy, and the latter should assume all the obligations of the former. Eugene
F. Ware says this treaty was ratified while only three senators were present, and
that it was a gross infringement upon the preemption rights of the settlers,
inasmuch as it related back to the Harlan sale and cut off all intermediate occu-
pants of the land. The Cherokee strip was not sold until after the passage of
the act of May 11, 1872, t which authorized its sale and determined the price. All
land east of the Arkansas river was to be sold for two dollars an acre, and all land
west for one dollar and fifty cents.
OSAGE.
The Osages and Cherokees were apparently pretty well out of the reach of the
very early settlers in Kaneas. In 1867 the Osages consented to a division J of
their reservation, and four distinct tracts were laid off. The ceded lands, being
those that passed directly to the federal government for §300,000, comprised a
strip thirty by fifty miles in extent, lying immediately west of the Cherokee neu-
tral lands. The trust lands extended along the northern part of the reservation
throughout its entire length. The deeded lands were sections that had been
usurped by settlers, and were offered in 160 acre tracts to the equatters at a
minimum price of a dollar and a quarter an acre. The diminished reserve com-
prehended all that was left.
In 1868 another attempt was made to secure land from the Osages. The re-
sult was the notorious Sturgis treaty, which emphasized the settlers' grievance
that Indian land, instead of becoming public domain, passed to corporations.
Constitutionally this was an invasion of the powers of Congress, because it antici-
pated and blocked the power of the legislatuve branch over the territory of the
United States. Colonel Taylor, the commissioner sent out from Washington,
allowed Wm. Sturgis, president of the Leavenworth, Lawrence & Galveston
railroad, to be the controlling spirit inducing the Osages to sell their entire di-
minished reservation, estimated to contain upwards of eight million acres, to the
company which he represented, at an average price of twenty cents an acre.
Col. Geo. H. Hoyt,§ the attorney-general of Kansas, was hurried off to Washing-
t)n by the incensed state officials to defeat the treaty, and Congressman Sidney
Clarke exposed it in the house so forcibly that the senate was obliged to reject it.
This was the last attempt in Kansas to convey Indian land by treaty, and, in a
great measure was the cause of the abandonment of the treaty- making policy
in 1871.]!
The Osage ceded lands were a source of much contention. In March, 1863,**
Congress passed an act granting land to the state of Kansas to aid in the con-
* J. B. Grinnell's Men and Events of Forty Years, pp. 378-383.
tl7 U. S. Statutes at Large, pp. 98, 99.
t Revised Indian Treaties, p. 584; 14 U. S. Statutes at Large, pp. 687-693.
§ George H. Hoyt v^as born at Athol, Mass., in November, 1837. He died February 2, 1877,
aged thirty-nine years. He studied law in Boston, and came to Kansas in territorial days. He
enlisted as second lieutenant of John Brown's company K of the Seventh Kansas, and was
made captain, but resigned on account of ill health. He became lieutenant-colonel of the Fif-
teenth Kansas. In 1866 he was nominated and elected attorney-general, and in 1867 he was ed-
itor of the Leavenworth Conservative. In 1868 he was a mail agent, and in 1869 resigned. He
returned to Athol in 1871. In 1859, at the age of twenty -two, he was one of the counsel for John
Brown, at Harper's Ferry.— Ed.
*; Act of March 3, 1871, U. S. Statutes at Large, p. 3G6.
**12 U. S. Statutes at Large, pp. 772-774.
108 KANSAS STATE HISTORICAL SOCIETY.
struction of certain railroads, and among them was the Leavenworth, Lawrence
& Galveston. In July, 18G6,* an act of similar tenor was passed, making the
Missouri, Kansas & Texas railroad the beneficiary. When the Osage treaty of
1867 came to the senate, it was amended so as to recognize the force of those
acts, and in virtue of that senate amendment the two railroads, in passing through
the Osage lands, claimed alternate sections for ten miles on each side of their re-
spective tracks. The odd-numbered sections were accordingly certified to them.
This precipitated a political controversy of great magnitude. The secretary of
the interior, O. H. Browning, supported the corporations, and his opinion was
sustained by the attorney-general of the United States. The settlers called im-
mense mass meetings, organized resistance societies, and pledged themselves to
appeal to the courts and to support no candidate for any political office what-
ever who was not an adherent of their cause. They contended that the acts of
1863 and 1866 covered grants in prcnsenti, and could not be applied to lands that,
at the time of their passage, were reserved under treaty guaranties to Indian
tribes. After many disappointing failures, Sidney Clarke succeeded in getting a
joint resolution passed through Congress in April, 1869, which seemed to promise
success to the settlers' cause, but both Browning and his successor, Cox, were
determined to recognize the validity of the railroad claim.
In 1871 the case was thoroughly argued before the Department of the Interior.
Judge William Lawrence appeared as counsel for the settlers, and B. R. Curtis
for the railroads. Atty.-gen. W. H. Smith was appealed to, but in the end Sec-
retary Delano decided for the corporations. Then a suit was commenced, October,
1S70, in the district court for Labette county — James M. Richardson v. M. K. & T.
Railroad. Maj. H. C. Whitney, of Humboldt, acted as attorney for the settlers,
but, on being accused of mismanaging the case, handed it over, February, 1871,
to Messrs. H. C. McComas and J. E. McKeighan, of Fort Scott,
The first suit in the local court was dismissed on a technicality. Others were
instituted, but withdrawn because the settlers had decided to seek a hearing in
federal courts. The impression prevailed, however, that the United States had
no jurisdiction in the matter; so the Kansas legislature memorialized Congress,
in order that a bill might be passed authorizing action. On December 17, 1873,
Senator Crozier acted upon the memorial bj' introducing into the senate a bill em-
powering the attorney- general to bring suit in the United States circuit court
against the two railroads"}"; but, without waiting for any such authority, George
R. Peck commenced action. The settlers employed Governor Shannon, Judge
Lawrence and the Hon. J. Black as additional counsel. Judgment was rendered
in October, 1874, J and the railroad patents were ordered to be canceled. An ap-
peal was made on a certificate of error to the United States supreme court, but
the decree of the lower court was in every point affirmed.
The Osage ceded lands were then in a fair way to become the property of
actual settlers, and as the joint resolution of April 10, 1869, § had expired by limi-
tation. Governor Shannon outlined a bill which should enable the settlers to ob-
tain a title. The bill was pushed through the house by John R. Goodin,][ and
* 14 U. S. Statutes at Large, pp. 289-291.
t Congressional Record, pp. 41-43; vol. 2, pt. I, pp. 254-257.
t92U. S. 733.
§16 U. S. Statutes at Large, pp. 55, 56.
^ John R. Qoodin was born at Tiffin, Seneca county, Ohio, December 14, 1836. The father,
John (jdodin, was county treasurer for several terms, state senator in Ohio, and agent for the
Wyandot Indians at Upper Sandusky. John R. Goodiu was admitted to the bar in 1857. In 1858
he was married tu Miss Naomi Monroe. In 1859 they settled in Humboldt, Kan, He lost every-
EXTINCTION OF RESERVATION TITLES. 109
finally became a law August 11, 1876.* The Osage diminished reserve was dis-
posed of under act of Congress, 1870, f and, in the same year, the Indians con-
sented to remove to the Indian Territory. J
The Osage reserve seems to present the first instance of the disposal of Indian
land by act of Congress. The Indian title had invariably been extinguished
and the lands secured by white men without any regard having been paid to the
school sections. In his inaugural message of January 14, 1863, Gov. Thomas
Carney called attention to this fact; and the first move in the right direction
was taken by the joint resolution of April 10, 1869, which stipulated that the
sixteenth and thirty-sixth sections in every township of the Osage ceded lands
should be reserved to the state for school purposes, according to the provision of
the act of admission. Several years afterwards ex-Gov. Samuel J. Crawford
managed to obtain as indemnity from the federal government "an amount of
public land equal to all the sixteenth and thirty-sixth sections in the Indian res-
ervations, plus five per cent, in cash for all the Indian land sold for cash." §
A general survey of the Indian cessions subsequent to 1854 shows : First, that
the cessions corresponded fairly well to the " great wavesof immigration," and that
they were nearly always made in groups— 1854, 1860, 1863, and 1867; secondly,
that, in practice, there have been several ways of extinguishing the reservation
title — by direct cession in fee to the general government for a consideration, by
cession in trust, by direct sales to individuals or to corporations, by conditional
grants in severalty, by patents without restrictions, and by the preemption of
lands already occupied by settlers. All have, however, resulted in removal, and
the departure of the Osages was a very fitting close to the story of Indian colo-
nization west of the Missouri river. Remnants of three tribes— Pottawatomies,
Chippewas, and Kickapoos— still remain in Kansas; but their identity is almost
obliterated. Never, never again will the Ishmaelites of the desert know the wild,
free life of the Kansas prairie. The broad plains east of the Rockies are closed
to them forever.
thing he had in the raid on Humboldt. In 1866 he was elected to the Kansas legislature. In
1867 he was elected judge of the district court, and reelected in 1871, which position he filled
until February, 1875, when he resigned to take a seat in Congress. He was a Democrat in an
overwhelming Republican district, and could not secure a second term in 1876. He died Decem-
ber 18, 1885.
*19 U. S. Statutes at Large, p. 127.
tl6 U. S. Statutes at Large, p. 362.
i Topeka Record, September 17, 1870.
§ Kansas State Historical Collections, vol. 5, pp. 09-71,
110 KANSAS STATE EISTORIOAL SOCIETY.
BLACK KETTLE'S LAST RAID — 1803.
An address by Hill P. Wilson,* of Hays City, before the Kansas State Historical Society,
at its twenty-seventh annual meeting, December 2, 1902.
THE conquest of the frontier, that began with the settlements upon the
shores of the Atlantic and the Pacific, was completed by the construction
of the Pacific railroads. They spanned the wastes that lay between the eastern
and western civilizations and abolished the border.
The remnants of the aborigines, who had vainly contested the occupation of
their country, vaguely realizing the peril of their situation, engaged in a final
attempt to resist the invader. Pathetic, because of its hopelessness and insig-
nificance, would, perhaps describe this effort. There was some leadership, and
individual exhibitions of courage and skill that placed in history the names of
Geronimo and Red Cloud, Chief Joseph, Roman Nose, and Sitting Bull, along
with those of the most illustrious of their race. These chiefs gave battle in a
hundred places in the Southwest, and they made memorable the Lava Beds,
Fort Phil. Kearny, Arickaree Fork, the Washita, the Rose Bud, the Little Big
Horn, and Wounded Knee. As to the leaders on our side, Crook and Miles won
their stars; Canby and Custer won fame and — monuments.
The writer was the post trader at Fort Hays at the commencement of this
X)eriod of war. The post, in its isolation, was like an island in the sea. The un-
inhabited wastes stretched away to the south hundreds of miles and to the north-
ward to the pole. The summer winds from these quarters came not then, as
now, laden with the odors of alfalfa blooms and the fragrance of newly mown
hay; they blew not among the branches and foliage of fruit and ornamental
* Hill Peebles Wilson was born at Williamsburg, Blair county, Pennsylvania, Septem-
ber 20, 1840. He was educated in the common schools there and at the Williamsburg Academy,
and at the Chestnut Level Academy, in Lancaster county. His paternal ancestors were English
and Scotch, and on his mother's side Irish and Dutch. His great-grandfather, Jacob Bower, was a
captain in the " flying squadron," Pennsylvania cavalry, in the war of the revolution. Mr. Wilson
commenced his career at eleven years of age as a farm hand, and at sixteen began teaching school.
During the war he served as first sergeant of company B, One Hundred and Twenty-fifth regi-
ment, Pennsylvania volunteer infantry, which was mustered into the service for nine montlis,
August 11, 1862, and assigned to the army of the Potomac. Its service included the second bat-
tle of Bull Run, August 28 and 29; South Mountain, September 14; Antietam, September 17;
Fredericksburg, December 11, 12, and 13, 1862; and Chancellorsville, May 1, 2, and 3, 1863. The
regiment won distinction and a monument at Antietam, sixteen days after it had been mustered
iu. The site of the latter, assigned to it by the United States Antietam Battle-field Board, Brig.-
gen. A. E. Carmen, chairman, is located 100 yards west and north of the Dunker church. It
marks the most advanced position into the rebel lines gained by any regiment iu that battle.
The design of the monument is a soldier with the colors, facing south. It is intended to repre-
sent Sergeant Simpson, of company C, the first of four color-bearers killed in the battle. In
April, 1864, Mr. Wilson went to Nashville in the employ of the quartermaster's department,
under Lieut. S. H. Stevens, Chicago board of trade battery, A. A. Q. M., in charge of depot and
river transportation. The employees were organized into a regiment for the defense of the city,
and Wilson was appointed captain of company I. Later he was assigned to the United States
steamboat Echo, as clerk, and " ran the river," the Ohio, the Cumberland, and the Tennessee,
until June, 1865. The guerrillas that infested the banks of these streams Ajade the service iiiter-
esting. In January, 1865, at Breckenridge Landing, Ky., this boat was captured by them, but
saved from destruction largely through Wilson's diplomacy. In .June, 1865, he resigned his posi-
tion with Stevens to accept tliat of general agent for Col. S. R. Hamill, assistant quartermaster
United States army at Nashville, in ciiarge of United States military roads, military division of
the Mississippi. Hamill was a Williamsburg man, and was serving on the staff of Maj.-gen.
Qeo. H. Thomas. In August, 1867, he resigned his position with Hamill and came to Fort Har-
BLACK kettle's LAST RAID. Ill
trees, nor over fields of ripening corn. The sod was unbroken west of Ellsworth
county.
Denver, 350 miles distant, was the nearest Western settlement, and less than
100 miles of the distance could be covered by rail. We stood in awe of this
silent, trackless country, void of any animated thing in sympathy with us or our
civilization. Toward the north 100 miles the desolation was broken by a band
of men laying the rails of the Union Pacific railway. Toward the south 100
miles away the old Santa Fe trail stretched its sinuous line among the sand-
hills of the Arkansas.
It was from the depths of these southern solitudes that Black Kettle came
with his band to strike a blow against his enemies, the white settlers upon the
border. The teepees that sheltered the dusky families of these warriors stood in
the grassy bends of the Washita, 300 miles away, and they counted them safe
against any reprisals the white man might undertake to make. The fashion
then prevailed among the Indians, when in the vicinity of a military post, to
"come in" and hold a "powwow" and, incidentally, work the commanding offi-
cer for provisions, and trade any skins or furs they had to the post trader for
luxuries.
On one occasion of this kind, the Otoe chief American Horse offered the
writer his daughter, the Princess American Horse, in marriage. I mention this
incident not in a boastful spirit, but as a historical fact. It would give me pleas-
ure to write that my personality had so impressed the stalwart aborigine that the
offer came clear as the morning, and upon a silver platter; but to be historically
accurate, there was a string to the proposition — a stipulation that I should give
him ten sacks of flour and ten sides of bacon. However, it should be borne in
mind that eligible young men were at a premium in that country then, and flour
and bacon came high.
There were no squaws in Black Kettle's band, which numbered about forty
braves; as miserable a lot of dirty, half-clad, sullen savages as can be imagined.
ker, Kan. (now Kanopolis), in the employ of Capt. Geo. W. Bradley, assistant quartermaster
United States army. Later Bradley was relieved by Bvt. Maj. Henry Inman, captain and as-
sistant quartermaster United States army. Supplies being urgently needed by the garrisons at
Forts Hays and Wallace, and by the troops guarding the stations of the Overland Stage Com-
pany, Inmau decided to send the stores by rail, along with the ties and rails, to "thff end of the
track" of the Union Pacific Railway, E. D., then building into Ellis county, and transfer
them there, on the prairie, to wagon-trains for final destination. Wilson was assigned to take
charge of this work, and reported with a cook and three "A" tents, at the cut west of Victoiia,
that being the end of the track. The troops guarding the track-Jayers were a company of the
Third infantry, under Lieut. J. H. Hale, and company I, of the Tenth cavalry, under Capt. Geo.
W. Graham, and Wilson pitched his tents with them. After the arrival of the track at Hays
City, October 10, 1867, upon the request of Lieut. Wm. I. Reed, Fifth United States infantry, A.
A. Q. M., Wilson was transferred from the quartermaster department at Fort Harker to Fort
Hays. In 1868 he was appointed post trader at Fort Hays, by General Sheridan, who at that
time had his headquarters there, directing the campaign against hostile Indians. He was re-
appointed post trader under the "Belknap dynasty," in 1870. He was elected county commis-
sioner of Ellis county in 1872, and as chairman of the board built the first court-house erected
in that county ; elected county treasurer in 1877; appointed postmaster at Hays City in li78;
established the Bank of Hays City in 1879, of which he was president until 1890; elected sena-
tor for the fortieth senatorial district in 1888; appointed receiver of the United States land-
office at Wa Keeney in 1891 ; appointed assistant secretary of state in 1899, which position he now
occupies. He made the first homestead entry in Ellis county, in 1870, while Geo. W'. Martin was
register of the land-office at Junction City, and.in 1873 sowed the first wheat in that county. In
1901 Mr. Wilson compiled and edited a publication entitled "Eminent Men of Kansas" — a
quarto of 650 pages; the Kansas historical article and the sketch of Gov. Charles Robinson,
written by him, with which the book opens, being particularly strong. Mr. Wilson was married
January 20, 1880, to Mary Victoria Montgomery, daughter of W. P. Montgomery, Esq. They
have three children, Esther Mary, Hill Peebles, jr., and Eleanor Jane. The two latter are
students in the Kansas University,
112 KANSAS STATE HISTORICAL SOCIETY.
They came into the post and claimed to be good Indians. All Indians were
good when they wanted to be so, but the opinion prevailed on the border that the
only really good Indians were the dead ones.
The traditional powwow was held, as a matter of course, and on this occasion
the function was eminently successful.
The big chief, with about a dozen or more of his principal warriors trailing be.
hind him, strode into the post headquarters' room, and with commanding ges-
tures formed them in a circle, seated on the floor, their legs crossed in front, and
then, with great unction, they proceeded with the ceremonial of "smoking the
pipe of peace." The farce was executed by their passing around the circle to the
right a lighted pipe with a long stem. Beginning with Black Kettle, each In-
dian, as his turn came, took a few short whiffa at it, and then a full, deep, long
draft; then taking the pipe from his mouth he blew the smoke, with great effect,
far away and high into the air. After each had thus smoked, and all had grunted,
Black Kettle arose, with great dignity, and facing the commanding oflBcer, Maj.
John E. Yard, Tenth United States cavalry, made a speech.
He was a grand specimen of physical manhood, as all the chiefs of blanket In-
dians were. Among them the fittest ruled, and the fittest were the strongest.
The speech was "reported" by Lieut. H. Walworth Smith, Seventh United
States cavalry — "Salty" Smith. The officers called him "Salty" because he
had been a sailor, and to distinguish him from Lieut. Algernon E. Smith, Seventh
cavalry. ("Salty" afterward deserted from the regiment, and Algernon was
killed with Custer at the Little Big Horn.)
Black Kettle said, in part: "Black Kettle loves his white soldier brothers,
and his heart feels glad when he meets them and shakes their hands in friend-
ship. The white soldiers ought to be glad all the time, because their ponies are
so big and so strong, and because they have so many guns and so much to eat.
We would like to be white soldiers, but we cannot, for we are Indians; but we
can all be brothers. It is a long way that we have come to see you, hunting the
buffalo. Six moons have come and gone and there has been no rain; the wind
blows hot from the South all day and all night ; the ground is hot and cracked
open; the grass is burned up; the buffalo-wallows are all dry; the streams are
dry; and game is scarce. Black Kettle is poor, and his band is hungry. He
asks the white soldiers for food for his braves and their squaws and pappooses.
"The Sioux have gone on the war-path, but Black Kettle will not follow their
trail. All other Indians may take the war-trail, but Black Kettle will forever
keep friendship with his white brothers."
The braves all ratified these sentiments with affirmative node and grunts, and
we all shook hands with Black Kettle, and congratulated him on his speech,
which made him look very proud and very happy. The success of the function
was made complete by the major, who directed the commanding officer, Lieut.
David Q. Rousseau, Fifth United States infantry, to issue to them ten sides of
bacon and ten sacks of flour, with a liberal allowance, of beans, coffee, salt, etc.
They were as delighted as stoics ever can be, and that night, August 7, 1868,
they had a royal gorge. In the morning they were gone. Three days later their
hands were red with the blood of their "white brothers."
On leaving Fort Haye the Indians moved eastward, and camped that night on
the Saline river, north of where Russell now stands. The second night out they
camped on the Saline, near the mouth of Spillman creek, in Lincoln county, and
on the next day began their murderous work. They ran off the stock, burned
the cabins, and killed or carried away every settler they found upon Spillman
creek. Then, crossing the divide, they entered the Solomon valley, and camped
near the Great Spirit spring, Waconda. From thence they moved eastward, and
BLACK KETTLES LAST RAID. 113
upon reaching the settlements continued their work of murder and devastation.
Fifteen persons were killed in this raid and five women made captives. Then,
crossing the divide into the Republican valley, they went westward with their
prisoners and plunder.
Immediately the military establishment became active in an eflfort to protect
the frontier from further incursions. Troops were dispatched from Fort Harker,
the present site of Kanopolis, then the headquarters of the military district of the
upper Arkansas, to patrol the border. The state of Kansas was called upon for
a regiment of cavalry, and the Nineteenth Kansas was organized and equipped in
response thereto; the governor of the state, Samuel J. Crawford, resigning his
oflBce to take command of it.
In addition to these troops, on August 24 Maj. George A. Forsythe, brevet
colonel United States army, was directed by General Sheridan, at Fort Harker,
to "employ fifty first-class frontiersmen for six months," to be used as scouts
against the hostile Indians. Lieut. F. H. Beecher, Third United States infantry,
was assigned to duty with Forsythe as subordinate officer. Within two days
thirty men were enrolled: on the 26th they moved by rail to Fort Hays, where
the remainder were enlisted, and on the 29th the cpmmand was mustered into
the United States service, and reported to General Sheridan for duty armed,
mounted, and equipped for the field. Dr. J. H. Moores, of Hays City, was as-
signed to duty with the scouts as acting assistant surgeon.
Under orders from General Sheridan, who had now established the head-
quarters of the department of the Missouri at Fort Hays, Forsythe marched his
troops in a northwesterly direction, crossing the Saline and south fork of the
Solomon to the Beaver, and from there proceeded to Fort Wallace, where he
arrived September 5,
Refitting his command here, Forsythe moved eastward thirteen miles to Sheri-
dan, then the end of the track of the Kansas division of the Union Pacific rail-
way, where a band of Indians had attacked some freighters, killed two of them,
and burned their outfits. Taking the trail of these Indians, Forsythe followed
it westward to the Arickaree fork of the Republican river. Although no In-
dians had yet been sighted, the trail had widened into a broad, well-beaten road,
and gave ample notice that the scouts were pressing close upon a very large body
of them. So m.uch was Forsythe impressed that he deemed it prudent to go
into camp and rest and graze his horses, in anticipation of the impending strug-
gle. They were not kept long in suspense. At daylight next morning, Septem-
ber 17, the Indians began the attack by attempting to stampede the herd, which
was frustrated. Realizing now the peril of his situation, Forsythe quickly moved
his men onto a small island in the dry bed of the river, which afforded the ad-
vantages of some shelter and water. The prompt execution of this movement
alone saved the command from utter annihilation.
The Indians came in swarms over the adjacent bluffs and from the ravine,
and within a few minutes a thousand painted warriors had completely encom-
passed the island. They were under the command of Roman Nose, a Cheyenne
chief, who directed the maneuvers with great skill and courage. For several
hours they directed a continual fire upon the scouts, which only slackened to
enable some adventurous band to attempt to force the position by assault. The
Indians' fire was returned with great spirit and every assault repulsed with ter-
rible slaughter.
Maddened by the failure of his repeated efforts to destroy this trifling band of
white men, Roman Nose massed about 300 of his best warriors and, mounted,
personally led them in the most spectacular assault in the history of Indian war-
—9
114 KANSAS STATE HISTORICAL SOCIETY.
fare. The scouts, armed with the Spencer repeating carbine, held their fire until
the Indians were close upon them, when they poured volley after volley upon the
savage hordes with murderous effect. At the fifth volley Roman Nose was killed,
and fell from his horse. With the loss of the chief the assault failed ; the serious
fighting was then over; the scouts had won; the Indians, discouraged, with-
drew out of close rifle range.*
The fighting had been fast and furious since daylight. The Indians were
beaten, but the plight of the scouts was critical. Forsythe had received two se-
vere wounds — his right thigh had been shattered by a bullet and his left leg
broken below the knee. Beecher and Moores were both killed, and thirty of the
sc9uts had been killed and wounded. The latter, because of the death of the
surgeon, received no medical attention. All the horses were dead and the pro-
visions exhausted. They were ninety miles from Wallace, the nearest point from
which relief could come, and were surrounded by a thousand bloodthirsty sav-
ages. Two of the scouts volunteered to steal through the Indian lines in the
night and carry a message, on foot, to Fort Wallace. They succeeded, and the
remnant of the command was rescued on September 26 by the arrival of Capt.
Louis H. Carpenter, with a company of the Tenth United States cavalry.
The Indian forces now broke up into small bands and retired into the soli-
tudes of their winter camping-grounds.
In the meantime the War Department had decided to attempt a winter cam-
paign against the hostiles; to seek them out and surprise them in the security of
their winter quarters, and administer such punishment as would deter them
from committing further depredations upon the settlements.
So much importance attached to this movement that General Sheridan re-
mained in the field, with his headquarters at Fort Hays, and assumed personal
direction of the campaign.
In support of his operations, the Nineteenth Kansas regiment, cavalry, here-
tofore referred to, was equipped and ordered to report to him at a point to be
established in the Indian Territory (Camp Supply). At the same time an expe-
dition was organized at Fort Dodge under the command of Bvt. Brig.-gen.
Alfred Sully, lieutenant-colonel Third United States infantry. It was made up
of the Seventh United States cavalry, under Maj. Joel H. Elliott, a battalion of
the Third United States infantry, and the remainder of Forsythe's scouts, under
Lieut. Silas Pepoon, Tenth United States cavalry.
The expedition moved south during the latter part of September, but its
operations were not satisfactory to Sheridan. It was advancing into what was
then an unexplored region, occupied by hostile Indians, and Sully proceeded
cautiously — too much so to meet the views of his impetuous commander, who
thereupon applied to the honorable secretary of war to have Bvt. Maj. -gen.
George A. Custer, lieutenant-colonel Seventh United States cavalry, assigned to
duty with his regiment, so that he might ultimately be placed in command of
the expedition. This dashing cavalry leader was at the time serving out a sen-
tence, to wit, "loss of rank and pay for one year," imposed upon him by a
general court-martial, for absenting himself from his command without au-
thority.
It came about in this way : During the summer of 1867 Custer had led his regi-
ment against the Indians in northwestern Kansas. Starting from old Fort Hays,
at the mouth of the north fork of Big creek, he traversed the valleys on the
head waters of the Saline, the Solomon and the Republican rivers. Upon re-
*A thrilling account of this battle, written by General Forsythe, was published in Harper's
Monthly for June, 1895 ; also by Winfield Freeman, in the sixth volume Kansas Historical Collec-
tions, pages 349-357.
BLACK kettle's LAST RAID. 115
porting at Fort Wallace, he heard of the ravages of the cholera at Forts Hays,
Harker, and Riley. The general's wife was at the latter post, and, prompted by
solicitude for her welfare, he left the regiment under command of a subordinate
officer, and with an escort of 100 men, under Captain Hamilton, made a hazard-
ous march of 200 miles to Fort Harker, then the western terminus of the Union
Pacific railway. For this breach of military discipline he was tried, and sen-
tenced as aforesaid.
Acting upon the request of General Sheridan, the unexpired portion of Cus-
ter's sentence was remitted. After reporting to Sheridan at Fort Hays, Custer
joined his regiment with Sully's command, south of the Arkansas.
November 12, 1868, the column moved south into the Indian country; estab-
lished the post, Camp Supply, about 100 miles south of Fort Dodge, and began
the search for Indian villages. " Boots and saddles " was sounded on the morning
of the 23d, and the troopers set out in a blinding snow-storm that had begun on
the 22d. On the morning of the 27th, Major Elliott, in command of a battalion of
the regiment, struck the trail of a war party. As soon as the information reached
Custer the whole command was put in rapid pursuit, and continued with but one
short halt until one o'clock a. m. on the 28th, when the camp of the Indians was
discovered by one of tke Osage guides, whose quick ear heard the distant barking
of a dog. The column immediately halted, and, after the guide had located the
village, the officers, leaving their swords behind, to avoid the possibility of mak-
ing a noise, were taken forward to a position from which they could see the loca-
tion of the village and the adjacent ground. After withdrawing from this advanced
position the plan of attack was quickly decided upon. The troops were divided
into four detachments. Two of them were ordered to make a detour of several
miles and unite below the village; another was to attack from the right; while
Custer, with three companies was to lead the attack from the position the troops
then occupied. Upon arriving at their positions they were to await the dawn and
the signal for the attack to begin, which was to be given by the band playing
"Garry Owen."
Signaling the band to play, Custer at the head of his column, galloped down
through the village, his troopers firing right and left upon the startled savages
as they rushed from the teepees. No quarter was shown in this battle, and it
continued as long as there were any warriors left to fight. It proved to be Black
Kettle's camp, and he and all his warriors were killed, except a few who got
away between the forces of Benteen and Elliott below the village. Many squaws
and children, too, were kilted and wounded, being unavoidably struck by the in-
discriminate firing. It was a terrible slaughter; a terrible vengeance for Indian
atrocities.
The battle being ended. Black Kettle's herd, numbering 500 ponies, was
rounded up, and after the captured squaws had been allowed to select as many
animals as they required to carry them, their children, and their household ef-
fects, the remainder were killed, the teepees were taken down, and with the camp
equipment were placed in piles and burned, making the destruction of the vil-
lage complete.
At this time a new danger developed. Black Kettle's camp was only the first
of a series of Indian camps in the valley of the Washita. These Indians heard
the firing, and in due time as many as 1000 warriors in battle costume swarmed
upon the adjacent hill. They were prudent, however, and fell back wlien at-
tacked, but promptly reformed when the troops were withdrawn. In one of
these encounters Maj. Joel H. Elliott and fourteen enlisted men were killed.
The finding of their bodies and their interment were accomplished by a subse-
116 KANSAS STATE HISTORICAL SOCIETY.
quent expedition. Capt. Louis M. Hamilton was also killed, and Col. Albert
Barnitz shot through the lungs.
A train of thirty wagons, with the camp equipage, rations, and forage, was
coming up on the trail under an escort of eighty men, and there was great dan-
ger that it would be discovered and destroyed by the Indians that now menaced
Custer. To divert attention from that direction and to deceive the Indians,
Custer put his troops and prisoners in motion down the valley toward these In-
dian villages. The ruse was successful; the Indians galloped with all possible
haste to protect their homes; then, as soon as night began to fall, he faced about
and marched rapidly back on his trail to meet the train.
The command arrived at Camp Supply on December 2 without further inci-
dent. Reports of the battle and the victory had been sent by the scouts to
General Sheridan, who was there to meet and congratulate the officers and men
of the splendid Seventh cavalry. Custer made the most of the occasion by ar-
ranging a spectacular parade, passing in review before the general in the follow-
ing order :
First, the Osage guides and trailers in war costume, by turns chanting their
war-song, giving the war-whoop, and firing their guns.
Next came Forsythe's scouts, riding abreast.
Then the Indian prisoners, more than 100, made widows and orphans by the
battle, all mounted on ponies and fantastically dressed. After them the band of
the Seventh cavalry, playing "Garry Owen."
Then Colonel Cook, with the regimental sharpshooters.
Then the regiment, in column by platoons, followed by the wagon train, in
charge of Regimental Quartermaster-sergeant Geo. R. Craig, now president of
the Bank of Natoma. It was a triumphal march, typical of Custer, that day the
proudest soldier on the planet.
At this time Cueter was reenforced by the arrival at Camp Supply of the Nine-
teenth Kansas cavalry, under Colonel Crawford, and, with General Sheridan
along, set out on the 7th of December to complete the conquest of the re-
fractory tribes. To assist in communicating with the Indians, he took with him
three of the captive squaws, to wit: Mah-wis-sa, Black Kettle's sister; Mo-na-
se-tah, a daughter of Little Rock, who had been killed in the fight, and an elderly
Sioux squaw.
On the battle-field of Washita the mutilated bodies of Elliott and his men
were found and buried, except the body of Major Elliott, which was taken to
Fort Arbuckle. The Indians had collected their dead for burial rites, and in
cases where squaws and children had been killed, their bodies were placed be-
side those of their warrior husbands or fathers. The bodies of a white woman
and her child, about two years old, were also found in the adjacent abandoned
Cheyenne camp. The woman had been shot in the head and the child's head
crushed by striking it against a tree.
At Fort Cobb negotiations were had with the Kiowas, Arapahoes, and
Apaches, resulting in the return of these tribes to their reservation. The Chey-
ennes, however, kept beyond the reach of communication, and Custer, with the
Seventh cavalry and the Nineteenth Kansas, to the command of which Col.
H. L. Moore,* of Lawrence, had succeeded, set out March 2 to bring them to
terms. After many days' marching the Cheyenne camp was overtaken on the
Sweetwater.
Mak-na-wis-sa had made it known that two of the white women taken pris-
*Seo the address of Col. Horace L. Moore, "The Nineteenth Kansas Cavalry," sixth volume
Kansas Historical Collections, pages 35-52.
BLACK kettle's LAST RAID. 117
oners by Black Kettle in the Solomon valley, to wit, Mrs. Morgan and Miss
White, were with this band. It was therefore not prudent to attack them, lest
the Indians should kill the prisoners. Diplomatic relations were therefore estab-
lished with them, and negotiations begun for the release of the women and the
return of the band to their reservation. It soon became evident that the Indians
intended to avoid the issue and get away ; therefore, one day while holding a
consultation with them, Custer surrounded the party with a force of armed
cavalrymen, seized four of the principal men, and held them prisoners. One of
thpm was released later, and returned to the tribe with the message that the
other three. Fat Bear, Dull Knife, and Big Head, would not be released until
Custer's demands had been complied with. Still there was delay, the Indians
hoping to receive something valuable in exchange for the women. Custer then
made to the three chiefs his ultimatum, namely, that if the white women were
not delivered in safety at his camp by sundown next day all three would be
taken out and shot. This proved to be "good medicine," for at sundown next
day the two women, half starved and clothed in gowns made of empty flour sacks,
were brought into the camp.
The return march began next day. From Camp Supply the women were for-
warded via Fort Hays to Minneapolis, Kan. The troops proceeded to Fort Hays,
where the Nineteenth Kansas was mustered out of service, and the three Indian
chiefs held as prisoners were turned over to the commanding oflBcer at Fort
Hays. The squaws and children of Black Kettle's band had been sent to Fort
Hays and confined in a large stockade, built for their reception. The chiefs
were placed in the stockade with them, but later, fearing an attempt would be
made by the tribe to release them, it was decided to confine the chiefs in the
guard-house. When the detail appeared to take the Indians out of the stock-
ade, the latter supposed they were to be taken out to be tortured and killed,
whereupon they attacked the guard. Fat Bear driving a knife deep into the back
of Sergeant Hogan, Fifth infantry, sergeant of the guard, inflicting a dangerous
wound; whereupon there was a scrimmage; the guard fired; Big Head and a
squaw were killed ; Fat Bear was run through the body with a bayonet and died
three days later ; Dull Knife was wounded, but recovered.
Later in the summer, the Cheyennes having returned to their reservation and
promised to be good, Dull Knife and the remainder of the Indian prisoners were
released and restored to their tribes.
Custer's operations struck terror to the hearts of the Cheyennes and broke
the spirit of all the southern Indians. He not only annihilated Black Kettle's
band of 130 warriors, killed their ponies, burned their village, and carried off
their squaws and children prisoners, but followed the remainder of the tribe, in
midwinter, into the remotest fastness of their retreat and compelled them to
surrender their white prisoners without ransom, and carried off three of the
principal chiefs as hostages for the prompt return of the tribe to their reserva-
tion.
The white man's vengeance was swift and terrible, but it won permanent
peace and immunity from Indian atrocities for the settlers on the Kansas
frontier.
118
KANSAS STATE HISTORICAL SOCIETY.
REPORTS FOR 190,3.
SECRETARY S REPORT TO ANNUAL MEETING.
DURING the period beginning July 1, 1902, and closing June 30, 1903,'.there
have been added to the library 2947 volumes of books, 6516 unbound volumes
and pamphlets, 1467 volumes of newspapers and periodicals, 2117 single news-
papers and single magazines containing matter of historical interest, 19 maps,
atlases, and charts, 358 manuscripts, 92 pictures and other works of art, 736
miscellaneous relics. Thus k) the library proper, of books, pamphlets, news-
papers, and periodicals, during the period of twelve months, have been added
10,930 volumes. Of these, 10,700 have been procured by gift and exchange and
230 by purchase.
Below are shown the total accessions to the library, by years, since the begin-
ning:
Yeae.
Volumes
books.
Volumes
newspapers
and
periodicals.
Pamphlets.
Total
yearly
accessions.
Yearly
total
of the
library.
1876
1877
1878
1879
-1880
1881
1882
1883
1884
1885
1886
1887
1888
1889
1890
1891
1892
1893
1894
1895
1896
1897
1898
1899
1900
1901
1902
1903
Totals
280
115
1,237
290
448
414
1,669
307
732
1,088
1,772
753
866
1,269
991
719
1,464
709
751
1,020
1,444
854
1,835
951
1,073
743
630
2,947
27,371
54
150
710
275
448
875
513
403
807
678
1,573
1,007
988
1,053
1,100
1,280
1,219
1.197
1,579
1,248
1,566
1,337
1,321
1,545
1,481
1,412
607
1,467
27.393
74
501
1,184
491
1,146
1,127
2,721
1,088
2,763
2,033
7,975
1,543
7,707
2,248
2,960
4,591
3,119
1,968
3,378
1,462
4,852
2,351
3,135
4,932
2,069
2,590
2,781
6,516
79,305
408
766
3,131
1,056
2,042
1,916
4,903
1,798
4,302
3,799
11,320
3,303
9,561
4,570
5,051
6,590
5,802
3,874
5,708
3,730
7,862
4,542
6.291
7,425
4,623
4,745
4,018
10,930
408
1,174
4,305
5,361
7,403
9,319
14,222
16,020
20,322
24,121
35,441
38,744
48,305
52,875
57,926
64,516
70,318
74,192
79,900
83,630
91,492
96,034
102,325
109,753
114,376
119,121
123,139
134,069
These figures show the largest increase for a year in the past seventeen years.
In the fall of 1902, Hon. John Martin gave his library to the Society, of which
1648 volumes were placed on our shelves, while duplicates were shipped away.
Many accessions came through the government from Porto Rico, Cuba, the Phil-
secretaey's annual report. 119
ippines, and Hawaii, and the catalog work we are at, being in the nature of tak-
ing stock, developed many things missing, and suggested others, for which we
searched, adding completeness and value to the whole. In the past there has
been much criticism about drawing a line, but it has ceased — the duty of one
handling books for the public is to make the sets as complete as possible, because
the world has become so large, and wants and tastes so varied, that to draw a
line would mean distraction. The expenditures of the Society show the style of
books we buy, only 230 volumes per year, while 10,700 were by gift or exchange.
Excepting a rare lot like John Martin's, the books under the head of gifts come
from the government, other states, and from historical, charitable and other
societies, doing business in all parts of the world, upon whose mailing list this
Society appears. Without an accurate count, I should say the United States
government sends us an average of three volumes a day. The duplicate room
mentioned elsewhere has no doubt added much to our accessions, since it is
practically an exchange bureau for Kansas documents and other books. The
state has established a great business in charge of this Society; the world is
going faster and doing more each day, and the state will keep up with less com-
plaint each year.
The additions to the museum during the year have been of more than ordi"
nary character. Mrs. Maude Whitmore Madden, wife of Eev. M. B. Madden,
contributed a Japanese collection of unusual interest. There are sixty-eeven
articles, representing all phases of that interesting people. Mr. and Mrs. Madden
are Topeka folks, who spent seven years in mission work in Japan. Sergt. Wm.
L. McKenzie, of company C, Third Wisconsin Cavalry, since the war a prominent
farmer in Wyandotte county, gave to the Society a pistol with which he killed
two guerrillas, Frank Fry and Bill Rader, and one horse, in the Baxter Springs
maeeacre, October 6, 186.3. James F. Getty, of Kansas City, Kan , has deposited
the certificates of the Wyandotte Town Company, redeemed by title to lots and
restored to the original stubs. Mrs. Isabel B. Hinton, widow of Col. Richard J.
Hinton, forwarded us about 412 letters from prominent men in all parts of the
country, and about fifty photographs of John Brown and his men. Mrs. Susie
J. Searl, widow of A. D. Searl, has donated the transit, tripod and chain with
which her husband surveyed the town sites of Topeka and Lawrence. As Mr.
Searl did a great deal of this class of work before a government survey was made,
this instrument is a very significant relic of those days. It was doubtless used
also in laying out the towns of Osawatomie, Burlington, and El Dorado. J. D.
Quillen, of O verbrook, Osage county, placed with the Society a hand-press brought
to Kansas in 1857, which started in business in Sumner. It attracts much at-
tention as a curious piece of machinery, and it has been mentioned in all the
printer journals of the country as a novelty whose maker and place of manufac-
ture are unknown.
Friends of the families interested have contributed handsome paintings of
Gov. James M. Harvey and Hon. John Guthrie, and life-sized photos of James
R. McCiure, Carrie Nation, Dr. John H. Stringfellow, Frederick Funston,
Wilder S. Metcalf, Ernest Valeton Boissiere, Noble L. Prentis, Vincent J. Lane,
and William S. Blakely.
The correspondence of the Society during the year amounted to 4100 letters
and 1500 postal cards. The postal cards were simply tracers sent out after mis-
sing papers, and some acknowledgments made in this form. Seventy-five per
cent, of the letters were inquiries for information along historical lines, or for
official data pertaining to Kansas. The larger number of these letters were an-
swered offhand, or after a few minutes' examination, but several hundred of
120 KANSAS STATE HISTORICAL SOCIETY.
them were of a nature requiring from one hour to five hours each of research.
The variety of calls makes the labor one of absorbing interest. We are called on
for what we have about Toussaint Charbonneau, interpreter, his wife, and son,
who accompanied Lewis and Clark in 1804; parties down East want an identi-
fication of one of the victims of the Benders; another wants to know all about
"ylrZ Astra per AsjJcra^^ and the great seal, and we are required to do our ut-
most to locate a sod barracks made in July, 1857, on a branch of the Republican
by Colonel Sumner, who at that time had a fight with the Cheyennes. We have
constant calls for the definite location of old towns, forts, Indian battles, or other
points named in early travels. I should judge that there are a score of people
throughout the country writing books about Kansas or in which Kansas will
figure. The amount of personal biography we are called on to furnish is endless,
and when we do not have it, there is oftentimes indignant talk. John Brown,
Quantrill, the sacking of Lawrence, the Louisiana purchase, scores and scores of
territorial and western Kansas incidents, we are asked about. It is not possible
to anticipate the character of the countless questions suggested by the early his-
tory of Kansas.
The legislature of 1903 treated the State Historical Society with increased
liberality. The contingent fund was increased from $500 per year to $800, and
the book fund from $500 to $700; the shelving of an additional room and the pur-
chase of two glass show-cases and two revolving bookcases were authorized, and
the salary of the newspaper clerk raised from $60 to $75 per month. A bill was
introduced authorizing the reconstruction of the old capitol building on the Fort
Riley reserve, at a cost of $1800, and the ways and means committee, while with-
holding the appropriation because of the great demand upon them, said that, if
the military maneuvers were to continue, it would be business for the state to re-
store the building for storage purposes. The old capitol was the center of Camp
Sanger, a camp of 12,000 soldiers, and with the constant improvement of Riley,
and the annual visit of troops, militiamen, and the distinguished military men
from all over the world, it promises to be a point of great interest. The work of
the Society is not only more accessible to all needing it, but is observable to the
whole people. There was a genuine enthusiasm and pride with the last legisla-
ture, as well as with the hundreds of visitors, over the historic collection pre-
served by the state.
We are using these increased funds as judiciously as possible along the line
of our work. Of the making of books there is no end, so that it is as hard as
ever to know what to buy and what not to buy, but we have of late been giving
the preference to local history and genealogical publications. We find an in-
creasing interest in the picture feature of our museum, and with this fund we
have had copied some of the early-day characters overlooked and neglected. We
have been especially diligent in searching for pictures of Southern leaders in our
territorial contest. Enlarged pictures have been placed on the wall of such men
as Israel P. Donaleon, William P. Richardson, Sterling Price, Alexander W.
Doniphan, James G. Blunt, Henry Worrall, William C. Quantrill, Sol. Miller,
Edward Russell, W. H. Adams, who started the Leavenworth Herald, in 1854,
Samuel C. Pomeroy, A. H. Reeder (in disguise), Thomas Ewing, and a number of
Indian and pioneer missionaries. There are others we will have as we move
along. This expenditure of money delights the public. Then we desire to have
a number of maps and illustrations in the next volume of collections, which are
never paid for out of the gene al printing fund.
The duplicate room in the cellar and the care of all the surplus books about
the capitol building, given this Society by the Executive Council in the year
secretary's annual report. 121
1902, have been of great ralue in the distribution of publications among libraries
in and out of the state. From December 1, 1902, to December 1, 1903, there were
shipped to libraries, institutions and individuals 10,658 books and pamphlets,
and for the fraction of the year preceding, 3303 books and 8890 pamphlets, or
22,851 to date. That seems much better than destroying them. Every institu-
tion and person was anxious to get them, and many regrets expressed that there
were not more. The sets, however, have been broken, so that from now on
books will not go out so rapidly. About 2500 books were added by friends of the
Society to this great stock of duplicates. Of this contribution, many were used
to fill in and augment the Society's collection, and practically all that were not
needed were placed in libraries connected with schools in Kansas. But of the
state's own publications, running back as far as 1870, there may be fully a car-
load on hand. There are some state officers' reports for which there is no de-
mand, while others are all gone. We have a superabundance of public documents,
from 1877 to 1882; state auditor's reports during the '90's; insurance reports,
some) early ones and some during the '90's: railroad commissioners' reports, first
and ninth and late numbers; labor report for 1889; Mineral Resources, 1897;
and "Kansas at the World's Fair," 1893. The law gives the Society, for ex-
change, sixty copies of everything published, and I suppose the necessity is upon
us of handing over to the junk dealer all but sixty copies each of those of which
there is an excessive quantity. All the Collections of the Society are out of
print except volumes 6 and 7, and of these about 1000 each are on hand. At the
rate they are going they will last scarcely two years.
The act of the legislature of 1903 requiring the teaching of Kansas history in
the public schools has added much to the interest in these Collections of the His-
torical Society. The publications for which there is a demand are, the reports
of the State Board of Agriculture, the Collections of the Historical Society, reports
of the Labor Bureau, State Horticultural Society, and of the Board of Charities.
The constant and wide-spread study of sociological questions gives these particular
books some value. It has become the custom of state officers to place the surplus
books received by them in this duplicate room, and many of these have been
used to advantage. Hundreds of duplicates of government publications gathered
from the various officers in the capitol building have been shipped back to
Washington, or distributed in local libraries, a postal frank always being fur-
nished us for this purpose. We have forwarded to the congressional library at
Washington, during the past year, thirty-six complete volumes and 506 loose num-
bers of government and miscellaneous publications, and received in return six-
teen complete volumes and 692 loose numbers. Only last week we received on
this account publications for which we would have to pay a second hand collector
thirteen dollars.
Several years ago much work was done toward cataloging the Kansas portion
of this collection, but it was abandoned for lack of help. So many years have in-
tervened since the work ceased, and methods improving greatly, it was concluded
best to begin anew. The legislature of 1903 was asked for authority to publish a
catalog. The senate, by unanimous vote, passed a resolution, as follows:
"Whereas, The large and valuable collection of books, newspapers, manu-
scripts, portraits, pamphlets and relics possessed by the State Historical Society
of Kansas is being classified and cataloged by the Society ; and
"Whereas, The publication of a catalog by the Society is of a large public
and historical interest to the state: therefore, be it
'■''Resolved by thn Senate, the House concurring therein, That the catalog
of the State Historical Society, when completed, be printed and published at the
expense of the state and paid for out of the funds available for public printing."
122 KANSAS STATE HISTORICAL SOCIETY.
A unanimous sentiment seemed to prevail als6 in the house for such aresolu-
lution, but a legal point was raised, requiring that the subject-matter be placed in
the printing appropriation bill. As the legislature could not appropriate beyond
June 30, 1905, and it was deemed impossible to make the copy and print the book
before that time, the matter was dropped.
The Executive Ceuncil kindly furnished us with a typewriter adjusted to
catalog work, and a little more than one-quarter of the job is done. A change
in our force and a readjustment of service gave us two persons who could put in
their whole time on this class of work, and the Executive Council gave us a sec-
ond typewriter, which will enable us to complete the task before the next session
of the legislature. It will make quite a book, but it will be of immense value to
the public service, and to historical and educational interests, affording an index
to men and women and their actions for the whole state for fifty years, and to
pioneers and Indians beyond that. We carry along with this work additions to
our card catalog of the library, pictures, manuscripts, etc., for the daily use of
the patrons.
The Society has adopted for its printed catalog of Kansas books the form
used by Thomas M. Owen, founder of the Southern Historical Association, in
his bibliographies of Southern states, as published in the annual reports of the
American Historical Association. This indexes books by authors, with subject
references. We have a constant demand for material on Kansas events, facts,
people, and places. It is the intention to make the catalog an index to all such
material as is hidden away in the various books, pamphlets, maps, newspapers,
etc., gathered up by the Society. For instance, the history of the Kansas Indi-
ans has never been properly conipiled. The Andreas History, or "Herd-book,"
has a fair history, but necessarily brief. The following are a few of the refer-
ences where other material can be found: Bourgmont's visit among the Kansas
in 1721, found at least in four different forms — in Du Pratz, French and English
editions, in Margry, and in manuscript; reports of the commissioner of Indian
affairs, yearly, from the early part of the last century to date; reports of mis-
sionaries, explorers, travelers; state and government reports; reminiscences.
We have now forty entries, and they will probably be doubled. We have now
seventy pages of index devoted to the Indian tribes of Kansas, numbering 980
single entries.
During the past year the Society has compiled a list of Kansas documents
for R. R. Bowker's "State Publications," which is now in proof. It is safe to say
that the Kansas list rivals those of the older states which did not begin so early
in their history to save.
The society will be grateful to all Kansas authors who will bring in their pub-
lications, no matter in what form, magazine or special newspaper articles.
The subject of marking the Santa Fe trail through the state has made some
progress. It was brought before you one year ago by Mrs. Fannie G. Thompson,
in behalf of the Daughters of the Revolution. Mrs. Thompson was made chair-
man of the committee which took charge of the matter. She did some work in
the way of correspondence and agitation, but she was taken from us by death
February 17, 1903. Her work, however, was not lost, for friends outside and
among the Daughters had caught her inspiration and zeal, and so a lively in-
terest continues.
At the annual convention of the Daughters for the state of Kansas, held Octo-
ber 14 to 17, a committee was appointed to continue the work in conjunction with
the State Historical Society. The Daughters are of the opinion that, if suitable
maps are furnished of the route through each county and school district, they
secretary's annual report. 123
can enlist the school-teachers and pupils in raising mounds of stone or simple
markers on the road through their particular districts.*
I believe that the year 1904 will see much, if not all, of this done. Mr. A. S.
Peacock writes from WaKeeney, hoping that the Daughters will have great suc-
cess, and that " then the Denver trail may be similarly marked. However, I sug-
gest that the work be done under the direction of your Society, according to law,
as it will require some show of authority to preserve the markers. Let a mark
be placed every mile, at the crossing of streams, etc. ; and at such places as
'Threshing Machine Canyon' and 'Fort Downer,' a stone might be set up to
mark the site. Such a plan I think would not only preserve history, but it would
be a stimulus to study on the part of young Kansans, and help them to under-
stand and appreciate the difficulties encountered by the founders of the state
and in the settlement of the plains." It would be a great undertaking for one
authority, without means ; hence I think the Daughters have the right idea, as it
is possible to enlist the school-teachers and school children to care for the few
miles in a given school district. The resolution of this Society covered the Den-
ver and other trails. During the year the Daughters placed a tablet in the side-
walk on Kansas avenue, Topeka, marking the lots on which the Topeka
constitutional convention assembled, and where Col. E. V. Sumner dispersed
the Topeka legislature. The Historical Society should do much to encourage
this work.t
The great flood in the Kansas valley in the year 1844 has always been regarded
as something of a myth. There were but a few witnesses — army officers and mis-
sionaries ; there was no property to destroy and no wrecks covered the land, and the
Indians generally were regarded as romancers. The only visible evidence left for
the early white settlers was the debris high up in the forks of trees. So improbable
seemed the story of the flood of '14 that the residents along the valley generally
would not believe possible what actually occurred in 1903. That a body of water
200 miles long and from a mile to three miles in width and from five to ten feet
in depth, ever covered any portion of iiansas for a period of five or six days, will
need some very strong testimony in forty or fifty years from now. Lack of faith
in what trifling evidence we had concerning the flood of '44, I have heard it said,
was responsible for half the loss of life and property in 1903. All the newspaper
publications covering the flood of 1903 have been clipped and pasted, enough for
four good-sized volumes, and we have about 100 photographic views of the water
and the destruction from Salina to Kansas City. Mrs. Congressman Charles
Curtis gave to the Society her family Bible, with the backs gone and encased
in mud; also, we have the pulpit Bible of the Congregational Church, North
Topeka, and an Episcopal hymn-book picked up on Kansas avenue in Armour-
dale, each with mud for covers. The water reached a depth of six feet in the
* Upon the suggestion of Prof. F. H. Hodder, of the State University, and the favor of Hon.
Victor Murdock, members of the directory of the State Historical Society, we have found in
the War Department at Washington copy of a survey of the Santa Fe road, made in 1827, by
Joseph C. Brown. The survey and field-notes we will have copied, at an expense of about thirty
dollars, to be paid out of the membership-fee fund.
The following constitute the committee of the Daughters : Mrs. 8. S. Ashbaugh, Mrs. Eliza-
beth Barnard Rose, Mrs. William E. Stanley, Wichita; Mrs. F. Dumont Smith, Kinsley; Miss
Jennie Brooks, Miss Grace Meeker, Miss Laura Sheldon, Ottawa ; Mrs. Paul R. Brooks, Mrs.
John G. Haskell, Lawrence; Mrs. Clara McGuire, Topeka. The committee on the part of the
State Historical Society to cooperate is as follows: Mrs. Caroline Prentis, F. H. Hodder, J. D.
Millikon, J. R. Mead, and R. M. Wright.
tThis year, in memory of Mrs. Fannie G. Thompson, who was an honored citizen of Topeka,
the local chapter has offered prizes of ten and twenty dollars for the two best essays on the
Santa Fe trail by the students of the Topeka high school.
124 KANSAS STATE HISTORICAL SOCIETY.
church in North Topeka, and the mud left when the water receded was from one
to two feet and a half deep. The organ and the furniture floated about, and the
Bible was about fifteen feet from the pulpit; a list of those who shoveled the
mud was furnished with the book. This Society should encourage and aid in the
placing of stones for water marks at different points along the river ; for what has
happened twice will happen again, and to be forewarned will save millions and
millions of dollars.
The newspaper clippings have been pasted up to June 30, last, and the clip-
ping continued to date. This is not as complete as it might be, because to be as
close in detail as the professional bureau would require one or more additional
employees. As we do it a wide field is covered, and these clippings are an end-
less fund of historical reference, culled over every day by newspaper men and
others.
Since May, 1888, this Society has had possession of the two shin bones and
of a lock of hair of William Clark Quantrill. They have not been entered among
the accessions or exposed to the public because of an obligation not to do so until
after the death of the mother. Mrs. Quantrill died Monday, November 23, at
an Odd Fellows' home in Springfield, Ohio, aged eighty years. These relics of
the most historic devil developed by the civil war were taken from his grave in
Kentucky by W. W. Scott, of Canal Dover, Ohio, assisted by Mrs. Quantrill.
The grave was opened to satisfy the mother of his death. Mr. Scott found two
men who were with Quantrill when he was wounded in a fight with federal guer-
rillas, about June 1, 1865, one having been with him since leaving Kansas and
who was in the massacre at Lawrence. Mr. Scott was a schoolmate of Quantrill,
and spent twenty -five years in the study of his life. A response received Novem-
ber 30 from Mrs. Scott informs us that Mr. Scott died about a year ago, and
thus is lost the most elaborate work concerning the famous guerrilla. In one of
his letters Mr. Scott says that all the correspondence and papers accumulated in
his investigation shall come to the Historical Society.
The territorial settlers of Kansas are rapidly passing away. Soon al personal
source of information for that period will be closed. The year 1901 will bring on
a number of semicentennial anniversaries of events of the greatest importance —
the beginning of a decade not surpassed in the world's history, during which
the pioneers of Kansas enjoyed an inspiration rarely vouchsafed to any other
people. There have been other heroic pioneers in the westward development of
things, but the sacrifices and successes of those of Kansas have left upon the
world an impress the most enduring and attractive. There are events in the
history of Kansas that will never cease to be discussed. The act of May 30, 1854,
creating the territory of Kansas, transferred to this region the greatest issue
that ever confronted the nation, marking our first ten years with violence and
war. We passed through great bitterness and travail, emerging among the most
conspicuous states in the Union, with a history as creditable as it was startling,
commanding the constant attention of the people of the world. Our history has
been personal, factional, and controversial, and we have listened to all sides with
the utmost patience, which has added to the value of the work of this Society.
The splendid collection, now the property of the state of Kansas, is due to the
fact that this Society began work while practically all the participants were yet
in this life. Scattered all over the state there are yet many citizens in seclusion
who passed through those stormy days. There were no listless men then. Every
man appreciated the seriousness of the times. Lately I have visited several of
these old men, and I am amazed at the new and unheard-of things they tell,
backed by corroborating papers and incidents, showing that modesty has kept
secretary's annual report. 125
much valuable material from the world. I have the promise of many interesting
things, but men from seventy-five to eighty-five years of age, in Kansas, think
they have abundance of time for fulfilment. The sin of delay and the uncer-
tainty as well as the certainty of the grim reaper interfere very much with the
workings of the Society. During the past month I called at Arkansas City on
Mr. I. H. Bonsall, who was said to have many pictures of territorial individuals.
He was a photographer at Leavenworth in 1857-'58, an ardent follower of James
H. Lane. Up to three or four years ago, when they were destroyed, he had the
pictures in good shape of all of the members of the Lecompton constitutional con-
vention. He doubtless has many very interesting things yet, of which He promises
the Society a portion. He gave a picture of Lane, taken in the morning, after an
all-night's ride.
The year 1904 promises to be one of great inspiration, a renewal of local and
state pride. The men and women who have spent their lives during the past
forty or fifty years in Kansas have a right to be unspeakably proud of their
citizenship and achievements. This should manifest itself in every school district
in the state during the coming year. There has been no general effort in the
way of historical collection since the year 1876, when the centennial thrilled the
people with pride of the past. In some of the western counties of the state 1876
scarcely saw the beginning of things. It is hoped that the enthusiasm which
characterized that year may not only move the older portions of the state to
bring such work up to date, but that the newer counties on the western border
may interest themselves in their local history while there are so many of the
first settlers still living. The local newspapers in 1876 did great work along this
line.
Several points in the state will observe with great demonstrations not only
the semicentennial of territorial organization but the same anniversary of their
local settlement. Topeka, Leavenworth and Lawrence are already moving along
this line. The territory was created by the president signing the bill, May 30.
On the 13th of June the Leavenworth Town Company was organized, and first
lots therein sold October 9. The Atchison Town Company was formed July 27,
and lots sold September 2. August 1 and September 1 the first and second par-
ties of emigrants arrived at Lawrence. A newspaper appeared September 15,
under a tree at Leavenworth. October 7 the first governor arrived in the ter-
ritory. December 5 Topeka was founded. There were very few incidents occur-
ring, but they were significant, while the whole country was preparing for the
struggle which followed. We have been blessed with such remarkable success
in a material way, and have achieved such a high position otherwise among the
communities of the earth, that I think the entire year should be given to thanks-
giving and jubilation.
May 30 next is a holiday, the outgrowth of a contest which began with the
organization of Kansas territory, and the people who cast flowers on that day in
memory of those who died from 1861 to 1865 may extend their thoughts and
sympathies backward covering a period from 1851 to 1861. Nothing could be
more fitting than a combination of the two events, for Kansas was the product
and the prize of that great struggle.
I thiuK every school district in Kansas should have a celebration and the
people do honor to the territorial pioneers, and thereby to themselves. There
ought to be a census taken by years of all those who lived in Kansas prior to
statehood and who may still be with us May 30, 1901.
The death list during the year emphasizes the fact that the early settlers of
Kansas are disappearing. Harvey D. Rice, a Kansas farmer, made a visit to
126 KANSAS STATE HISTORICAL SOCIETY.
New England as early as 1858, in the interest of what is now Washburn College;
the Rev, Peter McVicar, D. D., gave more than a third of his life to this institu-
tion; and W. W. Phillips was an active and earnest man for good in 1855-'56;
Mrs. Fannie Geiger Thompson was brought to Kansas in hor childhood, her
family settling in Ellsworth in 1867. These four persons attained unusual promi-
nence in the affairs of Kansas. They served as members and directors of the
Kansas State Historical Society for several years. Rev. Francis L. Hayes, D. D.,
Rev. D. M. Fisk, D. D., and A. B. Whiting, were appointed to prepare a paper
on the life and character of Harvey D. Rice; and Rev. Richard Cordley, D. D.,
Rev. J. G. Dougherty, D. D., and Prof. F. W. Ellis, on Rev. Dr. McVicar.
The list of directors and the membership of the Society are now on a practical
basis. To be a member one must contribute a newspaper file or one dollar per
year, and there are no names on the directory because of influence or position
not legitimate members of the Society. There has been no solicitation for the
membership as it stands, and quite an interest has sprung up to be on the
directory. The work in charge of this Society — its great collection of books,
newspapers and pictures, relics and curios, representing the progress and accom-
plishments of this people — should appeal to the pride and patriotism of all. It
ranks very high among similar institutions in the country. The work it calls for
is responded to as a labor of love by citizens proud of their state, with ability, ac-
curate research and literary merit of a high order. It should be the leading rep-
resentative body of citizens in the state, as the list of its past presidents shows
that it has been. The founders of the Kansas State Historical Society builded
better than they knew. The membership list should pass the 500 mark next year.
HISTORICAL WORK IN OSAGE COUNTY.
By Charles R. Green,* of Lyndon.
I am asked to make a report of my historical work in Osage county to the
Society. I never have made a written one before, and do so now with pleas-
ure, hoping that others may be thus encouraged, when reading my report, to look
up local data in their respective communities, as I have in mine, and afterwards
live to reap some of the fruits of their labors.
I joined the Historical Society January, 1892, and have paid out some fifty to
seventy-five dollars cash since then as dues, traveling expenses and board in at-
tending the annual meetings of the Society, at Topeka. I own a printing-office,
and have operated it entirely in the interests of historical work for six years, but
♦Charles R, Green was born Novembers, ISih, at Milan, Erie county, Ohio. His father
followed farming in Wakefield and Clarksfield townships, Huron county, where the subject of
this sketch was raised, the eldest of ten children. He obtained such education as possible in
the neiKhborhood. In the fall of 1861, at the age of sixteen years, he tried to enlist as a soldier
in the Fifty-fifth Ohio regiment, but he was rejected because of his age. In the summer of 1862,
after the seven days' battle, he succeeded in getting into company A, One Hundred and First
Ohio. Nine enlisted from Clarksfield, Green's home town. Four were killed and two wounded.
Judge E. W. Cunningham, of the Kansas supreme court, was one of the nine. Green was the
only one of the nine to serve his time and return home with the company, although he was
wounded three times in the battle of Chickamauga. Upon his return from the war he attended
school for two years. In April, 1867, he settled in Kansas, at Lenape, in Leavenworth county.
After a couple of months at this point he moved to the state-line bottoms in Kansas City, Mo.
In the summer he joined a surveying party and made a trip through New Mexico and Arizona
to California. In a year he returned by Panama and Old Mexico. He taught school in Leaven-
v/orth county and farmed some. He returned to Ohio and spent six years there. In 1880 he set-
tled in Osage county, Kansas, December 28, 1869, he was married in Tama county, Iowa, to Miss
Flavia Barbour, a playmate in childhood, who died March 21, 1883, leaving six children. He
married Miss Annie Kring November 17, 1887. Mr. Green resides two miles south of Lyndon.
HIgrrORICAL WORK IN OSAGE COUNTY,
127
still I do not seem to come under the class that my brother editor does, who con-
tributes his local newspaper to the Society, rides on his pass to the meetings, and
thus, without dues, enjoys the same privileges that I do at so much^cost.
In this time, as an active member of the Society, I have given many days each
year in driving around over the country and taking down narratives from old
pioneers' lips, gathering historical data, and copying from our county records
hundreds of pages of valuable matter referring to our county affairs, to assist the
pioneers in their memories. While our county-seat was on wheels the first
twenty years of its existence, being in no less than three places, the records were
well preserved. I was able to find, by diligent search in old boxes, nearly all
the papers to establish my official early history of the county, which took the
name of Osage in 1860.
The following-named pionefers, many of them now dead or moved away, have
thus contributed to my "bureau of historical data" in these twelve years.
In and (wound Lyndon, and year of coming to Kayisas :
Allison's History of School District No.
62, 1870.
William Allison, 1869.
George Antrim, 1878.
Wm. J. Armstrong, 1884.
Henry Austin, 1869.
Wells P. Bailey, 1866.
Judge John Banning, 1855.
Mrs. Elias A. Barrett, 1870.
Sam. Black and son Walter, 1859.
James F. Blackwell, 1877.
Judge Alex. Blake, 1870.
Solomon Bowes, 1857.
Moses Bradford, 1866.
Joel H. Buckman, 1886.
Lucas Burnett, 1858.
Mrs. R. H. Chittenden, 1879.
Dr. David D. Christy, 1876.
David P. Coon, 1869.
W. A. Cotterman, 1870.
Charles Darling, 1866.
C. C. Deaver, 1871.
Fred Downs, 1869.
James K. Duff, 1871.
G. Alec Fleming, 1883.
L. D. Gardener, 1870.
Flavins J. Glenn, 1857.
Wm. Gregory, 1870.
Wm. H. Green, 1872.
Wm. Haas, 1868.
Mrs. Benj. G. Hall, 1870.
Monroe W. Heaton, 1877.
John Hedges, 1869.
James J. Henton, 1868.
John R. Henton, 1869.
Nelson Hollingsworth, 1872.
Samuel H. Holyoke, 1857.
Mrs. John Howe, 1868.
Henry Howell, 1870.
Andrew J. Huffman, 1857.
Jas. R. Humphrey, 1869.
Archie Ingersoll, 1876.
Henry Ingraham, 1862.
Horace W. Jenness, 1866.
Henry Johnson, 1870.
Henry Keeler, 1870.
James S. Kennedy, 1869.
Leander Kimball, 1859.
Henry Lamond, sr., 1868.
Dr. George Lash, 1868.
M. L. Laybourn, 1872.
Wesley A. J. Mavity, 1867.
George McMillan, 1869.
Geo. Miller, son of Abra. Miller, 1856.
Dr. G. W. Miller, 1859.
Capt. G. W. Morris, 1868.
Warren W. Morris, 1869.
John W. Nicolay, 1866.
Mrs. Ellen Leavery Nihizer, 1868.
Edward Norris, 1870.
Elisha Olcott, jr., 1863.
Prof. L. A. Parke, 1885.
Robert F. Patterson, 1876.
John Payne, 1871.
Soren Petersen, 1869.
Pete Peterson (of Dragoon), 1858.
Robt. D. Pleasant, 1879.
Abram Primmer, 1878.
J. A. Reading, 1871.
Lewis A. Reynolds, 1893.
Francis Marion Richards, 1856.
Mrs. M. W. Richardson, 1860.
Wm, Rock, 1870.
Ezekiel Rogers, 1887.
128
KANSAS STATE HISTORICAL SOCIETY.
A. J. Roy, 1872.
Chas. W. Ruggs, 1869.
John Rynerson, 1866.
A. M. Sanderson, 1878.
Wm. H. Seever, 1863.
Mrs. Sarah E. Shoemaker, 1871.
Jacob Smell, 1870.
James Smith, 1878.
James Hurd Smith, 1868.
Orlando S. Starr, 1869.
William Stavely, 1878.
Mrs. Amanda Still, 1885.
Mrs. Julia Stonebraker, 1869.
Isaac Stump, 1870.
Edmund Tarver, 1868.
Dr. Eber Topping, 1867.
Silas B. Tower, 1870.
Mrs. P. M. Tyler, 1866.
David Uber, 1870.
Former Burlingame pioneers inter
coming to Kansas:
Lucien R. Adams, 1856.
Mrs. Sophia McGee Berry, 1854.
James Bothel, 1854.
Joseph Bratton, 1854.
Grandma Caruthers, age 97, 1860.
J. M. Chambers, supt., 186-. History
of first twenty school districts.
John H. Crumb, 1857.
Thomas R. Davis, 1856.
George J. Drew, 1855.
Josiah Drew, 1855.
Wm. J. Drew, 1855.
Mrs. Levi Empie, 1857.
Judge Robert Heizer, 1858.
Bidgetvay, Carbondale, Scranton,
Lars Anderson, 1859.
Elijah S. Boreland, 1859.
Wm. Brown, 1858.
D. B. Burdick, 1857.
W^m. T. Eckart, 1857.
Charles G. Fox, 1859.
Ansel B. Hackett, 1857.
Alvin Hamilton, 1870.
Mrs. Hiram H. Heberling, 1855.
S. L. Heberling, 1856.
Osage City:
Dr. Albert C. Brown, 1871.
James H. Kibbie, 1865.
Sam Marshall, 1857.
Jesee Underwood, 1871.
Mrs. Rachel Varner, 1869.
Matthew M. Waddle, 1876.
Thomas M. Wallace, 1874.
James M. Watkins, 1869.
George Weber, 1867.
James Wells, 1878.
J. Milt Whinrey, 1873.
Leivonia Pryer Whinrey, 1869.
Horace Whitman, 1868.
Prof. J. S. Whitman, 1868.
George Wiggington, 1884.
Geo. M. Wilden, 1870.
O. C. Williams, 1858.
Lewis T. Wilson, 1883,
Charles Woodward, 1868.
Robert H. Wynne, 1869.
Mrs. Nancy E. Wynne, 1860.
James Yearout, 1867.
viewed or notes obtained from date of
Ellis Lewis, ex-county attorney, 1872.
Wm. H. Lord, 1855.
Mrs. Isabella Rambe Mercer, 1856.
Frank M. Nelson, 1871.
Mrs. Anna Todd Palmer, 1855.
George W. Perrill, 1858.
N. A. Perrill, 1858.
Mrs. Mary Hoover Pratt, 1854.
James Rogers (the historian), 1856.
Henry D. Shepherd, 1858.
Mrs. H. D. Shepherd, 1857, daughter
of Abial T. Dutton.
John Smith, 1854.
Ithiel Street, 1854.
''110," Valley Brook:
Wm. Hupp, 1854.
Aaron Kinney, 1855.
John Kinney, 1855.
George McCullough, 1858.
Isaac B. Masters, 1858.
Mrs. Geo. W. Metzler, 1869.
Charles Rubow, 1854.
Judge John G. Urie, 1858.
Capt. Robert D. Watt, 1854.
Charles S. Martin, 1866.
Horace E. Strong, 1857.
Mrs. Nellie Norton Strong, 1856.
HISTORICAL WORK IN OSAGE COUNTY.
129
Quenemo Junction and Pomona:
J. C. Curry, 1877.
Mrs. Sarah Duvall, 1860.
Dr. E. B. Fenn, 1866.
Robert G. Graham, 1868.
John Krauss, 1871.
George Logan, 1858.
Arvonia, Olivet, MeJvern:
Arvonia residents, 1873-'74:.
Cyrus Case, 1869.
Charles Cochran, 1860.
Noble G. Elder, 1869.
Wm. Francis, 1868.
Joseph G. Grant, 1872.
Lewis Humphries, 1859.
James W. Jessee, 1866.
Robert Jones, 1872.
Santa Fe Trail:
Mrs. Elizabeth Clousing Eden, of Al-
len, Lyon county, 1861.
Judge Robert Heizer, Osage City, 1858.
On the building of the Union Pacific railroad from Kansas City iqy the
Kaw to Topeka, 1863-''65, and incidentally various ittms of Delaivare In-
dian history:
Josiah Middleton, 1866.
Dr. David B. Moore, 1865.
John C. Rankin, 1865.
Mrs. Lida Savior Fox, 1869.
W. K. Thomas, 1869.
Henry Wiggans, 1855.
Charles C. Judd, 1869.
Henry Judd, 1856.
Thos. B. McGregor, 1883.
Max Morton, 1870.
Lemuel W. Powell, 1870.
John Price, 1871.
Asher Smith, 1859.
Lemuel F. Warner, 1860.
Jacob Van Natta, now of Burlingame,
1860.
Mrs. Joseph Glimpse, Linwood, 1866.
Merlin C. Harris, Tonganoxie, 1865.
John C. Hindman, Linwood, 1858.
Capt. W. T. Hindman, Lawrence, 1858.
Martin Kapp, Linwood, 1867.
Rev. A. M. Richardson, Lawrence, 1870.
Thomas A. Shaw, Wyandotte, 1863.
John Tudhope, Linwood, 1866.
George C. Wetzel, Linwood, 1868.
Thomas Williams, Linwood, 1860.
Henry Ingraham, Lyndon, Second Ohio
volunteer cavalry, 1862.
John Broivn days on the Pottawatomie:
Wm. H. Ambrose, Greeley, Anderson J. N. Baker, Greeley, 1851.
county, 1857.
D. Bradley Randall, Greeley, gives an excellent history of his youth in Ohio,
1840-'58, and civil-war history, 1871.
Quantrill raid matters:
T. J. Hadley, Kansas City, Mo., lieu-
tenant in Fifth Kansas, 1863, 1856.
George W. Hanes, Waverly, Coflfey
county, 1856.
In a several hours' talk with Lewis Kellerman, Burlington (1866), which I
made notes of, he tells how in 1828 he was postillion on a horeerailway from Bal-
timore to Frederick City, Md., later the Baltimore & Ohio railroad; was also a
freighter on the United States national road, from Cumberland to Indianapolis.
This talk was in 1901, shortly before his death, at the age of eighty-nine.
Mrs. Sarah A. Whistler, Stroud, Okla. (1S47): Widow of Hon. Wm. Whist-
ler, of Osage county, daughter of Julia Goodell, a Sac Indian, and John Goodell, a
white man, interpreter for the Sac and Fox tribes, 1840-'60. In several inter-
views when she was here, spring of 1903, visiting the Cappers, relatives of hers,
—10
130 KANSAS STATE HISTORICAL SOCIETY.
she gave me the genealogy of the Whistler family in Kansas and their history.
She and her sister, Mrs. Fannie Whistler Nedeau, of the Sac and Fox agency,
have given me a good deal of Sac and Fox history in many interviews.
A total of 212 names and dates are given.
The presentation of these names and dates of their coming to Kansas does not
reveal the fact that they have been pioneers of many early-day places otherwise
than Osage county. But their narratives, often the work of a half-day to take
down, or, if sent me by mail, the work of days for them to remember and write
out correctly, introduced to us history on almost every phase of Kansas life and
struggle since 1854 — life on the plains, army life, the golden days of '49, the re-
moval of the Indians from Kansas, and many other subjects too numerous to be
mentioned.
Two hundred or more pioneer narratives, mostly by old people, who are in-
variably invited to commence with their youth and give a life sketch, give the
historian material fresh from life and true as life itself. All honor to our fathers
and mothers, who came here, fought the battles and endured the privations that
now, a half-century later, make Kansas foremost in the van of states, and we
live to enjoy. We will prize their stories in the years to come. So many of
them, I notice, have passed away in the ten years. I preserve these notes and
records of theirs with great care in my vault, where they are systematically filed
in a large case, and where I can find them on short notice.
I have considerable historical data, drawn from personal examination of hun-
dreds of books, pamphlets and manuscripts in the possession of our Kansas
State Historical Society, during the eleven years I have belonged, mostly bear-
ing on the Sac and Fox Indian history. The Mississippi band of those Indians
was removed to Kansas in 1845, and to the Indian Territory in 1869. Weller
county, in 1855, only had a narrow strip of two and one-half miles wide by twenty-
four miles long of territory outside the Sac and Fox reserve, which covered all
the rest of the county, and what few folks settled in it considered themselves a
part of Shawnee county. It was never organized as a county until 1859, when a
change of name to Osage, and the addition of a nine-mile strip from the south
end of Shawnee, with a part of the Indian reserve thrown open a year or two
later, brought the county into prominence. Superior was its first county-seat.
Today a barn and well are about all that are left of that once busy place. By
close inquiry I have found a few of its former citizens.
In my field-work I have visited and made plans of the old Sac and Fox agency,
established in the county in 1845-'46. By considerable correspondence I have
been able to get possession of the papers, some sixty, of the late United States
Indian agent, Albert Wiley, who was the last agent of the Sacs and Foxes here
in Kansas, and who helped to select their reservation in the Indian Territory. I
have to pay for their use, and return them as soon as convenient. I am engaged
now in compiling the material of this ten years' gathering, along the Sac and
Fox history line, into a suitable volume, that will be printed by some one of our
book-making firms during 1904, a permanent monument, I trust, to the memory
of our old Sac and Fox reserve pioneers, as well as to the old Sac and Fox In-
dians themselves.
When the Indians settled on this reservation, now embraced mostly by the
counties of Franklin and Osage, about 1816,* they numbered about 2000. A visit to
* Mr. Green, in a letter dated February 20, 1904, says regarding the removal of the Sacs and
Foxes of the Mississippi to Kansas:'" They left Iowa in tho fall of 1845, traveling to Brunswick,
Mo., on the Missouri river; thence Keokuk, during the winter, came up to the Wakarusa, south
of Lawrence, where the tribe had permission from the Shawnees to camp, and where they
HISTORICAL WORK IN OSAGE COUNTY. 131
their present home in Oklahoma, November, 1903, by the writer, developed the
fact that only 492 are living there now. Some returned in the early years of their
Kansas experiences to their old hunting-grounds on the Iowa river, and pur-
chased a little land, 1500 acres, in Tama county, where they yet live. This was
contrary to the policy of the government, but in the confusion of the war days,
change of parties, and the fact that they bought the land out of their own
savings, and could not be lawfully dispossessed, allowed them to get permanently
settled. They are known as the Mesquaka* band, and now number about 300.
They are mostly the Fox branch of the tribe. Their most noted chief of the last
century, Pow-e-shick, died here of good age, and was buried at the junction, be-
fore Kansas was made a state. Iowa has not only honored this chief, but many
other of the Sac and Fox chiefs, by naming her counties and towns after them.
Another band of the Sacs and Foxes lives now upon the Nemaha river, in north-
eastern Kansa3 and southern Nebraska. They removed direct from Iowa with
the loway band of Indians to that place about 1837. I think now that there are
less than 100 of the Sacs among them. Intermarriages, however, take place often
between these widely separated bands. The Indians have caught on to the white
man's ways, and, having plenty of money after their payments, they take the
cars and make these trips speedily. They even go down to Old Mexico to hunt,
where some of the Kickapoos live.
The Sac part of the tribe here in Osage county had a noted chief, Moko-
hoko, who, at the head of a following of some 100, more or less, refused to sign
the treaty of 1868, to cede these lands to the United States. They had become
attached to this Marais des Cygnes valley, and, like theMesquaka band,of Iowa,
they determined to stay here, and only by force were they removed with the rest
of the tribe in 18G9. They immediately returned from the new home. Some of
the teamsters who hauled them down said the Indians beat them back here. In
1876 they were removed again, but the larger part came back the second time.
Their houses were along the banks of the Marais des Cygnes, above and below
Melvern, for ten miles. For the next ten years they were left alone, though they
did not buy any land. Indulgent settlers tolerated them because they were honest,
and the adults became good assistants at farm labor. Inl886, after Mokohoko's
death, they were removed again, and guarded a year at their new home, until
they got over their homesickness, and found the annuities paid them there a
greater advantage than the half-vagrant life they led here. They are known
there now as the Kansas band of Sacs and Foxes. I have many portraits and
much history of these Indians who lived among us so long.
The great dearth of any printing matter about our Osage county pioneers
and early history of the county induced me, in 1896, to go into the publication of
many pieces in our local newspapers, in order to arouse a greater interest in
historical matters.
Our county has been one of great activity in politics. When Governor Hum-
phrey was elected, November, 1890, Mrs. Mary E. Lease, then an obscure woman
of Wichita, a day or two after election was invited here to Lyndon, and in a larg»
mostly stayed during the season of 1846. During this time John Beech,' the agent, was arrang-
ing about the buildings for the agency, which in the '50's was known as the Greenwood Sac and
Fox agency, on the Marias des Cygnes river, several miles southeast of Pomona, Franklin
county. This was on the eastern boundary line of the Sac and Fox reservation. The Goodell
family, interpreter, remained at Brunswick two years. Many of the tribe went via other
tribes, visiting and hunting a year or two, but Moses Keokuk said, in 1SS3, that over 2000 came
out with his father. Before leaving Iowa they numbered 2400 or more."
*This word is spelled "Muskwaki" in Royce's "Indian Land Cessions in the United
States, and " Mus-qua-kie "' by Horace M. Rebok in his pamphlet on the tribe, 1900.
132 KANSAS STATE HISTORICAL SOCIETY.
mass-meeting, well represented from all over the county, she declared from the
rostrum "that the tyranny of such Republican tactics as were then in vogue by the
state of Kansas ought to be put down, and that the new party, then known as
the Farmers' Alliance in Osage county, or People's party, ought to march upon the
state capital armed with pitchforks, scythes, and other handy implements of
yeoman's toil, and take the state government into their own hands." From that
time on, the next several years were hard ones for me to do any great good here in
the public press, as a bitter political war raged, to the exclusion of all other mat-
ters. My best material was often in the ranks of the opposite party, where an
unguarded word from me closed all historical talk and started politics. Through
it all I avoided politics, and carried on my historical work in such a manner that
to-day some of my best supporters of the work are what used to be known here
as " Pops."
The publication of my books has been delayed, as I have seen up to this time
no profitable market for my labor Two books, "Annals of Lyndon," an edition
of 240 copies, 400 pages printed, and "Early Days in Kansas," an edition of 200
copies, 215 pages printed, both octavo works, printed in my own printing-
office, tied up in bundles, lie here in my library room, reminding me of about $300
in typesetting, paper and ink that I have expended, besides my labor as editor
and printer for several years.
I have a large fire- proof room, well lighted, where I keep all my records, mu-
seum, and a library (at present numbering over 1500 volumes, along historical
lines), and this enables me to get much of my reference matter, so necessary to a
historical writer, right at home without delay ; whereas, in the past I used to make
two or more trips to Topeka yearly, often spending the whole week in the His-
torical Society rooms. Now, by a large correspondence with various societies,
and an annual visit to Topeka, I get along very well. My requests for informa-
tion from our Society are met as promptly as the nature of it and the force there
employed admits. Thus, as a Kansas farmer, legitimately sticking to that as a
livelihood, as I have prospered in this world's goods, instead of putting the
money into another farm, I have invested it in this line of work, until in all its
parts it equals the value of my homestead, and, at the age of nearly sixty, when
one must begin to lay aside manual labor, affords me far greater pleasure and
more agreeable work than that of the farm, where, in these late years, work has
been so difficult to carry on from the want of laborers hunting farm work.
Coming to Kansas after the civil war, in which I participated three years as a
member of the One Hundred and First Ohio volunteer infantry, I was so fortunate
as to get appointed, at Wyandotte, May, 1867, a member of Gen. W. W. Wright's
Union Pacific survey party, to make the preliminary survey of that railroad to
the Pacific coast via New Mexico, Arizona, and Los Angeles, Cal. The Santa
Fe now runs over the route we surveyed. Returning to Kansas in 1868, I com-
menced teaching my first school in Leavenworth county that fall, in the empty
Delaware Indian trading store, at a station on the Union Pacific in the Kaw val-
ley, about thirty-two miles from Wyandotte, known first as Journeycake, later
Stranger station, and, in 1875, Linwood. Having met the Delaware Indians
there the year before, and learning much history about them in my school-
teaching days up to 1874, I have in these later years interviewed many pioneers
of that section, and recently visited the Delawares in their homes among the
Cherokees, south of Coffeyville, Kan. I have made contributions of several
articles to the Tonganoxie Mirror along these lines,- whose columns have always
welcomed such data. I have much unpublished matter about the Delawares.
COMMITTEE ON EXPLORATIONS. 133
Mrs. Lawrence D. Bailey, of Lawrence, widow of the late Judge Bailey,* of the
supreme court first after Kansas became a state, has let me have for publication
quite a good deal of his old papers — printed ones. The judge was the president
of Lyndon's first town company, later editor of a paper at Garden City. I com-
piled from his papers a 100-page octavo pamphlet, and issued a small edition
entitled "Border Ruffian Troubles in Kansas." I have issued seven other pam-
phlets, all being prominent chapters in my books "Annals of Lyndon" and
"Early Days in Kansas." One was a directory of Lyndon, Kan,^ — a historical
geneological list of 3200 men, women and children for the years 1895-'97 in an
area of fifteen miles in and around Lyndon.
These pamphlets seem to keep up interest best in the people's minds about
our historical work, and in no wise detract from the prospective sale of my his-
torical books.
COMMITTEE ON EXPLORATIONS.
By W. J. QEiFFiNG.t of Manhattan.
As a member of the committee on explorations, I have the following to re-
port: The last week in August, 1903, Mr. J. S. Cunningham and I, equipped
with a complete camping outfit, started up Wild Cat creek — a stream emptying
into the Kansas river above Manhattan.
This creek seems to have been a favorite camping-place of the aborigines,
there being scarcely a farm of any size along its valley that does not give evi-
dence of having been the stopping-place of Indians.
The abundance of game, fish and flints was probably not the sole reason of
the frequent encampments, as the valley of this stream formed a natural high-
way for tribes living eastward along the Kansas to follow on their way out
to the buffalo plains.
Some of these old village sites still show elevations where earthen lodges once
stood; flint fragments, broken clay pottery, flint knives, scrapers, arrow- and
* Lawrence D. Bailey was born August 26, 1819, at Sutton, Merrimack county, New Hamp-
shire. His ancestors came from Yorkshire, England, in 1638, and built the first woolen factory
in America, at Rowley, now Georgetown, Mass. He was educated in Franklin, Unity, Pem-
broke and Atkinson Academies, but he never entered college. He read law, and was admitted
to the bar July 9, 1846. He practiced at various points in New Hampshire until December, 1849,
when he started for California by way of Cape Horn. He spent four years in California lumber-
ing, gold digging, and practicing law, and editing a Whig paper called the Pacific Courier.
He returned to New Hampshire in the fall of 1853, and practiced law. On the 2d day of April,
1857, he arrived in Kansas, and settled on a claim in Douglas county, near Clinton. In the fol-
lowing September he moved to Emporia, and opened a law office — the first in southwestern
Kansas. In 1858 he was elected to the territorial legislature from a district known as the
"nineteen disfranchised counties." He was elected associate justice of the supreme court of
Kansas in 1859, under the Wyandotte constitution, and reelected in 1862, after statehood, for six
years. In 1863 he assisted in organizing the State Board of Agriculture, and was its first presi-
dent, for four successive terms, and in the same year established the Kansas Farmer. He had
much to do with establishing the State Normal School. He became a large farmer, and, iu 1870,
located the town of Lyndon. He afterwards became a resident of Garden City. Ho died in Octo-
ber, 1891.
t William James Griffing was born on a farm east of Topeka, in Shawnee county, No-
vember 24, 1860. He attended district school until he entered the Kansas State Agricultural
College, from which he graduated in 1883. His natural liking led him to farming and fruit-
growing, at which he has made good success. His first dollar was made while a boy, catching
rabbits at five cents apiece. He settled on a farm near Manhattan, Riley county. He has
served the public officially as justice of the peace and member of the school board, and in ag
ricultural and horticultural clubs, and along historical and archa?oIogical lines. He has been
steward of the Methodist church at Manhattan for several years, and president of the alumni
association of the State Agricultural College. February 17, 1884, he was married to Miss Hat-
134 KANSAS STATE HISTORICAL SOCIETY.
spear-heade are scattered over the ground. At other points the encampments
seem to have been only temporary.
We followed the stream to Riley, crossed over to Broughtou, on the Republi-
can river; here we noted a few burial mounds on the bluffs near to town. Turn-
ing south, we followed the public road down the river, locating the scattered
mounds along the bluffs, and opening the most promising ones. Wo found sev-
eral mounds near Streeter's mill, on Madison creek, two miles above Milford.
C. A. Streeter presented the Society with a fine granite ax found on Shan-
non creek, Pottawatomie county, Kan.
Passing through the Fort Riley reservation, we camped one night at the
government ford on Seven Mile creek. This spot proved to have been a favorite
resort for the Indians, and must have been occupied by a village of considerable
Bize.
We spent two days on the south side of the Kansas river, near Ogden, con-
tinuing the work of the previous year on the land of V. E. Schermerhorn and
Charles Schiller. We were well rewarded for our labor here, and secured a fine
lot of relics to add to the Society's collection.
I have either opened or assisted in opening more than 100 of these burial
mounds, and while there is a slight diversity in the shape of the ornaments
buried, the greatest difference is in the amount of material found. The small
mounds as a rule contain nothing of interest but fragments of human bones,
sometimes charred by fire.
The larger mounds often, but not always, contain war-arrow and spear points,
knives, and scrapers, all of flint; bone, shell and stone beads; bone awls; also
ornaments made of a variety of materials, such as bone, teeth, and stone.
The objects found in the various mounds show a marked similarity, the slight
variations being due to the individual tastes of the artisans.
I have endeavored, by close observation, to gain light on the method of burial
that prevailed among these Indians.
There are several methods of disposing of the dead practiced by Western
tribes; one common among the Sioux was to wrap the deceased in blankets and
place the body on an elevated platform of poles, where it would remain until
complete decomposition of the flesh had taken place; the bones were then re-
moved and buried.
The Kaws, while living at their old village near Manhattan, buried their dead
in graves on the bottom land near the village, leaving no permanent markings of
any kind which might lead to the identification of the spot. In later years,
tie Clarke, and they Lave been blessed with two girls and two boys. He is the son of the Rev.
.James Sayre Griffing and Miss J. Augusta Goodrich. Their parents were both of Englisli an-
cestry. The father was born October 28, 1822, at Owego, N. Y., and died April 'S, 1882. He was
sent by the Methodist church as a missionary to Kansas in 1854, arriving November 4. His
circuit reached from the Wyandotte reservation, at the mouth of the Kaw, to Fort Riley. He
rode this circuit usually alone on an Indian pony, and in 1855 took a claim two miles east of
Topeka. He organized classes wherever possible, the first at Lawrence, witli a membership of
eleven; next at Auburn (then Brownsville), with a half-dozen members; at Tecumseh, with a
morabership of nine; at Topeka early in 1855; Clinton, Douglas county, next; and out at.Juni"
ata, in Riley county, and other points; total enrolment for the first year of 200. He also as-
sisted in organizing tlie Kansas and Nebraska conference, at Lawrence, October 2;i, 1856, and
never missed a conference during the remaining twonty-six years of his life. He was elected
county superintendent of public instruction for Shawnee county. While stationed at Seneca
ho joined a militifi company, wliich was soon ordered out to go after tlie Cheyennes, wlio had
made a raid along the Platte. They went as far as the moutli of White Rock, on the Republi-
can, thence nortli, and buried the dead at different ranches that had been looted. The com-
pany was again called into service dnring the Price raid, in 1864. He planted an orchard in
Kansas in 1858.
MOUNDS AND VILLAGE SITES. 135
stones were heaped over the graves, to protect the bodies from vpolves. Often a
horse was killed over the spot, whose spirit was supposed to convey that of the
departed to the happy hunting grounds. The tribe that occupied the territory
around Manhattan some two or three centuries ago, and constructed the burial
mounds I have mentioned, is thought by the best authorities to have been
Pawnees, who afterward migrated up the Republican river, and to the Platte
river, Nebraska.
The evidence goes to show that before burials were made in these mounds the
bones were broken up, often burned black, and scattered in a layer through the
mound as it was gradually erected by heaping up earth and stones. They seem
never to have been disturbed after the mound was once finished — later burials
requiring a new and different mound. Only once have I ever found an excep-
tion; this was in a mound in Pottawatomie county, near the mouth of Cedar
creek; here we found the complete skeleton of an Indian buried in a sitting pos-
ture; the other burials in the mound were the same as in all others. It was
plainly an intrusive burial.
REPORT OF COMMITTEE ON MOUNDS AND VILLAGE SITES.
By W. E. RiCHET, Chairman of Committee.
Explorations have been made on the Kansas, Republican, Smoky Hill,
Verdigris and Marais des Cygnes rivers, and interesting Indian relics from
the streams named are now on exhibition in the rooms of the Society. Many
flint implements, buffalo bones and pieces of pottery have been unearthed at a
village site near Lindsborg. A piece of petrified wood was also unearthed here,
which apparently was once the end of a stick drawn by dogs, and on which In-
dians moved their tents and equipage. This is indicated by one end being worn
smooth at a certain angle. The flint implements found on this side are of dif-
ferent colors, showing that the people of the village had communication with In-
dians of remote localities. It is possible that some of them were obtained by
conquest, but the probability is that the greater number were acquired by barter.
This village was situated between two never-failing streams. In places the ground
near the stream rose to a considerable height. When buffaloes came to slake
their thirst at these cooling waters, the Indians of the village could approach the
stream and kill their choice from the drinking herds. The facility with which
these animals were slaughtered here may account for the unusual number of
their bones unearthed on the village site.
The amount of pottery unearthed here is also a noticeable feature. The vil-
lage was likely an important one. Professor Udden, formerly of Lindsborg, wrote
a small volume descriptive of this site and the objects found there.
East of this site, some sites on Gypsum, Holland and Turkey creeks have
been examined, and a number of interesting relics found, among them a mottled
flint hoe. This flint came from a distance, nothing like it being known in the
locality. The indications are that small areas on these streams were cultivated.
It is believed that Coronado crossed these streams on his march from the big
bend of the Smoky Hill to the Kansas river. His narrators speak of corn in
Quivira, and the hoes and digging implements indicate that it was raised there,
but the buffalo furnished the main food.
Last winter Mr. J. A. Johnson, a bridge contractor, in excavating for the
abutments for a bridge on Clark's creek, near Skiddy, Morris county, at a depth
of fifteen feet, came to a fireplace, or hearth, made of stones, matched and fitted
together, and resting on a solid ledge of rock, lower than the present channel.
On the fireplace were found charcoal, ashes, a buffalo bone, a flint knife, and a
136 KANSAS STATE HISTORICAL SOCIETY.
coin-shaped piece of brass. Above the fireplace, and six or seven feet beneath
the surface, an oak tree, two feet thick, had grown. The stump was removed in
excavating. This was undoubtedly a camping-place of white men in communi-
cation with Indians a long time ago. Another fireplace has been found since in
the same locality.
I examined a very interesting village site and fort on the Verdigris river last
spring. Rev. M. E. Eraser, of Neodesha, and Mr. Knaus had written the Society
concerning this site and fort. The fort was built on a part of the site three miles
north of Neodesha, near to and east of the river. The lodge sites occupy a con-
siderable area, and the village seems to have been an important one. Its occu-
pants must have been known for long distances, as small flint implements of
many kinds and colors have been found different from any known there. There
seems to have been no other village of equal importance in that whole section of
country. Shells, stone mauls, flint arrow-points, hammers, rubbing-stones,
scrapers, pitted stones, flint chips and other objects were found on the site.
The presence of pitted stones seems significant. The animal bones found indi-
cate that these Indians derived their main support from the buffalo. On the
highest ground of the site are two parallel lines of pits. The dirt from these pits
had been thrown between the lines of pits, so as to make one line of elevated
places between the two lines of pits. The form of this fort is almost that of a
horseshoe, with the opening toward the east. The pits and the elevated places
between them were from one to two rods long, and the pits were about three and
a half feet deep.
A piece of the butt plate of a gun and an old iron ax beveled only on one side
were unearthed near the fort; also bullets and trinkets, probably traded to the
Indians by white traders, were found. These things and the Indian relics found
are deposited in the rooms of the State Historical Society and on exhibition there.
Conjectures have been made as to the time and by whom the fort was built. It
was quite likely the work of white men, and I do not think it is very old. The
probabilities are that the fort was built while the Indian village was in existence.
This is indicated by the beveled ax and the trinkets found. Investigation of this
fort and site will be continued, and possibly facts may be developed which will
throw further light on both. There seems nothing definite now as to either.
There are mounds in various places in Kansas which may develop interesting
facts. The village sites are continually yielding their treasures of the past. These
should be carefully preserved. They throw much light on the manner of living
of those who formerly held the soil. Back of written records, if a history could
be written of those who roamed over the sunny plains of Kansas, it would surely
be a very interesting one.
Mr. W. J. Griffing has collected during the last year a lot of interesting relics
near Manhattan and deposited them with the Society.
While the members of the committee are interested in the work, it is incon-
venient and almost impracticable for them to get together and make examinations
of mounds and village sites.
Everything seems to indicate that what can be learned of the aborigines of
what is now Kansas is well worthy of investigation and study.
ON THE SANTA FE TRAIL, 137
A FAMOUS OLD CROSSING ON THE SANTA FE TRAIL.
From an address by Geo. P. Morehouse,* of Council Grove, before the State
Historical Society, at its twenty-eighth annual meeting, December 1, 1903.
''I^HE great flood of 1903, which washed away the Main street bridge over the
-*- Neosho river at Council Grove, has called attention to this famous crossing
of the old Santa Fe trail over that stream. This bridge marked the exact loca-
tion, and the city has always preserved a convenient passway down the river
banks to the fine rock-bottom ford, that stock and teams could go over in the
old way. This is right in the center of the town, and has always been a splendid
watering-place, noted as such long before the time of the white man.
The three spans of this bridge were destroyed on the night of May 28, 1903,
when two-thirds of Council Grove were flooded by a sudden and protracted rise
of the river, several feet higher than recorded by the oldest settler. The tradi-
tion of the Kaws, who lived here from 1847 till 1873, that "once the valley was
washed from hills to hills" was verified, but no one dreamed of a wave of water
high enough to carry off this strong structure and to flood every business house
in the city. The Kaws used to tell of this tradition, and say "White man heap
big fool to build big house near river," and for a time last spring we thought
they were correct.
Nothing much remains of this bridge except the abutments and piers, which
stand as mute monuments of not only the power of the highest water ever known,
but also a very noted spot in the history of Kansas. The first structure was of
heavy oak timber, sawed out of the original "council grove," and was built
some forty years ago, and was for a time a toll-bridge, and known as the only
bridge this far west in the state. When a boy, I remember the old oak bridge
leaned fully two feet down stream before it was finally taken down. In early
days it furnished a convenient scaffold from which to drop those sentenced to
death by the court of Judge Lynch, which often held sessions here. The last
execution to take place here was during the winter of 1866-'67. Jack McDowell
was a noted horse-thief and outlaw from Missouri, and understood to have been
with Quantrill at Lawrence and on other expeditions, but his career of crime
came to an ignominious end at this spot. As a suspicious character he lounged
*Geoege Pieeson Moeehouse was born at Decatur, 111., July 28, 1859. His father, Horace
Morehouse, is still living, at the age of 78, a retired merchant and farmer. He was one of the
founders of the Republican party in Illinois. The mother was Lavinia F. Strong, the daughter
of a Presbyterian minister, a lineal descendant of Elder John Strong, who came from England
in 1630, in the good ship Mary and John, and fouBded Northampton, Mass. The family came to
Kansas in 1871, and opened a stock farm at Diamond Springs, in Morris county. George P.
Morehouse started his life in the rough and tumble of ranch life. His first expense money for
school-books was obtained from tlie sale of fur skins and wolf pelts. He went to Albion, New
York, Academy, graduating in 1884, and he also became academic graduate of the University of
New York. Here he won three prizes. He began the study of law in New York, but returned
home, and managed the ranch for two years, which is still owned by himself and brother, fin-
ishing legal preparation at Council Grove. He was admitted to the bar in 1889, and served six
years as city attorney of Council Grove and county attorney of Morris county. He was elected
state senator from the twenty-third district, composed of the counties of Chase, Marion, and
Morris. He is the author of the law making the sunflower the state flower, and of tlie first leg-
islation regulating automobiles ; an active advocate of manual training, and other reforms in
our systems of education and taxation. He is a bachelor, of the law firm of Morehouse &
Crowley, Council Grove, a member of the Presbyterian church, a Modern Woodman, and a
Knight of Pythias.
138 KANSAS STATE HISTORICAL SOCIETY.
around town for several days, and then stole the best span of horses in the valley.
He was tracked into Nebraska by the owner, William Pollard, who took with
him the sheriff of Morris county. They took no chances of delay," but brought
him back without a requisition, a formality too slow for that time. To track a
horse thief or prairie outlaw then was far different than now, assisted as the offi-
cers are by thickly settled country, railways, telegraphs, telephones, and so many
means of communication and interception.
McDowell seemed to have some confederates or friends right in town, who
made a demonstration for his rescue and secretly furnished him with arms. It
failed, however, and two well-known citizens were given "six hours to sell out,
pack up, go, and never return," a frequent order by the mysterious "committee
of safety." They promptly obeyed orders. While preparations were being made
for "the preliminary," that he might be "bound over to the district court," he
wag confined in the old log guard-house. It was a long time to the spring term
of court, and McDowell became so violent in his abuse and unspeakable execra-
tion of his captors, the town, and its leading citizens, whom he threatened with
all kinds of vengeance in the future, and so openly boasted of his numerous kill-
ings, that it became unbearable " to the peace and quiet " of the old town. "After
due deliberation," so called, it was thought best summarily to dispose of him and
not wait for the next term of court to send him to the pen. This decision was
hastened by rumors that some of his old-time friends were coming with a band of
rescuers. One cold, bright moonlight Saturday night after business hours, the
"inner council" of the committee of safety assembled as executioners and took
him down Main street to the old bridge, with a convenient rope coiled around his
neck. The loose end was properly fastened to an extended cross-beam, and Mc-
Dowell was duly rolled off into eternity. When ho saw that his end was near he
became very meek and begged for delay, and confessed his many crimes as a
heartless outlaw and thoroughly bad man that he was. His body was left hang-
ing for a day from this prominent place, as a warning to others.
This old wooden structure was replaced by an iron bridge, which, having no
walk-way, was converted into three country bridges, and the fine structure re-
cently destroyed was erected. Since the May flood, the river has been crossed
in the old way of early trail days, and frequently this summer was too high, and
wagon and passenger traffic between east and west Council Grove has been car-
ried on with much difficulty, giving good examples of the many trials experi-
enced in overland teaming when this was one of the most noted highways in
America.
The extremes to which men would go in old times to get their wagon-trains
across this spot is noted in the following account recently related to me by an
old-timer : Pawnee Bill was a rancher and freighter, and, with a long train of
empty wagons going east, he was detained at this crossing by continued high
water. Becoming restless at the delay, he ordered his men to chain all wagon-
boxes to the gears and prepare to advance. The Mexican "greasers," not given
to such violent baths, objected, and started a mutiny. He ridiculed them as
cowards and children, and said "all such could crawl in the high wagons and
ride, but brave men would ride and drive oxen or swim along with them," as he
would.
He set the example by forcing the head outfit, a wagon drawn by five yoke of
oxen, into the mad current, and arrived safely across. He was an expert swim-
mer, and would go along the side of the oxen, punching them and urging them
on with terrific yells, now on one side, and would even dive under the floating
mass and come up on the other side to urge them along. The entire train fol-
Group of Kaw ludians in fall dress. Wa-inan-ka-wa-sha, with shield; Sha-ga-in-ka, with horns ;
Margaret Ma-huo-gah, with pappoose, belle of the Kaws.
Famous crossing over the Neosho>n the Santa Fe Trail, at Council Grove,
after the flood of 1903.
I
ON THE SANTA FE TRAIL. 139
lowed, some "greasers" swimming, others riding oxen, and when the entire train
reaclaed the east side only two or three oxen were drowned. Many other trains
were stopped that time by the high water, but none tried the strenuous method
of fording adopted by Pawnee Bill. The best view of this old croseing is taken
from the east abutment, lookirg west over the two piers and along Main street,
wtiich bears southwest about fifteen degrees, and which is a part of the original
surveyed Santa Fe trail. This trail was used as a base line from which west
Council Grove was platted, and hence all streets are "askew with the world."
When the city was laid out a few rough log and stone structures had been
erected along the trail, and they were thought to be too valuable to be disturbed.
The Daughters of the Revolution propose the worthy movement among the
school children of the counties along this trail of marking by lasting monuments
its course through the state. It is being obliterated in the grain counties, but
through the large pastures of Morris and other counties, its sod-frozen washes,
ruts and ridges are still plain. Main street of Council Grove and this old
crossing over the Neosho are probably the most prominent, well preserved and
permanent monuments along this noted thoroughfare. Several business places
still stand which date back to the old days, when the long lines of white-covered,
creaking, lumbering prairie schooners, drawn by oxen or mules, crossed the
river at this point, and rolled past on their way to the far Southwest,
The first building to the left is the old trail blacksmith shop, right where the
overland traffic swung up the hill into the broad street, of the last outfitting
town and place where "store supplies" could be obtained. The next building
to the left is the old hotel, substantially built of native lumber, oak frame and
black walnut siding. The third story is an addition of this generation. For
many years this was the most noted man hostelry from the Missouri river to
Santa Fe. During those old trail days, and the great cattle drives of subsequent
times, when vast herds of long-horn Texas cattle were driven through here, it
was of ten the scene of noted events, dances, "social round-ups," "fandangoes,"
and the like, which early frontier belles and boys traveled many miles to at-
tend. Many other quaint and celebrated business places still stand, relics of
those palmy days when Council Grove was the second most important trading
center in "Kansas. To the right, set back from the street is the famous Hays
building, also built of native lumber, and which in some way once stopped a
great fire, after burning a half-block of brick stores. Upstairs was the public
hall, where many noted old Kansans held forth, where court convened, and the-
atricals, which had ventured thus far west, turned back.
A block west of this crossing was the "pioneer store," recently changed some
from its former odd proportions. It was a long, two- story stone building, with
thick walls, and was the "last chance" to buy neglected supplies. Here the
Kaws and other Indians traded buffalo-robes, deer and wolf skins and other pel-
tries for coveted things, and through its wide double doors the festive cowboys
sometimes rode their ponies and traded with the astonished clerks. Here every-
thing needed was kept, from a cambric needle to a complete frontier outfit, and
every luxury could be obtained, from a cathartic pill to a cask of whisky. At
this point people from the "effete East," who had foolishly worn "biled shirts"
or sported stiff or plug hats, discarded these badges of luxury and purchased re-
liable soft sombreros and hickory or woolen shirts. If not, they met trouble, for
it was a frequent custom to smash such hats down over a man's ears or shoot
holes through the crown. This old crossing, camp-ground, grove and bridge
were common and convenient places for meeting to exchange news, trade horses,
sell cattle, outfit for the plains, and gather information upon all subjects from
140 KANSAS STATE HISTORICAL SOCIETY.
the many travelers going east and west. A sort of bureau of general information
and trail etatistics was kept of those who passed, and even now passing suspicious
characters are often noted and facts gained which lead to their destination and
final capture. It was an abandoned horse and buggy crossing here at midnight
a few years ago that gave the clue and led to the capture of that noted outlaw,
mutineer, and murderer, Estelle.
As the number of passing wagons, oxen, horses, mules and tons of merchan-
dise in the trains of the trail days was here noted and booked, so also this is the
place even today where the length and character of modern parades and proces-
sions are counted and recorded. Few places in Kansas have a more favorable
spot at which to congregate large crowds than this grove and crossing. For
forty years some of Kansas' greatest political events have been held here ; events
of more than local importance, as either party could easily gather its devotees to
this Mecca, even from surrounding counties. Spell-binders and sages of all po-
litical faiths have made this old camp ground and grove echo with their elo-
quence. All of Kansas' old-timers have been here, and such noted outsiders as
George Francis Train, Miss Anthony, Mrs. Lucy Stone Blackwell and Elizabeth
Cady Stanton were here in one season. During later years some of these events
have brought long processions over (this crossing, and it has been the custom to
measure the length and count the teams and persons passing, and it is consid-
ered an omen of victory to the political party managing the longest and most at-
tractive display. The Democrats will always boast of the most costly, artistic
and well-managed procession and spectacular display, when Judge John Martin
was their candidate for governor.
The longest procession to pass here, and the one that caused Republicans the
most anxiety, was when, on a cloudy and unfavorable day, Mrs. Lease, as the
"Joan of Arc," and Senator Peflfer, the "prophet of Populism," headed a parade,
with banners galore, which, for two long hours, rolled down the street and
crossed this bridge. It had been quietly worked up, for no previous advertising
announced its coming; but it came — came in long and enthusiastic delegations
— from Morris and adjoining counties, and was a prominent mark of the high
tide of the political fervor of that party. In some respects, the grandest and
most potent political event ever held here was on a favorable October day in 1891,
an "off year," but one of remarkable political activity. It was known as a
"rally and barbecue," and, while a Republican affair, was quite unique and un-
usual, in that the "straight-out" Democrats favored it, and to a degree partici-
pated in cooking the beef and helping in the entertainment. This was in
recognition of the nomination by the Republican party of James Humphrey, of
Junction City, for district judge. The "medicine made that day" and the good
feeling prevailing, probably, were the cause of his election. Fully 10,000 people
assembled — many from other counties — and for about an hour and a half a pro-
cession passed, which for enthusiasm and patriotic display could not have been
excelled. Unlike the other procession, with its caustic and caricature banners
which cut and hurt and rankled, this parade only displayed the stars and stripes,
which decorated every horse, cart, wagon, carriage, and were held by every man,
woman, and child. It presented a remarkable scene — a line of winding, rising
and falling red, white, and blue, as far as the eye could reach. After a barbecue,
which consumed several head of fat cattle and numerous hogs, besides great
stacks of bread and barrels of coffee, ex-Gov. Geo. T. Anthony delivered the po-
litical address. Its earnestness, its logical reasoning, its clear and convincing
presentation of the fundamental principles and powers of government, will never
be forgotten, and had great influence upon the thousands who heard. At that
ON THE SANTA FE TRAIL. 141
time he was five years ahead of his party, which arrived at his reasoning in the
St. Louie platform of 1896, and adopted his arguments in that campaign. I
mention it here because it was an eventful day in Kansas politics, an address
which will long live as a political classic, and was delivered in this famous and
historical spot by one whom some may not have admired, but all will admit had
no superior in our Western country upon the stormy forum of public debate.
The recent flood, which destroyed the bridge at this crossing and submerged
the town for a night and day, had such swift currents across this street that hose-
carts were overturned and men and horses washed from their feet while on the
way to the burning and floating lumber-yard and flooded and blazing buildings.
To reach such a height and force, the river at this old ford had to be about twenty-
five feet above ordinary water-mark.
There has been much speculation as to the earliest use of this crossing, but no
one knows how far back it extends. While it is true that there was no Santa
Fe trail till the white man made it, however, the old Indian traditions and
other proofs clearly establish that, along parts of its very course, there was a pre.
historic, well-marked and used highway to and from the Southwest. There are
strong reasons for believing that back to the days of the mound builders this
natural route was in use. It is well established that it was a common pathway
for ancient Indian tribes hundreds of years ago. Many think that a part of Cor-
onado's expedition crossed here in 1511, as pieces of chain mail and other ancient
relics have been found near here. The first known man who camped at this
crossing on his way to Santa Fe was La Lande, a French Creole, in the year 1801.
The year following, a man by the name of Purcell passed here bound for the
same place. William Becknell, a Missouri trader, crossed this ford in 1821, with
the first successful trading outfit that transported merchandise to the Mexican
civilization of the Southwest.
There is record of three men, guided by a Spaniard named Blanco, who in
1809 went across to Santa Fe, and in 1817 Mr. Choteau, for many years after-
wards a trader among the Kaws, covered the same route. He being at that time
from St. Louis, the erroneous idea prevails that the first trading expeditions to
Santa Fe over this route originated in that city. But to the old town of Frank-
lin, in Howard county, Missouri, belongs the honor of fitting out the first trad-
ing expedition, which was the small pack-train of William Becknell, that made
the journey in 1821.
The trading expedition of Augustus Storrs, of Franklin, Mo., who crossed
here in 1821, and his elaborate report made to Senator Benton, regarding the
trade possibilities with New Mexico and northern Old Mexico, stirred up Con-
gress to make an appropriation for the survey and improvement of this avenue of
coming "commerce of the prairies."
On the 10th day of August, 1825, right here under a monster old oak, "coun-
cil oak," still standing, the United States commission and chief representatives
of the powerful Osage nations met in council for several days, and made that
treaty which led to the establishment of the Santa Fe trail and this crossing,
and gave to this historic spot the name "Council Grove." During the same year,
1825, an expedition under Major Sibley commenced the survey, and for three
years was engaged in formally laying out this highway and securing the proper
concessions for its recognition. Within a few rods of this ford still stand some
of the old giant oak trees, estimated to be over 200 years old, a part of the original
" council grove," which for ages has been, and still is, the largest body of natural
timber from here to the Rocky Mountains. This being the last timber crossing
to Santa P"'e, caravans carried a supply for repairs, which they hung in convenient
142 KANSAS STATE HISTORICAL SOCIETY.
logs or timbers beneath their \vagone, and sometimes they were carried to Santa
Fe and back, when not used in repairing disabled wagons.
The first caravans to cross at this point were composed of pack-animals — Mis-
souri mules. In 1824 a few wagons were successfully used. About 1830 the regu-
lation high-box prairie-schooner was introduced. These wagons were drawn
by from five to six yoke of oxen or as many mules, and had a capacity of about
three tons. These trains numbered at times hundreds of wagons and several
thousand animals, and thus thousands of tons of merchandise were transported.
Is it any wonder this vast wagon commerce left an indelible mark on the plains
or at a crossing like this ?
This fine old forest of oak, hickory, walnut, and elm, with its abundance of
wood and water, its shade and shelter, was a common gathering-place and council
ground of the overland caravans westward bound, and the welcoming oasis, re-
treat and post of recuperation for the returning voyagers from the dust, heat,
fatigue and dangers of the great plains, which, from this beautiful and pro-
tecting valley, stretched —
"In airy undulations, far away.
As if an ocean in its gentlest swell
Stood still, with all its rounded billows fixed
And motionless forever."
It was here at this famous meeting-point, where parties assembled, organized
their long caravans of wagons and pack-animals, and elected their train bosses
and other officers to manage their future journey and enforce the "code of the
plains," which they had adopted and which governed. It was here, in 1842, that
Marcus Whitman, that intrepid Presbyterian explorer and missionary, found
shelter on his historic winter ride from Oregon to Washington, the most-noted
long overland trip in American history; a ride that saved Oregon, now three
states, as he arrived just in time to prevent Tyler and Webster from trading it
(then thought to be "a worthless wilderness") to the British for some fishing
privileges. Whitman avoided the impassable snows of the middle Rockies by
coming around South and striking this trail in New Mexico.
It was near this crossing of the Neosho, in July, 1846, that Colonel Doniphan
and Sterling Price stopped and rested their regiments of Missouri volunteers on
their way to the Mexican war. This march, from Leavenworth to the land of
the Aztecs, 4000 miles, has no rival in the great marches of the world. The word
"Neosho" means a river with water, so different from many Western rivers with
their dry and sandy beds.
Over this crossing have passed most of the famous expeditions to the West
and Southwest, and both man and beast, thirsty and famished, welcomed a river
with water, and naturally lingered in the shelter of this favored spot.
This famous old crossing, with its rich traditions and historic interest, is right
in the busy center of a growing Kansas town, and will always be marked by a
large bridge and a convenient ford across its refreshing waters. This noted
highway at this point has never been closed, but our broad Main street, through
which poured that great overland commerce, and which once resounded with the
creaking, groaning wagons, the tread of thousands of patient and faithful oxen
and sturdy mules, accented by the emphatic imprecations of the drivers, is now
lined with modern business houses, beautiful homes, and at night is made bril-
liant with electricity for a mile of its original course.
Multitudes cross here daily who never think of this historic ground or recall
that primitive civilization of Indians, hunters and plainsmen, freighters, cow-
Pioneer Store on Trail at Council Grove. Built in the early '50 s
Last chance for supplies.
Under this oak at Council Grove treaty was made with the Great and Little Osage.
for right of way of Santa Fo Trail, August 10, 1,S25. Estimated
age of tree, 250 years.
I
BUSINESS THEN AND NOW. 143
boy8, and soldiers, who were the every day actors of those strenuous times, and if
they should remember that period of our historic past, they would probably say :
"Look now, abroad,
Another race has filled these borders ;
Wide the wood recedes, fertile realms are tilled,
The land is full of harvests and green meads."
Years may come and go ; the old " council oak" and the grove may wither, de-
cay, and die; our present civilization may almost obliterate the Santa Fe trail
and scatter its quaint and interesting relics, but as long as Main street of Coun-
cil Grove endures, the course of this noted trail, the magnitude of its trade, will
be indelibly marked on earth, and at no more interesting and historical spot than
at this famous old crossing over the Neosho river.
BUSINESS THEN AND NOW.
An address by James C. Hoeton,* of Kansas City, Mo., before the Kansas State Historical
Society, at its twenty-eighth annual meeting, December 1, 1903.
TN 1861, when Kansas was admitted, the taxable property of the state was
-*- about $16,000,000. It is now nearly $390,000,000. The seven-per-cent. bonds
of 1861 brought only thirty-five to forty-two cents on the dollar. The state at
that time would exchange a hundred-dollar bond for seventy dollars of state war-
rants, there being no money in the treasury for redemption of the warrants,
which sold for about fifty to sixty cents on the dollar. This made the price to
the buyer of state bonds thirty- five to forty-two cents. The interest on every
Kansas bond issued by the state was always promptly paid, and every such bond
redeemed at maturity.
Considering the fact that the debt was limited to $1,000,000, and the state was
forbidden to become a party to any work of internal improvement, this was a
very low figure for the bonds, but those were critical times.
Kansas is now practically out of debt, but could borrow at three per cent., if
needed, on an issue of state bonds.
BANKS OF KANSAS.
There were no banks of issue in Kansas up to 1864, unless, possibly, the Law-
rence Bank, which had a territorial charter, and issued bills which circulated
* James Claek Hoeton, of Kansas City, Mo., was born at Ballston Spa, Saratoga county,
New York, May 15, 1837. He is the son of James W. Horton and Abba Claris. His father was
county clerk of Saratoga county from 1845 to 1885. In November, 1884, he was elected for the
fourteenth term of three years, but died soon after the beginning of the term. He was warden
or vestryman of his church for over fifty years, and chairman of the Republican county com-
mittee for thirty years. Ancestors on both sides were from Connecticut. James C. Horton at-
tended Doctor Babcock's school at Ballston Spa, a school at Lockport, and the Kinderhook
Academy, at Kinderhook, N. Y. He came to Kansas in March, 1857, and settled in Lawrence.
He worked for a year as a copyist in his father's office before coming to Kansas. After settling
in Lawrence, he engaged in manual labor. In 1858 he was made deputy to S. S. Prouty, register
of deeds, and was afterwards elected for three terms to this office. He was then express and
railroad ticket agent at Lawrence until his removal to Kansas City, Mo., in 1878, when, in com-
pany with B. W. Woodward and Frank A. Faxon, the wholesale drug house of Woodward, Faxon
& Co , now Faxon, Horton & Gallagher, was established. He represented Douglas county in the
house of representatives in 1874, and in the state senate of 1875 and 1876. He was chairman of
the ways and means committee of the house in 1874, and chairman of the same committee and of
the joint committee during his two years in the senate. He is a vestryman in Trinity Church,
Lawrence, and Grace Church, Kansas City, Mo. He was married April 23, 1867, to Fannie B.
Robinson, widow of John W. Robinson. His wife died June 14, 1901. iir, Horton is one of the
survivors of the Quantrill raid at Lawrence.
144 KANSAS STATE HISTORICAL SOCIETY.
and were honored. The bills were printed in red ink. I think this bank was
the only one incorporated by the territory.
There were some private institutions in Leavenworth, Atchison, and Topeka,
and a few other of the larger towns, but all together there were not more than fif-
teen or twenty, with deposits of less than $1,000,000. The national, state and
private banks now number over 650, with deposits of nearly $100,000,000.
ONE banker's cheap AND QUICK METHOD OF MAKING COLLECTIONS.
In Lawrence, in 1857, Samuel N. Wood had a bank office in one corner of a
small grocery store on Massachusetts street. There were piles of flour and bacon
in the little building. Wood's corner occupying about eight feet square, with a
bay window in front, in which he displayed land-warrants, gold and bank-notes
in a tempting manner. One day a debtor of this banker passed by in the middle
of the street, being somewhat intoxicated. Mr. Wood rushed out and seized him,
throwing him down and taking his pocketbook. After helping himself to the
amount due him he returned the pocketbook to its place and allowed him to pro-
ceed. This was a novel, but an economical and expeditious way of making a col-
lection— quite a contrast to the delays which creditors sometimes experience in
the courtB nowadays.
THE CURRENCY.
Our currency at the time was gold, silver, and paper, but the paper money we
had was mostly issued by banks either chartered and controlled by a state, as
in Missouri, Indiana, and Ohio, or secured by pledges of state bonds, as in New
York, Illinois, Wisconsin, and some other states. Unfortunately, when the
Southern states seceded, their bonds depreciated rapidly, in some instances be-
coming entirely worthless — and the currency for which such bonds had been
pledged fell far below par.
When I was register of deeds of Douglas county, 1 recall an instance where
an old gentleman was paid $300 in bank bills, mostly on Illinois and Wisconsin
banks, in satisfaction of a mortgage which he held on a farm in that county.
This was in the forenoon. That afternoon the stage brought the Leavenworth
morning paper, which this old gentleman was in the habit of reading every day
soon after it arrived. He always came around to the office to look it over. We
had no telegraph or daily paper in Lawrence at that time. He had not read
many telegraphic items before he discovered quite a list of banks whose currency
was depreciated for the reason above stated. He said he would like to take the
paper home with him, and the next day he sold the bank bills he had received at
par the day before to Simpson's Bank for fifty cents on the dollar, and said he
was glad to get rid of them.
No matter what panic overtakes the country now, the holders of its paper
money, either that of the government or of the national banks, are secure against
loss on that score. In those days a 'Thompson'' s Ba»Jc note Reporter, issued
weekly, was to be seen .in every place of business. No prudent man could be
without it. It described counterfeits, of which there were a great many, and
gave quotations of uncurrent money — nearly all bank issues being at a discount
away from home.
RATES OF INTEREST.
The interest on money at that time ranged from twenty per cent, annum to
five per cent, per month, and in some instances even ten per cent, a month was
obtained. Twenty per cent, a year was considered very reasonable, and thou-
sands of dollars were loaned in the towns where the land-offices were located at
three per cent, a month for the purpose of entering lands. Kansas people are
not borrowing to a great extent now, but rates are from six to eight per cent, per
annum.
BUSINESS THEN AND NOW. 145
In Douglas county, in 1858, the county board determined that it was necessary
to have a jail, and the chairman. Judge Josiah Miller, together with Henry Bar-
ricklow, one of the board, gave a note to a Lawrence merchant, George Ford,
with interest at five per cent, a month, for materials furnished for a jail. It cost
about $800, was built of hewn logs and had a shingle roof, but the windows were
well barred and the jail had a very heavy oaken door, secured with a strong pad-
lock. Soon after its completion an unfortunate individual charged with a slight
offense was incarcerated, but through the kindly aid of a friend, who handed
him a small saw between the window bars, he cut a hole through the roof and
escaped that night.
The rate of interest paid in this necessity was not then considered unreason-
able, but it is quite likely that Douglas county could to-day borrow all the money
it wanted at the rate of four per cent, per annum.
Geary county, four years ago, sold its four-percent, court-house bonds at five
per cent, premium.
BOND VOTING FOR RAILROADS.
About 1868 what Web Wilder called the "bond-voting mania" swept over
Kansas, and many thousands of dollars were voted in aid of railroad enterprises.
Fortunately the state herself could not be involved, as the constitution prohibited
her from becoming a party to works of internal improvement, and limited the
amount of the state debt. It might have been a blessing to Kansas if the Wy-
andotte convention had made that section read: "Neither the state, nor any
county, city, or township, shall become a party to any work of internal improve-
ment."
There was, however, a great desire for railroads, and the people wanted them
quickly; they were tired of hauling their products over muddy roads. As to
prices paid for construction, the iron for the road between Pleasant Hill and
Lawrence was bought in England, and brought by way of New Orleans, costing
$140 a ton in greenbacks (which would have been about eighty dollars in gold).
Steel rails can now be bought for twenty-seven dollars a ton or less, and a steel
rail will outwear twenty- five iron rails.
The railroads were expensive luxuries to the taxpayers, but there were com-
pensations, and the people were glad to get some other mode of travel besides
the stage-coaches.
Sometimes, when roads were bad, it would take from six o'clock at night un-
til six in the morning to go by stage from Lawrence to Topeka, a distance of only
twenty-eight miles.
STEAMBOATING.
All goods for Kansas in the early days were brought up the Missouri river by
steamboat. These were well equipped, carried a great many passengers, and the
service was good, considering the difficulties of navigation at some seasons of the
year. Flour, bacon and other staple articles were imported in large quantities.
Kansas now exports largely both wheat and flour, and in 1903 had the largest
wheat crop of any state in the Union. There are not enough cars and locomo-
tives to handle this enormous crop.
The Kansas river was navigated from 1854 until 1864 at certain seasons of the
year. We had a regular boat at Lawrence which took corn to Kansas City, and
then went to Leavenworth for lumber, making the round trip in about four days.
Boats also went as far as Fort Riley, and one contractor for freight to be
hauled by wagon from Fort Leavenworth to Fort Riley made a handsome profit,
the stage of water being favorible, by bringing this freight up in a steamboat.
Capt. Bertrand Rockwell's father (George Rockwell), then in business in
—11
146 KANSAS STATE HISTORICAL SOCIETY.
Junction City, told me that he freighted salt by wagon from Leavenworth and
sold it in Junction City at $6 a barrel. Now Kansas is supplying salt not
only for all the state, but for some distance beyond. The packers in Kansas
City use Kansas salt by the car-load, and in barrel lots it is worth about $1.25.
EXPRESS BUSINESS AND THE STAGE COACHES,
In those earlier days I was express agent at Lawrence, and at that time the
transmission of money was largely done by express, as we had but few banks to
furnish drafts, and postal and express money-orders were unknown. Now the
shipments of currency and specie are by express almost entirely — the large
amounts shipped by banks and the government. Before there were any railroads
thousands of dollars were carried on the stages, much of this money not being
accompanied by a messenger. We had steel-bound trunks which were filled
with money packages and the agents at different points had duplicate keys.
These trunks were usually closely packed with money and valuables. This op-
portunity should not pass without a tribute to the fidelity of the stage-drivers
who had them in their charge. I do not recall one instance on any stage route
in Kansas where a dollar was stolen. These men were experts in driving, had a
pride in their profession, and could handle four- or six-horse teams with ease.
With hardly an exception they were temperate and careful, but not highly edu-
cated men. Some of them swore occasionally, on rainy nights, when roads were
bad, but their integrity was unquestioned and their standard of honor very
high. Acquisition of knowledge, desirable as it may be, does not of itself make
people honest.
ELECTRICITY AS A POWER.
Within the past twenty years the development in the electrical field has been
greater than in any other, and the use of this power is increasing so rapidly it
may be confidently predicted that the time is not far distant when it will super-
sede steam as a motive power on all railroads, both for passenger- and freight-
trains. Since this article was written it is announced that the New York Central
railroad is to adopt electrical power for a portion of its road, at an expense of
twenty to thirty millions.
THE PACKING BUSINESS.
One of the greatest changes in business pertains to the meat supply. Some
years ago every village had its slaughtering establishment. Now the great pack-
ing centers furnish these foods.
Over $300,000 a day is paid out at the Live-stock Exchange, in Kansas City,
for cattle, hogs, and sheep.
The use of refrigerator-cars and cold-storage houses has brought about this
change, as meats, dressed poultry, etc., can now be sent to the seaboard and de-
livered in prime condition. Shipments of dressed meats are made across the
Atlantic from New York, Boston, and Baltimore.
THE MERCANTILE BUSINESS.
Before the railroads were built in Kansas the jobbing trade in all lines was of
course confined to the towns on the Missouri river, principally at Leavenworth
and Atchison, in Kansas, and Kansas City and St. Joseph, in Missouri. While
a large business is still done from the river towns, many of the interior cities now
distribute goods and enjoy an excellent trade. The wants of the people of Kan-
sas have always been varied ; they buy only the best goods, and are good cus-
tomers for merchants.
BUSINESS THEN AND NOW. 147
INCREASE OF GOLD SUPPLY AFFECTING VALUES.
The opening of new gold mines and the improved methods of treating low-
grade ores within the last ten years have enormously increased the world's sup-
ply of gold, and it being the measure of values, it cannot be otherwise than that
the prices of real estate and other property, except watered stocks, will continue
to show a healthy advance.
NEWSPAPERS IN KANSAS.
In 1857 there were only twenty newspapers published in Kansas; now there
are over 750 newspaper publications, and the dailies published in Kansas City,
Mo., have a large circulation in the state. We had some great editors in Kansas,
among them John A. Martin, afterwards governor of the state; T. D wight
Tbacher, D. R. Anthony, both members of the legislature ; Jacob Stotler, speaker
of the house ; George T. Anthony, afterwards governor ; George W. Brown ; Hovey
E.Lowmau; Milton W. Reynolds; Ward Burlingame; Sidney Clarke, afterwads
member of Congress; F. P. Baker; Henry King; George W. Martin, now the
honored secretary of this Society; D. W. Wilder, once auditor of state; O. E.
Learnard, one of the few survivors of the first free-state territorial council, 1857 ;
Albert H. Horton, afterwards chief justice of the supreme court; John J. Ingalls,
United States senator; J. K. Hudson; S. S. Prouty; George A. Crawford; P. B.
Plumb, United States senator : George R. Peck ; Charles S. Gleed, now a director
of the Santa Fe road: Leslie J. Perry, a survivor of Andersonville; John Speer.
R. G. Elliott; E. G. Ross, whose vote saved Andrew Johnson from impeachmect;
B. F. Simpson, once attorney-general, and many times a representative from
Miami county ; Samuel C. Smith ; D. W. Houston, at one time^U. S. marshal : R. B.
Taylor, once a representative from Wyandotte county; V. J. Lane, also a repre-
sentative from that county; Sol. Miller, several times a senator from Doniphan
county; J. C. Vaughan: Champion Vaughan ; J. M. Winchell, president of the
Wyandotte convention; Samuel N. Wood; Noble L. Prentis, second to none in
ability, and one who could write more funny things than any man in Kansas;
Wm. A. Phillips, who was correspondent of the New York Tribune during the
eventful years of 1856 and 1857, and probably did as much as any one in directing
attention to Kansas territory ; he was afterwards a member of Congress, as was
also John A. Anderson, preacher, editor, and the man who gave us two-cent
postage; also, C. V. Eskridge, often representative from Emporia; the Murdocks,
and many others — all have done unselfish work for the business interests cf
Kansas. Thomas A. Osborn, governor for two terms and minister to Chili, was
at one time a typesetter on a paper in Doniphan county, also on the Herald of
Freedom, in Lawrence.
COURT BUSINESS.
In the territorial days we had no court-houses, but courts were held in the
storerooms, halls, and possibly in the summer-time there were some that held ses-
sions in places where trees afiForded a comfortable shade. I remember one justice's
court which was held during a forenoon in the Congregational church in Law-
rence, the building having been just completed. Some horse-thieves were to be
tried, but they were turned over to a crowd in the afternoon, which, after consider-
able and rather boisterous discussion, finally gave them a whipping and ran them
across the river, out of town.
Josiah Miller, probate judge of Douglas county, who was a sort of a " Pooh-
bah," holding several offices, held his court in a small room which had formerly
been used for a meat market. It was in this room that Judge Miller, having be-
come somewhat weary at the length of a trial in a replevin suit for a calf worth
148 KANSAS STATE HISTORICAL SOCIETY.
$3 7"), awoke from a nap of an hour or so in the afternoon of the third day of the
controversy and conamanded that the suit should stop, stating that he would pay
for the calf himself.
Rush Elmore was one of the judges of the United States territorial court. He
was from Alabama, a man highly esteemed for his ability and his integrity by
people of both political parties. In Lawrence the sessions of his court were held
in the old Morrow hotel. The floor of the court-room was covered with sawdust
six inches deep, this being renewed after it had become discolored by the mud
brought in from the street, as there were no sidewalks then.
At one time, the docket in the court having become somewhat crowded, it was
thought best by the court and the bar to have evening sessions. On the first
evening the sheriff was unable to find one of the attorneys, Col. Samuel A.
Young, who represented a party in a case which had been called. Mr. Safford,
another attorney, in a very modest way, suggested to the court that Colonel
Yuung had "gone to the ball." The judge very promptly inquired " wha the
ball was," and Mr. Safford informed him that it was a ball of the German Turn-
verein Society, at Miller's hall. Judge Elmore then announced that "the coht
was adjourned until to-morrow mornin' at nine o'clock," and a few moments
later he was gliding through the giddy mazes of the daqce at Miller's hall.
The courts are closely identified with business interests and Kansas can justly
be proud of her bench and her bar. Thomas Ewing, jr., of national reputation,
was chief justice of the first supreme court. Samuel A. Kingman was one of
the associate justices of that court. Judge Kingman was also one of the framers
of the Wyandotte constitution. He is still living, at Topeka, enjoying the well-
earned honor and the deserved respect of all who have had the good fortune to
know him. David J. Brewer, now one of the judges of the United States supreme
court, was formerly one of the associates judges in Kansas.
RESOURCES OF KANSAS THEN AND NOW.
In those early years we knew nothing of the treasures hidden beneath the
earth's surface. We only knew that Kansas was a fair country; as John Pier-
pont said, in the summer of 1857, looking over the valleys of the Kaw and
Wakarusa from the hill west of Lawrence, where the University now stands,
"God might have made a more beautiful country — but He never has." Only
eastern Kansas was settled then, but hardly touched by the plow, and, in our
conceit, we thought that the great plains west of us were only fit for the home of
the buffalo and the antelope ; yet a few years ago Sedgwick raised more corn
than any county in Kansas, and this year Barton is the banner county for wheat.
Nearly fifty years ago the struggle between the mighty forces from the North
and from the South for the possession of this fair territory occupied the atten-
tion of those pioneers, to the exclusion of their material interests. One would be
rash, indeed, to attempt to prophesy what wealth is in store for Kansas, in her
mines of lead and zinc and coal; in her wells of gas and oil; in her beds of gyp-
sum, clay, and salt; and in her rapidly developing agricultural resources; but,
above and beyond all these, she possesses within her borders an energetic, intel-
ligent, a happy and a generous people; a state which suffered more than any
other for the cause of freedom ; from which old John Brown went to his fate at
Harper's Ferry — yet could send to the house of representatives and to the United
States senate a gallant soldier who rode with "Stonewall" Jackson.
FOURTH KANSAS IN THE PRICE RAID. 1-19
THE FOURTH KANSAS MILITIA IN THE PRICE RAID.
An address by William T. McCluee, * of Bonner Springs, before the Kansas State Historical
Society, at its twenty-eighth annual meeting, December 1, 1903.
THE Fourth Kansas mounted infantry was organized August 31, 186.3, with
William D. McCain as colonel. The headquarters were at Oskalooea, Jeffer-
son county, Kansas. I was a member of company D, at Winchester, and John
Rogers was the captain.
We were called to drill every Saturday afternoon, and received orders for
guard duty for a week at the same time. Our signal for meeting was the firing
of a blacksmith's anvil. We did guard duty and watched for bushwhackers and
thieves.
We were called into active service once, Company D was ordered to Fort
Leavenworth, and stationed inside of the fort, doing guard duty, for thirty days,
while the regular volunteers were out looking after rebels. We were ordered an-
other time to Wyandotte (now Kansas City, Kan,), and guarded the pontoon
bridge over the Kansas river. No citizen was allowed to go over without a pass.
These passes, issued by the United States government, read as follows:
"Headquarters, station Westport, March 26, 1861. — I*ermission ie granted
Archibald Love to reside on the farm known as the Widow McGee farm, in Kaw
township, Jackson county, Missouri, on the road leading from Westport to Little
Santa Fe, about two miles from the station. Archibald Love has blue eyes,
gray hair, fair complexion, and is about five feet six inches high, and fifty-four
years of age, and says he is the head of a family consisting of the following-
named adults: Caroline V,, William T,, James T., Alphas A., and Garland A.
The condition on which the foregoing permit is granted:
" 1. That the said Archibald Love, and each and every member of hie family,
will at all times give every possible aid and information to persons in the service
of the government of the United States, to enable them to find and destroy rebels
and guerrillas, and detect all persons or parties engaged in disloyal acts or prac-
tices.
"2. That the said Archibald Love, and each and every member of his family,
will at all times withhold aid and assistance of every kind from rebels, guerrillas,
and other enemies of the government of the United States.
"Fulfilling the above obligations, they will be protected as far as possible in
life and property by the military authorities of the government of the United
States. — W. W. Green, captain commanding station, Westport, Mo. Approved,
by order of Col James H. Fokd, commanding subdistrict; Edmund L. Ber-
THOUD, A. A. A. General.
"I, Archibald Love, of the county of Jackson, state of Missouri, do solemnly
swear: That I will support, protect and defend the constitution and government
of the United States against all enemies, whether domestic or foreign; that I
will bear true faith, allegiance and loyalty to the same, any ordinance, resolution
or law of any state, convention or legislature to the contrary notwithstanding;
and further, that I will well and faithfully perform all the duties which may be
required of me by the laws of the United States; and I take this oath freely and
voluntarily, without any mental reservation or evasion whatsoever, with a full
* William T. McCldee was born at Adamsville, Ohio, August 10, 1815. He remaved to Kan-
sas with his father's family, landing at Wyandotte April 29, 1860. Lived on a farm with his
father, except tlie time he was in the service, until 1869, when he married Laura M. Allen, and
took a homestead in the south part of Washington county, near Clifton. His wife died in 1874.
He then took a course at the State Normal, and, January 14, 1876, married Sarah C. Glidden, of
Leavenworth. In November, 1876, moved back to Jefferson county, and bought a farm near
Boyle station. Sold in 1889, and moved to Holton, and engaged in the insurance business.
Farmed again, six miles north of Olathe, and in 1893 settled in Bonner Springs, where he is en-
gaged in the real-estate, loan and insurance business.
150 KANSAS STATE HISTORICAL SOCIETY.
and clear understanding that death or puniehmont by the judfrment of a military
commission will be the penalty for the violation of this my solemn and parole of
honor. And I also swear that under no consideration will I go beyond the mili-
tary lines of the United Stales. — Archibald Lovk.
"Subscribed and sworn before me, this 2Gth day of March, 18G4. — W. W.
Green, Captain Second Colorado Cavalry, commanding station."
[seal.]
Our next call was October 10, 18G4, general order No. 53, from Maj.-gen. S.
R. Curtis, at Fort Leavenworth, ordering all men into the military service of the
United States. At this time our regiment was given new guns, the Enfield rifle,
a muzzle-loader, the best the government then had.
We were ordered to Shawnee Mission, near Westport, Mo., and from thence
to Independence, and in a week active duty was on. We were east of Independ-
ence, in front of Gen. Sterling Price's army, October 21. We were compelled to
retreat to the Blue river, on the Kansas City road. This crossing had been well
fortified. I had been in my saddle all the night before, and I felt as though I
would get a good night's rest. But at about five o'clock in the evening we were
ordered into line, and given three days' rations in new haversacks, and told to
take good care of these, because we might need all before we got any more.
We were now ordered to go up the Blue, south six miles, and hold Byron's
ford, and not let Price cross : Colonel Ford, of the Second Colorado, in command.
Our force consisted of the Second Colorado, Fourth Kansas, and two sections of
a battery. Colonel Ford thought best to recross the Blue and go up on the east
side, and about six o'clock we started. When we were out about three miles we
ran into a squad of cavalry from the rebel army, and they were evidently moving
to the right also. A halt was made, and every man was ordered to see that his
gun was well capped and loaded, but not to shoot if it could be avoided. A coun-
cil was held, and we cautiously advanced, stopping every little while to do some
scouting. We were nine hours making these six miles. We reached the ford,
recrossed, and camped on the west side.
I hitched my horse to a rail fence in a corn-field, and laid down in a furrow,
with my saddle for a pillow and gun by my side, and slept soundly. We were
ordered to be in fighting trim in a moment. At daybreak the bugle sounded,
and we were almost instantly in line. Price had evidently started for this cross-
ing ( Byron's) and went into camp, waiting for daylight. Two government wagons
came up, loaded with new axes, and these were issued about one to every three
men. Our horses were sent to the edge of the timber, one man detailed to care
for four horses. The axes were used in felling trees, thus blocking the road and
ford, so that Price's army could not cross. About nine o'clock Price's men came
up, and two pieces of Union artillery commenced firing across the Blue at them.
A sharpshooter with the rebels killed a young man by the name of Cook. A
squad of twenty-five men were sent further up the Blue, and these were all cap-
tured by the rebels. We were ordered to support the battery, and to the right
in the timber we found a rail fence, which we rapidly improvised into a breast-
work by taking the upper rails and stopping the cracks below. Here we re-
mained until noon, tired and worn out, not caring whether dead or alive, trying
to hold in check an army of 30,000. Our entire force was 7000 regular three-
year men and 20,000 Kansas militia. Under a similar call, at this date, Kansas
could place 250,000 men on the border. We were compelled to retreat again.
General Curtis sent his army to our relief, and regiment after regiment be-
gan to arrive, and from out near where Tobner park is we tried them again. We
were now out on the open prairie. A rock fence ran right to make a breastwork
for our men. The Shawnee county militia were here placed and ordered to hold
it, while other regiments were engaged elsewhere. The Eleventh regiment was
FOURTH KANSAS IN THE PRICE RAID. 151
fighting on the east, but the rebels continued to advance, and massed on the edge
of the timber, to make a charge on the rock fence. It was far enough so that a
rifle could not reach it from the timber. They moved out of the woods several
columns deep, and double quick for the fence. The Topeka militia held their fire
until the rebels were within fifty yards of the fence ; then they poured such a deadly
fire that they mowed down nearly all of the first line. This checked the rebel line
for a few moments, but they came again and again, and the Topeka boys lost
twenty-two of their men killed. Night came on, and the firing ceased all along
the line. Generals were busy all night, and great anxiety was felt. The night was
spent in distributing ammunition, some regiments having used all their supply.
The men again slept on their arms.
Sunday morning, October 23, 1864, dawned clear and calm, soldiers and offi-
cers anxious to know the result of the day. At eight o'clock Price again attacked
with a great deal of skill. I believe, if General Pleasanton had not come, Price
would have done us up.
At about eleven o'clock we had twenty- four cannon working on the rebel lines.
At this juncture General Pleasanton came up with 10,000 Missouri cavalry. At
Independence he divided his army into two squads. Five thousand of them
crossed at Byron's ford and attacked Price in the rear, while Pleasanton crossed the
Blue on the Kansas City road, with the other 5000, and attacked Price's army on
the east. Our commander at once ordered a forward movement on the rebel line.
A Kansas yell went up, and all advanced. The rebel lines broke, and they were not
allowed to stop. So ended the fight and Kansas City was saved.
The ground was looked over and the wounded cared for. Monday morning the
dead were gathered. The rebel dead were buried on the field, and the Kansas
dead were taken to Wyandotte and either buried there or sent to their friends at
home. Young Cook lay where he fell at Byron's ford Saturday morning until
Monday. Tuesday morning four women and two old men from Jefferson county
drove into camp with a two-horee wagon loaded with canned goods, dried fruit,
dried beef, and such luxuries as they could gather. They came to help care for
the wounded. Jefferson was my county.
God bless the women of Kansas and of our country.
152 KANSAS STATE HISTORICAL SOCIETY.
EARLY SPANISH EXPLORATIONS AND INDIAN
IMPLEMENTS IN KANSAS.
An address by W. E. Riciiey,* of Harveyvillo, before the Kansas State Historical Society, at its
twenty-eighth annual meeting-, December 1, 1903.
TT'ANSAS is groat in her material resources — her crops, her minerals, her oils
-^^ — but her crowning glory is her history. It is a record of the transforma-
tion of a desert into a garden. The best civilization of the ages is deeply rooted
in the soil once trod by the buflfalo and the Indian. The founding and growth
of our institutions and the marvelous progress and development, marked by the
vast improvements which dot our landscapes and border our streams, have
wrought a story never surpassed by man. But while every Kansan should re-
joice at the matchless career of the state, the first efforts in the great drama of
civilization on our soil, amidst the darkness and discouragements of a past cen-
tury, should not be forgotten.
Special interest attaches to the early Spanish explorations, particularly to
that of Coronado and his companions, because when their armor glittered on the
sands of Kansas they became the first white discoverers of what has become an
empire — a star of brilliant splendor in the constellation of civilized states.* The
narratives of this remarkable expedition are a part of Kansas history. They are
full of interest, and vividly describe the passage over swollen rivers, rugged
mountains, and boundless plains. Many have been the theories as to the terri-
tory traversed. The subject has been treated by scores of books, in various
countries and languages, until it seems to be regarded as a problem of the centu-
ries. In my researches it has been my aim to be guided by a close study and
comparison of the narratives of the explorers themselves, as published in the
Fourteenth Annual Report of the Bureau of Ethnology.
The object of the Coronado expedition was to explore the country north of
*See sixth volume, Collections Kansas State Historical Society, page 477; also, volume 7,
pages 43, 45.
* Mrs. E. F, Hollibaugh, in " Biographical History of Cloud County, Kansas," 1903, p. 7, says : ■*
"In the home of William J. Ion, of Grant township, the author found among many other
heirlooms a volume of ancient history published in 1670-'71. The manuscript was prepared
forty years prior to that date by the Rev. Samuel A. Clark, a Welsh historian. This intensely
interesting and valuable work was handed down to its present owner from a grand-uncle, John
Ion, who was a son of Mr. Ion's paternal great-grandfather. It was brought to America by Mr.
Ion's mother, Mrs. Maria Williams, of Ebbwvale, Merionethshire, South Wales, Great Britain.
This priceless work was also the property of Mr. Ion's great-grandmother, Maria Gregg, given
her by her father, Thomas Gregg.
■'The following quotation is a facsimile of an article contained on its pages regarding
Quivira, that once included the fair state of Kansas within its boundaries. In the copy which fol-
lows it will be noticed that the letter f takes the sound of s in most instances, making the liter-
ature difKcult to read. The Rev. Samuel A. Clark, who compiled the work, evidently believed
in the fulfillnieut of the scripture which reads: "The first shall be last and the last shall be
first," as this historical volume is published in two editions, the last one being issued first, and
are bound together in that form.
" Next to Mexico is Quivira, which is feated on the moft weftern part of America, over
againft Tartary, from whence probably the inhabitants firft came into this New World, that
fide of the country being moft populous, and the people living much after the manner of the
Tartars, following the Seafons of the Year for the Pafturage of their Cattel ; that fide of America
being full of Herbage, and enjoying a temperate Air. The People defire glafs more than Gold.
Their chief Riches are their Kine, which are Meat, Drink, Cloth, Houfes and Utensils to them:
for their Hides yield them Houfes; their Bones, Bodkins; their Hair, thread; their Sinews,
Ropes; their Horns, Maws, and Bladders, Vessels; their Dung, Fire; their Calves, Skins, Bud-
gets to draw and keep water in ; their Blood, Drink ; their Flesh, Meat, etc.
" In Quivira there are but two Provinces that are known, Cibola and Nova Albion, fo Named
by Sir Francis Drake, when he compafled the World. It abounds with Fruits, jileafantto both
eye and palate. The people are given to Hofpitality, but withall, to Wich-craft, and worfhip-
piug of Devils."
v-i*.^ ^;-'-i
Ei^p fa nation:
Mar en described by J a/ ami Ho and
Re lac I or) del Sicceso
blj C'Orcnado -
bu Castaneda^'
<^
^
Ko-'
^ba^
R
P/
Bridge
7 or 8 aia.tfS
^'5
r- ^ fr V
': o o
Map Showing
Coronados Rode to Cluli/ira
in the Year /S^l
ancL Ciyin^ Distances Bet men Points
Urayvn for
Kansas ///stork a/ Co I lee tion$. i/ol 8
Btf Ceo. /i. Root
190^
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r ^ « . V,4 v^ .
mJ
^
EARLY SPANISH EXPLORATIONS. 153
Mexico, supposed to have much silver and gold, and to add it to the dominions
of the Spanish crown. Reports of the precious metals and great cities north of
Mexico had reached that country at various times after its conquest by the
Spaniards. Indian traders were said to have brought gold and silver to Mexico
from the mysterious region. Renewed interest was created by Cabeza de Vaca
and his three companions, the remnant of the disastrous expedition led into
Florida by Narvaez. These unfortunate men, after much wandering and suffer-
ing, had made their way to Mexico, arriving there in 1536, and giving to the vice-
roy glowing accounts of "large and powerful villages" in the territory to the
north, whence had come tales of gold and silver. The amount of this kind of
wealth found in Mexico and Peru had prepared the Spaniards to expect the same
in other quarters. Mendoza, the viceroy, therefore raised an army for the ex-
ploration and conquest of the "seven cities of Cibola" and the unknown land
which seemed to possess riches like those of the days of Cortez and Pizarro.
This army consisted of about 300 Spaniards, well mounted, and 1000 friendly
Indians and servants. Francisco Vasquez de Coronado was appointed com-
mander. Neither pains nor expense were spared to carry out the object of
the expedition. Arms, supplies, horses, cattle and sheep were supplied in
abundance for the use of the army. On February 23, 1510, the army started
from Compostela on its northward march through the Pacific coast country of
Mexico. The march was slow and difficult. Considerable delay was experi-
enced in getting the cattle across the rivers. The food supply of Coronado's
force was beginning to fail before it reached Culiacan, where fresh provisions
were obtained. This coast city was the outpost of Spanish civilization. Thence,
following the coast and cutting across to the Rio Sonora, the advance body,
under Coronado himself, penetrated the mountains through a pass near the
source of that stream, entered the White Mountain Apache country, and came
in sight of the first of the " seven cities." The food brought from Culiacan and
gathered since the advance force left that point was now exhausted. The
Spaniards made an assault on the city and drove out its Indian occupants, who
abandoned to the captors an abundant supply of corn, beane, fowls, and salt,
common productions of the region.
The significance of the ' ' seven cities ' ' suddenly vanished. The one which the
Spaniards now occupied was a flat-roofed pueblo village, and the others were
found to be similar, such as yet exist in New Mexico.
The Spanish commander next sent out exploring parties to the grand canyon
of the Colorado, Tusayan, and eastward to the pueblos along the Rio Grande
and the Pecos. The main portion of the army, which had been left at Culiacan,
was now ordered forward, and went into winter quarters in the pueblo villages
at Tiguex (Tewa), on the Rio Grande, near the site of Bernalillo. Considerable
corn was left in the pueblos by the Indians, and to this means of subsistence the
Spaniards added the live stock brought from Mexico with the army.
The names of Bandelier, Hodge, Simpson and Winship will always be con-
spicuous in the literature of the Coronado expedition. To these writers we are
indebted for much valuable information, including the identification of the
pueblos known as the "seven cities of Cibola," and the practical tracing of the
line of march to the Rio Grande and the Pecos.
The campaign had been one of privation P,nd disappointment. No gold and
silver had been found. The winter of 1540-'41 on the Rio Grande was severe.
For nearly four months the river was frozen over at Tiguex so that men on
horseback crossed it on the ice. A revolt of the natives was quelled with merciless
]54 KANSAS STATE HISTORICAL SOCIETY.
«
cruelty. Indian warfare was no match for that of the Europeans with the
weapons of civilization.
Indian shrewdness matured a plan to get rid of the troublesome visitors. A
Quivira Indian, held as a prisoner or slave by the people of one of the pueblos,
was persuaded by his Indian masters to represent Quivira to the Spaniards as a
land where gold was found in abundance. This Indian was called "the Turk,"
because he resembled one. He at last admitted that the pueblo Indians bad in-
duced him to lead the Spaniards on the great plains, where water was scarce and
corn unknown, to perish there, or be too weak to make resistance should they find
their way back to the pueblo settlement.
The army was eager to go to this new land of promise. In April, 1541, the
whole force, guided by "the Turk," left the Rio Grande country, and, pursuing a
northeast direction, in eight days came to another river, which was bridged and
crossed. The evidence seems conclusive that this river was the Pecos. From
this point to Quivira we have the accounts of Coronado himself, Captain Jara-
millo, Castaneda, and the "Relacion del Suceso."
THE GREAT PLAINS AS SEEN BY THE SPANISH IN 1541.
Soon after leaving the bridge the army came to the great plains, on which
roamed buffaloes in such immense herds that their numbers seemed incredible.
Among these herds were found two tribes of plains Indians, first the Querechos
and next the Teyas. It is very interesting to study the plains tribes as found
360 years ago. The very existence of these nomads depended on the buffaloes.
Their flesh was used as food ; their hides as clothes, shoes, blankets, tents, and
ropes; their bones as needles; their sinews and wool as strings ; their dung as
fuel ; their stomachs and larger entrails as water-vessels ; and their horns as cups.
The flesh was generally eaten raw, rarely warmed over the fire. When they
killed a buffalo they cut the hide open at the back and pulled it off at the joints,
using a flint knife as large as a finger tied in a little stick, with as much ease as
if working with a good iron tool. Seizing the flesh with the fingers, they would
pull it out with one hand, and with a flint knife in the other cut off mouthfuls.
The blood and the water of the stomachs were used to quench thirst. The flesh
was sometimes cut thin, like a leaf, dried in the sun, and ground into a meal to
keep it and to make a eoup. A handful thrown into a vessel of water would in-
crease much in size. Some poles drawn together at the top in tripod fashion
and covered with hides served as tents. These Indians could make themselves
very w^ll understood by signs. In traveling they exercised discretion. In the
morning they would notice where the sun rose, observe the direction they intended
taking, and then shoot an arrow in this direction. Before reaching this they
would shoot another arrow over it, and in this way they would go all day toward
the water where they intended to camp.
When they moved their tents they carried them on poles. The ends of two
poles were fastened, one on each side of a dog, the other ends dragging along on
the ground. These animals, called dogs by the Spaniards, were undoubtedly
tamed wolves. On these poles the Indians tied their tents and other things.
There were no roads except those of the buffaloes, but the Indians wandered
much among these animals over the country and knew it perfectly. They un-
doubtedly had trails or routes between points for long distances. Coronado was
piloted to Quivira and back to the pueblos by them, but their trails were often
those of the buffaloes, which ran in various directions and especially between
watering-places. Many of these paths, cut deeply in the banks of streams, are
yet visible. At the best crossings these beaten tracks were probably traveled by
animals and Indians for hundreds of years.
EARLY SPANISH EXPLORATIONS. 155
iu killing animals and in fighting, bows and arrows were used with skill. On
one occasion a Teya was seen to shoot a buffalo bull right through both shoulders
with an arrow, "which," the narrator adds, "would be a good shot for a musket."
These Teyas were skilful warriors. They had destroyed one large pueblo vil-
lage. The Spaniards saw many stone balls as large as twelve-quart bowls still
lying about the ruins, and thought they had been thrown by engines or cata-
pults. The contestants had become friendly, and the Teyas spent ihe winters
under the wings of the pueblo settlements. The Indians in the pueblos, how-
ever, would not allow them to enter the buildings after night.
There was an aboriginal commerce on the plains at that early day. The
Querechos and Teyas took tanned skins to the settlements, and spent the win-
ters there, each party going to the nearest settlement; some going to the settle-
ments on the Pecos, others toward Quivira, and others to the settlements in the
direction of Florida. These hides were traded at the settlements for corn, and,
likely, at times for flint weapons, bows, and arrows. Beans and melons were also
raised by the Indians at the settlements, and may have been sometimes traded.
Castaneda says the country was so level that in traversing 250 leagues not a
hill nor a hillock three times as high as a man was seen. The grass raised up,
after being tramped, so that no tracks were left. The advance-guard found it
necessary to make piles of buffalo chips to guide the army.
When the army was resting in a large ravine, a tempest came up one day,
which battered the helmets, broke all the crockery of the army, and caused
nearly all the horses to break away and run up the side of the ravine, so that
they were gotten down with difficulty. Had this storm struck the army while it
was on the plain, there would have been danger of losing all the horses.
This march, over vast and unknown regions, has had few parallels. The
Spanish navigators in Coronado's time had the same daring spirit. In small, in-
ferior and poorly supplied vessels, with crews that were nearly destroyed by
scurvy, they fought their way northward, along the Pacific coast of North Amer-
ica, to the wildest parts of the Alaskan coast, and almost regardless of season.
Prof. George Davidson, an assistant of the United States Coast Survey, who has
identified many of the points visited by these navigators, as recorded in the
Spanish charts, says: "There were giants in the earth in those days."
coronado's march from the RIO GRANDE TO QUIVIRA AND HIS RETURN.
After leaving the Rio Grande, crossing the bridge mentioned and reaching the
edge of the plains or desert, the army guided by "the Turk," marched over the
plains in a general direction of east and southeast, without any guiding land-
marks, until reaching a Teya encampment. These people told the Spaniards that
Quivira was far to the north. With the army was another Indian from a neigh-
boring tribe of the Quiviras called Harahey. This Indian, named Isopete, was
returning to his country, and had stoutly maintained that " the Turk " was lying,
and leading the army too much toward the east. The army was getting short of
provisions, and, at a council of the officers, it was decided that the main body of
the army should return to the Rio Grande, and that Coronado, with thirty picked
horsemen, including Captain Jaramillo, should proceed northward to Quivira.
Isopete was now believed, and he and some of the Teyas were taken with Coron-
ado's detachment as guides. "The Turk" was taken along in chains and after-
ward strangled.
From this point we learn from Jaramillo and the "Relacion del Suceso" that
Coronado's detachment, guided by the compass, pursued a northward direction,
and, after thirty short days' march, came to a river which was given the name of
the St. Peter's and St. Paul's. The explorers crossed this river, and, traveling
156 KANSAS STATE HISTORICAL SOCIETY.
along it toward the northeast for thirty leagues (about eighty miles), came to the
village of a supposed Quivira hunting party. This river was certainly the Ar-
kansas, because it is the only one near the latitude mentioned along which the
Spaniards could have marched eighty miles in a northeast direction. The ex-
plorers must have crossed near the bend below Dodge City in order to follow the
river eighty miles in a northeast direction, which distance would have taken thena
to the site of Great Bend, where the river changes direction from the northeast.,
The village of the hunting party must, consequently, have been in the vicinity of
Great Bend.
The Spanish narratives state that the approximate distance through Quivira,
as marched by the explorers, was twenty-five leagues (nearly sixty-six miles)-
They also described the surface of Quivira as being rough, and state that mul-
berries, plums and grapes were found there. But the country stretching north-
east, and in fact in every direction, from Great Bend is levej, and at that time
had no such fruit.
Many localities have been proposed for Quivira, and rejected because the
Spanish line of march could not be traced to them, or because they could not be
identified by the narratives of the Coronado expedition. Surely no other man-
ner of identification is possible.
In order to locate the Quivira of Coronado, it is evident that his march to that
region and its identification should be established by the narratives of the ex-
plorers themselves, and that the natural landmarks, the distances between them,
the latitude and the topography of the country traversed should all be as de-
scribed by these narratives. They are our only guide and proof. Nothing can
be established without them, and nothing can be eliminated from them.
CORONADO'S MARCH TO THE END OF QUIVIRA.
Let us now aim to trace Coronado and his party to and through Quivira.
Jaramillo says that from the point where the river was crossed to the Indian vil-
lage was six or seven days' march. This, added to the thirty days' march be-
fore the river was reached, would have made about thirty-seven days' march
from the point where Coronado's northward journey commenced to the first Qui-
vira village, near the site of Great Bend.
By a close study of the narratives, I have learned that Coronado, in his official
report to the king, states that from the point whence he and his detachment
started northward it was forty-two days' march to Quivira. This is five days
more than the thirty-seven days stated by Jaramillo. Coronado confirms his
statement by saying in the same official report that he journeyed across the desert
seventy-seven days to reach Quivira. Castaneda says that up to the point where
Coronado started northward the army had made thirty-seven days' march, evi-
dently meaning from the bridge which the army made and crossed before entering
the plains. Everything shows that this bridge was near the edge of the desert or
plains ; in fact, the statements of Coronado and Jaramillo make the distance just
two days' march from the bridge to the beginning of the plains. Deducting these
two days' from the thirty-seven, there would have been, from the beginning of the
plains to the point where the northward march commenced, just thirty-five days,
which, added to the forty-two days from this point to Quivira, would have made
seventy-seven days of desert marching, the exact number officially reported by
Coronado. Thus the double official statement of Coronado shows that from
where he and his detachment started northward it was forty-two days' march to
Quivira.
Castaneda says : " The country is level as far as Quivira, and there they began
to see some mountain chains." These were the high hills along the Smoky Hill
PLATE 1
1^ W. ^
EARLY SPANISH EXPLORATIONS. 157
river, which have the appearance of low mountain chains. Jaramillo says of
Quivira: "It is not a very rough country, but is made up of hills and plains and
very fine appearing rivers and streams." Jaramillo also says the Quivira settle-
ments were found (first) "along good river bottoms," and (second) " good streams
which flow into another, larger than the one I have mentioned."
It is evident that Jaramillo's count of thirty-seven days carried the Spanish
party only to the level country near Great Bend, where the village of the Quivira
hunting party was seen, while Coronado's count of forty-two days carried the
Spaniards five days further, to the hills and " good river bottoms," where the first
settlements were found, not far from the "mountain chains " or high hills spoken
of by Castaneda.
Northeast is the only direction given of the march after the Arkansas was
crossed. Five days' march in this direction from Great Bend would have taken
the Spaniards to the "good river bottoms," the hills and rough country along
the big bend of the Smoky Hill, near Lindsborg, and this five days' march added
to Jaramillo's thirty-seven would have made his statement agree with the official
report of Coronadoas to the distance marched (forty-two days), and also with the
statement of Jaramillo himself as to the hills and the "good river bottoms" at
the place where Quivira was reached.
Jaramillo speaks of the abode of the hunting party as a village or "houses,"
and says the Spaniards proceeded until they reached the settlements, which
must have taken five days, as shown by the fact that they are included in Coro-
nado's official report of the number of days' march, and the different topography
of the country reached by this five days' march.
Thus the narratives, taken together, show conclusively that the Indian village
seen near the site of Great Bend was merely that of a Quivira hunting party, and
that the "good river bottoms" and the hills of the Smoky Hill river near Linds-
borg located the first settlements and marked the beginning of the land of
Quivira.
The approximate distance through the Quivira settlements was as has been
stated twenty-five leagues (nearly sixty-six miles), according to the "Relacion
del Suceso." Of this part of the journey Jaramillo says: "There were, if I
recall correctly, six or seven settlements, at quite a distance from one another,
among which we traveled for four or five days, since it was understood to be
uninhabited between one stream and the other." This indicates about the same
distance as given by the "Relacion del Suceso." An approximate distance of
sixty-six miles from the Smoky Hill south of Lindsborg, in a northeast direction,
would have carried the line of march of Coronado and his companions through
the country south of the Smoky Hill to the Kansas, several miles below where
it is formed by the junction of the Smoky Hill and Republican, and near
McDowell's creek, ten or twelve miles northeast of Junction City. It should
be remembered that the waters of the river with "good river bottoms," where
the first settlements were found, and of the "good streams" on which the other
settlements were found, flowed into a larger river. This was evidently the Kan-
sas. Here was the "end of Quivira," and Jaramillo says the river had "more
water and more inhabitants than the others." The tributary "good streams,"
where the intervening settlements were found, were the creeks which flowed
into the Smoky Hill and the upper Kansas from the south side, in the section
of country extending from the big bend of the Smoky Hill near Lindsborg to
McDowell's creek.
The natural features of the country between the big bend of the Smoky Hill
and the upper Kansas precisely answer the descriptii n of Quivira given by the
158 KANSAS STATE HISTORICAL SOCIETY.
narratives of Coronado himself and the other Spanish explorers. Here are the
hills, plains, springs, rivulets, " very fine appearing rivers and streams," and even
the mulberries, plums, grapes and nuts described by the narratives. At that
time such fruit would not have been found west or north of the Smoky Ilill.
Attention is called to the map accompanying this paper, showing the natural
features of the country traversed and the distances between points. Between
points, the line of march as indicated may be only approximately correct.
It will be seen that the distance was from the beginning of the plains thirty-
five days' march to the point where Coronado started northward, thirty days
thence to the Arkansas crossing, seven days (eighty miles) thence to the Indian
hunters' village near the site of Great Bend, five days thence to the Smoky Hill
south of Lindsborg, and approximately sixty-six miles ( four or five days ), thence
to the Kansas, at the " end of Quivira," near McDowell's creek.
As indisputable evidence, I cite the fact that the beginning of the Quivira
settlements, as located by the "good river bottoms" and high hills of the Smoky
Hill, near Lindsborg, is the distance required by the narratives from the Indian
village near the site of Great Bend, from the crossing of the Arkansas, from the
point where Coronado started northward, from the point where he entered the
desert or plains, and also from the river and settlements at the "end of Quivira."
At one of the meetings of the State Historical Society, Professor Williston
stated that an old sword bearing a Spanish inscription had been found in west-
ern Kanaas. In August, 1901, this sword *came into my possession. It seems
that it had not previously been examined by any one posted on the Coronado ex-
pedition. When found it was partly concealed in the hard ground and roots
of the buffalo-grass, and not in the roots of a tree, as dispatches stated. It was
deeply covered with rust and was rubbed with brick dust until the letters ap-
peared. No vestige of a handle remained. Not including the part which held
the handle, it is a little more than twenty-six inches long, straight, double-edged,
and tapers to a beveled point. From near the broad end two parallel grooves ex-
tend almost half-way toward the point, and in them are these words in capitals:
" NO ME SAQUES SIN RAZON ;
NO ME ENBAINES SIN HONOR."
This, translated into English, is: "Draw me not without reason; sheath me
not without honor."
This inscription was put on Spanish swords during Coronado's time and be-
fore. Between the inscription and broad end are two crosses in the grooves and
four lines across the sword. Between these is the name "Gallego," in script.
Opposite this, on the other side, are the letters "a" and "n" joined. To the
left of the "a" are two marks, evidently a part of a capital "J " and a "u," as
*See sketch at bottom of map accompanying this article.
The following letters and affidavit give the history of the finding of the sword :
" WA.SHINGTON, D. C, November 24, 1899.
"Mr, John T. Clark, Ellin, Knn.: Dear Sir — With reference to your letter of November
14, addressed to Mr. Paul Beckwith, I am informed by Mr. A. Howard Clark, custodian of the
section of American history, that swords having the inscription which you have quoted date
from medieval times down to the period of the revolutionary war. The one in question would
seem to be a Spanish sword, as the inscription is in that language.
Yours respectfully, F. W. True, Executive Curator."
" Garden City, Kan.. July 19, 1901.
"Mr. W. E. Rirhry, Harrevvillp, Kfin.: Dear Sir— The Spanish sword about which you
wrote me some months ago is now about to be disposed of. An offer of five dollars has been re-
fused, as it seems to me that the price at which I hold it (eight dollars) is little enough for such
an interesting relic as this may prove to be. It is in a state of good preservation and I enclose
a reference to it from the National Museum. Please let me know if you still desire to purchase
this sword, and whether the above price is satisfactory. The inscription on the sword trans-
lated is, ' Draw me not without reason ; Sheathe me not without honor.' Across the end are two
EARLY SPANISH EXPLOEATIONS. 159
they appear in the word "Juan." There is also under this word a capital " G"
and an "1" at the distance it would appear in the word "Gallego." The name
can be no other than that of Juan Gallego, one of Coronado's ofBcers. Each
side is a duplicate of the other, except the script letters, as stated. The
sword was likely made at Toledo, Spain. There is some etching. The metal is
steel and exceedingly hard. This and the dry climate undoubtedly preserved it.
Articles of steel have been exposed to the elements for longer periods of time and
still retained letters written or stamped op them.
Double-edged swords were used for cutting armor, but when armor was done
away with, about the year 1600, single- edged swords became common. The find-
ing and authenticity of this sword are verified by affidavit. In fact, it would
seem impossible to bring it to its present condition mechanically. The name,
style, material and the opinions of able archaeologists all tend to show that it is
the sword of Oapt. Juan Gallego. It is the first thing ever found that gives in-
disputable proof of having belonged to any of Coronado's force. I regard it as
undeniable evidence of his presence in Kansas. It was found in 1886, about
thirty miles north and a little west of Cimarron, on the head wate-s of the Paw-
nee. This would seem to be a little off Coronado's march, but he may have sent
a detachment up the Smoky Hill, Walnut, or Pawnee. He states that he sent
"captains and men in many directions." It may have been left by a scouting
party, or it may have found its way into the hands of Indians and been lost.
But if not left here by Coronado's men, I do not think it was carried far.
Castaneda says that Coronado's detachment returned from Quivira lightly
equipped, indicating that some things had been thrown away.
If the sword found its way into the hands of Indians, why should they have
carried it in the direction and to the spot where it was afterward found rather
names in script, and, as they have not been translated, most be proper names. In length this
sword is about sixty-two centimeters, width at hilt about three centimeters; evidently an of-
ficer's sword, as only the point has been sharpened. Hoping to hear from you soon, I am, yours
respectfully, John T. Clark, Garden City, Kan."
"State of Kansas, Kearny county, ss.
"John T. Clark, of lawful age and sound mind and memory, being by me duly sworn, de-
poses and says, that in the year 1886 there was found on the prairie, in what was then Finney
county, an old sword, partly concealed in the grass-roots and was much rusted, which, when
rust was removed by scouring with brick dust, was found to bear this inscription, written in
two parallel grooves running from hilt toward the point:
'no me saqdes sin razon;
no me enbaines sin honor.'
" This sword was about thirty inches in length and one and one-half in width at the hilt.
Sides, or edges, blunt. Point sharpened to a length of perhaps three inches. No handle or
other parts found. Etching on sword and some script words written across broad end of sword,
apparently proper nouns. Sword is quite flexible, very resonnnt, and exceedingly hard. Each
side of the blade is an exact duplicate of the other, including motto, etching, grooves, etc. The
place of finding was near the head waters of the Pawnee, close to the north line of Finney county,
and nearly due north of the town of Ingalls, on the Santa Fe railroad. This sword was found
about seven miles northeast of an Indian burial-ground, known as White Mound, where several
articles have been found ; as beads, teeth, bracelets ( brass, copper), arrow-heads, bones, etc. I
further state that I have disposed of this same sword to Mr. W. E. Richey, of Harveyvilie. Kan.
John T. Clark."
"Subscribed in my presence and sworn to before me, this 2d day of December, 1901.
E. R. Shaepe, Sotary Public. ( My comission expires January 26, 1905.)"
" Washington, D. C, June 11, 1902.
" My Dear Sir: Pressure of official duties has prevented me from giving the attention your
letter of February 5 (kindly handed to me by Mr. Miller ) deserved. I am deeply interested in
the discovery of the sword, and your sketch of it renders a very adequate idea of the relic. The
occurrence of Gallego's name is very significant, it seems to me, and it is not at all unlikely
that the sword belonged to that distinguished member of Coronado's expedition. Care should
be taken, however, lest too much stress be laid on the place in which it was found, for there
seems to be no evidence that it was lost or thrown away at that point by Ih" Spaniards. The
sword may possibly have found its way into hands of Indians and afterward lost; for I have
known Indians to lose things as well as whites. Nevertheless, the relic is most interesting and
important, and I hope that, after it has been fully described in print, that it may be deposited
in some institution where it may be cared for for all time. Thanking you for calling my atten-
tion to it, and hoping that I may have a copy of your printed description, I am, very truly
yours, F. W. Hodge."
100 KANSAS STATE HISTORICAL SOCIETY.
than any other? There seem to be a hundred probabilities that it was left there
by Coronado's men to one against it.
Castaneda states that at the organization of the Coronado expedition Juan
Gallego was one of the gentlemen placed under the Hag of the general with other
distinguished persons; but he became a captain later, and kept the way open be-
tween Coronado's army and Mexico. Castaneda credits him with feats of great
bravery and skill. He evidently regards him as one of Coronado's most dis-
tinguished officers. As he equipped himself fcr rajjid traveling be likely loaned
or gave this eword to some friend, probably at Tiguex. It was quite likely car-
ried to Quivira and thrown away when Coronado's men lightened their equip-
ment for the return journey.
This Bword is regarded by antiquarians as most interesting and important.
Perhaps no one is more thoroughly qualified to judge of it than Mr. F. VV. Hodge,
of the Bureau of Ethnology, at Washington. In a letter to me dated June 11,
1902, he says: "The occurrence of Gallego's name is very signiJBcant, it seems
to me, and it is not at all unlikely, that the sword belonged to that distinguished
member of Coronado's expedition. The relic is most interesting and important,
and I hope that after it has been fully described in print it may be deposited in
some institution where it may be cared for for all time."
A piece of chain armor has been unearthed at the prehistoric dwelling sites
near the Smoky Hill, a few miles south of Lindsborg. About fifteen miles east
of this point, near the S. E. Miller village site of Gypsum creek, the iron part of
an antique Spanish bridle was unearthed, and is now in my possession. Compe-
tent antiquarians say it is as old as Coronado's time. During the first settle-
ment of this vicinity an old weathered inscription was seen on a rock, but it has
since disappeared. Mr. James T. Hanna has furnished me the following proofs
found at other points in McPherson county: The plain marks of an ax near the
center of an oak tree, long dead, and about five feet in diameter; the bones of a
horse found in muck at the bottom of a stock well dug several years ago near a
hill ; a bar of lead with a Spanish brand on it. The ax marks were likely made
by Coronado's men. The horse likely mired, probably in Coronado's time, where
its bones were found, and the hill afterward caved in on it. The facts concern-
ing these finds are fully established by the parties named, and by other reliable
citizens in the same localities.
Last winter Mr. J. A. Johnson, a bridge contractor, in excavating for the abut-
ment of a bridge on Clark's creek, a half-mile south of Skiddy, at a depth of
fifteen feet, unearthed a fireplace, or hearth, of matched stones, nicely fitted to-
gether, on a ledge of solid rock. On this fireplace Mr. Johnson and his workmen
found ashes, coals, a buffalo bone, a flint knife, and a coin-shaped piece of brass.
The flint knife was of a different color from that found cropping out of the hills
near, and had undoubtedly been brought from a distance. It had, very likely,
been used to cut the meat from the bufi'alo bone. Near the fireplace a spring or
vein of water was uncovered. Above the fireplace, six or seven feet under the
surface, an oak tree, two feet thick, had grown. The stump was removed in ex-
cavating. There is an unmistakable trace of an ancient channel a short distance
east of the fireplace, which was, apparently, at one time west of and near this
ancient channel. The present channel is west of and near the fireplace. In the
depression where the ancient channel was many large trees have grown. Every-
thing shows that this fireplace was used a long time ago. Another fireplace has
since been unearthed in the same vicinity.
This locality was an excellent camping-place. Good springs are near. The
probabilities seem strong that this was a camping-place of Coronado's force. It
is directly on the line of exploration herein indicated.
PLATE U
.^^/
1 .
V
"f:
^- j^
PLATE III
k
EARLY SPANISH EXPLORATIONS. 161
Mr. R. P. Church, of Channing, Tex., informs me that an old Spanish armor
was found on the Canadian.
In the sixteenth century the Spanish reckoning of latitude made it too far
north. This is shown by Mr. Hodge, of the Bureau of Ethnology. I have
learned from the records of the United States Coast Survey that nearly forty
points on the Pacific coast of North America, located in Coronado's time by the
Spanish navigators Cabrillo, Ferrelo, and Vizcaino, were all too far north, as
now reckoned. Coronado states that the place where he reached Quivira was in
the fortieth degree. Allowing for the difference in reckoning, the fortieth de-
gree would have been at the "good river bottoms" and high hills of the Smoky
Hill, near Lindsborg, This difference in latitude seems not to have been noticed
by the earlier writers, who, therefore, improperly regarded the Nebraska bound-
ary, which is on the fortieth degree, as the beginning of Quivira.
Castaneda says that when Coronado started northward it took him forty-eight
days to reach Quivira. Castaneda kept with the main army, and did not go to
Quivira with Coronado, Jaramillo, and the author of the "Relacion del Suceso" ;
therefore their statements should take precedence. Castaneda may have in-
cluded a delay during which Coronado sent to the main army for new guides ;
but he most probably included the march through Quivira in counting the
number of days' march. He was evidently confused by what he heard. He
states that the country was level as far as Quivira, but his account of the march
reaches farther than where Quivira began. He says of Quivira: "There are
other thickly settled provinces around it, containing large numbers of men," and
that it " is in the midst of the country." He could not have thought that other
provinces or tribes were around Quivira unless the Spaniards had marched
through one of them. None of the explorers, after the northward march com-
menced, speak of seeing any Indians until the hunting party was met, but Coro-
nado says there were different languages in Quivira, showing that there were at
least two tribes. The narratives also indicate that there were Indians of another
tribe seen in Quivira west of the Quiviras. Castaneda very probably included
the distance through this tribe and to the "end of Quivira," which would prac-
tically make his statement agree with the others.
Jaramillo says that on the return from Quivira the Indian guides brought
the Spaniards back by the same road to the crossing of the St. Peter's and St.
Paul's (Arkansas), and there, "taking the right hand," conducted them to
Tiguex. This indicates a direct route. Careful investigators have pronounced
the Santa Fe trail a prehistoric route, and this was likely it. The narratives re-
peatedly say the only roads were those of the cows (buffaloes), which of course
means the buffalo paths running in various directions. In the spring of 1902 I
examined the Arkansas river at the McKinney ranch, where the river makes a
sharp turn toward the northeast, below Dodge City and for some distance above.
Many old things found here indicate a route and crossing which may have been
preceded by one more ancient. There seems to be no landmark here, however,
except the bend, but there was surely a known route.
In company with Professor Welin, of Lindsborg, I made three visits to the
prehistoric dwelling sites near the Smoky Hill in the vicinity of Lindsborg. We
had a number of these sites plowed and scraped and unearthed a number of inter-
esting objects, but none showing evidence of civilization. The piece of chain
armor before referred to was found here. President Swensson and Professor
Welin, of Bethany College, at Lindsborg, are deeply interested in these sites, and
kindly provided facilities for their examination.
My study of the route of Coronado began thirty years ago. I was led to an
—12
162 KANSAS STATE HISTORICAL SOCIETY,
investigation of the Smoky Hill region, about the year 1890, by Hon. W. A.
Phillips, of Salina, now deceased, who told me he had seen thB Spanish flag cut
on stone, presumably by Coronado's Spaniards, on Big creek, a tributary of the
Smoky Hill. I was prompted to renewed researches in the same region by Mr.
L. R. Elliott, several years ago.
During my investigation I have been on explorations in Kansas, Nebraska,
and Indian Territory, and I have also conducted, by correspondence, a number
of lines of investigation with parties in Kansas, Nebraska, Indian Territory, New
Mexico, and Texas.
humana's expedition.
An expedition is attributed to Humana, in 1595, which likely reached Kansas.
Bonilla was the real commander. The party was sent out on a raid against re-
bellious Indians, apparently in 159i-'96. Bonilla, hearing the current reports of
northeastern wealth, determined to extend his operations to Quivira. The gov-
ernor sent Cazorla to overtake the party and forbid the expedition. The progress
of the adventurers to and through New Mexico has no record. They were next
heard from far out on the plains, in search of Quivira. Here, in a quarrel, Hu-
mana killed his commander and assumed command. A little later, when the
party had passed through an immense settlement and reached a broad river,
which was to be crossed on balsas, three Mexican Indians deserted, one of whom,
Jose, survived to tell the tale to Onate in 1598. Once more we bear of the ad-
venturous gold-seekers. While they were encamped on the plains, at a place
then called Matanza, the Indians rushed, thousands strong, upon the Spaniards
just before dawn. Humana and nearly all his men were killed.
onate's expedition.
Governor Onate, of New Mexico, marched with eighty men in search of Quivira
in 1601. Guided by the Mexican Indian who had accompanied Humana on his
expedition, he crossed the buffalo plains and, journeying an estimated distance of
200 leagues in a northeasterly direction, arrived at the territory of the tribe of
Indians called the Escanjaques. These Indians were preparing to make war on
their enemies, the Quiviras. A large force of the former joined Onate's troops,
who entered the country of the Quiviras. The Escanjaques began to set fire to
the Quivira villages. The Spanish commander tried to stop these and other out-
rages, the Quiviras having fled. Enraged at the Spaniards for the interference,
the Escanjaques attacked them and a battle ensued, the Indians losing 1000 of
their number killed. The Spanish loss was slight.
penalosa's hoax.
Don Diego Penalosa, another governor of New Mexico, becoming involved in
trouble with an officer of the inquisition, went to London and Paris in 1673, and
presented to the French government what purported to be an account of an ex-
pedition to Quivira made by himself in 1662, written by Padre Freitas, one of his
friars, and sent to the Spanish king. He never made any such expedition or
submitted any such narrative to the Spanish monarch. The researches of Ban-
croft have shown that the narrative was that of Onate's expedition of 1601, slightly
changed to suit Penalosa's purposes in Paris.
Bancroft says that Onate's battle with the Escanjaques was near the scene of
Humana's defeat. An attempt to locate these fights with the Indians would be
a mere guess. Many indications lead me to believe that the country about the
junction of the Republican and Smoky Hill has been noted Indian ground for
centuries. The name of Quivira was applied to various sections of country after
Coronado's time, but future researches may show that Humana and Onate reached
EARLY SPANISH EXPLORATIONS. ] 63
the lower Republican. A river described by Padre Freitas, Penalosa's friar, cor-
responds with the Republican for one or two days' march above its mouth. The
adjacent country corresponds in topography with that described by Freitas. Mr.
Alvin Gates, of Clay Center, informs me that, near the junction of Madison creek
with the Republican river, large leaden bullets have been taken from near the
center of large trees. As the accounts state that these later expeditions crossed
the buffalo plains to the hills, the inference seems reasonable that they reached
the hilly country. It may be that the fullest narrative of Onate's expedition was
the one written by Freitas for Penalosa's use.
INDIAN IMPLEMENTS IN KANSAS.
Flint hills wore the gold- mines of the Indian. Knowing little of metals, he
wrought flint, his best material, into various implements for his uses. These are
scattered over many parts of Kansas. The typical arrow-point and spear-head are
most frequently found, but pieces are also found which show that they have
been used as hoes, digging implements, sledges, axes, hammers, scrapers, knives,
and drills. Many of these are paleolithic or rough, but some are neolithic or
smooth. Among these latter are celts and axes which have been worn smooth
by rubbing or grinding. These axes commonly have a groove around them, for
facility in hafting. Strings of buffalo or other hide were fitted into the groove
and passed round the handle in such a way that the ax and handle were firmly
bound together, thus making an effective implement or weapon. Wood being
scarce in prairie countries, there were not as many axes used as where timber
abounded. Materials best suited for the purposes of the Indians were eagerly
sought by them, and the localities where they were obtained were known for
hundreds of miles. The catlinite, a soft red stone found in Minnesota, was
wrought into pipes and tablets, after having been carried long distances. Many
of these pipes have been found in Kansas. The material of which they were
made was highly prized, and it is said that such was the reverence for the lo-
cality where it was found that hostile tribes suspended hostilities when near it.
It is very probable that certain Indian implements found in Kansas were used
for more than one purpose. A hammer or ax, besides being a formidable weapon
in war, was also useful for other purposes. The same may be said of arrow-points
and spear-heads. While they were useful in killing animals for subsistence and
to supply other wants, they were the main weapons on the war-path. The bones
of the buffalo and other animals were sometimes fashioned into implements.
The Indians of Kansas, or at least some of them, certainly had a love for the
beautiful. In my collection there are pieces in which streaks of beautiful red
alternate with others of white. Others have an attractive mottled appearance,
while still others have the appearance of miniature rainbows. In my rambles
over the state I have frequently seen intermingled many objects of flint differing
in color and quality from those manufactured from the flint in the vicinity. This
is an indication, if not a proof, that the Indians residing in such localities had
communication with others from remote distances. It is not at all likely that all
or even half, from a distance were obtained by conquest. Near Marquette, on
the Smoky Hill, and in other places, I have obtained some very small pieces of
rare beauty. Some of these were likely used as ornaments, and, indeed, they
would be appreciated as such at the present day. These pieces are very inter-
esting, and the skill by which flint was wrought into such small and beautiful
forms is worthy of our admiration and study.
A certain writer has assumed that the western limit of Quivira was on the
Arkansas, near Great Bend ; and, in support of that theory, he states that some
flint Indian relics have been found near that point, as though that was a signifi-
164 KANSAS STATE HISTORICAL SOCIETY.
cant fact. Old settlers and others have known, since the earliest settlement of
the country, that such Indian relics are found in many localities in Kansas, as
well as elsewhere. He has gone so far as to represent on a map that Quivira ex-
tended from the Arkansas, near Great Bend, to near the mouth of the Smoky
Hill. This would be twice the distance of sixty-six miles, which the narratives
plainly state wasthe length of the journey through Quivira. It is plain that, if
the western limit of Quivira was near Great Bend, as he states, Quivira could
have extended only sixty-six miles from that point. But he utterly ignores and
eliminates this distance of sixty-six miles, and, stretching it about twice its ex-
tent, to some Indian-village sites, declares that the relics on these sites, like the
relics near Great Bend, mark the location of Quivira.
Besides the fact that he eliminates the part of the narratives giving the sixty-
six-mile limit of the journey, and, consequently, does not trace the march to
these sites, they are far beyond the sixty-six-mile limit from Great Bend, his
western terminal, and, consequently, he utterly fails to connect them with the
Spanish line of march.
It is surely obvious that no location of Quivira can be made by ignoring or
eliminating the narratives of the explorers, especially as regards distance.
The significance attached by this writer to the Indian relics found on the
village sites referred to led a few people temporarily, and in a complimentary
way, to give countenance to that theory. It was soon learned, however, that it
had no foundation, for a personal investigation showed that flint implements,
similar to those on the lower Smoky Hill, were found in Nebraska, on the Verdi-
gris, the Cottonwood and other streams in Kansas, and in disconnected localities
elsewhere. Much, therefore, as we might wish that these flint relics would throw
light on the subject, their wide distribution eliminates their evidence, and ren-
ders them inconclusive, if not worthless, as factors in determining the location
of the Quivira of Coronado. Besides this, the most of them may have been
manufactured since Coronado's time.
In the accompanying illustrations I call attention to the similarity of flint im-
plements found on the Smoky Hill with those found on other streams. For con-
venience of illustration, many of the implements illustrated are placed in groups
of two, and in each group one of the implements is from the lower Smoky Hill,
or the region near its mouth, and the other is from the Cottonwood, the Verdi-
gris or some other stream. Mr. G. U. S. Hovey, of Wyandotte county, who has
traveled over Kansas a great deal collecting Indian relics, has found flint im-
plements similar to those illustrated in localities different from those named,
while others have found similar implements in still other localities. Surely these
facts show that a claim of locating Quivira by Indian relics has no foundation ;
there is no warrant or justification for such a claim. Neither Coronado nor his
explorers describe or even mention the flint implements of Quivira. We do not
know that any were found there, if we take the narratives of the explorers as a
guide, and we have no other guide. Fragments of Indian pottery are also found
in many parts of Kansas. It has been asserted that the Quiviras had no pot-
tery, but pottery is found along the lower Smoky Hill, as well as elsewhere. On
the streams flowing into the lower Smoky Hill from the south side, investigation
has shown that pottery is found where it has been alleged that none existed.
PIATE IV
EARLY SPANISH EXPLORATIONS. 165
THE ILLUSTRATIONS.
The illustrations are one-third the size of the objects illustrated. A classi-
fication according to use would be about as follows:
Plate 1.
1, 2. — Grooved hammers.
3, 4, 5, 6, 7. — Fragments of pottery from various Kansas streams.
8.— Bone showing action of fire ; found on a lodge site. The Indians frequently
ate buffalo and other meat raw, but sometimes warmed or roasted it. The burn-
ing of this bone was likely caused in this way.
9. — Copper wristlet.
10. — Small arrow-points from the Big Blue, the Republican, and other streams.
11. — Arrow-point, very thick.
12. — Jaw-bone found on an Indian village site two feet below the surface, the
sand having drifted over the lodge site.
13.— Bone implement, sharpened at broad end and straight side. Probably
used as a skinning knife.
14. — Catlinite tablet bearing Indian pictures.
15, 16. — Pipes showing excellent carving.
17. — Smoothing stone.
18.— Metate, a flat stone for grinding corn, with rubbing-stone upon it.
This metate is made of Sioux quartzite, and, to bring it to its present form, must
have required much labor and patience. Metates were made of other kinds of
stone, and are sometimes worn through in the center.
Plaie 2.
1, 2, 3, 4, 5, 6, 7, 8, 9, 10, 11, 12. — Arrow-points of various forms.
13, 14, 15, 16.— Spear-heads.
17, 18, 19, 20.— Drills.
21, 22. — Scrapers, probably used for scraping hides and arrow-shafts.
23, 24. — Hammers, probably used also as tomahawks.
25, 26. — Hoes. The portions near edges are worn by stirring the ground.
Some of these were hafted, and others not. The depressions seen in these and
the hammers were undoubtedly made for hafting. Handles were firmly bound
to these implements by strong pieces of hide or tough wood, which passed around
these grooves and the handles.
27, 28. — Picks or digging implements. The points are worn by digging.
Plate 3.
1, 2, 3, 4, 5, 6, 7, 8, 9, 10, 11, 12, 13, 14, 15, 16.— Knives of various forms. The
diamond-shaped knives have generally four beveled edges, one being on each side
of the diamond form. One edge could be kept sharp, while the others might re-
main dull, to be used in their turn. Many of these sixteen forms are thin, and
show much skill in flint chipping in the process of manufacture. The diamond
shapes seem to be of a later culture than the others. No. 8 seems to be a con-
necting-link between the diamond shapes and the others. Nos. 11 and 12 are
broad and thin, and are marvels of manufacture. How such broad, thin imple-
ments of flint could be made seems a mystery.
17, 18. — Probably used as spear-heads.
19, 20.— Arrow-points.
21, 22. — General utility implements, used for various purposes.
23, 24. — Rubbing-stones, probably used at times for other purposes.
166 KANSAS STATE HISTORICAL SOCIETY.
Plate 4.
1, 2. — Diamond-pointed knives.
3, 4, 5. 6, 7, 8, 9, 10, 11, 12. — Knives, many of them showing skill in chipping.
Nos. 3 and 4 are broad and thin, and are fine specimens.
13, 14. — Blades, unused, probably intended for hoes.
15, 16. — Sledges (?). They are thick and heavy. One side of each is flat.
17, 18. — Scrapers (?). Probably used for scraping arrow-shafts.
As before stated, in each group of two, one is from the lower Smoky Hill, in-
cluding the region near its mouth, and the other is from the Cottonwood, the
Verdigris, or some other stream. Many other forms similar to these might be
submitted, but the illustrations prove that the similarity of the implements near
the lower Smoky Hill with those of other regions is complete.
It may seem strange, but it is a fact that this writer assumes that the Qui-
vira Indians, a wild, barbarous tribe, had a "seat of empire," and even pre-
tends to show where this "seat of empire" was, locating it on a stretch of upland
between two creeks.
The bold assumption that this barbarous tribe had a "seat of empire," such
as existed in strong Indian confederacies, or in Mexico, where history, monu-
ments and architecture show that the people had attained to a higher level, is
equaled only by the assurance as to where that supposed "seat of empire" was
located.
The narratives indicate that the Quivira Indian settlements were on streams
and plainly state that the country between the streams was understood to be un-
inhabited.
This supposed "seat of empire" is as far from Great Bend as the village sites
referred to, and, like them, is not connected with the line of march pursued by the
explorers.
It is proper to say that the statements and conclusions of this writer are not
shared by investigators and scholars of Kansas who have studied and under-
stand the subject.
It is to be regretted that one Kansas man, in order to assist the writer referred
to, has given him hundreds, perhaps thousands, of these flint implements, which
have been deposited in a museum elsewhere, instead of being kept in Kansas,
as mementoes of our prehistoric people. These implements are rude and rough —
genuine paleoliths — and frequently indicate the uses for which they were in-
tended. In my own collection, deposited in the rooms of the Kansas State His-
torical Society, at Topeka, are many interesting pieces wrought from flint by
chipping. These include hoes or digging implements, spades, sledges, axes,
hammers, drills, knives, spearheads, arrow-points, and other things. The hoes
and digging implements are worn smooth at the edges, where they have been
used in stirring the ground. The existence of metates or grinding stones is
further proof that corn was raised and ground. The hoes, axes and hammers
are frequently notched and some of them may have been hafted. Some of these
objects may have been rejects but others show marks of use.
Besides these rough, thick implements, thin ones are found, but the fact that
they are intermingled with the others and are also widely distributed shows
that they cannot be attributed to any particular locality.
Similar Indian implements being found in so many different sections of coun-
try, it naturally follows that an attempt to locate Quivira by the implements
found in one locality is an absurdity. The necessities of primitive man often pro-
duced implements of uniform shape and material in widely different regions.
REMINISCENCES OF THE YEAGER RAID. 167
For instance, flint arrow-points and other implements found in America are
similar in form and material with others found in Europe.
For courtesies and encouragement extended during my researches, I tender
my thanks and grateful acknowledgements to various directors and members of
the Kansas State Historical Society, its very efficient librarian, and other promi-
nent citizens of Kansas ; to Hon. Eugene F. Ware, commissioner of pensions, and
Prof. F. W. Hodge, of the Bureau of Ethnology, Washington, D. C. ; to Profs.
F. H. Hodder and F. W. Blackmar, of the University of Kansas ; to President
Carl Swensson,* Professor Welin, and faculty, of Bethany College, at Lindsborg,
and to the Texas Historical Society.
I also thankfully express my obligations to Mr. Alvah Lowman and his
brother, Mr. E. W. Lowman. These gentlemen have shown a praiseworthy zeal
in collecting interesting flint Indian implements, and have submitted for examina-
tion and comparison many typical specimens of their collections, representative
pieces of which are now on exhibition in the rooms of the Kansas State Historical
Society. If there were no other evidence, these implements would prove conclu-
sively that flint implements similar to those found on the Smoky Hill and near
its mouth are found on other streams of Kansas. The Messrs. Lowman have ex-
amined with me many interesting Indian village sites and have given me informa-
tion of others. Thus a flood of light has been thrown on these silent witnesses
of the past and their relation to history. The Lowman brothers are entitled to
much credit.
I also extend my cordial thanks to John Madden, G. U. S. Hovey, W. J.
Griffing, J. R. Mead, Gen. C. C. C. Carr, commanding officer, and Capt. Granger
Adams, an artillery officer, at Fort Riley, Hon. George P. Morehouse, of the Kan-
sas senate, Ralph Sage, Lawrence Coddington, Capt. Robert Henderson, S. T.
Pember, Miss Estella Doyle, Sol. Miller, G. A. Reece, James T. Hanna, Chas. C.
Sorenson, G. P. Farnstrom, A. L. Evers, B. D. Fry, E.L. Falen, C. S. Everhart,
Dr. E. B. Cheney, O. G. Bigford, David Martin, R. P. Church, W. M. Atkinson,
Hon. J. M. Miller, Hon. Frank Nelson, ex-state superintendent of public instruc-
tion, M. D. Umbarger, Mrs. Pracht, Asa M. Breese, G. C. Atkinson, A. L. Loomis,
Mr. Kershaw, W. L. Morris, A. Hill, J. M. Claypool, J. F. Hughes, Mr. Hoflf-
*Rev. Carl A. Swensson, Ph. D., D. D., president of Bethany College, Lindsborg, McPher-
son county, died at Los Angeles, Cal., early in the morning of February 16, 1904. He left Linds-
borg February 1 for San Francisco, where he dedicated a church. He was buried at Lindsborg,
Tuesday, February 23. There were present 150 ministers from all parts of the country, and about
7000 people attended the obsequies. The Messiah chorus of 600 voices took part in the services.
Doctor Swensson was born at Sugar Grove, Warren county, Pennsylvania, in 1857. He was the
son of the Rev. Jonas J. Swensson, for fifteen years pastor of the Swedish Lutheran church at
Andover, 111., and who was at one time president of the Scandinavian Lutheran Synod of North
America. Doctor Swensson was educated at Augustana College and Theological Seminary,
Rock Island, 111., graduating in 1879. He afterwards settled at Lindsborg, in Kansas, and in
1889 became president of Bethany College. Doctor Swensson's efforts brought Bethany to a high
rank among the institutions of its kind in the United States. It was by his efforts for fifteen
years that "The Messiah," the yearly musical festival, was built up. King Oscar of Sweden
was so impressed by Doctor Swensson's work for Swedes in America that he conferred upon him
the Order of the North Star. This carries with it Swedish knighthood. It was conferred at the
yearly musical festival, in November, 1901. He was a personal friend of President Roosevelt.
President Francis, of the St. Louis World's Fair, had asked him recently to dedicate the fair
with a prayer. He was married in 1880 to Miss Alma Lind, of Moline, 111., who with two daugh-
ters survives him. He was a member of the Kansas legislature in 1889, and in 1890 refused to be
a candidate for Congress. He was a delegate at large from Kansas to the convention which
nominated McKinley in 1896. He received the degree of doctor of divinity from his alma
mater and one or two other institutions. The Royal University of Upsala, Sweden, also
conferred on him the degree of doctor of philosophy. He traveled extensively in Europe,
particular in the Scandinavian countries, and at the court of King Oscar was recognized as one
of the Swedish leaders in America.
168 KANSAS STATE HISTORICAL SOCIETY.
hines, D. N. Myers, Geo. N. Norton, H. W. Brown, Edward Nelson, J. P. Noll,
George Johnson, Mrs. Elizabeth A. Johnson, who presented the Pike Pawnee
village site to the state, John Briggs, John Gareneon, John Cameron, L. H.
Langvardt, Bert Brown, J. R. Murie, an educated Pawnee Indian, Daniel McAr-
thur, Alexander Smith, C. S. Martin, Mr. Engel, Charles Shane, John Miller,
J. R. Ingram, J. C. Jones, C. A. Jones, the last three residing near the big bend
of the Arkansas, below Fort Dodge, W. W. Graves, H. W. Brown, Rev. M. E.
Eraser, Rev. J. K. Morgan, Perry Cope, J. F. Hull, John Argo, Warren Knaus,
Doctor McCartney, Thomas Coon, Horace H. Day, and George A. Root.
The parties whose names appear in the last list have all extended courtesies,
furnished Indian relics, or given information. A number of them are residents of
other states.
Much praise and credit are due Mr. Wehe, photographer, of Topeka, for the
illustrations accompanying this paper.
After Coronado's return to the Rio Grande, Father Padilla, one of his faithful
priests, came back to Quivira to preach to the natives, and suffered the death of
a martyr there by the Indians for whose spiritual elevation he was zealous. Thus
was Christianity first carried to Kansas, and the first white man's blood shed on
our soil.
Centuries have elapsed and may elapse, but as long as the Smoky Hill and
Kansas bear their waters onward toward the ocean these noble streams will com-
memorate the marvelous journey of Coronado and his knights of sunny Spain,
which led to the discovery of a land which in glory and progress has eclipsed the
world's past career, and which leads the nations in all that pertains to the eleva-
tion and happiness of mankind.
REMINISCENCES OF THE YEAGER RAID, ON THE
SANTA FE TRAIL, IN 1803.
An address by D. Hdbbaed,* of Olathe, before the Kansas State Historical Society, at its
twenty-eighth annual meeting, December 1, 1903.
A MONG the many important and exciting events of the early years of the war
■^*~ which have held the attention of the loyal people of Kansas by their tales of
suffering and endurance, of fire and blood, there may be some interest accorded
to one of the minor events which filled those trying times. The following ac-
count of the return of Dick Yeager's band to Missouri is gathered from authentic
sources for the purpose of adding to the history of the making of Kansas.
The writer was then living in Marion, Douglas county, Kansas, seventeen
miles southwest of Lawrence, and on the old Santa Fe trail, being engaged in
*David Hdbbaed was born in North Charlestown, N. H., December 3, 1833, and reared on a
New Hampshire farm. Outside of the district schools, he attended Meriden Academy and Nor-
wich University, Vermont. At twenty-one he went to Green county, Illinois, where he taught
school three years. On Marcli 10, 1857, he landed at Leavenworth, and enlisted in the cause of
making Kansas a free state and the building up of a future home. He filed on and improved a
claim on Deer creek, Shawnee county. During a temporary absence from the territory his
claim was jumped and preempted by Ike Edwards, one of Buford's men, from Georgia, who was
afterwards hung by a mob while in jail for killing an Indian without provocation, on a street
in Topeka. [In the winter of 1860-'61.— Giles's Thirty Years in Topeka. rage 377.] He subse-
quently preempted a quarter-section in Marion township, Dougla.s county, where he resided
until September, 1863, when he was employed in the commissary department, with the thir-
teenth army corps, until the close of the war. On returning to Lawrence he was appointed
assistant United States assessor, and moved to Olathe, where he now resides. For several
years he was county surveyor of Johnson county, lias also been engaged in the milling, grain
and lumber business, and at the present time in the loan and brokerage business and farming.
REMINISCENCES OF THE YEAGER RAID. 169
farming and running a small store, post-office, and stage stand. His family con-
sisted of his wife and an infant daughter less than one year old, and there was
living with him Mr. Henry Waters and wife and a daughter about six years of
age. Mr. Waters now resides at lola, Kan.
The summer of 1862 had been filled with raids by Quantrill and his men
upon the towns along the border, including Gardner, Olathe, and Shawnee, burn-
ing and destroying property, and killing many Union men. This had aroused
the public feeling to a high pitch, and was the cause of Governor Robinson or-
ganizing a home guard of militia. In Douglas county, the three townships
through which the Santa Fe trail ran, Palmyra, Willow Springs, and Marion,
each organized a company. The writer was the captain of the one in Marion,
Fortunatus Gleason was its first lieutenant, and William Baldwin was its second
lieutenant. The latter is still living, near Overbrook, in Osage county. It was
composed of about thirty men, furnished with arms and ammunition by the
state, and was called out several times during the year 1862, but each time upon
a false alarm.
In the month of May, 1863, as soon as the grass was sufficient for grazing
their horses, a considerable number of Quantrill's men, under the command of
Dick Yeager, left Missouri and went west on the Santa Fe trail, in squads of
twos or threes, so as not to be observed. This was the same man who was Quan-
trill's lieutenant at the Lawrence raid, the following August, where he won, with
his comrades, a name of undying infamy. These men congregated near Council
Grove, Morris county, and there went into camp. It has never been known to
history just what was the real object in making this movement. Some have sug-
gested that it was their intention to organize a raid in New Mexico. Others be-
lieve that they were bent upon plunder and destruction among the interior towns
of the state. Whatever their purpose, they were evidently foiled by the United
States soldiers stationed in the vicinity.
The following is furnished by Mr. John Maloy, county attorney of Morris
county, and written seventeen years ago, as a part of what he is preparing for a
history of that county :
"With all of their military preparations, our people were unable to prevent
guerrillas from making incursions into our neighborhood. On the 4th of May,
1863, Dick Yeager's band of Missouri guerrillas encamped on the General Custer
farm, now owned by M. K. Sample, near Council Grove, and after insulting and
threatening the lives of some of our best citizens, a portion of them, some ten or
twelve in number, proceeded on the following day to Diamond Springs, and about
ten o'clock at night three of them rode up to the store of Augustus Howell, and,
without any ceremony, shot him to death. His wife was also shot, but recovered,
and afterwards married a Mr. Stokes, of Chase county. During this excitement
C' ptain Rowell, of Colorado, was stationed at Council Grove to protect the people
of ihe county and to guard the mails and merchants, as well as the Santa Fe
trains.
"Yeager rode to Dr. J. H. Bradford's office and had a tooth pulled. He was
visited in his camp soon after he came by M. Conn, now a resident of Kansas
City, then of Council Grove, where he remained for some time. Many criticized
the visit as an act of disloyalty, without inquiring into the object of his visit.
He went to prevail on Yeager not to burn the town and succeeded in his mission,
which was quite up to any reasonable standard of loyalty. He had known Yeager
well in the years before the war. He was a freighter on the Santa Fe route.
They had been friends, which was a most lucky thing for Council Grove."
Thirteen of their number started back on the 8th of May over the trail and
under the lead of Yeager. Nothing is known of their movements or doings unti
they reached Rock Springs, late in the afternoon, near the line between Osage
and Douglas counties. At that time there was a stage stand, formerly kept by
a man by the name of Walters, but the name of the proprietor at that time I do not
170 KANSAS STATE HISTORICAL SOCIETY.
remember. A soldier by the name of George N. Sabin,* of company K, Eleventh
regiment of Kansas volunteer cavalry, was spending the night there. He had
been visiting home on a furlough, and was then on his way to his regiment, at Fort
Scott. Over a dozen bullets were his fate. The next morning he was buried by
the neighbors on the open prairie.
The family of this soldier lived near Auburn, Shawnee county. The widow
could learn nothing of his fate, and continued in ignorance of the circumstances
of his death until two years ago, when, by a most remarkable chain of circum-
stances, the writer's daughter became acquainted with the soldier's daughter at
Salt Lake City, Utah. The soldier's widow then for the first time learned the
facts surrounding her husband's death.
It may be of interest to refer to the remarkable career of the daughter of this
soldier, who was born to him while at home on his last furlough. At the tender
age of eleven years, having a burning thirst for an education, she left home, her
ambition being to reach the State University. After a long struggle, without
any aid or encouragement from any relative, the dream of her life was accom-
plished. During the fourth year at the university she accepted a position in the
Topeka public schools, where she remained until married to a Mr. Rose, who is
now a prominent official of the Illinois Central railroad, being a foreign repre-
sentative of the road, and stationed at London.
The same evening the bushwhackers shot Sabin they arrived at my home,
seven miles farther east. Mr. Waters came in about dusk and said it was re-
ported that the bushwackers were at some point west of us, committing depreda-
tions. The report was treated lightly by us all, and we sat down to supper. The
daughter of Mr. Waters soon came running, and called out that a lot of horse-
men were coming down the road. They came to the door, where I met them, and
I was seized, searched, and questioned as to my politics and the state Icame
from. The answers not being satisfactory to them, Yeager gave the order to
shoot. Three of them obeyed the order. One bullet went through my lungs,
the other two missed — they being less than ten feet away. After going through
the house and taking what they wanted, and taking a horse from the stable, they
left, following the trail east. Among other things, they took Mr. Waters'a
pocket-book. Mrs. W^aters asked the privilege of taking out some valuable pa-
pers, and they allowed her to select some of the most-important ones.
They passed through Baldwin without molesting anybody. At Black Jack,
four miles further east, they met the Santa Fe stage, in which, among others,
was ex-Sheriflf Jones (appointed the first sheriff of Douglas county by the bogus
legislature, at Shawnee Mission, Johnson county), who was on his way to his
home, then in New Mexico. The passengers were all relieved of their money and
watches. Even the notorious Sheriff Jones they did not spare, nor stop to in-
quire as to his politics.
From information furnished by George W. Cramer, now of Paola, Kan., who
was then living with his father, A. Cramer, who kept the Stone hotel, at Gard-
ner, Johnson county, I learned that at some time past midnight Yeager's com-
mand reached Gardner. They first quietly took Garrett Rhue, afterwards
representative to the legislature from that county, who was express agent, and
made him prisoner. They took from him an express package containing $200, t
* George N. Sabin enlisted from Louisville, Pottawatomie county, September 5, 1862.
tThe express package referred to belonged to Mrs. Harriet L. Waugh, and was money sent
to her by her husband, Col. G. M. Waugh, who was away in the army. After a period of forty
years, the last legislature made good to the widow ( who now lives in California ) the original
amount in the package taken. See Session Laws of 1903, chapter 62, page 108.
THE WICHITA INDIANS IN KANSAS. 171
then made him go with them to the hotel and get the hotel-keeper, A. Cramer, to
open the door, saying that they were some men who wanted to stay all night.
The door was opened, and they rushed in and made Mr. Cfamer prisoner at the
point of their revolvers, and ordered him to show them where the other men
were. They were taken up-stairs into the room where G. W. Cramer and Ben
Francis were sound asleep. They jerked them both out of bed and demanded
their money and clothes. Francis answered that the clothes they saw there were
all he had. They answered that they knew better, and that he mupt have better
clothes, and ordered him to show them his trunk, which he did. They smashed
it in with their feet, and, not finding what they expected, said they would shoot
him any away. Francis replied that the clothes were good enough for bush-
whackers. They acted on hie suggestion and gathered up all the clethes, but
did not shoot.
The men were all taken out into the street under guard, while a part of the
gang took Mr. Cramer to the stables and made him get out his best horses,
which they appropriated. They then marched him to the front of the house
and ordered the command to fall into line. It was thought by all that he was
then to be shot; but then Yeager rode up in front and asked him what his
politics were. He answered that he was a Democrat, and always had been; so
his life was saved, and the command were given orders to march.
This is the last that is known of the Yeager raid.
THE WICHITA INDIANS IN KANSAS.
An address by James R. Mead,* of Wichita, before the Kansas State Historical Society,
at its twenty-eighth annual meeting, December 1, 1903.
AMERICAN history has no topic comparable for its enduring interest to that
of the Indian tribes. And of such history Kansas can furnish a generous
share. A true record of the battles fought and tragedies enacted on Kansas soil,
and the deeds of valor, endurance, daring and hardship of her sons, both white
and red, would make a volume of entrancing interest.
Until recent years our brother, the Indian, has occupied Kansas since the
* James Richaed Mead was born May 3, 1837, in New Haven, Conn. His greatgrandfather,
Ebenezer Mead, was a major-general in the revolutionary war, and was shot through the lungs,
but recovered. His home was in Connecticut, thirty miles from New York, and included Put-
nam's hill, down which General Putnam made his escape on stone steps. His father, Enoch
Mead, graduated at Yale, and was a prominent minister of the Presbyterian church. He emi-
grated to Davenport, Iowa, in 1839, and established many Presbyterian churches in that state.
James R. Mead was educated at Iowa College, Davenport. He became interested in the Kansas
struggle, and in 1859 settled in Saline county, and engaged largely in hunting and the fur trade
with the Indians. He spent eight years on the plains as hunter, trapper, and trader. In the
spring of 1863 he removed to what is now Butler county, and established a trading-post. At the
close of the war he removed to the junction of the two Arkansas rivers, and in connection with
others laid out Wichita. He organized the Wichita & Southwestern, was its first president,
and in six months built the road. He aided in building a bridge across the Arkansas, and in
establishing the First National Bank of Wichita. While a resident of Butler county he was a
commissioner, and aided in locating the town of El Dorado. In 1864 he was elected to the
legislature from Butler county, and aided in the election of J?imes H. Lane to the United States
senate. In 1868 he was elected to the state senate from the counties of Morris, Chase, Marion,
and Butler. He was married at Burlingame, December 1, 1862, to Miss Agnes Barcome, who died
April 19, 1869, leaving two sons and two daughters. At Wichita, August 23, 1872, he married
Miss Lucy Inman. Mr. Mead was the companion on the plains of Kit Carson and Colonel Boone,
and he had great influence with the Wichitas, who sought refuge in southern Kansas, during the
war, from the soldiers of the Southern Confederacy. His home is at Wichita, where he continued
his interest in everything to advance Kansas and his immediate locality.
172 KANSAS STATE HISTORICAL SOCIETY.
glacial era, and perhaps for a longer time, as his remains have been found under
the glacial drift by myself and others.
The first Europeans to penetrate this region found him here in thousands
along the Kansas and other rivers. Within the memory of men now living, the
Indian owned or occupied as hunting-grounds the entire state.
There were three indigenous tribes in eastern Kansas; perhaps others. The
Osage, Pawnees and the Kansas, or "Kaws," as they were nicknamed by the
French. To the west were the roving nomads of the plains, who had no particu-
lar abiding-place, whom, I believe, constituted the lost "Paducas" spoken of
by De Bourgmont and other early explorers.
In 1859, when I went upon the plains, I found the Osages, and other frontier
Indians who had hunted buffalo to the west, constantly speaking of the "Padu-
cas," and, on inquiry, they described them as a fierce, savage, warlike tribe of
roving horsemen, ranging the western plains, of whom they were in constant
dread, and described them as being as numerous as the blades of grass on the
prairie, and indifferent to cold or danger.
I believe the Paducas, visited by M. du Tisne in 1719, and M. de Bourgmont
in 1724, on the head of the Smoky Hill river, to have been the Comanches. lam
confirmed in this belief by information I obtained from the aged chief of the
Acomas, in New Mexico, many years ago.*
Commencing about 1832, the Indian population of Kansas was increased by
seventeen tribes, who were located on reservations in the eastern fourth of the
state — occupying about all of that region — a greater number of tribes than had
ever assembled on the same amount of territory in the history of the government.
Evidently the Indians knew a good country, and all wanted to get here.
These were the remnants of once powerful nations of the Eastern and Middle
states, who fought long and bravely to beat back the host of invaders from across
the sea until, decimated, impoverished, the bones of their great chieftains and
warriors whitening many a battle-field, the remnant submitted to the inevitable,
and finally were removed to Kansas.
It may be of interest here to mention that in 1847 these Kansas reservations
were valued by the government at seven cents an acre.
All of Kansas west of these reservations, comprising about three-fourths of
the state, was the best hunting-ground on the continent; contained no perma-
nent villages or settlements; was the common hunting-ground of all the Kansas
Indians and the roving tribes of the plains, who outnumbered the reservation
Indians and were usually at war with them.
When the Santa Fe trail was established, and there was no Santa Fe trail un-
til the white man established it, passing through the center of the state and on
across the plains with its constant stream of travel, it became the objective point
of all the predatory hosts from Dakota to the Rio Grande.
To protect this route of traffic, and later the settlements, the government has
at various times constructed and maintained in Kansas twelve forts and num-
bers of military posts, at vast expense, to keep in check our red brothers and
hold this fair land of ours for those who were yet to come.
Our reservation Indians were promised, by ancient treaties, their lands "so
*" Claudo Charles du Tisne, of Paris, aa ensign in the French marine, was married at Quebec
( 1708 ) to Marie Anne Gautier, by whom he had three sons. La Harpe says that du Tisne went
to Mobile lato in 1714; and the latter's name occurs, at various times, in the early annals of
Louisiana. In 1722 he wss appointed captain, as a reward for his military services. An old
manuscript, published in Compten-Iiendux de VAthrnee Loninia7}ais, mentions him as com-
mandant at Natchez in 1728, and in the Illinois country in 1729; and states that he died in Illi-
nois in 1730."— Jesuit Relations, 1900, vol. 66, p. 345.
THE WICHITA INDIANS IN KANSAS. 173
long as grass grew or water ran," but here the tide of immigration again over-
took them, and it was found necessary for them to move on, and with them
went the hereditary owners of the land — and the red-handed rovers of the
plains, they are gone.
About 1854 began the exodus to the Indian Territory, crowded out by the
advance of a stronger race. Departing, they have left behind abundant re-
minders of their former occupancy in the names of our state, rivers, cities, coun-
ties, towns, and townships.
Our three greatest rivers * bear Indian names. The Missouri ( meaning muddy )
is the name of an Indian tribe. The Kansas, from the tribe who lived along its
valleys since prehistoric times, meaning " smoky water." The Arkansas river
is the Indian word "Kansas" with the French prefix of "Ark," a bow. Neosho
is Osage ( Dakota ) — "ne," water; "osho," clear; clear water, or water you can
see into.
We are indebted to the Indians for the names of our three most populous
cities. And the founders of the second largest city in our neighboring state to
the east came over into Kansas to find and appropriate one of our choicest In-
dian names.
Twelve counties of Kansas are named after Indian tribes; four others have
Indian names, but one is a reminder of the noble animals upon which they sub-
sisted, and one bears the name of a noted Indian trader.
And now I come to a tribe — the last to arrive, and the first to depart — the
Wichitas and affiliated bands. They were transients; fugitives from their distant
homes, driven out by the exigencies of cruel war. To them, Kansas was a haven
of refuge. They asked no permission nor assistance from the government or any
one else, in their coming nor in their going. They built their town of grass houses
at the junction of the two rivers. Big and Little Arkansas, or "Neshutsa,"
and "Neshutsa Shinka" of the Osages, in whose territory it was located, which
became known all over the plains as "the Wichita town," and on their village
site has arisen the third largest city in the state, Wichita.
The Indians comprised in the general term of Wichitas were remnants of tribes
affiliated together when first known to history, more than a century ago. They
were the Wichitas, Wacos, Towakonis, and Kelchis, who speak the Wichita lan-
guage, and the Caddos, lonis, and Nadarkos, who spoke the Caddo language.
The Nadarkos are practically extinct.
Each of these bands lived in separate villages and preserved their tribal iden-
tity. They had their villages of grass houses on the Brazos river, in Texas; and
on the Washita river and its tributaries and other streams in the Indian Terri-
tory; and ranged in former times from Arkansas to the Wichita mountains, and
from the Cimarron river to central Texas.
One tradition, narrated to me many years ago by Chief Towakoni Jim, was
that the Wichitas originally came from the far Northwest, using dogs for pack
animals — as all western Indians did before the arrival of the Spaniards — and
tarried on the Arkansas river, near the southern border of the state, several
years, cultivating gardens and hunting for subsistence, using implements of stone
or bone; while the traditions of the Caddoes are that they originally came from
the Hot Springs, Arkansas.
The Wichitas proper were typical barbarians, coming down from the stone
age unchanged in customs, habits, or apparel. Their language and tone of voice
*W. J. McGee in his " Siouan Indians," Fifteenth Report of the Bureau of Ethnology, p. 162,
says: "J/!ssoM?-i (tribal name), exact meaning uncertain; said to refer to drowning of people
in a stream; possibly a corruption of ni-shu-dje, 'smoky water,' the name of Missouri river,
Kansa or Kanze refers to winds, though precise significance is unknown."
174 KANSAS STATE HISTORICAL SOCIETY.
were utterly unlike any Indians east of the Rocky Mountains, but had a marKed
resemblance in inflection, tone and construction to that of the Indians along the
Columbia river in Oregon.
When I first saw them, in 1863, many of the older women were artistically
tattooed in pink and blue zigzag circles and lines, as was their ancient custom.
The Caddoes were a much milder-mannered people and of pleasant speech.
The summer of 186i found the Wichitas in Kansas prosperous. Buffalo were
abundant — close at hand; they had obtained horses. The women, with great
industry, cleared grounds and planted fine gardens along the Little Arkansas,
and were the first to demonstrate that the Arkansas valley was the garden spot
of the state.
All took a hand in building their very comfortable and peculiar grass houses.
They were usually made of forked posts about five feet high, set in the ground at
intervals in a circle, and twenty or twenty-five feet in diameter. Horizontal poles
were then securely fastened to the top of the posts ; then smooth poles, twenty or
more feet long, were set upright in the ground outside the posts, converging,
cone-shape, to a common center at the top ; very small poles are bound with withes
crosswise, thus holding the whole structure securely together. The squaws
weave the long, tough, reddish bunch-grass in and out in such an ingenious
manner that each bunch of grass overlaps the bunch immediately below. When
complete it is a substantial structure; does not leak; is warm. A low door opens
to east and west, made of grass or skin. Arranged around the inside are raised
bunks for sleeping, and underneath, storage room. In the center a fire, with
opening at top for smoke. The inside and floor are sometimes plastered with
gypsum, and for fifty feet on the outside the ground is kept smooth, hard, and
clean. These houses are unique, comfortable, and unlike all others in America.
I have seen those built twenty years and still in good condition. They are never
covered with sod, as stated this summer in a prominent Eastern magazine.
Not far from these houses were their gardens, surrounded by fences made of
small poles, set upright in the ground. These grew an abundance of their na-
tive corn, pumpkins, melons, and Mexican beans.
These grass houses were built in groups along the Little river for a mile, on
the east bank; the water ojf the river was sweet, clear, and pure, full of fish;
plenty of timber, and game abundant.
Owaha, chief of the Wichitas, was an ideal prehistoric man of 5000 years ago.
A cartoonist could hardly exaggerate his general make-up. Yet he was not a
bad fellow by any means. He would have been a howling success to illustrate
Chancellor Snow's lecture on the evolution of man.
Shaddona, chief of the Caddoes, was his opposite; fine-looking, quiet, intel-
ligent, gentlemanly.
I established a trading-post among them, and part of the time had an Indian
alone in charge. Along in the summer of 1864 the government sent an old gen-
tleman, Maj. Milo Gookin, of Indiana, to look after these Indians, with instruc-
tions to make his headquarters at my home place, known as "Mead's ranch,"
at Towanda, twenty miles east of the Little Arkansas, at that time consisting of
a big spring and my several buildings. Major Gookin knew nothing about In-
dians, and had at first nothing to aid them, and the Indians nearly worried him
to death. I helped him out considerably, as I had abundant supplies and much-
needed experience. Later on the government furnished a small amount of food
and clothing.
The Shawnees, Delawares and Kickapoos settled themselves along the White-
water and Walnut rivers. Some of the wild tribes of the plains visited us occa-
THE WICHITA INDIANS IN KANSAS. 175
aionally. Here, in time of war, came Satanta, the great warrior chief of the
Kiowas, with Heap of Bears, great medicine man of the Arapahoee, to talk about
peace, which resulted in the treaty of the Little Arkansas ; and, by coming to a
good understanding with the wild Indians and the influence of our Wichita
friends, our corner of the frontier escaped the horrors of a border war, and we
came and went over the plains at all times in safety.
The Wichita Indians are remarkable in leaving their name attached to the
localities where they have lived. In Kansas we have the city of Wichita, the
county of Wichita, a Wichita and Waco street, the towns of Waco and Kechi.
In the territory we have the Wichita mountains, old Fort Wichita, the Washita
river, the Little and Big Ouchita rivers — a way of spelling the same name. The
Wichita tribe may become extinct, but the name will remain with us for all
time.
At the outbreak of the civil war the Indians of the Wichita agency were
living quietly and peaceably on the Washita river and other streams, near old
Fort Cobb, Indian Territory, The Indians of the plains and the civilized tribes
of the territory were their friends. They were an agricultural people, had fields
and gardens, an abundance of horses, and lived in a paradise of game — buflFalo,
elk, deer, antelope and wild turkeys constituting their bill of fare, with corn,
beans, melons, pumpkins and wild fruits as side-dishes. Each year at the time
of roaetingears, watermelons, and garden-truck, the Comanches came in from the
plains and spent a season feasting, visiting, and having a good time generally — an
agreeable change from their usual bill of fare, buffalo meat straight.
When the civil war came they were loyal to the Union. To the east were the
powerful civilized tribes, who were slaveholders; on the south, Texas. The
Wichitas were driven out, together with many Shawnees, Delawares, Kickapoos,
and other loyal Indians, leaving all behind except such articles as could be gath-
ered for hasty flight. With their wives and little ones, they fled north across the
pathless wilderness to Kansas and safety. They were pursued, and some of them
killed, on the Salt Fork; a few had wagons, which were mostly broken or aban-
doned on the way. There were no roads or trails to follow. After many hard-
ships, the scattered bands collected in southern Kansas, on the border, destitute,
hungry, among strangers. The government afforded them a scant relief. The
first winter all of their horses starved to death, and many of their people died
from want and sickness. In their distress they sought aid from the Osage In-
dians, who at that time owned nearly all of southern Kansas, including millions
of buffalo, and secured their permission to move to the mouth of the Little Ar-
kansas (Neshusta Shinka), and subsist on the buffalo. So in the summer of
1863 they set out for their new home, afoot, hungry, almost naked, and estab-
lished their temporary camp in the dense timber at the mouth of the Little river,
just across from the present Murdock avenue bridge, Wichita.
They managed without horses or guns to kill enough buffalo to subsist and
lay up a scant supply for winter, when the men went south to their old homes
and gathered up what horses they could find. Others visited the Comanches,
who gave them presents of many horses, a custom among the Indians to their
less fortunate brothers. By spring they were mostly mounted and able to take
care of themselves. They could make their saddles and equipments, arms and
clothing, while the women were industriously at work planting gardens, which in
time yielded abundantly.
Here along the Little river they lived and prospered, until the summer of 1867
brought fresh woes. Inexperience involved the wild tribes of the plains in war.
Troops from St. Louis were scattered along the old Santa Fe trail in small de-
176 KANSAS STATE HISTORICAL SOCIETY.
tachments. With them came the cholera, which spread over the plains of Kan-
sas and the Indian Territory. White men and Indians alike died. A small
company of soldiers were sent to the mouth of the Little Arkansas — an uncalled
for and useless move. Soon the cholera commenced its deadly work among the
Wichitas. Scattered over the northern part of Wichita are the graves of prob-
ably 100 Indians, including Owaha, hereditary war chief; Sam Houston, a noted
Indian, and many others. In the latter part of the summer orders came from
Washington to remove the Indians to their old homes, on the Washita, but no
provision was made for their removal. They refused to go until their crops were
gathered and a supply of food prepared for the winter.
Along in the fall they started down the old Chisholm trail.* Their first camp
was on the Ninnescah, where misfortune again overtook them. They hobbled
their horses one night in the tall grass in a bend of the river on the north side.
During the night a norther set in, driving down upon them a furious prairie fire,
burning eighty-five head of their best horses. This left a large number afoot, as
many of their horses had been stolen and driven off by white outlaws, who had
begun to infest the country that summer. The Indians were compelled to cache
a large part of their provisions, which were afterwards stolen by white men, and
proceeded on their journey, many of them afoot.
The cholera was still with them. They died all along the trail. Some were
buried on the Ninnescah. At Skeleton creek so many died they laid on the ground
unburied, and their bleaching skeletons gave a name to the stream. Whole fami-
lies died in the lodges after their arrival on the Washita, and the lodges were
burned, with the bodies and all their belongings. From Skeleton creek they scat-
tered out in every direction, some parties who had no horses stopping on the Red
Fork (Cimmaron), subsisting on the black-jack acorns and wild turkeys, of
which there were thousands. Towakoni Jim, now chief of the Wichitas, with
a band mostly women and children afoot, camped at the mouth of Turkey creek.
Their food was what nature provided. From acorns they made palatable bread,
by a process of their own. Nearly every evening they could be seen coming down
the creek from the timber laden with acorns, Jim usually bringing home four
or five big turkeys he had killed with bow and arrow.
A blizzard, with severe cold and deep snow, came along about that time. It
was so cold a loaded wagon could be driven across the streams on the ice. (I do
not speak from hearsay.) Big gray wolves and panthers came howling about
their camps.
Late one evening Jim came down the creek loaded with turkeys, and strag-
gling along were women and children with what acorns they could carry,
Jim's young wife among the number. She was weak from lack of proper
*Andreas's History of Kansas, page 1385 : " With the Wichitas ( in 1864 ) came Jesse Chisholm,
a half-breed Cherokee, and an adopted member of the Wichitas. He built his house on the
stream which derived its name from him, east of the city of Wichita, and moved into it with
his family. He also established a ranch between the two rivers, three miles above their junction,
near the present residence of J. C. Davis. In the spring of 1865, Mr. Chisholm located a trail
from his ranch to the present site of the Wichita agency, on the Wichita river, Indian Territory,
distance '<J20 miles. This trail subsequently became, and is still known, as the Chisholm trail.
It was established for the purpose of enabling the traders in the Arkansas valley to obtain
wagon communication with the Indians in the Indian Territory, and the trail was used by those
traders for years in the transportation of merchandise to tribes in the territory. Afterward
the trail was used by Texas cattle-drivers, and is now used by the government in the transpor-
tation of supplies to Fort Sill, forty miles south of the Wichita agency. The principal points
of this trail are Wichita, Clearwater, Caldwell, Pond Creek, Skeleton Ranch, Buffalo Springs,
mouth of Turkey creek, Cheyenne Agency, Wichita Agency, and Fort Sill. Chisholm died on
the North Fork of the Canadian river, in the Indian Territory, March 4, 1868, of cholera morbus,
caused by eating bear's grease that had been poisoned by being melted in a brass kettle."
THE POTTAWATOMIE MASSACRE. 177
food. Darkness comiog on, she became separated from her companions among
the sand-bille and brush, and about a half a mile from camp fell exhausted.
She hung her little shawl on a bush to aid her friends to find her, drew her thin
blanket about her, and laid down to die, with wild beasts howling around. Jim
and others hunted for her all night, and at daylight found her apparently dead.
Tenderly they carried her to camp, and by careful attention revived the faint
spark of life and she recovered.
Later many of the Wichitas congregated up the North Fork of the Canadian,
where Jesse Chisholm had called in the Kiowas and Comanches, and here they
remained until the 4th day of March, 18G8, when he suddenly died. The Indians
then suddenly scattered like a flock of quail. He was their friend, counselor,
lawgiver, and father. Each band went its own way. In the spring, the Wichitas,
what was left of them, finally assembled at their old homes on the Washita, where
the government had sent Col. J. H. Leavenworth with some provision for their
needs, and there they have resided to the present time.
THE POTTAWATOMIE MASSACRE.
An address by S. J. Shively,* of Paola, before the Kansas State Historical Society,
at its twenty-eighth annual meeting, December 1, 1903.
T^HE occurrence of the night of May 24, 1856, near Dutch Henry crossing, on
-■- Pottawatomie creek, in Franklin county, at which time five men were killed,
would only have been such a sensation as ordinary murders create had it been in
any ordinary time ; but it was in the midst of a civil war, in a new territory, over
a great moral issue, and so it became one of the incidents of that war, and the
bearing it produced on the result of the issue to be settled decides its importance.
I will call it a massacre, for convenience, and for the benefit of the sensitive.
This affair was the most important in the slave troubles of Kansas. If right, it
was important, as it changed the attitude of the free-state party toward their as-
sailants, and had much to do in the overthrow of the slave power; if wrong, it
was important, as being the cause of the riot and bloodshed that followed.
Five sons of John Brown, of North Elba, N. Y.,.John, jr., Jason, Owen, Sal-
mon, and Frederick, came to Kansas, and settled on the north side of the Potta-
watomie, about two miles southwest of where the town of Lane now is. Three
of the boys took claims. Their brother-in-law, Henry Thompson, came with
them. They unloaded their goods on their claims February 12, 1855. A man
by the name of Winans kept a store then on what is now the B. Needham farm.
He generally hauled out household goods for the settlers there from West-
*S. J. Shively was born in Mandeville, Carroll county, Missouri, December 12, 1861. His
father was a Christian minister, and enlisted in the First Kansas infantry in the spring of 1861,
seven months before the son was born. He came out of the army in May, 1865, and was introduced
to his son born in war times. The father moved with his large family of seven boys and one girl
to Franklin coiinty, Kansas, in 1869, and settled near Henry Shively, a brother, who had moved
from Missouri In 1856. The Shively farms were three miles south and a little west of Stanton,
and five miles north of Lane. They were between the Marais des Cygnes and the Pottawatomie.
Mosquito creek is a little stream between the two. S. J. Shively received a common-school
education at the coimtry school near Mosquito creek. He farmed in Miami county from 1881 to
1883. In 1883 he attended the normal college at Paola; he then taught a country school in
Miami county for two years. He read law in Paola and was admitted to practice in 1887. He
held the offices of councilman, justice of the peace, and city attorney, in Paola, and was elected
county attorney in 1894, serving two years in this latter position. In 1898 he enlisted in company
I, Twentieth Kansas, and served in the Phillipines. He resumed his practice at Paola, upon
his return home, in November, 1899. He was married, in 1892, to Miss Eva Bryan, of Paola.
—13
<
178 KANSAS STATE HISTORICAL SOCIETY.
port landing. He hauled out some goods for Thompson and the Brown boys.
The pro-slavery settlers soon learned that the Brown boys were abolitionists, and
John, jr., was especially hated, as he was more outspoken, and rather the leader
of the family. At that time it made anti-slavery men about as mad to be called
abolitionists as it did pro-slavery men. The Brown boys never denied being abo-
litionists, but took pride in the term. Allen Wilkinson came from Tennessee,
and first located at Osawatomie, in the fall of 1854. The next March, 1855, he
took a claim between the Pottawatomie and Mosquito creeks, near the mouth of
the Mosquito, in the east edge of Franklin county.
James P. Doyle took a claim north of Wilkinson and a little west, on the north
side of the Mosquito, about a mile from Wilkinson's. Henry Sherman, with his
brother William, two German bachelors, settled on an old, abandoned Indian
farm, partially improved, known as the John Jones place. The Wilkinson place
is now known as the John Powell place. The Sherman place is now known as
the James Walter place. The Sherman place was on the south side of the Potta-
watomie, and now adjoins on the east the Lane town site. Henry Sherman was
called "Dutch Henry," and the ford across the Pottawatomie on his place went
by the name of Dutch Henry crossing.
Shermans and Doyle came out in the fall of 1854.
The election of 1855 was held March 30, and that election district had been
designated by Governor Reeder as the fifth, and the voting-place was at Henry
Sherman's, as he had the best house in the country. The election district ex-
tended from the Missouri line to the Neosho east and west, and north and south
from the Big Osage to the Little Osage. The Big Osage was the Marais des
Cygnes. Wilkinson kept the post-office, and was not a violent, but a smooth,
clever leader. Sherman was not very outspoken, but was sly and unreliable.
Doyle was an ignorant fellow and quite radical. None of these men owned
slaves. The poor whites who upheld slavery were more unreasonable and intol-
erant than the slave-owners. Wilkinson at first claimed he was not for making
Kansas a slave state, but they nominated him for the legislature in order to
"fetch him over." He became a very subservient tool of Atchison and String-
fellow. Wilkinson, Samuel Scott, Henry Younger and W. A. Heiskell were the
pro-slavery candidates for the legislature in that district. Had there been an
honest election they would all have been defeated.
A noisy, drunken mob came from Missouri on horseback and offered to vote.
William Chestnut, one of the judges of the election, challenged them oi> the
ground of non-residence. The mob began to threaten violence, when Colonel
Coffey got up and made a speech, in which he said he did not favor violence, but
if officers did not do their duty it would lead to violence. What he meant by
duty was for Mr. Chestnut to cease his challenges. Wilkinson applauded the
speech, and illegal voting went on. After this Wilkinson lost the respect of all
the free-state men. Mr. Chestnut had in many ways befriended him, but Wilkin-
son was accused of selling out to the slave power after that election. After Coffey 's
speech the free-state men left the polls. Several young men had been posted at
Mosquito creek to turn back free-state men. Among the number were the Doyle
boys, who turned back Uncle Sam Houser, who had walked all the way from
Stanton to vote.
Wilkinson and Sherman entertained and fed the men and the horses of the
men who had come from Missouri to vote at Sherman's. Mr. Chestnut refused
to certify to the returns, but the pro-slavery candidates took their places in the
legislature, notwithstanding they had not a sign of a certificate or line of written
authority. Mr. Wilkinson's associates in that body all but one met violent deaths
THE POTTAWATOMIE MASSACRE. 179
in after-years. Scott was killed. Younger was killed during the war. Henry
Younger never did reside in Kansas, but was a resident of Cass county, Missouri.
He was the father of the noted Younger outlaws. Younger was a bosom friend
of Wilkinson while at Shawnee Mission.
Between the Pottawatomie and Mosquito creeks was a pro-slavery settlement.
Just north of this, between the Mosquito and the Marais des Cygnes, was a
free-state settlement, and just south of the Pottawatomie was a mixed complexion
of politics. The Browns lived right in the hotbed of the pro- slavery nest. Some
free-state men have thought that Wilkinson, Sherman and Doyle were unoffend-
ing, peaceable and harmless men. Wilkinson, elected by fraud and violence, seated
by force and usurpation in a legislature the most infamous ever known, and who
in that legislature voted for the black code, could hardly be regarded as unoffend-
ing. Sherman, who fed and entertained gangs of drunken, lawless invaders,
could hardly be said to be peaceable. Doyle, whose boys drove back old men,
actual citizens, from the polls, could hardly be said to be harmless.
Civil war had been declared by the pro slave papers of Missouri and Kansas,
and the right kind of characters were picked out to be sent to carry out their
declarations. A great many of the free-state settlers on the Pottawatomie were
from Missouri and other slave states, and well knew the men and methods they
had to deal with. The free-state men there, too, were Westerners, and had that
Western disposition not to take any more than they had to.
After the election of 1855 things were comparatively quiet on the Pottawa-
tomie, except free-state and pro-slave men would hardly speak to each other as
they would pass.
John Brown, the father of the boys on the Pottawatomie, came out in October,
1855, and spent most of his time with Rev. S. L. Adair, one mile west of Osawa-
tomie, until the first attack on Lawrence, in December.
During the summer and fall of 1855, Wilkinson, who kept the post-office, would
often misplace the mail and destroy the newspapers belonging to free-state men.
His post-office, called Shermanville, was the concentrating point where pro slave
men would meet and curse and abuse abolitionists, and the ruffian conduct was
sanctioned by the postmaster.
After the first attack on Lawrence matters on the Pottawatomie grew more
exciting. Both sides went to the relief of Lawrence, and when they returned they
were more suspicious of each other.
One day in 1855 Poindexter Manace, after leaving the post-office, was seen
with a copy of the New York Tribune. He was told to throw away the damned
incendiary sheet; he replied that it was the best paper published, and the crowd
jumped on him and nearly beat him to death.
To avenge the outrage on Manace, John Brown, jr., organized his Pottawato-
mie rifles. Judge Lecompte opened court about this time in Shermanville, and
Wilkinson, Doyle, Sherman and George Wilson had presented about every free-
state man's name to the jury, to be indicted for treason. At that time in Kansas
treason did not bear its United States constitution definition, but it meant a re-
fusal to obey writs of bogus officers and refusal to pay taxes levied by the bogus
legislature. John Brown, jr., soon after court began, summoned the "rifles" to
meet on the parade-ground, and court, grand jury and all the legal function-
aries of organized slavery fled to Lecompton. The Pottawatomie settlers escaped
imprisonment for treason.
It was only when a settler from there was somewhere else, like Partridge and'
Kilbourn, that he got arrested for treason. The bogus officers never broke into
their settlement and took one of them.
180 KANSAS STATE HISTORICAL SOCIETY.
Early in the spring of 1856 the pro slavery men on the Pottawatomie organ-
ized to drive out free state men, and they invited Buford's men, fresh from the
South, then stopping at Fort Scott, to come up and help them break up the
free-state settlements.
Early in April, 185G, Joshua Baker, who had made some improvements on his
claim on the Pottawatomie, went to Missouri for his family, who were there tem-
porarily from Indiana, and while in Missouri he was arrested and detained for a
long time. About the same time, while Mr. Day, from over on the Marais dea
Cygnes, was at Winans's store, a man rode up and handed him this note:
" This is to notify you that all free-state men now living on the Marais des
Cygnes and Pottawatomie must leave the territory within thirty days or their
throats will be cut. — Law and Order."
As this man was a stranger in the neighborhood he was supposed to be an
advance man of Buford's Fort Scott men.
Soon after this, one of Pate's men drew a revolver on Mr. Day and swore that
Kansas would be a slave state, and then some others burned a cabin near his
place.
After the first Lawrence campaign, in December, 1855, John Brown, sr., spent
most of his time assisting Day to improve his claim, when not on the war-path.
James Hanway, who lived in the settlement at the time, said of the massacre
afterwards:
" I am satisfied it saved the lives of many free-state men. We looked up to it
as a sort of deliverance. Prior to this happening a base conspiracy had been
formed to drive out, to burn, to kill. In a word, the Pottawatomie creek from
its fountainhead was to be cleared of free-state men."
Free-state men about Stanton, Mount Vernon and Osawatomie were being
held up on the highway, many of them having to hide away in the brush at night,
when news reached Osawatomie, May 21, 1856, and Winans's store about the same
time, that Lawrence was being attacked. The Pottawatomie rifles by this time
were reorganized so they now had 130 men, but few of them had arms ; many of
them had only pistols. John Brown, jr., got his company together about four
o'clock p. M., and marched toward Lawrence. They made a forced march, as
they desired to return as soon as possible, for their own settlement was threatened
with Buford's company. They stopped a couple of hours at Mount Vernon, until
the moon arose, when Captain Dayton's company from Osawatomie joined them.
Then they proceeded on their march and stopped for breakfast at Ottawa Jones's.
They there heard that Lawrence had been captured. They then went to Captain
Shore's, near Palmyra, and remained the balance of the day, discussing what was
best to do. They stayed all night at Shore's. The next morning George Grant
came to camp with a letter from John T. Grant, stating that they were likely to
be attacked any night on the Pottawatomie. John Brown, sr. , was detailed to go
down on the Pottawatomie. John Brown, sr., was called old John Brown, to dis-
tinguish him from young John. John Brown, Watson, Frederick; Owen, and
Oliver, and Henry Thompson, Theodore Weiner, and James Townsley, constitut-
ing the famous party of eight, left Shore's about two o'clock p. m.. May 23. Weiner
rode a pony; the rest rode in Townsley's wagon.
They camped that night one mile west of the Dutch Henry crossing. They
remained in camp the next day, and started out on their mission that night.
They had to operate after dark, as their force was small and the pro-slavery set-
tlers were likely to receive reenforcements at any time from Buford's men, on
their way from Fort Scott. It was a bold and daring undertaking for a handful
of men to attack the pro-slavery headquarters in that settlement. On that same
THE POTTAWATOMIE MASSACRE. 181
night three free-state men living about a mile north of Doyle's had been visited,
and were in hiding in a ravine behind the Henry Shively bluff. The Brown
party crossed the creek, and then went north and crossed the Mosquito, and
knocked at the door of the free-state man, to inquire the way to Doyle's. He
was not at home, as he, too, was in hiding from pro-slavery men. They then
went east, and the next house was Doyle's. Fred., Mr. Weiner and Mr. Townsley
stood guard at the road, while the rest went to the house. They brought out
Mr. Doyle and his two soup, William and Drury. They went south and crossed
the Mosquito, when old man Doyle made a turn to the right, in an effort to es-
cape. Old John Brown shot him in the head with a pistol. The two Doyle
boys attempted to get away, when the two youngest Brown boys hacked them with
short swords, and they were left dead. They went a little further south, and
got to Wilkinson's house. The same orders were carried out as before. After
Wilkinson had gone with them a short distance, his attention was called to what
he had threatened about John, jr. W^ilkinson reiterated what he said; so the
youngest boy killed him with a short sword. They then crossed at the Dutch
Henry ford, went east, and called at Sherman's. Henry Sherman was not at
home and Mrs. Harris was present, having gone there to cook breakfast for Bu-
ford's men, who were expected that night. She at first treated the callers nicely,
as she mistook them for Buford's men. When she found out her mistake, she
went to her house and alarmed Henry Sherman and George Wilson. After she
left, William Sherman was taken to the rirer; the youngest boys killed him and
threw him in the river. He, too, was killed with short swords. At Sherman's
the orders were changed some. No one saw Sherman killed but the two boys.
Brown's original intention, when he started out that night, was to capture these
men and hold a trial. After Doyle's effort to escape the plan was changed.
The next morning there was a general supposition that all the rifle company
had returned, on account of what had been done; so the bands on their way to
the settlement came no farther, and all was quiet on the Pottawatomie ever after
that. The pro-slavery power was broken, and that was the end of pro-slave rule
on the Pottawatomie. This was the first free-state victory. It was turning the
other cheek. It protected the homes and families and saved the lives of many
free-state men. From this time John Brown became known to every one — ad-
mired by friends and feared by enemies. James Townsley said at first he thought
the killings were horrible, but afterwards he thought it the best thing that could
have happened. Soon after this affair a little meeting was held near Greeley,
which only a few settlers attended, that passed resolutions deploring the matter.
Within a rponth after that meeting not a single free-state settler would have at.
tended any such meeting. H. H. Williams, who was present, said many times, in
his hardware store, at Osawatomie, that the more he thought about it the more
it looked to him to be the necessary thing. Hendrix Kinkaid, who was living
near there at the time, said that if Brown had not struck when he did, and the way
he did, the free-state people from Stanton to Garnett would have had to leave, or
else some one else would have had to do what Brown did.
John Brown, jr., was the most popular man in Franklin county up to this
time, but he was now in prison, and soon after lost his mind.
John Brown, or old John Brown, was in demand everywhere. The free-
state men knew that he was a leader they could trust. Not a single free-state
man living who lived in or near the Pottawatomie in 1856 but who says it was
an act of justification and necessity to do something by somebody in that part
of the country.
H. H. Day, of Rantoul, John T. Baker, of Lane, J. C. Chestnut, of Osa-
182 KANSAS STATE HISTORICAL SOCIETY.
watomie, and S. C. Wollard, of Olathe, all approved of Brown's action at that
time. All the obnoxious pro-slavery men left the country immediately after
these killings, and no armed rufiians from the South ever came to that settlement
again.
This affair headed off the conspiracy Judge Hanway spoke of. It broke up
the nests and rendezvous of the pro-slavery forces in that part of the country.
After that the Missourians had no place to roost. Other settlements were not
so fortunate; they prolonged retaliation until pro-slave men got the upper hand
and committed many depredations on free-state men, burned many homes, and
touk a great deal of property. The free-state men could get no protection from
federal authority. They had asked the War Department for troops in memorials
and public appeals, but the administration thought the outrages on free-state
men were insignificant affairs and not worth national attention; but when the
Pottawatomie plan was adopted, and free-state men defended their homes in
their own way, then outrages on pro-slavery men were of momentous considera-
tion. Governor, judges, United States marshals, sheriffs and prosecuting at-
torneys called on national authority for troops, and response was speedy. The
peace policy had been tried and failed at Lawrence. The treaty of December
had been broken, and, in the second attack, the pro-slave men were successful.
The Pottawatomie settlers had twice been to Lawrence, leaving their own homes
exposed, to relieve their friends at Lawrence, and had seen their friends there
submit to treaties and peace compacts. The Pottawatomie men did not believe
in the treaty business; they were not diplomats.
John Brown was thought by some to be insane, by many to be reckless, and
by all to be misguided in judgment, and yet events proved his judgment better,
in some things, than the leaders of the free state party. He predicted that the
peace treaty with Lawrence would fail, and that, unless aggressive measures were
adopted, Lawrence would be destroyed. He told the men at Osawatomie, unless
aggressive measures were adopted, their town would be taken.
The men who counseled peace fell victims to the policy, and were imprisoned
at Lecompton. It might have been better if the Pottawatomie men had acted only
on the defensive; but free-state men had been on the defensive for two years,
and that seemed long enough. When should the defensive end and the aggress-
ive begin ? We have a recent illustration. When the Filipinos attacked Manila,
the Americans acted only on the defensive the first day, but the next day they
carried the war into the jungles. Day after day the American forces pursued
an aggressive campaign, until their armed foe laid down his arms. The de-
fensive plan might have been better, but the aggressive policy prevented the
necessity of having to fight any more defensive battles.
Governor Robinson says, in the preface of his "Kansas Conflict," " the actors
in any struggle are unfitted to be the historians of that struggle." I then tell
this story as 't was told to me. The Brown boys and Weiner related the facts of
this affair in early days to Hanway, Houser, Kinkaid, and Partridge, and these
men have told it to the succeeding generation. James Townsley relates some of
the details in an affidavit made long after the event, but he has not told all in
that affidavit that he has frequently told to his neighbors in various conversa-
tions.
There was no intention to harm the peaceable pro-slavery men on the Potta-
watomie, only the obnoxious ones — the ones that gave aid and comfort to the
Missouri invaders, the Buford cut-throats, and Pate's gang. The Pottawatomie
policy enabled the free-state men to stay, and, by staying, saved Kansas to free-
dom. It gave notice to Missourians that no more ballot-box stuffing would be
THE POTTAWATOMIE MASSACRE. 183
tolerated. Had the Pottawatomie policy been adopted sooner, at Leavenworth,
perhaps the shocking cruelties inflicted on R. P. Brown and William Phillips
might have been avoided. In the latter part of May, 1856, the free state men of
Kansas saw their leaders in prison, their newspapers thrown into the river, a
reign of terror in Atchison, blood running down the streets of Leavenworth;
Lawrence, their principal town, destroyed; armed hordes from every Southern
state marching to Kansas; free-state families in Linn and Bourbon counties
leaving by the hundred for their far Eastern homes ; men all over the territory
going to prison for speaking their sentiments ; their champion at the national
capital, Charles Sumner, weltering in blood from slavery's blows for even speak-
ing out against these crimes in Kansas. Another successful stroke and the tri-
umph of slavery would have been complete in Kansas.* This was the situation
when Brown and his seven bold men appeared in the pro slavery stronghold with
only one pistol and a few short swords. The reason these men used ground
knives was because arms were scarce — the Sharp's rifles at that time had all
been sent to the relief of Lawrence. The whole national administration was
using its mighty arm to crush the poor men in the prairie homes of Kansas; all
*The Missouri compromise of 1820 made Kansas free soil, enacting that in all the territory
north of the line of thirty-six degrees and thirty minutes, which is about thirty miles south of
the south line of Kansas, excepting a portion of Missouri, slavery and involuntary servitude
should be forever prohibited. The lavs' of May 30, 1854, creating the territories of Kansas and
Nebraska, repealed the Missouri compromise, and introduced into these territories the doctrine
of squatter sovereignty. In the ordinance of 1787 Jefferson tried to free the whole Northwest-
ern Territory, but failed in Congress by one vote.
Within three months after the passage of the Kansas-Nebraska bill, people on the western
border of Missouri were organizing Blue Lodges, Social Bands, and Sons of the South societies ,
with intent to take Kansas in behalf of slavery. The purpose of the act of May 30, 1854, was to
remove the interdict of slavery from Kansas and facilitate the legal extension of slavery into
this region. At a meeting of one of these societies it was resolved: "That we will afford pro-
tection to no abolitionist as a settler of this territory ; that we recognize the institution of
slavery as already existing in this territory, and advise slaveholders to introduce their property
as early as possible." California had excluded slavery, and it was essential at that time ( 1854)
that there be a new slave state, and they determined to have Kansas. Undoubtedly there was
an understanding among the bosses, or statesmen, that the South should have Kansas and the
North Nebraska, but Northern people would not stay out of Kansas. The slavery agitators had
developed undergroimd railroads and fugitive-slave laws, culminating in the following inci-
dents chronologically in the settlement of Kansas, leading up to the I'ottawatomie massacre :
November 6, 1854. — David R. Atchison made a speech in Platte county, of which the Platte
Argus reports: " When you reside in one day's journey of the territory, and when your peace,
your quiet and your property depend upon your action, you can, without an exertion, send 500
of your young men who will vote in favor of your institution. Should every county in the state
of Missouri only do its duty, the question will be decided quietly and peacefully at the ballot-
box."
December 25, 1854.— The people of Lafayette county, Missouri, adopt resolution protesting
against steamboats on the Missouri giving aid or countenance to those who intend to abolition-
ize the territory, and threaten a boycott.
February, 1855.— John Brown, jr., Jason, Owen, Frederick, and Salmon, sonsof John
Brown, -settle on Pottawatomie creek, eight miles from Osawatomie. They brought with them
eleven head of cattle, three horses, tents, plows, and other farming tools, and a lot of fruit-
trees and grape-vines, and their first job was to break twelve acres of prairie.
March 30, 1855. — One thousand Missourians arrive in Lawrence to vote. Mrs. Robinson
says: "They were armed with guns, pistols, rifles, and bowie-knives. They had two cannon
loaded with musket balls."
April 14, 1855.— The Parkville Luviinari/ (George S. Park's paper) destroyed by a pro-
slavery mob.
April 16. 1855.— Governor Eeeder threw out a lot of returns of the election of March 30 on
account of fraud, and ordered another election at certain places.
April 30, 1855. — A pro-slavery vigilance committee of thirty members organized at Leaven-
worth. There were nine resolutions adopted, one directing that they " shall observe and report
all such persons as shall openly act in violation of law and order and, by the expression of
abolition sentiments, produce disturbance to the quiet of the citizens or danger to their domes-
tic relations, and all such persons offending shall be notified and made to leave the territory."
April 30, 1855.— Cole McCrea (free-state) kills Malcolm Clark at Leavenworth. The quarrel
occurred at a squatters' meeting, over the right of McUrea to participate and vote, and was
about claims on certain trust lands. The grand jury in September failed to find a bill against
184 KANSAS STATE HISTORICAL SOCIETY.
the wealth and power in the South was being used against them. The pulpit
thundered against them and the press abused them. Against all these odds the
free-state men of Kansas exhibited the most remarkable courage recorded in the
annals of the world.
Fidelity to the cause of freedom and pluck to stay by it were essentials the
people of Kansas in those early days were looking for.
None doubted John Brown's faith, sincerity, or courage. That is why neigh-
bors of my boyhood days spent so many hours and nights counseling with, asso-
ciating with and fighting with old John Brown.
War was declared by the pro slave hosts in the fall of 1854. The pro-slave pa-
pers announced the policy of exterminating abolitionists. It might have been
a good thing to have adopted the Pottawatomie policy in 1854, for it might have
prevented the bogus election of March 30, 1855. It might have saved young
Barber's life. Certainly it was none too soon, after the destruction of Lawrence
and the arrival of Buford's company and the G. W. Clarke raid in the southeast.
No participant of the free-state cause in Kansas should be robbed of his glory.
It required the work of all, for which each was peculiarly fitted — Robinson, the
McOrea. Mrs. Robinson says that at an adjourned term of court, in November, the errand jury,
with srtven new members added, indicted McCrea for murder in the first decree. Four of the
counsel within the bar, including the clerk of the court, were connected with the tarrinsr and
feathering of Phillips on the ntli day of May. Ihe congressional committee (1856) said tliat in
no case of crime had an indictment been found, except in the homicide of Clark by McCrea —
McCrea being a free-state man.
May 11, 1855.— The heaven-wovth He7-ald says: " Suffer not an avowed abolitionist to remain
within your borders."
May 17, 1855.— Tlie vigilance committee before referred to notified William Phillips, a lawyer
at Leavenworth, to leave the territory. He refused, and was seized, taken to Weston, one side
of his head shaved, stripped of his clothes, tarred and feathered, rode for a mile and a half on
a rail, and a nogro auctioneer went through the mockery of selling him for one dollar. He was
killed in his home September 1, 1856, by ruffians, led by Fred Emery. May 20, 1855, the Leaven-
worth ITprald said of the tarring and feathering: " Our action in the whole affair is emphat-
ically indorsed by the pro-slavery party in this district. The joy, exultation and glorification
produced by it in our community are unparalleled." A public meeting in Leavenworth re-
solved : '■ That we heartily indorse the action of the citizens who shaved, tarred and feathered,
rode on a rail, and bait sold by a negro, William Phillips, the moral perjurer." Phillips pro-
tested against a fraudulent election, and he was accused of befriending McCrea at the squat-
ters' meeting, April 30,
B. F. Stringfellow, at Atchison, in 1855. — "To those who have qualms of conscience as to
violating laws, state or national, I say the time has come when such impositions must be disre-
garded, since your rights and property are in danger; and I advise you, one and all, to enter
every election district in Kansas in defiance of Reoder and his vile myrmidons and vote at the
point of the bowie-knife and revolver. Neither give nor take quarter; our cause demands it.
It is enough that the slave-holding interests will it, from which there is no appeal."
June 8, 1855. — A free-state convention participated in by Charles Robinson, John Speer, R. Q.
Elliott, S. N. Wood and others resolved: "That in reply to the threats of war so frequently
made in our neighboring state our answer is: We are ready."
June 27, 1855.— A convention of National Democrats, participated in by James H. Lane,
C. W. Babcock, James S. Emery, and Hugh Cameron, met in Lawrence. " kindly requests citizens
of adjoining states to let them alone," and that they "cannot permit the purity of the ballot-box
to be polluted by outsiders, or illegal voting from any quarter."
Jdly 2, 1855. — Pro-slavery legislature meets at Pawnee, and makes itself solidly pro-slavery
by unseating several free-state members. It meets according to adjournment at Shawnee Mis-
sion, July 16. July 21, Governor Reeder says the legislature is in contravention of the act of
Congress, that it has no right to sit, and can make no valid legislation. It passes laws which
General Stringfellow said " were more efficient to protect slave property than those of any state
in the Union, and that they would be enforced to the very letter." By those laws only pro-slavery
men could hold office. All officials were compelled to take oath to support the fugitive-slave
law. According to resolutions adopted, pro-slavery Whigs and pro-slavery Democrats would be
tolerated; all others were enemies, disunionists, and abolitionists.
Adgdst 16, 18.55.— Rev. Pardee Butler placed on a raft at Atchison, and shipped down the
Missouri river. Several citizens followed, throwing rocks at him. He had the letter R legibly
painted on his forehead. Mr. Butler avowed himself a free-soiler. According to the SQiint-
ter Sdvercign, a committee was appointed to wait on Mr. Butler. They requested his
signature to certain resolutions adopted by a recent pro-slavery meeting. After reading
tliem, he declined to sign, and was instantly arrested. Various plans were considered for his
disposal. I'he Sf/>i(Utcr fiovcrrif/n added : " Such treatment may be expected by all scoundrels
visiting our town for the purpose of interfering with our time-honored institations, and the
same punishment we will be happy to award to all free-soilers, abolitionists, and their emis-
saries." Various flags were placed on his raft bearing mottoes: "The way they are served in
Kansas"; " Car"-o insured, unavoidable danger of the Missnurians and the Missouri river ex-
cepted" ; " Let future emissaries from the North beware " ; " Our hemp crop is sufficient to re-
ward all such scoundrels."
THE POTTAWATOMIE MASSACRE. 185
Btatesman, Lane, the orator, and Brown, the hero, and all other men who leaned
upon these giants of freedom. None obstructed the way, but all contributed.
Lane, by his eloquence, aroused the Kansas freemen, as Patrick Henry brought
to the surface the undercurrent of Virginia in 1775; Robinson was the balance-
wheel of the whole movement here, and Brown drove back the lion of slavery to
his Southern lair.
Let not a single name be erased from the honor roll of fame.
John Brown became more famous than all the rest on account of his work
at Harper's Ferry.
Some Kansas historians are not kind to our own heroes, but historians else-
where, not partizans, but standard authors, put Brown in a proper place.
Schouler, in volume 5 of that splendid United States History, says: "Although
Brown was hung for treason, he was not a felon, but an enthusiast. Like a gal-
lant man he met death, believing his cause to be right; he became a martyr, and
consequently a figure in history."
Professor Andrews, in volume 4 of his excellent work on United States His-
tory, says: "John Brown was an enthusiast; a misguided hero, whose sufferings
in Kansas had frenzied his opposition to slavery."
October 5, 1855.— John Brown joins his sons on the Pottawatomie. He remained in Kansas
until about February 1, 1859.
OcTOBEE 31, 1855.— It was declared to be treason by pro-slavery convention at Leavenworth
to oppose the pro-slavery laws.
Octobee25, 1855.— Samuel Collins, free-state, killed by Patrick McLaughlin at Doniphan.
No punishment for McLaughlin.
November 21, 1855.— Charles W. Dow, free-state, killed by Franklin N. Coleman, pro-slavery
in Douglas county.
November 23, 1855.— The free-state men held a meeting at the spot where Dow was killed.
Jacob Branson, with whom Dow lived, arrested for attending the meeting. Fifteen free-state
men, led by S. N. Wood, J. B. Abbott, and S. F. Tappan, rescue Branson.
December 2 and 3, 1855.— A mob from Missouri at Franklin, a few miles from Lawrence.
December 6, 1855.— Thomas W. Barber, free-state, shot and killed on the road four miles
southwest of Lawrence. Report on Kansas claims, 1861, signed by Edward Hoogland, Henry
J. Adams, and Samuel A. Kingman, page 17, says: "Either George W. Clarke or James N.
Burnes [afterwards a member of CongressJ, murdered Thomas Barber. Both fired at him, and
it is impossible from the proof to tell whose shot was fatal." "He (Samuel J. Jones) said
Clarke and Burnes both claimed the credit of killing that damned abolitionist, and he didn't
know which ought to have it. If Shannon had not been a damned old fool peace would never
have been declared. He would have wiped Lawrence out. He had the men and means enough
to do it." We might infer from John J. Ingalis's eulogy of Burnes in the United States senate
that others besides John Brown might have been crazy at that time.
December 3 to 6, 1855.— Lawrence surrounded by about 1500 Missourians. Ordered to dis-
band by Governor Shannon December 9. Treaty of peace signed by Governor Shannon, Charles
Robinson, and James H. Lane. John Brown and four sons, all armed, are in Lawrence at this
time. The old man opposes the peace negotiations between Robinson and Lane and the pro-
slavery crowd, and says he is for fighting and dying now.
December 15, 1855.— Pro-slavery men destroy Mark W. Delahay's Territorial Register, a
free-state paper at Leavenworth.
December 26, 1855.— The Kickapoo Pionper says: "It is this class of men that have congre-
gated at Lawrence, and it is this class of men that Kansas must get rid of. And we know of no
better method than for every man who loves his country and the laws by which he is governed
to meet in Kansas and kill off this God-forsaken class of humanity as soon as they place their
feet upon our soil."
January 17, 1856.— Murder of Capt. R. P. Brown, free-state, at Easton, by a pro-slavery mob.
The Leavenworth Herald justifies the murder of Brown. Brown had three cracks of his skull
from a hatchet, and they spit tobacco juice in his wounds, because " anything would make a
damned abolitionist feel better."
February 20. 1856.— The .Sr/Mo/<er jS'oi;e?-pjY/»? says: "In our opinion, the only effectual way
to correct the evils that now exist is to hang up to the nearest tree the very last traitor who was
instrumental in getting up or participated in the celebrated Topeka convention."
March 29, 1856.— All boats coming up the Missouri river overhauled and searched for goods
pronounced contraband. All such goods belonging to Northern people stolen."
April 12, 1856.— Grand juries in Atchison and Doniphan counties render bills of indictment
against free-state men for participating in a disorganized election — election under the Topeka
constitution.
April 19, 1856.— Sheriff Jones attempts to arrest S. N. Wood for the rescue of Branson. He
failed, and was shot and wounded.
April 30, 1856.— Pardee Butler returns to Atchison, and is stripped, tarred and feathered,
and covered with cotton. Constant trouble on the Marais des Cygnes after the arrival 9f Bu-
ford's men, in April, 1856. A Vermonter, named Baker, was taken from his cabin, whipped,
186 KANSAS STATE HISTORICAL SOCIETY.
I was raised among friends, comrades and relatives of the old crusader, and
they were all the best of citizens. I have roamed fields in childhood where this
old hero held councils to plan the blotting out of slavery from this nation. In
my youth I walked down a lane to school the famed martyr had often traveled.
Hero worship is not a virtue to be taught. It is not a vice to be condemned. It
is a natural impulse of the human heart. The more the sacrifice, the more the
sympathy. Martyrdom for a cause attracts attention and enlists recruits for
that cause. Many men of the free North had not yet conceived the enormity of
the sin of slavery until men began to die for the freedom of the slaves. After
Brown's execution slavery's foes united.
John Brown was not a statesman, not a philosopher, not even a leader. He
was truly a hero. He belongs to that class of heroes whose mistakes of judgment
are excused for their virtues to be extolled. He belongs to that class of heroes
whose daring and examples of self sacrifice in the establishment of a principle
receives the plaudits of mankind. John Brown was one of those heroes whom
opponents of the cause he espoused attempt to consume his memory with flames
of wrath, and whose friends of his cause smother and perish the flames by heap-
ing thereon verdant wreaths of glory. John Brown is a contrast and yet a par-
allel to Charlotte Corday ; one a beautiful French maiden, the other a stern man
hanged to a tree, but cut down before death, and released upon his promise to leave Kansas-
John Brown, with his sons Owen, Frederick, Salmon, and Oliver, with surveyor's compass and
other implements, run a line through Buford's camp. Assuming- that they were government
surveyors, and therefore "sound on the goose," the Georgians informed them that " they would
make no war on them as minds their own business, but all the abolitionists, such as them
damned Browns over there, we 're going to whip, drive out, or kill."
May 5, 1856.— Grand jury in Douglas county recommends that the Herald of Freedom and
other free-state papers, and the Eldridge House, be abated as nuisances. Charles Robinson,
Andrew H. Reader and others indicted for high treason, for organizing the free-state government.
May 7 and 9, 1S56.— Attempts to arrest Andrew H. Reeder. He escaped, and, aided by Ker-
sey Coates and the Eldridges, gets through Kansas City in disguise, and hires out as an Irish
deck-hand on a steamboat.
May 10, 1856. — Charles Robinson, on his way east, arrested at Lexington, Mo., for treason,
and brought back to Lecompton.
May 11, 1856.— Lawrence again surrounded by Missourians under the guise of territorial
militia.
May 14, 1856. — Citizens of Lawrence make a protest; to the governor and the United States
lyarshal. Judge Lecompte charges the grand jury to indict for high treason or constructive
treason certain parties "dubbed governor, lieutenant-governor, etc. — individuals of influence
and notoriety "—meaning free-state leaders.
May 14, 1856 — Gains Jenkins, George W. Brown, Charles Robinson, George W. Smith, George
W. Deitzler, .John Brown, jr., and H. H. Williams denied bail, charged with high treason, con-
fined in camp at Lecompton.
May 15, 1856.— Josiah Miller, editor of the Lawrence Free (S/rtVe, arrested for treason by
South Carolina soldiers, tried in a tent near Lecompton, and acquitted.
May 17, 1856.— C. W. Babcock, Lyman Allen, and J. A. Perry, appointed by the people of Law
rence, ask the marshal to put a stop to the depredations committed by a large force of armed
men in the vicinity.
May 21, 1856. — Sheriff .lones appeai-ed in Lawrence with a body of armed men. The Eldridge
House, the offices of the IIci aid of Freedom and the Ktmsan Free Stale were destroyed. Stores
were broken open and pillaged and the dwelling of Charles Robinson burned. A grand jury,
referring to the newspapers, "recommended tlieir abatement as a nuisance," and as to the
hotel, they " recommend that steps be taken whereby this nuisance may be removed." The
speech of David R. Atchison, United States senator from Missouri, at the sacking of Lawrence
is too coarse for repetition. He was a great man intellectually, and no doubt a fine man
socially and otherwise, and the speech indicates that there were others then as crazy, if not
crazier, than John Brown.
May 22, 1856.— Preston S. Brooks, of South Carolina, commits an assault on Charles Sumner
in the United States senate, because of his speech entitled "The Crime against Kansas." Up
to this time all the outrages committed by the free-state men wore purely political ; that is, re-
sistance to the pro-slavery territorial organization, and an attempt to organize another under
the Topeka movement.
May 23, 1856.— John Brown, with a company of free-state men, while on their way to the de-
fense of Lawrence, were overtaken by a messenger from home, telling of outrages perpetrated
the previous day on their families and neigiibors by pro-slavery settlers on Pottawatomie creek.
John Brown and his four sons, Owon, Frederick, Watson and Oliver, his son-in-law, Henry
Thompson, James Townsley and Theodore Weiner returned to Pottawatomie creek on the 2',id.
On the night of the 24th they took from their homes James P. Doyle and his sons, William and
Harry, Alien Wilkinson, aufi William Sherman, and killed them. John Brown admitted his
responsibility for the killing.
THE OSAGE CEDED LANDS. 187
of sixty. One struck a dagger into the heart of a tyrant; though a murderess,
she did her part to liberate France. The other, though an offender in the eyes
of the law, did his part to free mankind. One perished at the guillotine, the
other expired on the scaffold. Each takes equal hold upon posterity's imagina-
tion and sublime conscience. After John Brown's death, the champions of
slavery had to fight for their idol.
"They only leaped to ruin's red embrace,
And heard fame's thunder wake,
And saw the dazzling sunburst break,
In smiles on Glory's bloody face."
THE OSAGE CEDED LANDS.
An address by C. E. Coet,* of Fort Scott, before the Kansas State Historical Society,
at its twenty-eighth annual meeting, December 1, 1903.
TTTE are not writing or talking history. What we are doing for Kansas is in
' ^ the way of preparing material for the real historian, who will come long
years after us. When Samuel Pepys was making his notes of the society doings
in the reigns of the Charleses he was not writing history. When Horace Greeley
wrote his "Great American Conflict," when Alexander H. Stevens wrote his
"War between the States," and when Nicolay and Hay were writing "Abraham
Lincoln, a History," neither one of them was really writing history. I take
these three books as my illustrations, because they are the best three samples of
an attempt at contemporaneous history within my knowledge. The authors were
writing notes of things they knew. They were too close to their subjects to
write history. They loved one person because they knew him. They each looked
askance at the other man, because he was an enemy or a rival of their friend
No one of them could do complete justice to the other man. The hero in each
case was a man who had been close to the writer and whose virtues and faults he
knew. The impressions written down were acquired at short distance. Their
personal feelings always colored their character sketches. The man who writes
exact history must be far enough from his subject to get the focus of his glass
upon his object. He must be on the other side of the X-ray machine. He must
look on his subject under the cold, impersonal light of the written observations
of others.
No man of this generation could fairly write the history of Grover Cleveland
or James G. Blaine or William McKinley or Theodore Roosevelt. We are too
close to them. They are of us. Each of us would love the subject and hate his
enemy, or write from the opposite side. No one, unless he were superhuman,
could do justice in either case.
We here are getting material ready. We who talk here are gathering the
clay and the straw, and possibly shaping the brick, but the man a hundred years
from now will shape the building.
There were three Kansas invasions. There was the invasion of the '50's, that
of the later 'GO's, and that of the later '70's. Each of these was a great tide of
people who swept into the territory, and each one larger than its predecessor.
THE FIRST INVASION.
The first one came of those who were ardent on the slavery question — one
side or the other. They were fighters and enthusiasts, every one of them. No
one of them occupied a middle ground, and they would allow no one else in Kan-
*See page 229, seventh volume, State Historical Society Collections, and foot-note.
188 KANSAS STATE HISTORICAL SOCIETY.
sas to occupy a middle ground. They did not come here for financial gain.
They were moral philosophers, who would rather lose a fight than give up a
a cherished dogma. They were not compromisers. They did not think they
were right on the social organization of Kansas — they knew it. They tolerated
no argument, and a man's neighbor was either his friend or his enemy. The
man who attempted to be neutral was despised, as he always has been, and al-
ways will be, and always should be, by strong men and women. This invasion
covered all the eastern third of Kansas, but its greatest force was in the north-
eastern part of the state. In the southeastern corner of the state, of which I
shall speak, the settlements were but few. There were some barn burnings,
considerable cattle stealing, an occasional lynching, but of substantial improve-
ment in civilized life there was but little. Some few farmers, now our best and
wealthiest citizens, stayed through the troublous times, and are on the land yet.
A few villages and some farmers scattered along the creeks was the extent of the
residuum left from the inflow of the '50's. The effect is still there, still appar-
ent, but those pioneers form but a very small percentage of the present popula-
tion.
THE SECOND INVASION.
The second invasion has to do with the story I shall tell. This second Inva-
sion was of an entirely different character from the first; and, because of the
fact that southeastern Kansas had not received such a large influx in the '50's,
its effect was more marked in that part of the state.
After the great civil war had ended and a million sturdy, vigorous young fel-
lows found themselves out of employment, they very naturally decided to go into
new fields. And so it came to pass that they went to their old homes and
gathered up their few possessions and brought their wives and babies with them
to the new West. These were the people who really settled southeastern Kan-
sas. Within ten years after the close of the civil war a man in that region who
had not an army record was something of a curiosity. These people were all
poor. When they went into the army they were boys. During their four or five
years of service they of course had accumulated nothing — nothing but a train-
ing, an education absolutely unique and immensely valuable.
THE THIRD INVASION.
Of the third invasion it is not necessary that I speak at length. It came
when, through the magnificent advertisement of Kansas by our State Board of
Agriculture and the splendid showing made in 1876, at the Centennial Exposi-
tion at Philadelphia, the rest of the world discovered that Kansas was fitted to
become a great commonwealth ; and the thousands came from all parts of the
world.
Notice, then, the condition of the land of which I shall speak at the time I have
in view. The country was practically as well settled as it is now — not so many
people there, but there was at least somebody on nearly every quarter-section of
land. These people were from all parts of the East and North, some few from
the South. They were all young, vigorous, hopeful, forceful — all poor.
THE CEDED LANDS.
The Osage Ceded Lands covered the territory which is now Neosho and La-
bette counties, with a narrow strip surrounding them in Cherokee, Crawford,
Bourbon, Wilson and Montgomery counties. To be exact, the tract was bounded
on the east by a straight north-andsouth line three quarters of a mile east of the
west line of Cherokee, Crawford and Bourbon counties, on the west by a line two
and a half miles west of the east line of Wilson and Montgomery counties, on the
THE OSAGE CEDED LANDS. 189
north by the line between sections 23 and 26, in township 26, that is the north Une
of Neosho county, and on the south by the south line of Kansas.
Its story as a part of the territory of the United States is old.
It was a part of the Louisiana purchase.
Its first condition as a white man's country was as a dependent or appendant
of French Canada.
It was ceded to England in 1763.
It was quickly thereafter transferred to Spain.
It was receded to France in 1800.
It was finally sold to the United States in 1803, by Napoleon, who would
rather the territory should go to the United States than to England.
These lands were a part of the territory taken possession of by C. C. Claiborne,
as special commissioner of the United States, who was appointed by the president
"to the supreme and sole government of the nevf province.'''' In view of recent
discussions on acquiring and governing new territory, just think of that language!
And from Thomas Jefferson, too !
The lands then became, in 1804, a part of Upper Louisiana.
They then were made a part of the district of Louisiana, in the same year,
and attached to Indiana for governmental purposes.
In the next year they became a part of the territory of Louisiana.
In 1812 they became a part of the territory of Missouri.
In 1854 they were made a part of the territory of Kansas,
Observe the peculiar record of this small tract of land — its genealogy, if I
may use that word where no other word fits.
It was first the " land of the Dacotahs."
It was next a part of French Canada.
It was then a part of Virginia, coming under the old grant of 1609, which ex-
tended to the western sea.
It was then a dependency of Spain.
It next, in 1800, became again French territory.
In 1803 it became the property of the United States, and shortly thereafter
a part of Louisiana.
Then it was a part of Indiana.
Again it was a part of Louisiana.
Next it became a part of Missouri.
And finally, in 1854, it was made a part of Kansas.
The people who remark upon the erratic course of Kansas of to-day must not
forget that Kansas has been even as changeful in the past.
THE OSAGE INDIANS.
The Osage tribe of Indians was a branch of the Dacotah family, and their
home, when first met by whites, was southern Missouri and eastern Kansas.
They were a powerful tribe, and one of the few Indian nations who never gave
the whites any trouble. The old name, Ouasash, given to them by the Algon- .
quins, from which, through corruption by the French traders, we have the pres-
ent name, means "bone men," which may give some idea of the way they were
regarded by their neighbors. They were hard fighters. Physically the Osage
is a powerful man, slightly above medium height.
Washington Irving, in the year 1832, in the book, "A Tour of the Prairies,"
says of the Osages :
"Near by was a group of Osages, stately fellows, stern and simple in garb and
aspect. They wore no ornaments ; their dress consisted of blankets, leggings, and
190 KANSAS STATE HISTORICAL SOCIETY.
moccasins; their heads were bare; their hair was cropped close, except a brist-
ling ridge on the top, like the chest of a helmet, with a long scalp-lock hanging
behind. They had fine Roman countenances and broad, deep chests. . . .
"The Osages are the finest-looking Indians I have seen in the West."
They took more interest in agriculture than any other western tribe : and when
the whites came among them there were a great many "squaw patches," that is,
little irregular farms, which had evidently been cultivated for ages. It will be
easy for you toguess why they were called "squaw patches." The Osages were not
quarrelsome, and when the Jesuit Father John Schoenmacher opened a mission
at what is now St. Paul, in 18i7, they all espoused the Catholic religion, to which
they still adhere. The Presbyterians, as early as 1822, had established mission
stations in the Neosho and Verdigris valleys, but they were unsuccessful.
In 1825 a treaty was made with the tribe, by which all its lands were ceded
to the United States, except a strip fifty miles wide from north to south, begin-
ning at the south line of Kansas and extending westward a considerable distance
into Kansas. Their enjoyment of that tract forever was solemnly guaranteed to
the tribe by one of those pie-crust treaties which have so often disgraced our
government. The government guaranteed the land to the Osages "so long as
they may choose to occupy the same."
Subsequent treaties were made and broken and made and broken again, until
finally, on January 21, 1867, the lands whose boundaries I have given were ceded
to the United States, to be held in trust and sold for cash to actual settlers, and
the proceeds used for the benefit of the Indians. They were crowded off to what
was called the Osage diminished reserve, just west of the Ceded Lands. This
treaty was made at Canville trading-post, near where Shaw, Neosho county, now
stands. Then the Osages were again crowded off the diminished reserve and re-
moved to the Indian Territory, just south of Chautauqua county, Kansas, where
they still remain. Thus disappeared the last remnant of that splendid empire,
originally the home of this powerful tribe. They are the wealthiest people on
earth, each man, woman and child having on deposit in Washington the sum of
about $4600.
The bad faith of the government was shown again in a short time. The rail-
road promoting era during and following the civil war led everybody to look
lightly on Indian titles. Congress, by the act of March 3, 1863, had granted
lands to the state of Kansas to aid in building railroads. Under formal certifi-
cate from the Department of the Interior, the governor of Kansas issued patents
to the Missouri, Kansas & Texas Railway Company and the Leavenworth, Law-
rence & Galveston Railway Company (now the Southern Kansas) as a bonus for
building roads. The railway companies had plainly no right to the land, and
Congress no power to make the grants, and the governor had no right to issue
the patents. The act of Congress provided that each alternate section, within
certain limits, should go to any company building through the state. These two
lines ran so that the grants overlapped on the Ceded Lands. One road took its
alternate section, and the other road took the other alternate section. This
was a very neat and friendly arrangement between the railroads, but hard on the
poor Osages.
In the meantime the second Kansas invasion, of which I have spoken, took
place. Thousands of stout young fellows, just from the army, had settled over
the Ceded Lands. They had come West to make homes for themselves. Their
four years of training in the greatest army of history had made them aggressive
and fearless. They had no respect for assumed rights. The railway company
would sell the land for fancy prices, but the settlers thought the provisions of
THE OSAGE CEDED LANDS. 191
the homestead and preemption laws governed the titles. There were discussions
and disputes, but the companies were insistent.
Finally, two test suits were brought, to settle the title to the land. There
were, in fact, a great many suits brought, but the only ones of importance to us
here were those which finally decided the matter. These were the cases of
Leavenworth, Lawrence & Galveston Railroad Company v. United States, re-
ported in 92 U. S. 634:, and Missouri, Kansas & Texas Railway Company v.
United States, reported in the same volume, page 645. The actions were begun
at the instance of the Settlers' Protective Association of the Osage Ceded Lands,
which I shall talk about after a while. No lawsuit ever tried in the supreme
court from the West showed a greater array of real learning and talent than ap-
peared in this case. There were H. C. McComas,* of Fort Scott; J. E. Mc-
Keighan, of the same place; ex-Gov. Wilson Shannon,! of Ohio; Judge William
Lawrence, of Ohio, and Jeremiah S. Black, of Pennsylvania. There were other
lawyers, but these were the men who did the real work. This Settlers' Protect-
ive Association was a popular body, made up of nearly all the settlers in good
faith on the Osage ceded lands. Such popular societies usually listen to clamor
and employ loud-mouthed pettifoggers as lawyers. These settlers, however,
were especially fortunate about this. Every man they employed was really a
specialist and a great lawyer. Their record is a part of the history of their
country.
The suits I mentioned were commenced in the circuit court of the United
States, at Topeka, and were won by the settlers. They were then taken to the
supreme court, at Washington, and finally, in October, 1875, decided in favor of
the settlers. It had cost a great deal of money ; but it was a fight for a princi-
pality, and was worth it. At the beginning of the litigation an arrangement was
made to pay the attorneys, who were to have a conditional fee. Each settler
executed a promissory note, at the rate of twenty-five cents per acre, to become
* Hamilton Calhoun McComas was born in West Virginia November 9, 1831. His father
was a member of Congress from Virginia from 1832 to 1836. H. C. McComas served in the Mexi-
can war, enlisting when he was seventeen. At the age of twenty-one he was admitted to the
bar. He moved to Monticello, 111., where he served two terms as county judge. He entered
the army during the rebellion as a lieutenant-colonel of volunteers. In 1868 he came to Kansas,
settling at Fort Scott. March 17, 1870, he was married to Juniata Maria Ware, daughter of H.
B. and Minerva Ware, of Cherokee county, and sister to Eugene F. Ware, commissioner of pen-
sions. In 1876 the firm of McComas & McKeighan removed to St. Louis. In 1880 Judge Mc-
Comas became interested in mines in the neighborhood of Silver City, N. M. He had two sons
by a former marriage, and three children by his second marriage, Ada, Mary, and Charlie, the
latter born in November, 1876. In the month of March, 1883, Judge McComas made a trip to
New Mexico to look after mining interests in behalf of a syndicate in St. Louis, taking his wife
and three children for a pleasure trip. On Tuesday, the 26th of March, accompanied by his
wife and son Charlie, he started by team to drive from Silver City to Lordsburg, about fifty
miles, the other children being left with a friend. They stopped over night at Mountain Home,
and at nine o'clock Wednesday morning they resumed the journey. In Thompson's canyon, six
miles from Mountain Home, about noon, they were attacked by Apache Indians. Judge Mc-
Comas and wife were killed, and the boy taken prisoner. The judge was shot seven times, and
the wife once, in the back of the head, and beaten with a revolver, both evidently dying instantly,
Mrs. McComas was found with the buckboard, stripped naked, and her husband about
200 yards distant, also stripped. The bodies of the father and mother arrived at Fort
Scott, Saturday, April 7, and were buried the day following. Every effort was made to secure
the little boy, Charlie, seven and one-half years old, who had been taken down into Old Mexico.
The celebrated Crook expedition into the Sierra Madres was undertaken principally to recap-
ture the boy, but the boy's life was lost in those mountains. This was ascertained both by Gen-
eral Crook and by the Mexican government, which carried on an independent search for him.
tSecond territorial governor of Kansas, serving from August 10, 1855, to August 18, 1856.
For biographical sketch and minutes of his administration, see volume 3, Kansas Historical
Collections, pages 279-337.
192 KANSAS STATE HIFTORICAL SOCIETY.
payable whenever tBe land should be finally declared government land and eub
ject to sale by the government. In the tract of land involved there were, in
round numbers, 1,000,000 acres. This meant, say $250 000 — an attorney's fee well
worth good effort. When the matter was finally ended the settlers were about
as poor a lot of people as could be found in America. A series of bad crops, the
uncertainty of land titles, the low prices of all land products which followed ihe
civil-war inflation, the shiftlessness peculiar to all people who really have no
home — all these causes had produced a condition of poverty which was as pa-
thetic as it was harsh. The lawyers for the settlers, with true lawyer-like im-
providence, did not give prompt attention to their fees, with the result that of
their splendid fee, so justly earned, they got but a pmall fraction.
The litigation was in charge of the Settlers' Protective Association, and while
the notes given to the attorneys were individual notes, the employment was
really by the association. After some efforts had been made to collect the notes,
and some opposition had been made, the proposition was sprung that the mem-
bers of the association were partners in the eye of the law and could each be held
for the whole fee. This caused a few to hurry up and settle, but the greater
number never paid a cent. And so one of the most bitterly fought legal battles
ever won in the West was a bootless suit to the attorneys of the victors.
THE SETTLERS.
The social life of the people on the lands was harsh and uninviting at the timet
but, after all these years, very pleasant to look back upon. There was no envious
clash between the rich and the poor. We were all poor alike. The men and
women did their own work because they had nothing to pay for help. If one
man had a job he couldn't do alone, like harvesting or thrashing, he "changed
works" with his neighborp. If a family got to the bottom of the meal barrel they
could not go out and earn a few dollars. There was nobody able to hire and
pay wages. Everybody was in a struggle for subsistence. I don't mean to say
that there was an absolute dead level of equality. There were some slight lines
of social demarcation drawn. For instance, Uncle Davie Fowler, on Flat Rock
creek, lived in a five room house with a roof of sawed shingles; he actually had
a team of American horses. He was a bloated plutocrat. But then he was so
kind and genial like that we didn't hate him. Then there was a somewhat
larger class of aristocrats who had mustangs and Indian ponies. It must be ad-
mitted that they were a little inclined to be patronizing to us fellows who had to
drive oxen to church. And there was still another incipient grade in society —
the "great plain people," as Mrs. Lease would say. It was composed of those
who owned and drove native oxen. The impecunious fellow who had no team
except a yoke of Texas long-borne did look with just the slightest touch of feel-
ing akin to envy on his neighbor who had a pair of fine native steers, I recall
that one of my Texans died, and I traded for a fine red Durham steer, and then
regarded myself as just breaking into the ranks of the favored classes — kind
of half ennobled ; a sort of younger son to a baronet. My old friend, Alex. Miller,
of Stark, Kan., was telling in later years of the winter "when we lived on corn
straight," "Corn straight," said some one; "what is that?" " Corn straight,"
said Miller; "why that's corn bread and corn coffee and nothing else, by golly,"
And he had it about right.
There were slight differences between us on some other matters. The man
from southern Indiana and southern Illinois insisted that a left-handed plow was
better than a right handed plow. He argued that a left-handed plow pulled
easier. The most of the people, having been raised that way, stood stoutly for
the proposition that a right-handed plow — that is, one which throws the furrow
THE OSAGE CEDED LANDS. 193
to the right — was the natural thing; while the adherents of the other side main-
tained that the only sensible thing was a left-handed plow. This was a question
of deep moment at the accidental neighborhood meetings where we chewed " Star "
tobacco and settled these matters.
Then there were the men from eastern Tennessee and Kentucky, who were
certain that a jerk-line was better than reins for handling horses or mules. A
jerk-line was an ordinary riding-bridle rein on the left mule — the lead nigh mule,
if there were more than two in the team. From this rein there was a single
rope, with which the driver guided the team by certain jerks and orders. I have
forgotten the orders which went with the various jerks of this rope. I asked
Judge Hudson, the other day, at Fort Scott, and he said he had heard the calls
and orders used a good many times, but that they would not do for this address,
and would not do to print. He could not remember all the orders that went with
the jerk-line, but he knew that whenever the driver jerked the line he used cuss-
words. The relative merits of reins and jerk-lines were never finally settled, but
the discussion lent interest to many of our neighborhood meetings.
Church buildings were scarce in those days. The first public buildings were
schoolhouses, and they were everywhere. The different religious denominations
were organized in every neighborhood, but they had to meet in schoolhouses or
in private houses. The dearth of public buildings except schoolhouses is well
illustrated by chapter 125 of the Session Laws of 1876, which provides:
"They (the school board) are hereby authorized to open the schoolhouse for
the use of religious, political, literary, scientific, mechanical or agricultural so-
cieties belonging to their district, for the purpose of holding the business or pub-
lic meetings of said societies, under such regulations as the school board may
adopt."
This provision, I believe, is entirely new in statutory law. The schoolhouses
were the only public buildings, and the people wanted them thrown open for
everything that was good. The Methodists, the Baptists and the Presbyterians
covered the ground very early and held meetings in nearly every district. After
the meetings the crowds would go to different houses in the vicinity and feast
together. They were brothers all, and lived in amity.
It was in the home life that the virtues of the people shone out best. The
average citizen lived in a log cabin or in a shack built of poles and "shakes." This
means a frame made of rough poles cut from the forest, sided and floored with
lumber rough from the saw, and roofed with shakes — split shingles about four
feet long, unshaved. The house with which I was most familiar was both sided
and roofed with shakes such as I have described. It had a stone fireplace with
a stick-and-mud chimney. Some of you young folks may not know what a stick-
and mud chimney means. The chimney was simply built up with sticks like a
child's cob house, only that each side was doubled, and as it was built it was filled
in between the sticks with mud. It made a good chimney and lasted a long time.
The house was floored with puncheons; that is, logs split and laid with the flat
side upward. It was a good house. Many of our neighbors who were poor didn't
have so good. During all the year but a few weeks, this was a sufficient shelter,
but in a bad storm it was no protection, for the snow and rain came in with vicious
force. It was a home, though, and was the scene of many delights.
The corn, along in October, was ripe enough to rasp on a sheet like a nutmeg-
grater made from a tomato can. Then the meal produced was made into corn
bread in a bake-kettle. You who have never eaten the product of a bake-kettle
cannot appreciate the delight of that food. The bake-kettle was a cast-iron pan,
with lege, and with a cover with an upturned rim. The bake-kettle, being charged
—14
19-1- KANSAS STATE HISTORICAL SOCIETY.
with corn-meal dough, was set upon the live coals from the ever-present fireplace.
Then, on the cover, other coals were piled, until the whole kettle was covered.
When the bread came out it was juicy, tender, nourishing, and attractive. We
have nothing like it now.
The cooking and household arrangements of those days were something mar-
velous. The way those good women would improvise food and delicacies was al-
most past belief. Melon rinds and sorghum molasses made a preserve which
was fine. The ordinary prickly-pear was made into a conserve to tickle the pal-
ate of any one. Persimmon jam and persimmon preserves were food for kings.
They took cubes and triangles of carrots, tomatoes, melon rinds, cantaloups,
cabbage, sweet potatoes, and I don't know what else, and put them into a jar
and turned out piccalilli. The folks now make piccalilli, but it is no relation to
the luscious, toothsome food we got then. And sorghum! You should have
seen what those women did with sorghum. Every possible food, from fruit pre-
serves to hoe-cake, made a call for sorghum; and, really, a good flapjack, with
home-made sorghum, is not bad eating even now. But the finishing marvel, the
final coup, as it were, of these artists, was sheep-sorrel pie. They picked the
common sorrel from the prairies and treated it somewhat as they would have
treated rhubarb, if they had had it, only that they used sorghum instead of
sugar. It was really a good pie. By the way, they don't use this humble plant
for that purpose now ; they have rechristened it by the more patrician name of
"oxalis," and it sits in a jardiniere among the posies.
In another thing providence seemed to be especially kind. During those
early winters there were millions of prairie-chickens. That is not hyperbole —
they were really there by millions. It was scarcely worthy remark to take five
or six from one trap in the morning. Whei-e meat of any kind was scarce, you
may imagine how this food supply was appreciated. Sometimes a farmer lucky
enough to have a few dollars went over into Missouri and brought home a wagon-
load of apples; and when he got back, an invitation to eat at his house was
valued as a snob values a presentation at the court of St. James. Oh, those long
winter evenings with apples, and hickory-nuts, and sorghum taffy!
M. V. Barnett, now of Port Scott, calls my attention to an incident illustra-
ting the poverty of the settlers at that time. He was a half-grown boy, and was
sent by his father to take a small bunch of cattle to a place where they could get
pasture, in a spring following an unexpectedly hard winter. Over on Canville
creek he drove by the farm of Mr. Herron, who had some corn. The cattle were
hungry and many of them down from starvation. Barnett, by pleading and by
almost crying, got a few bushels of corn, on the promise that he would break
prairie later in the spring and pay for it. He broke the corn up and gave it to the
neediest cattle; that is, he broke the ears into small pieces and gave one piece
to each steer. The corn was too precious to give a whole ear at once. Corn was
almost a precious metal. He fed a small section of an ear to each steer that was
about to give out, and thus saved the most of the herd.
One winter Uncle Jim Smart, now of Erie, was so fortunate as to possess a
large crib of corn. He could have sold every bushel for from eighty cents to $1.50,
but he would n't do it. He sold it on time for a much lower price to his hungry
neighbors. Like Jim Bludsoe, he wasn't a saint; but when he hands over his
ticket of admission to St. Peter, it is my belief that he will find a great big de-
posit to his credit in the celestial savings-bank.
A party of Englishmen and Scotchmen came in those days to Hepler and Wal-
nut, just on the east line of the Ceded Lands. They all had money, and they were
young bucks who believed in enjoying life. There were Dick De Lambert, now
k
THE OSAGE CEDED LANDS. 195
of Parsons; Godfrey (Dod) De Lambert; A. R. Mulley, now of Fort Scott, and
one or two other Englishmen whom I never knew. And another was Hugh
Douglas Gordon, a Scotchman of gentle blood, a graduate of Edinburgh, and a
fine scholar, since dead. One Christmas, I think of 1875, they thought to inject a
little of good old English Hallow-mass into the life of the prairies. So, early that
morning, they loaded up an old-fashioned sled with everything good to eat. A
snow of four or five inches had freshly fallen and sledding was good. The load
was all the team wanted to pull. With bells of all sizes and on all points of the
harness, and the men on top, they scurried over the prairies and dropped their
Christmas greeting at the doors of the cabins ; a ham and a package of coffee at
one place, a sack of corn-meal and a pound of tea at another, a turkey and some
sugar at a third ; and so on until the load was ended. They had a peculiar notion
that that was a good way to spend Christmas. You would better understand
that those Christmas morning rollickers looked like angels. They were not that
by a long way, but they acted like them.
THE settlers' PROTECTIVE ASSOCIATION,
The Settlers' Protective Association of the Osage Ceded Lands was a peculiar
organization. It was a class by itself. As a working force it was a cross between
the California vigilantes of the early '50's and a trades union. Its mission was
to enforce what should be the law and to protect its members. So far as the
ordinary forms of civil society were involved, the affairs of the Ceded Lands
were at that time the same as in all other parts of the country. County, town-
ship and city governments and courts, with schools and churches, were fully or-
ganized. But there were no land titles. At the first settlement, if I wanted to
sell out, all I could do would be to take so much money and move off and let the
other fellow in. If I had a good farm and my neighbor Tom Johnson had none,
he could come to my cabin and put me off, and if he could whip me or scare me
the place was his. Should a man go to town to buy some groceries, and come home
at night and find some one else in possession, he might become profane about it ; but
if he wanted to recover his land he must use his fists or his gun. Cases of this
kind were frequent. Do not misunderstand me. These people were not outlaws.
They were of the very best of those million hard-headed, virile young fellows who
at the close of the civil war found themselves without employment and without
a home stake laid by. There were young men and women there from all over
the East, from Florida to Maine. Very few people were past middle life and
old people were a rarity. They came West to get homes. The absence of any
law to protect their lands forced them to protect themselves against the " wolves"
that are found in all communities. The code of decency and moral right backed
by physical force was their only recourse, and so they employed that code, and
furnished the force when needed.
This condition could not last long; these people were not built that way.
They were good Americans, and if laws were not made for them in the regular
way they would make them for themselves. That was the genesis of the Settlers'
Protective Association.
Meetings of the settlers had been held from time to time for consultation, but
at every meeting there appeared to be present spies for the railroad companies.
Every discussion and every action taken were reported in newspapers and sent out
in the dispatches. The efforts of the settlers in these meetings were balked and
annoyed by this publicity. Finally the opinion grew that a secret, oath-bound
society was the way out, an opinion afterward justified by experience. This
theory afterward developed, as such things so often do, in an informal way.
Just by chance four interested people met at the home of Father Dick, at Den-
196 KANSAS STATE HISTORICAL SOCIETY.
nis, a short distance west of Parsons. There were present William Dick, novr
deceased; LeRoy Dick, his son, now of Parsons; Dr. Thomas B. Smith, now of
Cherryvale; David D. Lindsey, now of Lawrence.
They organized the Settlers' Protective Association of the Osage Ceded Lands.
It was afterwards more fully organized, with a constitution and by-laws and a
ritual. The first officers were David C Hutchinson, of Ladore, chief councilor;
George T. Walton, of Ladore, grand secretary; and Van Henderlider, of Ladore,
grand treasurer. After the first year, M. J. Salter, lieutenant-governor during
Governor Osborn's administration, was grand councilor during the life of the
society.
The organization as a society was somewhat crude, though effective. It has
long gone out of business, and it will probably be perfectly safe to tell you all I
know about it. I recall very vividly, when I was initiated, that some of the
forms and ceremonies seemed very odd. It seemed singular and a useless waste
of time, for instance, when the chief councilor, at the north end of the room,
told the vice-councilor, at the south, and he told the warden, at the east, and he
told the high privates around the sides of the room, that he, the chief councilor,
was about to open or close the council, as the case might be. I wondered what
sort of a freak it was who got up that ritual — but I found out later.
In the organization scheme there was a council in each municipal township
and a grand council composed of representatives from the township councils.
This grand council directed the general policy of the association. There was an
executive committee, or board of directors, made up of discreet, safe men, scat-
tered over the territory. And then there was an inner committee — a sort of
Clan Na Gael "inner triangle." This inner committee resembled the rear end
of a hornet — it was the business end of the whole society. After a membership
covering several years, I confess that I never knew or heard the name of a mem-
ber of this inside committee. It was like electricity. What it did was sometimes
known. What it was nobody ever knew. For instance, some Ishmaelite would
jump a claim, we will say in Montgomery county. The case would be carefully
and fully investigated. There were none of the thoughtless elements of lynch-
law about it. The facts were quietly and carefully looked into. Then some day
three or four strangers — strangers to each other as well as to the claim- jumper
— would foregather at the farm and the claim jumper would vacate or hang.
These three or four were not a regular committee. They were simply detailed
from different parts of the country to do this particular job. When it was done
they separated and went about their business. There was never any foolishness
about it. Over on Augiste creek, in Neosho county, which the people insist
upon spelling and pronouncing "Ogees," there was a young, unmarried fellow
who had a quarter-section claim. Times got so hard that he was simply forced
to leave it and go over into Missouri, where there was somebody who had some
money, and work a while to get something to live on. He left his little cabin
locked up, with perhaps five dollars' worth of furniture and cooking utensils in
it, and when he came back, in the spring, he found a man in possession of the
cabin and breaking prairie on the claim. The young fellow went to the local
council and complained. A very short time afterward, the complaint having
gone through the usual channels, an incident happened which, perhaps, would
best be told in the language of the claim-jumper.
"I was out north of the house one mornin' breakin' prairie," said he, "with a
pair of Texas steers. Along came a feller on horseback an' asked me whose
claim that was. 'Whose claim is this you 're plowin' on?' sez he, jest like thet.
An' I told him 'twas mine. An' he wanted to know my name, an' I told him.
THE OSAGE CEDED LANDS. 197
An' then, sez he, 'I come to tell you to git off this claim; this claim belongs to
Bob Campbell.' An' then, sez I, 'Who the devil are you?' An' he sez, 't was
none o' my business who he wuz, but he wuz ordered to come an' tell me to git
off. An' I told 'im I guessed I would n't, an' I did n't think he wuz big enough
to put me off. Then he said he did n't want to have no trouble with me, but I
hed better go. So we fussed and cussed each other fer awhile. An' I told him
I guessed I would go on plowin'. An' he sez, 'All right; you goon plowin'.
You might break one or two more furrows, but you '11 hev to go jest the same. Yer
time has come.' An' then along come, over the ridge, two other fellers, horse-
back, an' both on 'em had lariat ropes hangin' to the horn of ther saddles. They
wuz all three strangers to me, an' I don't know wher they come from ner wher
they went to; but these two other fellers said I 'd better get off; and I said I
would n't do it. An' then one feller went to untyin' his lariat rope and puttin' a
slip-knot into it, an' the other two fellers pulled out guns from eumers about ther
close, an' they looked like mountain howitzers. I '11 be damned if they did n't —
to me, any way. They did n't say nothin' more. But thet feller kept foolin' with
his lariat rope and started to git off his horse. An' then, by gunny, I made up
my mind I 'd go. An' I went. An' you bet I hain't ben on thet claim sence."
Every settler was a perfect master of a revolver and a lariat rope. They sel-
dom came to this extremity, but a few instances gave everybody a chance to
know and recognize the right of property-owners. It is doubtful if there was
ever a community on earth which presented such peculiar features. Here
was a population of more than 25,000 people, engaged in building homes, in a
constant and rigorous struggle for food, and with no law concerning their prop-
erty. And yet the community was as peaceable, orderly and well governed then as
it is to-day. The American love for orderly self-government was never more beauti-
fully exhibited.
It is to the honor of these people that while the Settlers' Protective Associa-
tion was engaged in its work not a single instance of wanton exercise of power
is known. The association was practically "the government" in the region. It
had supreme control. It had the mass of the people with it and no one to dis-
pute its rights who had any force. As an organized society, it had almost every
settler back of it. It could do wrong to those who did not join in its efforts.
But it did not; it simply enforced what should have been the law and stopped
at that.
It is true that in later years one or two acts were done which could not be de-
fended. After the titles had been settled in favor of the farmers, and after there was
no need whatever for the Settlers' Protective Association, and after it had gone out
of business, a few officious ex-members used its name to do some improper things.
I recollect that, after the title trouble was over, two men got into a dispute about
a farm on the island in the Neosho river southeast of Osage Mission. Some
parties, pretending to act for the association, attempted to dispossess a man, and
were met with guns. There was some shooting done, and some criminal litiga-
tion followed, but it was not chargeable to the association ; it was simply indi-
vidual lawlessness. It made the fact well known that the Settlers' Protective
Association had finished its work and had gone out of business.
While the association was in being it was necessary for it to have some leg-
islative work done at Topeka and also at Washington. This forced it to go into
politics, which it promptly did. The efforts of the association in politics, how-
ever, were directed alone to its own affairs. When the people of Kansas
learned the effect of this immense power, the politicians were very quick to
curry favor with it. This accounts for the fact of the Hon. M. J. Salter, then a
198 KANSAS STATE HISTORICAL SOCIETY.
prosperous farmer of Neosho county, being selected as a candidate for lieuten-
ant-governor.* Salter was the chief councilor of the Settlers' Association, and,
while not a polished orator but a plain, unassuming farmer, he was one of the
best presiding officers who ever controlled a deliberative body in Kansas, and
when he was selected as a candidate for lieutenant-governor party prejudices
were thrown to the dogs. He received almost the unanimous vote of the settlers.
And so the Osage ceded lands became "God's country." It is the home of
happy and prosperous farmers, wlio have kept up the custom, started under such
peculiar conditions, of obeying the law and making other people do the same
thing.
But why speak of them in eulogy ? They are good Kansans. That tells it all.
Remarks by A. P. Riddle :t The excellent paper furnished by Mr. Cory
has recalled many pleasant memories, but it seems a little strange that Mr. Cory
should be writing of the Osage Ceded Lands, when all of my recollections of him
are as a resident of the Neutral Lands, otherwise known as the Cherokee Neutral
Lands, which furnished another of the great land questions which vexed the early
settler. His descriptions of the character of the people and of the routine of
their lives would apply with equal accuracy to the more eastern tract of country,
and I believe he has unconsciously drawn his picture more from what he knew
of the neutral lands than from what he knew of the other. The episode of
Gordon and Dick DeLambert, for instance, took place on the neutral lands, as
they lived in Hepler, the northwest town of Crawford county, a portion of the
Neutral Lands. There was a settlers' association on the Neutral Lands, too, but it
was formed somewhat differently from the other, and was not always so peace-
ful in its policy. Like the association of the Ceded Lands, a part of its work was
to discourage claim- jumping. The need of some regulation of this kind was oc-
casioned by the fact that there were no titles, and titles could not be secured to
land. The people would not buy of the railroad company, because they did not
believe the railroad company possessed a lawful title to the land, and they could
♦Melville J. Saltee was born in Sardinia, Wyoming county. New York, June 20, 1834.
His grandfather, Peter Salter, was a soldier in the revolutionary army, and served under
Washington in several historic engagements. His father, Davicf N. Salter, was one of the found-
ers of Battle Creek, Mich. Melville J. Salter moved from Michigan to California in 1J>52,
where he remained until 1856. He returned to Michigan, and in 1871 settled in Kansas, on a
farm near Thayer. The next year he was elected township trustee, which position he held for
five years. The people had voted $35,000 of bonds to a paper railroad, and against all manner
of denunciation and lawsuits he refused to sign the bonds or permit their issue. He won out,
and the people ever afterwards honored him. In the excitement which prevailed among the
settlers on tlie Osage ceded lands, he was chosen by them as their chief councilor, and he was
largely instrumental in preserving peace among them. In 1874 he was elected lieutenant-gov-
ernor of Kansas, and again in 1876. In 1877 he was appointed register of the land-office at Inde-
pendence. He was for four years chairman of the board of regents of the State Agricultural
College. October 22, 1856, he was married to Miss Sarah E. Hinkle.
t Alexander Pancoast Riddle was born at Harlansburg, Lawrence county, Pennsylvania,
August 16, 1846. His forefathers served in the war of the revolution and the civil war. He
served an apprenticeship in the office of the Spectator, Franklin, Pa. In the course of his
peregrinations as a journeyman printer he came to Kansas, in 1869. He first worked at Olathe,
and then in Girard. From 1873 to 1885 he was a half-owner in the Girard Picss. In 1885 he sold
out and removed to Minneapolis, in Ottawa county, and purchased the Minneapolis Messenficr,
He was journal clerk of the state senate in 1877 and 1879 ; and state senator in 1881 and 1883, from
the counties of Bourbon and Crawford. In 1884 he was elected lieutenant-governor on the ticket
beaded by John A. Martin, .and reelected in 1886. In 1896 he was appointed superintendent of
insurance. In addition to tlie Messeiiger he also publishes the Kanisas Workman and the
Spriri of Myrtle. He is a past grand master of the Independent Order of Odd Fellows, and
also very prominent in the Knights of Pythias. December 25, 1878, he was married to Miss Ada
Fuller, of Springfield. 111.
REMINISCENCES OF JOHN C. HORTON. 199
not purchase from the government; and therefore the only right the settler had
to the land was his claim to a right to purchase as soon as the courts would de-
cide where the title rested. The only way to settle disputes as to the ownership
of the claim was by some such method as adopted by the settlers' associations, or
at any rate that was what the settlers believed.
But on the Neutral Lands the association performed another function. There
were some differences of opinion as to the claim of the settlers that the title of
the railroad to the land was defective. Those who believed the railroad title
was good wanted to purchase the land at once and go ahead with their improve-
ments. They did not want to make improvements until they had purchased the
land. But the settlers (those who were members of the league, as it was called)
did not believe it was wise to permit others to make contracts with the railroad
company, and this was "discouraged." The methods of discouragement were
many and radical, but mostly was intimidation — by mysterious warnings —
though personal violence was sometimes resorted to. The history of the Neutral-
Land troubles has been well told in the paper on that subject presented by Mr.
Ware a few years ago. In that case the supreme court of the United States
finally decided that the title of the railroad company was good. This title had
been secured through Mr. James F. Joy, who purchased the lands from the
Cherokee Indians, the secretary of the interior acting as their agent. The neu-
tral lands covered the counties of Cherokee and Crawford and a small strip in
the south part of Bourbon and another strip from the western edge of Labette
and Neosho. * The title secured by Mr. Joy was turned over to the Missouri River,
Fort Scott &, Gulf railroad, as it was then called.
EEMINISCENCES OF HON. JAMES C. HORTON.
Before the Kansas State Historical Society, at its twenty-eighth annual meeting,
December 1, 1903.
President John Martin: We have with us a gentleman who is familiar
with two of Kansas' famous characters — Gen. James H. Lane and Judge John
A. Wakefield. They were eccentric, peculiar, and interesting, and in many
respects were very remarkable men. Our friend, Hon. James C. Horton, of
Kansas City, will entertain us a while this evening with a few characteristic
stories about General Lane and Judge Wakefield, and will give you, in his inim-
itable manner, an illustration of the oratory of James H. Lane, which was
remarkable, and peculiar to himself alone, I take great pleasure in again present-
ing to you our friend, Hon. James C. Horton.
MR. HORTON'S remarks.
Mr. President : I wish first to mention our old friend Anson Burlingame, of
Boston. He epoke once in Lawrence. We had there, in 1857, a deluge of speak-
ers from the East, and he was among them. We always had Judge Wakefield
*Mr. Cory writes: "This is an error. Governor Riddle is mistaken, and this note .should
not be perpetuated in that form. The west line of the Joy lands, or Neutral Lands, was about
three-fourths mile east of the west line of Bourbon, Crawford, and Cherokee, the exact loca-
tion being as I stated in my letter herewith. A part of the town of Walnut, Crawford county,
is now on the Ceded Lands."
"The northwest corner of the Cherokee Neutral Lands was at a point twenty rods south of
the north line and three-quarters of a mile east of the west line of section 26, township 26, range
21, Bourbon county. The north line was a right line from this point eastward to the east line
of the state. The west line of the Neutral Lands was a right line directly south from this point,
with the exception of the dodges at the correction lines, to the south line of Kansas. This puts
the north line of the Neutral Lands twenty rods less than six miles north of the south line of
Bourbon county, and three-fourths of a mile east of the west line of Crawford county."— Ed.
200 KANSAS STATE HISTORICAL SOCIETY.
coijie down from his home, and, after the other speakers were done, a faint voice
would whisper "Wakefield! Wakefield !" and he would respond at once, saying
"Help me up; my friends are calling for me." And he would be "helped up,"
too. Burlingame made a speech in Lawrence one night in front of the old Eldridge
House. In that day he was called "he of the clarion voice." He told about
the contest for speaker in 185o-'5G, which lasted for over two months, when
Banks was selected. This is about the way he told the people about that great
contest for the speakership:
"Fellow citizens, from the prairies of Illinois there came to us at Washing-
ton the cry, 'Stick to Banks!' From the mechanic in his shop in Connecticut
there came to us the cry, ' Stick to Banks ! ' From the merchants in their count-
ing-houses in New York city there came to us the cry, ' Stick to Banks I ' From
the lumber camps of Maine there came to us the cry, 'Stick to Banks!' From
the Adirondack mountains, the home of Silas Wright, there came to us the cry,
'Stick to Banks!' And we did stick to Banks, and Banks, the mechanic of
Massachusetts, was elected speaker of the house of representatives."
Our old friend, Judge Wakefield, lived west of Lawrence, and had one of the
best farmhouses on the California road. Many of you old-timers have un-
doubtedly stopped there. With a friend of mine, I stopped there a very rainy
April day, and sat by the fireplace. My friend asked the judge what was going
on around the neighborhood. "Well," said the judge, "we have our little meet-
ings in the schoolhouse here, and we have our debating society, and we discuss a
good many things; but lately, I have had a great debate with a man over here
at Clinton, six miles from here. He challenged me to a theological discussion.
He is one of these new sects, you know — a New Light, or New Jerusalem Society,
or something like that — and he challenged me. You know I am orthodox my-
self. Well, I went over there; I took my private carriage and went over." (He
had one of those old stage-coaches, a red one, and he would put a farm hand up
on top of it and ride in that in style.) "I went over there in my private carriage,
and we had a very large crowd of people. We commenced the discussion on Sat-
urday at nine o'clock in the morning, and it was continued for two hours. I
carried over with me, when I went over there, thirty-three pages of heads — just
merely the heads — and I completely annihilated that fellow, and had twelve pages
left."
As to Robert J. W^alker, I remember he was here in 1857, about the first year
I was in Lawrence. There was a great crowd out in their shirt-sleeves, and with
guns strapped on. Secretary Stanton got out to make a speech. The people were
not very well reconciled to what they called the "bogus laws," but he told them
he was going to enforce those laws, and if the people did not submit there would
be war — "W^ar to the knife, and the knife to the hilt !" From among the crowd
came low cries of "Never ! " "Never! " Then he began (and it was a very fitting
illustration) to recite from Hiawatha. As nearly as I can recall it, he prefaced
his quotation about this way:
" The Great Manitou came down from the mountains and he lit the pipe of
peace, and the smoke of it floated away and away until it reached from the pine
forests of Maine to the groves of Tuscaloosa; and he said: 'My children, I have
given you lands to hunt in ; I have given you streams to fish in ; I have given you
bear and bison ; I have filled the marshes full of wild fowl, filled the river full of
fishes. Why, then, are you not content ? Why, then, will you hunt each other ?
Wash the war paint from your faces, wash the blood-siains from your fingers;
take the reed which grows beside you; break the red stone from the quarry;
smoke the calumet together; and as brothers live henceforward.' "
REMINISCENCES OF JOHN C. HORTON. 201
He got about half through his quotation and broke down. He could n't go on
with it; but fortunately at that time Mrs. Gates, who was keeping the little ho-
tel, had a copy of Hiawatha and brought it out, holding a candle for him, and he
concluded the recitation by the aid of the candle and book.
Secretary Stanton was from Tennessee, Governor Walker from Mississippi,
both strongly Southern in their sympathies, but they were fair and honest men-
The election in the fall of 1857 was one of the most important held in Kansas.
It was really the last struggle of the pro-slavery element for the possession of
Kansas, and they were desperate. At Oxford, a small hamlet on the line be-
tween Johnson county, Kansas, and Jackson county, Missouri, having a popula-
tion of about thirty, there were polled 1628 pro-slavery votes. The poll list was
fifty feet long, and this vote, if admitted, would change the control of the legis-
lature to the pro slavery party. Governor Walker and Secretary Stanton refused
to issue certificates to the pro-slavery members, notwithstanding the great pres-
sure brought upon them at Lecompton by members of their own party. It was
said that they were threatened with assassination. They, however, gave the
certificates to the free state members of the legislature, who were elected from
that district by a large and honest majority. There are no names more honored
by the early settlers of Kansas, who knew all these facts, than those of Robert
J. Walker and Frederick P. Stanton. They proved that they not only had the
moral courage, but the physical courage, to withstand the tremendous pressure
brought to bear upon them at that time. It afterwards transpired (and this is
something everybody here knows) that this poll-list was made up in the Westport
post-office, and the names were copied from the Cincinnati directory.
As to General Lane, if it were not so late, I might read a short article from
Senator Hubbard, formerly of Wabaunsee county, now living in Connecticut,
written within a week or so to the Alma Enterprise, giving one of the best
sketches of Jim Lane I have ever read,* describing his appearance and his gen-
* Extract from an address delivered by Hon. J. M. Hubbard, before the Army and Navy
Club of Connecticut, at a reunion held in New London, Conn., June 19, 1903. Mr. Hubbard
came to Kansas in the spring of 1856, with the Beecher rifle company, and preempted the south-
east quarter of section 31, township 10, range 9 east, in Wabaunsee county, and another quarter-
section adjoining in Riley county. On the organization of Wabaunsee county, he was elected
probate judge. He resigned to enlist, September 8, 1862, in the Eleventh Kansas. He was lieu-
tenant of company K. He represented, in the state senate in 1861 and 1862, Wabaunsee, Davis
(now Geary), and all the territory to the west line of the state. He was born at Middletown,
Conn., July 16, 1832. At the close of the war he returned to Middletown. In 1886 he served in
the Connecticut legislature. Mr. Hubbard, among other things, said:
"I have left myself but little space in which to speak of him who was our leader of leaders
through all that period of turmoil and strife. This was James Henry Lane, from Indiana,
familiarly known as Jim Lane, and sometimes called by the descriptive title of 'the grim chief-
taia.' Lane was by nature an actor. With him thn dramatic instinct seemed always present
and in control. Always and everywhere he seemed to be upon a stage and acting a part.
Whether addressing himself to one person or to a thousand, this characteristic remained con-
stant. Not always were the characters he assumed consistent with each other, and this led
many people to question his honesty.
" Probably he did not possess that singleness of purpose which belongs to men of the high-
est probity. He was very ambitious, and in whatever course he took it is not likely that his
personal interests were lost sight of. But he was gifted with exceptional power to sway other
men, and it was owing to this quality that he was able to hold his supremacy among men who
were his superiors in almost every other respect. No man, like Lane, could soothe dissatisfac-
tion, quell discontent and reconcile conflicting interests among the divergent and sometimes
discordant elements which combined to form the free-state force in Kansas during those stormy
times.
" And so he held the supreme leadership uncontested, and whatever his faults, it must be
said that he served Kansas well. Lane's figure was spare and slightly stooping. His face, too,
was thin and browned by exposure, and his air and manner suggestive of an eagle scanniag
the field and ready to swoop upon its prey. He was a ready speaker, and his voice, trained by
much out-of-door exercise, had a cutting and carrying force which I have rarely known equaled.
In addressing an audience he was continually in action, often pacing back and forth to the ex-
treme limit of the speaker's platform.
" He was careless in dress, usually wearing a plain sack coat and a low, turned-down collar,
with a slight tie about bis neck. I remember one occasion when he came upon the platform
202 KANSAS STATE HISTORICAL SOCIETY.
eral characteristics, and the differences of opinion as to his character and finally
as to his dress and manner on the platform, where he would come, perhaps wear-
ing that calfskin overcoat, soon throwing that off ; next off would go his under-
coat; and then, as he warmed up to the work, the vest and necktie would be
thrown aside. He, however, did not always divest himself of these garments.
He seemed impatient of restraint, especially if the hall was crowded aud warm.
In the campaign to which I refer. Lane was making a great many speeches.
He would speak five or six times during the day and then have a big meeting at
night. He was very strong physically, and whatever may be said about him, no
one who knew him would question that he had a great deal of personal magnet-
ism. He could control men. He would address an audience hostile to him at
the outset, and often reconcile and hold it. He was imaginative and fertile in
expedients, and never failed to make votes. There have been a great many polit-
ical contests in Kansas, but I do not believe there has ever been such a fight as
that between Lane and his own party ; none more bitter than that in the years
1858, 1859, and 1860. On one occasion General Lane called a meeting in Lawrence
during the progress of the county fair. He had big handbills put up around
town : "Gen. James H. Lane will defend himself from the assaults of his enemies
at Miller's hall, this evening at seven o'clock. Come one, come all ! "
They all came. The hall was packed. The burden of his speech was that he
had been assailed in his own home town, and that his bitterest enemies were there
in Lawrence ; that he was chai'ged with being a party to a scheme, if he were to be
elected to the United States senate, to sell out the city of Lawrence for the pur-
pose of getting political strength elsewhere; that he would not be true to the
"material interests" of Lawrence. Lawrence was a very aspiring town at that
time, expected to be the capital, and have all the railroads center there. After
Lane had gone a little way in his speech he repeated the story of his enemies
that he would sell out Lawrence. In his dramatic way he said:
"I ask you, fellow citizens, have I ever faltered in my devotion to the holy
thus garbed, and commencod his speech with comparative moderation, but growing earnest and
impassioned as he proceeded, and apparently feeling his coat was something of an impedi-
ment to his action, he tore it oil with a quick motion and threw it upon a chair, without inter-
rupting for a moment tlie torrent of words. Soon his vest followed his coat, and then, as he
thundered out an especially vigorous utterance, the slight cravat about his throat seemed to
annoy him, and, with one grasp and jerk of liis hand, he tore it off and flung it upon the floor
and iinished his speech appareled in shirt and pants only.'
" With one more anecdote of Lane, illustrating his power over the men who followed him,
I will bring this paper to a close. We had spent some little time inactive at Lawrence, and
symptoms of discontent were manifest. ' If there is nothing for us to do here, we might as well
go home,' said the men. Lane knew of this feeling and took his measures accordingly. He pa-
raded the entire force, and, after some few military evolutions, formed the men in line and pro-
ceeded to talk to them. He spoke with warm appreciation of their courage and devotion, as
shown throughout the campaign, and with deep sympathy in their desire to be at tbeir homes,
if their services were not needed elsewhere. But, he proceeded to say, the time had not yet come
when they could be spared. There was yet work for them to do. A movement was in contem-
plation of the highest importance, and for which the full strength of the free-state force was
needed. It was also a service of peculiar danger to which he called them, and, if he was to lead
them, he wanted those only with him who were ready to follow him oven to death, if need be,
for the cause of freedom.
"All this was elaborated in a way to carry the men along with him, and when they had been
brought to the right pitch of feeling. Lane said : ' Now I am about to give the command, " For-
ward four paces, march," and when I do give that command, let those, and those only, obey it
who are ready to follow wherever I am ready to lead. Let every other man keep his place.'
"Then came the word, 'Forward four paces, march I' and the unbroken line moved
promptly forward in response. Lane was near one of the flanks, aud glancing down the rear he
remarked, as if to himself: 'Not a damned man stays back.' Coming back to the front, he
closed his speech with a few words which are impressed on my memory with perfect distinct-
ness, so that I can give you his exact words, but can give you only a faint suggestion of the in-
tonation and emphasis with which they were uttered. 'Bojs,' said Lane, ' we '11 drive those
ruffians to burning hell before we are done with them.' The men responded with a pande-
monium of yells and cheers, and there was no further talk of going home until Lane should
give the word.
" The oicpodition to which he referred, and which soon followed, was declared by one writer
to have touched higii-water mark of audacity on the part of the free-state men. A consider-
able number of prominent free-state men had been arrested on various trumped-up charges, and
were hold in confinement at Lecompton. We marched thither, invested the town, and de-
manded their release, under threat of destroying the town if refused. Governor Shannon
REMINISCENCES OF JOHN C. HORTON. 203
cause of freedom ? Have I ever hesitated when the material interests of Law-
rence were at stake ? / ask you that ! Even now, fellow citizens, at this very
hour, there are assembled in this city, in a room, some of these men who are
conspiring against your humble speaker ! "
A number of Lane's friends were sitting on the front row, and Ed. Monroe, a
huge six-footer, who was directly in front, jumped and yelled, "General, tell us
where they are and we '11 go and clean them out ! " The general continued :
"Fellow citizens, if you do not want me to go to the United States senate, I
can go back to my old office on the other side of the street and earn bread enough
for my family ; but let me ask you this: There is a gentleman sitting over there
who came to this territory from Michigan" — of course, there would be 150
from Michigan, and every one of them would think, " I am the one he means" —
"I ask that gentleman, What built up the city of Detroit ? Was it not because
Lewis Cass was in the senate of the United States from that city and obtained
appropriations from Congress of millions of dollars for the improvement of the
St. Clair fiats and for building those magnificent public buildings in that city?
I ask the gentleman from Illinois, sitting over there. What has built the city of
Chicago?" — and of course there would be at least 200 in the room from Illinois —
"Was it not because the little giant, Stephen A. Douglas, was in the senate of
the United States from that city, and obtained hundreds of thousands of dollars,
yes, millions of dollars, for the improvement of the harbor of Chicago; obtained
deemed it best to purchase the safety of the town by yielding to our demand ; so there was no
fighting after all, and we marched back to Lawrence in triumph.
" Not for a great price would I surrender the memory of those days of trial and danger, but
days also of work which counted for greater results. No life can be counted wholly barren of
achievement which has known genuine service, humble and inconspicuous though it may have
been, with that little band of pioneers who saved Kansas to freedom, and by so doing set
bounds to slavery in the United States, and also with the mighty host which in the civil war
completed the work begun on Kansas prairies, and made our country indeed the 'land of the
free ' as well as the 'home of the brave.' And which service is entitled to rank as of greater im-
portance I do not know."
See, also, address of C. H. Dickson, pages 83, 84, volume 5, Collections Kansas State Histori-
cal Society ; and "Incidents of Pioneer Days," by John Speer, pages 132-134, volume 5; and
John Speer's " Life of Gen. James H. Lane," for specimens of Lane's oratory.
E'or General Lane's march on Lecompton, September 4 and 5, 1856, referred to by Mr. Hub-
bard, see Andreas's History, pages 144-146; Sara T. D. Robinson's "Kansas; its Interior and
Exterior Life," fourth edition, 1856, pages 335-337; and Charles S. Gleed's "Sketch of Samuel
Walker," page 273, sixth volume of Collections Kansas State Historical Society. The following
letter from General Lane to the prisoners in Lecompton and Governor Robinson's answer were
found among the manuscripts lately given to the State Historical Society by Mrs. Hinton,
widow of Col. Richard J. Hinton:
"ToPEKA, August 11, 1856.
" Deae Friend —I am here at last, with a sufficient force and ready to rescue you.
" It were best if you can escape to do so, and let me meet you with my defending force just
outside of your prison-house.
" It is necessary to remind you that time is all-important. My whereabouts cannot long be
concealed from the bloodhounds who are seeking my blood.
" Act promptly. If you cannot escape, I can and will attack 5 our guard, although it were
best policy, if blood is to flow, that it be shed in your defense rather than in your rescue. De-
cide, and that quickly — time is everything. Yours truly, J. H. Lane.
"To his excellency Gov. C. Robinson, governor of Kansas, Judge Geo. W. Smith, Gen. G. W.
Deitzler, G. W. Brown, Hon. John Brown, Gaius Jenkins, Elisha Williams."
"Camp Sacket, August 11, 1856.
"Dear Sir— We have information from Washington that either a nolle prosf-qui wiii be
ordered or a bill will pass Congress removing our trials to Pennsylvania or some other state.
" While such is the case, it is thought best to wait till Congress adjourns. I have no doubt
that something will be done, and to anticipate any such assistance would be prejudicial to our
cause.
" It would afford us great pleasure to see you, and perhaps we may. We have an excellent
officer here now.
"Guerrilla operations are rife now, and they should be attendedto. The Missourians are
evidently intending an attack, but we can siveften them now. The officers here are willing that
our people should put an end to these invaders without troubling them. Roberts is on his way
to the state, and I understand will be ready to call the legislature together when he comes. It
may be desirable to make a new move. Till then, all think best to keep quiet here.
In haste, very truly, C. Robinson."
204 KANSAS STATE HISEORICAL SOCIETY.
land grants for the Illinois Central railroad, and for the fine government build-
ings in that city? I ask my friend from Missouri, sitting over here" — and there
would be more than 300 there from Missouri — "What has built the city of
St. Louis? Was n't it because old Tom Benton was in the United States sen-
ate from that city, obtaining appropriations from the general government of
hundreds of thousands of dollars for the improvement of the Mississippi river
and the building of the post-office, customhouse, and other buildings in that
city? Mate7'ial Interests of Lawrence J Do you want a senator from Law-
rence or do you want one from Superior? Suppose that in the senate of the
United States you had a senator from Lawrence. Suppose, fellow citizens, that
there was a bill before the United States senate providing for a railroad from the
mouth of the Kansas river west to Fort Riley, and on in the direction of the
Pacific ocean. If you had a senator in that body, and he did his duty, he would
rise in his place and say, 'Mr. President, I move you, sir, that before that bill
becomes a law it be so amended as to read, 'From the mouth of the Kansas
river, in the direction of Fort Riley, via Lawrence .'^ Is n't that taking care of
the material interests of Lawrence ? Suppose you had a senator in the United
States senate, and there was a bill before that body for a railroad from Leaven-
worth to Galveston. Your senator would rise in his place and say, ' Mr. Presi-
dent, I move you, sir, that before that bill becomes a law it be amended so as to
read, 'From Leavenworth to Galveston via Lawrence .'' Isn't that taking care
of the material interests of Lawrence?
"And suppose you had a senator from Superior. He would rise in his place
and say: 'Mr. President, I move you, sir, that before that bill passes this body
it be amended so as to read, "From Leavenworth to Galveston via Siqierior,''^''
How are the material interests of Lawrence coming out then?"
Promises that are made in such campaigns are not often fulfilled; but it hap-
pened that when the Kansas Pacific railroad was surveyed, the grading was begun
from Mud creek, east of Lawrence, and ran west over towards the bluff, four
miles north of Lawrence. The same thing happened here at Topeka, leaving
both these towns out in the cold. There was great excitement, and meetings
were held and a committee was formed to go to Washington. Among others,
John Speer, a great friend of Lane's, went to see him. It was the year after the
Quantrill raid. The proposed route was a shorter cut across there, but that
did n't make any difference, especially as the railroads could get so much per
mile for the mileage, and a variation of a few miles only added to their income.
Mr. John D. Perry was also in Washington. He was president of the road, and
they were insisting that Douglas county should give $300,000 to have the road
brought to the bank of the river opposite the town of Lawrence. This would
make quite a bend in the road. Mr. Hallett had charge of the work, and he said
they would not come in there unless they had this $.300,000 from the county.
The people were very much alarmed, feeling that it would ruin the town to
have the railroad go four miles north, and they were to poor to give money or
bonds. General Lane got the signatures of all the Republican senators, of Thomas
A. Hendricks, of Indiana, and a number of other Democratic senators, and a
number of others, requesting the Kansas Pacific Railroad Company to run that
line into Lawrence and into Topeka, or to the bank of the river opposite these
towns. They said they couldn't do it without subsidies. Abraham Lincoln also
signed this request, which, among other things, stated that in view of the situation
in Lawrence and its heavy losses from Quantrill'sraid, and in consideration of the
fact that Topeka was the capital, the road ought to run into these two places.
Still they refused. Mr. Speer was very much excited and anxious. Lane said
REMINISCENCES OF JOHN 0. HORTON. 205
to him : *' Don't you worry ! Don't you worry ! I will Bee about this." The next
day Mr. Perry came around to talk with General Lane, and again he said they
could not comply with his request, and that they would run the road four miles
north of Lawrence unless the county of Douglas would give them $300,000 in
bonds. Lane was ill, and was lying on his bed at the time, and had exhausted
all peaceable means to get the railroad company to bring the road into Lawrence.
He partly arose up on the bed, and said to Mr. Perry, pointing his long, bony
finger at him : " You shall not levy tribute upon that burned and murdered town.
I shall see, sir, that you bring that road to the bank of the river. Don't talk to
me! Don't talk to me!" he said, as the other attempted to reply. The next day
Mr. Perry came around and showed a dispatch he had sent to Mr. Hallett, that
with all possible speed they make a new survey and locate the road as near to the
bank of the river opposite Lawrence as they could get depot grounds. There was
a pledge redeemed by a politician. The railroad company had too many favors
to ask of Congress and could not afford to trifle with a United States senator.
As to Judge Wakefield, I will conclude with a little speech of his which he
made in front of the Eldridge House at the time of the first destruction of that
hotel, in 1856. He was asked, as he always was, to speak, when he came down
from his farm, and he said:
"Feller citizens, I hev hed the honor of bein' a jedge (he had been justice of
the peace) in loway an' Minneeoty an' Ellenois, an' I give it to yer, feller citizens,
'pon my honor as a legal gentleman, that if these here fellers wanted to indict this
here hotel as a nuisance (he pronounced it new-e-sance) they should have pro-
ceeded in the proper manner, and first have obtained a writ of statu squaiv!^^
Down at the convention which was to name a state ticket, James F. Legate
moved that, while the committee on resolutions were out. Judge Wakefield be in-
vited to address the convention, which he did amid great applause. At that time
he wanted to be a candidate for some state office. He said :
"Feller citizens, I feel highly honored at your request that I should make a
few remarks. I have lately been on a 'tower' through the valley of the great
Neosho, seen a great many of my friends, and while, of course, I have my prefer-
ences, should you think, with others, that it is desirable for me to take a place
upon the state ticket, I would feel very much more at home upon the bench.
Feller citizens, I think I have some claims upon your suffrages. I was here in
the days that tried men's souls. I was here, feller citizens, in the dark days of
'56, and at my little cabin, eight miles west of this city, when it was burning over
the head of my defenseless family, there were at that time, feller-citizens, there
were sixteen of the bayonets of the federal government, which could have afforded
me protection — there were sixteen of those bayonets pointed at this poor, old
breast!"
Mr. President, I thank you for your kind indulgence.
206 KANSAS STATE HISTORICAL SOCIETY'
ALONG THE KAW TRAIL.
An address by Geo. P. Morehodse, of Council Grove, before the twenty-eighth annual meeting
of the State Historical Society, December 1, 1903.
"Where late the savage hid in ambush lay,
Or roamed the uncultured valleys for his prey,
Her hardy gifts rough industry extends,
The groves bow down, the lofty forest bends;
And see, the spires of towns and cities rise,
And domes and temples swell into the skies!"
THE history of most of the overland highways of the West has been written.
Being the routes of freighting, mail and express lines, white men know all
about them. Some of the border tribes had well-defined trails over which they
passed to and from their hunting-grounds and to engage in warfare. One of the
most important and well known of these was the Kaw Indian trail, which trav-
ersed what is now included in the counties of Morris, Marion, McPherson, and
Rice. Living for many years on this trail, in the southwest part of Morris county,
when a boy, and daily crossing or following along portions of its course, makes me
fairly familiar with its history and use, and, when in doubt, can ascertain the facts
from old settlers, who have lived in Morris county since the '40's, and who have
the fullest knowledge of all the movements of that peculiar tribe of Indians.
Some have erroneously traced its course south from the Kaw reservation across
Chase county, and on to the Arkansas. The real Kaw trail, and the only one the
Kaws and our old-timers knew about, is still visible in many places, and was
started and used under the following circumstances : The Kaw or Kansas Indians
lived for a long time in the Kaw valley east of the present city of Manhattan. In
18i7 they were moved to a reservation in the Neosho valley, adjoining Council
Grove. Their three villages were down the river, and the Indian agency, the
buildings of which still stand, was near the mouth of Big John creek, about four
miles from Council Grove.
They had three separate villages, governed in a manner by three chiefs. Al-
le-ga.-wa-ho, for many years their wisest leader, a man over six feet tall and noted
as an eloquent Indian orator, presided at the village located on Cahola creek.
Kah-he-ga-wa-ti-an-gah, the "fool chief," governed the village near the present
site of the town of Dunlap. Wah-ti-an-gah held forth as chief at the village
near the official agency. The "fool chief" was usually the hereditary principal
chief, and it was a high and honorable title. Originally it was obtained by some
remarkable act of bravery, daring, Indian prowess, even to being rash and fool-
hardy ; hence the term. The " fool chief " only maintained his distinction by con-
tinued personal courage, generosity, and good conduct, and also by being wise in
counsel.
Annually the Kaws went hunting out to the great imperial pasture-grounds
of the buffalo, and going back and forth wore a well-defined trail. It started
from their headquarters, near the mouth of Big John creek, four miles southeast
of Council Grove, and bore almost west, a little southwest, crossing Diamond
creek within a few rods of the present site of the railway station at Diamond
Springs. It entered Marion county near the old post-office of Bethel, on the head
of Middle creek, and not far from the present site of the town of Lincolnville.
From there it passed westward through Marion county and almost through the
ALONG THE KAW TRAIL. 207
center of McPherson county, and on to the forks of Cow creek, about three miles
south of the present town of Lyons, near the center of Rice county. This was its
western terminus, and for many years right in the heart of the finest buffalo-
hunting country, which, for a long time, by common consent, was given up to
the use of the Kaws.
Here they established their camp, pitched their teepees, dried their meat, and
cured their furs and robes. The Kaws were great on "buffalo jerk" and pre-
pared large quantities at their Cow creek camping-grounds. This was done by
stripping or jerking buffalo meat into convenient strips, which were cured with-
out salt in the sun and dry atmosphere of that region, by hanging on slender
poles supported by forked sticks. It was quite an article of commerce and, baled
up and packed home on ponies, frequently came into the hands of white men.
My boyish tastes thought a piece of buffalo jerk was a toothsome morsel while
riding around or hunting. They went out over this trail in early fall, many tak-
ing their families, and often stayed all winter.
One of the reasons for going out to the rich buffalo-grass region was to winter
their ponies; for the blue-stem prairie-grass of Morris county was poor pasture
after the fall frosts. Some returned late in fall, their pack ponies laden with
fresh and dried meat, for the use of those of the tribe who had remained at home.
The fresh buffalo saddles were often brought in with the skin onto keep them
clean. Frequently, friendly white men went along to hunt and trade, and
brought back meat and furs. In this way the Kaw trail became, to a degree,
a wagon road, and it was used as such for several years, until blocked by the
fences of the settlers. It was a very direct route in its direction, and finally the
old star mail route between Council Grove and Marion (Center) used this trail
over much of its course. This supplied the early post-oflBces of Hill Spring,
Diamond Springe, Bethel, Lincolnville, and some others.
The Diamond Springs post-oflBce mentioned is not the famous Diamond
Springs on the Santa Fe trail at the head of Diamond creek, but the post-oflBce
five miles below, and near the present village of Diamond Springs.
This not being understood has caused mistaken ideas as to the course and
crossing-place of the Santa Fe trail and Kaw trail over Diamond creek.
The Kaws might have traveled to and from their Cow creek hunting-grounds
on the Santa Fe trial, but they wanted a road of their own. Their trail was
almost parallel with that noted highway, from three to six miles south, but over
a more broken country. It was more direct, for the Santa Fe trail wound
around to keep on the higher divides, while the Kaw trail was almost "as
straight as the crow flies," going up and down hills, across sharp ridges, when a
slight detour would have avoided heavy pulls. We often wondered why these
Indians were so set on keeping in this " straight and narrow path ' ' over the rough-
est ground, when smoother land was to the north. A ruler placed on a map of
Kansas, one end about three miles south of Council Grove and the other end
about three miles south of Lyons, indicates very closely the exact course of this
trail. It was not a single path, but in places the ground was cut up for a rod or
two in width, and had many evidences of long usage.
We used to find sundry relics along this trail, for the Indians were not
exempt from losing things.
Few of the Kaws ever had first-class firearms of any sort to hunt with. Their
rifles were single-barrel, muzzle-loading, and of inferior grade. While most of
them had rifles, I have seen them go on these hunts armed with only their trusty
bow and arrows and belt knife. I never doubted their ability to kill the buffalo
208 KANSAS STATE HISTORICAL SOCIETY.
with these simple-looking bows and little arrows after witnessing them kill a
number of wild Texas cows in that primitive manner.
The Kaws were not noted for the best breed of ponies, but it was always said
that when they returned from these western trips they had usually greatly im-
proved their stock, bringing back some fine specimens, whether by trading or at
the expense of the Cheyennes or other Indians the deponent saith not. They
ordinarily traveled along the trail in single file, and, when returning, the pack
ponies reeled under the weight of plunder or tugged at loads borne on two long
poles fastened to their sides and extending back like long shafts, dragging on the
ground. Often on top of a load of fresh or dried meat a squaw and pappoose
would be perched, in all the glory of Indian life. The braves rode the best ponies,
and some of them were beauties and very hardy, and some of them made good
cattle ponies. I once owned one, understood to be a Cheyenne pony, that
could travel all day on a brisk canter, and cover from seventy to eighty miles
with ease. The Kaws always brought back large quantities of buffalo hides and
other skins and furs. A trader once told me that he bought in one season nearly
1000 bufl'alo hides from that tribe. While they were good hunters, they never
excelled in making the finest robes. A fine Cheyenne robe was worth as much
as fifteen dollars, but half that sum was a good price for a Kaw robe. Traders
often went out to their Cow creek camp to buy their products, and, in fact, they
always liked to have some white hunters along, for it was a protection against
trouble from other tribes. Sometimes the traders would have some Missouri
apples, and the going rate was a red apple for a muskrat skin.
Indians were great lovers of apples, and my brother once traded a double-
handful for a fine pair of beaded moccasins.
At first, when some of the early settlers fenced the bottom lands, through
which the Kaw trail passed, the Indians resented it and summarily destroye d
the fences and passed on. They felt that this old pathway was sacred and no
one had a right to obstruct it. They said: " Have we not used it these many
years, long before the white man appeared, and is it not ours ? Along this trail
are scattered the graves of our departed kindred and some of the great and wise
men of our tribe. Does this not give us the first right, and is there not room
for the white man's field, without saying to the Indian, ' You must not pass
along the old trail of your fathers ? ' "
I often noticed these graves, usually on the top of some near bluff or high
ground, and they were often covered with slabs of limestone, and invariably, the
bones of the pony that was sacrificed at the burial marked the spot. In many
places along this trail, on the highest points they had erected crude monuments,
piles of rock which were visible for a long distance. This was done when the
trail was first used, in order to direct the proper course. These, with some of
the marked graves, will soon be all that will indicate its location and history ; for
most of the inhabitants along its route know little or nothing about it.
When the Cheyennes, under Little Robe, in 1868, made their famous raid into
Morris county to fight the Kaws, they followed over most of this trail in coming
and going. For several years after the Indians left, the settlers used the trail
as a starting-point to burn back-fires against the consuming prairie conflagra-
tions so destructive in those days. After and even before the Kaws were re-
moved to the territory, in 1873, it was often the route of some of the great cattle
drives which used to be made to Council Grove from the West; for this trail had
better grass and water along it than the Santa Fe trail. From the Kaw reserva-
tion to their Cow creek camp was 100 miles, very picturesque and varied, cross-
ing numerous creeks and fine watering-places, the principal ones of which were
Famous Kaw Chiefs.
1. Al-le-ga-wa-ho ; 2. Kah-he-ga-wa-ti-an-gah, known as the "Fool Chief
3. Wah-ti-an-gah.
ALONG THE KAW TRAIL, 209
Four Mile, Diamond, Middle, Clear and Muddy creeks, Cottonwood river, Tur-
key creek. Little Arkansas river, and Cow creek.
For many years the Kaws claimed the territory now embraced in Marion,
Dickinson, McPherson, Saline, Rice and Ellsworth counties as their exclusive
hunting grounds, and their trouble with other tribes was caused because this
claim was disputed. At some of these creek crossings, where their most favor-
able camping-grounds were located, their wigwam poles were often left standing
in place, ready for the skin coverings the next time they came along. This saved
them work and carrying so many camp equipments. I will have to confess that
we boys were wont to pull them up and carry them away at times.
When the cavalcade of returning Kaws reached their home villages near
Council Grove, great was their reception by those who had remained at home.
It meant a feast of fat things — buffalo meat (fresh and dried), venison steaks and
Btews. It meant buffalo-robes, deer and wolf skins, and other peltries, to be sold
or wrought into needed garments and coverings. Besides, there was a sort of
general rejoicing by the entire tribe, that the hunters had been prospered with
success and safely returned to their secure and comfortable lodges along the tim-
ber-lined banks of the sheltering Neosho. After the usual Indian salutations,
the robes, skins and meats were properly stored or hung up for use. Later on
some of these would be brought to Council Grove and traded for those supplies
which thej craved. This home-coming of the hunters soon wrought up the entire
village into a perfect hubbub of excitement. Powwows, great and small, were
held, and all the experiences of the hunt related in detail, embellished with the
most vivid and boastful language, and it was the opportunity for some of their
peculiar dances.
Those braves who had performed special acts of prowess or skill in the chase,
or perchance in any personal encounter with their old enemies, the Cheyennes or
Pawnees, were given prominent seats in the council circle, and some soon became
so jmffed up with their importance that they strutted about the villages, and
even up to Council Grove, bragging of their valor, and received the plaudits of
the tribe.
The Kaws had three principal dances — sun-dance, dog-dance, and war-dance.
These dances all had their particular seasons and significance. The sun-
dance was always given out-of-doors, and had indications of religious origin.
Originally it was in honor of the "sun hero," a god only inferior to the Great
Spirit, their Manitou or Waconda, who was "the great ghost of heaven and
highest wind god," in the parlance of the Indians, and the god to whom all other
spirits, as the sun hero and moon goddess, were always subordinate. The sun-
dance was circular, as most all their dances, and was accompanied by the usual
music, weird songs, and grotesque movements, but they were not dressed up
in the hideous costumes worn at the dog-dance or the great war-dance. Squaws
often took part in the sun-dance in some of its modifications, and were properly
gowned for the high occasion. Their faces were brilliant with vermilion, yellow,
and green, while their robes, leggings and dresses scintillated with a unique passe-
menterie of bright beads and skilfully wrought quill and quail-bone work.
Their taper arms were decorated with circles of shining brass bracelets and rings
of silver, while shells and other ornaments dangled from their dusky ears. All
the dress toggery and showy valuables and heirlooms of the tribe were donned in
richest profusion by way of personal adornment. The Kaws were always noted
for being able to unpack and display a great wealth of dress ornaments, some of
which had been handed down in the tribe for generations.
The most handsome natural adornment of the squaws was their jet-black
—15
210 KANSAS STATE HISTORICAL SOCIETY.
hair, parted in the middle over their heads and down to their necks behind, and
ending in two beautiful braids of black.
Round and round the circle they moved, in single and double lines, and at
times their movements were not unlike the dances of the whites.
Forward, around the circle by couples they would go; then the braves would
move backward with shuffling step and squaws and girls would follow, and vice
versa, while through it all were the monotone songs and the drumming notes of
the Indian tambourines.
The dog dance was often given in honor of visitors, and in many ways was
nothing more than a war-dance of modified and abbreviated form.
They were not as particular to dress in such fanciful and hideous costumes
as in the war-dance, but often made as much noise. None but braves took part
in the dog-dance, which at times was performed in the largest lodges, but usu-
ally outside, and always around a fire.
They would rush into a lodge containing strangers with such fierce yells that
it was frightful to hear. After shrill songs, they performed the circular move-
ment to the music of rattles, drums, and the Indian flutes or whistles. After they
had exhausted themselves, they rushed out and away as suddenly as they came,
and it was all over for that day.
The Kaws on these occasions had three musical instruments — the usual tom-
tom or drum, strings of rattles, and the flute or whistle.
The drums were really enlarged forms of tambourines, made of a wooden
frame, over which, on one end, was stretched prepared green buffalo hide, which,
when dried and properly pounded with a stick, sent forth sonorous and stirring
sounds. Strings of dried deer's feet were used as rattles, but the best were the
gourd rattles. These were made by taking small dried gourds and by placing
bullets or pebbles inside, and when deftly shaken produced a quick, rattling
sound, which was peculiar to the castanets of these primitive people. The Kaws
made and used a wind instrument, a sort of Indian flute, and some were deft in
executing a subdued music for the more plaintive and weird parts of their dances
and ceremonies.
By far the most interest attached to the great war- or scalp-dance, for in this
ceremony entered the strongest emotions of the tribe. If some of the returned
warriors over the trail had brought proof of their boasted valor — some fine
ponies or a few scalp-locks that once belonged to a hereditary foe of the tribe,
which had been met and vanquished — great was the rejoicing, and the elements
for a first-class war-dance existed. As the day advanced, the entire tribe seemed
to become oblivious to everything except the increasing excitement and the In-
dian fervor displayed. The chief warriors paraded through the villages and
visited the principal lodges. They were followed by shouting, singing mobs of
admirers, who related their deeds of valor and chanted their praises. Decrepit
old braves and squaws came forth and blessed them, while the more active and
younger squaws prepared a feast of the choicest meats for the heroes of their
families and protectors of the tribe.
During the day the^young men cut and piled a huge pyramid of wood, and all
preparations were^completed for the great war-dance. Frequently parties from
Council Grove went'down to witness the unique scene. Stripped to the waist,
in the seclusion of their lodges, the braves performed their fantastic toilets, by
painting their dark skins with; wonderful dotted and striped combinations of
vermilion, yellow, 'green, and black.
The Kaws were among the few tribes whose braves shaved their heads.
They only. left a comb or elongated tuft on top of the head extending back over
ALONG THE KAW TRAIL. 211
the scalp-lock. Their only garments were clout, leggings, and moccasins. The
war head-dress was also worn, being a band around the head, upon which were
often attached two cow horns, and extending down their backs a plait or line of
turkey or eagle feathers. Some sported necklaces of bears' claws or elk teeth.
Each one carried a full complement of arms — bows and arrows, lance, and often
a shield, from which hung any prized scalps they possessed. The measured
tones of the sounding drums announce that all is ready; the fires are lighted,
and the hideous painted and decorated braves come rushing out of the lodges
and wigwams with shrieks and war-cries that none will ever forget. In the full
panoply of all this hideoueness, they quickly gather in a circle around the blaz-
ing fire. For a time they stand and go through all varieties of yells and mingled
war-whoops of triumph and delight, which echo along the valley. The leader of
the band raises his lance and strikes three times on the ground or upon a shield,
the musicians make some extra flourishes with the rattles and drums, and the
great war-dance is on in full blast. Round and round the roaring fire they
circle, now following each other, and now facing the center, their painted and
decorated bodies swaying up and down, in and out, in exact time to the peculiar
rhythm of the music.
Their odd, hitching step was a sort of forward-now- backward movement, as if
they wanted to advance but could not — one knee stiff and the other bent; and
with a monotonous regularity they uttered their war songs, the principal vocal ac-
companiment and continuous repetition of which was "hi' yi, hi'-yi,'^ ad infinitum,
with strong acceot on the first syllable. No matter how long the dance lasted,
usually through the night and far into the following day, this monotonous utter-
ance never varied, but was, of course, interspersed with other shouts, whoops,
and yells, as well as songs. At times their voices seemed to fail, and the bowl-
ings lapsed into a drone of measured and subdued tones and the chanting songs
ceased, but the " hi'-yi, hi'-yi," went on continuously ; neither was there any ces-
sation of rattling gourds nor the throbbing and heavy undertones of the drums
until the dance ended. At times the musicians would enter the great circle and
march round the fire in contrary direction to the moving mass. Now, some one
would step out and chant the deeds of some particular brave, and all the dancers
and all outside the charmed circle would take up the strain and renewed excite-
ment prevailed. The march is quickened, the shrill war whoops rise high above
the monotonous din, while the clashing shields and fluttering scalp-locks woik
them again to a perfect frenzy of tribal fervor, in which all engage — the squaws,
old men, boys, and maidens, as well as the regular dancers.
After a dance was over the ground was marked for a long time by the con-
tinuous circling, which left a beaten ring, something like a horse-power or the
circle of an abandoned circus ring. The dance was usually held in the shelter-
ing opening of some heavy grove near the river. The blazing firelight, the flit-
ting shadows and all the weird and mixed variety of unusual sights and sounds
created an impression upon a casual visitor long to be remembered.
Since 1873 the Kaws, few in number and slow to adjust themselves to the
crowding civilization of the times, have lived on a small reservation in the In-
dian Territory. Few of their noted warriors are alive, but occasionally small
bands of the tribe or solitary individuals visit the Neosho valley and recall the
scenes of other days. They stoically survey the changes around their former
homes. The sites of their three villages are now covered by highly cultivated'
farms, and where their permanent lodges and decorated teepees once stood the
comfortable homes of the present owners of the fee embellish the landscape.
The graves of their ancestors and the course of the trail in the valley are leveled
212 KANSAS STATE HISTORICAL SOCIETY.
and obliterated by the mold and cultivation of years. However, for many miles
west of tbeir old reservation it is plainly visible, and in the large pastures and
on some of the near-by prairie slopes may yet be found the graveyards of the
tribe. These they can visit, and travel for a few miles along their old-time high-
way. But where is Kah-he-ga-wa-ti-angah, their great "fool chief" and brave
warrior? Where is Al-le-ga-wa-ho, for years their head chief and the most elo-
quent and entertaining Indian orator of his times ? Where are Wah-ti an-gah, the
good chief, and old Na-he-da-ba and Shon-ga ne-gah, and other braves and wise
men of the tribe ?
They have passed over the trail for the last time, and live in peace on the rich
ranges of the happy hunting-grounds.
No more they sit by council fires
And praise the prowess of their sires.
No dusky maiden now is seen ;
The valley blooms the hills between.
Where once the Indian village shone,
A city proud with spires has grown ;
Where once they chased the panting deer,
Neosho's fields the farmers cheer.
On these visits they are carried back to those old days when this trail trav-
ersed the delightful little valleys and over the wide, expanding prairies, then
untouched by man, but luxuriant with carpets of grass and decorated with in-
describable loveliness of innumerable varieties of smiling flowers. They remem-
ber their old haunts and the beauties of those primitive scenes, just as they came
from the hand of nature, and when it could be said :
"Breezes of the south ! Ye have played
Among the palms of Mexico and vines
Of Texas, and have crisped the limpid brooks
That from the fountains of Sonora glide
Into the calm Pacific. Have ye fanned
A nobler or lovelier scene than this ?
The hand that built the firmament hath heaved
And smoothed these verdant swells and sown their slopes
With herbage — a fitting floor
For this magnificent temple of the sky —
With flowers whose glory and whose multitude
Rival the constellations."
I
Ah-ke-tah-shin-gah, a Typical Indian Brave.
ATTEMPTED RESCUE OF JOHN BROWN. 213
AN ATTEMPTED RESCUE OF JOHN BEOWN FROM
CHARLESTOWN, VA., JAIL.
An address by O. E. Morse, of Mound City, before the Kansas State Historical Society,
at its twenty-eighth annual meeting, December 1, 1903.
ON November 2, 1859, John Brown was taken from the jail to the court-room
at Charlestown, Va., and sentenced to be hung on the 2d day of December
following. During this interval an undertaking was entered into in his behalf,
of which little is known to the general public. Those parties, with possibly two
exceptions, have passed from life. The purpose of this effort is to gather frag-
ments of the story as they have drifted to me during the more than forty years
that have elapsed.*
♦From the following letters, written in 1859 and 1860, it will be seen that preparations for
an attempt to rescue John Brown were made, and, from the letter of Higginson to Hinton, dated
December 2t, 1859, it is probable that both Montgomery and Soule had been brought on
from Kansas for that purpose ; that Soule was still in the East, and Montgomery was thought
to be. Neither appears to have been concerned in the Harper's Ferry raid. Both were ac-
quainted with John Brown, and felt great sympathy in his cause. Soule's ability as a spy, his
easy disguise, and aptness at mimicry, which made him so useful in the Doy rescue, would
recommend him for this more trying occasion. It is interesting to note the lapse of memory of
Mr. LeBarnes, whose good offices went far in both rescues, and his participation written here
in black and white, when he writes Hinton, June 30, 1894: "I never knew anything about the
Stevens-Hazlett plan." Such forgetfulness is not new to one familiar with the vagaries of
memory as brought to light in the attempts to reconcile statements written thirty and forty
years after an event with the recorded facts at the time. That a number of Kansas men at-
tempted to do something toward a rescue, and that Montgomery and Soule, LeBarnes and Hig-
ginson were concerned in both, seems proven by this written testimony of the time. The following
extracts are from original letters belonging to the collections of the State Historical Society,
a recent gift from Mrs. Isabel B. Hinton :
"Charles P. Carter," ho?;( for Thomas Wentworth Higginson ;" T." is W, W. Thayer (Thayer
& Eldridge, publishers, Boston ) ; "machinist" named is James Montgomery ; "Read" is myself ;
" Dr. R." is Doctor Rutherford, of Harrisburg, which is " H." — R. J. Hinton.
George H. Hoyt, one of Brown's counsel, in a letter to J. W. LeBarnes, dated Charlestown,
Va., October 20, 1859, after relating the incidents of the trial for the day, says: "There is no
chance of his ultimate escape; there is nothing but the mostucmitigated failure, and the sad-
dest consequences which it is possible to conjure, to ensue upon an attempt at rescue. The
country all around is guarded by armed patrols, and a large body of troops are constantly un-
der arms. If you hear anything about such an attempt, for heaven's sake do not fail tv re-
strain the enterprise.''''
Telegram dated Boston, November 26, 1859, to J. W. LeBarnes, Metropolitan hotel. New
York: "Return directly — nothing doing anywhere. — F. Stanley." Indorsed as follows, in
Hinton's handwriting: "This dispatch relates to John Brown business. Don't know wlio 'J.
Stanley' represents — probably Sanborn.- R. J. H. I have certainly ascertained this was from
Sanborn.''
Letter unsigned, dated Concord, November 29, 1859, indorsed in'Hinton's handwriting, " Let-
ter from F. B. Sanborn to J. W. LeBarnes; it relates to talk about a John Brown rescue":
" Deae Friend- I had telegraphed you to return before I got your letter of Friday. You had
not reached New York when my dispatch arrived, but I suppose it waited you at the Metropoli-
tan. We found that nothing was doing in Ohio, and nothing could be done here, and so judged
best to stop operations. You found a letter from S. and one from me at New York, or ought to
have done so, and I hope mailed my letter to M. at Washington. I will have M.'s letter put in
the New York papers before Friday, I think, or else send it to Wise himself. All conclude it
was a trap or a swindle. AH these reports by telegraph of men coming from Pennsylvania and
Ohio must be false, we think. You have seen Hoyt, I suppose, and heard what he has to com-
municate. He is a good fellow, and I hope to know him better. Redpath failed to go to Ohio,
214 KANSAS STATE HISTORICAL SOCIETY.
Early in October, 1859, Richard J. Hinton came to Kansas, visited James
Han way, at Dutch Henry's crossing ( now Lane ), and induced Hanway to go with
him to Linn county. Arriving^jat Moneka, they sent for Capt. James Mont-
gomery and Augustus Wattles, both of whom immediately responded, and a con-
ference was held in a room immediately over the post-office, at the Moneka hotel,
then kept by Dr. George E. Denison. This consultation resulted in the planning
for the rescue of Brown. Hinton advocated an attempt by force, which neces-
sitated the transporting of a considerable body of men to Virginia. Wattles did
not approve of this, believing it impracticable, and thinking that chances of suc-
cess were only possible with a carefully selected few, and the exercise of the
keenest tact and highest courage. Nevertheless Hinton's idea had the right of
way for the time, and a list of 75 to 100 eligibles from Kansas, Iowa and the East
was made for the undertaking. Just when and where further consultations, if
any, were held, is not now clear. Certain it is that the plan was changed.
Difficulties ,as to funds, transportation, arms, and provisions, as well as the
almost certain exposure in attempting to rendezvous and handle a large force
but perhaps it's as well now. Nothing seems likely to stop the execution, and our brave old
friend must die. I may be in B. before Friday, but I shall be here on that day, when we have a
burial service in the town hall, at which the clergymen, Mr. Emerson, Mr. Thoreau, Mr. Brown,
our representative, and other good men, will take part. Yours ever."
T W. H. to R. J. Hinton, Worcester, December 22, 1859: "I wish to leave nothing undone to
find Montgomery, Soley (Soule), whom you know is going from here to Kansas soon, and is to
find him and explain my plans. But if he is at the South or East now we ought to find him. If
you think another dispatch to Kansas would do any good, please send it, or do anything else
for that purpose, and I will pay for it. The trial of Stevens may come sooner than we ex-
pected. I agree with you that something must be done without M., if necessary — but he would
be half the battle ; and I wish also to get at Tidd and Anderson, whose local knowledge would
be invaluable. If you know of any way of getting at them, except through Merriam, I shall be
glad to know it. Please do not communicate with any but Redpath and LoBarnes on this sub-
ject. Cordially yours, T. W. H."
Charles P. Carter (Thomas Wentworth Higginson) writes, under date ui (Harris-
burg) probably, to John W. LeBarnes, of Boston, under date February 17, 1860: "I telegraphed
this morning. Eight machines arrived, including (if this be not a Hibernianism) our friend
and his master machinist, who turns out to be the very man of all the world. Read could not
have done better, both as to the whole and the parts. The machinist is strong in hope, and he
is a man to inspire infinite hope in others. Nothing stops him but the snow, which now lies —
that is a hopeless obstacle to the successful working of the machines, but a few days will prob-
ably take it away — and he does not consider the season such an obstacle as T. did, and believes
it can be done. T. is expected to-night, and after conferring with him our machinist will go
and examine the ground for himself, starting, we hope, to-morrow, and absent possibly for
three or four days only, but probably for a week or more. If you can therefore secure your six
machines via New York — not more — with the fools necessary for setting them up, large as well
as small, you might, if you prefer, stay in New York or return to Boston, keeping ready to start
at a moment's notice any time, arranging that the machines shall Be equally ready. I think it
quite certain that there will be a delay of a week, and possibly two, even, for the machinist says
that a thorough examination of the ground is essential, cost what it may. But write me fully
your plans. I saw M. S., who looks coldly on the patent, but subscribed twenty-five dollars.
Why can't you see Thaddeus Hyatt, who has a mechanical turn and might uelp, especially if he
knows that M. is here 1 and ho or Oliver Johnson might tell you of others in New York. Will-
iam Curtis is rich." f " T." stands for Charles Plummer Tidd.]
T. W. Higginson, from Dayton, Ohio, February 2.5, 1860: "I am on my way eastward, and
shall reach Hinsdale Monday, in the night. By Tuesday shall probably have some light. Per-
haps Read saw you. I sent him to New York to clinch the Teutons and for other objects. He
has proved himself very efficient. What I now write for is to say, do not fail to see the artist
while in Boston, and that, if possible, without delay, because we need the money whether we
succeed or fail, and after his friend returns from the inquisition I think he will give it, having
promised to be ' as good as his word.' But it can be claimed with much more force before the
final collapse happens, as I think it will happen, though I have heard nothing since last Mon-
ATTEMPTED RESCUE OF JOHN BROWN. 215
anywhere within striking distance of the objective point, conspired to bring into
phty the more conservative judgment of those having the matter in hand. Hin-
ton had returned to the East to work up the Eastern contingent, which never
materialized. Hanway, as far as is known, took no further part, leaving Mont-
gomery and Wattles to perfect arrengements. A small force was soon deter-
mined upon, and great care and secrecy exercised in their selection and moving
to the East.
The success of a few men from Lawrence and vicinity a few months before in
rescuing Dr. John Doy * from the St. Joseph, Mo., jail naturally pointed in their
direction for a part of the detail. Joseph Gardner, Silas S. Soule, J. A. Pike and
S. J. Willis were selected from the Doy rescuers. James Montgomery, Augus-
tus Wattles, H. C. Seaman and Henry Carpenter went from Linn county. Ben-
jamin Rice from Bourbon county, and Benjamin Seaman, a brother of H. C.
Seaman, went from his home in Iowa.
Gardner, Pike and Willis (Soule had gone East earlier) went to Leavenworth.
Not wishing to visit St. Joseph, for obvious reasons, they hired a team to take
day p. M. With a view to commanding confidence to stockholders, it is better to tell the artist
what master machinist has been engaged." Note of R. J. Hinton : " Letter of T. W. Higginson
to John W. LeBarnes, Boston. 'Artist' is M. Brackett, the sculptor; 'Read 'is R. J. Hinton;
'Teutons,' certain Germans who joined rescue party, 'Hinsdale' is Harrisburg; 'master ma-
chinist' is James Montgomery."
This statement by T. W. H., under date of Worcester, March 24, 1860, is indorsed in Hintou's
handwriting, "Account of expenditure in rescue case " : "I believe I made a mistake in adding
up Thayer's expenditures. They were $171. The whole cost was about as follows :
H. took to Kansas $300 00
Sent to Pittsburg 50 00
Later expenditures by me 2.50 00
Total disbursed by me $600 00
Hinton obtained in Kansas, say 150 00
Thayer disbursed 471 00
' LeBarnes disbursed 79 00
Total ; $1,300 00
" This may all be regarded as squared up, except that $200 aiiair, about which I wrote.
That obtained, all is right."
Letter from T. W. H. to LeBarnes, dated Worcester, February 15, 1860 : " Dispatch received.
Please leave to-morrow for New York. See as many foreign operators as you have funds for,
and be ready for dispatch from me at H. ; but don't come till sent for. I will telegraph to you
in New York to care of Doctor Kapp. That box of machines will be sent to New York to-mor-
row A. M., to Oliver Johnson, editor Ayiti-xlareri/ Standard; please bring it on from there.
Probably you will have to let the Troy man drop and add another German. If you receive and
understand this, telegraph me before ten A. M., care Johnson aforesaid, "AH right.' But at any
rate I must rely on your getting this, as our whole plans must be quickened by Read's dispatch.
I have telegraphed to him. My impression is, even now, that nothing will be done, but it is
possible. A minute description just received of the locality where the machines were to operate
greatly diminishes the chances, which were small before."
Letter unsigned, but indorsed 'T. W. Higginson,' dated Worcester, February 16, 1860:
" Nothing more heard. I leave this p. m., and reach Hinsdale to-morrow night. Will telegraph
from there when anything known, and sign 'Charles P. Carter.' Telegraph to that name there
if you hear anything from H. either way. I mean whether he comes or turns back. I shall try
to find at Hinsdale the man who telegraphed you — Read, I mean. If I hear nothing from him
I may go to Plattsburg, but probably not. I have written to S. J. Willis, corner Thirteenth
street and Tibbitts avenue, Troy, N. Y , to telegraph you now if he is readjj. If you thus hear
from him after hearing from me, please send him by express twenty-five dollars for expenses,
best a check payable to order, and tell him to come to Hinsdale and inquire for Mr. Carter of
Doctor Rutherford. I may have time to send more accurate directions. I shall see Doctor R.
on my arrival and arrange with him. You will receive to-morrow by express a box containing
eight small machines. Please bring them to Hinsdale should you come (and you can put them
if you prefer in your trunk), but please not use them, as they are to be returned if not wanted.
*See Major Abbott's account of the Doy rescue party. State Hist. Coll., vol. 4, p. 312.
216 KANSAS STATE HISTORICAL SOCIETY.
them to EastoD, twelve miles east of St. Joseph. While waiting at the hotel for
a train, they listened to a thorough discussion of Kansas and Kansans, of Law-
rence, and especially of the Doy exploit. They restrained themselves from tak-
ing part in the discussion, and proceeded without further incident to Pittsburgh,
Pa., where Soule joined them, and they journeyed together to Harrisburg.
Of the southern Kansas party. Wattles went in advance of the others. Under
Montgomery's lead, those mentioned above and Dr. C. R. Jennieon (later known
as Colonel Jennison) left Linn county. At Lawrence, Jennison left the party
and returned home. The others proceeded to Elwood, opposite St. Joseph,
where letters from Major Abbott and some others secured them the assistance of
Ed. Russell, Thos. A. Osborn, A. L. Lee, and probably D. W. Wilder. The
party reached Elwood too late to avail themselves of the ferry in crossing, and
crossing that night (a very dark and stormy one) was essential to the carrying
out of their plans. The only rowboat at the place belonged to Captain Blackis-
ton. The oars were carefully put away and the skiff securely locked. "Love
laughs at locksmiths." So it proved in this case. Blackiston's daughter was
Sbriuld I telegrapli to send macliinery on a certain date, please come on without delay. If you
can with the funds in your hands (after deducting twenty-five dollars as above) bring on any
machines additional (I do not mean such as I send you, but those supported on two pins — of
German ware perhaps) do so. That must be at your discretion. I expect to provide for ex-
penses after reaching Hinsdale, should any be needed. Shall see a stockholder in New York, I
expect, and perhaps the German dealer. The experienced business man, whose advice I quoted
to you, still holds the same opinion, but has arranged to go to Hinsdale if needed. Please ac-
knowledge receipt of any dispatch from mo, should the business go on. I shall probably send
the date by which the machinery must arrive. At Hinsdale I shall probably be at some smaller
hotel, and you can find me through the registers or through Doctor R. or through the post-
oflSce, where I shall go twice a day. All right about the captain and the orator; but I wish you
would caution the latter at once about not mentioning it, even to his wife, for she would be
very likely to tell my sister-in-law, who is her particular friend. You will see I note what you
say about the letter H. — as Hinsdale — and also I will say ' via New York,' in the case you name.
Please allude to Read as Western machinery. Please not start without hearing from me, and I
will do all I can to make it clear to you. My impression is that the weaker machinery will
have to be returned unless set up by somebody who understands it very thoroughly. (Should
you hear from Read by ten p. m. to-morrow (Thursday) that he has sent the machines back,
please telegraph to me under my own name at Anti-slavery Standard office, Nassau street,
New York, and also to Hinsdale, as it may not reach me in New York.)"
From Carter to LeBarnes, Hinsdale, February 18, 1860: "To-day brings another snow-storm,
farther depressing the hopes of our machinist. But they do not last long at this season. We
also hear from the machinist whom we left behind, and on whose advice much depends, that
he is still in Massachusetts, and will not be here till Monday p. m. or Tuesday night. This is
bad, as still delaying the prospecting trip of our chief machinist to examine localities, etc. He
cannot start before Tuesday p. m., and will certainly be gone, he thinks, at least a week. I
shall go to Chicago next week to do my lecturing, and you can do what you please until then —
only let me know how to get at you. Please not open the box till necessary, and not use tools
unless necessary, as then they cannot be returned. If you are still in New York, please get copy
of Daily Tribune containing plan of and locality where our machines are to be — it was about
November 30."
A letter by T. W. Higginson, dated Worcester, July 17, 1860, about the insurrection in Ja-
maica, and other insurrections along anti-slavery lines, closes with a reference to a visit from
J. A. Pike and his return to Kansas a few months previous.
Letter from S. S. Soule, dated Coal Creek (south part of Douglas county), May 9, 1860, ad-
dressed to Messrs. Thayer, Eldridge, Hinton, etc. : "I arrived here last Friday. I left Boston
Thursday night for Stonington ; there I took the boat for New York ; left there Friday morning ;
arrived in Philadelphia that noon, and had to wait until six before I ccjuld get oil, and then
had to go with a cargo of emigrants that talked beautiful Dutch. We did n't get to Pittsburgh
until Sunday. It was an awful journey. If it was n't for some girls that had got-up to them, I
don't know what I should have done; as it was we had an amusing time. We crossed the AUe'
gbanies Saturday. If I had been in a hurry I should have walked ; as it was wo walked some of
the time, and waited for the cars, and pushed going up-hill. Pittsburgh is as dirty as ever. I
ATTEMPTED KESCUE OF JOHN BROWN. 217
Russell's sweetheart, afterwards becoming his wife. Through her he got oara and
key. With the assistance of some of the others mentioned of the Elwood party,
the crossing to St. Joseph was safely made, though attended with many dangers,
through the darkness and the overloaded skiff. Some transportation over the
Hannibal & St. Joseph railroad was furnished by Elwood friends, and the addi-
tional amount necessary was put up by Major Tuttle, then agent of the road at
St. Joseph, later a resident of New York, who was thoroughly in sympathy with
the free-state movements in Kansas, as was Colonel Hayward, then general su-
perintendent of the road.
The Montgomery party proceeded direct to Harrisburg without further inci-
dent of historical importance, where they were joined by the Lawrence party, by
Wattles, Ben. Seaman, from Iowa, and R. J. Hinton. While there is no evidence
at hand to show that Frederick Douglass joined the party at Harrisburg, it is
pretty clear that he was in consultation with the leaders in their progress to-
wards Charlestown. It will not be understood that these men were seen in
public together, or that they stopped at the same hotel, or traveled as a party on
went over to the coal-mines and passed ofif for a coal merchant, and was put through in fine
style. I distributed the cards of Thayer and Eldridge all through Ohio and Indiana, as long as
they lasted. I went to St. Louis and got on the boat and took deck passage to Hannibal ; then
the cars to Atchison, boat to Leavenworth, and stage to Lawrence. Tell Walt [Walt Whitman]
that when he wants to get up another book and thinks he has seen all the world, he must take
a second-class ticket to Kansas. Tell Walt that I have a good deal to say about him, and
when he comes out here the folks will treat him well. Now, I must tell you something that will
surprise you. When I arrived here I found a party waiting for me to go to Pike's Peak ; my
brother and cousin [Mr. Glass] were in the party, going with a quartz machine belonging to
Solomon and Parker, of Lawrence, and there was no way but I must go. They started yesterday.
I am to start to-morrow and overtake them. I had not time to go to M.'s [ Montgomery's? ], so
I went to Stewart and told him everything. He is all right ; he brought up three head the other
night, making sixty-eight since he commenced. He met with a mishap yesterday. I went to
Lawrence with him in the morning, and we had not been there more than an hour before a run-
ner came in with word that his place had been attacked and one man taken and one wounded.
We started oS as quick as possible, but could only raise four horsemen, and by the time we got
our arms they were oif a good way. We followed them about six miles, but found that they all
had good horses and were so far ahead that we could not overtake them. When last seen they
were going it, with the boy on behind one of them. He was calling for assistance and one of
them beating him with a club to keep him quiet. He was a free boy that had been here for two
years. They were plowing in the field and had revolvers, but there were five of the kidnappers.
There were fifteen or twenty shots fired, and one only was wounded that we know of. He was
shot in the hip ; the ball went out and did n't damage him much. Things look kind of blue and
some one will be shot before long. It is supposed that H. was one of them. I gave S. those
letters to give to M., as he will see him as soon as anybody, and I told him just how things
stand. He is the man. I hope you will write to him; he don't like G.'s actions very well.
[Charles] Stearns and another man that I was not acquainted with arrived Monday. Stearns
went to G.'s before we got over. I have posted S. about Stearns, and if they get ahead of him
they will have to get up early ; he is going to make a haul of about fifteen next week. He
talked with G., but could n't get him to go. I can't write any more. Give my love to all.
Tell Walt to send that book to me. Direct to S. Soule, Lawrence, Kan., box 43, John E. Stew-
art; if you write to him may be you had better put it inside of another envelope, and direct it
to Amasa Soule, box 43, I am afraid that G. is noD worth a damn."
Letter from J. W. LeBarnes, dated Washington, D. C, June 20, 1894, to R. J. Hinton : " There
was a letter from Hoyt — his first, I think, after he had seen and talked with Brown — in which
he gave the information desired in respect to the situation at Charlestown, the defenses, etc.,
and enclosed a diagram of the jail, showing Brown's cell, the approaches, etc., and in which he
stated that Brown positively refused his consent to any movement looking to a rescue. I do
not think this letter is among those I gave you. My impression is that I gave it to Mr. Higgin-
son or some one else at the time. It seems to me that it must have been Mr. Higginson."
Also the following from LeBarnes to Hinton, dated Washington, D. C, June 30, 1894 : " Yours
of the 29th received. Am glad you are getting along satisfactorily with your book. I never
knew anything about the Stevens-Hazlett plan. By the way, have you got anything in respect
218 KANSAS STATE HISTORICAL SOCIETY.
the trains. They moved apparently independent of each other, representing
themselves as stockmen, grain men, laborers, land-eeekers, or whatever seemed
best to suit the occasion or most fully obscure their real intent. They had a
meeting-place at the office or residence of a doctor (name forgotten), who was in
sym^jathy with their undertaking. At these meetings plans for the campaign
were made and scouts sent out; Seaman, of the Linn county party, and Soule,
of the Lawrence contingent, doing most of this work. Montgomery, Wattles,
Seaman, and Soule, and possibly others of the party, established a meeting-
place in the vicinity of Hagerstown, Md., from which place they pushed forward
their tours" of observation across the river into Virginia, Seaman going to
Martinsburg to examine the rough country in that region, Soule going more
directly to;.Charleetown, securing an audience with Brown under strict surveil-
lance of two armed guards. Under such restrictions no progress could be made
in unfolding or perfecting plans. No others of the party saw Brown, though
very direct communications were kept up through some one whose identity has
been lost in the haze that passing years throws over our memories.
to the German contingent in the rescue business ? A party of about twenty —chiefly revolution-
ist refugees of '48 — was in readiness to join Higginson and Montgomery, as you doubtless re-
member.;' .1 went over to New Yorlf for the purpose, and the then editor of the Stant.s-Zeitviig
put;me in communicationlwith suitable men to make up the party. I expect there are refer-
ences to this matter in papers you have."
J. W. LeBarnes to; R, J. Hinton, Washington, D. C, June 21, 1894: "Hoyt wont to Charles-
town at my instance, and I furnished him with the money for his expenses. H. was living at
Athol, Mass., with his parents, having then recently graduated at law. The morning the news
was received of Brown's attempt at Harper's Ferry, Hoyt came at oncp to Boston, and I met
him at the Republican headquarters, and told him I wanted him to go to Charlestown and vol-
unteer as counsel to Brown. My suggestion was that so youthful and physically fragile a per-
son in appearance' (he was not more than twenty-one, and looked not more than nineteen, and
was slight in figure), would not create tlie suspicion that a more mature man might do, and 1
believed ,'that for this reason he would be more likely to succeed in being allowed access to
Brown than another, and did not believe he would 6e in so much personal danger as another
might be. The purposes for which I wanted him to go were, first, to watch and be able to re-
port proceedings, to see and talk with Brown, and be able to communicate with his friends any-
thing Brown might want to say; and second, to send me an accurate and detailed account of
the military situation in Charlestown, the number and distribution of troops, the location and
defense of the jail, the nature of the approaches to the town and jail, the opportunities for a
sudden attack upon the jail and means of retreat, and the location and situation of the room in
the jail in which Brown was confined, and all other particulars and suggestions that miglit en-
able friends to consult in reference to some plan of attempt at rescue. Hoyt was willing to ac
ceptthe commission if his expenses could be paid, as he had no money himself. Wo went to
South Boston and called on Dr. S. G. Howe and laid our plan before him, with a view of en-
listing some financial assistance. Howe treated the matter coolly, and would not contribute.
He seemed to think that Brown's execution would have a good effect in arousing public senti-
ment. We thought this cold-blooded, and left Howe in disgust. I possessed seventy-five dol-
lars in silverand gave it to Hoyt, and he left that night for Charlestown. Afterwards I sent
him additional funds. George Sennott went down as an individual volunteer, without, so
far as I know, any concurrence with any of Brown's friends."
In a sketch of Edward Rvissell, published while he was living, in the United States Bio-
graphical Dictionary for Kansas, is tbe. following: " In November of 1859 Colonel Montgomery
resolved upon an effort for the rescue of old John Brown, then lying in jail at Harper's Ferry
and awaiting the day of his execution. Colonel Montgomery called upon Mr. Russell for trans-
portation over the Missouri river, and any aid he and his Elwood friends could give for their
transportation farther East. The passes of Russell, Lee and Wihier over the Hannibal & St.
Joseph railroad, and a note from Lee or Wilder to the principal man of the Hannibal & St.
Joseph railroad in St. Joseph, were cheerfully furnished, together with a little ready cash.
After midnight of one of the rainest and darkest nights ever seen on the Missouri river, Mr.
Russell abstractod^oars and key from his father-in-law's house, who, as the owner of the ferry,
possessed the only skiff's at that time in Elwood, and with a boat laden rather deep, even for
pleasant weather and broad daylight, he pushed off for the Hannibal & St. Joseph railroad
ATTEMPTED RESCUE OF JOHN BROWN. 219
While preparations were going on, as related, the weather changed to severe
cold, with a heavy fall of snow throughout the entire region, rendering traveling
through the mountains impracticable. This, with the strong and watchful force
at the jail, and the constant patrolling of the roads, were difficulties seemingly
unsurmountable, and by many of the party they were believed to be real reasons
why the undertaking was abandoned. The managers of the affair found in the
will of John Brown a greater obstacle to their plans than snow, cold, patrolmen,
or Virginia militia. John Brown refused to he rescued. His reasons were:
First, that he had been the recipient of many kindnesses from the jailer and his
wife; that he had had privileges that were secured by his pledge not to take ad-
vantage of them to escape; that the jailer was a faithful and fearless official who
would not be caught off his guard, or give up his prisoner without a struggle, and
for himself he was in honor bound both to his keeper and to his friends outside
to prevent further bloodshed.
Second, he was strongly impressed with the conviction that death on the gal-
lows was a fulfilment of his mission, the rounding out of his effort; the act that
grounds in lower St. Joseph. Though the night was so dark as to render it impossible to tell
by sight or trying the water in which direction the current ran, in due time, which seemed an
age from the danger of the situation, the boat finally landed Colonel Montgomery and party in
safety near the point of destination. The failure of Colonel Montgomery may have been fore-
doomed, with Lis handful of Linn county boys, but unexpected delays in the mountains north
of Harper's Ferry alone prevented his making a bold dash to save the neck of grand old John
Brown."
In Hinton's "John Brown and his Men," pages 501, 502, the following appears: "During
the middle of February a secret message was received by the prisoners and a reply returned.
An intoxicated man was arrested in Charlestown on a Saturday evening and locked up over
Sunday in jail. To all appearances he was a jolly, devil-may-care young Irish laborer [ Silas S.
Soule.l, in whom whisky left nothing but boisterous fun. As he sobered up he became a delight
to the jailer's family by his funny songs and witty words. Discipline had relaxed, vigilance
nodded, and the careless Irishman was enabled to communicate with Stevens and Hazlett. He
made himself known, and told them that their comrades, James Montgomery, Richard J. Hin-
ton, Joseph Gardner, Preacher Stewart and six other Kansas men, with Thomas Wentworth
Higginson, J. W. LeBarnes, and W. W. Thayer, of Boston, assisted by some New York German-
Americans, were ready at Harrisburg, Pa., to make a move through the South Mountain section
of that state into Virginia and attempt their rescue. They were told that Montgomery was
even then in the adjacent mountains making a reconnaissance as to practicability. Both were
deeply affected, but without hesitation declared it to be impossible. Stevens emjjhatically as-
serted that the attempt could not be made without causing other deaths, especially that of the
jailer, Mr. Avis, who would resist to the last. He would not take his liberty at such a cost.
The constant armed force consisted of eighty men, and while it was possible to get away if
Montgomery could reach and attack the place suddenly, yet the lives to be sacrificed would not
warrant the saving of their own. Hazlett sent a personal message to the writer of this volume,
who had been deeply stirred by the fact that his comrade was tried and condemned under a
name himself assumed in writing to Kagi. There was nothing to be done. The daring young
Kausan, who had so successfully used his powers of mimicry, was discharged next day by an
unsuspecting justice of the peace, and made his way out of Virginia as rapidly as he dared.
Montgomery had already returned to Harrisburg and his associate rejoined him in Boston,
bearing there his message to myself."
On pages 520-522 is this farther statement: "The special reason for my desire in that regard
has already been given. In Boston were a few persons who would have risked everything to
have saved John Brown or any of his men. If I give as most active and earnest in this desire
John W. LeBarnes, Thomas Wentworth Higginson, W. W. Thayer (of the publishing firm of
Thayer & Eldridge), F. B. Sanborn, James Redpath, Dr. David Thayer, George Henry Hoyt,
Brackett, the sculptor, and Richard J. Hinton, I shall cover not only those I am permitted to
name, but all that were most actively interested in any such conception. As to John Brown,
that was ended by his message, through Hoyt, from his prison cell. But knowing that in Kansas
there were men brave enough to try the odds, when the relaxation of vigilance began, after the
16tb of December, the desire to save Hazlett and Stevens grew into a hope, and from that into
a plan, which was ably seconded by John W. LeBarnes and T. W. Higginson, as well as sup-
220 KANSAS STATE HISTORICAL SOCIETY.
would make effective all his work for the freedom of the slaves. In his simple
and terse way he said: "I am worth more to die than to live." For himself, he
may have had prophetic vision as he neared his end, and saw not far away enacted
that tremendous tragedy that not only emancipated the slaves but rescued a na-
tion from the thraldom of a terrible crime and the bondage of living openly before
the world a stupendous and wicked lie, and started it on its course to be the leader
and arbiter for the betterment of mankind.
What of the men who volunteered for this hazardous undertaking ? With
the exception of Henry Carpenter, the Kansas men returned to the territory.
Carpenter came to Kansas from Ashtabula county, Ohio, and remained in Penn-
sylvania when the party broke up. When last heard from, fifteen years ago, he
was still in western Pennpylvania. Montgomery, Seaman, Rice, Gardner, Pike,
and Willis enlisted in the army ; Montgomery as colonel of the Third regiment,
Seaman as captain, Rice as sergeant, and Gardner as a private in the same regi-
ment. Pike and Willis enlisted in company A, Ninth cavalry.
When, in February, 1862, the Third and Fourth regiments were destroyed to
advance the interests of a few selfish and ambitious men, Montgomery was
sent to the southern Atlantic coast to organize and command a brigade of colored
troops; Seaman went to the Fifth cavalry, to which his company was assigned;
Rice to the Ninth with his company; Gardner to the Tenth with his company,
being later promoted to a captaincy in the First Colored infantry ; Pike was made
first lieutenant of company A, and later captain of company K of the Ninth cav-
alry; Willis became first sergeant of his company, and later first lieutenant of
company A of the Tenth infantry.
Montgomery died at his home, near Mound City, the 6th day of December,
1871, and is buried in the soldiers' cemetery at that place. Wattles died Decem-
ber 19, 1876, near the same place. Seaman and Soule, the two scouts, were both
killed many years ago by roughs, while serving as city marshals, the first at
Baxter Springs and the other at Denver, Colo. Gardner died at Lawrence in ihe
early '70's. Ben. Seaman died in Iowa; Rice is reported dead; Willis died at
White City, Kan., some years ago. Captain Pike, probably the only survivor,
has a position at the Penitentiary, at Lansing.
By their devotion to the cause of freedom in the early Kansas days, by their
patriotic service in the army and good citizenship afterward, these men made a
record that might well be emulated by any group of American citizens.
ported by Redpath and W. W. Thayer, was pushed thoroughly up to the point where an actual
reconnaissance proved it couhl not be accomplished. Money was raised, and about the middle of
January I started for Kansas. For prudential reasons, I adopted in traveling my mother's name
of Read, except, of course, in Kansas, where I was well known. Proceeding direct to the southern
portion of the territory, I consulted with Capt. James Montgomery, laying before him topograph-
ical maps of the section, plans of the jail, with the railroad and country highways. Careful in-
quiry had been made as to possible 'underground railway' routes and stations, and as to the trust
that could be reposed in the latter. It was very slight, indeed. Messrs. Higginson, LeBarnes
and Publisher Thayer were to look after the pecuniary part of the plan. By the sale of Red-
path's 'Life of John Brown,' a small fund for the benefit of the families had been obtained.
With Mrs. John Brown's consent, this fund might be used temporarily, and that was readily
obtained. Sculptor Brackett promised $'200, Mr. LeBarnes gave liberally and advanced more,
and Mr. Higginson, who was treasurer, obtained other amounts, and met the costs fully, with
what, besides the men, was obtained in Kansas. From that section seven volunteers returned
with me, including James Montgomery, Silas Soule, James Stewart, Josepli Gardner, Mr.
Willis, and two others (from Lawrence) whose names have escaped me. We reached Leaven-
worth early in February, and I found that money expected had not arrived. Taking Col. Daniel
R. Anthony into my confidence, he at once contributed the money needed, placing into Captain
Montgomery's hand $150, and an equal amount into mine. It was deemed best I should go by
way of Weston, Mo., direct to St. Joe, and that Montgomery and his associates should go by
private teams to Elwood, Kan,, directly opposite that place, then the railroad terminus for
that section."
ATTEMPTED RESCUE OF JOHN BROWN. 221
Remarks by Col. D. B. Anthony, of Leavenivoith :
Between 1857 and 1861 the struggle between freedom and slavery in Kansas
was on. No free-state man was safe, nor were his life and property protected,
until the free-state men met the border ruffians with force. Free state men were
murdered and scalped in the county of Leavenworth, and the murderers were set
free by Judge Lecompte, of the United States circuit court. The holding of
slaves in Kansas was not permitted with the consent of the free-state men, and
by common consent the free-state men freed all slaves who escaped from Mis-
souri or elsewhere, and sent them into the interior of the territory for protection.
There was the notorious release of Charlie Fisher, a slave from Mississippi,
who was claimed by his master, who came to Kansas to capture his slave and
take him to his home in the South.
The free-state men assembled in the court-room of the United States commis-
sioner and told Fisher to leave. He did so. I met him as he was leaving the
building, and directed him to take the team owned and driven by Jim Brown,
which took him on a fast trot out on the road to Lawrence. The man in the
lead to recapture Fisher was William M. Pleas, former jjroprietor of the Planters'
House. I barred his way and caught Pleas by his coat collar, and kindly told
him not to be in a hurry. When threats were made weapons were drawn, but
not used because they were not needed, the force of free state men present being
so great that they blocked the way of all pursuers and other slave-catchers.
The result of this and of other similar cases was that the border-ruffian grand
jury presented bills of indictment against the prominent parties who were en-
gaged in the rescue of Fisher and other fugitive slaves, and the penalty of which
was death under the laws which had been enacted by the border ruffians; even
punishing with death a man who would read and circulate the New York Tri-
bune.
At that time the clerk of the United States court had his office in the second
story in the building now occupied by J. W. Crancer & Son. The papers of the
court, including these indictments, were all stored in that room, on the south-
west corner of Delaware and Third streets. During the night Champ. Vaughan,
Judge Gardner and Louis Ledger Weld took those indictments, and all the pa-
pers connected with them, carried them to a secluded spot outside of town, where
they were duly and properly confiscated by burning them, with a witty incanta-
tion of the Witch of Endor. It was reported that the ceremonies upon that oc-
casion were of the most solemn character, as well as impudent and ridiculous as
could be imagined. V^aughan, Weld and Gardner were all very bright men and
they enjoyed the scene immensely.
That night your speaker was awakened from a sound sleep by hearing voices
of these men outside who were clamoring to be let in. They told the story.
The theft of the papers astounded the border ruffians, and Judge Pettit, of
the United States court, in his speech to the grand jury which had indicted a
large number of our people, said: "The men who lay their sacrilegious hands
upon the documents of this court shall be punished to the full extent of the law,
and I will see to it that every means in my power be brought to bear to insure
the greatest punishment against those who have perpetrated such a crime."
The court was to convene in about thirty days, and I wrote to Gen. James
Montgomery, asking him for advice and help. This was done because both sides
seemed to be marshaling their strength for the struggle, which was eure to
come, to decide whether free-state men could live in Kansas.
Montgomery came to Leavenworth with about fifty of his men, who stated
very squarely that the issue was made, that the crisis had come, and that these
222 KANSAS STATE HISTORICAL SOCIETY.
men should not be tried upon indictment — not tried by that court or any other
court. The court was to convene the next morning. At the appointed hour
General Montgomery and his men, with 100 or 200 citizens of Leavenworth,
were in the city hall — the room which is now occupied as the city hall — all
armed. The order had gone forth privately to these men from Montgomery that
if Judge Pettit called these cases for trial he was to be shot, together with the
United States marshal — shot while in his seat as judge. With all these armed
men present, and a large number of others who were there and filled the room to
its fullest capacity, and the hall leading to it. Judge Pettit came in and took hia
seat amid deathlike silence. The marshal opened the court, the judge called
for the reading of the docket, which commenced with the men who had been
indicted. As he read the name of the indicted party he said "Dismissed."
After they had dismissed all of the men against whom indictments had been
had, the free-state men withdrew from the court room. There was no trial and
no proceedings in this case after that time.
In the fall— about November, I think it was — James Montgomery came to
my house, saying that he was in command of a party of men, and was on his
way to Harper's Ferry to, if possible, release John Brown from imprisonment.
He said his party was going by the way of Elwood, crossing over from there to
St. Joe, and thence east. He wanted help from me, and I advanced him S150.
There has been a question, and there is a question now, as to whether Mont-
gomery's trip ever was to release John Brown. My memory is very positive that
Montgomery stated to me that it was the release of John Brown, and that was
his main mission when he went East. I understood that the men of Elwood
aided largely in this movement. I know the fact that Elwood at that time was
filled with men who were radically loyal to John Brown.
[D. W. Wilder * having questioned the accuracy of the foregoing, Mr. Morse
writes further, adding certain corroborating letters which are appended. To give
further light, extracts are appended from letters written at the time. Mr. Wilder
withdrew his criticisms, and returned the following. —Ed.]
D. W. Wilder: In the "History of Torrington, Connecticut," John Brown's
birthplace, written by Rev. Samuel Orcutt, there is contributed a biography of
John Brown, 100 octavo pages long, by F. B. Sanborn, of Concord, Mass; This
biography was published in 1878. Mr Sanborn's "Life and Letters of John
Brown," 645 pages, was published in 1885. In the Torrington biography Mr.
Sanborn says (page 19) of John Brown's campaign in Virginia: " It was the first
decisive act of an inevitable tragedy, and such were its romantic features that,
in the lapse of time, it will no doubt be gravely expounded as a myth to thode
who shall read American history some centuries hence. John Brown was, in-
deed, no mythical nor in my sense dubitable personage."
O. E. Morse: Regarding Mr. Wilder's criticism on my story of the at-
tempted rescue of John Brown, it occurs to me that his whole discussion, boiled
down, simply means that what I wrote was not true because Wilder never heard
of it — a standpoint from which no man is permitted to give testimony in any
court in the world. I refer you to the enclosed written proofs that there was an
attempt to rescue Brown. (See note E, following this article.)
*In the "Annals of Kansas," by Mr. Wilder, published in 187.5, is the following: " March 16,
1860 — Aaron D. Stevens and Albert Hazlett, John Brown's men, executed at Charlestown, Va.
James Montgomery and a few of his men wnnt from Kansas to rescue those men from prison,
but were prevented l?y the deep snow. Thomas W. Higginson organized a New England and
New York party, and they met Montgomery at Harrisburg."
ATTEMPTED RESCUE OF JOHN BROWN. 223
Your predecessor, Judge F. G. Adams, after making investigation, was thor-
oughly convinced that such an attempt was made, as indicated by his two letters
attached, and marked "A"; next is copy of letter of Maj. J. B. Abbott, referred
to in Adams's letter, marked "B," in which he distinctly states, "expedition to
liberate John Brown." Surely Abbott knew what he was talking about. Note C
is a copy of a part of Capt. J. A. Pike's letter written in reply to Secretary
Adams, who had followed Abbott's suggestion and written Pike, wherein Pike
settles the doubt raised by Abbott as to Captain Stewart's participation, and as
distinctly states that Montgomery and party were along. Note D is a letter from
Pike, in which he names Brown, and in which he fixes the year 1859. Note E is
another letter from Pike, written recently, in which he gives some details of
their experience, stating that Soule saw Brown at Charlestown, and also that
Hinton was at the meeting at Harrisburg. Now, this is what Wilder asked for —
written testimony of one of the participants as to the fact that an attempt was
made to rescue John Brown, and that Hinton was one of the party, and that
Montgomery and his men were there. Note F is a letter from Ed. Russell, writ-
ten nearly seventeen years ago, in which he gives no dates, and neither mentions
Brown, Hazlett, nor Stevens. Standing alone, it might apply to any or many of
the transactions of that period. But when it is understood that it was in re-
sponse to a request to write what he knew of the attempted rescue of John
Brown, and was informed that what he wrote would be used in writing up that
occurrence for the Historical Society, then his paper has point and value.
Now, what do I know about this matter personally? First, I knew Mont-
gomery, Wattles, the Seamans, Rice and Gardner in the most thorough and inti-
mate way. I served as a line officer under Montgomery the first eight months of
the war, and had had his confidence and friendship for more than four years be-
fore. Wattles was my wife's father. Henry Seaman was captain and I a lieu-
tenant in the same company under Montgomery, and was a neighbor and friend
for years before; his brother Ben. I knew well, but for a less time, and not so in-
timately. Rice and I enlisted in the same company and had known each other
for three years before. I commanded for a while the company to which Joseph
Gardner belonged, and knew him intimately. Henry Carpenter was in the em-
ploy of Augustus Wattles for a year or more, so his home was on the adjoining
farm, where I "bached." I hardly think Mr. Wilder's acquaintance with these
men gives him warrant to speak for them and of them as I might presume to do.
What he says of knowing one of the Seamans I think is a case of mistaken iden-
tity. The Linn county Seaman he probably knew was Alex Seaman, county
treasurer of Linn when Wilder was auditor of state — entirely unrelated to the
man of whom I wrote.
Nearly twenty years ago James Hanway related to me the incident of Hinton
coming to his place in Miami county, and they two coming to Moneka, this
county, for the conference with Montgomery and Wattles, as related, and in his
talk of the matter it was always for the rescue of Brown — Stevens and Hazlett
were never mentioned. I submit that what Hanway remembered twenty years
ago about a transaction in which he took part is a little better evidence than
Wilder's recollection forty-five years after of an event he had nothing to do with
and knewjnothing about at the time.
In the plan to use a larger force I was one of those selected for that larger
force; therefore had early knowledge of the movement. A little later Henry
Seaman gave me the story of the expedition, giving the names of the members of
the party, places visited, plans, and experiences, and always to rescue Brown.
Much has been forgotten, but a few things were fixed in my memory; among
224 KANSAS STATE HISTORICAL SOCIETY.
them the turning back of Jennison, the meeting at Harrisburg, the character of
of the country south, and the direction in which he scouted. Wattles often re-
ferred to these matters, particularly to Brown's refusal to be rescued, or to have
further risks taken on his account. His family were fully in his confidence;
knew at the time of his purpose of going East; and Mrs. Morse and another
daughter, Mrs. Hiatt, who is living with us now, are certain that their father
took part in an attempt to rescue John Brown. If there was no attempt to
rescue, what occasion was there for Brown to say "the best use they can make
of me is to hang me," and why did he decline to be rescued?
I note what you say about straightening this up to apjily to the rescue of
Hazlett and Stevens. I have no distinct data or information upon which to
base a story of that kind. This is the story of the attempted rescue of Brown,
based upon undeniable facts. To change it to something else would surely be a
"perversion of history." Wilder points out your duty in that line. I don't
question the suggestion that there was some attempt to rescue Stevens and
Hazlett. I am quite certain that there was. I think, too, Montgomery went
East for that purpose. I had no connection or direct knowledge of the matter,
so do not attempt to write of it. It may account for some coincidences that seem
to startle Mr. Wilder. Now, may I not suggest that, to yield to the criticisms,
or be governed by the dictates of any one man, is to narrow the field and cripple
the efficiency of your department.
Note A.
ToPEKA, Kan., July 14, 1887.
Hon. O. E, Morse, Mound City, Kan. : My Dear Sir — Pardon my neglect before to acknowl-
edge your favors and to answer your inquiries. I will get and send you a copy of Major Abbott's
letter. I enclose you Captain Pike's letter. This latter please return when you have read it. It
has not been published. I hope you will write up the entire history of the attempt to rescue
Captain Brown. You can do it more fully than anj body else. Hon. Ed. Russell, Lawrence,
can give you some items. You know all the others. Major Abbott's information, you will see, is
valuable, but limited. The address of Mrs. Clarinda Montgomery is Castle Rock, Washington
territory. Your paper, which I had published in the (:omntoinveullh, is very valuable.
Youry sincerely, F. G. Adams,
Topeka, Kan., August 4, 1887.
O. E. Morse, Esq., Mound City, Kan.: Dear Sir — Your letter of .July 27, delayed in mail,
is just received. If you have not yet received a copy of the Abbott letter, notify me, and I will
send it to you. The second name in Mr. Pike's list is Silas S. Soule, a Lawrence boy.
Yours truly, F. G. Adams, Secretary.
Note B.
De Soto, Kan., June 13, 1887.
Franklin G. Adams, Esq., Secretary Kansas Historical Society, Topeka, Kan.:
My Dear Sir and Friend— Your favor of the 10th instant, with reference to names of per-
sons who accompanied Captain Momtgomery on the expedition to liberate John Brown, was
received on the 11th, and in answer I have to say : Of the Douglas county men (and of the Doy
rescuers) there were Capt. Joshua A. Pike, Silas S. Soule, S. J. Willis, Joseph Gardner, and, I
think, Capt. John E. Stewart; but I am not quite sure as to Stewart. The men from Captain
Montgomery's neighborhood in Linn county I cannot remember ; but it is quite likely that Cap-
tain Pike, now of Florence, Kan., can give you the information that is required. There were a
number of incidents connected with that expedition that might be made interesting reading,
and possibly you might draw the captain out, and get him to write them, although he is rather
modest in giving incidents in which he took any prominent part. But he is the only one left ( I
think ) of the Douglas county boys who wore in that party.
Yours truly, Jas. B. Abbott.
Captain Morse: I could not get a paper containing Major Abbott's letter, so I had this copy
made. I give you a copy of letter from Mrs. Montgomery. I hope you will write up the whole
matter of the attempt to rescue Brown. Yours, F. G. Adams.
ATTEMPTED RESCUE OP JOHN BROWN. 225
Note C.
Jet oeb, Hodgeman County, Kansas.
I will give yon the names as I remember them at this late day, as follows : S. J. Willis, Silas
S. Soule, Joseph Gardner, and myself. John E. Stewart was not with us. Captain Montgomery
had a party of men with him, but I did not know them. Respectfully yours, J, A. Pike.
A. W. Lewis, in a letter to Hinton, dated West Branch, Iowa, Octobers, 1860, says: "John
E. Stewart arrived here on the 13th (September). He said he had enjoyed his trip much, and
that his friends in Boston cheered him greatly. His account of his journey was very interest-
ing to us."
Noto D.
Leoti, August 17, 1887.
O. E. Morse, Mound Citrjy Kan. : Deae Sir — Yours of July 27 reached me after a long trip
over the country. Have considered the contents. Am, as you will see, a long way from home :
have no data to go by, and it has been a long time since '59 to remember. When I go home, if I
can fix up anything that will be of any benefit to you in making history of the old vet. Brown,
will be glad to do so. S.J.Willis, Capt. Joseph Gardner and myself went to Virginia, or to
Harrisburg, Pa., together; remained there several days; made several excursions to Maryland
and Virginia. Silas Soule was also there and was a big scout, and 1 think the best one in the
party. Several things happened on the road there and after we got there that have slipped my
memory now that might help to fill up. When home, will try to fill a little sheet and send you.
Yours truly, J. A. Pike.
Note E.
In the fall of 1859, a few weeks before John Brown was hung ( do not remember the date)
Joseph Gardner, S. J. Willis and myself left Lawrence for Leavenworth and the East. Not
wishing to visit St. Joseph just at that time ( as we had been there a few months before), we
engaged a farmer to take us to Easton, a small town twelve miles east of St. Joseph, on H. &
St. J. R. R. We arrived there Sunday p. m. in time for dinner. Took seats at table; besides
us there were twenty men (no woman). Kansas seemed to be the topic, as the landlord had
just returned from a long trip through Kansas, going as far south as the Neosho river; seemed
much pleased with it all until he arrived at Lawrence, on his return ; town full of niggers and
abolitionists; a tough set; saw three of the Doctor Doy rescue party, and they were toughs;
would not like to meet them after night. Did not know but he meant us, as we had been there.
Dinner over, and was two hours before train time; we took a walk down the railroad-track.
Gardner and Willis had lots of papers that would give them away. They got rid of some of
them soon as possible. As I had left all my papers at home I felt quite safe. When train ar-
rived we took leave of Easton ; nothing of importance till we arrived at Pittsburgh, Pa. There
we met Silas Soule, another boy from Lawrence. He joined our party and went on to Harris-
burg. Hotel de Drovers was our stopping-place, as we were all hay and cattlemen from the
Western country. The day after our arrival we were invited to call on Doctor Rutherford, at
No. , on a front street. We called. There were at that meeting, and at several others, quite
a number of men from I do not know where ; only one, Hon. R. J. Hinton, from New York, I
knew. From that meeting scouts were sent out into Maryland and Virginia. Soule went to
Charlestown and talked with Brown, two armed guards standing over him. After the country
had been looked over carefully, the project was given up. Deep snow, cold weather. United
States troops, police officers at all corners, etc. The whole matter was given up and all sent
home. Yours, J. A. Pike.
Lansing, Kan., November 18, 1903.
Hon. O. E. Morse: Dear Sir — Yours of the 14th received a few days ago; contents noted.
Have written as well as I can remember the details of our trip. If it will help you in any man-
ner, 1 will be very glad. This is not in my line, as you will soon see. Could tell you a great deal
better than I can write. Come up to the Penitentiary and see me ; will find me in shop 9 or
tinker's shop. Pick out what will be of interest to you and throw balance in waste-basket.
Most respectfully, J. A. Pike.
Note F.
Lawrence, Kan., July 30, 1887.
O. E. Morse, Esq.: Dear Sir — Yours of the 27th is received. I am glad to know that you
propose to write up that matter ; and I suggest that you sift your matter as furnished to you
with a great deal of care. After an event becomes a little notorious, more especially if there be
any glamour about it, men naturally picture their share in it in roseate hue. Now, I do not
know that anybody has done so or proposes to do so. I merely mention this as a suggestion to
—16
226 KANSAS STATE HISTORICAL SOCIETY.
your good judgment. An event which took place as long ago as that did does not stand very
clearly in the memory of any person.
In what I say to you, I will try to distinguish between that that I am sure about and that
which may bo hazy througli dimness of memory. As to the dates, I cannot remember any of
them, and shall have to leave yoii to supply them from other information and the records of the
day. But this much I recall accurately, clearly, and confidently: One evening Col. James
Montgomery, with a company, the exact numbers of which I do not recall, came to Elwood, in
Doniphan county, opposite St. Joseph, with letters from, I do not recall whom — probably from
Major Abbott, Col. J. C. Vaughan, and probably some others. In Elwood, at that time, there
was a little knot of us — D. W. Wilder (unless he had already gone to Leavenworth, and I do
not recall as to that; he can tell you, if you desire to know), ex-Gov.Thos. A. Osborn, A. L. Lee,
and myself — who had some hand, most of us, if not all of us, in the rescue of John Doy from the
jail at St. Joseph, at the time that Major Abbott with his party rescued Doy. Among our little
company, I was the only one who could obtain a skiff to row the parties across the river, as they
had reached Elwood too late to cross on the ferry-boat unobserved. I think they did not reach
there until pretty late in the evening of one of the darkest and stormiest nights I almost ever
saw. It was no easy matter to obtain a skitf; and to secure a conveyance was deemed abso-
lutely essential, and immediately. I think Wilder and Lee had passes over the Hannibal <fe St.
Joseph railroad, and, I think, myself, and we furnished these passes to the parties, with a note
to the agent of the company in St. Joseph, who was a free-state man and fully in sympathy with
our free-state and anti-slavery movements — Major Tuttle, now of New York, whose given name
I forget.
All the skiffs at Elwood belonged to my to-be-father-in-law, Capt. E. Blackiston, to whoi-e
daughter I was at that time engaged ; so I made a late call upon my sweetheart, and got from
her the keys necessary to secure the oars and unlock the skiff, and proceeded to the landing,
where Colonel Montgomery and his party met me, with some of the others of our Elwood crowd.
And when the colonel and his party were seated in the skiff, with myself at the oars, the gun-
wales of the skiff were barely above the surface of the Missouri river, and the night was so
dark that no one of us was visible to any other one; but a while the rain had ceased. And
when we pushed out into the current we could not tell from the sky or the earth or the water
whether we were going up the river or down the river or across the river, it was so dark. But
having from early boyhood had a great deal to do with the water and rowing, I endeavored to
keep a course across the river, and in due time we landed on the east shore of the Missouri
river, under the bluffs of St. Joseph. The first we knew that we had reached the other side was
the bumping of the skiff against the bank and the shipping of a few gallons of water; but the
colonel and his company were cool and collected and no accident happened, heavily loaded as
we were. We drifted along the St. Joseph shore until we found a favorable place for landing,
when he and his company landed, and I bid them adieu.
Now, as to knowledge, this is all I know. And I suppose you want only that which is
known to the various parties who may have had knowledge concerning the same. I do know
that Major Tuttle supplied some more passes and transportation over the Hannibal & St.
Joseph railroad, which I presume was entirely satisfactory to Colonel Hay ward, the then su-
perintendent of the railroad, who was a thorough-paced free-state man, though living in Mis-
souri. And I do not suppose either Major Tuttle or Colonel Hayward would object to having
it known that they were parties, at least, in said effort at rescuing John Brown.
Yours truly, Edward Russell.
TAKING THE CENSUS IN 1855. 227
TAKING THE CENSUS AND OTHER INCIDENTS IN 1855.
Manuscript found among the papers of Capt. Jaates E. McCldee, who lost his life July 16,
1903, in the burning of a sanitarium at Bonner Springs, Kan. For sketch of Captain Mc'
Clure, see volume 7, Collections Kansas State Historical Society, page 363.
TN THE spring of 1854, when the act of Congress admitting Kansas as a ter-
-'- ritory was passed, I was living in Brookville, Ind. In 1852 I had been elected,
on the Democratic ticket, prosecuting attorney of the court of common pleas for
the counties of Franklin, Fayette, and Union, for the term of two years. When
I assumed the duties of my office, I found the criminal laws of that state had
been so often violated, without any attempt to enforce them, that the offenders
treated the laws with impunity, and felt secure from prosecution by the oflBcers
whose duty it was to enforce them. The unlawful sale of liquors without license
and the sale of lottery tickets were the most frequent offenses, and my Demo-
cratic friends and supporters were in most cases the offenders. I endeavored
vigorously and impartially to enforce the law, and to spare neither friend nor foe,
and secured the conviction of more men in the two years I held office than had
been obtained for twenty-five years prior to that time. But I made so many ene-
mies among my Democratic friends that I was unable to obtain the nomination
of my party for a second term.
I then determined to leave the state and risk my fortune in the territory of
Kansas, which had just been organized under the Kansas-Nebraska act.* The
newspapers were filled with glowing descriptions of this new country. It was
represented as a land rich in soil, with a healthy climate, containing innumerable
streams of pure, clear water, and unsurpassed in the beauty of its scenery. And
among its other attractions, it was claimed that all kinds of wild game, including
buffalo, deer, and antelope, abounded in all parts of the territory. Like most
young men of an adventurous spirit, I became inflamed with the highly drawn
descriptions of this new country, and, without much reflection and very little
preparation or capital, determined to make it my home, against the advice of my
relatives and friends, who used all their efforts to change my purpose. I had a
young wife, married when sixteen, and two small children, the older one under
two years old. After the payment of my debts I had about $.300 with which to
defray the expenses of my trip and commence life in a new country, and to me
unknown.
I left Brookville on the 22d of October, 1854, and was carried by a canal boat
to my Uncle Hornaday's, and thence by railroad to Chicago, then a city of about
140,000, and from there to St. Louis, where we took a steamboat, the F. X,
Aubrey, to Kansas City.
On the boat I became acquainted with Samuel J. Jones, a Virginian, and his
family, consisting of a wife and two young children, who were going to the terri-
tory of Kansas, like myself, to seek their fortunes. As our destination and pur-
pose were the same, we became intimately acquainted, and our wives formed a
strong attachment for each other. Col. Philip St. George Cooke, commanding^
the Second dragoons, U. S. A., was also on the boat, with a detachment of troops
and a large number of horses for his cavalry regiment.
The Missouri river and the country along its banks presented at that time a
*The following advertisement we find in the Herald of Freedom during the years 1858 and
1859: "J. R. McClure, attorney at law, real estate, and land agent, Ogden, K. T."
228 KANSAS STATE HISTORICAL SOCIETY.
wild and desolate appearance, and, except for the cities and towns, appeared to
be unsettled and in its primitive condition. Our progress up the river was slow,
and our boat frequently grounded on sand-bars and had to be lifted off by spars.
The passengers had all become acquainted.
We landed at Kansas City on the 2d of November, 1854. I will never forget
the depression I felt when I first had a view of the town, then containing about
500 inhabitants. All the business was done on the river front, and the buildings
were old and dilapidated, the sidewalks unpaved, and the streets muddy and cut
up with ruts by the heavy freight wagons. The people were of the lowest type of
frontiersmen, and principally composed of teamsters, Indian traders, backwoods-
men, many of them Mexicans and half-breeds. Kansas City was then the prin-
cipal depot for the receipt of freight for New Mexico and the Indian country.
Goods were shipped by steamboat from St. Louis, and hauled by mule or ox
teams from Kansas City to Santa Fe and other point West and Southwest.
Westport was a larger and more important town, and Kansas City was called
Westport landing.
I found the place full of emigrants on their way to Kansas. The accommo-
dations were very poor, and inadequate for the emigrants pouring in. Col. S.
W. Eldridge had leased a building on the levee for a hotel, called the "Union
Hotel." I was unable to secure a bed at the hotel, but was allowed to spread
blankets on the floor for myself and family. S. C. Pomeroy was stopping at the
hotel, and was acting as agent for the New England Emigrant Aid Company.
At the suggestion of Mr. Pomeroy, Jones and myself crossed the Missouri
river to seek a boarding-place in Clay county. We went some eight miles, to a
farm owned by Thomas Wood, a pro-slavery man, who owned several slaves, and
engaged board for ourselves and families. We then returned to Kansas City,
and had them removed there.
During our stay at this place, I found a very bitter feeling existing in the
neighborhood against all Northern men, whom they regarded as abolitionists
and dangerous characters. Mr. Jones, who was a pro-slavery man, was treated
with great consideration, while I, being a free-state man, although a Democrat,
was looked upon with suspicion and as an intruder. I failed to secure their confi-
dence, or even the privilege of association with them on friendly terms.
Our constant bill of fare while boarding with Mr. Wood consisted of fresh
pork, corn-bread, and potatoes, except game I killed, and Mrs. Wood refused to
cook for fear I would remain. While I was accustomed to this diet, our wives
and children were unable to endure or support themselves on this unalterable or
unchangeable menu, and implored us to seek another boarding-house. Finally
Mr. Jones and myself concluded to visit Parkville and see if we could find some
employment there. Jones wanted to rent a hotel at that place, and I consented
to join him in the enterprise. We started with our guns and my pointer dog,
which I had brought to scent turkeys. After a long and tiresome walk to the
town, we were unable to find any business within the capital we possessed in
which to engage. We returned to our families and decided to move them to
Westport. Jones found a boarding-house in the town, and I secured board for
my family about one mile from Westport, with an old farmer by the name of Ja-
cob Ragan, a Kentuckian. They remained at this place until April, 1855.
In the early part of December, 1854, Jones, myself, and another young man,
whose name I do not remember, made a trip into the territory. We passed
through the town site of Lawrence, which had recently been located, and spent
one night in a large tent, used for a hotel. The tent had two apartments sepa-
rated by goods boxes; one for the women, the other for men. Every person
TAKING THE CENSUS IN 1855. 229
was required to furnish his own bed and bedclothing, which consisted of blankets
spread upon straw laid upon the ground. The bill of fare consisted of bread,
bacon, and very black, strong coffee, without cream or milk. We were kept
awake the greater part of the night by a noisy discussion as to the policy proper
to pursue in order to make Kansas a free state and drive out of the territory the
pro-slavery men who had invaded Kansas for the purpose of forcing slavery upon
her people. Among those who spent the night in this tent was Sam. Wood, and
he appeared to be the loudest talker and the most emphatic in his denunciation
of Southern men. Mr. Wood afterward became quite prominent in the troubles
that followed the settlement of the territory, and was killed a few years ago in
the western part of the state on account of a county-seat fight, in which he was
the leader of one of the factions.
Lawrence had then just been selected by a party of free-state men as the site
for a future city. Everything was in a very crude condition. No permanent
houses had been erected, and the people were living in shacks and tents. The
country was wild and unsettled. A few cabins had been erected on preemption
claims in the vicinity of the town, principally on the Wakarusa river, which was
then regarded as the most desirable part of the territory.
We spent only one night in Lawrence, and the next day we went to the claim
of Judge Wakefield, some seven or eight miles west of Lawrence. The judge
had the best-improved place we had seen. His cabin was quite large and com-
fortable. He was a very prominent man, and had high political aspirations, and
was very fond of expounding his opinions on all subjects, as he had led himself
to believe he was not only thoroughly conversant with all of them, but that his
discussion of them was of deep interest to his listeners. The judge had written
a history of the Black Hawk war, and during our stay I am quite sure he related
to us the whole contents of his book. I have felt so convinced of this fact that
I have never had any desire to read his work.
Jones and I concluded to return to Westport, as we saw no opportunity to
secure a claim that suited us. After we reached Westport, Jones took charge
of the post-office for A. G. Boone, postmaster, and I returned to Mr. Ragan's
aad rejoined my family. Mr. Ragan was one of the original town company of
Kansas City, owning one-fifteenth interest in the town site. He offered to sell
me his interest for $300, which I then thought was an extravagant price, but
have since learned was a lost opportunity to become a miliiooaire.
I made frequent visits to Shawnee Mission, some two miles west of town, and
formed the acquaintance of Governor Reeder and the other territorial officers.
Daniel Woodson was secretary; L B. Donalson, United States marshal; J. B.
Cramer, treasurer; Samuel D. Lecompte, chief justice, and Rush Elmore and
S. W. Johnston, associate justices; A. J. Isacks, attorney-general, and John A.
Halderman, the governor's private secretary. I found Governor Reeder very
conservative in his political views. Although he was a free-state Democrat, he
was disposed to act fairly towards the pro slavery party, and was in favor of al.
lowing the question of slavery to be settled by an honest vote of the people. He
was surrounded by men who were very bitter towards the free-state sentiment,
and who were determined by fair or foul means to make Kansas a slave state.
So intense was this feeling that it was unsafe for a free-state man to venture any
opinions in opposition. Governor Reeder fully realized the situation, and under-
stood the danger he would encounter by any open expression of his sentiments.
He found that I fully indorsed his political views and was a Douglas Democrat,
and he was very frank in explaining to me the dangers and difficulties he ex-
pected to encounter.
230 KANSAS STATE HISTORICAL SOCIETY.
I had an intimation from Governor Reeder's friends that in all probability
the territorial capital would be located at Pawnee, near Fort Riley, and in the
latter part of December, 185i, in company with Robert Klotz, Charles Albright,
and others, made a visit, by way of Leavenworth, to Fort Kiley. We traveled
in a two-horee team, and it required five days to make the trip. On our arrival
we were taken charge of by the officers stationed at the poet. I became the
guest of Capt. Nathaniel Lyon, of the Second infantry, for whom I formed a
strong friendship, which continued until his death, at the battle of Wilson
Creek, August 10, 1861. Col. Wm. Montgomery was in command at Fort Riley.
We found there was quite an excitement over the location of the capital, and
it was confidently claimed that Governor Reeder had decided upon Pawnee. We
found a number of Reeder's friends from Pennsylvania had already corije to the
post before we reached there, and they all apparently had come with the knowl-
edge that Pawnee was to be the capital. A town company had been organized,
consisting of Colonel Montgomery, Dr. Wm. A. Hammond, Captain Ljon, Doc-
tor Simmons, Lieutenant Long, Robert Wilson, and others. The site had been
surveyed and platted, and lots were being sold at fancy prices. Governor Reeder
had visited Fort Riley and indicated to the town company his intention to make
Pawnee the capital. As one of the conditions, he insisted upon the company se-
curing for him 160 acres of land adjoining the town site on the east side, which
had been selected as a preemption claim by Thomas Dixon. Repeated efforts
were made to purchase the land, but Mr. Dixon persistently refused to sell or
surrender his right to the claim. The boundary lines of the reservation had been
surveyed and established by Captain Lyon before the territory was opened to set-
tlement. The eastern boundary as then surveyed was about a mile west of Og-
den, and where it is at this time. When Pawnee was selected for a town site,
and as the future capital of Kaneas, it was necessary, in order to secure title to
the land, to make a resurvey of the eastern boundary of the reservation, eo
that the site would be outside the reservation. This changed the eastern line
from the place where it was first established, and where it is at this time, to a
line about one mile east of the fort. When it was found impossible to induce
Mr. Dixon to sell or surrender his right to the 160 acres, it was determined to
force him off the claim, and for that purpose another Eurvey of the reservation
was made, eo as to embrace this tract in the military reservation. In order to
accomplish this purpose, a line was run so as to exclude the town site but include
the Dixon land. This led to the appointment of a commission of officers by the
secretary of war, who, after an investigation, recommended that the lines of the
military reservation be reestablished according to the original eurvey. This or-
der was made and the lines fixed in accordance with the survey first made by
Captain Lyon.*
*Ttiis statement regarding the boundary lines of the Fort Riley military reservation and
the town site of Pawnee disagrees with that of Lemuel Knapp, as given to Thaddeus Hyatt,
January 5, 1857, and published in the Kansas Historical Society's first volume of Collections,
page 206:
"Pawnee is on the Kansas river, about one mile east of Fort Riley, between One Mile and
Three Mile creeks, and is now included in the military reservation, accordiuff to decision of the
president. Major Ogden laid out the military post known as Fort Riley in the summer of IS.'i;^.
Colonel Montgomery, who is a free-state man, was the second commander. He formed a mili-
tary reserve around the fort, and his imaginary boundaries embraced a space of eighteen miles
one way and nine the other. In the spring of 1854 the colonel was authorized by the War Depart-
ment to have the survey completed. The reservation, as then surveyed, was about eight miles
one way and four the other, mostly on- the nortii side of the Kansas river; Pawnee City site was
not included in the reserve, as then surveyed. The survey was run round north and east of the
town — as far east as two miles beyond Three Mile creek, and north of the river four miles. A
TAKING THE CENSUS IN 1855. 231
At this time there were some eight or ten rough buildings erected on the town
site and a stone building, the walls of which are still standing, in which the first
territorial legislature met, July 2, 1855, and adjourned in a few days after to Shaw-
nee Mission. All persons living upon the town site were ordered by Coloi el
Cooke, commanding officer at Fort Riley, to remove themselves and effects within
a limited time, and those who failed to comply with the order were driven off
by the soldiers. In coneequence of Colonel Montgomery's connection with Paw-
nee, and his order to change the reservation lines, charges were preferred
against him, upon which he was tried, convicted, and dismissed from the army.
During my stay at the post, I made short excursions into the country. Among
other places, I visited Clark's creek with a party of several others. We rode in a
two horse wagon, and when we reached the bluff on the east side of the fort it
required the united efforts of the horses and men to pull and shove the wagon
up the steep road. On our return, after blocking the wheels, we attached a rope
to the rear end of the wagon, to which we all hung, so as to let the wagon down
in safety. I selected a claim some two miles south of Fort Riley, where Waldo
Clark now lives.* Subsequently I abandoned it, and located a claim at the
mouth of Lyon's creek. At this time no settlement had been made on any of the
public land in the vicinity of Fort Riley.
I returned to Westport after an absence of about two weeks, and found a
daughter had been added to the family, born on the 2ith of December, 1851.
We named her Mary Josephine. She is now the wife of Geo. W. McKnight.f
and is the mother of four living children. They were married November 4, 1875.
I made a second trip to Fort Riley in January, 1855. I was accompanied by
two men from Missouri. We had a two-horse wagon and carried our provisions
and bedding, and had to camp out, as there were no places where travelers were
entertained outside the Indian reservations.
On my former visit Captain Lyon bad given me a very glowing description of
a creek some six miles west of the fort, which I afterwards named Lyon creek,
and I determined to visit it. After reaching E'ort Riley we crossed the Kansas
river, and followed up the stream until we struck the bluff, and reaching the
summit we had to drive around a number of ravines, which made the distanciB at
least twice as far as it would have been if we could have crossed them. I pre-
sume this was the first team that ever traveled this route. It took a whole day
to reach the bluff overlooking the valley of Lyon creek, from which we obtained
an extended view of the valley. We could see the creek for several miles. The
bottoms we estimated would average a mile in width, and the stream was fringtd
number of Irish families were settled on the Three Mile creek, and it was said that the desire of
Colonel Montgomery to get them off induced him to extend the reservation in that direction,
and that lie intended afterwards to throw open to settlement the whole of the reservation east
of Oue Mile creek, which would have placed Pawnee City outside of the boundaries, beyond a
shadow of doubt."
" The papers relative to the proceedings of court-martial in the case of Bvt. Lieut. -col.
Wm. R. Montgomery, Philadelphia, 1858," should be examined to obtain a clear understanding
of the controversy.
* Lots 1 and 2 and south half southeast quarter section 5, township 11 south, range 6 east.
tGEOEGE W. McKnight was born in the province of Ontario, and when nineteen years old
made his way to Cleveland, Ohio. In 1871 he settled in Abilene, Kan., and helped organize the
Abilene Bank. In 1872 he moved to Junction City, and became assistant cashier of the First
National Bank. In 1878 he quit banking, and for three years engaged in the lumber business.
For two years he was cashier of the Merchants' National Bank of Kansas City, Missouri. He re-
turned to Junction City and was made president of the First National Bank, which position he
still retains. In 1877 and 1878 he was mayor of Junction City. He served as state senator for
the counties of Geary, Riley and Wabaunsee in the sessions uf 1901 and 1903. He served also as
president of the board of education of Junction City for six years. He indulges also in farming.
232 KANSAS STATE HISTORICAL SOCIETY.
with timber as far as we could see. The valley lay between high bluflfs, formed
of magnesian limestone. We were quite delighted with the beautiful and rich
country we had discovered, and I determined to select a claim on this creek and
make it my home. We drove our team down the bluff, and camped for the night
at a, little stream where Theodore Jones and Thomas Morris afterwards located.
In ihe morning, after a hearty breakfast, we went to the mouth of Lyon creek
and, crossing it, I found a heavy body of timber between the creek and the river,
and decided to locate at that place. My claim included the mouth of the creek.
1 made arrangements with two men to put up a rough cabin in the timber, and
directed them to complete it as early as practicable, intending to move my family
from Missouri to the claim in the spring.
I returned to Westport and joined my family, where I left them, at Mr.
Ragan's. I was employed by the Pawnee Town Company to hire men to erect a
stone building to be used as a warehouse for the reception and storage of goods.
It was then supposed the Kansas river was navigable and that steamboats would
make regular trips, and that a warehouse was necessary for the traffic that
would grow up at that place. I went to Kansas City and in a short time engaged
about twenty men, hired a team, and bought the necessary provisions for the
trip. I accompanied the men to Pawnee and they were all put to work on the
building. A number of these afterwards selected claims and located in this part
of the territory; among the number Mr. Badger, who preempted a quarter-
section of land some eight or ten miles up the Republican river.
During this trip to Fort Riley, in company with Captain Lyon, I visited my
claim on Lyon creek. After an examination of the surrounding country, we
concluded that a town would grow up near the mouth of the creek, and we se-
lected for that purpose a tract of land east of the creek and the claim I had lo-
cated, and organized a town company, with Dr. Wm. A. Hammond as president,
and Capt. N. Lyon, secretary. We named the town Chetolah.* The land was
soon after surveyed by Abram Barry and G. F. Gordon, but, like many other
prospective cities, it failed to materialize. There was never a house built upon it.
When I returned to Missouri Governor Reeder sent me a message to call upon
him at Shawnee Mission. He asked me if I would accept the appointment of
census-taker for the seventh and eighth districts, which embraced all the terri-
tory west of Fort Riley and south of the Kansas and Smoky Hill rivers, and ex-
tending east to the Wakarusa river.f The governor informed me that he had
offered the appointment to young Donalson, a son of Marshal Donalson, but he
had declined to accept for fear of incurring the displeasure of the pro-slavery
element if he made a fair and honest return of the voters, as he knew they would
insist upon a much larger number than could be found. At " 110," near the
present city of Burlingame, at the election for delegate for Congress, held No-
vember 29, 1854, there were reported 597 votes for Gen. J. W. Whitfield, the pro-
slavery candidate. This was more than twice the number of votes he received
at any other voting-place in the territory, and it was evident that a great fraud
had been perpetrated by stuffing the ballot box with fictitious votes. Governor
Reeder informed me that I would probably meet with trouble at this place, if I
consented to take the census, as some of the worst characters in the territory,
led by Fry McGee, had settled there. I consented to accept the appointment,
*In sections 25 and 26, township 12 south, range 5 east.
tSee appointment of James R. McCIuro, February 12, 1855. (Executive Minutes of Governor
Reeder, paye 247, volume 8, Collections Kansas State Historical Society.) District No. 7 was
the neighborhood of " 110," and district No. 8 was Council Grove. Captain McClure was regis-
tered in the ninth district, the census-taker for that district being Martin F. Conway. (Pages
86 and 87, Report of Committee on Kansas Affairs, 1856.)
TAKING THE CENSUS IN 1855. . 233
and assured the governor I would endeavor faithfully to discharge my duty and
make an honest and correct report of the inhabitants of the district. I secured
a good riding horse, a revolver, hatchet, blankets, and lariat rope, and went to
Fort Riley to commence work. There were no roads, and I had to select my
route from a rough map and the best information possible from the officers and
employees at Fort Riley.
Early in the morning of February — , 1855, I started from the post, intending
to follow the valley of Clark's creek until I reached the divide, then cross over to
the Neosho, and from there to Council Grove. It was a very cold, damp day,
enow was falling, and the wind was in my face. I had learned that there was
one settler on Clark's creek, and after some effort I found his cabin. As near as
1 can locate the place at this time, it was just below the mouth of Humboldt.
The name of the settler was Joab Spencer. He claimed to be a lawyer, from
Louisiana. I should judge he was sixty years old. He was alone, and the only
resident I could find until I reached the head waters of the creek. After warm-
ing myself at his generous fire and inquiring the way to Council Grove, I again
mounted my horse and started up the creek. In some way I lost the main valley,
and followed up one of the branches until I became satisfied I had lost my
course. I then tried to find my way by crossing the bluffs; but I became
so bewildered by the numerous ravines and bluffs, that I lost all hope of ever
extricating myself from the unfortunate situation in which I was placed. I
had to stop several times and kindle a fire and get warm. I wandered from one
blviff to another until towards evening, when I determined, if possible, to return
to Fort Riley, remain over night, and take a new start in the morning. I was so
confused and disheartened that I lost all confidence in myself, and was unable to
decide the right direction to the fort. I at last followed down a small stream
until I came to its mouth, and then traveled down the larger creek until I reached
the river, which I crossed, and spent the night with Captain Lyon.
The next morning I again mounted my horse and started on my journey, deter-
mined to follow up the larger stream, knowing it would take me in the direction
of Council Grove. The weather continued very cold, and the air was filled with
fine snow; the wind was strong, and, as I had to face it, I became chilled, and
was anxious to find some sheltered place where I could build a fire and thaw my-
self. After going some eight or ten miles up the creek, I observed smoke in the
timber on the opposite side of the stream, and I decided to find what caused it.
I hitched my horse to some brush, and crossed a short distance in the timber. I
was assailed by a yelping pack of dogs, which threatened, by their savage howls
and rushes, to tear me to pieces. Soon after I saw several Indians, covered with
1 heir blankets, approaching from the place where I had seen the smoke. I con"
tluded to make a hasty retreat without further investigation. I retraced my
steps as rapidly as possible, and after mounting my horse rode at a rapid gait
until I felt assured I was not followed by the Indians.
Some ten miles north of Council Grove I came to a dugout and found a rough,
simple-minded young man living in it. I asked permission to spend the night
with him, as I feared it was too far to Council Grove to reach it before dark.
He reluctantly consented. I found on entering the dugout he had no provisions,
except some parched corn and a quart of New Orleans molasses. The place was
unfinished and full of dirt and filth. He had a fire in the middle of the floor
but no chimney for the escape of smoke. I prevailed upon him to let me have a
few ears of corn for my horse — neither myself nor horse had had anything to
eat since leaving Fort Riley, and it is unnecessary to say we were both hungry.
I partook of the parched corn and molasses in company with this mysterious
234 KANSAS STATE HISTORICAL SOCIETY.
man, and tried to draw him out in conversation, but he persistently refused to
talk, and I was unable to learn anything of his history. I had eome misgivings
as to spending the night with him, but there was no alternative unless I ventured
to reach Council Grove in the dark and cold, without knowing the route. So I
picketed my horse near the dugout, and, with my pistol strapped on my body,
rolled myself in my blankets and slept as well as I could until morning. I after-
ward learned that the man with whom I stayed was demented and lived the life
of a hermit. He shunned society, and preferred to reside in caves and holes
where he would be alone and avoid all intercourse with his fellow men.
I felt relieved when daylight appeared, and at once saddled my horse and
started for Council Grove, which I reached about noon. 1 stopped with T. S.
Huffaker, who was in charge of a mission school established in 1850 for the
Kansas tribe of Indians. Council Grove was then in the reservation set apart
for this tribe. It was on the Santa Fe trail and the last place at which supplies
could be procured west of Independence or Westport. Seth M. Hays established
an outfitting store at that place in the fall of 1847, and kept for sale all kinds of
goods needed by the constant stream of teamsters who followed this old trail.
He pade large profits on his goods and had accumulated quite a fortune. I was
very pleasantly entertained by Mr. Huffaker during my two days' stay at Coun-
cil Grove, and was interested in observing his method of teaching the Indian
children who attended his school. The children appeared very dull and unwill-
ing to be taught, and he had frequently to use the sign language to enable them
to understand their lessons. I learned that it was regarded a degradation for an
Indian to become educated and speak the English language. They lost caste in
the tribe and were looked upon as inferior beings. Those who could talk our
language were used by the chiefs and warriors as interpreters, and treated
with great contempt. I observed subsequently that these educated Indians felt
their inferiority and manifested a great dislike to be used as interpreters. Mr.
Huffaker told me that all his efforts and arguments failed to have any effect in
removing the deep-seated prejudice of the Indians against receiving an education.
The only settlement in the eighth district was at Council Grove, with the ex-
ception of two or three settlers outside the reservation. No claims had been
taken on the Neosho river as far south as the present city of Emporia. Those
living at Council Grove were employed by the United States in various occupa-
tions connected with the Indians or engaged in trade with the Santa Fe trail.
The total number of inhabitants in the eighth district was eighty-three, includ-
ing ten slaves, one of whom was owned, as I now recall, by C. Columbia, the
government blacksmith for the Kansas Indians. There were fifty-six males,
twenty-seven females, and thirty-nine voters.
After completing my work at Council Grove, I left early in the morning for
"110." I followed the Santa Fe trail, and some eight miles from the Grove
stopped at the cabin of a Mr. Baker, on Rock creek. He was at that time the
only settler between Council Grove and "110." After leaving his place, I was
followed by two Indians on foot for a distance of several miles. I urged my
horse to a trot, and then canter, but the Indians increased their pace and ap-
peared determined to bear me company. They were painted, had bows and tom-
ahawks strapped upon them, and I was apprehensive they intended to waylay
or rob me. I tried to ascertain their purpose in following me, but all my efforts
were in vain. They either did not understand me or were not willing to let me
know their object. My pistol was in easy reach and I was careful to let them
see I was prepared to defend myself. I had nothing to offer them except some
tobacco, and this they cheerfully accepted. After keeping by my side for some
TAKING THE CENSUS IN 1855. 235
six or eight miles they suddenly turned oflF on a trail, probably leading to their
camp. From my subsequent knowledge of the Indians I am satisfied they did
not intend to harm me, but to scare me out of such presents as they were able
to get from me.
The weather continued to get colder and I made as fast time as possible, so
as to reach "110" before night, and, after being thoroughly chilled and nearly
worn out, I arrived just about dark. I stopped at a saloon owned by Fry P. Mc-
Gee, who was the leader and recognized head of the pro-slavery element in that
part of the territory. There were some ten or twelve rough characters in the sa-
loon when I entered. I determined to make myself as agreeable ag possible and
avoid any trouble with these men, and especially with McGee, who had been
represented to me as a very desperate and quarrelsome man, and in order to pro-
pitiate them I invited the crowd to the bar and called for the drinks. I could
observe that they were all more or less intoxicated. After a short time McGee
asked me my name and the object of my visit, and wanted to know if I was
"sound on the goose." I told him I had been appointed to take the census of
that district and wanted his assistance and advice; that I was a Democrat and
considered myself "sound on the goose." When he found that my appointment
had been made by Governor Reeder he charged me with being an abolitionist and
one of Reeder's spies. He said he had a list of the voters in the precinct and
would furnish it, so as to save me all trouble in looking them up.* I told him I
would be very glad to examine his list, but as I had plenty of time I wanted to
visit the people and obtain information as to their nationality, age, etc., which
was necessary to complete my report. McGee answered that no d — d Yankee
would be permitted to spy around the place or take the names of the settlers and
voters unless under his supervision,
I found it useless to argue the question with him, and endeavored to divert
the conversation to some other subject. I could see he was determined to get
me into a quarrel, and I used all the diplomacy in my power to avoid it. The
most effectual way I found was to get him drunk, which I succeeded in doing
without any great effort. I determined to find out as well as I could the num-
ber of persons in the place and surrounding country, and this I did without
much difficulty frcm a free-state man who was stopping at the place, and from
whom I ascertained there were but three or four settlers outside of " 110," and
as all the residents of the latter place visited the saloon from time to time, I
could easily count them. McGee finally became so drunk that he was unable to
walk without assistance, and I helped him to his residence. There I found
several of hi^ friends, including a younger brother, James McGee, who regarded
me with evident distrust, and treated me as an unwelcome guest.
A short time after we reached the house, a two-horse team drove to the do(T,
and Charles Albright and S. B. White alighted and came into the house. They
appeared to be in almost an exhausted condition; they said they had lost their
way on the prairie and had been wandering over the country for two days at-
tempting to find some settlement; that they had run out of provisions and were
nearly famished. Albright was from Pennsylvania, to which state he subse-
quently returned, and was elected to Congress. S. B. White afterwards located
near Ogden, and from there came to Junction City, where he continued to re-
side and practice law to the time of his death.
*The report of the special committee on the troubles of Kansas, 1856, contains the names of
607 voters who voted at the electiun of November 29, 1854, at " 110." ( Pages 50-56.) Page 86 of
the same report gives the names of fifty-two voters found by Captain McClure at " 110" in Feb-
ruary, 1855.
286 KANSAS STATE HISTORICAL SOCIETY.
After we had supper and were warming ourselves by the fireplace, young
McGee asked Albright if he was the man who attempted to preempt a claim on
Switzler creek. Albright said he had some days before selected a tract of land
on that creek and laid the foundation for a house, but had since concluded to
abandon it and locate in another part of the territory. McGee answered that no
d — d abolitionist would be permitted to settle in that part of the country; that
all the lands were intended for the pro-slavery men and there was no room for
any d — d Yankees. Albright tried to convince that he did not want the claim
and had already selected another one near Ogden, where Mr. White had located.
McGee said he intended to preempt the 160 acres on Switzler creek on which
Albright had built a foundation and it would be dangerous for any Yankee to
interfere with his claim. Albright told him he was willing to give a relinquish-
ment of all his right and title to the land, and requested him to draw up a
written agreement to that effect. McGee made several attempts to write a re-
linquishment, but failed to word one to suit him. I volunteered to write one
that I thought would be sufficient, but he was not satisfied with it, and insisted
we were trying to fool him. I requested him to dictate such a paper as would
be satisfactory, and this he could not do. I became angry at his repeated in-
sults during this controversy, and finally said to him that while we desired to
avoid any quarrel or trouble there was a limit to our patience. I told him that
Mr. Albright had offered to do all in his power to surrender hie claim to the land
on Switzler creek, and if he would not except the offer, nothing further could be
done, and if I was in Albright's place, I would make no further attempt to
satisfy him.
McGee then turned to me and asked if I desired to take up the quarrel. I
told him there had never been any quarrel on our part and that we were anxious
to avoid one, but I had come prepared to defend myself, and if it became necessary
would do so. McGee then said that we had not been invited to the house, and
we had better leave and seek shelter somewhere else. I answered that if I knew
of any other place to go I would cheerfully do so, but to go out in the storm at
that time of night without knowing where we could find a house to stop at would
be suicide, and that I proposed to stay all night even if I had to fight for it. Fry
McGee during this time was in a drunken stupor and took no part in our contro-
versy. After a good deal more talk, in which young McGee indulged in many
vile epithets against us and Yankees in general, I concluded it was time to find
some place to sleep, and inquired of those in the house where we could find a place
to spend the night. One of the men said if we would follow him he would try to
show us a room. He conducted us to a vacant log cabin without furniture of any
kind or even a fireplace or stove. The three of us spread part of our blankets on
the floor and covered ourselves with the balance, placed our revolvers under our
heads, and spent the night as well as we could with the dread of assassination
constantly in our thoughts, awake or asleep.
We arose early in the morning and determined to leave just as soon as we
could get off. I met Fry McGee and endeavored to obtain the names of the per-
sons I found at "110."* He refused to give me their names or answer any quee-
* By C. R. Green, historian, Lyndon, Osage county : " 110 Ceos9Ing."— So named about 184P,
from the fact that at this stream, the most important tributary of the Osage river from the
n'irth, 110 miles from the Sibley landing, east of Independence, on the Missouri river, tlie
Santa Fe trail from the east came down off the divide, crossed the stream, and from its west
bank the Mormon trail diverged, bearing away in a northwesterly direction across the Kansas
river and up the Republican valley, while the Santa Fe trail bore westward, with Switzler's
crossing the next station, and Council Grove beyond.
"110 Crossing" is in the southeast quarter of section 1, township 15, range 16, Osage county.
It is easily found, being two and one-haif miles east of Scranton, a town on the Santa Fe rail-
TAKING THE CENSUS IN 1855. 237
tions concerning them. All the other parties declined to give me any information,
except one who claimed to be a free-state man, and from him I got all the data I
was able to obtain. From his statement, and my own observation, I found, as
near as I could approximate, 118 residents in the seventh district — eighty-two
males, thirty-six females, and fifty-two persons entitled to vote.
The distance from "110" to Lawrence, where I intended to go, was about
forty miles. The weather was very cold, and the high wind filled with particlt s
of snow was blowing from the northeast, but I preferred to face the severe
weather, rather than remain at McGee's place. I left about nine o'clock in the
morning, following the Santa Fe trail, and riding at a rapid gait. The wind in-
creased and the cold became more intense. The flakes of snow appeared as frozen
particles of ice, and cut my face so that I had to cover it with my blanket, and
guide my horse as well as I could in order to keep the road. The wind penetrated
through my clothes until I became chilled, and was hardly able to keep my seat
in the saddle. My horse also became coverfd with ice and snow and refused to
go faster than a walk. The road was on a high ridge, with an open prairie on
each side, as far as I could see, and the merciless wind had free sweep against
my person. I was then some thirty miles from Lawrence, and knew of no place
where I could secure shelter until I reached there; I finally dismounted and led
my horse, with my back against the wind, and walked backwards for near three
miles, when I observed a cluster of timber some two miles to the north, to which
I walked my horse.
When I reached the timber I was completely exhavisted, and benumbed to
such an extent that I had lost the use of my fingers. I found a fallen tree, and
with my feet I kicked some leaves into a heap against it and then tried to light a
fire. I was unable to hold a match between my fingers and had to grasp them
in my hand, using several at a time. The wind would blow them out before I
could apply them to the leaves. I had with me a full box of matches, and I
wasted nearly all of them before I was able to start a fire. I felt that I was
freezing, and unless I succeeding in igniting the leaves I would never be able to
see my wife and children again. After the fire started in the leaves I pushed
with my feet some dry twigs on top of them, and then some larger limbs on the
twigs, until I succeeded in getting a good fire. Here I remairied until I became
thoroughly warmed. My horse appeared to enjoy the fire as much as myself,
and would stand as close to it as possible. After I had thawed, and once more
felt able to renew my journey, I mounted my horse and followed down the branch
where I had stopped until I struck the Wakarusa river, and then down the river
to Lawrence, where I arrived after dark, and remained there over night.
The next day I reached Westport, and at once went to where my family were
way. At the present day, as seventy-five years ago, the public travel follows a diagonal road
from northeast to southwest through a part of section 1, crossing about the same place on a
bridge as forty-seven years ago, when McGee put in his first bridge. It is one of the two well-
known permanent trail markers of Osage county ; Santa Fe avenue of the city of Burlingame,
which was founded in about 1856, at Switzler's crossing, being the second.
A white man by the name of Richardson married a Shawnee squaw and settled here, open-
ing up a little farm in the late '4G's or early '50's. Fry P. McGee and family, of Westport, Wo.,
journeying to Oregon and back in 1849-'50, recognized the commercial value of such a location
near the north line of the Sac and Fox reservation, andjbought him out. I believe Richardson
had a partner, also a "squaw man." No other could move here on the Shawnee reservation
until it was opened for settlement. July, 1854, Fry P. McGee, wife and three daughters came
here. Mr. McGee died September 19, 1861. I believe his widow is yet alive in their old Kansas
City home. One daughter, Mrs. Sophia Berry, lives in Burlingame. Another daughter, America,
married Wm. D. Harris, who settled on part of the McGee farm in 1857, and lived there until
1870. Some of his children live in the county yet.
In the territorial election of November 29, 1854, "110" voting precinct, one of only some
238 KANSAS STATE HISTORICAL SOCIETY.
stopping. The next day I called on Governor Reeder, at Shawnee Mission, and
submitted my report. The governor informed me that M. W. McGee had just
seen him and entered complaint against me, claiming that I had not properly
taken the census of the Seventh district, and had failed to enumerate all the
voters. I told the governor I would be very glad to see Mr. McGee in his pres-
ence and explain to him the manner of my treatment by his brother, Fry McGee,
at "110." A messenger was sent for M. W. McGee, who very soon made his ap-
pearance, when I gave him a full account of all that occurred at "110" during
my visit. I informed him that, as far as possible, I had returned in my report
all the residents that could be found in the district, and if any were omitted it
was certainly not my fault, but the blame should be attached to his brother, who
had refused to give me any assistance, and forbade me to take the names of
those found at his place. McGee was very sullen, and expressed great indigna-
tion at the treatment of the pro-slavery men by the census-takers, indicating
there was an attempt fraudulently to conceal their strength in the territory.
At the election held on March 30, 185.5, M. W. McGee was a pro-slavery can-
didate for representative, and received 210 votes in the seventh district, while
H. Rice, the free-state candidate, received twenty three. There is no doubt that
at least three-fourths of the votes counted for McGee were fraudulent. Governor
Reeder refused to give him a certificate of election, and called another election
for that district, to bo held for May 22, 1855. At that election seventy-nine
votes were cast — sixty-six for the free-state candidate, but McGee was declared
the duly elected member by the legislature when it convened.
I remained at Mr. Ragan's home two or three weeks, and made frequent visits
to Kansas City. At that time the road was almost impassable. The heavy freight
wagons had cut deep ruts, and in places the mud was so deep that teams had to
turn off into the fields in order to get through. There was great excitement over
the settlement of Kansas, and wherever I went the question of making the terri-
tory slave or free was the absorbing topic. Nearly all the residents of Westport
were in favor of slavery, while there was quite a number of the citizens of Kan-
sas City in favor of a free state.
Immigrants were constantly arriving on steamboats, most of them from the
free states. They would only remain* long enough to procure teams for trans-
portation and supplies, and then move over the line into Kansas. It was a con-
stant source of irritation to the Missourians to see the stream of Northern men
pouring into the territory, and all kinds of threats were made against the invasion
of a country which they claimed belonged to Southern men, and of right should
be settled by them with their slaves.
I had always been a Democrat, but favored making Kansas a free state. I
found it was useless to argue with these violent and unreasonable men. Ac-
cording to their code there were but two parties, one that favored slavery and
the other abolitionists, and every one who was opposed to slavery in their opinion
seventeen in the territory, gained an unenviable reputation. Horace Greeley, in his history,
even choosing it of all Kansas voting-places to show the great disregard of law and order that
the pro-slavery forces of Missouri had, coming here the day before [election and casting 587
fraudulent votes out of a total of 607.
Mr. McQee was determined from the first that no abolitionist should settle on the "110"';
but with a rough exterior, a slave-owner, and quite partizan in politics, the early settlers in
time found him to be kind-hearted, honest, and never known to shed blood. In 1856 it was
known as Richardson post-office. No less than three towns were projected, boomed and went
to the wall in the first twelve years in and about this place, viz. : Prairie City, Washington,
and Versailles. At least two of these had a number of settlors and lots of history. Members of
the family still own land there, and Harris's old stage station and stone barn yet stand, monu-
ments to the departed glory of " 110 Crossing."
TAKING THE CENSUS IN 1855. 239
was an abolitionist. I became especially obnoxious to most of the persons I met,
and I felt a constant watch was kept upon me by a number of parties in West-
port and Kansas City. It was known that I made frequent visits to Governor
Reeder; that he had appointed me to take the census of the seventh district,
and that I had refused to return the list of fraudulent voters which Fry McGee
had prepared for me.
Mr. Ragan and his family had become very much attached to my wife and
children, and particularly to the baby born in their house, and although they
were in sympathy with the slavery element they did not want any harm to hap-
pen tome. Mr. Ragan in strict confidence informed me that I was in constant
danger, and advised me to be as discreet as possible in «11 I did or said. He told
me several persons accused him of harboring a Yankee family, and intimated it
was for his interest to get clear of them; and further, if he failed to do so they
would relieve him of the trouble. After this warning I tried in every way to
avoid conversation with any one, and when the slavery question was broached
took occasion to leave the person or party who started it in ae quiet a way as
possible.
At this time Milton McGee owned a farm west of Kansas City, and kept a
small tavern in a two-story frame house. I had frequently stopped at his place
in going and returning from Weetport to Kansas City. He was a very hospitable
man, and alwajs kept a decanter of whisky on the table in the hotel oflfice, and
invited every one who called to take a drink. I had become well acquainted with
him, and, by avoiding to controvert his political views, obtained, as I supposed,
his friendship. But after my return from taking the census, and he learned of
the complaints made against me by his brothers, he was very abusive and violent
toward me, and I found it impossible to explain my conduct or vindicate myself.
He charged me with being an abolition spy, employed by Reeder to defraud the
pro-slavery men of their just rights. I found he had prejudiced a great many of
bis friends and acquaintances to such an extent that I was looked upon with
suspicion and distrust. I ascertained some years after that a party of pro-slavery
men had conspired to mob me, and either compel me to leave the state or suffer
a worse fate, and that they were only prevented from carrying out their plot by
the interference of Mr. Ragan and some of his friends, who persuaded them to
abandon their purpose, as it was my intention to move my family into Kansas ae
soon as the weather would permit.
The land that Milton McGee then lived upon as a farm is now a part of Kan-
sas City, and is all boilt up and occupied by costly houses. In 1861, when the
Second regiment of Kansas volunteers were stationed at Kansas City for a short
time, before joining the army of General Lyon, in southwest Missouri, the regi-
ment was encamped on McGee's land, and the officers boarded with him. After
the commencement of the civil war McGee became a good Union man, and used
all his influence to put down the rebellion.
I made another trip to Fort Riley, for the purpose of preparing my cabin so
it would be ready to occupy when I moved my family. I found quite a number
of persons had located at Pawnee, and several houses had been erected. John
• T. Price had constructed a stone building for a grocery store; Lemuel Knapp, a
log cabin for a place of entertainment; the stone warehouse had been finished,
and probably twenty or thirty rough structures for temporary residences had
been built.
It was confidently believed by all persons interested in the town that it would
be the permanent capital of Kansas, and lots were selling for high prices and ad-
vancing in value every day. I ventured at this time to object to the location on
240 KANSAS STATE HISTORICAL SOCIETY.
account of the narrow strip of land between the river and the bluffs not afford-
ing sufficient land suitable to build upon, and also for the reason that I antici-
pated trouble would result from a change of the boundary of the military
reservation. I represented that the present site of Junction City was a far more
eligible location; that there was ample room for a large city; that it was just
above the junction of the Smoky Hill and Republican rivers, and would command
the trade of the valleys and their tributaries, and that in every respect it had al'
the advantages for a town site. I had passed over the land several times, and
the place impressed me as one of the most desirable locations for a city of any I
had seen in the territory. At that time there was no bridge or ferry over the
Republican river, and I don't think any member of the Pawnee Town Com-
pany had ever been on the present site of Junction City. At all events, it was
too late to change the location. If the company had first selected the land be
tween the two rivers, where Junction City was afterwards located, which would
have avoided the trouble that was caused by a change of the military reserva-
tion, it probably would have been selected and remained the capital of Kansas.
At this time a number of claims had been settled upon in the vicinity of Fort
Riley, and every day brought to the place many persons who were looking for
lands on which to locate.
I found that my cabin had been as far completed as practicable. It was
built of rough logs and covered with clapboards. It had no floor nor chimney.
It consisted of one room, about fourteen feet by sixteen feet in size, and ap-
peared to be a very undesirable place to bring my wife and children, but it was
the best I could provide at that time, and I concluded to move into it and try
to make it more comfortable afterwards.
I had procured a skiflf at Fort Riley and''taken it by wagon to the mouth of
Lyon creek, and, after my visit to the claim, the two men who had put up my
cabin and I concluded to return to Fort Riley in the skiff. We started early in
the morning, in high spirits, anticipating a pleasant ride to the fort, which we
expected to reach in two or three hours. No one can realize the crooks and
windings of the Smoky Hill river who has never passed through our experience.
We would row around one bend and, after reaching the end, could see the place
where we had started but a short distance above. It appeared we were travel-
ing in a circuit without gaining distance. As soon as we succeeded in passing
around one bend we encountered another. The river was very low, and we had
frequently to leave the skiff and shove it over the sand-bars. We all became
wet and worn out. We had no provisions with us and were hungry and mad. I
had my shotgun along, and suggested, in order to lighten the skiff, that I would
go ashore and walk some distance and try to kill a duck. With some reluctance
and distrust of my intention my companions consented. It was then three or
four o'clock in the afternoon.
When I reached the top of the bank and took a look at the country, I could
see that we were farther from Fort Riley than from the place we started, and
that we could not reach there before midnight. I made up my mind to desert
my friends and walk the balance of the waj to the fort, and let my companions
manage the skiff. I will confess, at this time, that my conscience was not quite
clear in adopting this course, and I had some doubt whether it was the right
thing to do, and if it would meet with the approval of the men in the skiff, but I
finally concluded it would in no way alleviate their distress by remaining with
them, and by walking it would lighten the load and enable them to make faster
time. I further reasoned that there was no use of three persons suffering the
discomforts of a ride on the river when one could escape it without any wrong to
TAKING THE CENSUS IN 1855. 241
the others. I therefore made a bee line for the fort, which I reached after night,
in a very dilapidated and forlorn condition both in mind and body. After a
hearty supper, I laid down in a comfortable bed in Captain Lyon's quarters.
Although I was tired and sleepy, I could not close my eyes or divest my mind of
the experience I had gone through and the fate of the poor men I had deserted.
In the solitude of my room my conscience annoyed me more than it had before,
and, with all my efforts to suppress my troubled thoughts, I failed to satisfy
myself that my conduct was altogether right and would meet the approval of
my friends. I struggled hard to divest my mind of these unwelcome thoughts
and go to sleep, but was unable to do so. In the fitful naps I fell into I had
frightful dreams, in which I could see my companions trying to extricate them-
selves from quicksand bars, when they had stepped from the boat to pull it over,
and gradually sinking, without the power to save themselves, or rushing over an
unforeseen fall, and the boat dashed to pieces against the protruding rocks; and
in their struggles I could hear them in bitter terms denouncing me as a coward
and traitor.
I remained in this unhappy state until about three or four o'clock in the morn-
ing, when I heard a loud tapping at my door. On opening it I saw two miserable
creatures, with their clothes torn nearly off their bodies, blood on their hands,
and covered with mud. I don't think leversaw twomorewobegoneand miserable
beings in my life. I knew they were not in condition nor in humor at that time
to explain the experience they had passed through since I left them, and, in order
to escape their reproaches and distract their attention, I suggested they must be
hungry, and I would endeavor to find them something to eat. I immediately
left the room and went to the kitchen, where I found an ample supply of bread
and meat, which I carried to the room. They were nearly famished, and in silence
devoured all the provisions brought them. After their meal was jBnished they
rolled themselves in blankets and laid down on the floor, where they slept until
the middle of the next day.
After they were in humor to talk they told me a tale of woe I have seldom
heard equaled. They said that after I left them they remained in the skiff and
rowed round innumerable bends of the river until late into the night; that they
were wet, hungry, and nearly worn out; they were unable to estimate the dis-
tance to Fort Riley, but it appeared to them the harder they worked the further
away it was. They finally concluded to abandon the skiff and attempt to find
their way to the fort. They tied the boat to a tree in the bend of the river, about
a mile above the mouth of the Smoky Hill, and then started through the timber
to reach the prairie. It was very dark, and they had to stumble through under-
brush, brier vines, grape-vines, and over fallen logs and other obstructions; that
the underbrush and briers had cut and lacerated them, and torn their clothes so
that they were nearly naked, and that it took them several hours to find their
way out of the timber, and that, after they did so, it was with great effort they
were able to drag themselves to the fort. I tried to extenuate my conduct in
leaving them as well as I was able, but have always thought they were not alto-
gether satisfied with my explanation.
Soon after this I left for Westport, for the purpose of moving my family and
effects to my claim. After I reached them, and in the month of April, 1855, I
hired two teams to haul my family and effects to my claim in Kansas. It was
with many misgivings that I left \yestport to take my wife and children to the
rude cabin in a wild and unsettled country, where I knew they would be de-
prived of all the comforts and even the necessities of life ; but as I had fully de-
termined upon making Kansas my home, and had selected the place where I
—17
242 KANSAS STATE HISTORICAL SOCIETY.
intended to live, I had to make the move. It was with great reluctance the
Ragan family, and especially Mrs. Ragan, saw us start on our journey. She had
become very much attached to the baby, and she parted with it only after re-
peated hoggings and kisses, and the shedding of many tears.
We drove some fifteen miles the first day, and camped near a clear stream of
water. In the morning it was found that one of the horses had become lame
and unable to travel, and it was necessary for the driver to return to Missouri
and procure another horse, and we were compelled to remain in camp until his
return, which required two days.
During our stay. Gen. James H. Lane, with his family and effects loaded in
wagons, passed our camp, on his way to Lawrence. I had known Lane for a
number of years in Indiana, and was a member of his regiment (the Fifth In-
diana volunteers ) in the Mexican war. I also was candidate for district attorney
in 1852 on the Democratic ticket, when he was elected to Congress from the
fourth Indiana district, and assisted him in making a canvass of Franklin
county, in which I resided. Lane had became unpopular in Indiana. His term
in Congress had just expired, and he knew that his party would not renominate
him for another term. He was then in the vigor of manhood, ambitious, and
full of energy, and determined to seek a new field to gratify his irrepressible de-
sire for notoriety and leadership. He fully realized that Kansas was on the eve
of a desperate conflict, in which was to be decided whether she was to become a
free or slave state, and it was the place where a man of his temperament, love of
strife and great ambition could best succeed in securing what he most craved —
office and fame.
Lane had always been a Democrat, and I think intended at that time to support
the side of slavery, but was willing to espouse either cause that he found was most
likely to advance his political interests. He asked me many questions about the
different places I had visited; the advantages they possessed; their probable
growth in the future ; and especially as to the views of the people on the question
of slavery. Lane told me he had not fully determined where he would locate, but
was going to stop at Lawrence for some days and look around. He appeared to be
very much interested in my description of Fort Riley and the surrounding country,
and intimated he would make it a visit, and might decide to locate there. He also
spoke of Leavenworth, and said he would go there from Lawrence, and, if it suited
him, would probably locate there. He remained at my camp some two or three
hours and talked freely on all subjects except politics. He evidently had not then
decided on which side he would cast his fortune, as he carefully avoided any ex-
pression that would indicate the party he would support. Lane, as is well known,
made Lawrence his home, and remained there up to the time of his death. He
took a prominent part in the fierce and bloody struggle that ensued between the
free-state and pro-slavery parties. His life was one of constant strife and excite-
ment. His history is well known to every citizen of the state. No one in Kansas
has ever impressed his character so clearly and deeply upon the minds of her
people. His career was a stormy one, and his death a sad and tragic ending of
a disappointed and discontented man.
After the return of the man who went for a horse to replace the one that had
become lame our journey was resumed. Our way led through the Shawnee
reservation, and we found no settlement until we reached Lawrence, then a small
village of rough cabins and tents. We passed through a beautiful country — a
vast green prairie, untouched by the hand of man, dotted with fringes of timber
along the streams. Nothing unusual occurred on our journey.
We camped at the town of Tecumseh, settled by pro-slavery men, and which,
TAKING THE CENSUS IN 1855. 243
it was then thought, would become one of the prominent cities of Kansas.
It was about eight miles east of Topeka, and I concluded to walk from Tecumseh
there in advance of the teams. I started at four a. m., and after walking some
two or three miles I heard the barking of wolves some distance away. At first
the noise appeared to come from two or three, but as I advanced the number in-
creased, and they were evidently api)roaching nearer. I had heard and read of
men being pursued and devoured by these wild animals. I became thoroughly
frightened and feared there was no way of escape. I pulled my revolver from
the belt, cocked it, and started on a run, which I kept up until I came to what
is the present city of Topeka. During all this time the wolves followed close be-
hind me, their nvimber constantly increasing and their howls growing louder and
louder. It was a great relief when daylight appeared, and I reached a place of
safety. These wolves, I learned afterwards, are great cowards, and seldom
attack a man unless driven to do so by severe hunger, and then only when a
large pack is collected for that purpose. I did not know their cowardly na-
ture at the time, and fully expected to be torn to pieces. I will never forgf t
the terrible ordeal I passed through that morning, and the relief I felt when I
found myself safe from their attacks.
Topeka had been selected as a town site, and, if I remember, there was only
two or three rough shanties built near the river. We crossed the Kansas rivor
on a ferry at the Baptist mission, a few miles west of Topeka, and passed
through the Pottawatomie reservation on the north side of the river. There
were no white men on the reservation except those connected with the Indian
mission at St. Marys, which at that time contained quite a collection of houses
occupied by Indians, and white men employed by the government as storekeej)-
ers, mechanics, etc.
The Big Blue river was crossed at Dyer's ferry,* some six miles north of Man-
hattan. From there we passed through Fort Riley and over the site where
Junction City was afterwards located, and which has since become one of the
most prosperous and enterprising towns in the state. I then recognized its favor-
able location and advantages as the proper place to command the trade of the
two valleys that, just west of Fort Riley, united and formed the Kansas, and
was more than ever impressed with the great mistake made in the selection of
Pawnee for the capital of Kansas. I have always thought that if Governor
Reeder had located the capital at Junction "City it would always have remained
there. We reached a point on the bank of the Smoky Hill river opposite the
mouth of Lyon's creek in the evening, and the teams were unloaded at once:
My brother William, who had preceded me some days, waded the river, and we
consulted as to the best means of crossing rny family and effects over the stream.
* James Humphrey, of Junction City, writes: "The first election held in the territory in
1«55, for the first legislative assembly, for this election district, was appointed by Governor
Reeder to be held at the house of Samuel D. Dyer, at the crossing of the Big Blue river. The
Dyer family and that crossing have disappeared now many years ago, and I presume there are
very few people living in Riley county or this part of the state who know who Samuel D. Dyer
was, or on what part of the river he lived. Samuel D. Dyer was probably the first settler on
the Big Blue. He built a large log house on the east bank of that river before the organization
of the territory, about five miles above Manhattan. He established a ferry in 18.53 and kept a
sort of house of entertainment for travelers. The military road from Leavenworth to Fort Riley
crossed the river there at that time, and until Manhattan began to be settled, and a ferry was
established at the latter point. Dyer's was then the most prominent point in the region of
the Blue, and the focus of political interest in this locality. Dyer was appointed by Governor
Reeder as justice of the peace for Dyer township, Riley county. I knew Dyer and his family
when they lived at that place, but they disappeared many years ago. Dyer dying in February,
1875. The first settlers had to cross the river at Dyer's to get to Manhattan and the region
west of that stream, and many were entertained at his house."
24:4 KANSAS STATE HISTORICAL SOCIETY.
There was no ferry-boat by which they could be crossed over. We found some
dry logs on the bank and pushed them into the river, and nailed across them
limbs of trees so as to form a raft. My wife and children were first safely taken
over, and then we had the goods carried across.
It was a dreary looking place to take a young wife and three children. A
rough log cabin with only one room, without floor, fireplace, furniture, or con-
veniences of any kind, in a wilderness, with no settlement nearer than Fort
Riley. I began to feel the mistake I had made in bringing my wife and children
to this desolate home, and to regret my mistake when it was too late to recall it.
I had no other home, was destitute of money, and all my worldly possessions
were brought to this place. Whatever may have been the thoughts of my young
wife, she did not reproach me nor make any complaints. She had been accus-
tomed to all the comforts and many of the luxuries of life — was only a girl at-
tending college when married — and, on her arrival at our new home, only twenty
years old. I was young, full of energy, and ambitious, and had no regrets on my
own account. I felt able to conquer all the obstacles and difficulties I would
have to encounter in my new life, and did not, as I have since, fully realize the
terrible ordeal this young wife would have to pass through. The longer I live
the more deeply I feel the great wrong inflicted upon her, and honor the noble
conduct of this brave little woman in quietly performing the hard duties imposed
upon her, and faithfully and without reproaches submitting to her fate. I wish
to confess my great fault, and let her children know that I have many times and
do now repent of the wrong I inflicted upon their loving mother. There are few
women who have endured the hardships she passed through during the time she
lived in Kansas.*
Our bedstead was made by boring holes in the logs of our cabin and driving
in small posts or timbers so as to form the legs; slats were then laid upon the
framework, and our bed placed upon them. Our tables and chairs (or rather
stools) were made of splitting a dry walnut log, and hewing and planing the
rough pieces until they answered the purpose. I even attempted to manufac-
ture a rocker, ornamented with various devices. When it was finished I felt a
*Mes. Hestee Pattison McCluee was a woman of eharming manners and lovely charac-
ter. She was much beloved by all who knew her in Junction City and Fort Riley, and quite
easily a leader in society in both places. She had been surrounded with every comfort in her
early home. No pains had been spared in her education, but her school-days ended at the age
of sixteen years. At that time she left the Wesleyan Female Institute, of Cincinnati, Ohio,
tUbn under charge of President Wilber, to become the wife of the young and promising lawyer,
James R. McClure. She thus entered upon a school of experience where the stronger and more
courageous, as well as the finer and more feminine, traits of character were to be developed and
strengthened.
Three children were born to them before she was twenty years old, and they had changed
their residence from an old state to a new, unsettled territory, much disturbed by the question
of slavery. Most of the money brought with them had been exhausted before the final choice
of a home was made, and, this being done, a change was impossible, oven if it had been thought
wise. Therefore this plucky little woman, who had never before felt the weight of responsi-
bility, resolved to hold that homestead of 160 acres of beautiful farming land, at whatever sacri-
fice. In the roughest kind of a log cabin, with the barest necessities in the way of furniture,
entirely cut off from church and social privileges, with her three little children to care for,
cooking, washing, everything in the way of household service to be done by her young, fair
hands, she yet retained her cheerfulness and courage, and her unbounded faith in her energetic,
much beloved husband's ability to bring final success out of all this toil and privation. To do
her part, she would remain to hold the homestead, while he earned money by attending court,
or land-office contests, in the town of Ogden, some fifteen miles distant. A few acres had been
broken up and planted to corn, and, being only partially fenced, the preservation of it from preda-
tory attacks of stray cattle and horses added much to her burdens.
But it was not alone toil, but danger, that beset her. Bands of ludians, not always friendly,
were continually coming and going through the country. Even the friendly ones would enter
TAKING THE CENSUS IN 1855. 245
great deal of pride in my haodiwork. I desired my wife to take the first
rock, as it was made expressly for her. I learned later that the rockers were
not BO placed as to preserve the proper equilibrium. After some hesitancy and
an examination of its construction she consented, but when she attempted to
test its rocking qualities and shoved herself back the rocker fell over and threw
her on the ground. Fortunately the rockers were broken and I never repaired
them. We had no stove nor fireplace, and at first had to build a camp-fire on
the outside of the cabin to cook our food. My brother and I soon constructed a
rude fireplace and chimney, built of stones and plastered with mud, and put it
(in Missouri style) on the outside of the building. We next split out slabs from
a dead tree and dressed them as well as we could and made a floor with them. The
cabin was made as comfortable as possible with the means and material we used.
The spaces between the logs were stopped with mud, aod through a great effort
I obtained some glass and a sash, and put a real window in the front part of the
cabin. I felt very proud of my work and viewed it with the eye of a connoisseur.
I have never since felt more pleasure in anything I have ever done. It was con-
structed under many difficulties and was the work of my own hands. I experi-
enced, only in a different way, the pride and satisfaction an artist takes when
he has completed a beautiful painting or piece of statuary.
I think it was on the 15th day of May that three old bachelors, Cobb, McCoy,
and Bean, selected a claim above mine, and where James Morris afterwards
lived. These men built a cabin where the Morris home now stands. They were
the first settlers, after me, who settled on Lyon creek. We found them very
pleasant and good neighbors, and frequently exchanged visits.
The next settler was Richard Chivers, who located a preemption on land now
owned by Robert Henderson, and his old cabin is still standing, having been
carefully preserved by Captain Henderson as a relic of the past. Chivers was
an English tailor, and he worked for the soldiers at Fort Riley. His card read :
"Richard Chivers, Oxford, Eng., tailor to his royal highness Prince Albert."
He was a very eccentric character and the subject of many practical jokes dur-
ing his residence in this part of Kansas, where he was out of place and never
should have come.
her cabin unasked, and always expected to be fed. Generously she shared with them her reserve
supplies, but the quantity was not always sufficient. Once, when her stock was short, and they
had greedily devoured what was set before them, without feeling their appetites appeased, they
became boisterous and threatening, and called loudly for more. Almost overcome with fear,
but with the thought of her little ones to keep alive her fainting courage, she determined to try
the potency of a determined mind and an assertion of confidence she by no means felt. Draw-
ing herself up proudly to her small height, she looked them sternly in the face, with flashing
eyes, and stamping her foot and pointing to the door, in imperious tones, she bade them "Go ! "
They hesitated, glowering upon her ; but she was unflinching in her manner, and, one by one, they
slunk away and departed. Another time she stampeded them when they became disagreeable
by pointing down the road and asserting that her husband was coming and would punish them.
They derisively said: "No white man come"; "No white man come." "Yes, yes," she an-
swered, and, running to the top of a knoll, gazed off into the distance. To her great surprise
and joy she saw a white man coming, and the Indians, seeing him also, made their way off.
These were friendly Indians, however, and from them she learned many Indian words, by which
she was able to converse intelligently with them. Some of them afterward visited her in her
Junction City home, and were delighted that she remembered them, and could call them by
name.
But there were other bands that went through the country bent on murder and plunder and
devastation ; and of these she was always in mortal terror. Once word was sent her that the
Cheyennes were on the war-path, and she had just time to catch up her two youngest children
in her arms, and, leading the elder, make her way for several miles to the nearest blockhouse
for protection. Another time, in the dead of winter, she crossed the river on the ice, in her
bare feet, her little ones with her, because of a rumor that the Cheyennes were coming. Sup-
246 KANSAS STATE HISTORICAL SOCIETY.
We spaded up a small plat of ground on my claim, near the creek, where the
ground was mellow and easily worked, for a garden. As I had no team, I en-
gaged Cobb, McCoy and Bean to break up about three acres of prairie sod, on
which we planted corn, beans, watermelons, pumpkins, etc. We had an abun-
dance of vegetables during the fall and winter. Our other provisions had to be
procured at Fort Riley and "packed " from there to the claim. During the sum-
mer my brother and I cut and dressed, as well as we could, cottonwood logs for
another and more pretentious house, to be erected on the east side of the creek,
just below the present residence of Mr. Huston.
The country then abounded with game; deer, antelope, wild turkeys, prairie-
chickens "and rabbits were plentiful. During the winter of 1855-'56 we killed
a'oout fifty wild turkeys, besides other small game. I went on a bufTalo hunt
with Cobb, Bean, and McCoy, some ten or twelve miles west of my cabin. We
found an immense herd, covering the prairie for miles. It would be impossible
to estimate their number, but probably there were over 1000. We killed enough
to furnish us with meat for the winter. We only selected fat young cows, as
their meat is more tender and juicy than the bulls.
We spent the winter as cheerfully as we could under the circumstances. I
had brought with me quite a number of books, and spent a great part of the
time reading and hunting.
Lyon creek was a favorite resort for the Kansas Indians. Several hundred
encamped near my claim during a great part of the time I lived there. They had
ft)r many years hunted and fished in this locality, and looked upon the land now
embraced in Geary county as their own. They regarded it as an intrusion upon
their rights for white men to settle and build houses in this part of the territory,
and it required a good deal of tact and diplomacy to keep on friendly terms with
them. I tried to win their confidence and maintain friendly relations with them,
and probably succeeded to a greater extent than most of the settlers who came
to the country afterwards. These Indians had been cheated and deceived so
plies of all kinds had then to be brought from beyond the Missouri, and the shoes had failed
entirely, in the absence of her husband.
But it was not only the toil and tlie fear and the danger that made this pioneer life so op-
pressive, it was the uninterrupted dreariness and loneliness. Days and weeks sometimes passed
without the sight of a human being, without the interchange of thought through speech, and
thoy became exceedingly oppressive. Mrs. McClure was at one time, for more than a year, de-
prived of the sight of a white woman. Hearing at last that one had come to live on a claim
some miles away, she resolved to have a sight of her. Setting one morning early, accompa-
nied by her little ones, she walked several miles. At length, oh, oy ! she stood the cabin
door, and there — there was one like unto herself. They were strangers; their names were un-
known; but they fell upon each others' necks and wept, and then laughed, and wept again.
Oh, that happy djiy, that blessed day of sympathy and relief, to be repeated often afterward.
For the woman, Mrs. Nathan S. Gilbert, had come to stay, and Mrs. McClure and herself be-
came neighbors in Junction City. [Mr. and Mrs. Gilbert now live in Chicago. 1 Another time,
when inclined to be despondent, the young wife was cheered by the coming of her father, Mr.
Pattison, of Indianapolis, Ind. He remained for some days, and she was only too happy to
press his hand and look into his face, and know that one of her loved ones had come to her
from her dear old home.
But at length the weary days were over and the McClure family were housed comfortably
in Junction City. Then still another trial, involving a deeper heartache, came to this brafe
little woman. When the war broke out, in 1861, her husband organized a company and went to
the ficnt as captain. He was wounded in battle and brought home to his wife in an ambu-
lance, carried into his home on a cot, a seeming wreck of his active, vigorous young self. Then,
indeed, his loving wife broke down, and he was obliged to cheer her drooping spirits by rallying
her, and calling her chicken-hearted. She soon recovered, however, and became again his
brave, gentle companion. Though the captain lost his foot, his old energy and vitality tri-
umphed, and they had years of prosperity and happiness before her early death, April 26, 1879,
Four daughters and three sons still live to rejoice in her virtues and revere her memory
TAKING THE CENSUS IN 1855. 247
often by white men that they were led to believe no trust could be placed in any
of them. I first cultivated the friendship of one of the chiefs, whose name was
R?g e-kosh-ee, a fine specimen of physical manhood, a large, well-developed, pro-
portioned Indian, with keen black eyes, commanding appearance, and the bear-
ing of one who was born to lead. I found that he had quick perception, and, in
his way, was intelligent and fully informed on many subjects; that he was hon-
est, and could be trusted by those who treated him fairly and convinced him
they were hie friends. I always invited him to eat at our table when he came to
my cabin, with the understanding that no other Indian should have that privi-
lege unless by my invitation, and he faithfully carried out his part of the agree-
ment. Whenever any of the tribe made themselves obtrusive, or did anything
that was objectionable, it was only necessary to call upon this chief, and he
either rebuked or punished them for their misconduct. Most of them were nat-
ural thieves, but very seldom stole anything from me.
I had brought with me a number of law-books; they made quite a display in
the little cabin and excited the curiosity of the Indians. They would point to
the books with wonder depicted in their faces, converse among themselves, evi-
dently attempting to find for what purpose the books were used and for what ob-
ject I had brought them to this out-of-the-way place. I finally discovered that
they had settled the question in their own minds and put me down as a medicine-
man. After reflection, I concluded it was best to allow them to remain under
this delusion, as it would secure their respect and give me a standing among them
I could not otherwise obtain.
I found it was a dangerous experiment to administer medicine to an Indian;
if the remedy had a bad effect it settled the fate of the doctor; nothing could
convince them that he had not purposely given it to make them sick, and with
the intent to kill. They had great faith in medicine-men, and believed they
possessed supernatural power, and could either kill or cure. They were looked
upon as superior beings and commanded the respect and fear of the whole tribe.
They were regarded with such superstition that they were perfectly safe from
any danger or injury to their persons or property, and could rely upon their pro-
tection and assistance when necessary.
These Indians had evidently, after talking over the subject, concluded I was
an educated doctor and possessed the power to minister to and relieve them of
any disease. I knew all this from their conduct and the signs they made when-
ever they came to the cabin. I also realized the danger I ran in attempting to
play medicine-man, but concluded to take the risk, when one day old Reg-e-kosh-ee
told me one of his wives (he had two), Ka-lu-wende, was very sick, and that
they had no medicine-man with them, and he had therefore called on me to cure
her. With many misgivings, I requested him to bring his squaw to my house
and I would diagnose her case and see what I could do for her. She was brought
in with a number of other squaws. I carefully felt her pulse, examined her
tongue, looked wise, took down several law-books, turned over, and pretended to
master the cause of her trouble. During all this time the Indians watched in-
tently every move I made, and appeared to be satisfied with my professional
skill and ability to cure. I then, after going alone in another place, prepared
several doses consisting of flour, sugar, salt, pepper, and other ingredients, wrapped
them in small papers, breathed upon them, repeated in a slow and solemn voice
several Latin phrases, and then directed the chief to administer one of the powders
in the morning, another at noon, and one at sundown. I did this by putting the
powder in my mouth, going through the motion of swallowing it, and pointing to
the East, where the sun arose, where it would be at noon, and then to the West,
248 KANSAS STATE HISTORICAL SOCIETY.
where it set. The chief understood the directions as clearly as if I had directed
him in his own language. I awaited the result of my prescription with a good
deal of anxiety and apprehension, but fortunately the old squaw got well, and the
whole credit of her cure was attributed to me, and my reputation as a medicine-
man was fully established. I was called upon by several other Indians to doctor
them, but I feared to extend my practice and experiment too often, for fear I
would lose my reputation and incur their anger and resentment by having a dead
Indian on my hands; so I shook my head, andgavethem to understand that it cost a
heap of money to purchase my books, acquire a medical education, and procure
medicine, and I could not afford to go into a general practice without pay; that
I had consented to cure the chief's wife because he was a big Indian and a good
friend of mine.
Reg-e-koeh-ee's wife, Ka-lu-wen-de, about one year after I doctored her, died,
and the chief mourned for her a long time afterwards. His grief was sincere
and, according to the Indian custom, very expressive. Whenever he came to
the cabin, before he would sit down to the table, he would retire to the outside,
where no one could see him, cover his face with mud, mutter a prayer in a dole-
ful and supplicating tone, moan and cry over the death of his squaw, and then
wash the mud off his face, resume his natural manner and expression, and eat
his meal.
I formed the acquaintance of another chief, whose name was Kah-he-ga-wa-
ti-na-gah. I think he was the finest- looking Indian I have tver seen. He was
quite young, handsome, and well-proportioned. He had a dignified and refined
appearance for an Indian. His teepee was put up some distance from the others,
and in his manner and the expression of his face he exhibited a consciousness of
his rank and superiority. He held himself aloof from any intercourse with the
tribe, except to give orders and command them on the war-path or the hunting
excursions. I never could secure his confidence as I did that of old Reg-e-
kosh-ee. He repelled all efforts to secure a close friendship with him, and per-
sistently declined my invitations to eat at my table. There is no doubt he
regarded himself my superior and resented any intention on my part to form an
intimate friendship with him. His wife was a beautiful Indian woman, and in
her manner and dress displayed her superiority over the other squaws. Like her
husband, she held herself aloof from any intimate association with them. Kah-
he-ga-wa-ti-na-gah's teepee, dress and trappings were neat, and far better than
those of any of his tribe. It was evident the Indiana esteemed him very highly
for his mental and physical qualities — for his prowess on the war- path and in the
chase. I found he was looked upon as a brave warrior and an expert hunter. I
have described this chief at length for the reason that I have never met an
Indian who would compare with him in manner and appearance.
These Indians spent a great part of the time in the summer and fall hunting
buffalo, then found in great numbers a short distance from their camp. They
killed all that was required to last them through the winter and spring. The
meat was cut into strips, smoked by the camp-fires, the strips platted together
and rolled up in packages of about fifty pounds each. The buffalo hides were
saved, brought to camp, and cured by the squaws. I could purchase at that
time a fine cured robe that would now command a large price for a few pounds
of flour or sugar. In addition to buffalo, they killed large numbers of deer, ante-
lope, wild turkeys, and other game, and would always supply me with all the
meat I desired without any request, without demanding pay for it, but expected
me to make them a small present of pork, flour or sugar in return.
Late one night, after we had retired to bed, we were awakened by the most
TAKING THE CENSUS IN 1855. 249
dismal and piercing screams and howls I had ever heard. We were unable to ac-
count for this discordant noise, which kept up all night. In the morning I deter-
mined to go to the camp of the Indians, which was near my cabin, and find out the
cause. When I came near the camp I observed all the bucks squatted in a circle,
chanting in a mournful tone one of their songs, which I afterwards learned was a
death- song". Their faces were smeared with mud and they presented a wild and dis-
mal appearance. The squaws were crying, screaming, and throwing their arms
wildly about their persons. At times they would gather up stones and carry them
to a place where the ground had recently been dug up and cast them down. I saw
by the expression of their faces that I was an unwelcome visitor and that it was pru-
dent to go back to my home, which I did without attempting to talk with them.
I afterwards learned they had buried one of their braves who had died from small-
pox. I visited the grave afterwards and found the top covered with stones, and
on an adjoining tree a buffalo-robe and blanket. I subsequently learned that it
was the custom of these Indians to place in the grave ammunition, cooking uten-
sils, and other personal effects of the Indian, so as to supply his wants on his
journey to the happy hunting-ground. The robe and blanket were hung on the
tree, so as to afford him additional covering, in the event of a change in the
weather. The stones were laid upon the grave to prevent the wolves digging up
the body.
The smallpox had broken out among the Indians, and proved very fatal, owing
to their filthy habits and mode of life. It prevailed to such an extent that they
became very much excited and alarmed, and, as I found afterwards, attributed
the cause of the disease to my intrusion upon their 'land and the erection of a
house near their favored camping-ground. A day or two after the burial I wit-
nessed, the chief, his interpreter and several braves paid me a visit and demanded
a talk. They were all armed and profusely painted, and showed in their conduct
and appearance a hostile attitude. After I signified my willingness to hold a
council with them, the interpreter said the chief wanted to know why I had built
my house on their land and close to the camping-ground. I answered that the
"great father" had taken possession of the land, and had given me the right to
settle there, and that I had not done so to interfere with the Indians or prevent
them from enjoying any of the privileges they claimed. The interpreter then told
me that the chief was very mad, and said the smallpox had broken out and was
killing them for the reason I had built my house near their camp. I requested
him to tell the chief I was very sorry and greatly distressed on account of the
terrible disease that afflicted them, and was anxious to do all in my power and
give them such medicine as I had with me to relieve their suffering, but that the
chief was mistaken in accusing me of bringing the disease among them; that I
was a medicine man and their good friend, and if I thought for a moment that
my house was the cause of the smallpox I would tear it down; that the chief and
I had always been good friends, and had never quarreled nor lied to each other;
that I wanted, as far as I was able, to help them, and would give them such
medicine and provisions as I possessed to relieve their sickness and wants. The
talk ended by the chief agreeing to accept a sack of flour, a small quantity of
sugar and coffee, and a number of powders I made up to administer to the sick
Indians. I was careful to say that I did not have much faith in the medicine,
as it was not strong enough to cure smallpox, but it was the best I could give
them, and would try as soon as I went to Fort Riley to procure some strong
medicine for that disease. They appeared to be satisfied with my talk, and,
much to my relief, left me, after shaking hands all round.
These Indians made frequent requests of white men, and especially of those
250 KANSAS STATE HISTORICAL SOCIETY.
whom they thought had any influence, for letters, recommending them as honest
and good Indians, to use as a passport when traveling from place to place, and
if the letter was embellished with a seal, and especially a red one, they prized it
very highly; but they never felt absolutely certain of the contents of the letters
given them, and showed them with a great deal of hesitancy, for fear they were
written by some evil disposed person, as many of them were, and contained a
warning, to beware of the Indian to whom it was given, as "he was a thief and a
dirty dog," or similar expressions. They showed many of the letters to me, as
they did to others, and had me read them and, while I was doing so, would in-
tently watch my countenance to see from my face, if possible, what impression
they made on me, as they were often deceived by reading them differently from
the contents. A letter commending one as an honest Indian would be stated as
calling him thief and bad Indian, and lyice versa. These letters were exhibited
to so many persons and interpreted in so many different ways that they were
always in doubt of their real contents.
THE FRIENDS' ESTABLISHMENT IN KANSAS
TERRITORY.
Personal recollections of Wilson Hobbs, M. D., among the Shawnee Indians, from November,
1850, to November, 1852 ; with supplement, written at the request of the Kansas State His-
torical Society, November, 1884.
TN the autumn of 1850 I made an agreement with the committee on Indian
-■- affairs of Indiana yearly meeting of Friends to go to their establishment or
mission among the Shawnee Indians, located in the territory of Kansas, as the
superintendent and teacher of their school. At that time I had a little family,
consisting of a wife and two children, a son and a daughter, the former two and
a half and the latter one year old. Besides my service, it was agreed that my
wife should give what time she could spare from the care of her children to the
care of the Indian girls who were connected with the mission, when they were
out of school. My wife and I contracted to serve the committee thus for two
years, upon the conditions that we were to be transported there and back to our
home at the expense of the concern, that we should have our board and other
necessary expenses, except clothing, free, and that we should be paid $400 in
cash for the term.
The special occasion of this engagement on my part was that I had been
some years employed in the profession of teaching in western Ohio, and my
health was proving insufficient. Besides this, my salary as a teacher in that day
was insufficient to support my growing family, so that for three years I had ad-
ded to my other work the study of the medical sciences, and was ready in the
fall of 1850 to take my first course of medical lectures in college. But I had no
money to take me to college, and thus necessity compelled me to stick to my old
profession until something would turn up. This proposition of the Indian com-
mittee seemed to be the something. Besides this, my habits of study had made
my progress in the knowledge of the medical sciences very good, and I thought
myself, as compared with average medical students, quite able to practice among
the Indians, should opportunity offer, and thus I could add a little experience to
my reading.
We set out from Cincinnati, Ohio, in the last week of October, 1850, via the
Ohio river. The river was so very low that none but the smallest steamers were
friends' establishment in KANSAS. 251
runniug. We were nearly a week on our way to St. Louis, and much of this
time the steamer was stranded on sand-bare.
Cholera was prevailing that year, and we had a number of cases aboard. Ex-
cept myself, there was no one on the vessel who had any knowledge of medicine ;
consequently all the eick fell to my charge. Two passengers, a man and a child,
died the day of our arrival at St. Louis. The boat came to land, and the dead
were buried upon the shore.
At St. Louis we took passage on a small stern- wheel steamer for Kansas City.
The Missouri river was very low, so that few boats were running. Every state-
room and berth on our boat was sold over and over again, with promises of de-
livery to the purchaser as soon as we were out from port. When night came, it
was found there were not rooms or beds for one-third of those who had paid for
them, and scarcely room on the cabin floor for all to lie down. Cholera soon
made its appearance amongst us, and as before, on the Ohio and Mississippi
rivers, the care of the sick fell upon me. Before our arrival at Jefferson City my
little daughter took the disease, and we determined to stop at that city for her
better care and treatment. The officers of the vessel refused to return any part
of the through fare I had paid, and they only consented to do this when it be-
came evident that they were in danger of personal violence from the indignant
passengers.
At JeflFerson City there was no objection to receiving us into the hotel, and
after the arrangement of preliminaries I set out in search of a physician. These
were to be found at almost every street corner, but none could be persuaded to
visit my child. Such a set of professional cowards I have not since seen in a
professional life of thirty-four years. Shame on such men !
In my extremity I accepted the services of a eon of the hostess of the hotel
where we had stopped. He had just graduated and commenced practice, but
made no claim to being wise; but he proved to be a gentleman, and brought his
patient safely through.
After three or four days' delay we boarded the next up-bound steamer for
Kansas City. Here we met a Mr. McCoy * (James, I think,) and his wife. They
had just married and were home-bound. Mr. McCoy resided in Jackson county,
Missouri, on the direct road from Westport to Independence — four or five miles
from the former place. This was his second marriage. My wife and I several
times visited this family at their home, and became much attached to them.
They were large slaveholders, and there I first saw the practical workings of the
slave system.
We landed at Kansas City late in the afternoon of November 12, 1850. There
was standing near the landing a large brick building which had the appearance
of a hotel. I afterward learned that it was built for such use during the more
prosperous days of the early California emigration, and had for sometime been
abandoned. We soon learned there was but one hotel in the "city." This was
a double, hewed-log house on the bluff, a few hundred yards to the left of the old
brick hotel. Here we spent the night of November 12. My present recollection
*The author probably refers to Joha Calvin McCoy and his second wife, nee Elizabeth
Woodson, whose marriage occurred April 17, 1850. A brief sketch of Mr. McCoy is given in the
Kansas State Historical Society's fourth volume of Collections, page 298, accompanying Mr. Mc-
Coy's paper on the " Survey of Kansas Indian Lands." Among the Indian office manuscripts in
the Society's possession is a large volume containing the field-notes and maps of United Sta
surveys of Indian reservations in Kansas, a large part of them copied in Mr. McCoy's own hand.
He early gave the Society its largest single gift of manuscripts, a trunk full of the correspond-
ence, journals and miscellaneous papers of his father. Rev. Isaac McCoy. These are now bound.
252 KANSAS STATE HISTORICAL SOCIETY.
18 that the population of the place did not exceed 500 or 600. It was a mere port
for the debarkation of goods to Western points of trade.
The morning of the 13th I hired a liveryman to convey us and our goods to
the mission, then about ten miles away, via Westport. In the suburbs of the
village we passed the sawmills of Mr. McGee, and from there to Westport, four
miles, the way led through almost unbroken forest. Westport was then a village
quite as large as its more pretentious neighbor, Kansas City, and had much the
advantage in stir and businesslike appearance.
Here we first saw the Indians, the most of whom were clad in some of the at-
tire of civilized life, but none wore hats or bonnets. We soon learned that the
adoption of our head gear by an Indian, especially by an Indian woman, is evi-
dence of great progress in civilization.
From this point it was six miles to the establishment, and the way was the
direct road from Westport to where the old military road from Fort Leavenworth
to Fort Scott crossed Turkey creek.
We passed to the right of the elegant residence of chief Jo Parks,* near
Johnson's Methodist mission, leaving it on our left ; near the Baptist mission and
church, leaving them to our right, to the edge of the timber which skirted Turkey
creek, where was our destination.
We found Thomas Wells and his wife, Hannah, in charge, as superintendent
and matron of the establishment, and John Stuart, the farm laborer, temporarily
in charge of the school.!
The establishment or mission consisted of about 250 acres of fine fertile
prairie, rising to the southward of Turkey creek valley, enclosed and divided
into suitable fields, with a thriving young orchard of fruit-trees. The mission
house consisted of a story and a half frame, set upon a stone wall, on a hillside,
*Abelard Guthrie gives a brief sketch of this head chief of the Shawnees. See Connelley's
"Provisional Government of Nebraska Territory," page 120.
fThe following names of persons connected with the mission work of the Friends among'
the Shawnees in Johnson county appear in the annual reports of the commissioner of Indian
affairs :
1840. — Henry and Ann Harvey, superintendents ; David Jones, teacher.
1842.— Thomas and Esther French, principals ; Thomas Stanley, farmer, John Steward, as-
sistant; Mary Stanley, housekeeper, Mary Crew, assistant; Thomas and HannahWells, teachers.
1843. — The same names, with the omission of Thomas and Esther French.
1845.— Thomas and Hannah Wells, superintendents; Zeri and Miriam H. Hough, teachers.
1848. — Report signed by Elizabeth Harvey, superintendent.
1849. — Elizabeth Harvey, surviving superintendent; Wm. H. Harvey and Sarah T. Harvey,
teachers.
1851.— "There are now employed on the farm James Stanton, Edward Teas, Calvin Cor-
natzer, and Joseph D. Shane. The two former are members of the Society of Friends; C. Cor-
natzer, a young man of steady habits, and Joseph D. Shane, an Indian youth who has been
raised at this institution, and thus far maintained a steady character. Wilson Hobbs and Ze-
linda Hobbs, the former a teacher of books, the latter of sewing and knitting; Thirza Ainett,
teacher of spinning and weaving, and other domestic work; Thomas and Hannah Wells, super-
intendents."
1852.— "There is now employed on the farm but one man, William H. Harnaday, a member
of the Society of Friends; Wilson Hobbs as teacher; Zelinda Hobbs, his wife, assists in the
family; Rebecca H. .Jenks, as matron, and Ellen Harnaday to assist in the kitchen; Cornelius
Douglas, superintendent; and Phoebe W. Douglas, his wife, has charge of the clothing depart-
ment."
1853. — " We have in our employment at the present time Robert Styles, as teacher; Racliel
Styles, his wife, has charge of the girls when out of school; Rebecca H. Jenks as matron; Cor-
nelius Douglas, superintendent; and Phoebe N. Douglas, his wife, has charge of the clothiug
department. Davis Thayer lias been employed in erecting a barn during the present summer;
his wife, Elizabeth, and daughter, Elizabeth M., have rendered important services in the fam-
ily."
1854. — Davis W. Thayer makes the report as superintendent.
1857. — Simon D. Harvey, superintendent.
friends' establishment in KANSAS. 253
so that the excavation formed a basement. This building stood north and south
in its greatest direction. In the basement was a large kitchen, a large dining-
room, a pantry, and a cellar. In the central portion of the second story were
the offices and living-rooms of the officers — in the north end was the schoolroom
and collecting-room for the boys, and in the south end the sewing- and work-
room for the girls. The upper half-etory was devoted entirely to sleeping apart-
ments. The barn was a poor concern, but a good one was built soon after my
time there. A most excellent spring was near by, a few rods north of the house;
this doubtless determined the site for buildings. The farm was well supplied
with utensils for working it, and with horses, cattle, hogs, and domestic fowls.
The house was very plainly furnished, with only such furniture and conveniences
as were absolutely necessary for comfort and business.
The school when I took charge of it consisted of about forty children, all of
whom were Shawnees but one, who was a Stockbridge. These were fed, clothed
and educated entirely at the expense of the church. They were received with-
out preparation, and came ragged, covered with filth and vermin, with long hair,
and the habits of uncivilized life upon them, and with no knowledge of the
English language.
The service to a new pupil was to trim his hair closely; then, with soap and
water, to give him or her the first lesson in godliness, which was a good scrub-
bing, and a little red precipitate on the scalp, to supplement the use of a fine-
toothed comb; then he was furnished with a suit of new clothes, and taught how
to put them on and off. They all emerged from this ordeal as shy as peacocks
just plucked. A new English name finished the preparation for the alphabet
and the English language. The children were not allowed to speak the Shawnee
language among themselves except when absolutely necessary. The object of
this rule was to force the knowledge and use of the English upon all as soon as
possible. Our school-books were all in this language. Our people never made a
translation into the Shawnee tongue. Doctor Barker, superintendent of the
Shawnee Baptist mission, translated the New Testament scriptures into the
Shawnee tongue, and printed the book himself, but I think it did very little serv-
ice. It could only be read by those who had been taught in the schools, and
these had all been taught the English.
The progress made by the children in learning was very fair. Except on
Saturday and Sunday, they were kept in school six hours each day.
When not in school, it was my duty to have the boys at such work about the
house or farm as was needed to be done, and the girls were under the care of my
wife in the sewing-room, except such as were detailed for dining-room and
kitchen work. The fact is worthy of observation that the boys did not like to
work, and the hardest part of my duty was to keep them at it. Besides this, it
took a great stretch of forbearance on the part of their parents and Indian
friends to be pleased at seeing them work. An Indian man must make a great
stride toward civilization, yes, in civilization, before he can crown labor with his
respect.
At the time of my residence with these people there were very few full-blooded
Indians among them. Two hundred years of contact with border white men had
done much to change their blood and set them out on what I think their only sure
way to civilization. The Parkses (Jo and William), the Blue-jackets (Charles*
*A sketch of Charles Blue-jacket is given in Connelley's "Provisional Government of Ne
braska Territory," page 18. He died at his home in the Indian Territory October 29, 1897, hav-
ing made a visit to Wyandotte county the preceding month for the purpose of locating the grave
of the famous Shawnee prophet. The Historical Society's Scrap-book B, volume 2, contains an
account of this visit and also of the death of the prophet, the latter by Dr. J. A. Chute, of Wesf
port, in 1837.
254 KANSAS STATE HISTORICAL SOCIETY.
Henry, and George), the Fishes (Paschal and John), the most noted and influ-
ential men of their tribe, were scarcely half-bloods, the white predominating. Of
the three Blue-jacket brothers, George had most red blood and least civilization.
These men were all formerly pupils in the early mission schools of the Friends
while still in Ohio.
The widow of the prophet, the brother of Tecumseh, was still living, and I
knew her well. She resided in the woodland, down Turkey creek toward Kaw
river, where was the principal settlement of the tribe, and there were, in the same
neighborhood, several families of the descendants of the old warrior and his
brother, the prophet. I also saw in the same vicinity an Indian woman said to
be 125 years old, and, from some historical facts which she called to mind as re-
lated to her early life, I was led to believe her age was not misstated. She was
certainly the oldest human being I ever saw. She was smoked and dried up fo
that she looked like a mummy, and so different from any human creature I ever
beheld without embalming cloths upon it, that it would have taken little testi-
mony to have made me believe her to be two or three centuries old.
Jo Parks resided near the state line, about ten miles from Westport, Mo. He
had a large and well-managed farm and an elegant, well furnished brick house.
His wife was a Wyandotte, and an excellent lady. My wife and I often visited
them, and were entertained in a superb manner. He was the head chief of his
tribe. He owned a number of slaves, and, so far as I know, was the only slave-
holder in the territory except Rev. Mr. Johnson, superintendent of the Methodist
mission, which was near by.
A very interesting story was current during my stay in the territory of Jo's
experience with the fugitive-slave law. How much or whether all the story was
true I cannot tell. It ran thus: In 1849, or thereabouts, two of his slave men
escaped from his service, and to facilitate their flight they took with them two
of his best horses. Of course Jo was after them in hot haste. The scent be-
came so warm near the Iowa line that, thinking them near by, he procured a
warrant for their arrest. They were discovered just over the state line, at work
in a harvest field. Jo was too anxious to secure the prey to consider that his
warrant would not carry its force across a state line, but pushed forward and
made the arrest. He soon found that his property was not only in a free state,
but amongst friends who did not believe in the divine right of the slave-catcher;
so a posse of abolitionists came around them to see that the property had fair
play, and soon dissolved the grip of Jo's warrant. The matter by this time
looked a little scary to Jo, but he must do something to hold his prey until he
could have counsel and improve his catch; so he had the negroes arrested for
horse- stealing. It appeared on trial, however, that by the slave code the negroes
and horses stood in the same relation to the claimant before the law, and it was
quite evident that the horses had run away with the negroes, not the negroes
with the horses; and hence the action must lie against the horses. About this
time Jo became aware of the fact that his enemies were preparing to arrest him
for kidnapping. At the mention of this he cut out for home, leaving negroes
and horses behind him, glad to escape in safety.*
♦GsAWATOMiE, Kan., 1st montli, 18th, 1857.
To Auf/ustiis Watlle.i: Esteeued Friend — Thy note of the 4th inst. has been received.
. , . I have uo information from Friends' mission of a reliable character— only the oflScial
report to the yearly meeting, tlie substance of which I send lierewith.
On the 20tli of August last a body of armed men eighteen in number came to the mission,
threw down the fence, and made their way through the farm ; they went to the barn, where they
found the horses harnessed for work ; they cut the harness to pieces and threw it on the ground ;
they took all the horses on the farm. The superintendent of the mission went out and asked
them to leave one horse for him to ride to Wostport for a physician for his wife, who was sick,
PRIENDS' ESTABLISHMENT IN KANSAS. 255
William Parks and the Blue-jackets resided on the table-landlbetween Tur-
key creek and Kaw river. They had large and well-improved farms, and lived in
good style. This remark applies to Charles and Henry Blue-jacket, not to
George, who, while he was a chief, was guilty of habits of intoxication, and gave
little encouragement to methods of progress. The Parks and Blue-jacket broth-
ers, except George, dressed in full civilized attire, but George never wore a hat,
and carried many marks of his race. William Parks was perhaps the most pros-
perous farmer in the territory, not even excepting his brother Jo. He died of
pneumonia the winter of 1851-'52.
The Fish brothers and Tula resided on Wakarusa creek not far from Blue
Mound. Paschal Fish was a minister of the Methodist Episcopal Church South
— an offshoot of Johnson's Methodist mission. I think he had a little church
and following up there.
I very distinctly remember an old Indian named Cuepia. He was one of the
company of Shawnees commanded by Jo Parks who were employed by the United
States Government to go to Florida to assist in dislodging the Seminoles. These
savages had given the government an immense amount of trouble and expense in
efforts to dislodge them, but the methods of civilized warfare in the everglades
of Florida, after years of trial, were given up to be a failure. Hence, the govern-
ment thought to take advantage of the tact and methods of the Shawnee Indians,
thereby to accomplish what had before proved so difficult an undertaking. In a
short time they brought the Seminoles to terms, and brought about peace.
Cuepia was the only man of the company wounded. He was shot through the
wrist while holding up his hand in token of friendship. He loved to tell the story
of their great success, and I as well to hear him. I am sorry that I cannot now
rehearse it with sufficient distinctness and accuracy to make it valuable as a his-
torical fact.
Near the mission premises, on the west, resided Kotcheque, an old Indian
widow, with her two sons, Quamopia and Red — the latter a drunken, dangerous
Indian; the former a dutiful son, who loved his mother and gave her good sup-
port. Quamopia was the best shot with a bow and arrow I ever saw. He could
so direct a vertical flight of a heavy-ended arrow as to make it strike, in its fall,
upon the spot intended. He used to amuse himself, very much to the dismay of
the Indian boys, by shooting upward and having the arrow fall upon their heads.
Adjoining us on the east was the government blacksmith and shop, where was
but the captain of the band gave utterance to profane and abusive language, and, pointing his
gun at him, told him this was only a beginning of what he might look for if he did not leave
the place. When he went into the house, the ruffian told the hired man if the superintendent
came out again he would shoot him. After the ruiBans left they found that one of the horses
would not answer their purpose, and some of them advised the man who had him to take him
back. He swore he would not, and shot the horse down. On going back to Westport, they held
a meeting and passed resolutions that if the Friends did not leave they would burn the mission
to the ground ; but these proceedings coming to the ears of Senator David R. Atchison arjd
others, they said it would not do; that policy would require them to let the Quakers alone, and
a circular to that effect was issued by them. Friends have had assurance that they would not
again be disturbed.
I have thought that some account of the band of Georgians who stopped near this place might
be acceptable.
In the early part of last summer a band of Georgians located themselves on the lands of the
Miami Indians, about three miles from Osawatomie, in numbers variously estimated from 75 to
200. They said their object was to form a colony and build up a town. For a time they were
very friendly, and some of them told free-state men that they were hired to stay here till such
time as they could vote for slavery, but that they wished themselves away. They began to
commit depredations in the neighborhood, which soon amounted to robbery and theft on a
large scale. Then the free-state men thought it time that such a nuisance should be abated,
and about 100 men from different parts of the territory ( but no one from Osawatomie) came to
256 KANSAS STATE HISTORICAL SOCIETY.
done the smithing for the Shawnees, as per treaty contract. A Mr. Perkins was
the smith employed during my time. He died of cerebro spinal meningitis during
the winter of 1851-'52.
The Baptist mission was some two miles southeast of us, and under the su-
perintendence and care of Doctor Barker and wife.* They had no school, but a
few Indian children were cared for and educated in the family. Doctor Barker
preached regularly every Sabbath at the little frame church at the roadside near
by, sometimes in the Shawnee, and at other times in the English language, with
an interpreter. His congregations were usually very small, and consisted chiefly
of a little membership of Indians which he had built up around him. The chief
work of this mission was in the service of Doctor Barker as a i)hysician to tho
Indians. He was well informed in medicine, and the only physician in the terri-
tory. He did all the practice among the Indians, outside of their own means of
cure.
Doctor Barker and his wife were the moat conscientious and self-sacrificing
people whom I knew while in the mission work. They were large-minded, well
educated and refined; they left a good home, wheiie they were enjoying the com-
forts of New England life, and gave themselves, body and soul, to mission work.
There did not seem to be a selfish impulse about them; their only thought was
to do the Indians good. When they went to this work or when they left it I do
not know. I found them there in 1850, with the appearance of being old resi-
dents, and left them there in 1852. My impression is that Doctor Barker died at
his post about the time of the Kansas war.
Of the mission of the Methodist Episcopal Church South, f under the super-
intendence of Rev. Mr. Johnson, I had little knowledge. It was much better
equipped in every way than any other mission in the territory. The farm was
large and well improved; the location a choice one; the buildings were of brick,
large and commodious, and the outfit in every way superb. But there was an
air about it which did not inspire confidence. The superintendent was a slave-
owner, and worked slaves upon the mission premises, and he was largely en-
gaged in speculation and trade. The concern seemed to hold herself aloof from,
and above, the more humble sisters near by, and they were too modest either to
court or demand her respect. Hence there was little intercourse between them.
At this time no white persons were allowed to reside in the territory except
those engaged in missionary work, those in the employ of the United States gov-
ernment, licensed traders, and those who had intermarried with the Indians.
Of the latter number there were but few. John Owens was one of these. He
was about fifty years old and had no children. He resided in a little valley, I
disperse them ; but the Georgians, getting wind of their coming, hastily left, and the free-state
men took possession of their property — about $500 worth , in clotiiing and provisions — and burned
their fort, the only building they had erected. Reports were rapidly circulated in Missouri
that the abolitionists were killing and driving off pro-slavery men and burning their houses;
hence the plea for getting up the invasion which resulted in the battle and destruction of Osa-
watomie.
The few Friends living near Osawatomie have never been molested in any way, nor has a
band been laid upon anything of theirs. My life has been repeatedly threatened, and that too
by those whom I never saw. There has been a set of creatures among us who professed to be
free-state men, but who acted as spies for the ruffians, and reported to them the name and say-
ings of every prominent free-state man. Respectfully, Richard Mendbnhall.
♦Mrs. Governor Robinson gives a very pleasant account of Doctor Barker's family, with
■whom she tarried while on her way into Kansas, in March, 1855.— " Kansas, its Interior and Ex-
terior Life, 1856," chapter 3.
fA very appreciative sketch of Rev. Thomas Johnson and his mission work is contained in
Andreas's History of Kansas, page 300. At this mission were domiciled the executive officers of
the territorial government from 1854 to 1856, and the legislature of 1855.
friends' establishment in KANSAS. 257
think on Cedar creek, near its entry into the Kaw river. It was on the main
road leading from the missions and Westport, Mo., to the Wakarusa neighbor-
hood, near Blue Mound. He was a very useful man among the Indians — a man
of good sense, well informed, of correct habits, and of no mean inventive genius.
He had a large and good influence among his adopted people. I cannot now
recall his history prior to taking up his abode with the Shawnees, but think he
had been some time with them when I first knew him.
Samuel Cornetzer was employed a while as a laborer at the Methodist mission,
and about 1850 he married an Indian girl who had been educated at the mission.
He then built him a house and opened a farm near by where the Santa Fe trail
crossed One Hundred and Ten creek. He was a good man, and I am recently
informed that he is still with the tribe, at their new home in the Indian Terri-
tory. His brother Calvin came to the territory in 1850. He was a while em.
ployed at our mission, but I am informed that he afterwards married an Indian
girl and still resides with the Shawnees.
My mission work kept me so closely employed that I had little time to look at
the country, and no business called me away. As I was determined to return to
the states in October, 1852, I very much desired to make a trip to Council Grove,
which was the seat of a trading point among the wilder Kaw (Kansas) Indians
and of the Methodist mission among that tribe. It was located at the crossing
of the Neosho river by the Santa Fe trail. So, in July, 1852, I borrowed an In-
dian pony of Charles or Henry Blue-jacket, I do not remember which, and pre-
pared for a week's absence and a journey of 125 miles and return. I received
very many cautions from my Indian friends about the dangers of traveling alone,
as some stray party of Kaw Indians whom I might meet on the way would prob-
ably take an opportunity to possess themselves of my pony, clothes, and wealth.
The possibility of a return home on foot and naked was not very agreeable, it is
true, but I had little fear, as I had seen most of these wandering fellows, and
had often fed them, and had lost no opportunity to do them such favors as al-
lowing them to carry off dead cats and the offal of butchering pen and smoke-
house. So I felt safe.
I set out soon after dinner, and took the Westport branch of the Santa Fe
trail westward, and stopped over night at Lone Jack, or Blackjack Point. This
was fifteen or twenty miles from the mission, and here was the first house seen
after leaving home. The host was a Shawnee whom I knew well, and I was
treated as a distinguished guest. The next morning I had an early start, and
about twelve o'clock passed Willow Springs,* which was a distinguished water-
ing-place on the trail, but marked only by the fountain of water.
Here I met a party of Kaw Indians who were too much inclined to make
themselves familiar to suit me, but one of them knew me, and they allowed me
to pass without disturbance. Toward nightfall, after forty miles of travel, I ar-
rived at the house of Samuel Cornetzer, of whom I have before spoken. Here
was the first house seen since morning, and the second since leaving the mission,
then fifty-five or sixty miles away.
The travel so far has been on very high ground, as the trail maintained a
place on the dividing ridge between the Kansas and Arkansas rivers.
I found Calvin Cornetzer at his brother Sam.'s, and he agreed to join me in
my journey the next morning. Recent rains, however, had so swollen the streams
that we could n't cross One Hundred and Ten creek with safety on our small
* Afterward a town laid off, in sections 21 and 23, township 14 south, of range 19 east, in the
southern portion of Douglas county, but abandoned.
—18
258 KANSAS STATE HISTORICAL SOCIETY.
ponies, and the deeper one, Dragoon creek, was not far away; bo I laid by that
day, and on the following morning we set out. We had about sixty miles before
us to Council Grove, and no house or other shelter on the way. At Dragoon
creek we had deep fording for ponies. The stream ran in a very narrow and
deep channel, so that a small increase of water made fording difficult or impos-
sible. The day was passed as was the second day's journ < ; over prairies, only
broken by a little timber skirting the streams, and over a wealth of soil never
disturbed by man. Buflfalo-wallows were frequently seen, but they were but
memories of the past, as no hoof had lately been upon them. Our minds were
chiefly occupied with the discussion of the landscape in view, and the expecta-
tion of what the next hilltop would reveal. It was a day of wonder to me why
God had so long allowed so much wealth and beauty to lie waste.
About four p. M. we overtook a wagon and ox team loaded with supplies for
the trading-post of Mr. Hays at the grove. As we had already traveled about
fifty miles since morning, and were still ten or fifteen miles from our destination,
we decided to halt with the wagon and partake of the hospitalities of the team-
ster for the night. So we fed our tired ponies out of the oxen's corn and teth-
ered them upon the prairie, after which we satisfied our hunger upon bacon,
corn-bread, and coffee, and slept soundly under the "ship of the plain" until
morning, little disturbed by the barking of the prairie wolves, which made music
from dark until daylight. After breakfast we cantered over to the station in a
little while.
The Kansas or Kaw Indians at this time were entirely uncivilized, and dwelt
in tents and subsisted upon the chase. Their dress was very little changed from
primitive habits. They had had little contact with the border, and hence their
blood was purely American Indian. The whole tribe was clustered about Coun-
cil Grove and along the Neosho thereabouts. At the time of my visit most of
the lodges were away on the buft'alo grounds engaged in their summer hunt.
Plenty of game was found on the plains at a distance of from fifty to seventy-five
miles.
We found the mission outfit ample for their work. The building was a sub-
stantial brick, with a considerable farm attached. The institution was estab-
lished and conducted by the Methodist Episcopal Church South. I cannot now
recall the names of any of those in the service. Mr. Hays was licensed trader
for this post, and he carried a considerable stock of goods, which were chiefly
supplies for the Indians. The Indian village was chiefly on tbe east bank of the
river, while the mission store and other appurtenances of civilization were on the
western shore. The stream was about waist deep to a man at the crossing, and
there was no bridge. But there was no hesitation by the Indians at crossing. I
was much interested at the sense of shame by the women. To croes, the men
disrobed themselves of all clothing except the breech cloth and boldly waded
through: but the women were much more modest and careful of the exposure of
their persons. They carefully lifted their skirts, as they waded in, to suit the
depth, and as carefully dropped them as the water grew shallower toward the
other shore. I carefully watched one who approached the crossing with two
children in her arms, as her hands and arms were already employed. She stood
the little ones in the shallow water near the shore and waded in the deeper water
in front of them, where she squatted down in the water and fastened her cloth-
ing high up on her shoulders. She then reached for the children and moved on,
gradually rising as the water grew deeper. When the water became shallower,
near the other shore, she began to squat, and came lower and lower down until
she could safely land the children, when she put them down in the water and
friend's establishment in KANSAS. 259
loosed her skirts and let them drop as she straightened herself up, and waded
out without having wet her clothing or exposed her person.
After spending two days with these we set about the return. The first day's
travel was to Sam. Cornetzer's, a fatiguing journey of fifty-five or sixty miles.
Here my companion stopped, and the next morning I proceeded alone. At Wil-
low Springs I found the skeleton of a Mexican who died there a few weeks before
of cholera. The wolves had dug up the remains and closely picked the bones.
I hung the brainless skull to my saddle and brought it home with me.
At this point I left the Santa Fe trail and turned to the left, toward Blue
Mound. Much of this way led me along the brow of the bluff which overlooks
Kaw river valley. I suppose I passed near and overlooked the site of the present
city of Lawrence. The trail led me close by Blue Mound, and to the house of an
old Indian whose name was Tula, which was my objective point for that day. He
lived in a comfortable way in a log house on the bank of Wakarusa creek, a
sinuous, sluggish stream, the valley of which bounded the western limit of Shaw-
nee settlements upon their lands. Tula was a very intelligent old Indian and
well illustrated the good results from the early work of the Friends with his
tribe. He was a leading man in his neighborhood, spoke English fairly, and was,
I think, a member of Paschal Fish's church. His door was but a few yards from
the stream, and, if I remember rightly, but two or three miles east of Blue Mound.
It was the second human habitation seen since leaving Council Grove, a distance
of nearly 100 miles. From Tula's to our mission was near thirty miles. The
trail here expanded into a roadway, as it was the line of travel from the large
Wakarusa settlement to the missions, Westport, and Kansas City. I cannot now
distinctly locate the track, but my best recollection is that it ran along the bluffs
of the Kaw river and was chiefly in the timbered region. It passed near the resi-
dences of Chief Black-hoof and John Owens;" also near by Chief George Mo-
Dougal's and Chief George Blue-jacket's.
On my arrival at the mission I was sun-burned almost beyond recognition,
and worn out with travel, and, although all possible changes had been wrought
upon my saddle-blanket, the pony's back was skinned from mane to tail.
In these times the great financial event of the year was pay-day — the day of
the annual payment by the United States of the annuity to the Indians, stipu-
lated by treaty. Their year's purchases were made with promises to pay from
money thus and then received. It was thus a great day not only to the Indians,
but also to all their creditors.
The payment was usually made in one of the autumn months. I attended
that of 1851. It was made in a grove near the Blue-jacket residences. The head
of each family drew the per capita allowance for all his household. The pay-
ment was made exclusively in gold coin. The paymaster and his clerk first made
an enumeration of the tribe, and from this payment was made. They set up a
table in a suitable shaded, grassy spot and shut off the approach, except at the
front. A line of creditors leading to the pay table was formed long before the pay-
ment began, with the "early birds" at the head, ready to catch the first "worm."
When the clerk called a name the respondent marched down the narrow lane to
the front, and touched the tip of the clerk's pen in acknowledgment of the re-
ceipt of the sum due him. The paymaster (agent) then counted out the precious,
coin due him, and dropped it into his hand. Before his fingers could close upoQ
the money all his creditors within reach would make a grab at the hand, while-
those further away would catch at his clothing to pull him back to them. His-,
credit for the next year depended upon the celerity with which he allowed every
fellow to pick out of his hand the amount he pleased: more often than otherwise,
the money was all gone before the Indian got out of the lane, and he was much.
2')0 KANSAS STATE HISTORICAL SOCIETY.
of a financier who carried any home with him. As a rule, the creditors to whose
lot fell the more distant places from the table had poor picking. Often three or
four creditors were taking money out of the hand at the same moment, and, if
any chose to do so, the sum taken could be made to exceed the demand without
the possibility of discovery. There was no assurance of honest settlement but
the unquestionable character (!) of border traders.
The Society of Friends, in their mission work among the Indians, has never
made it an object to make Quakers of them and build up a church following.
While by correct example and instruction in Christian morality and the doc-
trines of the gospel of Christ they endeavored to lead them to correct conduct
and religious opinions, they felt it too great a weight for the church to carry a
membership of half-civilized people. Every day of the year the whole mission
family was collected for Scripture reading and such other devotional exercise
as might be offered in the way of prayer, testimony, praise, or teaching; and
three times a week (Thursday morning, and twice each Sabbath) there was held
regular church service. During my stay at the institution there was at all times
a recognized minister present, in the person, first, of Thomas Wells, the super-
intendent of the mission, and afterward Cornelius Douglas, who succeeded him.
Our work was confined almost exclusive to the maintenance and conduct of a
school and family, into which the Indian children were received and educated
and all their wants supplied. The course of study embraced reading, writing,
arithmetic, geography, and English grammar; and should any desire to push
their learning beyond this course, they were sent by order of the committee in
charge to neighborhoods of the Friends in Ohio or Indiana, where they might
have the opportunities of the better white schools and of civilized society. Very
many of the older pupils accepted these privileges, and remained away from
their people two or three years. Among these I remember the names of Lewis
Doherty and Joseph DeShane. It was very much desired that some of these
might qualify themselves for teachers in the mission school, but the Indian
traits were never sufficiently stamped out of any of them to make suitable ex-
amples for the children.
It was a source of great sorrow to us that, after years of careful instruction
and training at the mission, the society of their people outside so easily led them
away from what they had learned and adopted. But day by day the work was
done amid hopes and fears, with little present proof of good done, but believing
that the years to come would gather a harvest from our seed-sowing.
On the morning of April 2, 1852, the second year of my service in the Mission,
there was born to my wife and self a son, whom we named Walton C. Hobbs.
He has since grown to manhood, and for some years has resided in Indianapolis,
Ind. He is now (1884) the assistant general freight agent of the Cincinnati, In-
dianapolis, St. Louis & Chicago railroad, and is the proprietor of the Cable tea
store, 918 Main street, Kansas City, Mo. So far as I know, he was the first
white child born on the territory now comprising the state of Kansas,* but I
*The author was mistaken in this supposition. Napoleon Boone, grandson of Daniel, was
born at tlie home of his father, Daniel Morgan Boone, then farmer at the Kaw Indian agency,
in Jefferson county, Kansas, about seven miles west of North Lawrence, August 22, 1828. Lewis
B. Dougherty, son of Maj. John Dougherty, agent of the Pawnees, Otoos, and Omahas of Ne-
braska, was born at Fort Leavenworth, December 7, 1828. Col. A. S. Johnson, son of the Rev.
Thomas Johnson, was born at the Shawnee Methodist manual-labor school, in what is now
Johnson county, July H. 18S2. Mrs. Elizabeth Carter, youngest daughter of Rev. Robert Sim-
merwell, was born at the Shawnee Baptist mission, in Johnson county, January 24, 1835. She
married John 8. Carter, March 1, 1866, and died at her home near Auburn, Shawnee county
January 3, 1883. Her grandson, John R. Carter, was nominated for the office of superintendent
of schools for Shawnee county at the Republican primaries, February 27, 1904.
friends' establishment in KANSAS. 261
cannot certainly state it as a fact that he was the first. He was the first so far
as I am informed.
At Indiana yearly meeting of Friends, held at Richmond, Ind., October 6,
1862, the committee on Indian concerns made the following report, which I hpre
present as a historical sketch of the work of the church with the Shawnee In-
dians up to the year 1862, taken from the minutes of Indiana yearly meeting for
that year :
Dear Friends — ^ As our labors for the civilization of the Shawnee Indians,
which have been continued with very little intermission for over forty years, are
about to close, we apprehend it is a duty we owe to the yearly meeting briefly
to advert to those labors, and endeavor to show some of the benefits resulting
therefrom during that period.
In the year 1821, when Ohio yearly meeting was divided and Indiana yearly
meeting set up, this committee was originally appointed to cooperate with a
similar committee of Baltimore and Ohio yearly meetings in carrying the "plan
for the civilization of the Indians," as received from Ohio yearly meeting, into
effect; and at the meeting held at White Water meeting-house, on the twelfth
day of tenth month, 1821, Isaac Harvey, Aaron Brown and Jonathan Wright
were appointed a subcommittee to cooperate with a like subcommittee of Ohio
yearly meeting in purchasing a tract of land and preparing a school establi&h-
ment, as contemplated by the yearly meetings concerned.
At a meeting held at Waynesville, Ohio, fifth month, tenth day, 1822, this
subcommittee reported that they, in conjunction with the subcommittee of
Ohio yearly meeting, had procured an eligible situation adjoining the Wapa-
koneta (Shawnee) reserve, and had caused to be erected suitable buildings
thereon.
At this time the Shawnees were in a wild state, residing in small villages,
neglecting the cultivation of the soil, and depending almost entirely on the suc-
cess of hunting for support. And although they profess to believe in the Great
Spirit, the creator and upholder of all things, they were without the Holy Scrip-
tures, ignorant of the revealed laws of God and the plan of salvation by Jesus
Christ. They were very superstitious and labored under strange delusions. As
an evidence of this, we may refer to a single case. On one occasion a prominent
woman among them was tried and condemned as a witch, and would have been
executed had not our superintendent, Isaac Harvey, assisted by the head chief,
interposed, at the peril of their lives, and saved her from an untimely death.
After that occurrence. Friends were enabled through divine aid to inculcate
Christian views among them so far as to cause that, with some other evil prac-
tices, to be abolished.
The committee continued to labor among them at their reservation in Ohio
about twelve years, within which time they obtained considerable influence with
them, and a number of Indians opened farms and engaged in agricultural pur-
suits, and sent their children to school, to be instructed in the duties appertain-
ing to civilized life; but we apprehend that greater progress would have been
made had more devotion and greater zeal been manifested in inculcating the
doctrines and precepts of the gospel.
In 1832 the Shawnees concluded a treaty with the general government, by
which they agreed to dispose of their reservation in Ohio, and take in part pay-
ment a large tract of land west of the Mississippi river. The Friends, having
obtained permission from the government, sent a deputation to visit them at their
new homes. By the report of that deputation, it appears they found the Shaw-
nees located in a rich and healthy country, and well pleased with their change.
262 KANSAS STATE HISTORICAL SOCIETY.
They received the deputation with gladness, manifesting gratitude toward
Friends for their former labors to ameliorate their condition, and desires for a
continuance of their care.
In 1834 a donation of £300 was received from Friends of London yearly meet-
ing, for the Christian instruction and civilization of the Shawnee Indians west
of the Mississippi river, and such other tribes as may be located in the neighbor-
hood. The donation was accompanied by a communication expressing much
sympathy with Friends in their good work, and a desire that a "meeting for
worship might be established, to be held on first and week-days, and that the
objects of care be invited, as they may incline, to sit down with Friends in si-
lence to wait upon the Lord."
In 1835 the committees of Baltimore, Ohio and Indiana yearly meetings met
at Mount Pleasant, Ohio, and revised the "plan of operations for the Christian
instruction and civilization of the Shawnee Indians," which, being submitted to
the secretary of war, was approved, and a deputation was sent to visit the In-
dians, to submit the plan to them, and, if approved, proceed with the prelimina-
ries necessary to put it in operation. The deputation, on return, reported that
the Shawne'es, in full council, in presence of the government agent, gave their
consent fully and freely, and desired that the committee would erect buildings,
and open a farm on their land, with the privilege of occupying as long as they
wanted to keep up the school, declaring "that they had full confidence in their
friends, the Quakers."
During the year 1836 the committees were engaged in erecting the necessary
buildings and opening a farm.
In 1837 superintendents were employed, a school opened, a meeting for wor-
ship on first and week-days was established, and the superintendents were di-
rected to have portions of the Holy Scriptures read daily in the school and in the
family, and to take particular care to instruct the Indian children in the doc-
trines and precepts of the Gospel.
From this time the committee continued to labor among them with pretty
good success for several years, the school numbering from fifteen to forty-five
scholars, who were boarded, lodged and clothed at the expense of Friends.
During this period many of the Indians built comfortable houses, opened farms,
and prepared to enjoy the comforts of civilized life. A considerable number of
the Indians were brought under conviction, and embraced the doctrines of the
Gospel, hut no provision having been made by our yearly meeting for their re-
ception into membership with Friends, they united themselves with the Baptist
and Methodist churches. Some of the Shawnees, however, continued to attend
Friends' meeting, and in 1852 an Indian by the name of Kako (a as in far), not
feeling at liberty to join either of these societies, made application to the com-
mittee, and was finally received into membership by Friends of Miami monthly
meeting (Ohio), and during the remainder of his life his conduct and conversa-
tion were circumspect and exemplary. The closing scene of his life was rather
remarkable. He had a large number of Indians collected, and was enabled to
address them in a very feeling and impressive manner. His death was trium-
phant, exhibiting in a striking manner the power of faith in our Lord and Savior
Jesus Christ.
We also believe it to be right to mention in this connection, that in 1860 the
head chief of the Shawnee nation voluntarily resigned his office because he could
not conscientiously pronounce sentence of death on a member of the tribe who had
been tried and found guilty of murder. In a conversation on the subject with
our superintendent, he expressed (placing his hand on his breast at the same
friends' establishment in KANSAS. 263
time) that it seemed to him, indeed, a very solemn thing to take away the life of
a man — it would be taking from him that which not the whole nation, nor even
the whole world, could restore to him; and that a forcible conviction in his mind
was that a day is coming that will try such transactions very closely.
Although this individual had not connected himself in religious fellowship
with Friends, yet he was warmly attached to them, and was a public advocate
of the principles of peace, the abolition of slavery, and the cause of temperance.
He frequently attended Friends' meetings at the establishment, and was occa-
sionally very earnestly and fervently engaged in public exhortation in the meet-
ing, but more frequently was he so engaged in the evening family readings with
the school, where, by his counsel and encouragement, he was particularly helpful
to the right ordering of the Indian children ; and we doubt not but those good
principles thus manifested in him were matured and from time to time strength-
ened by his acquaintance with Friends.
In the year 1854 the Shawnees made another treaty * with the United States,
by the provisions of which they sold all their lands to the government, except
the eastern part of their reservation — a tract twenty-five by thirty miles in ex-
tent, from which were to be selected 200 acres of land for each man, woman and
child of the tribe, to be secured to them individually by the government. The
treaty also secured to Friends the use of 320 acres of land, for the benefit of the
school, so long as it may be continued. The few families living in the ceded
tract were allowed to select 200 acres for each individual at their place of resi-
dence.
Should the school be discontinued, the land and the improvements were to be
appraised separately and sold, the value of the land to be paid to the Indians
and the value of the improvements to be paid to the Friends.
By the regular report received by our superintendent through the. past year,
we are informed that the school was kept up until the 27th day of sixth
month last, when, at the suggestion of the superintendent, with the unity of two
members of the committee living in Kansas, it was discontinued, and the teacher
returned home and was paid for her services.
The school has been undergoing a gradual change in character for some years,
and is now properly a school for Indian orphan children generally. During the
last year, while refusing no Shawnee child that was offered, it has received and
instructed children from the Wyandotte, Stockbridge, Ottawa, Seneca and
Brotherton tribes. All Indian children in attendance were orphans except two.
The teachers' reports show that the children made good progress in their
studies, were very susceptible to kind treatment, and easily managed in school.
The Holy Scriptures were regularly read in the school and in the family, and
a first-day school kept up, in which all the members of the family took part.
The principal branches taught in the school were spelling, reading, writing,
arithmetic, and geography.
The following notes of the further progress of the work of the Friends at this
mission are extracts taken from the reports of the committee in charge of the
work as made in the yearly meeting year after year, as noted :
1863. — Early in eleventh month last the committee met at the establishment
and made an inventory and appraisement of the personal property, amounting
to S1070. This was sold for $1111. It did not include the buildings. The school
has been discontinued and the premises were left in the care of James and Rachel
Stanley. Soon afterward the Shawnee chiefs and council became anxious for a
* See Revision of Indian Treaties, 1873, page 792.
2(U KANSAS STATE HISTORICAL SOCIETY
school for their orphan children, offering to pay the expense by an appropriation
from their school fund. A contract was concluded through their agent, by which
the Friends were to receive eighty dollars per scholar per annum for boarding,
clothing, tuition and medical attendance for a number not exceeding fifty. A
contract was then made with James and Rachel Stanley to board, clothe and
educate such children for seventy -five dollars per annum per capita, and the use
of the buildings and farm, the five dollars being retained for medical attention
and incidental expenses.
The school, under this arrangement, opened April 1, 18C3, under the care of
Henry and Anne M. Thorndyke as teachers, with an average attendance of forty-
three scholars.
1864. — The superintendent reports they have seventy-six children in attend-
ance— forty-three girls and thirty-three boys — forty five of these orphans. Dur-
ing the winter smallpox broke out in the school. They had thirty cases and but
three deaths.
1865. — Soon after our last report the school closed, owing to great advances
in the price of every article necessary for the support thereof, the chiefs and
council not being willing at that time to advance the price; after which there
was some change made in the council, and at the meeting held in January, 186.5,
we were informed they wanted the school opened again. We had several satis-
factory interviews with them, and concluded a contract in February for reopen-
ing the school, by which we agreed to receive at Friends' mission forty Shawnee
children, and board, clothe, furnish medicine and medical attendance, and teach
the ordinary branches of English education, for the sum of $31.25 per quarter.
The school opened April 1, 1865, with Elisha Parker and wife, superintendents,
and Mary E. Hill, teacher. It filled up in a few days and proved very satis-
factory.
1866. — Since our last report the Shawnee mission establishment has been car-
ried on by contract as made last year with the chiefs and council of the Shawnee
tribe of Indians through their agent. The following summary shows the condi-
tion of the school the last year, viz.:
Number enrolled : Males, 35; females, 33; total, 68.
In reading 34
In writing 18
In mental arithmetic 15
In practical arithmetic 5
In geography 15
In grammar 4
Average attendance 40
Orphans ( thirty-five no parent ) . . . . 54
In school over nine months 22
In school over six months 27
Over fifteen years of age 6
Under ten years of age 39
In alphabet 17
1867. — The school has been kept up, with an average attendance of thirty-
five scholars.
1868. — The school has been kept up during the past year, with an average
attendance of thirty-three scholars. Their general conduct and advancement in
literary knowledge have been satisfactory. We have very recently received no-
tice from the council of the Shawnees that they desire to terminate the contract
under which the school has been maintained at the close of the present quarter.
Most of the children in the school are orphans. Many of them without home or
friends to take care of them, if deprived of a home at the mission. The commit-
tee, therefore, feels the importance and necessity of endeavoring to maintain a
school or asylum for such children, to such extent at least, as can be sustained
by the farm.
1869. — At the termination of the contract with the council the school closed,
in November, 1868, and most of the children were withdrawn. Such as had no
friends' establishment in KANSAS. 265
other home remained. The council soon afterwards desired it reopened under
same contract, and this was done in January, 1869, and continued to do well un-
til April, when the council again changed its mind and the school was closed.
This vacillation on the part of the council was not on account of any dissatisfac-
tion with the school, but on account of some consideration relating to the title
to the mission farm.
1870. — At this yearly meeting the committee proposed that Levi Woodard and
Eli Vestal should sell all the property belonging to the mission and close up its
affaire in Kansas. To this the yearly meeting assented, and Woodard and Vestal
were eo directed ; and further, to receive all moneys then in the hands of the
Indian committee, and pay all over to the treasurer of the yearly meeting.
1871. — The following is the report of the committee consisting of Woodard
and Vestal, who were appointed in 1870 to close out the mission affairs :
"To the Yearly Meeting : W^e the committee appointed to sell the personal
property and close up the business connected with the Shawnee mission report
that we sold at public sale, on the 11th day of November, 1870, all the property
that was then in readiness for sale, the grain not being in condition for market,
and realized therefor $687 25
For grain sold afterwards 271 00
Funds in hands of superintendent , 63 75
Received of Indian committee. May 22, 1871 1,191 11
Received of Indian committee, September 12, 1871 *5,000 00
Received interest on above 97 50
Total $2,810 61
Paid out since report of Indian committee last year:
For hogs $98 00
Provisions li 00
Work done for rent not collected 86 00
Marketing grain, advertising and sale expenses 60 00
Balance salary of superintendent 200 00
Forward to treasurer. May 22, 1871 1,189 31
Forward to treasurer, September 20, 1871 1,159 75
Exchange 3 55
$2,810 61
The treasurer of the yearly meeting made the following report as to the
money he had received, in any way relating to the affairs of the Shawnee mis-
sion, with an account of the investments he had made of the funds:
Received, November 17, 1870, of the United States, the value of im-
provements on land sold $5,000 00
Less exchange 7 50
$4,992 50
Received, July 28, 1871, six months' interest on $5000 of bonds bought, 293 04
Received, May 28, 1871, of committee, from sale of personal property 1,186 31
Received, September 27, of committee, from sale of personal property . . 1,162 75
T ^ ^ $7,6.31 60
Invested :
November 17, 1871, United States 6s of 1881 $1,500 00
Premium 503 .35
July 28, 1871, United States 6s of 1881, premium 291 42
September 28, 1871, cash on hand 2,339 83
$7,634 60
The order of the yearly meeting as to the disposition of this money was that
it should be invested in permanent stocks, and that the interest should be ex-
pended by another Indian committee, which is engaged in a wider field of effort
to help on the work of Indian civilization.
♦This probably is an error; if $500, then the totals agree.
2()6 KANSAS STATE HISTORICAL SOCIETY.
Thus closed the missionary work among the Shawnee Indians which was be-
gun by the Friends of Baltimore yearly meeting in 1808. The Ohio yearly
meeting afterwards joined hands with Baltimore; and in 1821 the Indiana yearly
meeting stood in with the others, and soon afterwards assumed the whole work
and carried it to the end.
There are no detailed reports of this work except the annual reports of the
committee in charge made to the yearly meeting. These have never been pub-
lished except in the annual minutes of each yearly meeting. These minutes
were published in pamphlet form each year, and no file can be found except in
the hands of some very careful i)erson who has preserved and bound them for
his own use.
Charles F. Coffin, of Chicago, 111., informs me that he has a complete file of
these minutes. I have nearly a complete file in my hands, which was preserved
by John Hadley, jr., late of Springboro, Ohio, which now belongs to W. R.
Evans, Esq., of Indianapolis, Ind., to whom I am indebted for the courtesy of
their use.
By CHARLES F. COFFIN.*
The copy of the report of the Indian committee to Indiana yearly meeting,
made in 1862, and quoted in full by Doctor Hobbs, was intended as a con-
densed history of the work of Friends of that yearly meeting amongst the Shaw-
nee Indians. It is, however, quite condensed. A full history of the work might
be taken from the reports of the Indian committee, as found in minutes of the
yearly meeting for many years, while the work was going forward. The con-
densed report in Doctor Hobbs's paper of transactions after 1862 I find has been
taken from these minutes and is correct so far as it goes.
The care of the Friends of this yearly meeting alone over the Indians was
continued until after the first inauguration of General Grant as president of the
United States, when, at his request, a number of tribes in Kansas and on the
border were placed under care of Friends, of the United States, and a committee
was appointed by each yearly meeting in the United States, which acted to-
gether, and was called the "associated executive committee on Indian affairs,"
which has continued work among the Indians until the present time. The
Shawnee Indians, who were especially the object of the care of Friends of In-
diana yearly meeting, had in the meantime sold their land in Kansas and re-
moved into the Indian territory, near the Kansas border, and were affiliated with
the Cherokee Indians. This tribe had in the meantime, through the labors of
Friends and others, become largely civilized. There were educated men amongst
them and the habits of white life had been generally adopted, and many of them
in their new location had opened good farms. The work of civilization and the
intermixture of white blood had to a great extent eradicated almost all the ap-
pearance of Indians amongst them.
The work of Friends is now extended over many of the small tribes in Kansas
and vicinity, and the results have been quite remarkable. In fact, the "Indian
problem" as it used to be spoken of, has been solved, and the work of education
and of religious instruction have gone forward until many of the tribes have be-
come quite enlightened.
The Society of Friends has now more than 500 Indian members, and quite a
number of meetings made up almost entirely of Indians. The remnant of Mo-
docs removed into the territory, under the charge of Friends, proved particularly
susceptible to religious work, and there grew up amongst them several ministers
*For many years clerk of Indiana yearly meeting, and member of the associated executive
committee on Indian affairs.
FKIKNDS' ESTABLISHMENT IN KANSAS. 267
of the Gospel, one or two of whom were quite remarkable men ; but the climate
was not healthful for them, and death removed several of the most striking
Christians, who died full of the faith and hope of the Gospel, amongst them these
ministers.
In the year 1894, accompanied by my wife, we visited several of the mission
stations in the tribes under care of Friends, and were greatly interested in see-
ing the advance in civilization and Christianity amongst them. A meeting of
Friends was held at the town of Blue-jacket, on the lands belonging to the
Shawnees, which was attended by several of the Shawnees and other Indians;
amongst others, Charles Blue-jacket, their old chief, became a steady attender
of the meetings, and took part in the devotions. He was a local minister amongst
the Methodists previous to this time, and I believe always retained his connec-
tioQ with them, although attending Friends' meeting frequently. He was an
interesting man, of fine physique, educated, and of great force of character. We
were guests at his house, which we found in excellent condition, with all the
comforts possessed by the whites around them. His grown daughters were
beautiful and attractive young ladies, well educated, and in every respect, ex-
cept a shade of color, like white people. Indeed, his whole household and fam-
ily bore all marks of refinement and culture. He has since died.
Friends still continue their mission work amongst these various tribes, and
have assisted in their education. They will probably, however (as their land has
been divided into allotments), soon intermingle with the whites around them,
and form reputable citizens of the country. Amongst these tribes the young
people who have been educated do not fall back into Indian habits. The danger
is that they will adopt the evil habits of the whites, as they are surrounded
largely by evil influences; and yet, on the whole, the work has proved quite sat-
isfactory, and the results show that it is possible to make good Christians and
useful citizens out of Indians.
Much of this work was commenced within the limits of the state of Kansas,
and all of it is so near the border as to be considered in connection with the his-
tory of that state.
By NATHAN AND LYDIA HENSHAW.*
In the year 1831, the Shawnee Indians, with whom Friends had been laboring
for a number of years in Wapakoneta, Ohio, agreed with the government to ex-
change their reservation for lands west of the Mississippi river. The chiefs ex-
pressed a wish that Friends would continue with them, as they had always been
true to them, and they were very desirous to have their children educated. In
1832 they removed to eastern Kansas (Johnson county). In 1833 three members
of the Indian committee of Indiana yearly meeting visited the families of the
Indians in their new homes, encouraging and advising them as they saw fit, and
reported: "The Indians are settled on an excellent tract of land, nearly one-half
of which is rich, dry prairie ; the remainder well timbered, with good mill streams,
and apparently healthy, and they appear to be satisfied."
The reports of Indiana yearly meeting for 1834 note: "The concern for the
civilization of the Shawnee Indians, who have heretofore been under our care,
in the future will be carried on by the yearly meetings of Baltimore, Ohio, and
Indiana, the active part of the work devolving on Indiana and Ohio jointly ; that
a suitable family be placed among them to superintend the work, and a school
be kept up regularly, with at least twenty-five scholars, who are to be taught the
use of letters and the domestic arts ; that the secretary of war be asked to ap-
* Written January 28, 1897.
268 KANSAS STATE HISTORICAL SOCIETY.
point Friends as subagent, blacksmith, etc., in order that there may be Friends
enough in the neighborhood for a regular meeting." A valuable tract of 'V20
acres was leased of the Indians; two natives were employed to build two houses
of hewn logs, twenty feet square, one and one-half stories high, with a brick
chimney in each end, and another for school and meeting-house, of same dimen-
sions, to be warmed by a stove.
In 1837 Moses Pearson and wife, of Ohio ( parents of Mahala Jay), were era-
ployed as superintendent and matron, and moved out in wagons, with thpir
family, to take charge; Mary H. Stenton, assistant matron; and Ellas Newby,
as teacher. The amount expended that year for salaries, traveling expenses,
freight, etc., is reported as $756. A meeting was established and held regularly
twice a week, a few of the Indians attending first day meetings. Fifty acres of
ground was fenced, broken, and put in cultivation. Moses Pearson is spoken of
as one of our best workers. In the year 1842 Thomas H. and Mary W. Stanley
took charge of the mission, a brother, James Stanley, acting as assistant.
The year 1844 was a very wet one, causing a general failure of crops ; conse-
quently great destitution among the Indians. Thomas H. Stanley informed
Eastern Friends, and almost all the yearly meetings, through their meeting for
sufferings, contributed to their relief. Thomas Wells, who was several times
connected with the work, came West and received and distributed the donations.
.In 1845, finding there had been more funds sent than was really necessary for
the relief of the Indians, permission was obtained of the donors to use the sur-
plus in building a good house, which was greatly needed. The plan proposed by
Thomas H. Stanley, and adopted, was to construct a house 24x70 feet, three
stories high — the basement of stone, for kitchen, dining-room, and cellar; the
upper stories of frame, school rooms in each end, dormitories above, with four
rooms in the middle of the building for the family. Thomas and James Stanley
went into the forest, chopped and hauled the logs to the mill for the lumber,
hewed the framing timber, and did most of the work in erecting the building,
which still stands, within a few miles of Kansas City (then an insignificant
place, known as Westport Landing), a monument to their integrity, energy, and
faithfulness. Thomas H. and Mary W. Stanley still live, beloved by all who
know them — "green in old age." The former has probably been a representa-
tive to our yearly meeting every year since its origin; has traveled over the
Indian Territory many times, since his wards have been again removed ; oft-
times on foot, "without money and without price," looking after the spiritual
and temporal welfare of the children of the forest of many tribes, and gladden-
ing the hearts of the missionaries in their isolation.
In the year 1847 Jesse and Elizabeth Harvey, with their family, were placed
in charge of the mission; Dr. Wm. Foster Harvey, long since a minister, and his
sister, Sarah, as teachers; and the late Dr. Thomas B. Harvey, of Indianapolis,
as industrial teacher or farmer. Before the close of the first year, Jesse Harvey,
superintendent, was called from " works to reward," and was laid to rest in the
little burying-ground on the mission farm, the rest of the family still remaining
at their post for two years.
The reports of the year 1849, from Richard and Sarah Ann Mendenhall (the
latter, late of Lawrence), illustrate the thoroughness with which the Indians
were instructed both "in the use of letters and the domestic arts": "First-day
school has been regularly kept up, and the children exercised in Scripture quo-
tations and Barclay's Catechism. Also there has been made about 500 pounds
of butter, 600 pounds of cheese; 84 pounds of wool spun, 42 yards of linsey woven
blankets; 32 yards of rag carpet, and a piece of linsey for dresses made; over 50
friends' establishment in KANSAS. 269
pairs of stockings knit, 130 garments made up for the girls and over 100 for the
boys: also 50 sheets and towels, etc., for house use (all before the day of sewing-
machines) ; one beef, 7000 pounds of pork, salted on the farm; over 60 acres of
corn and other vegetables cultivated; 56 children in school, 30 of whom can read
the Scriptures, and seem more interested in reading them than in any other
book; most can write and cipher; 20 can read and spell easy lessons; 6 are in
the alphabet."
James and Rachel Hall Stanley were in charge of the work several years be-
fore the close of the mission, and were remarkable for the spirit of self-sacrifice
they manifested, often using almost their entire salary, of about S300 for both
superintendent and matron, to support the institution. Few persons have la-
bored as arduously with their own hands in such positions as did she as matron.
She has just entered into her rest, to receive her reward.
Many orphan children took refuge in this home, and greatly appreciated the
care and affection bestowed upon them. Old John Wolf used frequently to at-
tend the meetings, and preach to the children in their native tongue.
Though the accessions to the church at the time were comparatively few,
those now situated among them in the Indian Territory tell us the good done
was incalculable; that the children of parents educated at that mission prove
beyond doubt that the labor and treasure were not spent in vain. Through the
instrumentality of Jeremiah Hubbard and others in the field, many have con-
nected themselves with Friends, and we know of a few able ministers from the
tribe who, for many years, held that position in the Methodist church. A num-
ber of Friends were formerly connected acceptably with the work whose names
space forbids mentioning. Hence we see Quakerism in Kansas was not of so re"
cent date as some may suppose.
In the year 1854 Ira Hadley settled on the Cottonwood river, near where the
city of Emporia now stands. The following year the family of Joseph Moon ar-
rived, and in 1856 Curtis Hiatt, Thomas H. Stanley and three other families
joined them. Their meeting was held twice a week, at the residence of Curtis
Hiatt and Joseph Moon for about three years, when a meeting-house was built,
and a large colony of Friends soon gathered. During the border-ruffian troubles
they experienced many dangers. Ira Hadley was once arrested by a band of
ruffians, but his cool, easy manner threw them off their guard, when he put
spurs to his horse and escaped, notwithstanding several shots were fired after
him. A company who became disheartened and left the country for the East
came to one of the Friends to get him to join them ; but he replied, "No ; I came
here to make my home, and expect to live and die near the Cottonwood," and is
there yet. The country was traversed by bands of wild Indians, and several
murders were committed by border ruffians, but Friends escaped unhurt.
All milling, groceries and dry-goods had to be transported in covered wagons
from Kansas City, Fort Leavenworth, or Westport, the nearest point being about
100 miles. Cottonwood monthly meeting was set up by Ackworth quarterly
meeting, Iowa, tenth month, 6th, 1860, then belonging to Indiana yearly meet-
ing. The approach of the civil war brought a large number of valuable Friends
from North Carolina and Tennessee, many of whom settled here. In third
month, 1868, Cottonwood quarterly meeting was opened by Indiana yearly meet-
ing. It was then composed of two monthly meetings, Cottonwood and Toledo,
but has since spread its branches until its meetings number seventeen, and a
new quarterly meeting has been set off from it, known as Buffalo quarter.
Richard Mendenhall, who was a personal friend and neighbor of old John
Brown, was a prominent man in early Kansas history, his home often proving a
270 KANSAS STATE HISTORICAL SOCIETY.
place of refuge and safety to free-state men when in danger and trouble. A
monthly meeting ie still held here, known as Spring Grove meeting.
In the year 1861 William and Penelope Gardner and Winelow and Margaret
Davis came from North Carolina, settling in the village of Hesper, where Jona-
than Mendenhall and family and a few other Friends had previously locatfd;
very soon a little meeting was organized, first at J. Mendenhall's house, after-
ward in the schooihouse. Although little was heard without but talk of war,
and the clicking of instruments of war by day and night, as soldiers were pass-
ing to and fro through the country, the little company of Friends endeavored to
keep their minds stayed in the quiet, feeling they were engaged in their Master's
work. A meeting for worship and a preparative meeting were first established in
a small meeting-house built for the purpose. Gradually the number was in-
creased by other settlers, and in 1864 a monthly meeting was granted by Kan-
sas quarterly meeting. Quantrill and his band of 300 marauders passed through
Hesper on their way to Lawrence, stopped, and surrounded the house of Adella
Davis in the night, and demanded to know who lived there. On being told it
was a lone widow with her little children, they quietly passed on to the next cor-
ner, to the home of a Union refugee from Missouri, and murdered the father of
the family, forcing a young man from the house to pilot them to Lawrence,
twelve miles away.
Sadness is but a feeble term to express the feelings of those pioneers on that
beautiful summer morning, as they watched the smoke ascending straight as a
pillar of cloud toward heaven from one home after another, while brave, de-
fenseless men, called from their beds, were being shot down promiscuously,
while the arms of their pleading wives were thrown around them. Is it any
wonder the people of Kansas look with pity on the ignorance of Eastern political
writers, who assail the people of our state "with want of character," when it
was settled by the bravest and truest of every state in the Union ? But we di-
gress. At this time Levi Jessup and wife, of Indiana, were visiting the families
of Hesper meeting, and while the experiences referred to were new and sorrow-
ful to them, they were a great comfort to Friends, and I presume he never
preached a more feeling funeral sermon than the one over the remains of that
poor man.
In the year 1869, by common consent, Kansas quarterly meeting was divided;
Kansas and Tonganoxie monthly meetings to constitute Spring Dale quarter,
and Hesper and Spring Grove to form Heeper quarter. In the same year a
quarterly meeting was established at Spring River, for the southeastern part of
the state and the western portion of Missouri.
In the year 1869 a request was forwarded to Indiana yearly meeting for a
yearly meeting to be held in Lawrence, to be known as Kansas yearly meeting.
After the request was made, monthly meetings, previously requested, were or-
ganized at Lawrence, and at Shawneetown, in Johnson county : the latter place
near the Friends' mission, where Amasa and Lydia M. Chase, Eli and Jemima
Vestal, and a number of others had located.
Not having means at their command to build a suitable house to accomodate
the rapidly-growing population, William C. Coffin consented, with the sanction
and authority of the committee, to visit Friends of other yearly meetings as so-
licitor. He was most kindly received, and raised about $8000 from the meetings
in America, and $16,000 from Friends of London and Dublin, which enabled
them to erect a commodious house, at a cost of 131,079 for building and prem-
ises. Kansas yearly meeting was opened in 1872, with representatives present
from every yearly meeting on the American continent. Dr. Wm. Nicholson and
KANSAS AT CHICKAMAUGA AND CHATTANOOGA. 271
Drusilla Wilson were appointed, clerks, and filled the position for many years.
The first statistical report shows a membership of 2514, with four quarterly meet-
ings and twenty-five established meetings. The last yearly meeting reports a
membership of 10,848, fifteen quarters, and 110 established meetings, a large
number of one new quarter being Indians, who show by their lives that they are
•'acquainted with Christ."
Among the first pioneers in Kansas called to definite work, Abel Bond might
be mentioned as one who felt work to be a distributer of religious tracts, always
traveling on foot ; at one time canvassing the country to and from the Pacific in
this way, distributing to all he met.
Many Friends took an active part in the struggle for the prohibitory amend-
ment in our state. Perhaps first among these were Jonathan and Drusilla Wil-
son, then of Lawrence. When the "crusade" spirit reached us, she was the
unanimous choice for president. We take the following from her diary : "It
was undertaken with many misgivings on my part lest I might not do justice to
the cause, but this crusade was an inspiration of the Holy Ghost, sent from
heaven to arouse action in this great work. . . . One morning, at the close
of one of our visits to a saloon, the proprietor said to me: 'Our business is just
as legal as the business in which your husbands are engaged; we have paid our
license, and the city is bound to protect us in our business.' We retired from
that saloon wiser, if not better. I said to the women : ' It is time we had changed
our crusade from the saloons to our fathers, husbands and sons who make them
their agents for a stipulated price.' They then made frequent visits to the city
councils, endeavoring to get the state law on the dram-shop act enforced in the
county; this failing after a majority of the voters had signed the petition for no
license. We often met in council, and to take counsel of God; held mass meet-
ings ; visited churches and Sunday schools ; circulated petitions all over the state
to be presented to the legislature for a constitutional amendment. During one
year Jonathan and Drusilla Wilson traveled over 3000 miles in their carriage and
addressed 300 audiences, besides Sabbath-schools and bands of hope." She was
for many years local president, and for three years state president, of the Wo-
man's Christian Temperance Union. Her diary closes on this subject with "I
can exclaim with the Psalmist, 'Return unto thy rest, O my soul, for the Lord
hath dealt bountifully with thee.' "
KANSAS AT CHICKAMAUGA AND CHATTANOOGA.
nnHE following is the action taken by the state of Kansas for participation in
-*- the dedication of the Chickamauga park. On February 18, 1895, Gov. E. N.
Morrill* approved the following act:
An Act to create a commission and provide for the erection of monuments
and tablets to mark the position of Kansas troops on the battle-fields of Chicka-
mauga and Chattanooga.
Whereas, The Congress of the United States has provided, by an act ap-
proved August 19, 1890, for the purchase and improving of 7600 acres of land
♦Edmund N. Morrill was born at Westbrook, Cumberland county, Maine, February 12, 1834.
He was educated in the common scliools and at Westbrook Academy, and learned the trade of
tanning. He settled in Brown county, Kansas, in March, 1S57. He began business in Kansas
with a sawmill. In 1857 he was elected from Brown and Nemaha counties to the first free-state
legislature, serving in the special session, December, 1857, and the regular session, January,
1858. In 1861 he enlisted as a private in company C, Seventh Kansas cavalry, was made a ser-
geant, and in August, 1862, promoted a captain and commissary of subsistence. He was honor-
ably discharged in October, 1865. In 1866 he was elected clerk of the district court, and in 1867
272 KANSAS STATE HISTORICAL SOCIETY.
in Tennessee and Georgia to be known as the Chickamauga and Chattanooga
National Military Park, providing for the improving and beautifying of it, for
the purpose of preserving and suitably marking for historical and professional
military study of the fields of some of the most remarkable maneuvers and
most brilliant fighting in the war of the rebellion in which Kansas troops won
distinguished honors ; and
Whereas, The same act provides that it shall be lawful for the authori-
ties of any state having troops engaged, either at Chattanooga or Chickamauga,
to enter upon said lands and approaches of said park for the purpose of ascer-
taining and marking the lines of battle of troops engaged thertin, by monuments,
tablets, or otherwise ; and
Whereas, It is but a just recognition of Kansas' brave soldiers that suitable
tablets should mark their position, and monuments be erected to commemorate
their deeds of heroism on the battle-field: therefore.
Be it enact- d by the Legislature of the State of Kansas :
Section 1. That the governor of the state of Kansas be and he is hereby
authorized to appoint a commission consisting of five soldiers of the state of
Kansas who served with honor in the battles of Chickamauga and Chattanooga,
not less than three of whom served in a Kansas regiment in that battle, to locate
and erect suitable memorials and monuments commemorative of the deeds of the
soldiers of Kansas who fought on those battle fields.
Sec. 2. The said commission is hereby authorized to erect suitable memorial
structures, monuments, and tablets, to properly commemorate the heroic deeds
of the soldiers of Kansas who took part in said engagements, and to audit the
accounts therefor and pay for the same out of the moneys hereinafter appro-
priated, and said commission is also authorized to audit and pay the actual ex-
penses of said commission out of said appropriation. Said commission shall
keep an accurate account of all disbursements, and shall make a full report
thereof and of the execution of their trust to the governor on or before the 15th
day of November, 1895
Sec. 3. That the sum of $5000 be and the same is hereby appropriated out of
any funds in the treasury of the state not otherwise appropriated, to be drawn
and used by said commission for the purpose heretofore mentioned, and the
auditor of state is hereby authorized to draw his warrants on the treasurer of
state for the purposes and amounts specified herein.
Sec. 4. This act shall take effect and be in force from and after its publica-
tion in the official state paper.
The following Kansas soldiers who took part in the battles of Chickamauga
and Chattanooga were appointed as such commission: Lieut. -col. J. L. Aber-
nathy,* Maj. S. R. Washer,! G. W. Johnson, J. F. Starnes, and L. Akers.
county clerk, of Brown county. He served in tliis latter capacity until 1872, when he was elected
to the state senate. In 1876 he was reelected. In 1882 he was elected to Congress, of which body
he was a member for eight years, distinguishing himself as the special champion of the old
soldier. In 1890 he voluntarily retired from Congress. In 1894 he was elected governor of Kan.
sas by a large plurality. In 1896 he was defeated. He has been engaged in the banking business
at Hiawatha since the war, and has the credit of having never foreclosed a mortgage. He has
been a director of the State Historical Society since 1879, and for the year 3896 was president of
the Society.
* J. L. Abeenathy was born in Warren county, Ohio, in 1828. He died at Leavenworth, De-
cember 16, 1902. He came to Kansas in 1856, and engaged in the furniture business at Leaven-
worth. He was a very successful banker and manufacturer, and left an estate worth $1,000,000.
He was an elder in the First Presbyterian Church, and superintendent of its Sabbath-school.
He gave large sums to Park College, and maintained a free kindergarten school in Leaven-
worth. He enlisted in 1861, and was made captain of company A, Eighth Kansas, and was mus-
tered out as lieutenant-colonel at the close of the war. At Kansas City he owned the largest
furniture factory in the West.
t Solomon R. Washer was born at Indianapolis, Ind., February 2, 18:56. He resided in
Indiana until 1860, when he came to Kansas, settling at Atchison. By occupation he is a grain
merchant. He has served the public as a member of the board of education, street commis-
sioner, county treasurer, »nd postmaster. In November, 1861, he enlisted as a private in the
Eighth Kansas, and was appointed sergeant-major. He served through the grades of lieuten-
ant and captain, was brevetted major, and discharged at Fort Leavenworth, January 6,1866.
He was wounded at the battle of Chickamauga, September 20, 1863.
Kansas at Chattanooga — Mission Ridge,
Kansas at Chattanooga — Orchard Knob,
KANSAS AT CHICKAMAUGA AND CHATTANOOGA. 273
They entered upon their labors with praiseworthy diligence, and faithfully per-
formed all the duties assigned to them. Governor Morrill accepted the invita-
tion extended to the state of Kansas by the National Park Commission, and was
present at the dedication of the park, September 19 and 20, 1895, accompanied
by the following members of his personal staff: S. M. Fox, adjutant general; C.
S. Elliott, paymaster general; H. G. Cavenaugh (captain Thirteenth United
States infantry), inspector general; W. S. Metcalf, aide-de-camp. He was also
accompanied by Maj. William S. McCasky, Twentieth United States infantry,
and Maj. John K. Rankin, both of whom were present and served in the battles
of Chickamauga and Chattanooga.
On the morning of September 20 the commission turned over to the state of
Kansas the monuments and tablets erected to mark the lines and to commemo-
rate the heroic services of the Kansas troops on the several battle-fields. They
were received with appropriate honors.
The report of the Kansas commission is as follows:
His Excellency E. N. Morrill, Governor of State of Kansas, Topeka, Kan. :
Dear Sir — The commission appointed by you, under the authority of
the legislature (see house bill No. 201), to mark the positions occupied by
Kansas troops in the battles of Chickamauga and Chattanooga, and to purchase
and erect monuments to their memory, have completed the work assigned to
them and have the honor to hand you herewith their report.
Your commission, consisting of S. R. Washer, G. W. Johnson, J. F. Starnes,
L. Akers, and J. L. Abernathy, organized March 4, by the election of J. L.
Abernathy, president, and S. R. Washer, secretary.
In April the commission visited the battle-fields of Chickamauga and Chat-
tanooga and marked the positions the Kansas troops occupied in these battles.
Your commission advertised for designs and proposals, and received quite a num-
ber of sketches, but learned that parties doing the work were to meet and sub-
mit designs to the Wisconsin commission. Your commission decided to send
the president and secretary to Milwaukee to select and contract for monuments.
After seeing a large number of designs, your commission finally selected a large
granite sarcophagus and two granite markers for the Chickamauga field, the first
base of sarcophagus to be 9 feet by 5 feet 2 inches by 1 foot 11 inches high ; sec-
ond base, 7 feet 2 inches by 3 feet i inches and 2 feet high; the die, 6 feet 1 inch
by 2 feet 3 inches by 3 feet 10 inches high. The four sides of this stone and the
foregoing are rock-faced, with marginal lines, and the peak is fine-hammered.
On the front there is cut in large letters in the granite: "Eighth Kansas In-
fantry, Third Brigade, First Division, Twentieth Army Corps." On the reverse
side is the following inscription, in bronze plats:
•'On September 19, 1863, the Eighth Kansas volunteer infantry. Col. John A.
Martin, commander, Heg's brigade, Davis's division, McCook's corps, went into
action east of this point, and was in the hottest part of the battle from 12:30
until 6:00 p. m. During the battle Colonel Heg was killed. Colonel Martin as-
sumed command of the brigade, and Lieut.-col. J. L. Abernathy commanded
the regiment. The fighting during this day was severe. The ground where this
monument stands was repeatedly occupied by the opposing forces. At the close
of the day the regiment bivouacked west of the Viniard house. During the
night the division moved to the high ground west of Crawfish Springs road, and
north of Widow Glenn's house. September 20, 'at twelve o'clock, the brigade
went into action on the Brotherton farm, but was soon forced to retire to Mc-
Farland's Gap. The regiment joined General Thomas at six p. m. Total num-
ber engaged, 406. Loss: 2 commissioned officers killed, 9 commissioned oflBcers
wounded, 28 enlisted men killed, 156 enlisted men wounded, 25 enlisted men
missing. Total loss, 220, or fifty-five per cent, of strength of regiment."
—19
274 KANSAS STATE HISTORICAL SOCIETY.
On the end of this monument there is in bronze plate the seal of the state of
Kansas.
About 500 yards east of where this monument stands your commission placed
one granite marker, with the following inscription: "The Eighth Kansas volun-
teer infantry occupied this position at one p. m., September 19, 1863."
About half a naile north of the monument another granite marker fixes the
position of the Kansas troops in the second day's battle.
Your commission erected a large granite boulder on Orchard Knob, Chat-
tanooga, of the following dimensions : One solid piece 4 feet 6 inches by 2 feet G
inches at base and 6 feet 6 inches high. The front of face is fine-hammered.
The sides and rear and top are rock-faced. On the front there is a bronze panel,
on which appears the following legend:
"On November 23, 1863, the Eighth Kansas volunteer infantry. Col. John A.
Martin commanding, first brigade, third division, fourth army corps, moved on
this point at two o'clock p. m., from the railroad track, in front of Fort Wood,
as skirmishers for the brigade, and, supported by the brigade, captured this
knob and line of works without much resistance, and before the main line ar-
rived. The regiment remained in this position until three o'clock in the after-
noon of the 25th, when it moved with the brigade to assault the enemy's works
at the foot of Mission Ridge."
In the battle of Chattanooga, the Kansas troops were among the first to reach
and drive the enemy from Mission Ridge. Your commission had erected at
this point a fine granite shaft, of the following size and description: Materia!
used for this monument is Barre granite for pedestal and bronze for the statue.
The first base is 6 feet 9 inches by 6 feet 9 inches and 1 foot 6 inches high. The
four sides are rock-faced, with marginal lines. The wash is fine-hammered.
The second base is 4 feet 3 inches by 4 feet 3 inches by 1 foot 6 inches high. The
sides of this also are rock-faced, with marginal lines; the wash fine-hammered.
The next stone is 3 feet 3 inches by 3 feet 3 inches and 1 foot high ; the side rock-
faced, with marginal lines. The die is 3 feet 2 inches by 3 feet 2 inches by 3 feet 8
inches high, all four sides fine-hammered. Above this is a plinth 2 feet 11 inches
by 2 feet 11 inches and 9 inches high; sides rock-faced, with marginal lines. On
this there is a cap 3 feet 6 inches by 3 feet 6 inches and 1 foot 7 inches high :
sides fine-hammered and molded. Above this is a plinth 2 feet 7 inches by 2
feet 7 inches and 1 foot high; sides rock-faced, with marginal lines: wash ham-
mered. The whole of this base is surmounted by a bronze statue of the color-
bearer, bearing aloft the stars and stripes. The bronze statue is 6 feet high to
top of head. The entire height of the monument is 17 feet 11 inches, containing
175 cubic feet of granite, and weighing 31,500 pounds. On the front is a bronze
panel bearing the following inscription: "Eighth Kansas Volunteer Infantry."
The following legend, also in bronze plate, is upon the face of this monument:
"November 25, 1863, the Eighth Kansas volunteer infantry. Col. John A.
Martin commanding, Willich's brigade. Wood's division. Granger's corps, ad-
vanced from Orchard Knob at three p. m., and with the brigade carried the
works at the foot of the ridge, and continuing the assault up its face, the regi-
ment broke through the opposing lines on the crest of the ridge at this point,
and a portion of it pursued the enemy 200 yards beyond, and there engaged in a
lively but short fight, while the rest assisted in driving the enemy from the left.
The regiment bivouacked on the ridge near this point. Total number engaged,
219. Loss: 1 commissioned offlcer wounded, 2 enlisted men killed, 23 enlisted
men wounded; total, 26."
Upon one of the sides of this monument there is also the seal of the state of
Kansas, in bronze. This monument is in a conspicuous place, overlooking Chat-
tanooga, and your commission was very fortunate in securing this position for
the monument.
WITH JOHN BROWN IN KANSAS. 275
These monuments were all completed and received by your commissioners on
the 20th of September, and by your request were turned over to you, as governor
of Kansas, for such disposition as you might think best, and under the rules and
regulations for the government of the Chattanooga and Chickamauga National
Military Park.
Your commission deem it unnecessary to speak of the valor and bravery dis-
played by the Kansas troops engaged in these battles. The record of the dead
and wounded tells the story in more eloquent words than we could use. Your
commission believe that they have executed their trust in a manner which will
meet your approval, and that citizens of Kansas visiting the Chickamauga and
Chattanooga National Military Park will be pleased with the work of your com-
mission and with the record of the troops from Kansas in both of these battles.
In the discharge of their trust your commission have expended the following
sums:
April 15, expense of five commissioners to Chattanooga to locate posi-
tions of Kansas troops in battles of Chickamauga and Chattanooga, $260 90
April 23, expenses of president and secretary to Milwaukee to examine
and select monuments 90 15
Expense of secretary's office to date 76 53
Bill of Smith's Granite Company, for three granite monuments and two
granite markers, set up, complete 3,600 00
Bill of American Bronze Company, for die and two copies of state seal
in bronze 50 00
September 20, expense of five commissioners to Chattanooga to inspect
and receive monuments 395 05
Total expenditure $4,472 63
Leaving a balance of appropriation unexpended of $527.37.
I have the honor to enclose herewith my imperfect blue-prints of designs of
the monuments.
Trusting that the foregoing report and the manner in which the work of your
commission has been performed may meet with your approval, I have the honor
to be, J. L. Abernathy, President of Commission.
S. R, Washer, Secretary.
WITH JOHN BROWN IN KANSAS.
Written by August Bondi,* at request of Maj. Henry Inman, and published in the Salina
Herald in January and February, 1884.
PURSUANT to your request that I should give you my recollections and views
of the character and deeds of freedom's hero, John Brown, in reply to the
slanderous article of Utter, | I have tried my utmost to refresh my memory and
* August Bondi was born in Vienna, Austria, July 21, 1833. His father, Herz Emanuel
Bondi, was born at Prague, Bohemia, December 24, 1790; his mother, Martha Franke, was born
at Prague, Bohemia, December 24, 1806. His father engaged in manufacturing in Vienna, but
was impoverished by the political disturbances of the '40's, and in September, 1848, emigrated to
the United States with his family, consisting of his wife and son —the subject of this sketch —
and a daughter, Henrietta. They settled in St. Louis, Mo. In August, 1857, they moved onto
t Rev. David N. Uttee, pastor of a Unitarian church in Chicago, published, in the November,
1883, issue of the Xorlh American Revieiv, an article entitled "John Brown of Osawatomie."
It was a bitter arraignment of Brown for his connection with the killing of certain pro-slavery
settlers on Pottawatomie creek, which occurred May 24, 1858. ( See foot-note, page 439, volume 7,
Collections Kansas State Historical Society ; also writings of Richard J. Hinton, George W.
Brown, W. E. Connelley, John J. Ingalls, F. B. Sanborn, etc.)
276 KANSAS STATE HISTORICAL SOCIETY.
recall that border war (ended now for more than a quarter of a century), and my
intimate relations with the grandest personality of that eventful struggle.
About the middle of May, 1855, I, with a friend named Benjamin, of St.
Louis, settled on the Mosquito branch of Pottawatomie creek. About the end
of May I called upon one Henry Sherman ("Dutch Henry"), living about four
miles from our claim. I had heard he was a German, and I wished to make his
acquaintance. After a short talk this worthy said he had heard we were free-
soilers, and he therefore would advise us to clear out, or ours might be the fate
of Baker. Baker was a settler on the Marais des Cygnes, whom a band of ruf-
fians had taken from his house, whipped, and hanged upon a tree, but had been
taken down before life was extinct, and released, upon his promise to leave Kan-
sas— all this because Baker was from Vermont. On my return from Sherman's
I had some words with one Wilkinson, who saluted me in the style of Dutch
Henry.
Reaching home, Benjamin and I held a council of war. Benjamin (who had
worked several days at the settlement on the Marais des Cygnes) reported that
no help could be expected thence, where the settlers were all from Missouri or
Arkansas. He had heard, however, of a small settlement of Ohio men about five
miles to the northeast, and we agreed that these ought to be seen. Next morn-
ing Benjamin went there, and returned about noon with Frederick Brown, who
brought a greeting from his three brothers, and assured us that they would al-
ways be found ready to assist us.
a claim near Greeley, Anderson county, Kansas. In May, 1867, the family removed to Salina,
and remained with the son until theii» deaths. The father died September 26, 1868; the mother,
August 19, 1889 ; and the daughter, March 28, 1896. August Bondi had a classical and scientific
education to his fifteenth year, and lived in Vienna, Austria, until September 4, 1848. He lived
in St. Louis until March, 1855, when he started for Kansas on the "Polar Star/" He crossed
the line into Kansas April 2, 1855, and in May settled on the Mosquito branch of Pottawatomie
creek, in Franklin county. He removed to Groeley, Anderson county, in March, 1857; thence to
Leavenworth, August, 1865; and in July, 1866, to Saline county, which ha.s been his home to
this day. Since settling in Kansas he has worked in stores, printing-offices, on steamboats,
kept tavern, taught s(;hool, farming most of the time until 1877, with an interval of thirty-seven
months in the army ; and in later years has engaged in real estate, loan and law practice. He
has served as a member of the school board, township trustee, clerk of the district court, land-
office clerk, member of the State Board of Charities, postmaster at Greeley, in the early days,
and postmaster at Salina from May, 1894, to August, 1897.
In 1848 he was a member of the Vienna Academic Legion, Captain Zach's company ; in 1852,
1853, and 1854, active in the ranks of the Benton (or free-state) Democratic party, in St. Louis,
Mo. In 1856, he was with Capt. John Brown at Ottawa camp, in May ; at Black Jack, June 2,
and at Osawatomie August 30. In 1857 he stumped Anderson county for the Topeka constitu-
tion; participated in fight at Bayne's ford, on Little Osage, in Bourbon county, against United
States marshal's posse, December 2, 1857, for which action he was removed from postmaster-
ship at Greeley; was present at the first organization of "jayhawkers," near Mound City, De-
cember 14, 1857, of which he is the sole survivor. November 1, 1861, he was mustered in as first
sergeant of company K, Fifth Kansas cavalry, commanding said company at times, and par-
ticipating in every scout and engagement of the regiment, still carrying in his body two ounces
of lead. He stumped Saline county against prohibition, and in 1882 joined the Democratic
party. In church relationship he is a Jew. At Leavenworth, June 28, 1860, he was married to
Henrietta Einstein, who died August 24, 1900, leaving nine living children. Mr. Bondi has pre-
served his Academic Legion membership card to this day, and at the semicentennial reunion of
the Academic survivors, March 12, 1898, he was informed that but one other card existed. The
Academic Legion consisted of the students of the university, technical college, and academy of
arts, about 9000 in all, four-fifths of them being boys from fifteen to twenty-five years of age.
They organized the revolution in the German Austrian states, assisting Kossuth's efforts for
free government in Hungary. The movement collapsed through the apathy of the masses and
Russian intervention.
John Brown, jr., in a letter to the committee of the quarter-centennial celebration, January
29, 1886, mentions August Bondi as one of his company. ( Page 465, volume 3, Collections Kan-
sas State Historical Society.)
WITH JOHN BROWN IN KANSAS. 277
In the course of that summer (1855) I got acquainted with the rest of the
Browns who at that time resided in Kansas, namely, John Brown, jr., Jason,
Owen and Salmon Brown. They had claims on Middle creek, and owned a herd
of full-blooded Devons, brought from Ohio. They had come to Kansas with
their families and all their property, and, as free state men, had the intention of
helping to make Kansas a free state by lawful means; but they were also firmly
resolved to resist force by force. During this summer there was considerable
immigration both from the North and the South — the Northern men in the ma-
jority ; but the pro-slavery men had the advantage of being generally well armed
and under better organization. On their side, too, were all the gangs of robbers
and murderers who had long considered the borders of Missouri and the Indian
Territory as the starting-point, of their plundering raids. The free-soilers ab-
stained from voting at the first legislative election, held in March, 1855, for
the Missourians had a second time taken possession of the polls, and only allowed
their own friends to vote. In the early part of October the free-state men
held an election* of their own for a territorial convention. I was then down with
the fever, but the neighbors, two Germans, placed me in an ox cart and conveyed
me to the voting-place.
Here I first got acquainted with Captain Brown. He told me that he had
heard from his sons and kindred of our need, and that he had come to stand by
them and us in the coming struggle. Besides his four sons, above named, he
had also two brothers-in-law, Orson Day and Rev. S. L. Adair, settled near Osa-
watomie, in Kansas. If John Brown himself did not come as a settler, his prin-
cipal object in coming was to help, by counsel and deed, his children and
kinsmen in their deadly conflict with murderous ruflBans. It was in Kansas, too,
that he came to the conviction not only that slavery was a crime against the ne-
groes, but that its continuance and spread would bring innumerable evils and
crimes upon the whites; and to get rid of its effects, the cause, he thought,
should be destroyed.
A few days after that October election I went to St. Louis, and, consequently,
know nothing of the so-called " Wakarusa war," in December, 1855.
I returned to Kansas in the spring of 1856, and arrived on my claim the morn-
ing of May 21, the day when Lawrence was sacked. The same day mounted
messengers brought news of the danger which then threatened Lawrence, and
at two p. M. the Pottawatomie rifles, under the command of H. H. Williams, t
*An election of delegates to the Topeka constitutional convention was held October 9, 1855,
and on December 15, the election on its adoption or rejection.
IHenet H.Williams was born in Hudson, Columbia county, New York, September 26
1828. In the spring of 1855 he came to Kansas. He was the third settler on Pottawatomie
creek, in Anderson county. Soon after his arrival he attended a free-state meeting, of which
he was made secretary, John Brown being chairman. The meeting repealed certain squatter
laws that a pro-slavery organization had established. He was a delegate to the Big Springs
convention, September 5, 1855. He marched to the defense of Lawrence in December, 1855.
When the Pottawatomie rifles were organized, John Brown, jr., was made captain, and H. H.
Williams, second lieutenant. In December he was a delegate to a fr6e-state convention, at
Lawrence, to nominate officers under the Topeka constitution. In January, 1856, he and John
Brown, jr., were elected members of the house of representatives under the Topeka constitu-
tion. He walked to Topeka to take his seat, a distance of sixty-five miles. He declined to ac-
company John Brown on the trip which resulted in the Pottawatomie massacre. In May,
1856, he was arrested by a pro-slavery mob and taken before a pro-slavery grand jury at Paola.
He had his hands tied behind his back for a week, when chains were obtained, and he was
made to walk to Prairie City, part of the way chained by the ankle to another man, and a portion
of the way carrying the chain in his hand, the other end still being on his ankle. He was one
of the free-state prisoners at Lecompton and Tecumseh. He was sheriCF of Miami county in
1857, a&d again elected in 1859. In 1861 hB enlisted, and participated in the battJes of Oan^ Hill.
278 KANSAS STATE HISTORICAL SOCIETY.
of Osawatomie, were on their march toward Lawrence. Theodore Weiner, who
kept a store on my claim, and I, joined them. After a march of three miles we
overtook the Osawatomie rifles, under the lead of a certain Dayton. The two
companies marched together about a mile further, where we found Capt. John
Brown, with his sons, John, Owen, Frederick, Salmon, and Oliver, and his son-
in-law, Henry Thompson, waiting for us; and here John Brown, jr., took com-
mand of the Pottawatomie rifles.
On the morning of May 22, the whole command, reenforced by free-state men
from Palmyra* and Prairie City, advanced nearly to Palmyra and went into
camp. Here we first heard of the bombardment of Lawrence. In a council of
war, it was resolved to wait further news before going forward toward Lawrence.
In the evening a messenger came from that town with the request that we would
return home, so as not to exasperate the pitiless enemy.
The heads of the free soil party, who at that time had the upper hand in
Lawrence, and therefore in Kansas, belonged to that class with whom interest
always counts for more than principle, as was the case in 1848 in Germany. The
chief of those foolish leaders at that time was S. C. Pomeroy,t afterward nick-
named the "Christian statesman." These cowards buried their guns and rifles,
and were ready for anything to keep up the speculation in Lawrence town lots.
The Osawatomie and Pottawatomie rifles counted, together, sixty-five men ; the
Palmyra guards. Captain McWhinney, and the Prairie City guards, under Cap-
tain Shore, in all about forty men. All these captains expressed their disgust at
the thought of disbanding, for they said that in three days more, at farthest,
enough men would have come together to drive Jones and his Missourians out
Prairie Grove, Van Buren, Fort Wayne, and Pilot Knob, being a major in the Tenth Kansas. He
was provost marshal of St. Louis for a while. In 1865 he was elected sheriff of Jackgon county,
Missouri, his family having removed to Kansas City in 1863. In April, 1867, he returned to
Osawatomie and engaged in the hardware business. In 1867 he was elected to the house of
representatives, and in 1868 elected to the state senate. In 1879 he was a state-house commis.
sioner, and assisted in building the west wing. He has for many years lived in California.
* Palmyra was the forerunner of Baldwin. It never reached the dignity of incorporation.
Baldwin was incorporated by the territorial legislature February 4, 1859. Prairie City was lo-
cated about one mile and a half southwest, on the northeast quarter of section 8, township 15
south, range 20 east. It was incorporated February 4, 1859. The battle between Brown and
Pate, later described in this article, occurred four miles east of Prairie City, or probably two miles
south of east of the present town of Baldwin, on section 7, township 15 south, range 21 east ; all
being in Palmyra township, Douglas county. Prairie City — now extinct — was an ambitious
place. June 25, 1857, S. S. Prouty established Freemen's Champion at Prairie City, in a tent
which was erected by the ladies for that use. He issued eleven numbers, when publication was
suspended. In three months it was resumed, and continued until September, 1858. In fifteen
months forty numbers had been issued, In September, 1859, the material was taken to Burling-
ton. Prouty became a lieutenant and quartermaster in the army, first state printer, from 1869
to 1873, and one of the most prominent newspaper men in the state. He died at Topeka, Janu-
ary 31, 1889. The Historical Society has a complete flic, bound, of Freemen's Champion,
t Samuel C. Pomeeoy was born in Southampton, Mass., January 3, 1S16. He was educated
at Amherst. In 1840 he became an anti-slavery man. He happened to be present. May 30, 1854,
when President Pierce signed the Kansas-Nebraska bill. Ho said to the president: "Your vic-
tory is but an adjournment of the question from the halls of legislation at Washington to the
open prairies of the freedom-loving West, and there, sir, we shall beat you." He started from
Boston on the 27th of August, 1854, with 200 emigrants for Kansas. On the 6th of September
they crossed the line at Kansas City, destined for Lawrence. He settled at Atchison, Ho
vigorously canvassed the East for the free-state cause in Kansas. He managed the aid business
during the drought of 1861. Upon the admission of the state he was elected United States
senator, and reelected in 1867. In 1873 ho was defeated for a third term by the celebrated York
exposure. Senator A. M. York, of Montgomery county, got $7000 from him for his support, and
in joint convention he denounced Pomeroy for bribery and turned the money over to the pre-
siding oflBcer. Almost unanimously the joint convention voted for John J. Ingalls to succeed
him. He died at Whitinsville, Mass., August 27, 1891.
WITH JOHN BROWN IN KANSAS. 279
of the territory. But without consulting old Brown, a majority of the men at
last resolved to stay in camp until the next morning, and then by slow marches
return home.
At nine o'clock that morning a messenger arrived from Pottawatomie creek,
reporting that the pro-slavery men, Wilkinson, Doyle and his sons, and William
and Henry Sherman (aZ/a.v' "Dutch Henry"), had been going from house to
house of the free-state men, and had threatened that shortly the Missourians
would be there and make a clean sweep of them. At some places, where the
men were absent, they had grossly insulted their wives and daughters. This
news created great excitement in our camp. Still the majority thought it better
not to start before morning. Old Brown, who felt indignant, called his sons, his
son-in-law (Thompson), Weiner, Townsley and me aside, and said: "Something
must be done to show these barbarians that we, too, have rights." After that he
wished to know if we all were ready to obey him, and then ordered Townsley to
get ready his team, but in a few words requested me not to go with him. He
thought I might be elsewhere of greater service to the good cause if for the
present I remained behind, and, if need be, keep open the communication be-
tween his men and their families. The remainder of that night (May 22)* those
who remained in camp talked about the situation and the best means to defend
the free-state cause.
In the afternoon of May 23 messengers from Lawrence arrived, and reported
that Colonel Sumner, commanding the Second United States dragoons, had
issued an order forbidding the gathering of armed men of either party, and there
was no doubt Sumner would strictly enforce his order. Now it was urged from
all sides that we disband. A few only demurred; our provisions were nearly
gone, and to go to war on an empty stomach is unpleasant ; so that evening
(May 23) the Pottawatomie and Osawatomie rifles went home. Late in the
evening I arrived at my claim, in company with an old neighbor, Austin, who
was afterwards named "Old Kill-devil," from a rifle he had of that name. The
family of Benjamin (whom we had left when we departed for camp) had disap-
peared, and no cattle were to be seen, This latter was a serious matter, for
there was nothing left in the shape of provisions. When I told Austin that I
was willing to stay with him until the last of the border ruffians had left the
country, he encouraged me, and assured me that he would find Benjamin's
family and protect them, at all events. This the old man faithfully did; and in
memory of his friendship and self-sacrifice I have placed a simple slab upon his
soldier's grave, near Helena, on the Mississippi.!
* Mr. Connelley's account of the Pottawatomie affair differs somewhat from Mr. Bondi's as
to dates. The former states that the Browns were summoned to the defense of Lawrence on
May 22, and on the same day started for the beleaguered city. Before camping that night they
learned that Lawrence had been destroyed the day before, May 21. In the morning, on May 28,
a messenger arrived from the Pottawatomie with intelligence which caused Captain Brown to
return the same afternoon to the Pottawatomie. The Doyles and others were killed on the
night of Saturday, May 24.
tMr. Bondi explains: " I first met Freeman Austin May 21, 1856, when we tramped together
in the Pottawatomie rifles, commanded by Capt. John Brown, jr., to the relief of Lawrence,
and afterward we were frequently together: as he was a carpenter, a No. 1 mechanic, he worked
often for my friend, Jacob Benjamin, and did also considerable work on a hewed-log house I
had erected on my Mosquito creek claim, we became intimate. He was a native of Pennsyl-
vania, had been in the Mexican war, would never talk of family or old home ; lived mostly with
Samuel Houser, on the Marais des Cygnes, near Osawatomie, in which neighborhood he pre-
empted a fine claim. He was with the Pottawatomie boys in the capture of the blockhouse
and fortifications of New Georgia, six miles southeast of Osawatomie, in August, 1856. Free-
man Austin took part in the battle of Osawatomie, August 30, 1856. He had joined John Brown
the evening before. His presence of mind and unerring rifle, named by him ' Kill-devil,' saved
280 KANSAS STATE HISTORICAL SOCIETY.
The evening of May 24 I arrived, tired and hungry, at the camping-ground of
old Brown, a log cabin on the banks of Middle creek, upon the claim of his
brother-in-lave, Orson Day. This is one of the cabins which, under the name
"John Brown's cabin," has since become famous. Day built it as a first shel-
ter for his family, in the winter of 1855-'56, and Brown dwelt in it with his
younger. sons. It was about twelve miles west from Osawatomie, on the bottom
land of North Middle creek. Here, also, I found my friend Weiner, from whom
I first heard an account of the killing of Doyle and his sons, Wilkinson, and
Dutch Henry's brother William. In this account Weiner never expressed him-
self positively is to who killed those persons, and I could only guess about it. I
was astonished, but not at all displeased. The men killed had been our neigh-
bors, and I was sufficiently acquainted with their characters to know that they
were of the stock from which came the James brothers, the Youngers, and the
rest, who never shrank from perpetrating crime if it was done in the interest of
the pro-slavery cause. As to their antecedents, the Doyles had been slave-hunt-
ers before they came to Kansas, and had fetched along two of their bloodhounds.
"Dutch Bill" (Sherman), a German, from Oldenburg, and a resident of Kansas
since 1845, had amassed considerable property by robbing cattle droves and emi-
grant trains. He was a giant, six feet four inches high, and for some weeks be-
fore his death had made it his pastime (in company with the Doyles) to break in
the doors of free-state settlers, frightening and insulting the families; or once in
a while attacking and ill treating a man whom they encountered alone.
It would take too much time to recount their atrocities. Wilkinson was one
of the few Southerners who were able to read and write, and who prided himself
accordingly. He was a member of the border-ruffian legislature, and a principal
leader in all attempts to annoy and extirpate the free-state men. Although he
never directly participated in the murders and robberies, still it was well under-
stood that he was always informed a short time before an invasion of Missourians
was to occur, and on the very day of his death he had tauntingly said to some
free-state men that in a few days the last of them would be either dead or out of
the territory. In this he referred to the coming invasion of Cook, at the head
of 250 armed men from Bates county, Missouri, who made their appearance
about the 27th of May and plundered the whole region. His men carried off a
good many prisoners, but abstained from killing them, as they feared that for
every murdered free-eoiler John Brown would kill one of their number.
Should Mt. Utter ever visit southeastern Kansas, and make inquiries of any
old settler there of the years 1855 and 1856, he will find the above statement
confirmed as often as he may meet with a settler of those years still living. As
a full man cannot understand the pangs of a fasting man, so Mr. Utter, in his
luxuriously furnished study at Chicago, cannot imagine the feelings of fright-
ened mothers who do not know which is worse, the day or night, nor how soon
the fruits of their labor will be destroyed by a band of miscreants, or themselves
be called to mourn the death of some of their loved ones.
the Osawatomie saw; and grist-raill. When the handful of free-state men scattered, he re-
treated with Capt. John Brown through the timber, but stopped at the mill, behind some saw-
logs, and, as two border ruffians ran up, one with a burning torch, to fire the mill, he shot the
torch-carrier; the other left for assistance, which soon came, so Austin related to me, but
while they carried their wounded comrade off, no more attempts were made against the mill.
He was mustered into company K, Fifth Kansas. I saw him last July 27, 1861, as he was taken to
the hospital sick with chronic diarrhea. He died at Helena, July 30, 1861, in the hospital. He
was about sixty-three years old. The congressional commission audited and issued to him a
voucher for S300 for tools, etc., lost and destroyed when the storehouse and log cabin on my
claim were burned, in May, 1856, by Gaptaio Cook's compaay of border ruffians."
WITH JOHN BROWN IN KANSAS. 281
John Brown and his small body of soldiers with him only executed upon those
scoundrels a just sentence of death for the benefit of several hundred unpro-
tected families. There was no cabin on the banks of the Pottawatomie in which,
after the events of that night became known, fathers and mothers did not go to
their day's work with a lighter heart, nor was there any pro-slavery man who
did not perceive that the so-called "peace policy" (born of the selfishness of
Eastern speculators) had come to an end, and that only good behavior could
shield him from the arm of the avenger. Southern Kansas looked upon John
Brown as the instrument of God's vengeance.
On the 26th of May, 1856, at an early hour in the morning, our little crowd
rode onto the claim of John Brown, jr., on Vine branch, one mile and a half
from Middle Creek bottom. About five o'clock in the afternoon of that day,
Carpenter, from near Prairie City, joined us, and reported that he had come,
at the instance of his neighbors, to request Captain Brown's assistance against
the border ruffians, who, in spite of all proclamations, continued to harass the
the settlers. Colonel Sumner, of the Second United States dragoons, was the
only Northern army officer in Kansas — all others were from the South — and,
while taking good care to carry out the letter of their instructions, lacked
the good will to do more. The orders were to disperse all armed crowds. When-
ever they received news of- any devilment committed by the border ruffians they
started after them in slow marches, but never reached anywhere in time to pre-
vent mischief, and, if once in a while they caught up with a band of Southern-
ers, the officers in command of the United States detachment halted the ruffians
and read them the proclamation. The boss galoot, entitled "Cap." by his
crowd, then stepped in front of his band, and with a few words admonished them
to go home, which they seemed to do at once, by striking promiscuously for the
next timber, where they at once reorganized for another raid. To complete the
utter ruin of the free-state people, Governor Shannon had also issued a call for
the enlistment of a "state militia,"* "to maintain law and order," and Buford,
Titus, Pate, and others of like ilk, had recruited the same from Alabama,
Georgia, and South Carolina.
It was Carpenter's mission to beg Captain Brown's assistance in behalf of
the settlers of the southern part of Douglas county against these marauders, or-
ganizing under territorial laws, and armed with guns furnished by the govern-
ment. Captain Brown declared to Carpenter his readiness to start at once.
One of his sons went to Mrs. Jason Brown to tell her to send any inquiring friend
who wished to join us to Carpenter, near Prairie City. We started after dark,
eleven in number, viz.: Capt. John Brown, Fred. Brown, Watson Brown, Oliver
Brown, Salmon Brown, Owen Brown, Henry Thompson (Captain Brown's son-
in-law), Theodore Weiner, James Townsley, Carpenter, and myself.
Captain Brown carried a saber and a large-sized revolver; his sons and
Thompson had a revolver, cutlass and a squirrel rifle each ; Townsley an old
musket; Weiner a double-barreled shotgun; Carpenter one revolver, and myself
a flint-lock musket of 1812 pattern. Watson and Oliver Brown and myself rode
bareback. Fred. Brown rode ahead ; Owen Brown and Carpenter about ten
steps behind ; then followed Captain Brown and the rest, two by two. Going
from Middle creek to Ottawa creek we had to follow part of the way the old
military road from St. Louis to Fort Leavenworth.
♦August 31, 1855, commissions were issued by Acting Governor Woodson, by and with the
advice and consent of the council, to Hiram J. Strickler, as adjutant general of the Kansas
militia; to A. M. Coffey, as major-general southern division, Kansas militia; to William P.
Itiobartls(7Q, as major-§re'iieral northern division ; to four brigadier-generals and to eight txtlouele.
282 KANSAS STATE HISTORICAL SOCIETY.
Arriving near the Marais des Cygnes crossing of the same road, we discovered
right ahead several camp-fires, and by their light about 100 yards before us a
sentinel in the United States uniform. Fred. Brown continued to advance, and
Carpenter informed the old man that he supposed we had struck a detachment
of the United States troops acting as a posse of a deputy United States marshal.
Captain Brown exchanged a few words with Carpenter, then ordered us to ride
ahead, not to betray any anxiety, and strictly to obey his orders.
The sentinel allowed Fred. Brown and Carpenter to advance to within twenty-
five steps, and then halted them with the usual "Who goes there?" and clear
through the still night air rang Fred.'s answer, "free .state." The sentinel
called the corporal of the guard. We others, by our captain's order, continued
to ride on to within about five steps of Fred, and Carpenter, and formed like a
very disorderly crowd. Carpenter explained to the corporal that we were farmers
near Prairie City, and had ridden to Osawatomie at the request of the settlers
there to protect them against a raid from Missouri.* We had been there two
days, with no Missourians to see or hear from, our provisions had run out, and
so we had concluded to go home. The commanding officer. Lieutenant Mcin-
tosh, company F, Second dragoons, now came up, and Carpenter repeated his
tale, none of the others mixing in the conversation. The deputy United States
marshal made his appearance, and insisted that the lieutenant should hold us
until daylight, but Mcintosh replied to him that he had his orders, and could
not detain peaceable travelers, and called out to us, "Pass on" ; and so we went
on in slow gait till we had reached the hills on the other side.
About four o'clock on the morning of the 27th day of May, we reached the
hiding-place on Ottawa creek which Carpenter had picked out for us: it was in
a bend of the creek, in the midst of virgin forest about one-half of a mile thick.
We made our camp near a large, old oak log, and tied our horses in the bushes.
Captain Brown inspected the surroundings, put out guards, and appointed re-
liefs. After a while Carpenter brought in some corn for our horses, and a small
sack of coarse flour (wheat ground in an iron corn-mill), and Captain Brown
commenced to prepare breakfast. We stayed here up to the morning of Sunday,
the Ist of June, and during these few days I fully succeeded in understanding
the exalted character of my old friend. He exhibited at all times the most af-
fectionate care for each of us. He also attended to cooking. We had two meals
daily, consisting of bread made of the flour above mentioned, baked in skillets;
this was washed down with creek water, mixed with a little ginger and a spoon
of molasses to each pint. Nevertheless we kept in excellent spirits ; we considered
* Oscar E. Leaenaed came to Kansas in the fall of 1855, settling in Lawrence. He made
tlie trip from Ottumwa, Iowa, on horseback. He soon enlisted on the free-soil side of the con-
troversy, and in 1856 was in command of a squad of horsemen, engaging in the forays of that
season. H^ was born at Fairfax, Vt., November 14, 1832, on the same homestead where his
father was born and upon which his grandfather made the first settlement. He is the ninth
generation of his family in this country, his ancestor, William Learnard, coming from England
ill 1630. Colonel Learnard was educated at Bakersfield Academy and Norwich University. He
traveled for a year in the South, and then graduated at the Albany Law School. In the spring
of 1857 he located the town of Burlington, in Coffey county. Ho was elected that fall to the
territorial council, and served three sessions. He was president of the convention, at Osawato-
mie, May 18, 1859, at which the Republican party was organized. (See sixth volume of His-
torical Collections, pages 312-316.) Upon the organization of the state government he was
elected judge of the fifth judicial district, but resigned at the breaking out of the war to accept
the position of lieutenant-colonel of the First Kansas infantry. He served in the state senate
from Douglas county for the sessions of 1868, 1869, and 1870. He served one year as superin-
tendent of Haskell Indian School, appointed by President Cleveland, although always an
ardent Republican. For twenty-six years he was tax commissioner and special attorney of the
Kansas City, Fort Scott & Memphis (now the Frisco) railroad. His wife is a daughter of Col.
WITH JOHN BROWN IN KANSAS. 283
ourselves as one family, allied to one another by the consciousness that it was
our duty to undergo all these privations to further the good cause; had deter-
mined to share any danger with one another, that victory or death might find us
together. We weie united as a band of brothers by the love and affection towards
the man who with tender words and wise counsel, in the depth of the wilderness
of Ottawa creek, prepared a handful of young men for the work of laying the
foundation of a free commonwealth. His words have ever remained firmly en-
graved in my mind. Many and various were the instructions he gave during the
days of our compulsory leisure in this camp. He expressed himself to us that
we should never allow ourselves to be tempted by any consideration to acknowl-
edge laws and institutions to exist as of right if our conscience and reason con-
demned them.
He admonished us not to care whether a majority, no matter how large, op-
posed our principles and opinions. The largest majorities were sometimes only
organized mobs, whose bowlings never changed black into white, or night into
day. A minority conscious of its rights, based on moral principles, would, under
a republican government, sooner or later become the majority. Regarding the
curse and crimes of the institution of slavery, he declared that the outrages
committed in Kansas to further its extension had directed the attention of all
intelligent citizens of the United States and the world to the necessity of its
abolishment, as a stumbling-block in the path of nineteenth-century civiliza-
tion; that while it was true that the pro-slavery people and their aiders and
abetters had the upper hand at present, and the free state organization had
dwindled to a handful hid in the brush, nevertheless we ought to be of good
cheer, and start the ball to rolling at the first opportunity, no matter whether
its starting motion would even crush us to death. We were under the protec-
tion of a wise providence, which might use our feeble efforts.
Occasionally Captain Brown also gave us directions for our conduct during a
fight, for attack and retreat. Time and again he entreated us never to_ follow
Shaler W. Eldridge. In 1884 he became proprietor of the Lawrence Journal, which he still
owns. Colonel Learnard, as president of an old settlers' organization, called the Fifty-sixers,
in an address delivered September 14, 1902, thus speaks of the importance of the skirmishes
ending with the repulse of the 2700 before Lawrence, September 14, 1856, and Governor Geary's
action in disbanding the Missouri militia :
" History is naturally divisible into epochs, which embrace the inception and the conclusion
of some distinct phase of general history, or the determination of some special issue around
which are grouped its incidental and correlated facts and incidents. This is notably true of
Kansas history, which is full of startling and sensational features, even to this day. The
events, the memories of which we are reviving here to-day, and the details of which we have
been living over again, constituted an epoch the most stirring and potential in its results of any
in our history ; for it was a contest of physical force, in which the free-state men were placed at
the most serious disadvantage, both in numbers and in resources. It was a period of armed an-
tagonism wherein the emissaries of slavery sought the subjugation of the free-state element by
force of arms and numbers. The Wakarusa war, Franklin, Fort Titus, the Leavenworth raid.
Bull creek, and the memorable invasion of the 2700 on September 14, the last of the scenes of
armed invasion — these are the parts of the whole that make up the war period in our history.
It is a history that has never been written except in disjointed and incomplete parts, but
they contain the substance and trial of the supreme issue out of which have come the privileges
and opportunities of our million and a half of free and prosperous people. September 14, of
which these meetings are the anniversary, was the last of the warlike invasions of Kansas. It
was the last and supreme effort of the pro-slavery party to dominate Kansas by force, and it
ends an epoch in our history worthy to be remembered and celebrated by those who appreciate
its significance. No man or woman or child who participated in the events of that momentous
period is likely to forget the experience it brought to them, the record of which it is the pur-
pose of this organization to perfect and perpetuate. I do not, of course, mean to imply, by
what I have said or may say, that the effort to make Kansas a slave state ended on September
14, 1856, though I do mean to imply that the question was settled from that day. I might even
go farther, and say that the result, though not achieved, was clearly discernible before that.
After that date, while matters were crude and unsettled, and it took some time to adjust things
to the new conditions, there was a sense of relief and a brightened outlook, and life was open-
ing up onpleasanter lines, and new plans and new enterprises occupied public attention. The
matters of home and business, of new settlements and new schemes, were rife, and the following
winter and spring were full of activities and industries. 'The epoch of war was past, and the
character of the future state virtually settled."
284 KANSAS STATE HISTORICAL SOCIETY.
the example of the border ruflBans, who took a delight in destruction; never to
burn houses or fences, so often done by the enemy. Free-state people could use
them to advantage. Repeatedly he admonished us not to take human life ex-
cept when absolutely necessary. Plunder taken from the enemy should be com-
mon property, to be used for the continuance of the struggle: horses to go to
recruits, cattle and provisions to poor free-state people.
Before every meal the captain spoke the blessing aloud. He was an orthodox
Christian ; some of his sons were free-thinkers, regarding which he remarked
that he had tried to give his children a good education, and now they were old
enough to choose for themselves. Once he also talked about temperance, when
Carpenter brought a pint of whisky into camp for Weiner's special benefit. Old
Brown was a teetotaler, but still liberal enough on that subject.
On the morning of the 28th of May, Ben. Cochrane, a settler on Pottawato-
mie creek, and a member of the Pottawatomie rifles, joined us. He related that
in the last raid the ruffians had burned my cabin, stolen my cattle, and plun-
dered Weiner's store; all this had happened in the presence of United States
troops, under their commanding officer. Captain Cook, company F, Second
United States dragoons, was requested by the settlers to interfere. He refused,
as he claimed not to have any orders to that effect ; but he compelled the leader
of the border- ruffian militia outfit, whose name was also Cook, to surrender all
his prisoners to the United States troops. In the afternoon of the same day Car-
penter brought Charles Kaiser into our camp. Kaiser had a claim three or four
miles from our hiding-place, and had become acquainted with Captain Brown
during the Wakarusa war. He was about thirty-three years old, and a native of
Bavaria; had long resided in Hungary, where he had served during the whole of
the revolutionary war of 1840. His face was marked with saber cuts and lance
thrusts. He was extremely well pleased to find me a member of the old Vienna
legion. He, Weiner and myself became very intimate in a few minutes. Kaiser
was full of fun ; no matter how serious the occasion, he was on hand with his
jokes.
At our supper of the 28th of May, Captain Brown expressed his surprise that
while Carpenter had informed many of the surrounding settlers of our presence
in the neighborhood, still none as yet had come to see us. Such action seemed
to him very strange, as we had come by their request, and had no other purpose
in view at that time than to strike a blow in their behalf to assist them in get-
ting rid of their enemies. He thought these people very much discouraged, and
because in the last three or four days no horses had been stolen, no cabins plun-
dered, all thought of resistance had been given up, and for our handful to go to
war by themselves would be certain destruction without any benefit to the cause.
It was during that evening that Captain Brown used the following words:
"If the cowardice and indifference of the free-state people compel us to leave
Kansas, what do you say, men, if we start South, for instance to Louisiana, and
get up a negro insurrection, and thereby compel them to let go their grip on
Kansas, and so bring relief to our friends here ?" Fred. Brown jumped up and
said: "I am ready." Requested to give my opinion, I replied, that having
traveled through the South during the years of 1851 and 1852, I was satisfied no
baker's dozen could kick up a negro rebellion worth while, nor with any other
certainty than that of having Judge Lynch to pass on their cases. Kaiser
spoke up: "Nevermind, captain, the reorganized border-ruffian militia will do
its share to wake up the people to drive out these scoundrels; because, if they
don't, the free-state men will not have teams enough left this fall to take their
families out of Kansas. The eettlers are as yet all busy planting corn, and no
WITH JOHN BROWN IN KANSAS. 285
neighborhood wishes to leave work for fight; but it won't last long, and the mi-
litia will soon arrive in this neighborhood, because little has been stolen here as
yet, and much greater the inducement for them to come."
All this proves that two things were uppermost in the heart of old Captain
Brown — the total abolishment of slavery and the liberation of Kansas from its
oppressors. In his views and motives he never held anything in common with
any of the free-state party of Kansas. These leaders, afterwards political bosses
of Kansas, had come to Kansas as played-out politicians at home, whose ambi-
tion now consisted in swimming with the lately discovered current. These men
were not overanxious for positions which implied bodily risks. What were they
doing while Robinson and others were prisoners under guard of the United
States troops and old Brown was straining his utmost to rally the disheartened
people to strike a telling blow ? They were East lecturing.
On the 29th day of May, Captain Shore, of Prairie City rifles, and Doctor
Westfall, a neighbor of Mr. Carpenter, came into our camp and told us that
many horses and other property had been stolen near Willow Springs, about ten
or fifteen miles distant, and asked old Brown what he calculated to do. Brown
replied with the question: "Captain Shore, how many men can you furnish
me?" Shore answered that just now his men were very unwilling to leave
home. Brown then said, "Why did you send Carpenter after us ? I am not will-
ing to sacrifice my men without having some hope of accomplishing something."
On the evening of the 29th of May, Captain Shore visited us again and brought
us some flour. Captain Brown then told him that if his men continued unwill-
ing to turn out, we had no business to stay there much longer, as the enemy
would sooner or later find our hiding-place. Captain Shore then requested Cap-
tain Brown to wait a few days. The Missourians suspected our presence not far
from Prairie City, and he believed their fear of Brown had so far protected this
immediate neighborhood from raids. Should it ever be found out that Brown
had left it would be worse than ever. Brown, in his answer, gave him time un-
til the next Sunday to gather the settlers, that with our combined force we
might hunt for the militia, and offer them battle wherever we found them.
Shore promised to do his best. Before leaving on the 30th of May, Redpath,
the well-known newspaper writer, visited us.*
Redpath declared that it showed well for the settlers that, in spite of the
great rewards offered, nobody had, as yet, been found to pilot the enemy to our
camp. He asked us to remain in good spirits ; that while we alone represented
the aggressive anti-slavery agitation of the United States, also on our persever-
ance alone depended the ultimate victory of the good cause. He also advised
Brown not to leave Douglas county, and he would try to scare up some provi-
sions, so that the Lawrence "stubbs" (a military organization of about twenty
young men) might join us. Redpath was very cheerful. After he had left, Cap-
tain Brown decided to stay where we were for the present, that we might realize
the expectation of our friend.
On the morning of the 31st Captain Shore informed us that a large company
of Missouri militia had gone into camp on the Santa Fe trail near Black Jack
(spring). At about ten o'clock p. m. of the same day, came Captain Shore, Cap-
tain McWhinney, and Carpenter, and reported that three men, pro-slavery mili-
*In his book entitled "Eccentricities of Genius," Maj. James B. Pond says of James Red-
path: "'Jim' Redpath did several first things, to some of which I have already made refer-
ence. He was also the first 'interviewer' in the United States, as his 'interview' (as he called
it in the Tribune) with old John Brown, which I witnessed, giving the Puritan leader's ac-
count of the fight with Henry Clay Pate at Black Jack, one of the memorable events of the
free-state struggle, was the earliest of actual newspaper interviews."
286 KANSAS STATE HISTORICAL SOCIETY.
tia, a few hours before, had broken into a house in Palmyra, about a mile from
Prairie City, while the inmates, amongst them seven free-state men, were at sup-
per. The three Missourians disarmed the seven free-state men and carried away
their revolvers, five double-barreled shotguns, and two rifles. It was impossible
to put up with such a shameful outrage. Rumors had been sent through the
settlement summoning every one to appear at Prairie City, at ten o'clock in the
forenoon next day. Captain Shore concluded with the words, "We expect you
with us." Captain Brown grabbed Captain Shore's right hand, and answered,
"We will be with you."
It was near midnight when our visitors left us. Next morning, on the 1st of
June, Captain Brown had breakfast early, by sunup, and shortly afterwards
Carpenter arrived to pilot us. We mounted with a will. Carpenter, Kaiser,
and Townsley assisted Weiner to empty his bottle; Captain Brown called out,
"Ready, forward march!" and we were on the road.
It is hardly possible to give an accurate description of our appearance. Our
clothes readily showed the effects of the bushwhacking business, continued for
the last ten days; we had come down to wearing ideas, suspicion and memories
of what had once been coats, pants, and hats. Still, in the best of spirits, and
with our appetites still better, just whetted by our scant breakfast, we followed
Captain Brown toward Prairie City.
After a short ride we arrived at Prairie City. We there found about a dozen
settlers gathered around the principal building of the village, a hewed-log house,
eighteen by twenty-four ; the same was afterwards occupied by Dr. H. J. Canniflf,
and then, in conjunction with two small cabins, represented the town. After
picketing our horses we joined those present, and were informed that a number
were expected, as the circuit preacher had made an appointment for the day.
Shortly after large numbers commenced to arrive from all directions, some afoot,
some horseback, some with their families, in all sorts of vehicles, generally with
ox teams ; the men armed with all sorts of guns. All respectfully saluted old
Brown, who never tired of walking among the different groups, and, with words
of cheer, encouraging the crowd to shake off the border-ruffian yoke. Divine
service commenced at noon. So many were assembled that only women were
admitted inside the house. Never have I met with a more attentive or devout
congregation ; and when the minister prayed for peace for the sorely tried people
of Kansas, unanimous responses were felt as well as spoken.
The prayer was hardly finished when three men with guns across their sad-
dles were seen galloping towards the village. They came within about fifty
yards and halted. The two brothers Moore, who alone were armed with car-
bines, and four or five others, mounted and went out to meet the strangers,
when they turned and put spurs to their horses, but, racing down the first hill,
one of their horses fell, and they surrendered to their pursuers. The prisoners,
brought before Captain Brown, acknowledged that they were from the camp of
the Kansas militia at Black Jack, on the Santa Fe trail, commanded by H. Clay
Pate, from Westport; that their company numbered about eighty, all armed
with good rifles and revolvers. One of the prisoners owned up that he was one
of the three who had raided Palmyra the evening before, and, as they had been
ignorant of the free-state meeting, they had come to Prairie City for the same
purpose. The prisoners and their arms were turned over to Captain Shore, who
detailed seven of his men as guard. These border ruffians were free to talk, and,
among other things, they informed us that they had several free-state prisoners
in their camp — one of them an old man, a preacher, named Moore, whom they
had "picked up near Westport and taken along for their special fun." The two
WITH JOHN BROWN IN KANSAS. 287
Moores at once knew this to be their father, and begged us to start at once ; but
Captain Brown declared that we should not start before night had set in, and
attack the enemy at daybreak, to which proposition all agreed. Captain Brown
then requested the women to prepare supper ; teams were then started to bring
in provisions, which soon returned with sufficient quantities of flour and meat,
gathered in the neighborhood.
About half an hour before sundown supper was finished and Captain Brown
began to organize the crowd. About forty men, the Prairie City rifles, put
themselves under the leadership of Captain Shore. Carpenter, the Moores and
Doctor Westfall asked Captain Brown for permission to face next day's dangers in
his company, which was freely granted. On unanimous request, Captain Brown
consented to be commander-in-chief. After sundown the order to saddle up was
given, and it was night when our force of sixty men started from Prairie City.
Captain Brown's company formed the advance-guard, with Carpenter and West-
fall as pilots. About midnight we halted in a post-oak grove some two miles
from the enemy. All hands rested as well as they could near their horses.
During j:his rest Captain Shore agreed to Captain Brown's plan of attack in all
of its details. It was agreed to leave the horses with a small guard, to move on
foot up to within a mile of the enemy; then Captain Brown's company in ad-
vance and center, Captain Shore's men thrown out as skirmishers on each flank,
and all together, without firing a shot, to charge upon the border-ruffian camp.
Captain Shore detailed five men as guard with the horses. Captain Brown
prevailed upon his son Fred, to stay with them. At first streak of day we started,
Brown's company ahead, consisting of Captain Brown, Owen Brown, Watson
Brown, Salmon Brown, Oliver Brown, Henry Thompson, Charles Kaiser, Theo.
Weiner, Carpenter, the two Moores, Doctor Westfall, Benj. Cochrane, August
Bondi, and James Townsley. After a march of a mile and a half we reached the
summit of a hill, and before us, about a mile distant, was the hostile camp, in
the midst of a small grove. Captain Brown called out, "Now, follow me!" and
down-hill he and his company started on a run. We had not yet run down half
of the hill when we were greeted with the shots of the Missouri picket, and at
the same time we heard the guns of Shore's men replying behind us. Soon the
Missourians sent whole volleys against us, but on charged Brown's company.
When we arrived at the foot of the hill we saw before us the old Santa Fe road,
with its oldest wagon trail, which in many places had been washed out some two
or three feet wide and some two feet deep. Beyond, within about 200 yards,
was the Missouri camp.
Captain Brown jumped into the old washed-out trail and commanded -'Halt,
down!" and his companions followed his example. Now we saw that not a man
of Captain Shore's company, except Captain Shore himself, had followed down-
hill. Most of them had already disappeared; a few were yet on the brow of the
hill, wasting ammunition, and veryjsoon those also retired in the direction of
their comrades. So, right in the beginning of the fight. Brown's forces had been
reduced to his own men. He scattered them all along that old trail, and, using
it as a rifle-pit, we opened fire, to which the enemy replied .with continuous vol-
leys. Weiner and myself were posted on the extreme left flank ; Captain Brown
passed continually up and down the line, sometimes using his spy-glass to in-
spect the enemy's position and repeatedly cautioning his men against wasting
ammunition. About a quarter of an hour after we had reached the old trail,
Henry Thompson was shot through the lungs and was led away by Doctor West-
fall; shortly after Carpenter was shot through the right arm and had to retire.
Theo Captain Shore squatted himself on the ground and said to Captain Brown,
288 KANSAS STATE HISTORICAL SOCIETY.
"I am very hungry." Brown never answered, and went his way to see that the
gaps caused by the absence of Thompson, Carpenter and Westfall were filled as
well as possible.
Captain Shore then spoke up: "Boys, I shall have to leave you to hunt up
some breakfast" ; and the hero of that day, according to Mr. Utter, got up and
"dusted." After the lapse of another half-hour, Towusley asked Captain Brown
for permission to go for ammunition. Captain Brown never answered, and
Townsley left. Neither he nor Captain Shore returned to us until after Pate's
surrender, when they came to us, following behind the Lawrence " Stubbs."
It might have been about nine o'clock in the forenoon when Captain Brown
stopped near me and Weiner, and, after having looked through his spy-glass at
the enemy's position for quite a while, he said: "It seems the Missourians have
suffered from our fire; they are leaving one by one. We must never allow this;
we must try and surround them, and compel them to surrender." He then
walked down our line, spoke with some of the men, and returned with the Moore
boys to where Weiner and myself were posted, and beckoned us to follow him.
The five — Captain Brown, the two Moores, Weiner, and I — ran up a hill south
of the Missouri camp. As soon as we had gained a commanding position within
200 yards of the enemy, Captain Brown ordered the two Moores to aim with
their carbines at horses and mules exclusively, and not to shoot any men at this
time, as he wanted to take as many prisoners as possible. The Moore boys,
with four shots, killed two mules and two horses, which, we could perceive,
created great consternation in the Missouri camp. We saw several leaving.
Now Captain Brown drew and cocked his revolver, and declared that he should
advance some twenty yards by himself, and if then he should wave his hat we
should follow, Weiner and myself ahead, the Moores to come up slower; that, if
necessary, they could cover our retreat with their carbines. According to pre-
vious agreement our comrades along the Santa Fe trail would run to us as soon
as they saw his signal with his hat. Captain Brown advanced some twenty
steps, then waved his hat, and we four behind him, as well as the seven along
the Santa Fe road, charged against the Missouri camp. Captain Pate stepped
out in front of his men, waved a white handerchief, and called out to Captain
Brown that he was ready to leave. Captain Brown kept on until within five
feet of Captain Pate, and then covering the hostile commander with his revolver,
called out, "Unconditional surrender." The rifles slipped from the grasp of the
ruffians and Pate surrendered his sword.
Twenty-four well armed cut-throats laid down their arms; some thirty had
run off during the engagement; seven more or less seriously wounded lay on the
ground. The booty of the day consisted of thirty stands of United States rifles
and accouterments, as many revolvers, thirty saddle-horses and equipments, two
wagons and their teams, and a large amount of provisions, ammunition, and
camp equipage.*
♦This is known in history as the " Battle of Black Jack." Among the manuscripts of John
Brown in the collection of the Kansas State Historical Society are two copies of the following
contract for the exchange of prisoners. They are each signed in the handwriting of the men
named : John Brown and S. T. Shore in behalf of the free-state men, and H. Clay Pate and W.
B. Brockett for the pro-slavery. One copy is perfectly clean, and the other badly torn. The lat-
ter has on the back: " Indorsed by United States Marshal Hays, Colonel Coffey, General Heis-
kell, or Judge Cato, friends at Baptiste Paola, K. T." The paper reads :
This is an article of agreement between Capt. John Brown, sr., and Samuel T. Shore, of the
first part, and Capt. H. C. Pate and Lieut. W. B. Brockett, of the second part, and witnesses
that, in consideration of the fact that the parties of the first part have a number of Captain
Pate's company prisoners, that they agree to give up and fully liberate one of their prisoners
for one of those lately arrested near Stanton, Osawatomie, and Pottawatomie, and so on, one
of the former for one of the latter alternately, until all are liberated. It is understood and
THE GREAT SEAL OF KANSAS. 289
While Captain Brown was giving orders referring to the guarding of the pris-
oners we discovered two riders, one behind the other, charging down the Santa
Fe trail towards us. Soon they were with us. The first was Fred. Brown, who
introduced the other as William A. Phillips, the correspondent of the New York
Tribune. They informed us that the Lawrence "Stubbs" were right behind
them. Now the three prisoners of the border ruffians appeared, and words failed
to describe the joy and gratitude shown by these men. Their treatment had
been most barbarous. Mr. Moore, a Methodist minister, sixty-five years old,
had been tied down to the ground the evening before, and been compelled with
a funnel to swallow a pint of whisky. Of course Mr. Utter is ignorant of such
atrocities.
Now came up the Lawrence "Stubbs," with Major Abbott, Luke F. Parsons
and Hoyt in the lead. Captain Shore and Townsley came up behind them.
After a few minutes Captain Brown succeeding in bringing order out of the
general turmoil, and, with the prisoners in our midst, we started for Prairie City.
With this chapter I intend, for the present at least, to close my recollections
of Capt. John Brown and his heroic deeds in Kansas in 1856. Every word that
I have written is true, as I report no fact or event without being present and
having personal knowledge, tvithout fear or favor. I neither flatter nor blame,
but as genuine historical truth compels me. Nor do I try to surround truth
with a frame of romance, to make it more acceptable. I write as I saw and felt
those many years ago, as I feel to day. In plainest language I try to describe
the time in Kansas, "which tried the souls of men," which brought forth that
hero, John Brown, and caused him to court the martyr's death. The further
time removes that struggle of the distant past, the more thorough the purity of
his principles and intentions and heroic sacrifices. My old friend must ap-
pear to impartial history as equal to the most exalted characters produced by
humanity, and will so go down to the end of time. Truly, in his behalf can we
say with Hesiod: "His is the immortal reward of the labor of the great."
THE GREAT SEAL OF KANSAS.
Written hY Egbert Hay,* for the Kansas State Historical Society, January 17, 1883.
THE great seal of Kansas has a history. We wish to give that history with
some conciseness, but think it will not be uninteresting to premise some-
thing about seals in general.
It is probable that the use of seals is as old as alphabetic writing, and cer-
tainly it is older than the common use of alphabets. A seal was engraved on the
gold or gems of rings, and very early had an important signification. The im-
agreed by the parties that the sons of Capt. John Brown, sr., Capt. John Brown, jr., and Jason
Brown, are to be amongst the libprated parties (if Lot already liberated i, and are to be ex-
changed for Captain Pate and Lieutenant Brockett, respectively. lhn prisoners are to be
brought on eeutral ground and exchanged. It is agreed that the neutral ground shall be at or
near the house of John T. ( or Ottawa ) Jones, of this territory, and that timse who have been
arrested and have been liberated will be considered in the same light as those not liberated,
but they must appear in person, or answer in writing, that they are at liberty. The arms,
particularly the side-arms, of each one excbanged are to be returned with the prisoners ; also the
horses, so so far as practicable. John Bbo«n.
Peaieie City, Kansas Teeeitoey, June 2, 1856. S. T. Shore.
H. <;. Pate.
W. B. Beockhtt.
♦For biography of Robert Hay, see foot-note, page 87, volume 7, Collections Kansas State
Historical Society, and page 131, Transactions of the Kansas Academy of Science, 1895-96.
—20
290 KANSAS STATE HISTORICAL SOCIETY,
preesion of a seal was a signet; that is, it was the sign of personality; it rep-
resented the power, character, wish or will of the owner. The costliness of the
materials limited the use of seals to the rich and great, and this added to their
significance. They were used as symbols of authority; the ring itself, carried
by a trusty messenger, or an impression of it attached to a document, was a sign
of the approval of the sender. It was the emblem of authority, and stood, in
times when the ability to write was rare, for the signature of those who had
authority. It would be a rich field of investigation to work out a comparison of
the meanings of the words "signet" and "signature." Noblemen and kings
used seals or signet rings as emblems of their authority. This custom was
known among the ancient Egyptians, Babylonians, Persians, Romans, and other
nations. When it was desirable to prohibit the opening of a door or package,
the impression of a seal on wax or other soft material was added to the usual
fastenings. This led to a superstitious reverence for seals, and in the popular
mind the seal became not merely a symbol but an actual expression of royal or
priestly or superhuman will.
We have illustrations of the use of seals in several parts of the Bible. In the
beautiful history of Joseph, we find that the king "took off his ring and put it
upon Joseph's hand." (Genesis xli, 42.) When Daniel was put into the den of
lions, the mouth of the cave was sealed by the king "with his own signet and
the signet of his lords, that the purpose might not be changed concerning Dan-
iel." W^hen, at the instance of Haman, the son of Hammedetha, the Jews were
doomed to destruction in all the 127 provinces of the Persian empire, the order
was given in the king's name "and sealed with the king's ring," which had pre-
viously been given to Haman for that purpose. Afterwards King Ahasuerus,
on the intercession of Queen Esther, gave permission to the Jews to defend them-
selves, and directed that the privilege should be enjoined with the same for-
mality, "for the writing which is written in the king's name and sealed with the
king's ring may no man reverse." (Esther viii, 8.) Again, at a later time, when
Jewish rulers desired to make sure of the confinement of the body of Jesus of
Nazareth to the tomb beside the hill Calvary, their utmost certainty was ob-
tained by "sealing the stone and setting a watch." (Matt, xxvii, 66.) Then,
too, the book of fate seen by him of Patmos in apocalyptic vision, which no man
or angel could open, is represented as "sealed with seven seals," and only one
with divine power could prevail "to take the book and open the seals."
The rabbinical tradition that gives to Solomon power over spirits attributes the
same power to his seal. The fisherman in the Arabian story, terrified at the
threatening of the gigantic Afreet, evolved from the unsealed bottle of smoke,
rids himself forever of the cause of his fright when once again he places him un-
der " the seal of Solomon."
In the later Roman empire seals were used very definitely as symbols of au-
thority, and in various European countries their significance was increased in the
period we call the " dark ages." The color of the wax on which the impression
was made was indicative of the rank of the sealer. Red was mostly the royal
color, and yellow that of ordinary people, while green and purple were appropri-
ated by different personages and corporations. W^hite wax was frequently used,
while Charles V, in the sixteenth century, used blue. Some seals were very
simple devices — mere scratches of a cross or letter on the stamp, or a mark of
a tooth on the wax. The following rhyming grant, which is believed by good
authorities to be authentic, represents William the Conqueror as biting the wax,
THE GREAT SEAL OF KANSAS. 291
though, from an impression preserved in the Hotel Soubise, at Paris, it is cer-
tain that William had a great seal :
"To the heirs male of the Hopton lawfully begotten : —
From me and from mine to thee and to thine,
While the water runs and the sun doth shine;
For lack of heirs to the king again,
I, William, king, the third year of my reign,
Give to thee, Norman Huntere,
To me that art both life and dear.
The Hop and Hoptown,
And all the hounds up and down,
Under the earth to hell
Above the earth to heaven,
From me and from mine
To thee and to thine.
As good and as fair
As ever they mine were.
To witness that this is sooth,
I bite the white wax with my tooj:h,
Eefore Jugg, Maud and Margery
And my third son, Henry,
For one bow and one broad arrow
When I come to hunt upon Yarrow."
Some seals were elaborate specimens of engraving. They varied in size from
a fraction of an inch to that of the great seal of Francis I of France, the diam-
eter of which was four inches, and some have even been larger. Armorial de-
vices on seals were not common until after the conquest of England. The
earliest known being that of Arnulf of Flanders, of which there in an impression
of the year 941.
The custom of monarchs having a great seal, the nations having most connec-
tion with the old Roman government having it first. The Normans settling in
France in the tenth century adopted it, and from them the Saxon Edward, last
of the line of Cerdic, but having Norman blood from his mother, Emma, brought
it to England. The great seal of England dates from Saint Edward the Confes-
sor.
Those seals which had two faces, a reverse and obverse, had their impressions
stamped on coin-like pieces of wax, lead, or other yielding substance, which were
attached as pendants to the documents they sealed. Patents obtained for lands,
titles or privileges from the crown of England are thus sealed with the double
impression. These pendent stamps were called buUce. The form of a seal is
usually round, but ring seals were often polygonal and some others are oval.
We have already mentioned that use of a great seal was introduced into Eng-
land by Edward the Confessor; but a century before his time Alfric, earl of
Mercia, had a seal almost royal in its symbolism; and in the ninth century a
bishop of Dunwich had a seal which is now in the British Museum. The seal of
Saint Edward was three inches in diameter, had on each side the king seated on
his throne, but with different royal emblems in the hand. The legend was the
same on both sides: '■'' S IglUvin Eadwardi Angloruin Basilei.''''
The Anglo-Saxon kings liked the Greek term bnsileus better than the 'Lath?
rex, or at least they used it more. The term Anglorum indicates the elective
character of the English monarchy — king of the Angles, not of England. (When-
the French people recovered after twelve centuries the power of naming their
rulers, in 1830, Louis Philippe became king of the French.) The Norman kings'
who followed the Confessor altered this. The venerable parchment in the Britisb
Museum, now nearly 700 years old, called the Magna Charia, has its huUd,
292 KANSAS STATE HISTORICAL SOCIETY.
broken and defaced, but we can make out on one side the figure of an armed
and mounted knight and on the other the king on his throne, which were
impressed by the seal of King John. The great seal of Edward I ("Longshanks")
was four inches in diameter and its designs were similar to those of John's seal,
but the workmanship was more elaborate. The legend was: ^'Edwardvs Dei
Gratia Rex Angli.e Das. Hibernie Dvx Aquitanie,^^ which is precisely the
style under which he was proclaimed at the death of his father, in 1272, when he
himself was absent from England; i. e., Edward, by the grace of God king of
England, lord of Ireland, and duke of Aquitaine. In connection with this, we
may mention that Edward added Wales to his dominions; but, more than 100
years after, the English right was contested by Owen Glendower, who had a seal
four and a quarter inches in diameter, on which he described himself as "P/-/7?-
cepn Walliae.'''' The workmanship was very elaborate, with the then usual en-
signs of sovereignty.
In the last days of Henry VIII (civ. 1546-'47) that monarch, owing to sick-
ness, of which unwieldly obesity was a part, not only had the seal used as ordi-
narily, but his sign manual was imitated on a stamp, and he was allowed to affix
that or have it affixed for him in his presence, instead of affixing his signature.
In that age we have two instances of the use of rings themselves, not by impres-
sion, giving authority. One is given by Scott as occuring at Flodden, a. d. 1513,
Marmion is represented as saying:
"To Dacre bear my signet ring;
Bid him his squadrons up to bring."
,And ninety years later the Earl of Essex is said to have lost his life because his
messenger, the Countess of Nottingham, failed to carry a ring to the queen.
In the time of the Stuarts, the great seal, as formerly, showed the title of the
.kings. That of Charles I has the royal arms above the throne on which the
king is seated. The legend is: ^'Carolus Dei Gratia Angl'ce Seotiae Franciae
et Iliberniae Rex Fidei Defensor." It had a diameter of six inches. The ab-
surd claim to the kingdom of France was not given up till the reign of William
III. After the death of Charles I on the scaffold a new great seal was made,
. which bore on one side a map of the British Isles, with ships on the narrow seas,
and the Irish harp and the cross of St. George in separate devices. The inscrip-
tion was: "The great seal of England, 1651." The obverse had a representation
of the house of commons; the speaker in his chair, the mace on the table, and
» the legend circumscribing the whole. It read: "/n the third year of freedom
by God\H blesxing restored, 1651.'" It only lacked an eighth of an inch of being
as large as the seal of Charles. After the restoration the old style of seal came
back, as a matter of course.
There are one or two facts in connection with the great seal of England that
show the importance that was attributed to this sign of authority. The person
I who has the custody of the seal is usually the lord high chancellor of England,
, who by virtue of his office is the first lay peer of the realm and chairman of the
house of lords. Sometimes this office has been held in abeyance, and an officer
• called the lord keeper has had custody of the seal, with less responsibility than
the chancellor. In the reign of Charles I, Lord Littleton was lord keeper of the
. great seal, and at the time when the king had left London and gone to the north
.Clarendon claims credit for influencing Littleton to send the seal to the king at
- York by a special messenger who came to demand it. There appeared to be an
idea that government could not be carried on without it, and Lord Littleton ex-
. cused himself for having given up the seal by stating that Charles had only
THE GREAT SEAL OF KANSAS. 293
made him lord keeper on his taking a private oath that he would give it up.
whenever the king should demand it. Forty years afterwards, when James II
was in the same circumstances as his father, and was fleeing to the continenti
from his rebellious people, with petty spite and deep malignity he threw the
great seal of England into the Thames, as he was crossing that river, for thet
purpose of deranging the government he was leaving. It was afterwards re-,
covered by some fishermen. Among others who have had the title of lord keeper
was Lord North, an ancestor of the Lord North who was chief minister during
the American war, and Lord Somers, who was so famous in the convention par-
liament of 1689 and in the following reign of William and Anne. In this century,
Lord Eldon, Lord Brougham and Lord Campbell are about the most famous,
custodians of the great seal. They have all been lords chancellor. For this
office and for others having a seal the resignation of office is symbolized in the
phrase "giving up the seals." ' i
The American colonies, like the mother country, had each a seal but the
United States has not. Each governmental department has its own seal, but
Uncle Sam has no great seal.
Why the United States has no great seal is not for us to answer here, but
would merely suggest that, as one of the insignia of royalty, it possibly did noti
commend itself to the fathers of the republic. On the other hand, it was per-
haps the idea of state sovereignty that led all the separate states to have great
seals. Certain it is that each has one. Virginia has a notable place in the his-,
tory of our country, and her seal is also remarkable among the seals of the states.,
It is a double seal, requiring an impression to be given on a coin-shaped bulla
or on the paper under the wax, as well as above, on the wax. Its motto " Sic
semper ti/rannis," so appropriate for Richard Henry Lee, had a melancholy)
fame in connection with the murder of Lincoln. A few other states have a,
double seal, as Pennsylvania and Georgia. California has the largest seal, it
ha' ing a diameter of three and three-fourths inches. Its motto is ^^ Eureka.''*
The seal of Connecticut is unique in form. It is oval.
The mottoes and designs of the state seals have all had a history, and very
often the impression we see on a captain's commission or a land grant is all that
is left of a fierce debate or a great public controversy. The Kansas State His-,
torical Society has a very fine impression of the territorial seal of Kansas. It isi
said that the design was made by the first governor, Reeder. We have an im-.
pression now lying before us, which was attached to a document issued by Sam-
uel Medary, the last governor of the territory, and another of Daniel Woodson,
acting governor, of the date of March 16, 1857. It is two inches in diameter. It'
has a shield in the center, and around the margin the legend: ^^ Seal of the Ter-
riiorxi of Kansas, erected May 30, 1854.^' Above the shield is the motto,
^^Populi voce nata.''^ Done into English, how well that sounds — "Born by
the voice of the people." Done into history, how mean its meaning, ^^ squatter
sovereignty.'" But it was appropriate, and not the less so if looked at as a pro-
phetic forecast of the birth of the state.
In the last days of July, 1859, an assembly of delegates from the territory of
Kansas met at Wyandotte, at the mouth of the Kaw, and there devised a con-
stitution that, exactly eighteen months after, became the constitution of the
free state of Kansas. We are not concerned here with the debates of that con-
vention or the main provisions of that constitution. What is necessary to know
of that convention has been well told by John A. Martin on the occasion of the
anniversary last July.* But we are concerned to know that section 8 of article I
*"The Wyandotte Gonvention," an address by John A. Martin at the reunion of the mem-
bers and officers of the Wyandotte constitutional convention, Wyandotte, July 29, 1882.
294 KANSAS STATE HISTORICAL SOCIETY.
of that constitution ordains that the state shall have a c/reat seal, and section 9,
immediately following, prescribes that it shall be used by the governor of the
state. This was '^done'^ at the convention at Wyandotte, July 29, 1859. After
treason had met with some success, after several states had seceded by ordi-
nance, if not in fact, and their senators had left Washington, the act of Congress
was passed, on the 29th of January, 1861, which made Kansas a state. This act
adopted and ratified the constitution of Wyandotte.
Under the new constitution, the first legislature of the state of Kansas met
at Topeka, on Tuesday, March 26, 1861. The first few days were spent in ex-
amination of credentials and other matters pertaining to organization of legisla-
tive bodies, and it was on Saturday morning following when the houses received
the first message from Charles Robinson, the first governor. In this message
the governor called attention to the requirements of the constitution about a
seal, and recommended the legislature to take the necessary steps to procure one.
On the 3d of April, the state senate, considering the governor's message, re-
ferred that part which mentioned the great seal to the committee on ways and
means. Five days afterwards, on Monday, April 8, the following resolution was
submitted to the senate: ^^ Resolved, That a committee of three be appointed on
belialf of the senate to act with a like committee on the part of the house to draw
and recommend a design for the great seal of the state of Kansas.'' This resolu-
tion was referred to the committee on ways and means. Similar resolutions
were considered by the house, and the two committees got to work; but this did
not produce a seal very soon. There were designs, designs, and designs, mottoes
and mottoes. Scholars suggested and Western men insisted. John H. McDowell,
of the state library committee, suggested a design with a landscape, something
like that afterwards adopted, and the emphatic motto "We will." Mr. Denman
proposed to change the motto to "We won't." Backward and forward the
thing was bandied about. The house journal for Friday, May 17, records the
fact that the senate sent a message on "house joint resolution on state seal,"
saying they had amended, and desired concurrence. This message was dis-
cussed next day by the house, which did not concur. Then a committee was
appointed for conference. The senate appointed a conference committee on
Monday, and at a meeting of the two committees the same day the matter was
substantially settled. Of that date. May 20, a letter in the Conservative (Leav-
emworth) contains the following passage:
"The vexed question of a state seal has at last received its quietus at the
hands of the conference committee. The new design embraces a prairie land-
scape, with buffalo pursued by Indian hunters, a settler's cabin, a river with a
steamboat, a cluster of thirty-four stars, surrounding the legend ^Ad astrn
Ser aspera\- the whole encircled by the words: 'Great Seal of the State of
ansae, 1861.'"
The senate accepted the report of the conference committee on Wednesday,
the 22d of May, 1861, and the house concurred on the same day; and so the de-
sign for a seal was decided.
D. W. Wilder, in his "Annals of Kansas," says the writer of the letter in the
Conservative was John J. Ingalls, and as Wilder was editor of that paper he
ought to know. The same John J. Ingalls was secretary of the state senate,
Qnd had therefore means of obtaining accurate information. John A. Martin,*
of Atchison, was a member of the conference committee referred to above, and
a letter of inquiry addressed to him by the writer brought back for answer the
*Soe foot-note, page 410, seventh volume Collections Kansas State Historical Society; eulo-
eium delivered by Hon. B. F. Simpson before Historical Society, January 14, 1890, page 367, vol-
ume 4; also volume of "Addresses," by Martin. 1888.
THE GREAT SEAL OF KANSAS. 295
statement that John J. Ingalls had submitted to the committee the design that
was finally adopted. Why, then, did not the letter in the Conservative state
that fact? Undoubtedly because Mr. Ingalls was too modest to claim the honor
of having settled the "vexed question" — for modesty belongs to youth, and
J. J. I. was a young man then. Besides being too modest, Mr. Ingalls had
another motive for not claiming it. The design as adopted is not his alone, and
though he may fairly claim credit for some of it, yet of other parts he is by
no means proud. The design as submitted to the committee by Mr. Ingalls con-
sisted "of a blue shield at the base of a cloud, out of which was emerging one
silver star to join the constellation in the firmament, comprising the thirty-four
then in the Union, with the motto '■Ad astra per afi2)era.^ The cloud symbol-
ized the struggles through which we had passed; the star, the state; the con-
stellation, the Union. The motto was both descriptive and suggestive, and the
entire design simple, unique, and satisfactory." It was so satisfactory to the
committee that they adopted it entire. But after that some of the "wild
heralds of the frontier" altered it by mixing a steamboat and plowing with buf-
falo hunting, etc., till really nothing but the motto is Mr. Ingalls'e, and the
landscape is probably substantially the one submitted by Mr. McDowell. All
the seal is historic, but suggestive of a fact that will be true forever, that the
conquest of difficulties is the way to moral as well as to political success. John
J. Ingalls* is now United States senator from Kansas, and his life has not been
unmarked by usefulness, but in years to come he will probably be most proud of
the fact that he gave our prosperous state its noble motto, which has been the
text of many a sermon and the starting-point of many a career, "^d astra per
asjiera.^' So be it!
We have seen that it is constitutional to have a great seal for our state, and
yet months elapsed in which the state government was administered without a
seal. We saw a few days ago a commission issued by Governor Robinson in that
same month of May, 1861, which has merely a blank where the seal ought to be.
The old legal definition of a seal was a "cake of wax marked by the proper im-
pression," but later judicial decisions say that a document is properly sealed if
only there is a rough indication made with the pen of the place of the seal.
The fact that King James threw the great seal of England into the Thames, or
that Charles Robinson went on for many months without a seal in Kansas, shows
that this is not an indispensable symbol of authority, though its use is a great
convenience.
The report of John W. Robinson, secretary of state for the year 1861, says
that "the state seal and seals for some of the state officers were procured early
after the adjournment of the legislature." That adjournment took place in June,
1861. In the auditor's report for 1862, dated January, 1863, there is this item of
money paid: "Estate of O'Shawnessy, seals, $120," which we suppose is the
payment for the seals mentioned by Secretary Robinson the previous year.
Thus, then, we have given the origin of the history of the great seal of Kan-
sas. We have only to add that the first seal was in a screw-press, like those
used for copying, and that since then there have been two others made, the
present one being used like an ordinary notary's seal, and giving a very clear
and definite impression. Further, in the transference of the office of governor
from John P. St. John f to George W. Glick, J the old symbolism was retained, and
*8ee " Life and Writings of John James Ingalls," by William Elsey Connolley, 1902.
t John Pieece St. John, the eighth governor of Kansas, was born at Brookville, Ind., Feb-
ruary 25, 1833. In 1852 he crossed the plains to California, where he engaged in mining and
■wood-chopping. In 1853 and 1854 he took part in the Indian wars in northern California and
southern Oregon, in which he was twice wounded. He visited the Sandwich Islands, South
296 KANSAS STATE HISTORICAL SOCIETY.
handiDg over the great seal was part of the inaugural ceremony and referred to
in the inaugural sppeches.
To give this article a certain amount of completeness, we will state the au-
thorities consulted to compile it:
1. "The Comprehensive History of England," published at Glasgow, Scot-
land.
2. Macaulay's History of England.
3. Appleton's Cyclopedia.
4. The Arabian Nights Entertainments.
5. The constitution of the state of Kansas.
6. The Bible.
7. House and Senate Journals for 1861.
8. Auditor's and secretary's reports for 1861 and 1802.
9. Private letters from John A. Martin and John J. Ingalls.
10. Wilder's "Annals of Kansas."
11. Files of the Leavenworth Conservative and other papers.
12. A fine collection of impressions of seals made W. H. Ward, private secre-
tary of Governor St. John.
13. " OldEngland," an archasological work published by Sangster & Co., Lon-
don.
14. The state agricultural reports.
15. To the above must be added assistance very courteously rendered by the
state librarian, H. J. Dennis; F. G. Adams, of the Historical Society; P. V.
Trovinger, clerk of Geary county, and P. I. Bonebrake, state auditor.
Kansas City, Kan., January 14, 1889.
Hon. F. G. Adams, Secretary State Historical Society, Topeka, Kan.:
My Dear Judge — Herewith I hand you a letter from Senator John J. Ingalls,
stating what he knows of the state seal of Kansas, and the motto thereon, with
their origin and meaning, as understood by those who suggested their adoption.
I doubt if there is more than one in a thousand of our people who has more
than a vague conception as to by whom or why the motto was suggested, or
what it was intended to signify, and this direct statement by the father of the
idea should be of value to future generations of inquirers, who will be looking to
the archives of your society for authentic information on this and innumerable
kindred points. I also inclose a copy of the Kansas City, Kan., Daily Oazetle
of 11th inst., containing an article by its city editor, Mr. J. J. Maxwell, upon
the letter and its subject. Very sincerely your friend, F. D. Coburn.
America, and Mexico. He returned to Illinois, and completed his law studies at Charleston,
Coles county. He entered the military service in 1862 as captain, and was mustered out in 1865
as a lieutenant-colonel. He moved to Charleston, 111., from thence to Independence, Mo., re-
maining at this latter place four years. He settled in Olathe. In 1872 he was elected to the state
senate. In 1878 and 1880 he was elected governor, and was defeated for a third term in 1882 by
George W. Click. He became a temperance lecturer of national fame. In sixteen years he
traveled 350,000 miles, made 4000 speeches, and never missed an appointment. He resides at
Olathe, engaged in mining in Missouri.
I Qeoege W. Click was born at Qreencastle, Fairfield county, Ohio, July 4, 1827. He located
in Atchison in the spring of 1859. He was elected to the Kansas legislature in 1863 without op-
position, and reelected in 1864, 1865, 1866, 1868, and 1876. In 1882 he was elected governor, defeat-
ing 8t. John by nearly 9000 votes. He was defeated by John A. Martin in 1884. In 1885 President
Cleveland appointed him pension agent at Topeka, serving from January 1, 1886, to October 1,
1889. Under the second administration of President Cleveland he again served as pension agent
for Kansas, from November 16, 1893, to September 1, 1897. He has served as president of the State
Board of Agriculture, was a Centennial commissioner, a member of the board of managers of
the Columbian Exposition, and president of the board of managers of the Omaha Exposition.
He was the ninth governor of Kansas, and the only Democratic governor.
-^^t^^yv-^
THE GREAT SEAL OF KANSAS. 297
Washington, D. C, October 10, 1888.
Mr. F. D. Coburn, Kansas City, Kan. :
My Dear Sir — In reply to your favor of 6th inst., I would say that I was
secretary of the Kansas state senate at its first session after our admission, in
1861. A joint committee was appointed to present a design for the great seal
of the state, and I suggested a sketch embracing a single star rising from clouds
at the base of a field, with the constellation ( representing the number of states
then in the Union) above, accompanied by the motto, "^d asfra jieT aspera.^^
If you will examine the seal as it now exists, you will see that my idea was
adopted, but in addition thereto the committee incorporated a mountain scene,
a river view, a herd of buffalo pursued by Indians on horseback, a log cabin with
a settler plowing in the foreground, together with a number of other incongru-
ous, allegorical and metaphorical augmentations, which destroyed the beauty
and simplicity of my design.
The clouds at the base were intended to represent the perils and troubles of
our territorial history; the star emerging therefrom, the new state; the constel-
lation, like that on the flag, the Union to which, after a stormy struggle, it had
been admitted. The motto "-4fZ astra per aspera''^ means, literally, "to the
stars through difficulties." Had my original design been adopted without modi-
fication, its significance would have been apparent. Very truly yours,
John J. Ingalls.
Attorney General's Office, Topeka, Kan., May 13, 1903.
Oeorge W. Martiv, Secretary Kansas State Historical Society :
Dear Sir — Agreeable to your request, I submit herein my views concerning
the origin of *^ Ad astra per aspera,'''' the motto of Kansas.
I pass by the question as to who is entitled to the honor of suggesting such
an appropriate motto for our state. Such a question is purely historical, and
not, I presume, attended with much difficulty.
The idea represented by the motto itself is very old, and occurs frequently in
classic poetry, in German set phrases and quotations, and in the feudal mottoes of
the European nobility. Ovid, Juvenal, and Horace especially, were the Kiplings
and Roosevelts of ancient days, who wrote and sang of the strenuous life as ex-
emplified in the Kansas motto.
Either of the two phrases comprising the motto, '■'■ad astra" or "^^er as-
pera,^^ may be gleaned with little difficulty from classical writers. However,
the nearest I find to the embodiment of the whole idea is that of Caius Silius
Italicus, a Latin poet of the early part of the second century. He says:
"Explorant adversa viros; per (que) aspera duro
Nititur ad laudem virtus internta clivo."
A free translation of the foregoing would be: Adversity proves men; and,
through difficulties undaunted, virtue struggles up the highest steeps to fame.
So also Seneca: ^^ Non est ad astra mollis a terris via" — the way from
the earth to the stars is not easy. And Virgil, speaking of virtue or bravery,,
says: "*S'^■c itur ad astra" — just so is the way to the stars.
Horace is translated by Conington thus :
" Nil mortalis arduum est,
Coelum ipsum petimus stultitia."
Nothing for mortals aims too high;
Our madness e'en would scale the sky.
And Juvenal : " Orceculus esuriens ad ccelum jusserls, ihit " — bid a hungry
Greekling mount to the sky, up he goes.
298 KANSAS STATE HISTORICAL SOCIETY.
German literature has many expressions like the following, which, however,
lose much in translation :
" The oppressions of earth, the holy ills of life, exalt the spirit and raise the
soul to God."
" It is a greater difficulty to get to hell than to heaven."
Charles Marsh Foster, the learned recluse of the state library, called the at-
tention of the press some years age to the fact that the substance of the Kansas
motto is contained in the heraldic device of an ancient Scandinavian family.
This brought an answer from John James Ingalls to the effect that the Scandi-
navian family did not have a monopoly of the motto ; that it was borne by per-
haps a hundred noble families in Europe.
Something of like nature has come under my own notice. "iV^ec aspera ter-
rent,''* meaning, practically, "No difficulties terrify us," is the watchword of the
Welsh fusiliers ; and the same motto is borne by some of the Hanoverian Guelphs.
Some of Milton's brightest paragraphs can be traced back through Spenser,
Dante and Virgil to the Homeric fountain of literature; and it is nothing re-
markable to say that the phraseology and sentiment of the Kansas motto are
easily as old as the Christian era. Yours respectfully, John S. Dawson.*
Hiawatha, May 7, 1903.
Dear Martin: When the motto was adopted it already seemed familiar to
persons somewhat acquainted with Latin. Virgil's words, " <S'/c itur ad astra,"
are a familiar quotation. There astra means heaven, immortality (if the Romans
believed it). Virgil also has ad astra of a tower erected high. Seneca has:
" Non est ad astra mollis terris via^^ — there is no easy way from the earth to
the stars. Tacitus has "per aspera et devia^^ — by rough and circuitous
(roads) ; and Suetonius has the same, "per asjoera ac devia," using ac for et.
Our United States words are better, but those who say aspera are fond of
the unknown. On the whole, our pioneers did very well.
Yours truly, D. W. Wilder.
Ottawa, Kan., August 31, 1903.
When I was a schoolboy studying Latin, more than fifty years ago, my
teacher gave me as copy such classic phrases as "per as2:)era ad astra,^^
'* sieitur ad astra,^^ ^'astra castra,^^ "numen lumen," etc. The phrases "ad
astra " and "per as2)era " were used by the Romans in common conversation,
and occur in many Latin poets.
Whoever suggested the motto probably remembered his old copy incorrectly ;
for the motto is nonsense as it stands, as much so as "aS'/c semper tyrannis.'"
Hastily, but truly, etc., J. W. Deford.
Hon. John S'peer: Lawrence, Kan., September 7, 1897.
Dear Sir — Your letter was received just as I returned from my summer trip
in Washington.
My authority for the statement in regard to the motto on the state seal was
*JoHN S. Dawson was born June 10, 1869, at Speybridge, Morayshire, Scotland. He came
to America in 1884, and lived in Illinois until March 4, 18S7, when he came to Kansas. He went
to Scotland in 1888, and returned to the United States. He was educated in various private and
high schools in Scotland, and at the normal school at Salina, Kan. Ho took a homestead in
•Graham county in 1892. He was principal of che Hill City schools in 1895 and 1896, and of the
Wa Keeney high school in 1897. Instructed and lectured before normal institutes and teachers'
associations, and campaigned the state for the Republicans in 1900 and 1902. He served four
years as bond clerk in the state treasurer's office, and in January, 1903, was appointed second
assistant attorney-general of Kansas.
THE GREAT SEAL OF KANSAS. 299
Mrs. Judge Josiah Miller.* It was some years ago, and I forget where. We
were talking of the judge and his public services, when she said, among other
things, that he first suggested the motto. As the motto always seemed to me to
be almost an inspiration, I was interested to know all about it. She told me
how it came to him and how it affected him. He was a member of the com-
mittee on seal. He was in his room when the idea came to him ; he was study-
ing on the motto. At last he brightened up and eaid: "I have it — Ad astra
per aspera.''^ They talked it over, and agreed that it could not be improved.
He suggested it to the committee and it was adopted without question.
When I wrote my book I had never heard any other story. I supposed there
was no dispute about it. I have lately read that John J. Ingalls claims the
honor. But I have no doubt that the honor belongs to Judge Miller. As you
know very well. Judge Miller was a fine classical scholar and a man of wide read-
ing. He was a man of rare mind. Mrs. Miller is fully his peer in everything —
a woman of clear judgment and great independence. She was able to enter into
all his studies and to understand most completely all his affairs.
Truly yours, Richard Cordley.|
Senator John J. Ingalls says further:
"I was secretary of the senate, not clerk of Miller's committee. The motto
is as old as Josephus; it may be found in every Latin phrase-book and the ap-
pendix to all dictionaries. It is one of the commonest mottoes in heraldry, and
is borne, I suppose, by a hundred families in England on their coats of arms.
The first time I ever saw it was on an old brass seal in the oflBce of the gentle-
man with whom I read law in Haverhill, Mass., in 1857. The same thought is
expressed in many different ways, but "^d astra per aspera^^ seemed the most
melodious, and so I selected it for my sketch.
" With a motto, as with a proverb, the question is not whether it is original,
but whether it is appropriate."
* Josiah Miller was born in Chester district, South Carolina, November 12, 1828. He died
at Lawrence, July 7, 1870, after having a leg amputated. His father was waylaid and mobbed
because of his anti-slavery views. Josiah Miller was educated at the University of Indiana in
1851, and graduated from the law school at Poughkeepsie, N. Y. He came to Kansas in August>
1854, and January 5, 1855, established a newspaper at Lawrence, called the Kansas Free State'
May 21, 1856, it was destroyed by order of the territorial government, having previously been in-
dicted by a pro-slavery jury as a nuisance. He^was tried for treason against South Carolina by
Buford's band. He canvassed several states in 1856 for John C. Fremont. In 1857 he was
elected probate judge of Douglas county. In 1861 he was a member of the first state senate,
from which he resigned to be postmaster of Lawrence. In 1863 he was made a paymaster in the
army, with the rank of major. He was a member of the legislature of 1866. He was early inter-
ested in railroad and bridge organizations. His biography, no doubt written by John Speer,
and published in tne United States Biographical Dictionary in 1879, contained the following
sentence: "In the state senate he was the chairman of the judiciary committee, and was the
author of the motto upon the seal of the state, "Ad asira per aspera," and the monument now
erected to his memory in Oak Hill cemetery bears this inscription."
t Richard Cordley, D. D., was born September 6, 1829, at Nottingham, England. His
parents came to America in 1833 and took up government land in Livingston county, Michigan.
In 1850 he entered Michigan University, and graduated in four years, paying his way by his
own exertions. He graduated at Andover Theological Seminary and came to Kansas in 1857.
January 27, 1858, he was ordained at Quindaro. He preached his first sermon in Plymouth
Church, Lawrence, December 2, 1857. He was one of the men marked for death by Quantrill's
men in their raid on Lawrence, August 21, 1863. In 1871 he was elected president of Washburn
College, but declined. He has been a trustee of Washburn since 1858, and served also as a re-
gent of the Agricultural College. In 1875 he resigned his pastorate at Lawrence and removed
to Flint, Mich. In a few years he returned to Kansas, and for six years was pastor at Emporia.
In 1884 he returned to the Lawrence church. For a number of years he was president of the
Lawrence board of education.
300 KANSAS STATE HISTORICAL SOCIETY.
A STATE FLOWER. '
The legislature of 1903 passed the following law (chapter 479):
An Act designating and declaring the helianthus or sunflower to be the
state flower and floral emblem of the state of Kansas.
Whereas, Kansas has a native wild flower common throughout her borders,
hardy and conspicuous, of definite, unvarying and striking shape, easily
sketched, molded, and carved, having armorial capacities, ideally adapted for
artistic reproduction, with its strong, distinct disk and its golden circle of clear
glowing rays— a flower that a child can draw on a slate, a woman can work in
silk, or a man can carve on stone or fashion in clay; and
Whereas, This flower has to all Kansans a historic symbolism which speaks
of frontier days, winding trails, pathless prairies, and is full of the life and glory
of the past, the pride of the present, and richly emblematic of the majesty of
a golden future, and is a flower which has given Kansas the world-wide name,
" the Sunflower State" : therefore,
Be it enacted hy the Legislature of the State of Kansas :
Section 1. That the helianthus or wild native sunflower is hereby made,
designated and declared to be the state flower and floral emblem of the state
of Kansas.
Sec. 2. This act shall take effect and be in full force from and after its pub-
lication in the statute book.
Published June 1, 1903.
Senator George P. Morehouse, the author of the law, says:
"About two years ago, at Colorado Springs, our Missouri neighbors had a
'Missouri day,' and hundreds of tourists from that state assembled, and each
wore as a badge, 'You will have to show me.' The Kansas contingent in
that vicinity announced a reunion of Kansans for the following week. The day
came, and also several thousand people, most of them from Kansas, and, as they
marched and mingled in happy throngs and engaged in appropriate exercises,
every one wore the large blossom with the golden rays. It presented a pleasing
scene, unique and attractive to all, but especially thrilling and home-like to every
citizen of the Sunflower state. None of us will ever forget that day or the em-
blem we wore. Our hearts swelled with pride and our thoughts and words
fondly dwelt upon the resources, traditions and triumphs of the state we all love
so well. That occasion suggested the formal legal adoption of the sunflower as
our state flower.
"It was only a tardy recognition of the noted flower so intimately woven with
the name of Kansas," continues Senator Morehouse. "This native wild flower
is common throughout our borders, and is always hardy and conspicuous. It
lifts its head in triumph along our most beautiful and classic valleys, and mingles
its cheerful light with the verdure of expanding prairies. The seasons have little
effect on its coming, for it flourishes in time of flood, and the drought of arid
summer adds to the multitude of its blossoms. It is of definite, unvarying
and striking shape, ever faithful, whether gracing the beautiful gardens of the
rich or lingering near the humble habitations of the poor. Wherever repro-
duced, whether in color or canvas, worked in iron or chiseled in stone or marble,
its identity is ever present. I am pleased to see it has been wrought in bronze,
A STATE FLOWER. 301
and, as a badge, decorates the new uniforms of the Kansas National Guard.* It
has marked the position of Kansas in many an imposing pageant. This flower
has to every Kansan a historic symbolism. It speaks eloquently of frontier days,
when buds and blossoms of civilization were not numerous, and when we were
deprived of many of the refinements we now enjoy. The sunflower recalls paths
and winding trails, and we are reminded of its golden lines of beauty, at times
making their graceful turns over hill and vale, and breaking the dull monotony
of many a prairie scene. It is not a blossom lingering a few brief hours, but
lasts for a season. It gracefully nods to the caresses of the earliest morning
zephyrs. Its bright face greets the rising orb of day, and faithfully follows him
in his onward course through the blazing noontime, till the pink-tinted afterglow
of sunset decorates the western sky and marks the quiet hour of eventide. Few
can recall all the state favorites, but the entire nation knows that Kansas has
the sunflower, and is the 'Sunflower State.' "
THE WILD SUNFLOWER.
At early dawn, like soldiers in their places,
Rank upon rank the golden sunflowers stand,
Gazing toward the east with eager faces.
Waiting until their god shall touch the land
To life and glory; longingly they wait.
Those voiceless watchers at the morning's gate.
Dawn's portals tremble silently apart;
Far to the east, across the dewy plain,
A glory kindles that in every heart
Finds answering warmth and kindles there again ;
And rapture beams in every radiant face.
Now softly glowing with supernal grace.
And all day long that silent worship lasts.
And as their god moves grandly down the west,
And every stem a lengthening shadow casts
Toward the east, ah ! then they love him best.
And watch till every lingering ray is gone,
Then slowly turn to greet another dawn.
— Albert Bigelov) Paine.
*The following is from General Orders, No. 9, dated July 8, 1903, and signed " S. H. Kklset,
Adjutant General, by command of Governor Bailet " :
" VII. The collar device of the full-dress, dress and service coats of the officers and enlisted
men ofthe Kansas National Guard shall he the Sunfloiver, according to pattern in the office of
the Adjutant General. Aside from this departure, the uniform prescribed for the Kansas Na-
tional Guard will conform to that of the United States Army, as published in General Orders,
No. 132, Headquarters of the Army, Washington, D. C, series 1902."
302 KANSAS STATE HISTORICAL SOCIETY.
EMIGRATION TO KANSAS IN 1856.
Address by Robert Morrow,* before the Old Settlers' Association, at Lawrence, in
September, 19U2.
TTTE ought to be thankful that it was our privilege to come to Kansas at a
' * early day, and that we have had something to do in the making and build-
ing up of this great state. These wild prairies, as we found them, are now
covered with towns and cities, churches and schoolhouses, and farmhouses
everywhere in view, with a million and a half of people, and nearly 10,000 miles
of railroad, and the people living in peace and security, surrounded with good
homes and all the comforts that make life desirable. How different it was with
us! The present generation ought to be grateful to the old settlers of Kansas
for what they suffered and did for them. I have no desire to talk about myself,
and I hope you will excuse me for doing so.
I moved to Kansas from Wisconsin with my family and settled in Lawrence
in 1855. Lawrence was only a little cluster of small one-story buildings, built
mostly with native lumber, without plastering; some were still living in tents
and sod houses. Paul R. Brooks was keeping store in a little seven-by-nine
building near the river bank. The post-office was kept in his store, and Carmi
W. Babcock was the postmaster. We had a semiweekly mail from Kansas City.
We had what was known as the "Wakarusa war " that fall; you all know
the origin and cause of it, and the settlement that was made. Governor Shan-
non had called out the militia, and that was only another name for calling on
the Missourians ; they had responded, and 2000 of them had gathered within a
few miles of Lawrence, on the east, all armed and equipped with guns and can-
non. In the meantime the free-state settlers from all over the country around had
come in to Lawrence, and were being drilled by General Lane, and breastworks
were thrown up. Among the settlers who had come in for the defense of Law-
rence was a man named John Brown. We did not know much about him then;
we were all strangers thrown in here together, and he had not done anything to
distinguish himself at that time especially, and no more attention was paid him
than any other man. We sent a committee to wait on Governor Shannon and
ask him to come to Lawrence, which he did. We told him if he persisted in
bringing those Missourians into Lawrence there would be a battle that would set
the nation on fire. He became alarmed, and entered into an agreement or treaty,
signed by Governor Robinson and General Lane on our part and by himself as
governor. This was in the rooms of the committee of safety. I was present
when it was signed. J. M. Winchell drew up the agreement. He was the cor-
respondent of the New York Timesi; was a very pleasant gentleman and ready
writer. Governor Shannon dismissed the militia, and they returned to Mis-
souri, and no blood was shed; only one man murdered — Thomas Barber.
An exceedingly cold winter soon followed, and the Missourians did not return
♦ Robert Morrow was born at Sparta, Sussex county, New Jersey, Septembar 20, 1825. He
was married April 13, 1850, to Martha Cory, a native of the same place. They moved to Wis-
consin in 1850, and settled at Appleton, where he was engaged in merchandising for five years.
He was county treasurer of Outagamie county for two years. He settled at Lawrence, Kan.,
in 18S5. He engaged in the hotel business, and was burned out by Quantrill in 1863. He was a
member of the territorial legislature of 1858, and was also a member of the first state senate, in
1861 and 1862. He has served as president of the city council of Lawrence and treasurer of
Douglas county. He engaged in the hotel business at Lawrence and Emporia, and is again at
Lawrence, where he resided continuously from his first settlement for twenty-seven years.
EMIGRATION TO KANSAS IN 1856.
303
until spring. In the spring things opened pretty lively. The year 1856 was the
most exciting year in Kansas. The congressional committee was holding ses-
sions in Lawrence, taking testimony. John Sherman was a member of that
committee. He was then a young man, just entering public life. He remained in
Congress from that time until he died — the most of the time in the senate. He
was a valuable man and statesman. He left his imprint on more legislation than
any man in our time — much more than Blaine did.
In May, 1856, the United
States marshal brought into
Lawrence a posse of 500 or 600
armed men and burned the Free
State hotel and destroyed the
printing-presses. Among that
drunken crowd was a United
States senator and acting vice-
president, David R. Atchison, of
Missouri. He said that was the
happiest day of his life. His
life could not have been a very
happy one, if burning hotels
and destroying printing-presses
made him so happy.
Eldridge House, or Free State Hotel, Lawrence, 1856.
I went to Topeka on the 4th of July, 1856; the legislature under the Topeka
constitution was to meet there on that day. They were driven out and dispersed
by Colonel Sumner. There was a large attendance of free-state men at Topeka
that day and great excitement prevailed. Governor Robinson was a prisoner at
Lecompton and General Lane was in the states. There had been brought into
Kansas that spring a lot of men from the South who did not come here to make
homes. They were stationed around different places, committing depredations
and robbing the set-
tlers. Our people de-
cided not to submit to
it any longer, but to at-
tack them and' drive
them out. On the
night of the 13th of
August an attack was
made by the free- state
men on Franklin, where
a lot of these Georgians
were stationed, and they
were driven out. Four
or five of our men here
were wounded, but none
killed on our side.
The next day after the battle of Franklin, the committee of public safety,
who had supervision and charge of matters, wanted I should go to Chicago and
communicate with the national committee that had headquarters there. This
Chicago committee had been appointed at a large convention held at Buffalo,
N. Y., early that summer, of prominent free-soilers from all over the North and
East, to devise ways and means to help the free-etate men of Kansas and prevent
Ruins of the Eldridge House, or Free State Hotel,
destroyed May 21, 1856.
304 KANSAS STATE HISTORICAL SOCIETY,
their being driven out, and the committee had an office in Chicago.* Our Kan-
sas committee wanted to inform them of the situation here, what was being
done, and what help was needed and so forth. They dared not communicate by
mail, as the mails and post-offlce were all under border-ruffian control. I started
for Leavenworth August 14, 1856, to get a boat down the river, as there were no
railroads. Leavenworth at that time was an intensely pro-slavery town and full
of drunken border ruffians. A free-state man did not dare to let his sentiments
be known. To be in favor of a free state was to be an abolitionist, and an abo-
litionist was a person to be shot on sight. That was the way the Miesourians
sized the matter up. I had never been to Leavenworth, and at the place where
I stopped a lot of these men were drinking and carousing. I was afraid they
would suspect me and search me, and I got up in the night and hid my papers
in a lumber-yard under some boards. The next day a boat came down and I got
aboard. Senator Atchison was on the boat, and a lot of South Carolinians;
they got off at Kansas City. I made my way to Chicago, got the committee to-
gether, and delivered my papers, and spent the day with them informing them
of the condition of things in Kansas and what help was needed. I told the com-
mittee that I would go back through Iowa, as the Missouri river was not a very
pleasant road to travel that summer, and take back a load of powder and lead,
as they were wanted more than anything else.
The committee gave me a letter of credit on Fitz Henry Warren, a banker of
Burlington, Iowa, to fit me out with a team and wagon and load. I started for
Burlington, Iowa, got my load, and drove the same to Tabor, a free-state rendez-
vous in the southwestern part of Iowa. Fitz Henry Warren was afterwards a
general in the Union army during the rebellion. Several parties had gone into
Kansas that summer by that route through Iowa, and made a trail down to To-
peka.
I had just got to Tabor, August 26, 1856, when Col. Shaler W. Eldridget
came in. He rode horseback from Topeka, and said it was not safe for me to go
down with my load without some company, and wanted me to return with him
to Chicago, and see if the committee would pay the bills if we would raise a large
party. We started that day for Chicago ; we had to stage it across Iowa. We
saw the committee and outlined our scheme. They told us they had no money.
*The Buffalo convention met July 9, 1856. It was presided over by Ex-gov. A. H. Reader, of
Kansas. It was composed mainly of delegates from various Kansas relief committees, eleven
free states being represented. The following were appointed as the Kansas National Committee :
J. D. Webster, chairman; H. B. Hurd. secretary; George W. Dole, treasurer; J. Y. Scammon,
and J. N . Arnold, all of Chicago ; G. R. Russell, Boston ; W. H. Russell, New Haven ; Thaddeua
Hyatt, New York city; Neville B. Craig, Pittsburgh, Pa.; John W. Wright, Logansport, Ind. ;
Abraham Lincoln, Springfield, 111. ; Eber B. Ward, Detroit, Mich. ; J. H. Tweedy, Milwaukee,
Wis.; Governor Hopkins, Providence, R. I.; W. H. Stanley, Cleveland, Ohio; F. A. Hunt, St.
Louis, Mo. ; Shaler W. Eldridge, Lawrence, Kan. A few changes were made in this committee
a month or so later. At this convention it was resolved to call for $110,000 per month, beginning
with July, and Gerrit Smith led off with a pledge of $1500 per month during the war. Head-
quarters were established at Chicago, and five members were selected from that city, so as to
have a quorum convenient for business.
tSHALEE W. Eldeidge was born in West Springfield, Mass., August 29, 1816. His grand-
father, Elisha Winchell, was an officer in the revolutionary war, and his uncle, Shaler Winchell,
died in the service in the war of 1812. ShaJer W. Eldridge was a contractor in building the Con-
necticut River railroad, and had important contracts on nearly all the New England roads, in
all for about twelve years. He arrived in Kansas City, Mo , January 3, 1855. Ho purchased
the American House from Samuel C. Pomeroy, who had previously obtained it from the
Emigrant Aid Company. It was the headquarters of the free-state men. In May, 1856, when
Governor Reeder escaped from Kansas, he was hid in this house for twelve days. In the
early part of 1856 he leased the Free State hotel, in Lawrence. Colonel Eldridge witnessed
EMIGRATION TO KANSAS IN 1856. 305
We told them they could borrow it and the people of the North would Boon pay
them back. They told us to call the next day and they would give us an answer.
We called next morning, and they told us to go ahead and they would pay the
bills. We bought wagons and harness, tents and camp fixtures, and started for
Mount Pleasant, Iowa, and staked a camp. In three weeks we had about twenty-
five wagons loaded with provisions and arms and tents, and about 300 men had
come in, mostly young men.
While Colonel Eldridge was getting up the camp and wagons I went to Iowa
City to see Governor Grimes about getting some state arms. He said if I could
get them without compromising him I could do so. I had letters to some good
friends of Kansas ; they got the keys to the arsenal, and in the night we loaded
up three wagons with 200 stands of arms, and they were put into Colonel
Eldridge's train and brought into Kansas. Before starting for Kansas, Gen.
Samuel C. Pomeroy, J. M. Winchell and Professor Daniels joined our party, and
we held a consultation. We had been out of Kansas over a month, and in that
time things had changed. Governor Shannon had left and Governor Geary had
been appointed in his place, and he was doing his best to restore peace and quiet
in the territory. He was sending the Missourians home and disarming the free-
state men. The governor was using United States soldiers instead of militia.
It was thought best that some one should return to Kansas in advance of the
train we had raised and see the governor, and explain to him the reason we had
raised such a party, and they would have me go.
I started for Kansas by the Missouri river. On the boat one day, at the table,
a man sitting opposite me said to a man at his side that there was an abolitionist
on the boat, and when they got to Lexington they were going to take him off.
The man asked him how he could tell an abolitionist. He said he could tell
them by their diet. I was eating some bread and syrup. I could not eat all the
greasy meats and pastries they served on the boat. I did not say anything, but
I got a little red in the face. I was not molested. On getting to Lawrence, Col.
James Blood and William Hutchinson, members of the committee of safety, went
with me to Lecompton, and we had an audience with Governor Geary. He was
excited. Large stories were started about the army that was being raised in
Iowa, and the governor had sent Colonel Cooke with 500 dragoons up on the
Kansas border to intercept us. We told him as good a story as we could ; that
our party were ail peaceable settlers, and that they were coming through Iowa
because the Missouri river route had been practically closed to Northern immi-
gration that summer. The governor gave me a letter to Colonel Eldridge, wel-
coming all peaceable settlers, and I started for Nebraska City. Colonel Eldridge
had gotten to Nebraska City and crossed the Missouri river, and was in camp
waiting for me.
We started next morning, October 2, for Kansas. The first night we camped,
upon getting into Kansas, before meeting Colonel Cooke, we had a funeral and
the destruction of this house on May 21, 1856, by Sheriii Jones, it having been declared a nui-
sance by a pro-slavery grand jury. He was immediately sent to Washington with a memorial
from the free-state men, and attended the convention at Philadelphia which nominated Fre-
mont. He was also a member of the Buffalo convention of July 9, 1856. He was mainly instru-
mental in inducing Secretary Stanton to issue the proclamation calling the first free-state
legislature, to submit the Lecompton constitution to the people. In 1857 he and his brothers, Ed.
S., Thomas B., and James M., erected the Eldridge House, in Lawrence, at a cost of $80,000. It
was destroyed a second time, by Quantrill, August 21, 1863, He started a daily stage line in dif-
ferent directions over Kansas. He enlisted as a private in the Second Kansas regiment, was
made lieutenant, and in 1863 appointed paymaster. He was married to Sarah B. Norton, by
whom he had seven children. She died March 5, 1869. He married Miss Caroline Toby, of Dun-
dee, N. Y., January 25, 1871.
—21
306 KANSAS STATE HISTORICAL SOCIETY"
buried a cannon. We thought that was a piece of furniture that did not look
well with peaceable settlers, as we claimed to be. We met Colonel Cooke that
day and were made prisoners. We made no war on United States soldiers; they
had a United States marshal with them. They searched our wagons and took
our arms. They did not get them all ; we had some under some loads of corn
that they did not find; so that when we marched into Lawrence every man
carried a gun. We were conducted down to Topeka, where we met Governor
Geary, and, after some speeches and explanations, we were released.* The gov-
ernor kept our arms, with a promise that they would soon be restored, but he
left Kansas that winter in such a hurry that he did not keep his promise.
The party we brought in was quite an acquisition to the free-state forces.
They all became settlers and citizens of Kansas. Col. Salmon S. Prouty, who
afterwards became famous as an editor, was one of the number. Richard Realf,
John Walton, a prominent farmer and for many years county commissioner of
Douglas county, and Andrew Stark were also of this party. General Lane has
generally had the credit of bringing in these parties. They have been spoken of
as Lane's army, but the credit of raising this company and bringing it into
Kansas belongs to Colonel Eldridge, with what assistance I rendered him, and
to no one else.
G<)vernor Geary succeeded in restoring peace and order that fall in Kansas,
and the people began to think about making improvements and building homes.
Quite a boom seized the people about laying out towns. Most every one soon
owned a town or an interest in one. A little company was formed in Lawrence
and laid out the town of Emporia. P. B. Plumb, then a young man getting a
precarious living about the printing-offices in Lawrence, went to Emporia and
remained. He studied law, edited a newspaper, and as time passed became
wealthy ; was a man of great energy and industry ; was elected United States
senator, and died while in the senate. About the time Emporia was laid out, I
went with Colonel Learnard, taking a surveyor with us, further down the Neo-
sho, and laid out the town of Burlington, now the county-seat of Coffey county.
*See Doctor Qihon's "Geary and Kansas," for Governor Geary's report to the secretary
of state concerning this party. The following statement was received by Governor Geary:
"Topeka, Kansas Teeeitoet, October 14, 1856.
"Hin Excellfncy John W, Oeary, Governor of Kanios Territory :
" Deae Sie— We, the undersigned, conductors of an emigrant train, who entered the terri-
tory on the lUth inst., beg leave to make the following statement of facts, which, if required,
we will attest upon our oaths:
"1st. Our party numbered from 200 to 300 persons, in two separate companies; the rear
company, which has not yet arrived, being principally composed of fnmilies, with children,
who left Mount Pleasant, Iowa, three days after this train which has arrived to day.
"2d. We are all actual, bona fide settlers, intending, so far as we know, to become perma-
nent inhabitants.
"3d. The blockading of the Missouri river to free-state emigrants, and the reports which
reached ns in the early part of September, to the effect that armed men were infestiug and ma-
rauding the northern portions of Kansas, were the sole reasons why we came in a company and
were armed.
"4th. We were stopped near the northern line of the territory by the United States troops, act-
ing, as we understood, under the orders of one Preston, deputy United States marshal, aud after
stating to the officers who we were and what we had, they commenced searching our wagons
(in some instances breaking open trunks and throwing bedding and wearing appxrel upon the
ground in the raiu), taking arms from the wagons, wresting some private arms from the hands
of men, carrying away a lot of sabers belonging to a gentleman in the territory, as also one and
n half kegs of powder, percussion caps, and some cartridges; in consequence of \^hich we were
detained about two-thirds of a day, taken prisoners, and are now presented to you.
"All we have to say is, that our mission to this territory is entirely peaceful. We have no
organization, save a police organization for our own regulation and defense on the way. And
coming in that spirit to the territory, we claim the rights of American citizens to bear arms,
and to be exempt from unlawful search and seizure.
"Trusting to your integrity and impartiality, we have confidence to believe that our prop-
erty will be restored to us, and that all that has been wrong will be righted.
" We here subscribe ourselves, cordially and truly, your friends and fellow citizens.
S. W. Eldeidob, Conductor. Robeet Moeeow.
Samdel C. Pombeot. Edwaed Daniels.
John A. Pbbbt. Bichaed Realf.
EMIGRATION TO KANSAS IN 1856. 307
That winter the towns of Wyandotte, Quindaro, Delaware, Sumner and Doni-
phan were laid out. They were all Chicagos in embryo. I had an interest in
Wyandotte. I built a building for a hotel in Lawrence that winter on the lot
where the National Bank now stands, and opened it in the spring. It was the
best hotel in Lawrence, until the Eldridge House was built. It was burned
down in the Quantrill raid.
The border-ruffian * legislature was in session at Lecompton that winter.
This was the second session. We had no free-state men in the legislature. Grov-
ernor Geary got into difficulty with some of the members. They insulted him,
some shooting resulted, and he left in the night. He came to Lawrence and got
Colonel Walker to take him to Kansas City, and that was the exit of Governor
Gfeary. He never returned.
I entertained a good many distinguished guests that spring of 1857 in my
hotel. There was a large emigration to Kansas that spring. Senator Wilson, of
Massachusetts, was out here, and was a guest at my hotel. Governor Walker
and Secretary Stanton came that spring, and were often guests at my house.
These men were both from the South, and we had a great distrust of them. 1
regret that our people did not treat Governor Walker with more respect and at*
tention. They proved to be good men and gave us good advice, and strictly ob-
served their promises. Governor Walker was a man of national reputation ; he
had been senator from Mississippi, and was secretary of the treasury under
President Polk, during the Mexican war. They advised us to vote in the fall
and get control of the legislature, and get out from under our trouble, promising
us that we should have a fair election. We were in a terrible condition, and had
been for two or three years. The first legislature was elected by an invasion
from Missouri. Governor Reeder gave them certificates, and that they claimed
made them a legal legislature. They enacted a code of laws recognizing slavery,
and made it a criminal offense to speak or write anything against it. They laid
out the counties and appointed all the officers for four years — the sheriffs, jus-
tices of the peace, and county commissioners.
They claimed to be the law-and-order party, and we were the rebels. We did
not acknowledge them or their laws. We had as little to do with them as pos-
sible. We lived without any law; we were a law unto ourselves; we paid no
taxes. These laws were acknowledged by the government at Washington to be
legal and binding on us, and Governor Walker was sent here to enforce them,,
with the army at his command.
This was our condition when Governor Walker came. We had either to obey
the laws or fight the United States, which would have been suicidal on our part.
Grovernor Walker advised us to vote that fall and get control of the legislature,
and repeal these laws, as the only way out of our trouble, and he would restrain-
the collection of taxes, if we would vote. Our people were divided on the question
♦From the Herald of Freedom, August 8, 1857:
"Gen. B. F. Stringfellow, with his friends, called on Governor Reeder at the Shawnee Mis-'
sion soon after his return [ Reeder's return from Washington, June il5, lh55], and demanded aa
explanation of some remarks reported to have been made by him at Easton, Pa., and demanded
to know whether he had said that the conduct of the border Missourians was ruffianly, etc.,
and whether be [(ieneral StringfellowJ was inciuderi in that expression.
'• The governor repeated what he had said, that the territory of Kansas, at her late election,
had been invaded by a regularly organized company of armed men — ruffians, if you please —
who took possession of the ballot-boxer^, and made a legislatur-' to suit the purposes of the
pro-slavery party ; and gave it as his opinion that General Stringfellow was responsible for the
excitement along the border, and that it would never have existed had it not been for the
course pursued by him in agitating the public mind.
"dtringfellow, on hearing this, immediately sprang up, seized his chair, and, striking the
governor over the head, felled him to the floor, and kicked him when down. He also attempted
to draw a revolver, but Mr. A. J. Isackg, district attorney, and John A. Halderman, private
secretary, interfered, and led the general into the street. This was the origin of the phrase
* border ruffians.' "
308 KANSAS STATE HISTORICAL SOCIETY.
of voting. It was bitterly opposed by some, and a convention was called by the
free-state party at Grasshopper Falls, in August, 1857, and the voting policy was
adopted. Most of the newspaper correspondents were opposed to voting. They
were of the John Brown school. They did not want any peaceable settlement
of our troubles — they wanted to bring on a war; but the voting policy prevailed,
after a very heated and excited convention. We elected our legislative ticket.
The Missourians did not come over and vote that fall, but false returns were made
and sworn to of thousand of votes placed where there were scarcely any inhab-
itants. But all honor to Governor Walker ! He investigated these returns and
threw them out, and gave our men the certificates. That gave us the majority
in the legislature. For acting honorably in keeping his promises and dealing
fairly by the people of Kansas he was removed. When the legislature met the
bogus laws were repealed, and we got rid of the Missouri officers who had been
arresting and annoying us. We headed off the Lecompton constitution, and soon
got out of our trouble and had the other fellows on the run. I say, again, all
honor to Gov. Robert J. Walker!
Colonel Eldridge was never satisfied that our arms taken by Governor Geary
should remain in Lecompton, and wanted I should go with him and make a de-
mand on Governor Denver for them. We went to Lecompton and saw the gov-
ernor. It soon got noised around what we came for, and a lot of pro slavery men
began to come into his office to stiffen him up. We had taken the precaution to
;take the "Stubbs" company up with us and left them in the brush just outside
of the town. They began to come in out of the brush, all well armed with Sharp's
,rifles. Colonel Eldridge told the governor that we had come to get the guns, and
we were going to take them. The governor made a virtue out of a necessity and
,gave them up, and we brought them to Lawrence.* These guns were gathered
up by Mayor George W. CoUamore and kept in an arsenal, and were burned up in
the Quantrill raid.
The old settlers of Kansas are passing away; one by one their numbers are
growing less. Doctor Cordley has lived to preach the funeral sermons of most of
.the old settlers of Lawrence, We have had our quarter-centennial silver celebra-
tion, and in two years more we will have reached the half-century limit, and
then it will be our golden celebration. Let us keep up these reunions as long as
any of us are living.
Now, I have only spoken of a few matters that I was personally connected
with. I could talk to you all the afternoon on what occurred in Kansas during
these early years, but I do not want to tire you all out. Perhaps at some other
time and some other occasion, if we should live, it may be my privilege to talk to
you again. It is like some of the stories in the magazines, to be continued.
OTHER COMPANIES EMIGRATING TO KANSAS THROUGH lOWA.f
Reported by Samuel G. Howe and Thaddeus Hyatt, under date of August 11,
1856, through the New York Tribune, August 13, 1856.
In order that the character of this emigration may be understood we subjoin
the following memoranda, taken on the spot:
♦From the Herald of Freedom, December 26, 1857: "A party of our townsmen, under the
command of Colonel Eldridge and Captain Cracklin, visited Lecompton on Tuesday ( the 22d )
and demanded of Governor Denver the carbines, muskets and sabers which were taken from
Colonel Eldridgo's train, better than a year ago, while he was en route over the plains from Ne-
braska to Kansas. The governor at first declined to give them up ; but when he saw that a dif-
ficulty was inevitable unless he complied with the demand, he finally consented, and required
an unimportant pledge in regard to their use during the next ton days."
, tOften referred to as "Lane's expedition" or "Lane's army of the north." Samuel G.
Howe and Thaddeus Hyatt, a committee, made another report to the National Committee for
EMIGRATION TO KANSAS IN 1856. ^0^
Nebraska Territory, July 30. — Encampment twenty miles southeast of Ne-
braska City. The following companies are on the ground, viz.: Milwaukee'
company, from Wisconsin ; Edmund G. Ross,* conductor. Fremont independ-
ent company, organized at Iowa City; Dean, conductor. Illinois com-
pany, organized at Iowa City; Hankins, conductor. Davenport company,
organized at Davenport; Maxhan, conductor. Wisconsin pioneer company,
organized at Janesville, reenforced at Iowa City; George Hildreth, conductor."
Bloomington company, from Bloomington, 111.; — — Weed, conductor. Ohio
company, from Eaton, Preble county, Ohio; Samuel Walker, conductor. Fre-
mont company, organized at Iowa City, branch of the Independent company;
Eberhart, conductor. Richmond company, from Richmond, Ind.; Henry
J. Shombre, conductor. Massachusetts company, from Worcester, Mass.; Mar-
tin Stowell, conductor. Moline company, from Moline, 111.: Bell, con-
ductor. This made 271 individuals in all.
To the above must be added three companies in the rear, whom we met on
the following day at the ferry crossing at Nebraska City, viz.: The Massachu-
setts company of Doctor Cutter, and the Chicago company, together numbering
110, and, with the Rockford company, from Illinois, fifteen in number, making
125, which, added to the above 271, gives a total of 396 souls.
Aid of Kansas, Angust 11, 1856, to be found in Webb's Scrap-books, volume 16, concerning the
" Lane expedition," from which is quoted:
" The under-signed have visited and sojourned with this party of emigrants, and they can
confidently testify as to its character. ^
" Many are pious people, and i>bserve the rites of religion, and keep the Sabbath reverently.
Besides preaching, they have Bible classes, and "Sunday-schools for the yonne. This is espe-
cially the case with the Wisconsin emigrants, who have their wives and children with them.
They are temperance men; intelligent, moral, industrious and earnest men. who would make
good citizens anywhere. They form the most numerous party, and, from their nnmbers and
their earnest character, naturally give a tone to the whole emigration. In their sojoumin the
camp, the undersigned did not witness, by night or by day, any dram drinking or carousing, or
disorder of any kind ; and they fully believe that the great majority of the emigrants are
earnest and honest men, fully impressed with the importance of their position, and determined
to do nothing which will dishonor it. Some wild young men have left, and some may still re-
main ; but the natural exuberance of their age is repressed or healthfully modified by the
solemnity of those in mature life, who feel the great importance of their position and the
critical nature of the expedition."
" It may be regarded as unfortunate that the party was joined in Iowa by the men raised by
Colonel Lane: for, though his immediate followers were only a fourth of the whole number,
yet as he was a man of some notoriety —as he had made his preparations with considerable
flourish — as he was, moreover, very active and zealous, and is considered a brave and skilful
military leader — he naturally obtained considerable influence over the whole, and the congre-
gated party came to be known to the country as ' Lane's expedition.' This placed it in a false
position before the North, where men were not prepared for armed and organized emigrations,
and gave to its enemies a pretext for calling it a military or filibustering expedition.
" There was the further disadvantage that bands of armed M issourians might come up as a
marshal's po^se and arrest Lane on the charge of treason, and disperse the company under pre-
text of law; for, though the most of the men are fearless of open enemies, they are also super-
stitious in their dread of anything in the shape of law.
" Those things were seen by the principal men some time ag6. and were admitted by Colonel
Lane, who, though naturally very desirous of thrashing the border rufiians, and believing he
could thrash them if they were not more than five to one, yet has the cause of Kansas at heart.
He was earnestly solicited to remain behind in the states, and finally consented, most re-
luctantly, to do so; and the emigrants crossed into Nebraska under the guidance of Mr. M. C.
Dickey, of Topeka, who had been chosen leader by general consent.
"Colonel Lane, however, extorted a pledge that if the Missourians should attack the expe-
dition while yet near the frontier of Iowa, a message should be sent instantly to him, that he
might j >in the fray, if it were only a" a common soldier.
" The undersigned used what influence they could to make sure of the continuance of this
arrangement by inducing Colonel Lane to go so far into the states that it would be manifestly
impossible for him to have anything to do with the expedition under any circumstances, and
they can testify to his reluctance to go where he could nor. have a hand in the fight, if one
should be forced upon the emigrants. He took rather a soldier's view, and feared some impu-
tation upon hi< bravery, forgetful that true courage should make a man brave any opinions for
the sake of a riiihteous cause."
*Edmdnd Q. Ross was appointed, July 20, 1866, United States senator from Kansas, by Gov.
Samuel J. Crawford, to fill the vacancy occasioned by the suicide of Senator James H. Lane.
The legislature of 1867 elected him for the remainder of the term. It was his vote saved An-
drew Johnson from impeachment. Ross was afterward governor of New Mexico. He is still a
resident of that territory.
^10 KANSAS STATE HISTORICAL SOCIETY.
We likewise met en route for Kansas several other companies, so that they
were probably together on Nebraska soil, during the first week in August, over
500 emigrants. Of these, the Chicago company and Cutter's company, it is well
known, had been forcibly driven back from the Missouri river, after having been
publicly plundered of their arms and privately picked in their pockets by the
unchecked ruflBans of the border; and now, after a weary journey of over 500
miles, they found themselves upon the northern boundaries of that territory
which they had solemnly determined to enter.
We found among the emigrants encamped on the 30th, thirty-eight wo-
men and children, a part of the latter being babies at the breast ; most of the
rest being less than eight years of age, and none over thirteen. Of the men and
women, there were grandfathers and grandmothers journeying with their chil-
dren and children's children to the promised land. The little encampment
above described, which was composed of twenty-five tents and twenty-three
covered wagons, we found pitched on the prairies of Nebraska, by the banks of
a winding stream, furnishing water for the cattle and cool groves for their shel-
ter. Some twenty-five or thirty yoke of oxen, with a few horses and cows, make
up the sum of their live stock. The fare of almost the entire company has been
of the plainest description — such as only soldiers are accustomed to. Yet,
throughout the whole encampment, no discontent at their privations manifested
itself. All were cheerful and hopeful. But one complaint seemed universal, and
that was the want of arms. The reports of hostile parties on the border,
brought in by the scouts, caused the men to feel keenly the absence of proper
means of self-defense. " We are willing," said they," to endure privations; we are
not afraid to meet enemies; we are not afraid to meet death; but we would like,
for our lives, an even chance, at least. We ought to be provided with arms.
We ought not to go in with our naked hands to meet foes armed to the teeth,
and then, if overpowered and driven back, be charged with cowardice by men
at the North, who do all their fighting while sitting in cushioned chairs within
the happy shadows of their own comfortable homes."
The following particulars will be read with interest by the friends of the emi-
gration. They show the material and moral condition of the men who have been
so unjustly stigmatized as "armed adventurers." They also demonstrate the
liecessity of immediate action on the part of the North lest what has so far been
happily begun should fail for lack of adequate support.
MiLWAUKEK Company;* This company started from Wisconsin on the 20th
of May, and at the time of our investigation had been consequently in transit
some ten weeks. Anticipating a journey of less than thirty days' duration,
means and stores which in starting they had supposed ample were now found to
be wholly inadequate. " We had expected," said they, "to find the land journey
a safe one; but after getting on our way, we feared to venture in alone on ac-
*JoHN E. Rastall was a member of the Milwaukee company. He was sixteen years old,
and drove the ox team for Edmund G. Ross, conductor. He was born in England, July Zi, 1840_
aod settled in Milwaukee in 1852. He took an active part in the territorial troubles and was
taken prisoner by the United States troops, but soon escaped from Lecompton. E. Q. Ross had
been foreman of a printing-oflSce, and Rastall worked for him. Rastall says the party led to
Kansas by Ross consisted of six wagons, drawn by double ox teams, and in each wagon was a
family. The outfit was fitted out by the citizens. They were three months on the road to Kan"
888, and they made 100 miles of their own road. On the trip they had nothing to eat but flour
and sugar. Rastall returned East, studied law, and at the beginning of the war enlisted in
company B, Fifth Wisconsin infantry. He returned to Kansas upon his discharge, and edited
the Burliogame Chronicle, and induced that town to prospect for coal. He edited the Jnnc-
tioa City Union, and was afterwards in the newspaper business at Argentine. He was a mem-
ber of the legislature of 1881 from Osage county. He is now in business in Chicago.
EMIGRATION TO KANSAS IN 1856. 311
-count of the reports which reached us of the mustering of ruffians on the border.
We delayed at Iowa City three weeks, and at other places along the road, from
time to time, so that others whom we heard were on their way in the rear might
join us. This great loss of time has well-nigh exhausted our ready means; our
provisions can scarcely last a fortnight longer ; in fact, we are on our last breeches
and boots."
Here were a company of noble, intelligent, stalwart men, with their wives and
little ones — their household goods, their all — amply provided for ordinary exi-
gemcies, but impoverished by the cruel delays necessitated by the present mon-
strous state of affairs.
The conductor of the Fremont independent company answered as follows:
'•Our means are exhausted; the last of our provisions were used up yesterday.
The men are not afraid of danger; they can endure privations; but they are sick
of the delay, and they complain only of this and the waut of arms. Give us
these and enough to keep us from starving, and let us go in, and we will take
care of the rest."
The conductor of these fine fellows had already learned something of the ten-
der mercies of border ruffianism. About eighteen months ago he became a citi-
zen of Kansas, with $350, being all his worldly means. This became exhausted
in various ways in the struggles of the times. He was beset in the territory on
one occasion, robbed of a double-barreled gun and all the money about his per-
son, beaten, bathed in his own blood, and left senseless by the roadside to perish.
He revived, sought redress at the courts, was informed that the territorial courts
provided no redress for such "d — d blue-bellied abolitionists" as he was. He
left, impoverished and with impaired health. He left, but only that he might
return again with added strength. We found this brave fellow with one checked
shirt and pants comprising his entire wardrobe, and rather loose at that, yet
cheerful and determined. We will add that he hails originally from "down
East."
Illinois Company: A band of fine fellows, whose ages range from nineteen
to twenty five; in excellent health and spirits. Some have no money; others
are well supplied; tolerably well provided with clothing. Complain only of the
delay and want of arms.
Davenport Company: The youngest man is this company is twenty-one,
the oldest twenty-seven years of age. Started on their journey with an average
of fourteen dollars to the man, a small allowance ; have now an average of $1.50
apiece. Expected to have been in by the 4th of July. Complain of delay and
the want of arms.
Wisconsin Pioneer Company : * Complain of having lost the best part of the
summer by the unexampled tediousnees of the journey; their means sensibly
diminished in consequence thereof. Complain likewise of want of arms.
Bloomington Company: This company is well provided for. A brave band
of men, under a determined leader. When asked his intentions in case their
"* We, whose names are hereto subscribed, having determined to emigrate to the territory of
Kansas with the intention of making that territory our future premanent homes, and being
anxious tliat freedom should be established and slavery prohibited therein, and, moreover, be-
lieving that Kansas ought at once to be admitted into the Union as one of the United States of
America, with the constitution lately adopted by the people of the said territory of Kansas;
and in view of the trouble now existing in Kansas, do hereby pledge ourselves to each other to.
and do covenant and agree each with the other that we will, go together to Kansas as emigrants
and settlers ; that after our arrival there we will remain together for mutual protection and de-
fense so long as shall be necessary, and until such time as we or any of us shall have selected
permanent homes or places of settlement, and that we will at all times, when necessary, aid and
assist each other in maintnining his rights and in defending our lives and property; and fur-
'ther, that we will in all lawful ways use our best efforts and all our influence to make Kansas a
free state ; and that we will at all times defend our own lives, liberty, and propterty, and our
312 KANSAS STATE HISTORICAL SOCIETY.
arms should be demanded by United States troops, he replied, "Our arms are
private property; let them take them if they can," This company numbers one
civil engineer and one physician; the rest are mechanics, with one exception;
have with them both agricultural and mechanical implements; intend to mak&
claims and lay out a town. They pay one of the other companies for transport-
ing their luggage, and have made the journey thus far on foot. All wear a
healthy appearance.
Ohio Company:* Started with an average of about forty dollars to the man;
reduced to about five; have side-arms, but no Sharp's rifles. Ail are mechanics,
but going to make claims and work their farms. Ages from twenty to twenty-
eight.
Fremont Company : Branch of the independent company ; ages from seven-
teen to forty; determined and cheerful. Complain only of loss of time and want
of arms.
Richmond Company: Means getting low. Provisioned for two days longer.
A brave and intellectual conductor. Accompanied by Doctor Avery, a wise, dis-
creet and accomplished physician. There are three lawyers in this company.
Anxious to go in.
MoLiNE Company: Young mechanics. While passing through Nebraska
City, three dollars per day was freely offered them to remain and engage in em-
ployment there. The fact that such inducements failed to tempt them from the
path of duty shows of what material they are made. All in good spirits, but im-
patient of the delay.
Massachusetts Company:! Among the thirty- two comprising this company,
neighbors, when called upon ; and that while we thus act we will in all things demean ourselves
as good citizens, and will not interfere with nor invade any man's right or property further than
may be rendered necessary for self-defense, protection against wrong, cruelty, oppression, and
outrage. Dated at Janesville, June 9, 1856.
Geo. Hildeeth. Conductor. F. A. Baker.
Geo. R. Loveland. J. M. Kimball.
Theodoee Jackson. E. M. Hamilton.
Chester Lane. W. A. Hinman.
Thomas B. Scheemeehoen. Chas. E. Hoyt.
S. R. Wttt. F. a. Hanet."
♦Samuel Walker, conductor. See Charles S. deed's sketch of Samuel Walker, pages 249-
276, sixth volume Collections Kansas State Historical Society. Walker says (page 266) that
Charles Robinson told him, in the United States camp, at Lecompton, that Lane was coming
from the states with 400 men, and that Gen. Wm. P. Richardson had passed over from Missouri
with 500 men to intercept him, and for Walker to take fifteen men and ascertain Richardson's
position and find a route to Nebraska City. Walker says:
" Riding all night, we reached our friends about daybreak. We found a splendid body of
men, well armed and equipped. Many of them are now the foremost men in the state. Lane
was away in Iowa, keeping out of the hands of the United States marshal, who was after
him for bringing armed men into the territory. It was decided that Lane roust not acccora-
pany the party, as his name might cause trouble with Richardson. A letter was prepared
and directed to Lane, stating the decision, and I, as a well-known friend of Lane^ was ap-
pointed to deliver it. We found him at Doctor Blanchard's, and gave him the letter. After
reading it he sat for a long time with his head bowed and the tears running down his cheeks.
Finally he looked up and said : ' Walker, if you say the people of Kansas don't want me, it's
all right, and I'll blow my brains out. I can never go back to the states and look the people
in the face and tell them that as soon as I got those Kansas friends of mine fairly in danger I
had to abandon them. I can't do it. No matter what I say in my own defense no one will
believe it. I'll blow my brains out and end the thing right here 1' Walker concluded Lane
had to go back to Lawrence with them. He was disguised, and went under the name of Joe
Cook. They wer« to meet at Nebraska City. Walker received word to get back to Lawrence
as quick as possible. Lane made the ride, l.'iO miles, in thirty hours; the others had to stop
on the way."
+ EDWAED P. Habbis, the most-noted practical printer of Kansas, was a member of the
Massachusetts (or Stowell) party. Mr. Harris was born at Hudson, N. H., June 11, 1834. He
served his apprenticeship in the American office, Lowell, Mass., and until the age of twenty-
two worked on the Herald and News of that city. Upon his arrival in Kansas he settled Id
Lawrence, working at different times on the Republican , Tribune, and Journal. In 1873 hft
EMIGRATION TO KANSAS IN 1859. 315
there are seven printers. Well provided for at starting, but now needing aid. A
brave and intelligent set of men, under a resolute leader. All anxious to go in.
We will add, in conclusion, that the emigration represents almost all the me-
chanical branches; also, that the encampment has been remarkably healthy.
S. G. Howe.
T. Hyatt.
KANSAS — help! HELP !
The following is a copy of a letter to the National Kansas Committee, signed
by several of the principal men of Kansas, and is followed by an appeal from that
committee :
'•Lawrence, Kan., August 13, 1856.
"To the National Kansas Committee:
"Gentlemen — The emigrant train which left Iowa a few weeks since has, we
understand, arrived in safety at Topeka. The presence of so large a body of
men, and the prospect of still more following in their footsteps, is highly en-
couraging to our people. In other respects our cause in the states and at Wash-
ington seems to brighten. We would gladly await the complete organization
and operation of your scheme and the sure operation of other causes for our
preservation, but a pressing emergency compels us to anticipate them, and we
appeal by a special messenger to you for more prompt and eflBcient aid in men,
arms, ammunition, and provisions.
"The contest is upon us, and instant action alone can save our people from
destruction. It may seem to you a premature movement, but we are forced to
it. The details will have to be explained to you by the bearer, , Esq., who
is fully acquainted with all the facts and upon whose statements you may fully
rely.
"The leading facts of the case we will briefly state. We have three state-
ments upon the most reliable authority and on no hearsay reports. Since the
came to Topeka, and took charge of the state printiog, in which capacity he served during the
terms of Geo. W. Martin, T. Dwight Thacher, and C. C. Baker — eighteen years in all. He spent
the year 1896 in Chicago reading proof on an edition of "Encyclopedia Britannlca," and the
year 1897 at Akron, Ohio, reading proof on the "Library of the World's Best Literature." He
returned to Kansas, and has since been with George W. Crane & Co. as proof-reader. He be-
came interested in farming in 1866, and is to-day largely interested in farm land in Douglas and
Anderson counties. Mr. Harris furnishes the following statement of his entree into the territory
and of the party of which he was a member:
"The party conducted by Martin Stowell was organized in Worcester, Mass. They started
from there for Kansas the last week in June. 1856. Three or four joined the company when it
reached New York city. The company as finally organized contained thirty-one members-
seven of whom were printers. On reaching Chicago we learned that the pro-sJavery men were
turning free-t-tate companies back down the river ( the Missouri river was the only route to
Kansas at th.-it time), after robbing them, and would not allow them to land in Kansas. The
Stowell company then decided to pursue their journey to Kansas by a more circuitous but
safer route. Accordingly they went by rail to Iowa City, then the capital of Iowa, and the
westernmost point reached by a railroad. Here horses and wagons were bought to haul the
luggage, the company for the most part traveling on foot. The little party crossed the state of
Iowa, and were ferried over the Missouri river to Nebraska City, Neb. After staying at this
point a few days, they moved south of Nebraska City some fifteen miles and went into camp.
"This at once became a gathering place for parties emigrating to Kansas territory. These
camemostly from Illinois, Wisconsin, and Iowa. Many of them were farmers, with their
families, bringing with them their farming tools, and were thus prepared to take up land and
settle at once. Additions to their encampment kept coming until nearly 600 people (men,
women, and children ) had assembled there. Meantime A. C. Soley, a member of a Worcester,
Mass., company, had been sent to confer with Gen. Persifer F. Smith, then commandant at
Fort Leavenworth. Soley was empowered by tlie emigrants to make two propositions to Gen-
eral Smith in their behalf: One, that he would give them safe-conduct into the territory with a
company of soldiers — the emigrants to take with them no arms of any description ; the other,
that he agree not to interfere with these home-seekers, but allow them to make their way into
the territory as best they could. But the courier's mission was a failure, for General Smith
not only refused to have anything to do with either proposition, but was reported to have said
to Soley : ' I would hang every one of you d d abolitionists as high as Haman if I had the
eay-so in this business.' Soley then went to Lawrence and Topeka and reported to some of the
leading free-state men the result of his visit to General Smith.
" It was finally decided to send up three or four Kansas citizens to the Nebraska encamp-
ment to pilot the parties down into the territory. On thejr way up these men marked out a
314 KANSAS STATE HISTORICAL SOCIETY.
attack upoD Lawrence of May 21 last, with the exception of a few skirmishes,
matters in the territory have remained in comparative quiet. The presence of
the government troops, which it secured to impose a check upon the designs of
our enemies, has served them with an opportunity to make more extensive
preparations. Provisions, arms (both guns and cannon) and ammunition have
been severally introduced into and stored in different parts of the territory;
bands of from 50 to 200 men each, from Missouri and the South, are fortifying
themselves in a continuous line through the settled portions of the territory, in
readiness for a simultaneous descent by night upon our scattered and defenseless
people.
"Fully satisfied that this extreme danger impended over us, we appealed to
the military to afford us protection by the dispersion of these armed bands.
This has been refused to us in the case of a band of upwards of 100 men en-
camped about six miles from this place on Washington creek. We must have
immediate help. The hordes from Missouri and other parts of the South will
be in upon us. We shall stand by our homes to the last.
"To the neighboring free states and to the national committee we look for
relief. Shall we not have it? The battle, as you are already aware, is not for
Kansas alone, but for freedom of the entire North. Suffer us not, then, we en-
treat you, to be overwhelmned for want of timely aid. We will do our duty. If
the reports our friends bring to us be true, the North is alive to its danger and
duty and will stand by us.
"Commending our cause to your immediate attention and to the Almighty,
we remain, Yours, etc., ."
APPEAL OF NATIONAL KANSAS COMMITTEE.
"The above letter comes to us from the most reliable source. We have for
some time been aware of the steady and determined preparations of the South
for a decisive stroke, such as is indicated above. The opening of the contest has
happened sooner than it was planned by the South, but we are convinced it will
be a severe one. In the border towns of Missouri large companies are preparing
to enter Kansas under Atchison, Stringfellow, and Buford, for the purpose of
road throueh the great sea of prairie-grass by erecting tall poles on the tops of the divides or
ridgpis, blaziug trees through the timber skirting the creeks, erecting cairns of stones at high
places on the prairies, etc. This was the route aftsrwards known as the 'Jim Lane trail.'
Under the lead of these men the emigrants proceeded south toward the 'land of promise,'
and on the 7th day of August crossed the line into Kansas. Here thev were met by a delegation
of men promiueut in the territory, among their number being old John Brown. On crossing
the line great enthusiasm prevailed. The multitude broke out with boisterous shouting and
cheers; patriotic songs were sung, congratulations exchanged, and everybody was happy.
"The pro-slavery General Smith had been checkmated. He had intended to intercept the
incoming settlers on what was then known as the Brownsville road, over which they were ex-
pected to pass. He had a company of dragoons patrolling that road for some time for that
purpose. But the route marked out by the free-state men lay many miles to the west of the
Brownsville road, and was madn through the unbroken prairio. Thus the party was able to
avoid falling into the hands of the ferocious pro-slavery general.
"The party crossed from Nebraska into Brown county. Two miles south of the territorial
line a company of some seventy-five or eighty men left the main body and surveyed a site for a
town. The town was named Plymouth. A dozen miles further south another company of about
seventy-five dropped out and laid off a town, naming it Lexington. This town site, though
in Brown county, was not far from where Sabetha, Nemaha county, now stands. In the Lex-
ington crowd was the Martin Stowell company. Still farther on, in what was then Calhoun
(now Jackson ) county, a third detachment went into camp. They, too, had the town-making
spirit, and chose Holton as its name. The latter is now the county-seat of Jackson, and is the
only one of the three towns founded by that band of pioneers which still exists.
'"The remainder of the great party which on that August morning rolled out of its encamp-
ment in Nebraska pursued its way still farther south, to Topeka, and here scattered out over
the territory.
"Among the members of the Stowell party were Richard J. Hinton, afterwards known as
an author and newspaper writer, James H. Hart, M. F. Hart, Jacob Chase, Stewart, and E.
P. Harris. Stowell, the conductor of the partv, was killed in battle at Paris, Ky.. in 1862;
Hinton died a year or so ago in London ; M. F. Hart died in 190ii, in New York city ; Chase died
in 1858, in Butler county, Kansas; and James H. Hart was living in Now York city a few years
ago. Harris, the only one of the party who has continuously resided in Kansas since arriving
here in 1856, lives in Topeka."
JOHN A. ANDERSON. 315
whipping out the entire free-state force. There can be no doubt the same will
be the case from other parts of the South. Kansas is now in a state of open war.
It is not a war in which the interests of Kansas are alone at stake, but the cause
of freedom in the whole country. Shall slavery or freedom rule our beloved
country ? Shall those who have emigrated to that territory from the North with
their families be driven out or assassinated because they are opposed to extend-
ing the curse of slavery over that beautiful country ? are questions which are
now forced upon us. The country must answer them by action — immediate ac-
tion; by money and by men. Let every man who can go to Kansas go immedi-
ately, and let every neighborhood that can send one, tw^o or more men send them
now.* Let them come with means sufficient to carry them into the territory,
and such arms as can be procured. Emigrants will need them for their own
protection. What neighbor that has a gun will not lend it for the cause of lib-
erty ? But let no man go to Kansas except as bona fide emigrant. We hire no
man to go there to drive out peaceable citizens; we only ask those who are de-
sirous of making that beautiful land their home to go there. But we ask. Are the
free men of the North to go prepared to defend their rights and the rights of those
noble men whose homes are in peril? We want men who love liberty and will
defend it. Let such go to Kansas now !
" We would earnestly entreat all committees to send their funds to us imme-
diately, and put forth every eflfort in their power to raise large monthly contribu-
tions. If the North is ever to do anything for the cause of freedom, we expect
it to be done now !
" By order of the committee. H. B. Hurd, Secretary .^^
JOHN A. ANDERSON— A CHARACTER SKETCH.
Written for TTie Push, November, 1902, by Geo. W. MAETiif, and published in the collections of
the State Historical Society by order of the board of directors.
"XrOU ask me to write a sketch of John Alexander Anderson. He was a
-*- man of tremendous physical and mental force, who left his mark upon
every feature of the development of Kansas; a man of great power and earnest-
ness, alike as a minister of the gospel and as a political stumper, with impulses
so strong that he could not sham or dissemble; a jolly, good-uatured man, but a
terror when aroused; an interested and sincere mixer with the godly and ungodly
upon equal terms; educated and a student, with an inclination to be always in-
vestigating something; a clean, all-around good fellow, and popular with all
classes. I do not wonder at a call for more information about John A. Ander-
son. When the first crop of old fellows is all gone, a second and entirely dis-
tinct generation of Kansans — when they come to the task of filling niches with
eminent Kansans — will see the clear and distinct figure of John A. Anderson out
against the sky like the noonday sun, unsullied and unstained by boodle or
*Jame8 Humpheey, of Junction City, came the overland route, and, in response to an in-
quiry as to his company, he writes: "I came alone. In the part of Massachusetts where I
lived prior to coming to Kansas the people were not inclined to emigrate to Kansas, and no
■party was formed. The general impression that prevailed in that locality was that Kansas was
bound to be a slave state and that it was a mistake for a Northern man to go there. My
friends tried to persuade me not to go to Kansas for that reason. I told them that if everybody
thought as they did Kansas certainly would be a slave state. But, as I had faith in the tri-
umph of the principle of liberty I would go to Kansas, and add my mite in support of it. I
started alone, and never met any one in Kansas whom I had known in the East. But, never-
theless, I have felt very much at home in Kansas for forty-seven years."
316 KANSAS STATE HISTORICAL SOCIETY.
other investigations, his record absolutely free from all charges or explanations
of any or all sorts of dirt, whose work for his people was good and only good,
with monuments as enduring as the hills, made with his own brain and hands,
and from whose life flowed a stream of love wide and far-reaching. Instead of
wading through columns and volumes of bitterness, boodle charges, and other
dirt to find our greatest man, they will readily see one whose account was kept
clean day by day, and closed at the grave with an endless list of credits, and not
a dirty charge there, and who has no superior in our history as a useful man, in
private or public life, or as a constructive statesman.
What is a character sketch ? I have only lately noticed that it is something
different from the ordinary biography, I have given much thought, and reached
my own definition that a character sketch comprises the little things which go
to make a man's life agreeable or disagreeable to his every-day associates; the
events which shape his course in life; the good things his right hand is doing of
which the left hand knows nothing.
Every man has some mental or physical peculiarity in his make-up which is
recognized and always tolerated. Recently several newspaper men were chasing
around for material for character sketches, but they could not find much suit-
able for print, and their efforts when published appeared but little different
from the ordinary biography or obituary. Often, after wading through a news-
paper biography, the question still remains. What kind of a fellow was he ?
John A. Anderson liked push, go, enthusiasm, do things.
The way he happened to stop in Junction City — then
(March, 1868) the thinnest, most uninviting place for a
preacher of his caliber — illustrated this. He preached a
rattling sermon on the "Actuality and Reality of Christ's
Kingdom," and the boys interested in getting him there
were delighted, and determined he should stay regardless
of cost. The next morning they met in a hardware store.
Anderson talked pretty stiff as to what he wanted, which
all interpreted to mean that he did not intend to stay,
and that it was a bluff to get out. One man was ap-
pointed to see what could be done and report at two o'clock
in the afternoon. There were eight present, and the com-
mitteeman said- " I find a vacant business room on the main street we can get
at two dollars per Sunday, but I want $200 for chairs and lights." Each man
went down in his pocket and laid out twenty-five dollars. Anderson jumped up,
slapped the counter, and said: "You are my crowd; I will stay with you!"
There never was a religious job with more strenuousness in the history of the
state than he gave for three or four years. If Teddy had been there he would
have been an elder in John A.'s church. Indeed, Teddy was not the original in
the strenuous business. True, there was some controversy as to the degree a-ad
amount of piety, but the results are there yet, in as happy and clean a church
congregation now for thirty-four years as has existed anywhere. Meetings of
the session were held on the curbstone and street corner. Frequently Anderson
said he would like to take the session back East and exhibit it. As the sole sur-
vivor of that session, I have oftentimes since been afflicted with a suspicion that
we were not up to the Eastern standard. All the same, there she stands, with a
Sabbath-school annex, a parsonage, and an organ from Carnegie, added since.
Strange enough, the last sermon he preached in the town was on "The Power
and Authority of Jesus of Nazareth." It was severely criticized, by those who
had not heard him before, as not being a sermon, but a stump speech. He had
changed to a political orator.
JOHN A. ANDEBSQN. 317
Anderson first met Noble L. Prentis at the Hammond revival in Lawrence, in
1871. He took a great fancy to Noble, which lasted until the end. He brought
Noble to Junction City to talk to his congregation. It was Sunday morning, and
Prentis appeared in the pulpit in an old linen duster, which looked as though he
had slept in it for a week. Prentis was not then the accomplished talker that he
was later, but his talk was good. His appearance somehow was so grotesque and
absurd that half the congregation was mad and the other half tickled immensely.
Anderson was wholly unconscious of all this — he was interested in Prentis. He
bluffed the entire board of regents and faculty a few years later into accepting
Prentis for a commencement address at the Agricultural College. There has
been nothing in this line in the history of all the schools in Kansas to match that
address. In his first campaign for Congress he invited Prentis to travel with
him. Anderson was a stayer — with Prentis and others he was interested in. He
did not know what it was to quit on any proposition he started in with. Some-
body write a character sketch of Noble L. Prentis. The fads and fun of the
early-day men and women may have had more to do with our social and political
condition than their political scrapping.
Anderson remained with the church for five years. The first two years he
did not get all the salary promised him, but after the rush and confusion of
church building he preached three years at a salary of $1500 per year. The
weekly proportion of his salary was in the basket every Monday morning — no
begging, no collecting, and no trouble. He never received a dollar from the
Home Mission Board. As a preacher he was orthodox — gave the straight, old-
fashioned gospel. Christ was his theme eight times out of ten ; he never in-
dulged in philosophy, alleged science, or patent-right fads, and he was a very
touching prayer- meeting talker. One year he gave the Knights Templar Com-
mandery of Kansas a sermon on "Christ, the Wisdom of God." Again, he
preached before the Kansas Editorial Association at Manitou on "The Difference
between the Functions and Domain of Human Reason and the Functions and
Domain of Christian Faith." It was a plea for trust in Christ's statement and
pledge. He was sometimes eccentric in talk and actions, and occasionally startled
his hearers, and while a few would get mad, they were back promptly the next
time to hear him again.
In 1872 Benjamin Harrison secured him a call from a church then organ-
ized on the outskirts of Indianapolis. It has since erected an $80,000 building.
He wanted to go, but his wife and the neighbors prevailed upon him to remain
in Kansas. The next summer the Agricultural College presidency opened to
him. He preached once a Sabbath for three months after he had entered upon
his new duties. He told the people to hunt a new man, but they hated to move.
At last he announced, "This church will be closed next Sabbath." And that
was his farewell sermon.
As a citizen he was mixed up with everybody and everything. He was on the
school board most of the time he was in Junction City. Every forenoon of his
life, nearly, he walked about town and dropped into every store and shop and
talked with everybody he met. Then was the day of bond voting and railroad
building. He was great on railroad speeches. He told the boys he would go
anywhere and make any sort of a speech they wanted, except politics. There
was too much physical energy in him for an ordinary pastorate. He spent the
afternoon in reading and study. He was a thinker, and moved entirely out of
the ruts. He never wrote his sermons, but he made notes in the most abomi-
nable handwriting, shorthand, and characters of his own, combined. He always
had a crowded house to hear him. He had the strangest assortment of associ-
ates. Any old bum could approach Anderson and talk with him. Many a time
318 KANSAS STATE HISTORICAL SOCIETY.
he would be seen on the street corner with a crowd of such about him, and with-
out the slightest clerical air in dress or manner, oftentimes with a cigar in his
mouth. Strangers never would suspect him, but if they were to eavesdrop they
would frequently hear, in the gentlest and most unaffected manner, a good word
along the minister's line in parting with them.
Anderson was an extraordinary mixture of clerical dignity and offhand — per-
haps roughness. He was a natural man. My first sight of him was across the
street, and I involuntarily exclaimed: "Holy Moses, that is not the preacher I
left back East!" The apology some one made in the convention which first
nominated him for Congress, that he was not preacher enough to hurt, was not
true. He was a great preacher. But the joke that tickled Anderson the most
was perpetrated by Al. Cheeney, a famous conductor in those days on the Union
Pacific. Anderson reached Junction City on Cheeney's train, and as he alighted
Cheeney remarked: "There goes another gambler for Junction."
One Sabbath morning he led, as he frequently did, congregational singing.
For some weeks previous the crowd had been dragging, out of harmony, and
Anderson's face and temper assumed an inharmonious relation to the time and
occasion. This particular Sabbath it was awful. In the middle of a verse,
down came Anderson's foot on the platform. Everybody thought a gun had
gone off. He yelled: "Oh, stop! that is not worshiping God. We will not have
such a noise. Now begin again!" I never knew a crowd so rattled and taken
off their feet ; but they had good singing ever after. At one period he talked
ten or twelve Sunday nights in succession on "The Travels of Paul." The boys
in the engineer's office of the Union Pacific, Southern Branch, made him a map
of Paul's travels, on muslin, as large as the end of a house, and, with a billiard
cue, he would talk from the map. Some of the hearers suggested a change;
that they were a trifle fatigued with Paul. Anderson always told it that he
continued the subject indefinitely, and that the congregation did not know the
difference.
If ever a preacher had a "call" to go to a particular place, Anderson
unmistakably had it to go to Junction City. No other town would have
suited, and not in a thousand times could he have found such a crowd gathered
about him. The religious tramp or fakir, the self-constituted reformer, the un-
licensed, unauthorized evangelist, lecturer, or beggar, received a wide berth from
Anderson. He had to be quite a fellow, well known or vouched for, to get into
that pulpit. Once a solemn-looking man came along and wanted to organize a
peace society. He endeavored to enlist Anderson. "No," said Anderson, "I
believe in war — more men ought to be killed." If Eugene Ware had been there
he would have been a deacon, or, anyhow, a heavy contributor. A stranger came
to town and asked for Anderson's church in which to hold a revival. He was re-
fused. He opened out in a public hall and preached for six weeks. Every night
he prayed for the preacher who drove fast horses and had a billiard-table — the
property of Anderson's uncle. More strange, unique, original and funny things,
without meanness or malice, happened in that town than could be counted for
any other frontier place. It was the terminus of the railroad for six or eight
months, and during all that time not a single man was killed. Recall other
frontier points and then think how wonderful ! And in and about that church
there were many incidents, not necessary in this paper, which would make a
horse laugh. There was no melancholy, no solemncholy, no croaking or griping,
but a constant exuberance of happiness and good cheer.
In those days the political and business boss of the town did not like Ander-
son. When the church building was finished, the council was asked to build
certain sidewalks, that connection might be had with the business street and the
JOHN A. ANDERSON. 319
residence section. Another church asked at the same time and promptly secured
aU it wanted. But Anderson's congregation had to be content with the prairie.
One city election and a year and four months passed, during which time repeated
requests were made for the sidewalk. Anderson searched for days for such can-
didates for councilmen in one ward, and mayor, as, any church ought to have,
but without success. No one could be had, for fear of trouble. He finally set-
tled on a couple who were a long way from having wings, the town was turned
upside down for four or five days, and the boss and another beaten. It struck the
boys of the town as exceedingly funny, and as soon as the result was known the
band gathered, and a hooting mob, filling up at every joint, spent the evening in
serenading everybody. About midnight they woke Anderson, and in the robe
customary at that time of night he had to appear and make them a speech. In
thirty days a good stone sidewalk was constructed, connecting the church build-
ing with all parts of town, and the question: "Does the Presbyterian church
want any more sidewalk ?" was a part of the order of business of the city coun-
cil for that year at least. For five years following, that sidewalk trouble bobbed
up at each election in that county.
One of the funny things in a country town is the bossing and yelling of every-
body at a fire. Doubtless some of the older ones among your readers will re-
member the old hand fire-engine. Anderson was great at a fire. He was among
the most active and loudest. A fire was raging, Anderson was on top of the
building, and the boys had succeeded in starting "Old Harmony " to squirting
water, when one of them yelled, "Give her hell, boys!" "No," shouted Ander-
son, "give her water, boys."
The morning after his mother was buried, in 1870, on the open prairie, where
all the dead were then placed, he came down town, and joined a crowd at the
foot of a stairway leading to a lawyer's office. He remarked, "This town must
have a cemetery." Four instantly went with him up to the lawyer's office, had
articles of incorporation drawn, agreed to certain things, and ordered Anderson
to do as he pleased and they would back him. He bought forty acres, the finest
hilltop in the neighborhood, built a stone wall about it, sent to Chicago for a
landscape-gardener, and had the party stuck for $3000. He had an auction sale
of lots on the street corner, and in one afternoon gathered in $3200. It is to-day
the handsomest thing of its kind in Kansas. Eight of his family came with him
to Kansas, and seven of them, including himself and wife and father and mother,
now rest on the highest knoll in beautiful Highland.
In 1870 and 1871 there was much interest throughout the country in narrow-
gauge railroads. It was argued that there was great economy in them, and that
soon all the roads in the country would be changed to a three- foot gauge. The
narrow-gauge from Leavenworth west was among the first results of the craze.
Bonds were asked for in Clay county. Anderson was strong in mathematics,
and he began to figure. He concluded the idea was a fraud, and that he would
go up there and make speeches against the proposition. He engaged livery and
invited three to go with him. He started early Monday morning, made an after-
noon and evening speech each day, except Saturday, in different schoolhouses.
Upon the close of his Saturday afternoon meeting, he drove twenty-five miles to
Junction City, and everything with him was as bright and fresh Sunday morning
as usual. He did all that simply because he had figured that those people were
being swindled. But the job prevailed, and then it all had to be done over again
— the track relaid to standard gauge.
He began work as pastor of a church in Stockton, Cal., in 1857. He was
lively enough when he struck Junction, and ten years before that he must have
led the old folks and the too good a lively dance. His prevailing weakness, next
320 KANSAS STATE HISTORICAL SOCIETY.
to beefsteak, was a boat. At Stockton he owned a boat. An old wreck of a
sailor took care of hie boat, was probably a pensioner on Anderson, and fre-
quently the two would go out together, the sailor fearing that Anderson would
get teo far at sea to handle the thing. One day Anderson received a note from
some of the congregation saying that they did not think that old fellow was a
proper associate for their pastor. He returned the note indorsed on the back:
" That man has more soul than half of the congregation ; if you do not like it, this
is my resignation." From my twenty-four years of intimacy with him, I can im-
agine nothing more natural to him than that. The last thing he did in California
was to get the old sailor a job as fireman or engineer in a state insane asylum. He
was asked to conduct a funeral service of a noted woman of the town who had
died. It was an important, or at least notorious occasion in the town, and some
objections were made. He said that was his duty and he would go. He met a
large crowd of her class, and he told me several times that he never preached
Christ more earnestly than he did to those women. The men were so few that
he had to act as pall-bearer, and he walked with that body through the town and
helped put her in the grave.
Once he come within a scratch of butting up against a heresy trial. At Stock-
ton he was invited to preach on the subject of amusements. He gave some slight
thought, and concluded he knew nothing about it. He spent six nights in a
theater — three with the audience, and three behind the scenes. Between the
close of the theater Saturday night and the hour of service Sunday morning he
wrote his sermon. It was oflf color some way, caused a row, and some of the
brethren threatened him with action by presbytery. His father, then pastor of
the First Church in San Francisco, become alarmed — feared the boy was going
off wrong. He told me his mother was the only friend he had in that scrape.
Perhaps that was the only time he was scared, because I never heard that he
had any views on amusements after he reached Junction City. However, while
he lived there, every time he went to New York he hunted up the San Francisco
minstrels.
But there is one story he never told me. He preached the first Union sermon
on the Pacific coast. His church was about half Southern and half Northern.
At noon the following Monday one of his deacons, a Southern man, met him at
a restaurant, where they were accustomed to take their meals. The deacon said
to Anderson that the man who would preach such a sermon could not tell the
truth. My authority is Dr. C. C. Furley, who died in Wichita in 1901. The
doctor came from California, settled at Abilene, but soon removed to Wichita.
He told me the story twice. Anderson and the deacon went at it. It was the
most terrific pugilistic encounter up to that time that had ever been known
in the town. They smashed chairs and tables, made a wreck of things, no one
interfered, and finally Anderson wore the deacon out. He continued with the
church a couple of months, until things quieted down, when he joined the Third
California regiment. He told me once about thrashing a sutler who inter
fered with a Good Templar tent he was putting up. John A. was not only a
powerful man, but he was "science," strong in the "manly art."
His next row was at Salt Lake, where Porter Rockwell, the "destroying
angel" of the Mormon church, got after him for his denunciations of the disloyal
sentiments of Brigham Young and the church. The "destroying angel" took
water — he was up against a buzz saw.
I never knew Anderson to have or express malice. He never held any but
the kindliest feelings toward those who opposed his political aspirations. But in
his Agricultural College fight it was shown that he could do some tantalizing
things. He had a proper regard for everything in its place, but the thing which
JOHN A. ANDERSON. 321
amused him the most was the science and bird tracks in the rocks which he
found at that institution. His life at the college was hard and bitter, and al-
though he succeeded in establishing the school and making a great reputation, I
think he tired of it, and his first idea in going to Congress was to get out of it.
He was grieved and hurt by the bitterness and maliciousness with which he was
hounded by half the population of Manhattan, because — the devil only knows
why. He had an idea that a man's avocation or location should be changed
every five years, and, with the exception of his twelve years in Congress, his life
was very nearly divided that way. He was five years in California, five with the
army and the sanitary commission, five at Junction City, five at the Agricultural
College, and about three with a citizens' reform association in Pennsylvania.
During the war he wrote for the San Francisco papers over the signature of
"Hackatone," and received ten dollars a column for all he sent in.
His election to the presidency of the Agricultural College, or. rather, a speech
he made in the house of representatives, saved that school to Manhattan. He
was invited to address the legi-flature on the subject of industrial education, and
they listened to him for thirty minutes. The bill had been prepared to make the
school a branch of the State University, but Anderson's vigorous revolution
caused an abandonment of the project. This was at the session of 1874*
He had an afifectionate and religious nature. He gave no thought to money.
He was clever in all things, and watchful for a chance to do something for a
friend or neighbor. There was much of the boy about him — easily aflFected, and
wept oftener than any man I ever knew. He was a man of all around culture —
up in music, knew a good painting, was interested in treep, flowers, and land-
scape work. He was something of a mechanic. He had boundless nerve, and a
backbone, physical and moral, like the latest steel railroad rail. He possessed
singular versatility. He was pugnacious, and at the same time very considerate
of the opinions of others. No amount of persuasion could get him into a pulpit
while engaged in a political campaign. He preached frequently while connected
with the college, but ceased entirely when he became a congressman. It was
impossible for him to be a demagogue. He had a most lovely wife, red headed,
handsome, smart, well educated, and very popular. He lost much of himself
when she died, in 1885. The wife was known to friends and neighbors as "Nan-
nie," and he was known to all as "John A." They quit this world twenty-five
years too soon.
Since you set me to thinking and recalling I might continue indefinitely. He
was introduced to public life by Governor Osborn, who made him a regent of
the University. In politics he had but one idea, and that was to take a stand
and fight. He was too frank and impulsive to be slick, cute, or tricky. He was
the victim of some uncalled-for meanness because of a suspicion that he might
be a formidable man for United States senator. He never used a railroad pass,
and always paid his own bills. It is unauthorized gossip, but I hare heard that
his twelve years in Congress cost $20,000 more than his ealar}-|- — I heard his
*See volume 7, Kansas State Historical Collections, pages 179-188.
f William A. Harris, who served as a congressman at large one term, and also United
States senator from Kansas from 1897 to 1903, in declining to consider a nomination for gov-
ernor, in January, 1904, was quoted by the newspapers as saying: "My experience in public life,
while gratifjing in its results so far as good feeling and approbation of the people generally is
concerned, has been very disastrous from a financial point of view. M> expenses as a United
States senator every year have been from at least $2000 to $2500 more than my salary, and as I
had very little means, nothing but a farm with a mortgage on it, I have practically been com-
pelled to sacrifice everything, and I must now go to work, if I can find some steady employment
that will make me a living."
—22
322 KANSAS STATE HISTORICAL SOCIETY.
uncle say that he hoped they would beat him; that they were out money on the
job, and they would rather have him at home. He had friends in every county
who kept things ironed out for him, without his knowledge or suggestion.
The bolting campaign of 1886 was not hia doing. When he learned of his
defeat in the convention he went to bed and had the first night's sleep in a week.
But with his breakfast the next morning he had a dozen telegrams from different
parts of the district saying they were going to run him anyway. He was advised
to keep quiet for a few days, and then informed that he had to make the race.
The people were crazy mad at the action of the convention. There was 10,000
Republican majority in the district. He made seventy-two speeches in forty
days, each two hours and a half long, gained fifteen pounds, received 2254 ma-
jority over the Democratic and Republican candidates combined, and two years
later was nominated unanimously by all factions, receiving at the polls for his
sixth term 7378 majority. He was a naan of girth — bad great boiler capacity.
The committee on apportionment in 1882 gave Kansas six members, with a
very large margin unrepresented. Anderson said it was unfair and he would n't
stand it. In the committee of the whole he beat the report of the committee on
apportionment and the orders of the Republican caucus, and obtained for Kansas
the seventh congressman. He made the railroads close up their land grants, re-
storing to market 100,000,000 acres of unearned land. It was his bill raising the
agricultural bureau at Washington to cabinet proportions and it was his bill
which gave the country two-cent postage. He was prominent in establishing
the Bureau of Animal Industry. He passed a bill abrogating the lease of the
Pacific railroad telegraph lines to the Western Union. By filibustering he beat
Bome Union Pacific funding bill. From a committee appointed to investigate a
Reading railroad strike he made a minority report in favor of investigation,
while the majority favored a reference of the matter to the Interstate Commerce
Commission. He won out on the floor of the house, the minority report was
adopted, and the leading papers then said that in securing for the subject prefer-
ence over all other business he achieved an unparalled parliamentary success.
He labored hard to create a commission to arbitrate labor troubles, for a postal
telegraph, to reduce the life of patents to seven years, and to prevent discrimina-
tion by railroads. These practical subjects show that he was not an ostrich
statesman. When Harrison was made president, Anderson announced that under
no circumstances would he use his intimacy with him to secure appointments for
any one. This was denounced as poor politics, but I think it will stand out in
history as evidence that he was away above the jack-leg politician. Such jobs
as he undertook gave him a holy hatred for the lobby. The Agricultural Col-
lege is distinctively his creation, while twenty miles further up the valley are that
handsome church and cemetery. He left a correspondingly good mark in Cali-
fornia. As was written at the time of his death, his monuments "can be seen
of all men, erect in the very heart of the state — not dead marble alone a tribute
to him, but living, active forces, of use to others, symbols of the heart and soul
and brain of John A. Anderson."
The strike experience we have had this season recalls the fact that it was
Anderson's resolution ordering an investiKation of the railroad and anthracite
strike of 1887-'88. By request of the chairman, Anderson wrote seventy- two
pages of the report relative to "the causes, extent and effect" of the strike-
The committee recommended state remedies as follows: Exercise of the taxing
power, exercise of eminent domain, exercise of the police power; or national
remedies as follows : Prohibit interstate carriers from engaging in mining or
manufacturing, proh ibit strikes and lockouts on railroads, prohibit the consoli
JOHN A. ANDERSON. 323
datioD of parallel or competing lines, abolish or temporarily suspend the duty on
bituminous coal. In four days after the committee began work the strike was
declared off, concessions were made by both sides, the miners obtained a good
reduction in the price of powder, and the railroad president and the Knights of
Labor got together and the most cordial relations were established. The report
skinned the railroad managers and mine operators to a frazzle. There are
abundant earmarks showing that Anderson wrote the whole of it. The question
then was whether the Reading did or did not cause the strike for speculative
purposes.
When we discuss the question, " Who was our greatest man ?" and talk about
statues and niches, what is the matter with this showing? Here was a man of
conception and performance, and not a tin-horn statesman. All his life he sue-i
ceeded at everything he touched. When he first appeared in politics the boyg
thought they had a gentle, mild-mannered country preacher; but gracious good-;
ness, what a jolt they got!
About the best ever written on Kansas was an address by Anderson made
before normal institutes, while he was president of the Agricultural College. It
was a description of the physical geography of the state — its relation to the
Mississippi valley and the Rocky Mountains — wholly new, and different from
anything else ever said. It was wonderfully eloquent, and about an hour long.:
It opened thus: "Kansas — four hundred miles long, two hundred miles wide,'
eight thousand miles deep, and reaches to the stars."
He was born in Washington county, Pennsylvania, June 26, 1834. He gradu-
ated from Miami University in 1853. At school, Benjamin Harrison was his
roommate. His father and his grandfather also were ministers. He died in a
hospital at Liverpool, England, May 18, 1892. His last service was as consul to
Cairo, Egypt, While in Washington, nearly every Sunday morning Mrs. Harri-
son sent for "John " to come and have breakfast with them at the White House.
He kissed me good-by at the union depot in Kansas City. I never saw him
again. He made a heroic effort to get home. The last heard from him was at
Malta, in the Mediterranean, and his letter closed thus: "It is all in God's
hands, and He will direct." He began to fail about or before 1890. In the
campaign of that year two or three letters or telegrams would have secured him
the nomination for a seventh term, but no one could get response from him.
For some time previous he began to neglect his correspondence. He became in-
different. He lost his hearing, preventing him from conversing, and he became
something of a recluse. The end had set in. His funeral was a most remark-
able demonstration. The faculty and cadets of the Agricultural College con-
veyed his remains from the depot to his home ; the next day the Grand Army
delivered the body to the people of Junction City, and, after services in his vine-
clad church, the Masonic fraternity closed the ceremonies at the cemetery. H©.
loved the old days in Junction City, always saying that they were the happiest.
of all his life.
He is at rest. I thank God for my companionship with him. I hope to asso-
ciate with him again, and I further hope there may be but little change in him.
I would prefer the same "John A." How I love to give this tribute! To think
that he has been dead ten years emphasizes the flight of time, and how rapidly
we are all nearing, I hope, the same rest.
324 KANSAS STATE HISTORICAL SOCIETY.
QUANTRILL AND THE MORGAN WALKER TRAGEDY.
Written for the Kansas State Historical Society by Rev. John J. Ldtz,* pastor of Methodist
church, Stanton, Minn,
OF the first tragedy in which the notorious guerrilla, William Clark Quantrill,
was the leading actor — the Morgan Walker tragedy, enacted in the fall of
1860, in Jackson county, Missouri "f — a number of conflicting accounts have from
time to time appeared. These accounts differ as to the number composing the
raiding party led by Quantrill, the number and fate of the victims, the location
of the scene of the tragedy, the date, and other details. From relatives of the
young men living in the state of Iowa and from ether sources, I have endeav-
ored to obtain as nearly as possible the true facts connected with this incident.
The young men who were led to their death by the perfidy di Quantrill were
Charles Ball, Chalkley T. Lipsey, and Edwin S. Morrison.
Albert Southwick was left a mile from the plantation, guarding the team
which brought the liberating party from Kansas. A young man by the name of
Ransom L. Harris was left at Pardee, Atchison county, Kansas, in charge of a
deserted log cabin, 12 x 14, which was to be the first station of the underground
railroad leading from Missouri to Canada.
All of the young men were of Quaker parentage. Benjamin Ball, the father
of Charles, was a Gurney Quaker, who emigrated from Salem, Ohio, to Spring-
dale, Iowa, in the year 1850. Springdale was one of the principal stopping-
places of John Brown in his journeys to and from Kansas, and the place where
he drilled his men for the raid on Harper's Ferry. In 1857 Benjamin Ball emi-
*JoHN J. Ldtz was born in SmithviUe, Wayne county, Ohio, January 28, 1855. His father,
Jacob Lutz, and his mother, Ann (Musser ) Lutz are both natives of Lancaster county, Penn-
sylvania. His great-grandfather Andrew Lutz was a soldier in the war of the revolution, serv-
ing in the Fourth Pennsylvania regiment. His maternal grandfather, Joseph Musser, and his
great-grandfather Benjamin Mosser (the original way of spelling the name ), were both physi-
cians in eastern Pennsylvania, and descendants of Benjamin Mosser, who emigrated from Swit-
zerland to America in 1714, and bought land of William Penn. John J. Lutz, after attending the
public schools and the academy in his native town, entered the University of Wooster (Ohio),
where he spent three years, and later one year at the Ohio Wesleyan Dniversity. After spending
ten years in teaching in Ohio, he came to Kansas in 1885, where he taught till 1890 — the last two
years as principial of the Hamlin public schools. He entered the ministry of the Methodist Epis-
copal church in 1891, supplying charges at Springside, Pottawatomie county, and one year on
the Manhattan circuit. In 1894 he removed to Minnesota to take charge of the church at Fair-
fax. In the same year he was married to Sheila V. Wheeler, to whom were born four children.
Since 1901 he has been pastor of the Methodist Episcopal church at Stanton, Minn.
fJoHN N. Edwards, in his book, " Noted Guerrillas, or the Warfare of the Border," says :
"Charles William Quantrill was to the guerrillas their voice in tumult, tbeir beacon in a crisis,
and their hand in action. From him sprang all the other guerrilla leaders and bands which
belong largely to Missouri and the part Missouri took in the civil war. , . . His was the cen-
tral figure, and it towered aloft amid all the wrecks and overthrow and massacre that went on
continually around and about him. There are those who will denounce him for his treachery,
and seek to blacken his name, because of the merciless manner in which he fought. . . . For
Quantrill, the war commpuced in 1856. Fate ordered it so, and transformed the ambitious yet
innocent boy into a guerrilla without a rival and without a peer." Then we are given the cause
which produced the guerrilla. We are told that for some time preceding 1855 Quantrill's only
brother had been living in Kansas. The two planned a trip to California, and "camped one
night on the Little Cottonwood river, en route to California, thirty armed men [a company of
abolitionists owing allegiance to Jim Lane] rode deliberately upto the wagons where the Qiian-
trills were and opened fire at point-blank range upon the occupants. The elder Quantrill was
ktUed instantly, while the younger, wounded badly in the left leg and right breast, was left upon
QUANTRILL AND THE MORGAN WALKER TRAGEDY. 325
grated to Kansas, settling a short distance south of Pardee. Mr. Ball was fol-
lowed in 1859 by his son-in-law and daughter, Mr. and Mrs. Albert Negus, who
settled one mile south of Pardee. They were accompanied from Springdale by
Edwin Morrison and Albert Southwick, both of whom were carpenters by trade.
Morrison and Southwick were first cousins. While building a house for Mr.
Negus they became acquainted with Charles Ball and Chalkley Lipsey — the latter
reaching Kansas in 18c9. Lipsey made his home with a brother-in-law and sis-
ter, Mr. and Mrs, A. L. Taylor, now of Indianola, Iowa. Harris reached the
neighborhood in 1860. It was in the log cabin, in the summer of 1860, that
plans were formed for making incursions into Missouri to liberate slaves. Mem-
bers of the party made trips to Atchison, Paola and other places for the purpose
of looking up favorable points for invasion. While the plans were manuring,
Quantrill learned of their purpose and gained the confidence of Ball.
The movements of the party during the summer are somewhat shrouded in
mystery. Just when they left the Pardee neighborhood is unknown. Mrs.
Taylor, the sister of Lipsey, eays Southwick and Lipsey left her place with their
guns and provisions, but does not remember the date. As near as we can
learn, they made the trip to Missouri in a two-horse wagon, armed with Sharps
rifles, revolvers, and shotguns. After crossing the Kansas line, about twenty
miles of the route lay through the slave territory of Missouri. Camping on«
night in the timber on the banks of Indian creek, near the ford, they pushed oq
the next day to the vicinity of Walker's place, hiding in the heavy timber one mile
west of the house. This does not accord with the narrative of Southwick, that
he stopped with the team at the Kansas line. It is, however, given on the au-
thority of Maj. John N. Edwards, the Southern writer, and who, we admit, is
the bank of the stream to die." A wonderful story of suffering by Quantrill until he reached
Leavenworth after three days is given. This is all pure fiction. Quantrill never had a brothi^r
killed, and he himself was not in Kansas until March, 1^57. { See vol. 7, p. 231.) We are told by
the veracious Mr. Edwards that Quantrill then became intimate with Jim Lane, and was soon
enrolled in a company to which belonged all but two of the men who killed his brother on the
Cottonwood, and that he (Quantrill) told Jesse and Frank James that, of the thirty-two meo
engaged in that murder, he had killed thirty. But still he was not satisfied. Edwards saya
again : " The raid upon Morgan Walker was the work of Quantrill's contriving. Understanding
in a moment that only through their fanaticism could three of the original thirty-two who mur-
dered his brother and who belonged to the liberator club be made to get far enough away from
Lawrence for an ambuscade, he set the .Jackson county trap for them, baited it with the rescue
of a negro family, and they fell into it." Telling of Morgan Walker, Edwards concludes: "This
man Morgan Walker was the man Quantrill had proposed to rob. . , . It Vfas the evening of
the second day when they arrived. Before daylight the next morning the entire party were hid-
den in some heavy timber two miles to the west of Walker's house. From this safe retreat none
of them stirred except Quantrill. Several times during the day, however, be went backwards
and forwards, ostensibly to the fields whore the negroes were at work. . . . A little later three
neighbors, likewise carrying double barreled shotguns, rode up to the house, dismounted, and
entered in. Quantrill, who brought note of many other things to his comrades, brought no
note of this. . . . Fifty yards from the main gate the eight men dismounted and fastened
their horses. Arms were looked to and the stealthy march to the house began. Quantrill led.
. . . None heeded the surroundings, however, and Quantrill knocked loudly and boldly at
the oaken panels of Morgan Walker's door. No answer. He knocked again and stood percepti^
bly to one side. Suddenly, and as though it had neither bolts nor bars, locks nor hinges, the
door flared open, and Quantrill leaped into the hall with a bound like a red deer. 'T was best
so. A livid sheet of flame burst out from the darkness where he had disappeared, as though an
explosion had happened there, followed by another, as the second barrels of the guns wore dis-
charged, and the tragedy was over. Six fell where they stood, riddled with buckshot. One
staggered to the garden, bleeding fearfully, and died there. The seventh, hard hit and unable
to mount his horse, dragged his crippled limbs to a patch of timber and waited for the dawn.
They tracked him by his blood upon the leaves, and found him early. Would he surrender 1'
No I Another volley, and the last liberator was liberated. Walker and his two sons, assisted,
by three of his stalwart and obliging neighbors, had done a clever night's work and a righteoos
one."
326 ■ KANSAS STATE HISTORICAL SOCIETY.
tiot always reliable authority — not when he Bays that six fell where they stood,
riddled with buckshot, a seventh dragging himself away to die.
The Morgan Walker plantation was three miles northeast of Blue Springs
and six miles southeast of Independence. Mr, Walker settled there in 183-1, and
died in 1867. His plantation consisted of 1900 acres, cultivated by the labor of
twenty-six negro slaves.
The exact date of the raid is not positively known. As near as we are able
to determine, it was in December, 18G0. Andrew J. Walker, son of Morgan
Walker, says it was in the latter part of November, and that he was in the field
husking corn the day Quantrill visited his father to notify him of the intended
raid. Walker's pro-slavery neighbors were invited to bring their guns and assist
in repelling the attack. They were John Tatum, Lee Coger, and D. C. Williams.
It was between eight and nine o'clock in the evening when Ball, Morrison
and Lipsey, led by Quantrill advanced upon the house. It was arranged that
as the party appioached the door a lighted candle was to be placed in one of
the windows. Quantrill, Ball, Morrison and Lipsey came upon the porch.
Quantrill withdrew to a safe place when W^alker and his party opened fire. Mor-
rison fell dead near the door. Lipsey was severely wounded in the hip, but, as-
sisted by Ball, was taken some distance in the timber that night, where he cared
for his wounded comrade two or three days, extracting a number of shot and
cooking some herbs as a poultice for Lipsey's wounds. While hiding in the tim-
ber they were discovered by a negro servant of Walker while hunting hogs. He
gave the alarm. Walker summoned his neighbors, who turned out with rifles
and shotguns in considerable numbers. They were led to the place by the ne-
gro. The final encounter is thus described by John M. Dean, of Lawrence :
•' When they arrived at the place they spread out in a semicircle and advanced
to rifle range, under Quantrill's caution to keep away from Ball's revolver. When
Ball saw them, and then knew that the negro had betrayed him, he stood over his
wounded comrade and, shaking his revolver at Quantrill, dared him to come out
in fair sight and range, and as he thus stood Walker with his rifle shot him
square in the forehead. The instant Ball fell, Quantrill ran up to him and, put-
ting his revolver into the mouth of Lipsey, who lay helpless, fired and killed
him." * Andrew Walker denies the statement that Quantrill did any shooting.
The bodies of the three victims are supposed to have fallen into the hands of
♦John Marshall Dean's full statement, made to W. W. Scott, of Canal Dover, Ohio, the
manuscript of which is with the State Historical Society, is as follows:
" In Lawrence, Kan., in the early spring of 1860, Quantrill was introduced to me by one In-
erersoll, a lawyer. My interview with him in Ingersoll's office was about two hours' duration.
He showed me many recommends, etc. ; said he had been teaching school all the past winter in
Lykias county ; said he had often heard of me as a strong anti-slavery man that was running
off slaves from Missouri, and wanted to unite himself with mo in that business, and do all he
6ouId to help along the cause. My first impression of Quantrill under those conditions was not
favorable, and 1 so said to him at the time ; still he insisted upon proving himself by work true
tjo the anti-slavery cause. He made Lawrence his headquarters from early spring of 1860 until
November of same year, having no particular legitimate business, and doing nothing but mix-
irig and meddling with the slavery question, upon both sides. When asked why he associated
so much with tl^e other side, his reply was, to learn their secrets. He was continually trying to
complete some plot that would work all right. His doings for the whole time of his residence
in Lawrnnce were so questionable that the grand jury of the county of Douglas found a true bill
against Quantrill, a7(a« Charles Hart, and others, in the month of Noveinber, 1860, for au attempt
to-kidnap colored people and sell them into slavery. In some way he had an early notice of the
action of the grand jury, and secreted himself, avoiding arrest. He loft Lawrence for Lykins
county, and did noc again visit Lawrence until he commanded the raid against it, in the month
of August, 1863.
. " While in Lawrence he was a very frequent visitor to my workshop, and was persistent in
his efforts to gaiji my confidence and knowledge of my plans and doings. While I saw very much
of Quantrill during the year 1860, yet I was not intimate with him, for the reason above given.
The seeking ac<iuaintance was all upon his part, and I soon learned positively that at that time
i\e. was to me wearing a mask, and acting the part of a spy for the pro-slavery party of the border,
ajnd their hireling, working for promised reward and plunder — motive, avarice, bad. Quantrill
OBver belonged to tlie Kansas 'Red Legs.' They were not organized until October, 1882. I was
one of the originators of that order at that time. He did get initiated into an order called
'Sons of Liberty,' in November, 1860, at Osawatomie, by James Montgomery, the famous chief of
QUANTRILL AND THE MORGAN WALKER TRAGEDY. 327
Independence doctors, but the negroes claimed they buried Ball and Lipsey
where they fell.
In a communication from Mrs. Negus, after describing their settling near
Pardee, she tells of a raid by the young men into Missouri, and the liberation of
some negroes, who were taken to Iowa. Following is her narrative:
"After a short time they (the young men) left Pardee and went to Lawrence,
in furtherance and perfection of these plans. As a result of these plans, they
safely landed in Springdale, Cedar county, Iowa, in September, 1860, a family
from the bonds of servitude, parents and children, seven in number, and five
others — in all, twelve in number. We at the time knew comparatively nothing of
the doings of Charles and his companions during this first raid, nor until several
weeks after the attempted Walker raid. We had heard of the same, and that
three men had been shot in the attempt to rescue Walker's slaves, some thirty
in number. But several weeks had elapsed when rumor reported that the three
men killed were Charles and his two companions, E, S. Morrison and Chalkley
Lipsey. Hearing about this time that Albert Southwick was at a neighbor's
near by, we called on him and told him of what we had heard, and asked him to
southern Kansas. Quantrill was never on but one slave-running raid, to my knowledge, and
that was to Morgan Walker's, in Jackson county, Missouri, in December, 1860.
"The party that made that attempt left Osawatomie about the middle of December, 1860,
numbering four persons — three Iowa young men and Quantrill. The three Iowa young men
were sons of Quakers, and loved the cause of liberty ; not the combat that must ever exist be-
tween the despotism that demands servitude without just reward and;the spirit of freedom,
but they loved liberty, and their lives were devoted to the attempt to make it universal. The
oldest of the three, and acknowledged leader, was Charley Ball, the next Ed. [Morrisonl, and
Harry [Edsin], while Quantrill went along as helper. [Chalkley T. Lipsey was known as Harry
Edsin; nearest kin. Abner Allen, of St. George, Pottawatomie county.] Before starting, Char-
ley Ball and myself had a long and serious talk about the trustworthiness of Quantrill. I did
not indorse or recommend, but left everything to Ball, he promising to be very watchful and
guarded and not too confiding in him.
"The party started on foot, well armed with revolvers, and well supplied with blankets and
provisions. They arrived safely, and camped very near Walker's, in the timber, waiting forthe
dusk of evening. Quantrill left the camp upon some excuse, and notified Walker of the in-
tended raid, and how he would dispose of himself by .-topping on one side when the party ad-
vancpd. so as not to be shot. Walker called in the neighbors, and when the party was
advancing Quantrill moved away from them to the left rear, and they were about to shoot him,
fearing his movement spoke treachery, when the vollpy came from the house into them, and
Quantrill and Ball exchauged shots. The volley killed Ed. and badly wounded Hurry, but
when Walker reached the ground he could only find the dead Ed. Quantrill was made one of
the family and hailed as a benefactor.
" The body of Ed. was given to the doctors as a magnificent specimen and subject. Quantrill
was rewarded by Walker with the best horse of his stable, with new and costly trappings, and
$150 in money. He told them a story to suit himself and please them, and also proved himself
to be a member of a pro-slavery secret society of Missouri western border notoriety, and also a
secret agent of said society. The second day after the attack one of Walker's negroes reported
at the house that in hunting up stray stock he had found in the woods the other two men ; that
the small one, Harry, was badly wounded in the hip and helpless, while Ball liad obtained a
horse and cooked up some herbs, made a poultice for Harry's wounds, and was getting ready to
carry the wounded man away. Walker londed up his rifle and all the guns in the place as
quick as possible, atid, with the many neighbors that was there seeking the wonderful, they all
started, led to the place by the negro who made the discovery, Quantrill and Walker walking
together. When they arrived at the place they spread out in a semicircle and advanced to rifle
range, under Quantrill's caution to keep away from Ball's revolver. When Ball saw them, and
then knew that the negro had betrayed him, he stood over his wounded comrade and, shaking
his revolver at Quantrill, dared him to come out in fair sight and range, and, as he thus stood.
Walker with his rifle shot him square in the center of the forehead. The instant Ball fell,
Quantrill ran up and, putting his revolver into the mouth of Harry, who lay helpless, fired, kill-
ing him.
" I he bodies of Ball and Harry were given also to the doctors as specimens of defunct aboli-
tionists, and Quantrill's stories after that taken with a measure of doubt. Even Walker ex-
pressed himself as shocked that a helpless, dying man should be murdered in that way, when
he so much desired to hear him talk and tell all the facts of the raid."'
John Marshall Dean was born January 18, 1831, at South Glastonbury, Conn., from whence
he moved to Hartford. In March, 1857, he left Hartford for Kansas. He died April 6, 1882,*at
Waukon, Iowa. He was a wheelwright. He denied having been in the raid on Morgan Walker;
says the foregoing account cost him much time, money and labor to get. But he returned to
Lawrence about that time with a bullet wound in his ankle or leg, and because of this he was
believed to be a participant. The old neighbors say he was an honest, conscientious abolition-
ist. He had a brother, Sidney Dean, who served two terms in Congress from Connecticut, first
elected in 1854 as a Know Nothing. J. M. Dean's widow is still living. The adjutant general's
report, state of Kansas, shows that John M. Dean enlisted in company F, First Kansas regi-
ment, Samuel Walker's company ; made first sergeant, and dismissed for disability July 10, 1861,
328 KANSAS STATE HISTORICAL SOCIETY.
tell ug all he knew in regard to it. After some heaitation on his part and earnest
pleading on ours, he finally yielded, and the following is his account of the
dreadful tragedy, as nearly as I can remember :
ALBERT SOUTHWICK'S NARRATIVE.
"After our return to Lawrence from Iowa, where we had safely conducted
our twelve fugitive slaves and placed them in homes in Springdale and vicinity
we began to prepare for our second raid.
"Here in Lawrence we made the acquaintance of a man named Quantrill, a
name that needs but to be heard to be hated by many. This man Quantrill is
represented to have been a man of many physical attractions, and possessed of a
pleasant and winning address. He came to Kansas in company with free state
men, and for a time seemed heartily in sympathy with them, but finally went
over to the enemy, becoming in time the most cruel, bloodthirsty and despica-
ble guerrilla of his day ; a man so thoroughly hated by so many that it is not to
be wondered at that he is reputed to have died a hundred violent deaths at dif-
ferent places, and yet we know not whether he is dead or living.
"This man Quantrill became one of their party, entering into their plans and
confidence only, Judas-like, for a price, to betray them; his price for the betrayal
of his comrades being a horse and gun.
" It was finally agreed upon that this raid should be made on Walker, a man
owning about thirty slaves, he having the reputation of being a hard taskmaster
and cruel. On the day appointed we started for the Walker plantation. When
we reached the state line, in accordance with our previous plans, I was left be-
hind there, it being considered a dangerous place, my duty being to see that
all was clear and no danger lurking near at their expected approach, some time
between midnight and morning. But they came not.
"I soon learned of the miscarriage of our enterprise and the death of my
three friends. I remained in hiding until the frenzy of excitement had passed
away, then, disguising myself as well as I could, called on Mr. Walker, determined
to learn the fate of my companions.
" I represented to Mr. Walker that I was hunting some stray horses and colts,
and, as it was about dinner-time, by his invitation, took dinner with him. After
dinner, I called up the subject of the late attempted raid, it being still the com-
mon topic of the day in all that section round. With much evident pleasure, he
gave me the following account of it :
"How first a strange young man, Quantrill, came to him in the afternoon
before the evening of the occurrence and told him that on a certain time a band
of men from Kansas would make a raid on him and run off with his slaves; that
he had knowledge of their plans, and that for a price he would give him informa-
tion which would enable him to frustrate them. This he affected to disbelieve,
but finally agreed that, on proof of the truth of his representations, he, the
stranger, should have a certain horse and gun as the price of his information.
"They then prepared themselves by gathering in several of his neighbors,
and white men on his own place, armed them, and placed them in a room adjoin-
ing the one in which they were then sitting and a door between. As this man
Quantrill knew the plans of his companions, they made theirs accordingly.
"The plan of the raiders was that when they had reached a given point they
were to halt and remain in concealment until after nightfall, and that Quantrill?
it being conceded that he, being the most agreeable and entertaining conversa-
tionalist among them, should go forward, visit the house, hold converse with Mr.
Walker, and learn all he could that night.
QUANTRILL AND THE MORGAN WALKER TRAGEDY. 329
" Quantrill, near nightfall, returned, and reported that all was right, the coast
clear, and no fear of a miscarriage*
"Then these four men — E. S. Morrison, Charles Ball, Chalkley Lipsey, and
Quantrill — went to the house in the fore part of the evening, and, on knocking,
were admitted to this room. It had been previously arranged that E. S. Mor-
rison should be spokesman.
"Edwin then informed Mr. Walker of the nature of their call; that they be-
lieved slavery to be a great evil; that all men were entitled to certain privileges,
among which were life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness; that they were
there to liberate his slaves, peaceably and quietly, if possible, but they were to
be liberated and taken to a place of safety ; that if he offered no resistance, he
would not be otherwise harmed and no other property would be disturbed ; that
they were actuated by no other motive than that of doing their duty as they
were enabled to see it; that there was neither money nor glory in it for them,
only risk and hazard of their lives, which they freely periled in the line of their
duty, etc.
"Here Mr. Walker paused to punctuate what he had said by pointing to a
coat hanging on the wall, saying: 'There hangs the coat that young man wore
that made that notable speech,' and I readily identified it as the coat of E. S.
Morrison. He then resumed by saying that the three men then started out, but
Quantrill retired in another direction ; that he then threw open the door between
the two rooms, and the concealed men fired on the three departing ones. E. S.
Morrison was shot down with his hand on the door, and died on the spot. The
other two escaped outside ; but in the yard they heard one call to Charley for
help — that he was shot. They supposed that Charley returned and carried his
wounded comrade on his back to a thicket of brush and weeds about eighty rods
distant. This was only surmise, as none of them ventured out that night; but
the next morning they tracked them by the blood to the thicket surrounding it,
and called on them to surrender. Charlie arose from his place of concealment,
and answered them by saying he was there to protect a wounded companion,
and that as for him he never surrendered. Then and th^ere he was shot down,
and they were both literally shot to pieces."
Albert Southwick entered the army and served in Colonel Montgomery's
Tenth Kansas regiment with Harris, who informed me that Southwick's mind,
after the tragedy, seemed to be in a dazed condition, and that no one was able
fully to extract from him the exact details. Southwick was born in 1837. After
*In addition to the foregoing statement, the Kansas Historical Society has among its manu-
scripts seven different letters, in all about forty-eight pages, from John M. Dean to Joseph
Savage, dated Waukon, Allamakee county, Iowa, written during the year 1879. Under date of
June 8, 1879, in a four-page letter to Savage, is the following: "About that time, August, 1860,
Eidenour & Baker's powder-house, that stood on the bank of the river, was robbed by some one
who lifted one corner of the roof. [ Samuel A. Riggs, page 234, 7th volume, says he prosecuted
Quantrill, alias Hart, for this.] In talking the thing over, Quantrill said he knew where that
powder was stored under a haystack down at Jake McGee's, and the intention was to use it
when the collision came, and use it for the Southern interest, and that he ( Quantrill » would be
only too glad to see the stack burned and the powder destroyed, and would go with us any
night and do the job. Without telling him, we went down there one night and inspected every
stack, by taking steel ramrods to muskets and probing through every stack, but found nothing.
The next day Quantrill was in my shop talking about it, and I asked him many questions, and
finally told him he was mistaken, for I had been there, searched well, and found nothing. He
said he was not mistaken, had seen the powder in its place of deposit, and would be only too
glad to take me and the boys there and prove the thing. To end the controversy, I agreed to go
with him that night, and eight of us did get ready but did not go. After Walker's raid, I learned
the fact that, if we had gone, few, if any, of us would have escaped, for there was a heavy am-
bushing party waiting to receive us, of which Quantrill was one."
330 KANSAS STATE HISTORICAL SOCIETY.
the war he remained in Kansas, was a coal-dealer in Salina, and died in Kans*a8
City some ten years ago.*
Charles Ball was born in Salem, Ohio, in the year 1837. He was first cousin
of Edwin and Barclay Coppoc, who were with John Brown at Harper's Ferry.
Edwin was captured and hung. Barclay was one of the four who escaped. Col.
Richard J. Hinton, in "John Brown and his Men," makes the statement that
Barclay Coppoc was one of the party who made the raid on the Walker place,
which is an error. He was in Kansas a short time in 1856, but was in no way
connected with the Morgan Walker raid.
Chalkley T. Lipsey was born in Mount Pleasant, Ohio, in 1838. Mount
Pleasant was for a time the home of Benjamin Lunday, the original abolitionist.
Like Quantrill, he taught school in Kansas. Lipsey went to Pike's Peak when
the gold fever broke out there, only to be disappointed — walking back the entire
distance to Kansas with a single companion, suffering incredible hardships on
their long journey.
Edwin S. Morrison was born in 1839. Three of his brothers served in the
civil war. A few years ago his father was still living at Casey, Guthrie county
Iowa, in his eighty-eighth year.
Ransom L. Harris was born in Vermont in 18^2. He served in the Tenth
Kansas and as first lieutenant in the First Kansas colored regiment. In 1897 he
was still practicing medicine and examining surgeon for pensions at Audubon,
Iowa.
Andrew Walker followed Quantrill and the black flag, and after the war
moved to Texas.
William Clark Quantrill was born July 19, 1837, in Canal Dover, Ohio, the
same section of the state as were his first victims. He was a school-teacher in
1853, at the age of sixteen, in one of the lower grades of the public schools of
Canal Dover, of which his father was the principal. Later he became a student
of some institution at Fort Wayne, Ind., where he pursued some of the higher
branches. A few years ago I had an autograph letter in my possession, written
by Quantrill to a schoolmate in Canal Dover. It was written from La Salle, 111.,
in the year 1855, where he spent a short time teaching and working in a lumber-
yard. Early in 1856 he returned to Canal Dover. February 25, 1857, he started
for Kansas to take a claim. He settled on a squatter's claim in Stanton town-
ship, Miami county, March 22, 1857. In the winter of 1857-'58 he taught school
at Stanton. In the spring of 1858 he went to Salt Lake City as driver of a gov-
ernment wagon with the expedition sent to quell the Mormons. Early in 1860
he was again in Kansas, and taught another term of school at Stanton. A letter
to his mother, in which he expresses some aspirations for a good and useful life,
was written at this schoolhouse, bearing date of February S, 1860. This letter
is published in Andreas's History of Kansas. His last letter written home was
written to his mother and sent from Lawrence. It bears date of June 23, I860'
In a postscript he says: "I will here say that I will be home anyhow as soon as
the 1st of September, and probably sooner ; by that time I will be done with
Kansas."
Then followed the Walker tragedy, in December, 1860. In the winter of
*The adjutant general's report, state of Kansas, shows that Albert Southwick, of Spring-
dale, Iowa, enlisted in company C, Tenth Kansas regiment, October 28, 1861, and was mustered
out August 20, 1864, The State Historical Society has a life-size picture of Southwick hanging
on the wall, a gift from Eli H. Gregg, first sergeant company C, Tenth Kansas. Gregg was re-
cruited by Barclay Coppoc, and on the way to Kansas when Coppoc was killed by tlie burning
of the Platte river bridge. At least twice in John M. Dean's correspondence. Dean inquires,
"Wiio is Southwick ?"
THE CAPITALS OF KANSAS. 331
1860-'61, he taught school near Independence, Mo. In the spring of 1861 he re-
turned to Kansas to visit some friends at Stanton, where he was arrested and
lodged in the Paola jail. April 2, 1861, he was released on writ of habeas corjtust
and escaped to Missouri.
Then follow his four years of guerrilla warfare, iocluding the Lawrence and
Baxter Springs massacres, his operations in Kentucky, his wounding and capture
at Wakefield's barn, in Spencer county, Kentucky, on the 10th of May, 1865, and
his removal to the military prison hospital in Louisville, where he died early in
June. He was buried in the Catholic cemetery in Louisville, June 7, 1865.
THE CAPITALS OF KANSAS.
Written by Feanklin G. Adams, secretary of the Kansas State Historical Society from 1876 to
1899, for the Mail and Breeze, Topeka, May 26, 1896.
^I^HE act of Congress of May 30, 1854, opening Kansas territory to settlement
-'- and providing for a territorial government, located the seat of government
temporarily at Fort Leavenworth, and provided that the public buildings of the
fort might be occupied for the public offices. The first governor, Andrew H.
Reeder, arrived in the territory October 4, 1854, and established his executive
office at the fort.
At the time Fort Leavenworth thus became for a brief period the capital of
Kansas territory the post was twenty-seven years old. For that period it had
been a frontier military station, a rendezvous for the troops employed in regulat-
ing the Indians and in caring for the government supplies sent across the plains
and Oregon routes to the Pacific. Here too, in 1846, had rendezvoused General
Kearney's army of the north for the conquest of northern Mexico.
There were at the fort in 1854 two companies of troops — 13 officers and 158
men — with perhaps 70 other persons, families, servants, etc. The fort at this
time, though a small establishment compared with what it has grown to be
since, contained quite a number of substantial buildings, bordering three sides
of an open plaza, besides a number of buildings distributed over the adjacent
grounds, now so thickly studded with substantial structures.
Governor Reeder had assigned him, for his residence, rooms in a brick build-
ing on the west side of the plaza. For his executive office he had a room in the
old stone building at the northeast corner of the plaza, or parade-ground, known
and occupied as the quartermaster's department. The governor's room was a
large room near the entrance steps, on the side near the traveled road. Gen.
John A. Halderman,* in describing the belongings to this room during this occu"
*Gen. John Adams Haldeeman, LL. D., was born and reared in Kentucky, and came to
Kansas in 1854, at the age of twenty-one. During his minority he spent his time at farming,
clerking and teaching school for the funds to prosecute his studies at McKendree College,
Illinois, and St. Xavier, Ohio. He read law in Lexington, Ky., and the law department of the
university at Louisville, and was admitted to the bar in that city. He became private secretary
to Gov. Andrew H. Reeder, the first territorial governor, and in 1855 served as secretary to the
first territorial council ; appointed first probate judge of Leavenworth county ; major of the
First Kansas volunteers in the war, and major-general of the northern division of the state
militia. He served two terms as mayor of Leavenworth, was a regent of the University, in
1870 he was a member of the state house of representatives, and in 1874 was elected a member
of the state senate. In 1872 and 1873 he spent fifteen months in foreign travel. When Gov.
Robert J. Walker came to the territory he turned against the pro-slavery Lecompton move-
ment. In 1880 he was appointed consul at Bangkok, and soon promoted to consul-general by
President Garfield. In 1883 he was made America's first minister to the court of Siam. He re-
signed his position in 1885 and returned to Leavenworth. General Grant said : " His career in
southern Asia is one of the highest successes in American diplomacy." The king of Siam hon-
332 KANSAS STATE HISTORICAL SOCIETY.
pancj-, eaya the furniture consisted of a few chairs, a writing-table, boxes of
books covered with newspapers for seating visitors, a letter press, stove, and
other rude contrivances for comfort. The governor had hia meals and lodgings
with the sutler, Mr. Hiram Rich. Mr. G. P. Lowery for a time acted as execu-
tive clerk, but soon Mr. Halderman himself was appointed private secretary to
the governor. He had come from Kentucky armed with commendatory letters
from John C. Breckinridge, James Guthrie, Chief Justice Robinson, and others.
With these and other evidences of capacity, he received this appointment, at a
salary of fifty dollars per month.
At his executive office at Fort Leavenworth, Governor Reeder was soon visited
by Rush Elmore and Saunders W. Johnston, who had been appointed associate
justices of the supreme court for the territory. To these the governor adminis-
tered the oath of office. Andrew J. Isacks, United States attorney, and Israel B.
Donalson, United States marshal, also came and qualified for their offices.
From the fort, on the 18th of October, the governor, with Judges Johnston and
Elmore and Marshal Donalson, set out on a tour of the territory, to gather infor-
mation for forming election districts, judicial districts, etc., returning to the fort
November 7. November 10, he issued a proclamation for an election, to be held
on the 29th for a delegate to Congress.*
While at the fort the governor issued a number of commissions to justices of
the peace and constables whom he appointed, the first commission, as justice of
the peace, having been issued to James S. Emery,! of Lawrence, and dated No-
vember 8, about a month after the arrival of the governor.
One of the first official acts of the governor in his executive office at Fort
Leavenworth was in the capacity of a justice of the peace, in issuing, October
10, an executive warrant for the arrest of three persons who had been charged,
under information filed with him, with an assault with intent to kill. The parties,
ored him with the decoration of Knight Commander of the Most Exalted Order of the White
Elephant, and King Norodom and the French government gazetted him Commander of the
Royal Order of Cambodia, in appreciation of his eiforts to introduce posts and telegraphs into
Cambodia and Cochin China. For some years past General Halderman has made his home at
the Metropolitan club, Washington, D. C. He is a life member of the Kansas State Historical
Society, and a frequent contributor.
*In John Maloy's "History of Morris County" it is said: "Governor Reeder, with other
ofHcials, visited Council Grove in that month (October, 1854), with the view of making it the
capital of the territory, but learned while here that no treaty could be made with the Indians
for their land, and the party went from here to a town called Pawnee, on the Kansas river, near
Fort Riley." Referring to this, Gen. John A. Halderman, Washington, D. C, who was Gov-
ernor Eeedor's private secretary, writes the Historical Society a letter, which shows that the
day of big expectations came to Kansas with the first fellow who started a ferry, or it was in
the soil and ozone away back in the days of Coronado, when cities paved with gold were looked
for. General Haldorman's letter is as follows:
" Meteopolitan Club, Washington, D. C, .Septt^mber 8, 1903.
"Friend Alarlin: Governor Reeder, shortly after his arrival at Fort Leavonworth, in 1854,
made a trip into the interii ir, and was reported to have spoken words of commendation at sundry
places and times to the effect, ' this would be a magnificent site for the capitol building,' etc.
I remember that old Squire Dyer, at the 'crossing of the Blue,' had hopes for his place. So
they did at Tecumseh, Lawrence, Leavenworth, and other places. Council Grovo was a beauti-
ful site, and there was no reason why it should be 'without hope.' My frequent questionings,
' Where will go the capital?' were unanswered in pleasant evasion. Later, in coufidenco, the
governor advised me to 'buy in Pawnee.' This I did, purchasing from him 100 shares. I know
he intended to befriend me, though the purchase ended in a total loss. From that day I felt
sure that Pawnee would be selected, though the public was not advised until a later period. I
send greeting to the 'dear old fellows' associated with you, most of whom, if not all, I bear in
loving memory, and shall on to the end of the chapter. Faithfully yours,
John A. Halderman."
t James Stanley Emeet was born July 3, 1826, at Industry, Franklin county, Maine. He
died at Lawrence, Kan., June 8, 1899. He graduated from Waterville College in 1851, defraying
his college expenses by manual labor, read law, and was admitted to the bar in New York city
in January, 1854. He came to Kansas with the sepond party, arriving at Lawrence September
THE CAPITALS OF KANSAS. 333
Wesley S. and John A. Davidson and Samuel Burgess, were arrested by Special
Marshal Malcolm Clark. The prisoners were brought before the governor, who
conducted the examination and held them under bail to answer the charge. The
recognizance was entered before Associate Justice S. W. Johnston.
These were the first judicial proceedings of the territory. The case grew out
of a dispute among land claimants. As soon as the territory was opened to set-
tlement, large numbers of people came over from western Missouri and made
claim settlements on lands in the vicinity of Fort Leavenworth. Col. John
Doniphan, then a practicing attorney at Weston and for many years past a citizen
of St. Joseph, was an attorney in this case, and has written an interesting account
of the proceedings until the final discharge of the prisoners, after the lapse of
several years.
SHAWNEE MISSION CAPITAL.
Though Fort Leavenworth has the distinction of having been the first capital
of Kansas, it only remained such for about fifty days. November 24, the gover-
nor removed his ofiice to the Shawnee Methodist Episcopal Indian mission. This
Shawnee Indian mission was a little more than a mile from the state line of Mis-
souri, about two and one-half miles southwest of the town of Westport in Mis-
souri, and seven miles from Kansas City. The mis'^ion had been established
about the year 1830 by Rev. Thomas Johnson, under the auspices of the Metho-
dist Episcopal church, and had been from that time until the opening of Kansas
territory to settlement under Mr. Johnson's superintendency, except for a brief
period during which he resided in the East on account of his health.
At the time of the arrival of Governor Reeder, in November, 1854, the mission
was at its full strength. The accommodations at Fort Leavenworth had proven
unsuitable for the oflBces of the territorial government. At this mission were
large and roomy buildings ; none such were elsewhere to be found. There were
no white settlements except at Forts Leavenworth, Scott, and Riley, and at the
Indian mission and agencies, and all of these latter were comparatively small
establishments. Superintendent Johnson was very reluctant to consent to
Governor Reeder's application, but from most obvious necessity he finally did so.
Much of this information here given concerning the Shawnee mission and its
occupancy as the capital of Kansas territory has been extracted from a very in-
teresting paper communicated to the Historical Society by Col. Alexander S.
Johnson, son of the founder of the mission, and who was born at that place in
1832. Colonel Johnson has for many years past resided in Topeka, one of our
most honored and respected citizens.
The governor was accompanied by his private secretary, John A. Halderman,
and about the same time Chief Justice S. D. Lecompte, Justice Elmore, United
States Attorney Isacks, Marshal Donalson, and Secretary Daniel Woodson
arrived. Colonel Johnson thinks that none of these gentlemen had their fami-
lies with them, though the families of Judge Elmore and Mr. Isacks afterwards
came and remained a short time. All of these officers were given lodging and
office rooms, and they took their meals at the boarding department of the mis-
15, 1854. He was a member of the Big Spring-s convention, and in September, 1855, made a
speech in the stone capitol building, at Pawnee, in favor of a free state, in a campaign for the
Topeka constitution. He was a member of the Topeka constitutional convention ; was with
John Brown in the Wakarusa war; and in January, 1856, he was one of the delegation sent East
to plead for Kansas. He addressed the famous Bloomington convention. May 29, with Abraham
Lincoln. He stumped Indiana for Fremont in 1856. He was a member of the Leavenworth con-
stituiional convention, and a member of the state legislature of 1862 and 1863. He was ap-
pointed by Lincoln United States district attorney in 1864. He was twice a regent of the State
University. He was married November 4, 1856, to Mary Rice, of Brandon, Vt. He was presi-
dent of the State Historical Society in 1891.
334 KANSAS STATE HISTORICAL SOCIETY,
sion family. The residence of these officers at the mission necessarily brought
many people there on territorial business, and consequently the establishment
was continually crowded with transient comers, for many of whom accommoda-
tions could not be provided ; they were obliged to go back and forth to and from
Westport.
At that time there were between 200 and 300 Indian children at the mission,
from a dozen different tribes located in Kansas territory. The mission consisted
of three large brick buildings, besides workshops and outhouses. The three
brick buildings were within 100 yards of each other, in a sort of triangle. At the
north was the building for the girls' department; the superintendent and his
family also lived in this building. The east building was for the boys and their
teachers, and contained the mission schoolroom; the chapel for the school was
also in this building. The southwest building was the boarding house, in which
there were dining-room and tables capable of seating 200 or 300 people at a time.
There were about three sections of land connected with the school, 500 or 600
acres in cultivation and 1000 acres enclosed in pasture, besides other unoccupied
land. There was a mill in connection with the mission for the griadiug of wheat
and corn, a sawmill for cutting lumber, a wagon shop, blacksmith shop, and a
shoemaker shop. The Indian boys were employed and instructed in the mill, in
the different shops, and in the general farm work. There was also a store of
general merchandise for the benefit of the mission and of Indians living in the
vicinity. Rev. Thomas Johnson was superintendent of the whole. He con-
ducted the affairs of the mission with great devotion and ability and with much
success.
There were many persons at different times connected with the mission. Allen
T. Ward was for a time assistant superintendent. John Brown, now of Auburn,
Shawnee county, was in charge of the blacksmith shop at one time, and at the
same time Anthony Ward, who was one of the earliest settlers of Topeka, was in
charge of the woodwork of the wagon shop. He was a cousin of Allen T, Ward.
During the winter of 1855 the executive duties of the governor at the Shaw-
nee Mission capital seem to have been light. November 25 a commission was
issued to Thomas W. Watterson as justice of the peace, and numerous other
such commisions were issued during the winter ; among others to Joel K. Goodin,
John Speer, W. P. McClure, O. K. Holliday, E. S, Wilhite, and A. I. Baker.
December 5 the governor examined and compiled the returns of the electioo of
delegate to Congress. The results showed that J. W. Whitfield had received
2258 votes, J. A. Wakefield 218, and R. P. Flenniken 365. J. W. Whitfield was
declared elected and a certificate was issued accordingly.
January 15 census-takers were appointed to take an enumeration of the in-
habitants in the several districts of the territory. Among these census-takers
were C. W. Babcock, Martin F. Conway, Albert Heed, Alexander S. Johnson,
and J. R. McClure.
February 26 a proclamation was issued defining the boundaries of the three
judicial districts of the territory.
March 3 the result of the census enumeration was announced, showing 8601
inhabitants in the territory. Of these, 5128 were males and 3383 were females;
2905 were voters. There were 151 free negroes and 192 slaves.
March 8 the governor issued his proclamation ordering an election for mem-
bers of the territorial council and house of representatives, to beheld on the .30th
day of that month in the eighteen election districts which he had established
— thirteen members of the council, twenty-six members of the house. This was
the election upon which the administration of the affairs of the territory as well
THE CAPITALS OF KANSAS.
335
as the shaping of its political future were greatly to depend. The pro-slavery
element of the territory had importuned the governor to call this election in the
fall or during the winter. It would then be easier for the pro slavery party to
carry the election. Eastern emigration thus far had been light. Perhaps the
emigration from Missouri had been in excess of that from all other states. But
Grovernor Reeder put off the election until the last of March. In view of the
possible result of this postponement, the pro-slavery party, fearing there would
be an early rush of people from, the East, stimulated by the activity of the New
England Emigrant Aid Company and other influences, became very active during
the winter in the border counties of Missouri in secretly organizing voters and
preparing them to come across the line and participate in the elections.
Those movements were effective. When the election came off, March 30,
many hundred men, armed and equipped, marching as if to war, came over, took
possession of the polls, and carried the election in every district except two.
The frauds were apparent and above-board. Governor Reeder hesitated to issue
certificates of election; but, owing to intimidation and neglect, the free-state
candidates who had been defrauded out of their election failed, except in a few
instances, to file contest papers. The governor, therefore, issued certificates in
most cases according to the face of the returns. But on April 16 he issued a
proclamation for a new election, April 22, for two members of the council and
nine members of the house of representatives, whose election had been contested.
The pro slavery party, except at Leavenworth, did not vote at this election. The
result was, certificates of election were issued to two free-state members of the
council and six free-state and three pro-slavery members of the house.
April 16, 1855, the governor also issued a proclamation convening the legisla-
ture to meet at the town of Pawnee July 2. The following day he left the terri-
tory on a visit to his family in Pennsylvania, and Secretary Daniel Woodson, as
acting governor, held the office until June 23.
THE CAPITAL AT PAWNEE.
June 27 the governor removed his office from the Shawnee mission to establish
it at the town of Pawnee. It was opened at the latter place July 2. Pawnee
was located on the north side of the Kansas river at the eastern line of the Fort
Riley military reservation. A subsequent survey brought the town site within
the limits of the reservation. The town had been projected by Pennsylvania
friends of Governor Reeder and others
in 185i. The Kansas river was then
supposed to be a good navigable stream
as far as Fort Riley. River navigation,
it was thought, would invite early and
large settlements to that interior sec-
tion of the territory. For these reasons
the location of the territorial capital at
Pawnee did not then seem so visionary
as afterwards. A number of buildings
were put up on the town site, some
of them substantial stone structures.
This writer, who, in March, 1855, made
a settlement in that neighborhood, so far assisted towards the erection of the
capitol building as to transport several wagon-loads of lumber for that use from
Kansas City, by way of Westport, Shawnee Mission, and "110," over the Santa
Fe and Mormon trails, to Fort Riley and Pawnee. Hon. Robert Klotz, after-
wards a member of the Topeka state legislature, and later a member of Congress
First legislative session in this building at
Pawnee. Roof gone; walls still standing.
Union Pacific track in foreground.
336 KANSAS STATE HISTORICAL SOCIETY.
from the Mauch Chunk district of Pennsylvania, superintended the building of
the town and the erection of that capitol building. The walls of this struc-
ture itself are still standing, close by the track of the Union Pacific railway,
between Ogden and Fort Riley, on the military reserve. Col. A. S. Johnson says
that when the legislature arrived at Pawnee, July 2, 1855, little was found there
except a stone building which had been erected for the legislature; no accooamo-
dations for the board and lodging of the members. They were obliged to camp
in tents.
The legislature held but a very brief session at Pawnee. It unseated all of
the free-state members who had been elected at the two elections, except Martin
F. Conway in the council and Samuel D. Houston in the house, and seated
those who had been elected by the Missouri invasion. Conway declined to take
his seat and Houston very soon resigned. July 6 the legislature adjourned, to
meet at the Shawnee mission July 16, having passed an act to remove the seat of
government temporarily to that place.*
Colonel Johnson says, in reference to this Pawnee legislative episode, that it
necessitated atrip of three or four days overland, camping on the way. He re-
members some of the camping incidents. Near Manhattan some settlers' oows
strayed into camp. The wise men, reared as most of them had been on the fat
of western Missouri land, having been then three days without milk in their cof-
fee, here had offered them a temptation beyond resistance. The cows were cor-
raled — that is, circumscribed by a circle of stalwart men. Others tried their
hands at milking, with results sufficiently gratifying to render the incident wor-
thy of being remembered.
Thomas Johnson was chosen president of the legislative council. He was not
in favor of adjournment to the Shawnee mission. He had already had sufficient
experience in the diversion of his missionary establishment to the uses and
abuses incident to affairs of territorial government. But the Shawnee mission
was the only place in the territory where a legislature could be accommodated.
SHAWNEE MISSION AGAIN,
Governor Reeder vetoed the bill for the transfer of the territorial capital from
Pawnee to Shawnee Mission, but the bill was passed by the legislature over the
veto. The governor reestablished his executive office at the mission July 12.
The legislature reassembled July 16, and the same day the governor informed
the legislative assembly that his functions as governor of the territory were ter-
minated by removal from office by the president. The removal was due, among
other political reasons, to the fact that the governor had in many ways mani-
fested his disapproval of the doings of the pro-slavery party, and especially of
the act of the election of the legislative assembly for the territory by foreign
invasion.
Governor Reeder remained at the mission for some time after his removal
from office. During his residence there cordial relations had grown up between
him and Superintendent Johnson and the members of his family. Years after-
wards, during a visit of the governor to Kansas with his wife, they visited at the
mission.
Most of the members of the legislature crowded into the mission building, but
quite a number were forced to go to Westport. The two branches of the legisla-
ture held their sessions in the building which Colonel Johnson mentions as the
♦Judge Samuel D. Lecompte, chief justice of the supreme court of the territory, gave an
opiuiOD, nine priuted pages, that the legislature had a right to move from Pawuee to Shawnee
Mission, and that its acts would be valid. Concurred in by Rush Elmore and A. J. Isacks.
THE CAPITALS OF KANSAS. 337
east building of the mission, in which were the mission school and chapel. The
chapel was on the first floor, and of sufficient capacity to seat 300 or 400 people.
This was occupied by the house of representatives; the corresponding room next
above by the legislative council. Some of the adjoining rooms on the two floors
were used as committee rooms during the legislature.*
From the date of Governor Reeder's removal, July 16, Secretary Woodson was
acting governor until the arrival of Gov. Wilson Shannon, September 7. The
executive offices remained at Shawnee mission until the spring of 1856.
* July 5, 1855, H. D. McMeekin introduced a bill to establish the statutes of Kansas terri-
tory. Referred to a committee of five. After a recess, bill referred back with an amendment. Put
on second reading by a vote 18 to 8. By roll-call, vote of 19 to 6, the bill was engrossed and put
on third reading. An amendment to strike out "statutes of Missouri" and insert "Nicholson's
Revis^ed Statutes of Tennessee," was lost. The bill then passed by a vote of 20 to 5. Messaged
to the council July 5. Legislature adjourned to Shawnee Manual Labor School, July 16.
Monday, July 16, at Shawnee Manual Labor School, Andrew McDonald, in the council (page
29), offered a resolution authorizing a joint committee of three members of the council and five
members of the house to devise and report a plan for the immediate formation of a Ci ide of laws
for said territory. This was agreed to by the house, July 17 (page 41). On part of council,
Andrew McDonald, W. P. Richardson, and A. M Coffey; on part of the house, J. C. Anderson,
O. H. Browne, W. G. Mathias. H. D. McMeekin, W. H. Tebbs. W. G. Mathias introduced a bill
to establish the statutes of the territory of Kansas. ( Paee 274, House Journal . ) Read first and
second times, and referred to joint committee on code. In the council (page 246), house bill No.
160, entitled "An act to establish the statutes of the territory of Kansas, and for other pur-
poses," read the first, second and third times, amended, and passed.
August 29 (on page 362, House Journal ), the joint committee report an amendment and
recommend the bill be passed. An amendment offered to strike out the first section, by way of
rider. Rejected. The bill then passed, by a vote of 16 to 5. No further trace of the bill in either
house.
Referring to the action of the house at Pawnee on the 5th of July, a correspondent of the
Herald of Freedom, July 11, says:
"On the 5th inst., a bill was introduced into the house and passed through its several read-
ings in that body, entitled 'An act to establish the statutes of the territory of Kansas.' Not one
hour was consumed in its consideration, though it extended the code of Missouri over thw terri-
tory. One gentleman remarked: 'He wa.s opposed to 'O much haste in passing so important a
law ; he had never seen the statutes of Missouri, and preferred doing so before votintr tor them.'
To this another member replied: 'That he, too, was unacquainted with the statutes, but he
knew that the people of Missouri were prosperous under their laws, and besides, that those
laws toierated slavery. That was enough for him to know '
"A member moved to substitute the code of Tennessee, but the motion was summarily dis-
posed of, and the bill was passed through and sent up to the council, where it was laid upon
the table, but it is understood that it will be the first bu-iness in order when they reassemble at
the mission. We give the ' act' in another column, and will endeavor to post our readers next
week on the character of the laws to be extended over us."
Both bodies adjourned at one o'clock p. m. of Friday for the mission. Following is the act:
"AN Act to establish the statutes of the territory of Kansas. Passed the house of repre-
sentatives July 5, 1855.
" Sectfon 1. Be it enacted bv the Governor and Leqixlntive Axsemhly of the Territory of
Kansas ." That in the absence of law enacted bv the present assembly, that the statutes nf the
state of Missouri, which were revised and enacted at the general assembly of that statfTduring
the years of 1844 and 1845, which are of a general nature, not local to that state, and which are not
repugnant to the constitution of the United States nor to the provisions of an act of Congress
entitled 'An act to organize the territories of Kansas and Nebra.>-ka,' approved May 30, a. d. 1854,
shall have full force and nffect in and extend over the said territory of Kansas.
" Sec 2. This act to take effect and be in force from and after its passage ; provided, that
nothing herein contained shall be construed to conflict with or make void any subsequent act of
this legislative assembly."
The "bogus statutes of 1855" was the name given by the free-state partizans in hatrpd and
opprobrium to the laws of Missouri, which, by an act of the territorial assembly of Kansas,
presented July 5, 1855, above referred to, were adopted as the statutes of the territory of Kansas.
There was nothing peculiarly " bogus " about these statutes, except the high-handed and hasty
manner in which they were passed ; but, in the bitterness of the time, no true partizan of free-
dom would concede that any possible good could come out of Missouri. The bogus statutes
extended the slavery code of Missouri over Kansas, but such was the intention of the territorial
assembly which adopted them. In other respects the statutes were probably as enlightened as
those of any state ; and we were obliged to borrow and adopt the statutes of some state, tempo-
rarily at least, from the necessities of the case. But whatever were the merits or demerits of
—23
338 KANSAS STATE HISTORICAL SOCIETY.
- -: ^ ,_ ._
''i J, y H ^:'
■3;,
-
■■/■^^-^=^?-i
•^;.a;,f -■'.'.
-- Jv
-""■ -..
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Foundations of capitol building at Lpcomp-
Building occupied at Shawnee Mission. Jon. upon wh.^jh ^or^^^^^t^^m^
versity ; now a high school.
LECOMPTON THE CAPITAL.
Au?u8t 8, 18')5, the Shawnee Mission legislature, by vote in joint session,
located the permanent capital at Lecompton. The candidates for the location
were Leavenworth, Lawrence, St. Bernard, Tecumseh, White Head, Kickapoo,
Lecompton, Douglass, and One Hundred and Ten. On the third ballot Lecomp-
ton received twenty five votes, St. Bernard eleven, and Tecumseh two; the
other candidates having dropped out. St. Bernard was located in the northern
part of Franklin county, adjacent to the present town of Centropolis,
The legislature passed a law appointing F. J. Marshall, H. D. McMeekin and
Thomas Johnson commissioners to select suitable grounds at Lecompton for the
location and erection of public buildings for the accommodation of the governor
and other executive offi;3es and the legislature. The act required the governor
to cause buildings to be erected out of the appropriation by Congress.*
Under a contract with William M. Nace, the latter put up a building on Elmore
street, one door north of where the Lecompton post-offlce now stands. Later a
foundation was put in for a substantial brick building and the erection of the
walls was begun. Lane University now stands on a part of this foundation.
the "bogus statutes," they were destined to be short-lived. The partizans of freedom steadily
increased in power and numbers until, in 1857, they dominated the territorial assembly. Early
in the session of 1859 a commission was appointed to codify the laws of the territory, with in-
structions to take the laws of 1858 as a basis. This committee was comprised of William McKay,
E. S. Lowman, and James McCahon, appointed January 12,1859. (See Council Journal, page 50.)
Their final report was made February 11, 1859, and may be found on page 323, Council Journal.
The existence of the "bogus statutes" was ignored. The commission did its work faithfully,
and reported bills for the consideration of the assembly from time to time until June 1, 1859,
when the codes of civil and criminal proceedings were passed as submitted, and the "bogus
statutes," and all other acts conflicting with the new codes, were repealed. The laws of 1859-
formed a considerable part of the Compiled Statutes of 1862, and constitute in no small degree
the pioneer groundwork of the statutory jurisprudence of Kansas to this day.
♦Doctor Qihon's " Geary and Kansas," page 205 :
"November?. 1856.— A note having been received from Mr. Owen C. Stewart in regard to
the capitol buildings, tlie governor [Geary] addressed him in reply, as follows: 'As youi» serv-
ices as superintendent of the capitol buildings are no longer required, you are hereby notified
that your appointment is revoked from this date.' ,..,.,,. „ ,
"< ontjress had appropriated $50,000 to erect suitable public buildings for the territory, and
Doctor Kodriquo, p'stmaster at Lecompton, was the principal contractor for their erection.
He was connected in the enterprise, some way or another, with Sheriff Jones, Governor Slian-
non and other officials. The money appropriated should have been sufficient for the object if
properly expended. As it is, the walls of the building have only advanced a few feet above the
foundation, and the whole amount of the appropriation has been exhausted. Mr. Stewart was
appointed by Governor Shannon superintendent, at a salary of $1200 a year, which, although
the work hnd been long suspeniied, was still running on. The same gentleman was a subcon-
tractor under Rodrique, and was therefore required to superintend his own work, which was a
very convenient .«ort of an arrangement. William Rumbi'ld was the architect, who had con-
tracted to receive fnrhis 'compensation four per cent, on the cost of the building,' and of course
it would not be to his interest to oppose any amount of expenditure upon its construction. If
it is completed upon the same liberal scale as it has been commenced, so far as the outlay of
money is concerned, it may be ready for roofing in by the use of another appropriation of
$iOO,o6o or $3^0,000."
THE CAPITALS OF KANSAS. 339
which was granted the iastitution by the state after Topeka become the perma-
nent capital.*
April 20, 185C, is the first date in Gov. Wilson Shannon's executive minutes
showing the executive office of the governor to be located at Lecompton, the last
official date at Shawnee Mission having been December 11, 1855. Some time in
the interval between the two dates the executive office was removed from Shawnee
Mission to Lecompton. And from this time Lecompton continued to be the ter-
ritorial capital, with diversions which will be here mentioned, until Kansas en-
tered the Union as a state in 1861, when the capital came to Topeka.
The Shawnee Mission legislature had adopted a full code of laws, mainly
copied from the Missouri statutes. They included the usual laws of slave-hold-
ing states for the protection of masters in their property right in slaves, and im-
posing the severest penalties on any who should meddle with slave property or
seek to alienate slaves from their masters or try to run them off to a land of free-
dom. To speak or print any declaration against the right to hold slaves in Kan-
sas was made a crime worthy of the severest penalty. Laws were also enacted
placing the whole machinery of local government for the territory in the hands
of sheriffs and other county officers appointed by the legislature and local magis-
trates appointed by the governor, all to hold their offices for a long term.
The free state settlers repudiated the entire code of laws, first, because they
were passed by a legislature elected by the fraudulent votes of persons from a
foreign state, and, second, because the laws themselves contained provisions in-
tended to stifle free sentiment and to make life in Kansas intolerable to a large
proportion of the inhabitants. As was expected, there soon came a clash be-
tween the free-state men and the men charged with the execution of the "bogus
laws," as they were stigmatized. In December, 1855, the Wakarusa war came
on, brought on by the attempted arrest of free state men, the arrest being re-
sisted by the parties charged and their neighbors. The most-noted official acts
of Governor Shannon during his residence at Shawnee Mission were proclama-
tions and orders pertaining to the fiasco known as the "Wakarusa war." This
episode in Kansas afifairs brought to a siege of Lawrence an army of nearly 2000
men, chiefly from Missouri, and to the defense three good regiments of free-state
men, rallying from almost every settlement in the territory. Of one of these
regiments our distinguished townsman, Cyrus K. Holliday, was the commander,
winning in a just cause and in a time of peril an honorable military title most
worthily bestowed. Many a Topeka man took an honorable part in that defense
of Lawrence. The Missouri invaders had not counted on the mettle of the
Kansas free state settlers. Their leaders halted and parleyed at the Franklin
*" Lecompton, Kan., March 10, ]fe96.
" F. G. Aclnmx, Stecretary Hisloricol Sncietp : Dear Sir — la reply to yonrs of the 17tb
would say. the first legislature convened here was in tbe house erected by W. M. Nace on
Elmore street, one door north of the present post-office, and was afterwards removed. Gov-
ernor Shannon's first office was in a building on Halderman street, near y opposite the Ameri-
can House, and now two blocks west of the present Atchison, Topeka & Santa Fo depot. The
first post-1 ffice was on Third street, and later removed to a building northeast of the Rowena
hotel. 1 he legislature also occupied the building known as Constitution hall, which was built
about 1857 or 1858. Governor Shannon never had his office in Constitution hall, but later had
his office south of the hall 1 he post-office referred to in 1883 was about two doors south of th» ,
present post-office. The legislature later on assembled in the two-story house opposite th&
Rowena hotel, and from that hall adjourned to Lawrence. Yours truly, Wm. Leamer."
The Santa Fe depot has since been removed west to the foot of Halderman street; so Gov-
ernor Shannon's first office would be south of depot. The Rowena hotel is a large stone build-
ing on corner of Elmore and Woodson avenues, and will for all time be a landmark. Constitution
hall is in the same block, north, facing east ; Nace's building was in the same block, facing west;
the post-office, except the first location, was always in the same block. The land-office was ia
Constitution hall in the spring of 1857.— Secretary.
340
KANSAS STATE HISTORICAL SOCIETY.
Constitution' hall, at 'Lecompton. Legisla-
ture of 1857 met in this building; Lecomp-
ton constitution was made here; in this
building Sherwood spit on Geary ; still
standing.
camp, four miles away. Eventually a blizzard came as their excuse, and, enter-
ing into armistice, they marched back to their Missouri firesides, with impreca-
tions upon Kansas climate and Kansas men, and with threats to return again
when grass should grow in the spring.
Early in the spring of 1856, Lecompton, as the territorial capital, became a
stirring place. Warrants for the arrest of the free-state men concerned in the
acts which brought on the Wakarusa
war, and for the arrest of many others
who had been prominent in the defense
of Lawrence, were put into the hands
of United States marshals and sheriffs.
Many of the intended victims either re-
sisted or avoided arrest. But in May
seven prominent free-state men, by dis-
tinction known as the "treason pris-
oners," arrested at different times and
places, were brought to Lecompton,
put under a guard of federal troops,
and, thus guarded, were kept in a pris-
oners' camp until the following Sep-
tember. These persons were Gov. Charles Robinson, George W. Smith, George
W. Deitzler, Gaius Jenkins, George W. Brown, John Brown, jr., and Henry H.
Williams.
Early in May the Missouri army came again, to aid the sheriff and marshals
in making arrests at Lawrence. Two camps were established, one again at Frank-
lin and one at Lecompton. May 21 Lawrence was sacked. Three newspaper
offices. Governor Robinson's house, the splendid new hotel and many other build-
ings were destroyed and pillaged, all under the form of law — bogus law. From
that time on Lecompton was a military camp, troops in bivouac, marching and
countermarching in expeditions to put down free-state settlers in their resistance
of outrages of marauding bands of pro-slavery recruits, who had come in from
the extreme Southern states, South Carolina, Alabama, Georgia, and elsewhere,
and had established camps at points convenient to enable them to harass free-
state settlers and drive them from the territory.
About the middle of August, the free-state men, under the direction of Gen-
eral Lane, Col. Sam. Walker, and other free-state leaders, routed three bands of
these Southerners, garrisoned at Franklin, Washington creek, and Fort Titus.
Col. H. T. Titus, as he was called, was in command of a company quartered
within two miles of Lecompton. On the morning of the 16th of August, a force
of free-state men under Col. Samuel Walker attacked the place, wounded Titus
and some others, took a number of prisoners and a quantity of arms and am-
munition, and conveyed them to Lawrence. Capt. H. J. Shombre, a gallant free-
state man, who had just come into Kansas with a compaay of Indiana free state
recruits, was unfortunately killed in this engagement. The following day Gov-
ernor Shannon, and Major Sedgwick of the regular army, visited Lawrence, held
a consultation with the committee of safety there, and made an exchange of pris-
oners. Through this exchange the free state men also recovered several pieces
of cannon taken from Lawrence at the sacking of May 21.
September 5, a force of 1200 men from Lawrence under Lane appeared on the
bluff overlooking Lecompton, with cannon and full equipments, apparently in-
tending to attack the town. The pro-slavery officers and the entire populace
were thrown into a great panic. Only 100 or 200 of the pro-slavery militia
THE CAPITALS OF KANSAS. 341
SO called gathered for defense among the walls of the foundation of the
new capitol building. Col. P. St. George Cooke, in command of the federal
troops, conducted Acting Governor Woodson and a United States deputy mar-
shal to interview the commander of the free-state forces. The interview resulted
in the agreement for the liberation of all free- state prisoners then in the hands of
pro-slavery man. The main object of the expedition was thus accomplished, and
the free-state forces then withdrew. The agreement was carried out, enforced
by Colonel Cooke.
On the 15th of September, Capt. Thomas J. Wood, of the First United States
cavalry, brought into Lecompton 101 free-state prisoners who had been con-
cerned in the battle of Hickory Point, in Jefferson county, on the previous day.
This was the largest instalment of free-state prisoners ever brought Tnto Le-
compton at one time. They were quartered in a rude building and put under
guard. From time to time they succeeded in escaping, until, the following March,
the thirteen remaining were pardoned by Governor Geary.
If all the incidents occurring in and about Lecompton in 1856 were put upon
record, the place would be shown to have been, next to Lawrence, perhaps the
focal center of the greatest activity of strife in arms among the settlers in Kan-
sas during the territorial period.
The United States troops at Lecompton at this period were under the com-
mand of such officers as Philip St. George Cooke, John Sedgwick, E. V. Sum-
ner, James Mcintosh, T. J. Wood, Jos. E. Johnston, E. W. B. Newby, D. B.
Sacket, H. H. Sibley, and others whose names became more prominent during
the war of the rebellion. It should be remembered that President Pierce's ad-
ministration at Washington approved the acts of the pro-slavery party in Kan-
sas, assumed the acts of the Shawnee Mission legislature as valid, and employed
the power of the army to aid the pro-slavery party in carrying out its policy of
using the Shawnee Mission legislature as a means for suppressing the free- state
element in Kansas.
The second territorial legislature convened at Lecompton January 12, 1857,
and adjourned February 20, holding its session in the building erected by Mr.
Nace. Like that of the first legislature, its legislation was ultra pro slavery.
Governor Geary, as had Governor Reeder, soon had a falling-out with the lead-
ers of the party. Stormy times, with some bloodshed, prevailed at Lecompton
during the winter.
LECOMPTON CONSTITUTION.
February 19 the legislature passed an act providing for the election, June 15,
of members of a convention to frame a state constitution. The provisions of the
bill were of such an extraordinarily partizan character that Governor Geary ve-
toed it, and it was passed over his veto.
In March Governor Geary was removed from office, for, during the adminis-
trations of Pierce and Buchanan, if a governor of Kansas took the side of justice
and the people, against the fraudulent doings of the slave party, he was promptly
removed from office. Robert J. Walker was then appointed governor, with
Frederick P. Stanton as secretary of the territory. April 15 Secretary Stanton
reached Lecompton, and became for a time acting governor. Governor Walker
arrived May 27.
The census taken under the Lecompton-constitutional-convention act was so
one-sided that free- state voters refused to participate in the election under it.
Hence the convention elected was a one-sided, pro-slavery affair. It met on the
7th of September, in the building still standing and known as Constitution
hall. It soon adjourned, and met again in October and framed the noted Le-
compton constitution.
342 KANSAS STATE HISTORICAL SOCIETY.
During the spring of 1857 the emigration to Kansas was immense, almost
wholly from the Northern states. The free-state party that fall elected a ma-
jority of the legislature. By unparalleled efforts of fraud the pro-slavery leaders
sought to have a majority of their party counted in to seats in the legislature.
The administrations of Governor Walker and Acting Governor Stanton proved
to be the turning-point between pro slavery domination and fraud on the one
side and the rule of the people of the territory in the interest of truth and jus-
tice on the other. Both these officers were deserving of great credit for their
acts. In canvassing the vote of the legislative election in 1857, they purged the
returns of fraud and gave certificates to the legally elected free-state candidates,
who were in large majority. For this act both these officers were removed by
President Buchanan, whose policy in Kansas affairs was dictated by the South-
ern slave power.
The third territorial legislature, now free state, met in Lecompton, December
7, 1857, in extra session. It had been convened by Secretary Stanton before his
removal. The legislature passed an act submitting the Lecompton constitution
to vote on its adoption, atan election to be held January 4, following. The legis-
lature adjourned December 7, and met again in regular session January 4, 1858.
On the 5th, by joint action of the two branches, an adjournment was had to
Lawrence, where the legislature met January 8 and held a session, adjourning
finally February 13.
Lawrence became now, practically, the capital of the territory. The place
had before been in some measure the free-state capital. Free state conventions
of the territory had often met there. It was the largest town in Kansas away
from the Missouri river. Here had been the focus of free-state agitation and
sentiment. Upon Lawrence more than elsewhere had been directed the ire of
the pro-slavery party. The place had been often threatened and once sacked.
Now the power of the pro-slavery party was broken. The leaders were on the run.
The now free-state legislature proceeded promptly to investigate the recent
frauds and to annul the oppressive legislation enacted at the Shawnee Mission.
On the removal from office of Governor Walker and Secretary Stanton, James
W. Denver was appointed secretary of the territory and became acting governor.
He assumed the duties of the office at Lecompton December 21, 1857. On the
adjournment of the legislature to Lawrence, the governor removed his office to
Lawrence during the sitting of the legislature.
THE MINNEOLA CAPITAL.
The relations of the new governor with the free-state legislature were, in the
main, harmonious; but the legislature essayed to remove the territorial capital
from Lecompton to Minneola, a town which had been projected in the northern
part of Franklin county, east of Centropolis. A large number of the members of
the legislature became interested in the town project. Railroad companies were
chartered to conduct railroads to center at that point. The act for the capital
removal to Minneola was passed, and was vetoed by the governor, on the ground
that the legislature had not power to make the removal. But the bill was passed
over the veto. Subsequently the question of the validity of the act was sub-
mitted to the attorney- general of the United States, and was by him declared to
be in violation of the organic act.*
♦"Attorney-general's Office, November 20, 1858.
"Sir — Agreeable to your request, I have considered the subject referred to in the com-
munication addressed to me by the governor of Kansas and the accompanying papers, and I
now report to you the facts I gather from them, and tlie instructions which, in my opinion,
ought to be based upon tiieni.
" By the organic act it was provided that the seat of government for Kansas territory
should be temporarily located at Leavenworth. The executive and the legislative assembly of
THE CAPITALS OF KANSAS. 343
The legislature also sought to have a new constitution framed to take the
place of the Lecompton constitution, which the people, at the election on the
4th of January, had repudiated. The constitutional-convention bill passed just
at the close of the session of the legislature, but was not signed by the governor,
and he refused to recognize the act as valid. But the election of delegates to
the convention was held March 9. On the 23d of March the convention assembled
at Minneola. On the Sith it adjourned, to meet at Leavenworth, where it re-
assembled on the evening of the 25th, and held the session during which was
framed the Leavenworth constitution. This constitution provided that Topeka
should be the temporary capital. But the Leavenworth constitution, like the
Topeka and Lecompton constitutions, failed to be ratified by Congress.
Governor Denver, first appointed secretary of the territory, was afterward
appointed governor, and took the oath of office as such May 12, 1858. He re-
signed this office October 10, 1858. November 19 following, Samuel Medary was
appointed. He assumed the duties of the office December 20.
The fourth regular session of the legislature convened at Lecompton January
3, 1859, and on the 5th adjourned, to meet at Lawrence on the 7th, where the re-
mainder of the session was held, the adjournment taking place February 11.
Governor Denver approved the resolution providing for the adjournment to
Lawrence.
The fifth territorial legislature assembled at Lecompton January 2, 1860.
January 4 it voted to adjourn to Lawrence on the following day. Governor Me-
dary vetoed the resolution. It was passed over the governor's veto, and both
bodies assembled at Lawrence on the 7th. The governor remained at Lecomp
ton and refused to recognize the acts of the legislature. As legislation under
such circumstances was impracticable, the legislature on the 18th adjourned
the territory were authorized to use the public buildings there which could be spared by the
mi itary authorities. That act contains nothing more on that subject, except a promise on
the part of Congress to appropriate, afterwards, a sum equal to what had been given to other
territories for the erection of public buildings at the seat of the territorial government. On
the ,^th of August, 1854, an appropriation was made of $25,000 for public buildings in Kansas, to
be paid in event that the secretary of war should decide it to be iucfinsistent with the interests
of the military service to permit the use of the public buildings at Fort Leavenworth. So the
subject stood until the 3d of March, 1855, when another appropriation of $25,000 for public
buildings in the territory of Kansas was made, coupled with this proviso, 'that said money, or
any part thereof, or any portion of the money heretofore appropriated for this purpose, shall
not be expended until the legislature of said territory shall have fixed, by law, the permanent
seat of government.'
" In 1855, after the passage of the last-mentioned act of Congress, the territorial legislature,
by law, fixfd the permanent seat of government at the town of Lecompton, and thereupon
$50,000, the aggregate amount of the two appropriations made by Congress, was paid to the
proper authorities of the territory, and was expended at Lecompton in the erection of public
buildings. On the 9th of February last the territorial legislature undertook to pass another
law, removing the seat of government from Lecompton to Minneola. Their bill, being vetoed
by the governor, was passed by two-tliirds majority. The question of law is, whether the legis-
lature had the power which they attempted to exercise of removing the seat of government.
T " The organic act of Congress is to a territory what the constitution is to a state. The acts
of a territorial legislature are valid and binding when passed according to the proper forms, if
they are within the powers conferred by the act, but anything there forbidden is void and un-
authorized. If Congress passes a subsequent law on the same subject limiting or extending
the power of the local territorial government, it operates like an amendment to the constitu-
tion. In the case of Kansas, Congress did not decide where the permanent seat of government
should be, but located it temporarily at Leavenworth. The territorial legislature, then, had
power to remove it as they saw proper, either for a short time or for all time. But Congress,
when the appropriation of 1855 was made, required, as a condition precndent to the payment of
the money, that the seat of government should be permanently located, and left the territory,
through its legislature, to do that for itself. Making a permanent location certainly did not
mean a designation of a place merely for the purpose of getting the money, and then making
another change. The plain word of the law, as well as a decent respect for their own good
faith, required that before they would ask for the money they should indicate by an irrepeal-
able law the spot at which the seat of government should be and remain, at least during the
whole existence of the territorial government. The legislature so understood it themselves,
and when they decided upon Lecompton they expressly declared that to be the permanent seat
of government. In my opinion, the territorial legislature had no right afterwards to repeal
that law and take the seat of government away from Lecompton. Such a removal, if carried
out, would defeat the manifest intention of Congress, violate the spirit of the act, and be a
fraud upon the United States. Very respectfully, etc., J. S. Black.
"To his Ezcelle7icy, Hon. James Buchanan, President of the United Slates,"
344 KANSAS STATE HISTORICAL SOCIETY.
sine die, and informed the governor of the fact. The governor immediately re-
convened the legislature to meet at Lecompton in special session on the 19th.
The legislature obeyed the summons, met at Lecompton, and immediately ad-
journed again to Lawrence. The resolution of adjournment was immediately
vetoed and again passed over the veto. The governor then gave up the conten-
tion, and a session was held at Lawrence, adjourning, jBnally, February 27.
The sixth territorial legislature met at Lecompton January 7, 1861, and ad-
journed on the following day to Lawrence, where the session was held, finally ad-
journing February 2. Governor Medary had resigned his office December 17,
and Sec. George M. Beebe was acting as governor during the session, and con-
tinued to so act until Gov. Charles Robinson assumed the office of governor of
the state.
THE CAPITAL AT TOPEKA.
The free-state party in Kansas named Topeka as the capital of the state as
early as in 1855. It became the capital under the free-state constitutional
movement. That was the movement through which the free-state party in Kan-
sas in 1855 framed a constitution, organized a state government, and applied to
Congress for admission into the Union. This movement began by reason of the
Shawnee Mission legislative usurpation and the oppressive legislation enacted.
It was an effort of the body of the actual settlers of Kansas to free the territory
from the thraldom of that usurpation. At a mass convention held in Lawrence
August 14 and 15, 1855, among other proceedings, a resolution was passed de-
claring that the people of the territory ought to select delegates to a convention
to frame a constitution for the state of Kansas, with a view to an immediate ad-
mission into the American Union. This convention also indorsed a call which
had been issued for holding a general delegate convention of the territory at Big
Springs on the 5th of September. Another convention, held at Lawrence on the
15th, appointed a delegate convention to be held at Topeka on the 19th ot Sep-
tember, to take action towards the formation of a state constitution and govern-
ment. The Big Springs convention, on the '5th of September, approved the
constitutional-convention movement, and adopted a resolution to respond to the
call made for the Topeka convention on the 19th of September.
The convention at Topeka, September 19, adopted elaborate resolutions set-
ting forth the reasons in favor of the constitutional movement. The convention
appointed an executive committee, with instructions to issue an address to the
people and to appoint an election to be held in the several districts of the terri-
tory on the 9th of October, for the election of delegates to convene at Topeka on
the 23d of October to form a constitution for the state of Kansas. Thus was an
executive committee, appointed by a spontaneous movement of the people and
representing the dominant sentiment of the people, clothed with the power to
organize the machinery of government in the prospective commonwealth. The
force which inspired life and impelled and directed the movement for a state
government lay in the executive committee. It continued to issue its proclama-
tions, through its chairman, James H. Lane, and to do in the most efficient man-
ner the work of a provisional and semi-revolutionary government through the
darkest and most disordered and dangerous period of the territorial existence.
The constitutional convention elected in pursuance of the call of the execu-
tive committee met at Topeka October 23, 1855, continued in session until
November 11, and framed the celebrated Topeka constitution. The constitution
was sent by messengers to Washington and for years continued to engage the
attention of Congress and to agitate the country on the question of its ratifica-
tion.
The location of the capital for the new state was an interesting subject in the
THE CAPITALS OF KANSAS.
345
proceedings of the Topeka constitutronal convention, for there were many towns
or projected towns in Kansas at this period having capital aspirations. On the
third day of the sitting of the convention, Colonel Holliday, of Topeka, moved
that among the standing committees there should be a committee on the loca-
tion of the capital. November 6 the convention voted on the temporary location
of the capital, the final vote standing twenty for Topeka and sixteen for Law-
rence. In the manuscript collections of the Historical Society are two rolls of
the convention, contributed by Timothy Mclntire, now of Arkansas City, who
was at that time a resident of Topeka and an officer of the convention. The rolls
show two votes on the capital location, as follows:
First vote: Council City, 3 votes; Cottonwood, 4; Bloomington, 4; Topeka,
9; Leavenworth, 4; Lawrence, 7; Blanton, 1; Prairie City, 1; Manhattan, 2;
Wabaunsee, 1.
Second vote: For Lawrence — James M. Arthur, O. C. Brown, A. Curties,
James S. Emery, Joel K. Goodin, William Graham, Morris Hunt, Almon Hunt-
ing, Richard Knight, James H. Lane, John Landis, Samuel Mewhinney, Charles
Robinson, G. W. Smith, J. M. Tuton, J. A. Wakefield; total 16. For Topeka —
Thomas Bell, H. Burson, R. H. Crosby, G. A. Cutler, M. W. Delahay, David
Dodge, William R. Griffith, William Hicks, C. K. Holliday, George S. HiUyer,
Robert Klotz, S. N. Latta, Caleb May, I. H. Nesbit, M. J. Parrott, W. Y. Rob-
erts, James L. Sayle, P. C. Schuyler, C. W. Stewart, J. G. Thompson ; total, 20.
Thus, within less than two
years after the opening of Kan-
sas territory to settlement, and
in less than one year after
Topeka town site had been
located, was incipient action
taken which, in the end, re-
sulted in fixing Topeka as the
capital of the state. At that
time there were but a few
scattered buildings here. The
building which became known
as Constitution hall was the
most substantial. It was a
stone building, erected by Mr.
Loring Farnsworth on Nos. 425
and'427 Kansas avenue, and the
walls still remain as part of the
present building in the same
place. The building was so far
completed as to be occupied by the mass convention of September 19, 1855, and
by the constitutional convention which met October 23; also by the legislature
in its session held under the constitution.
In the basement of this building, in 1856, says Mr. Giles, in his "Thirty
Years in Topeka," were stored, and from it distributed to the needy, the provi-
sions and other goods sequestered from the pro- slavery towns of Tecumseh,
Ozawkie and Indianola by the Topeka free-state men under John Ritchie and
Captain Whipple (A. D. Stevens), during the famine caused by the pro-slavery
embargo of the Missouri river and the roads of travel in the territory that year.
The writer is indebted no little for the information here compiled concerning
Constitution hall, 425 and 427 Kansas avenue, Topeka,
1856; Topeka constitutional convention met in this
buildingr, and in this building Colonel Sumner dis-
persed the Topeka legislature.
346 KANSAS STATE HISTORICAL SOCIETY.
Topeka to the book referred to. In it is recorded the history of Topeka from
the very beginning, by one who was a witness and a participant in it all.
Under the Topeka constitution, five meetings of the legislature were had in
Constitution hall. Under the constitution three elections were held for the elec-
tion of state officers or members of the legislature, or both. The constitution be-
came the banner under which the free-state party rallied in its struggle to free
the territory from the clutches of the pro-slavery despotism under which it was
placed through the fraudulent election of March 30, 1855. The outrageous laws
passed by the Shawnee Mission legislature made outlaws of the members of the
free-state government. The Topeka constitutional movement became the special
object of the hatred of the pro-slavery party. Their bogus laws contained pro-
visions making it treason for the people thus to combine for the object of an-
nulling them. Their packed grand juries indicted the Topeka state officers and
members of the legislature. Marshals and sheriffs, supported by squads of so-
called militia or by United States soldiers, hunted them down like wild beasts.
The first legislature under the constitution met March 4, 1856. It did little
legislation. It memorialized Congress for the ratification of the Topeka consti-
tution. It appointed committees to prepare a code of laws. It adjourned to
meet again July 4. When that memorable 4th of July came, and the members
of the legislature gathered for their second meeting, through orders from Acting
Governor Woodson, backed by authority from Washington, Gen. E. V. Sumner*
appeared with a force of United States troops and dispersed them. They met
again, the third time, January 5, 1857. At this meeting a committee was ap-
pointed to prepare another memorial to Congress for admission into the Union.
The second day of the session a large number of the members, including the presi-
dent of the senate and speaker of the house, were arrested by a United States
marshal and taken under guard to Tecumseh. Then the body took a recess to
June 9. On that day the fourth meeting of the Topeka legislature convened. A
census law was passed, an election ordered in August, a State University was
located at Lawrence, the state capital was again established at Topeka, and
*CoL. Edwin Vose Sdmnee was born in Boston January 30, 1797, and died in Syracuse, N.
Y., March 21, 1863. He entered the army in 1819 as a second lieutenant of infantry. Ho served
in the Black Flawk war. He became a captain in the Second dragoons in 1833, He was placed
on the frontier, and distinguished himself as an Indian fighter. In 1838 he was placed in charge
of a school of cavalry practice at Carlisle, Pa. He led the cavalry charge at Cerro Gordo in
April, 1847. He'was governor of New Mexico in ]851-'53. In 1855 he was made colonel of the
First cavalry, and led a successful expedition against the Cheyennes. In March, 1861, he was
made a brigadier-general. He commanded the left wing at Yorktown, Fair Oaks, Chicka-
hominy, Antietam, and Fredericksburg, being twice wounded in the seven days' battle and once
at Antietam. His last words were, "God save my country, the United States of America."
Colonel Sumner became an important character in Kansas history, because he was in command
of the department of the West during the territorial troubles and the disperser of the Topeka
legislature. On the 4th of July, 1856, Colonel Sumner, by order of President Pierce, ordered the
legislature not to assemble or he would be compelled to use the force at his command. He had
about 200 dragoons and three pieces of artillery. The colonel addressed the house of repre-
sentatives as follows: "Gentlemen, I am called upon this day to do the most painful duty of
my life. Under the authority of the president's proclamation, I am here to disperse this legis-
lature, and therefore inform you that you cannot meet. I thr-refore order you to disperse.
God knows that I have no party feeling in this matter, and will hold none so long as I occupy
my present position. I have just returned from the border, where I have been sending home
companies of Missourians, and now I am ordered here to disperse you. Such are my orders, and
you must disperse. I now command you to disperse. I repeat that this is the most painful duty
of my life." When this address reached the secretary of war, Jefferson Davis, Sumner was su-
perseded in his command. The building in which the legislature was to assemble was located
the west side of Kansas avenue, a couple of lots north of Fifth street, and the site has been
ked by an iron slab in the sidewalk, suitably lettered, by the Daughters of th American
olutlon.
THE CAPITALS OF KANSAS. 347
Congress was again memorialized to admit Kansas into the Union under the
Topeka constitution. January 5, 1858, the fifth and last meeting of the Topeka
free-state legislature was held. Little was done except the reading of Gov.
Charles Robinson's message, in which he advised the keeping up of the state
organization.
But by this time little hope remained of the admission of the state into the
Union under the Topeka constitution. The population of the territory had be-
come so large and was so overwhelmingly free state, that the free-state voters
had already seized the lawmaking power by the election of the territorial legisla-
ture, and that body was at this time in session. The Topeka constitutional
movement had performed its mission. For Topeka it had surely paved the way
for the permanent capital of Kansas.
Mention has been made of the Minneola capital and the Leavenworth consti-
tution. The Leavenworth constitution served a purpose, that of a foil to the Le-
compton constitution, steeped in fraud as that was. But there seemed no hope
that Congress would ratify the Leavenworth constitution. The territorial legis-
lature of 1859 therefore passed a law providing for a fourth constitutional con-
vention. This became known as the Wyandotte convention, and it framed the
present constitution of Kansas. This convention was held in Wyandotte, now
Kansas City, Kan., in July, 1859. The constitution was adopted by vote of the
people, October 1, but it was not until January 29, 1861, that the act of Con-
gress ratifying it was approved by President Buchanan.
THE NEXT CAPITAL STEP.
The Wyandotte constitutional convention provided that Topeka should be
the temporary capital, and that the legislature should submit the question of
the permanent location to a vote of the people. In the convention two votes
were had upon the temporary location. There were many candidates.
The first vote resulted as follows: For Mound City, 2 votes; Mapleton, 1
Minneola, 2; Topeka, 15; Olathe, 2; Lawrence, 6; Burlington, 1; Stanton, 1
Atchison, 5 ; Manhattan, 2 ; Le Roy, 1 ; Emporia, 2 ; Burlingame, 1 ; Louisville, 1
Kickapoo, 1; Troy, 1; Humboldt, 1; Palermo, 1; Paola, 1; Big Springs, 1
Pike's Peak, 1; Superior, 1.
The following was the second vote, twenty-five being necessary to a choice :
For Topeka: J. M. Arthur, F. Brown, J. T. Barton, W. P. Dutton, R. C.
Foster, John W. Forman, John P. Greer, William R. Griffith, Samuel Hippie,
E. M. Hubbard, S. D. Houston, J. Lamb, G. H. Lillie, E. Moore, W. C. Mc-
Dowell, A. D. McCune, C. B. McClelland, W. McCullough, H. D. Preston, P. S.
Parke, R. J. Porter, John Ritchie, E. G. Ross, J. A. Signor, John P. Slough,
Samuel A. Stinson, J. Stairwalt, J. Wright, and B. Wrigley — 29.
For Lawrence : J. G. Blunt, J. C. Burnett, John T. Burris, J. Blood, N. C.
Blood, A. Crocker, William Hutchinson, James Hanway, S. E. Hoffman, Ed.
Stokes, B. F. Simpson, S. O. Thacher, P. H. Townsend, and R. L. Williams — 14.
For Atchison : Robert Graham, John J. Ingalls, Samuel A. Kingman, J. A.
Middleton, L. R. Palmer, and T. S. Wright — 6.
In pursuance of the call of Governor Robinson, the first state legislature
under the Wyandotte constitution met in Topeka March 26, 1861.* There were
scant accommodations in Topeka in the spring of 1861 for the sitting of the state
legislature and for the offices of the state. Topeka was a town of not over 800
inhabitants. It had been drought stricken and almost poverty-stricken. Gov-
ernor Robinson rented rooms for the executive officers in the Ritchie block,
* See note on page 349.
348 KANSAS STATE HISTORICAL SOCIETY.
which stood at the corner of Sixth and Kansas avenues, where Rowley's drug-
store now is. In the third story of this building the senate met, and for three
years it there held its sessions. The first house of representatives met in the
Gale block, now Crawford's opera-house, and here the joint convention was held
which elected James H. Lane and Samuel C. Pomeroy to the United States
senate. Later in the session, owing to a leaking roof, the house went over and
eat in the Congregational church, corner of Seventh and Harrison streets. The
session of the house in 1862 was in the Gale block, and that of 1863 in the
Methodist church on Quincy street, between Fifth and Sixth streets, where the
Odd Fellows' hall now is. Under the act of the legislature of 1863, a contract
was entered into with Messrs. W. L. Gordon, G. G. Gage, Theo. Mills, and
Loring Farnsworth, by which the state agreed to rent for a term of years a
building which should be erected for state uses. The building was put up on
Kansas avenue, west side, north of Fifth street, occuping four lots, taking in
part of the old Constitutional hall. In this building the legislature of 186i sat,
and it continued to be the home of the legislature and state officers until the
east wing of the capitol came to be occupied, in 1869.
The Topeka Association, formed in 1855, in the liberal spirit which actu-
ated it in laying out the broad streets and avenues which have made Topeka
the pride of Kansas, set apart, in what is now the heart of the city, two broad
parks, four whole blocks or twenty acres in each, one for the state capitol and one
for an educational institution. In 1862 Cyrus K. Holliday, the president of the
association, formally conveyed one of these tracts of land to the state, and the
gift was accepted by act of the legislature. In 1866 the legislature provided for
the erection of the east wing of the capitol building. On the 17th of October of
that year the corner-stone was laid. The wing was so far completed that it
was occupied by the state officers in December, 1869. The legislative halls
were first occupied for the session of 1870. The legislature of 1879 provided for
the erection of the west wing. The house of representatives occupied the unfin-
ished new hall for the session of 1881, and the state offices in that wing became
occupied during that year. The legislature of 1883 provided for commencing
work on the foundation of the central portion of the building. The structure
was so far completed as to admit of a temporary finishing of rooms in the base-
ment of the south wing, and their occupancy in 1892. The legislatures of 1891
and 1893 made but very slight appropriations for the capitol building, and work
became practically suspended, until it was resumed under the appropriations of
the legislature of 1895.
Architect Holland gives the dimensions of the state capitol as follows: Ex-
treme diameter or breadth of the building, including the porches, north and
south, 399 feet; east and west, 386 feet ; square of the dome at the base, 80 t»y 80
feet; height of dome to balcony at lantern, 258 feet; height of dome to extreme
top, 304 feet.
COST OF THE STATE-HOUSE.
The following compilation made by State Architect Holland shows the entire
cost of the state-house to May 1, 1896 :
Expenditures to May 1 $2,084,848 30
Derived from sale of lands donated by United States, $8,144 89
Sale of state bonds 293,135 57
Direct appropriations 252,600 00
Tax levied 1.530.967 84
Total $2,084,848 30 $2,084,848 30
To which should be added discount on bonds 26,864 43
Interest on bonds, paid and to be paid 672,000 00
Total $2,783,712 73
THE CAPITALS OF KANSAS. 349
The tax levies as noted above include the portion of the levy of 1895 collected
to date.
The different portions of the state capitol, as nearly as the same can be ap-
portioned, have cost as follows:
East wing, including the remodeling $481,000 00
West wing 314.2.37 00
Central portion, including dome 1,289 611 30
Total $2,084,848 30
Of the bonds above noted, $100,000, drawing seven per cent., are due in 1897;
$150,000, drawing seven per cent., are due in 1898; $70,000, drawing seven per
cent., are due in 1899.
No sinking-fund has been provided for the payment of these bonds.
Hon. Seth G. Wells, auditor of state, furnishes the following statement of
additional expenditures on the capitol building, from May 1, 1896, up to its com-
pletion in 1903 :
May 1, 1896, to June 30, 1896 $14,915 92
For year ending June 30, 1897 60,105 88
For year ending June 30, 1898 44,908 89
For year ending June 30, 1899 7,789 82
For year ending June 30, 1900 • 1,969 37
For year ending June 30, 1900 56,693 96
For year ending June 30, 1901 403 05
For year ending June 30, 1901 49.333 18
For year endicg June 30, 1902 80,571 65
For year ending June 30, 1902 11,440 61
For year ending June 30, 1903 314 63
For year ending June 30, 1903 88,429 23
$416,876 19
Add expenditures to May 1, 1896 2,783,712 73
Total cost of building $3,200,588 92
NOTE.
The state capital having been located at Toppka temporarily by the Wyandotte convention,
the first state legislature, in 186 1, authorized a vote of the people on the subject. House bill No.
141, to locate definitely the state capital, passed the house May 20, andthesenatp May 23, 1»6I. At
the November election following, the people voted as folhiws: Topeka, 7996; Lawrpnce, 5291:
all others 1184. The legislature of 1862 adopted a joint resolution accepting from the Topeka
Association land containing twenty acres, equal to four city blocks, for state-house purposes,
((ien Laws 1862;'^). 116.)
The first legislation with reference to the erection of a state-house for the state of Kansas
was by the legislature of 1866, chapter 92 of the laws of that session. It was approved by Gov.
Samuel J, Crawford February 14, 1866, and published in the Leavenworth con^ervaiivp. of
February 18, 1?"66. It was provided that the building should be erected in Topeka, and plans
and specifications prepared by E. Towusend Mix. They were adopted. The following board of
commissioners was authorized by the legislature : Governor Samuel J. Crawford, of Anderson
couutv : S cretary of State R. A. Barker, of Atchison county ; Auditor J. R. Swallow, of Lyon ;
Treasurer William Spriggs, of Anderson; and Superintendent of Public Instruction Isaac T.
Goodnow, of Riley county. The act appropriated $40,()(JO for a capitol, and ordered the sale of
ten sections of land, the proceeds to be devoted to this work. The construction was limited to
the east wing of the building. The appropriation and sale of lands amounted to $42,492.65, of
which $;i9,490 was expended.
October 17, 1866, the corner-stone was laid by the grand lodge of the Ancient Free and Ac-
cepted Masons, assisted by Topeka Lodge No. 17.
An exciting fight occurred among those desiring to furnish material. It was concluded to
use a brown sandstone, obtained near Topeka, about Vinewood. January 2'S, 1887, it was dis-
covered that this stone used in the foundation was rotten and crumbling, and by spring it was
a mass of mud. Rumor at the time said it cost the state $10,000 to put this foundation in and
take it out. The report of the commission says it cost $SOUO to take it out. In the governor's
message, it is said that this stone was used on the judgment of two eminent scientists. By At)ril
17 it was all out, and D. J. Silvers & Son, contractors, were engaged in putting in a new foun-
dation. The names of all the state officers were chiseled on the corner-stone, and there were
those who thought this was what caused the stone to crumble. It was resolved to use stone
from Junction City.
July 24 Silvers & Son withdrew from the contract, and it was given to Bogert & Babcock.
In August there was a large force at work on the basement.
350 KANSAS STATE HISTORICAL SOCIETY.
The legislature of 1866 also provided for the election of a State-house Commission. The leg-
islature of 1867, February 21, held a joiot conveution to elect this commission. The foljowing
were elected: William Bowman, of Atchison ; John Hammond, of Lyon; and Daniel Killen, of
Wyandotte. This commission elected John Q. Haskell architect. The board made an e.^timate
of &}U0,UOO for the east wing. Their report is printed in Houwe Journal, 1867, pages 98 to 1(14.
March 4, 1869, the legislature authorized the issue of .$150,010 bonds for the capitol building.
A joint committee of the senate and house, session of 1869, made a report ( pages ;;.59-;i6M, Sen-
ate Journal ) that there has already been expended on the east wing $298,000, and that 4118,965'
will be needed to complete the job.
March 4, 1869, ai70,OUO in state bonds were issued.
December 25, 1869, the state oHicers leave the old building, 425 and 427 Kansas avenue, and
occupy the east wing of tbe present state-house, on the state-house grounds.
Tlie supreme court was assigned to the. basement, on the ground floor, south side, in a room
25 by 50 feet ; law office rooms 25 by 25 ; and the state library had 25 by .50 feet ; and besides these
there was one office 12 by 15 feet. The second story had seven offices each 25 by 25, and one
office 25 by 12. These rooms were assigned to the state officers. The third floor was divided by
a temporary partition, with the house of representatives on the south, in a room 43 by 'iH fe^t,
and the senate on the north side, 27 by 63 feet. The house had three rooms attached and the
senate two rooms.
A joint committee of the senate and house, session of 1870, composed of M. V. Voss, M. M,
Murdock, L. D. Bailey, Z. Jackson, and John McClenahan, report on the state-liouse that all to-
gether the work had been done as fair and reasonable as possible. (Senate Journal 187i', pages
173-177.) The State-house Commission reported, December 30, 1869, that $417,.5S8.29 had.already
been expended.
December 31, 1870, the State-house Commissioners report that $30,506 had been expended on
the east portico and asked for $12,500 more.
March IC, 1874, the legislature repealed the act creating the State-house Commission.
Un April 22, 1875, appointed Arbor Day by proclamation of Mayor T. J. Anderson, the people
of Topeka planted about 800 trees in the state-house yard.
No appropriation for the capitol was made in 1870, except $4707.16 in a miscellaneous bill.
In 1871 there was $5000 given, to be expended on the grounds. The legislature of 1872 expended
$5000 on the grounds and $25,000 on the east portico, or a total for the year of $25,559.16. in 1873
there was expended on the portico $9500, and on the grounds $350, In 1875 $3000 was expended
on a fire-proof vault for the state treasurer.
The legislature of 1879, chapter 168 of the Session Laws, authorized the construction of the
west wing and the appointment of a State-house Commission. A direct appropriation of .li60,000
and a levy of one-half of a mill for 1879 and one-half of a mill for 1880 were made. The act pro-
vided that the west wing should be four feet wider and six feet longer than the east wing, and
the several stories of the same height.
March 12, 1879, Gov. John P. St John appointed as said State-house Commissioners John B.
Anderson, of Geary county; H. H. Williams, of Miami; and John Hammond, of Lyon county.
March 27, E. T. Carr was elected architect and George Ropes assistant. The commission
adopted Cottonwood Falls stone.
June 2, a contract for building the west wing was awarded to William Tweeddale & Co., for
$134,883.
February 16, 1880, the basement story of the west wing was done.
January 17, 1881, the new hall of the house in the west wing was first used by the members.
It was unplastered, and a temporary raised floor was provided.
By act of the legislature of 1881, approved February 11, the construction of the main build-
ing was authorized. A levy of one-half mill for 1881 and the same for 1882 were made, to pay for
the work.
The legislature of 1881 granted the right to the Topeka Library Association to erect a build-
ing on the northeast corner of the state-house square (house bill No. 243). It was approved by
Governor St. John March 5, 1881.
April 8 the second floor of the west wing was assigned to the auditor, treasurer, and super-
intendent of schools.
December 2, 1884, the foundation of the main building was completed. It was placed down
to rock, twenty-two to twenty-four feet below the surface.
In 1884 J. M. Hood served on the commission in place of H. H. Williams. May 8, 1885, J. A.
Butler was appointed commissioner, and John B. Anderson resigned, leaving the commission
for 1885, E. T. Uarr, John Hammond, and J. A. Butler.
The legislature of 1885 made a levy of one-half mill for 1885 and one-half mill for 1886.
May 17, 1885, the work of remodeling the second floor of the east wing for the senate cham-
ber began, in charge of Haskell & Wood, architects, L. M. Wood, designer. The roof, stone
cornice and balustrades had also to be remodeled, at a cost of $17,444.
January 19, 1886, at 11 o'clock, the senate convened in their new senate chamber. This was
a special session. Hon. A. P. Riddle, lieutenant-governor, made an interesting historical ad-
dress before proceeding with the business.
The remodeling of the senate chamber caused an investigation and a caustic report by the
committee on state aftairs. (Pages 779-862, House Journal, special session, 1886.) The question
at i=sue was whether the State-house Commission wore limited to S75,000. E. T. Carr, chairman
of the board, filpd his statement in manuscript with the State Historical Society.
August 31, 1886, George H. Evans has about one-half the outside walls of the main building
up, and is commencing on the rotunda.
October 7, expenditures on the senate chamber to date, $116,459.65.
October 9, 1886, contract let for the iron floor-beams for the first floor, main building.
November 11, 1886, the outside walls and partition walls of the basement completed, and
four piers, which form the base of the dome, are up seventeen feet.
H. H. Williams, Alexander Love and N. A. Adams constituted the State-house Commission
in 1886.
The legislature of 1887 levied one-half mill for 1887 and one-half mill for 1888, for state-house
purposes.
On January 25 of this year a joint committee, composed of Senators H B. Kelly and A. L.
Redden and Representatives J. M. Simpson, S. W. Bard, and C. W. Benning, appointed to ex-
amine plans and estimates for the main building, reported as follows: " We find, in our judg-
ment, that the plans and specifications presented by McDonald Bros., of Louisville, Ky., are
preferable, and that their estimates were satisfactory, and so we advised the Board of State-
house Commissioners, and respectfully recommend their adoption."
THE CAPITALS OF KANSAS. 351
March 1, 1887, the board contracted with the McDonald Bros, for their plans, and Kenneth
McDonald was employed as State-house architect. ^ -..^ »i
April 28 1887, Sol. Miller, in the Troy chi''l, condemns the extravagant expenditures on the
State-house; condemns the dismissal of Architect Ropes: asserts that the Topeka people seem
to think the greater the amount of money sunk in the building the less chance tor its removal,
and that a large proportion of the money expended eroos to the sharks of lopeka, who thus Jive
ott' the state. He asserts that the state could save hundreds of thousands of dollars by aban-
doning the present building and erecting a new one in some other location, under diHerent mah-
agement from that now in control. . „ , , ^ i i -^u *i »»•
September 30. 18>8, the interior walls and piors of the dome are up to a level with the attic
story • fourth-fli)or beams now being placed in position ; night force at work on iron work ; saws
on the stone never stop. N. A. Adams, Alex. Love, and William Bowman, State-house Commis-
sion for the years 1887 and 1888.
The legislature of 1889 made a levy of two-fifths of a mill for 18S9 and the same for 1890.
December 21, 1888, work closed for the year. Carpenters building a covered passageway
connecting the first and fccond stories of the east and west wings.
February 16, 1889, Alfred R. Arguett commences work building the stone steps on the nortb
and south approaches. , -^ ^
May 1, 18^9, Kenneth McDonald let out, and George Ropes made architect.
May 21 1889, George H. Evans & Co. got a contract for roofing the mam building and dome,
the hollow tile and brick floors, arches, and ceiling arches, and some iron and brass work, for
$197 19>
September 13, 1889, the main arch at the north entrance cracking becau«e of the immense
weight nearly 200 tons. Commission selects two Kansas City aichitects, Messrs. Van Brunt
and F.'W. Setton, and two from Topeka, J. C. Holland, and Mr. Putnam from the Santa l^e,
who pronounced it unsafe, but having been built accon ing to plans.
December 18, 1889, the secretary of state says there has been expended to date on the capitol
building $1, 465, S77. 63.
T he legislature of 1891 appropriated $S9,000 for the state-house.
The legislature of 1891 created the Board of Public Works. J. 8. Emery, Sol. Miller and
John H. Smith were appointed. This board made John G. Haskell architect.
In 1893 S. M. Scott, William Wykes and R. B. Kepley were appointed Board of Public Works.
In 1893 Seymour Davis was made architect. . . -, n j « r. ui- w i
In 1895 Sol. Miller, J.din Seaton and Michael Heery were appointed Board of Public Works.
They served also for the year 1896. , , . , , . , r ■^^ c ..u
The legislature of 1895 appropriated $50,000 and levied a tax of one-fourth of a mill for the
years 1895 and 1898 for state-house. The work for this >ear amounted to $U 3,185 37.
In 1895 and 1^96 J. C. Holland was elected state architect and state-house architect.
May 1, 1^96, the amount expended to this date, including discount and interest on bonds,
was $2 7^3,712.73; not counting interest and discount, the cost, $.^084,^48 30, apportioned as fol-
lows: East wing, including the remodeling, $181,000; west wing, $314,237; central portion, in-
cluding the dome, $1,289,611.30. . „ , ^ , ^ r II A A ■
July 8, 1896, contract made with Kansas City Bank Gravel Company for walks and drives,
November 7, 1896, J. C. Holland, architect, and John F. Stanton, assistant. , , „ „
December 6, 1896. on motion of Secretary of State Bush, a committee composed of K. H.
Semple, George H. Evans and W. E. Hopkins was appointed to work with and under tbe in-
struction of the state-house architect, to make a thorough investigation into the allegeti trauds
in the letting and execution of contracts on the state-house construction during the former ad-
ministration. , ,, , ^^„^ L -1^ J • /-. A
Armory removed from state-house grounds March, 1897; was built during Governor An-
thony's time. , ,. , 1
February 3, 1897, W. C. Hills, assistant architect, discharged. ^ , ^ , , , .
Legislature of 1^97 appropriated $16,600 for grounds, and the unexpended balance of the tax
levied for 1895 and 1896. , . ^ . , , .
June 26, 1897, T. H. Lescher elected state-house architect for the term of two years.
August 31, 1S97. ordered that the architect prepare plans for completing dome.
September 7, 1897, several contracts let tor work on state-house— small jubs.
November 6, 1897, contract made for completing iron, sheet-metal and copper work on dome
to Louis Van Dorp, for $13,800. . , . j • . t it-.^ ir
March 21, 1898, contract for frescoing the interior of the dome given to Jerome l<ideIH,
Electric-light plant placed in State-house and accepted December 9, 1898. r„i , •
The Board of Public Works gradually went into a state of innocuous desuetude. 1 he legis-
lature of 1895 began to ignore it in the aptiropriation of money. The sessions of !89^ 189( and
1899 ordered that all moneys for the state-house be spent under the direction of the Executive
Coancil, and Governor Stanley declined to appoint a board.
May 23, 1P99, walks on the grounds cost to date $10,230.81. j„ .a , „ -,
July 1, 18S<9, the fourth finor was entirely unfinished; third, second and first floor halls and
corridors unfinished ; basement and south half and state library unfinished.
John F. Htanton elected architect of the State-house June 30, 1899. »
Octotier 20, 1899, it was oidered that estimates be made of cost of completing third and
fourth floors. „ , ... , ,o„n j ^i i- irnn
The legislature of 1899 levied one and one-fourth mills tax for 1899 and the same for ii-00.
November 28, 1900, State Historical Society given south wing, fourth floor; metal furnishing
for library costing $11,718 ordered. . . , , ^ , j«.,.rn/ii
The session of 1901 appropriated $100,000 for the completion of the state house, and $41, .500 to
purchase site and building heating plant separate. A location opposite the south and east cor-
ner of the ground, Tenth and Jackson, was purchased and the plant erected during that year.
Executive mansion purchased April 27. 1901.
January 21, 1902, contracts were let for completing the far-t floor.
James M. Harvey was the first governor to occupy the offices in the soutbea'^t corner of the
east wing, and Edmund N. Morrill to occupy the elegant and commodious quarters assigned
the gfivernor in the main building. i. ■ -j • j
The Flour City Ornamental Iron Company awarded a contract for the inside iron and mar-
ble stairways, $26,650. Their last voucher for this work was paid March 24, 1903, which, except-
ing a small'con tract for frescoing halls on third and fourth floors, made January 28, 1903, was
the last act in the completion of the Kansas state capitol.
352 KANSAS STATE HISTORICAL SOCIETY.
THE ELEVENTH KANSAS REGIMENT AT PLATTE
BRIDGE.
Written for the Kansas State Historical Society by S. H. Fairfield,* of Alma.
T^HAT mighty army of boys in blue that went forth at country's call to fight
-■■ for freedom and native land is fast melting away. It is disappearing like
the morning cloud and the early dew. In the passing away of Comrade Henry
Grimm, t one of the victims of the Platte Bridge massacre, the campaign of the
Eleventh Kansas regiment against the Indians at the close of the civil war is
brought vividly to my mind.
Henry Grimm was wounded in a battle with hostile Indians at Platte Bridge,
Wyoming territory, 120 miles west of Fort Laramie. The battle lasted during
the three days of July 25, 26, and 27, 1865. It may be interesting to the present
generation to learn something from those who were actual participants in those
eventful, exciting times of forty years ago, the results of which meant so much
for the future of Kansas, and tolled the death-knell for the "poor Indian."
Kansas was menaced on her eastern border by a large Confederate army and
numerous bands of bushwhackers thirsting for Kansas blood, and on the south
and west by nearly all the hostile tribes of Indians of the whole country, who
had been driven westward and still westward for centuries, until at last, on the
Western plains, they came to a halt, and said to the pale-faced brother, "Thus
far we will go, and no further." They were willing, however, to make a treaty
of peace, the terms of which were that the white man should not settle on any
more of their lands; that their hunting-grounds should not be invaded nor their
game destroyed (thus taking away their only means of subsistence), and that no
inroads should be made through their territory. But the white man had dis-
covered gold and rich minerals in the mountains beyond the plains, and thou-
sands of seekers for the yellow metal rushed through the Indian country, killing
and destroying their game. Long trains of wagons were winding their way over
the plains; the mysterious telegraph wires were stretching across their hunting-
grounds to the mountains; engineers were surveying a route for a track for the
*S. H. Fairfield was born September 4, 1833, in Middleton, Essex county, Massachusetts.
Came to Kansas September, 1856, in company with Northern immigrants, led by James Redpath.
Settled at Wabaunsee. Was one of seven original members, with letters, who, in 1857, organ-
ized the Congregational church at Wabaunsee, sometimes called the "Beecher Bible and rifle
church." In 1859 was married to Miss M. K. Burt, of Tabor, Iowa. Was doorkeeper of the state
senate in 1861 ; also of the high court of impeachment. Enlisted in company K, Eleventh Kansas
volunteers, September, 1861. Was assigned toduty as pos-tmaster of hisdivision and of the army
of the border. In 1863 had the entire charge of the military mail in Kansas City for Missouri,
Kansas, and Colorado. March, 1865, was detailed as clerk in the quartermaster's department,
district of the plains. In June rejoined his company at Horse Shoe, Wyo. Ter. Was mustered
out of the service at Fort Leavenworth September 15, 1865. While in the army, was in the bat-
tles of Maysville, Cane Hill, Prairie Grove, Van Buren, Lexington, Big Blue, and Westport.
Was elected county clerk of Wabaunsee county in 1866. Served as county treasurer four years
and one-half, and eighteen years register of deeds. Was editor and proprietor of the Alma
Union two years, aud trustee of Washburn College twenty-five years.
t Henry Grimm died nearVolland, Wabaunsee county, Sunday morning, January 3, 1904. He
was born in Weinsberg, Wurtemburg, Germany, June 16, 1831. He came to Americ* in 1852,
settling at the old town of Westport, now a portion of Kansas City, where he remained until
1857, when he removed to Volland. In 1857 he married Miss Caroline Graff. He left a fine resi-
dence and 2000 acres of land. He suffered all his days from the arrow wounds received at the
Platte river bridge. He was the father of fourteen children, eight boys and six girls.
THE ELEVENTH KANSAS AT PLATTE BRIDGE. 353
iron horse, and all without saying as much as "By your leave" to the Indians.
Too plainly their game would soon be gone, their hunting-grounds taken from
them, and they themselves without a country.
The destruction, under Colonel Chiviogton, of a Cheyenne village, where all
of their old men, women and children were massacred, terribly exasperated the
tribes. In their desperation they started on the war-path, all the numerous
tribes of Indians on the plains and in the mountains banding together in the
death-struggle for their homes and hunting-grounds. One military commander -
declared that never in all the history of the tribes did they do such fighting.
General Mitchell said that the tribes engaged in the Northwest were the Chey-
ennes, Arapahoes, Kiowas, Brules, and Ogallala Sioux, a portion of the Black-
feet, and a large part of what were known as Missouri River Sioux. All were
well supplied from some source, said to be the Mormons, with the best of modern
firearms and ammunition.
In 1865, after gold was discovered in Colorado, that territory had more than
50,000 inhabitants, and all the supplies for this multitude, as well as for the nu-
merous forts and posts on the plains and in the mountains, and New Mexico,
had to be hauled from the Missouri river in wagons, distances of 500 to 1000
miles. There was no railroad nearer than St. Joseph, Mo. All of the lines of
communication from the Missouri river to the mountains had to be guarded by
soldiers, and all the trains passing over these routes were obliged to have a heavy
escort. Major-general Dodge, in his report to the secretary of war, said that the
Indians held the entire overland route from Julesburg to Junction station, near
Denver; that they had destroyed the telegraph lines, captured trains, burned
ranches, and murdered men, women and children indiscriminately, .and that
on the southern route a similar state of affairs existed; that every Indian tribe
capable of mischief, from the British possessions on the north to the Red river
on the south, was at war with us, and that not a train or coach of any kind
could cross the plains in safety without being guarded. As soon as troops could
be spared from the Eastern army they were hurriedly transported to the depart-
ment of the West, some 25,000 troops being sent to the Western frontier.
Our regiment, the Eleventh Kansas cavalry, under Col. P. B Plumb, on its
return from the campaign against General Price, October 21 to 26, 1864, was or-
dered to Fort Riley, to be put in readiness for the campaign on the frontier.
February 20, 1865, we took up the line of march for Fort Kearney, although
one- third of the regiment were still dismounted, and fully one half not properly
clothed, owing to the lack of supplies at Fort Riley. Four days out the mercury
dropped to thirty degrees below zero, yet the march was continued for days and
weeks without fuel, except such as was made from buffalo-chips. At Fort
Kearney the regiment was inspected, its unmounted men were supplied with
horses, and it was again started on the march. We crossed the Platte river at
Julesburg, where the river was half a mile wide, amidst floating ice, and camped
on the north bank for several days, during a driving snow-storm. From this
point we proceeded up the North Platte some 200 miles, to Fort Laramie. Here
the regiment was distributed to various posts and stations throughout the north-
ern Bubdistricts of the plains, commanded by Col. Thomas Moonlight.*
* Thomas Moonlight was bom in Forfarshire, Scotland, November 10, 1833. He was a lad
of wild, adventurous spirit, who had read much about America, and his mind was filled with a
desire to see the country. At thirteen years of age he ran away from school, shipped for
America as a forecastle hand, and landed in Philadelphia without a penny. He crossed the
river into New Jersey and obtained work in a glass factory, afterwards on a farm, and in vari-
ous capacities, until May 17, 1853, when he enlisted in the regular army as an artilleryman, and
in the following August was ordered to Texas. He served there until the fall of 1856. For a
—24
354 KANSAS STATE HISTORICAL SOCIETY.
Most of the posts had stockades, built of logs twenty feet long, set in the
ground close together and pinned, and port-holes made through them. These
stockades held a company or more of men. with their horses and transportation.
A part of the regiment was stationed at the different posts for over 100 miles up
the North Platte — Horse Shoe Creek, La Bonta, Deer Creek, and Platte Bridge.
All these posts had stockades, and were from thirty to thirty-five miles apart.
Troops from these posts guarded the overland telegraph, furnished escorts, and
scouted the country for marauding parties of Indians.
On the 20th of May 200 Indians attacked the Deer Creek station, captured
some thirty horses, and were repulsed by forces under Col. P. B. Plumb. On
the 27th Colonel Moonlight captured Two Face and Black Foot, Sioux chiefs,
with their bands. They had with them a Mrs. Eubanks and her little daughter.*
She had been captured by the Cheyennes on the Little Blue, and was in a pitia-
ble condition. Moonlight says that he "tied the two chiefs up by the neck with
a trace-chain, suspended from a beam of wood, and left them there without any
foothold." I remember seeing the cruel savages hanging by the neck on one of
the hills north of the fort. Seven hundred Indians were fed for several weeks
at Laramie by the government, but as it was costly to keep them there they
year he soldiered in Florida against the Seminoles. His command was then ordered North,
and he was mustered out May 17, 1858, at Fort Leavenworth, having risen to the rank of orderly
sergeant. He was immediately appointed chief clerk of the commissary department at Fort
Leavenworth, remaining in this capacity until October, 1859, when he purchased a farm in
Leavenworth county, which he occupied until the breaking out of the war, in 1861. June 19 of
that year he raised a battery of light artillery, and he was immediately mustered in as a cap-
tain of artillery. He participated in battles of Drywood, BoUiuger's Mills, Morristown, and
Osceola. In May, 1862, he was appointed by President Lincoln assistant adjutant general, with
headquarters at Fort Leavenworth. In September, 1862, he was made lieutenant-colonel of the
Eleventh Kansas infantry, and was chief of staff under General Blunt, participating in tho bat-
tles of Fort Wayne, Cane Hill, Prairie Grove, and Van Buren. He engaged in all the battles of
the Price raid in, 1864, He was mustered out August, 1865, a brevet brigadier-general. In 1864
he was a presidential elector for Lincoln. In 1867 he was appointed United States collector.
In 1868 he was elected secretary of state of the stute of Kansas. In 1872 lie was elected state
senator for Leavenworth county ; then he had some surveying contracts, and in 1877 was city
marshal of Leavenworth. He was a Republican until 1870, when he became a Democrat. In
1884 President Cleveland appointed him governor of Wyoming. In 1892 Cleveland made him
minister to Bogota. He died at Leavenworth, February 7, 1899. He was a very forceful polit-
ical orator.
♦Coutant's History of Wyoming, pages 441, 442, publishes the report of Colonel Moonlight,
giving an account of the capture and hanging of Two Face and Black Foot, and the recovery of
Mrs. Eubanks and daughter. The History of Wyoming says the execution of these two Indian
chiefs caused quite a sensation at Fort Laramie at the time. Colonel Bullock, the post trader,
made a strong protest against the execution, and when he had finished Colonel Moonlight said :
'•Well, Colonel Bullock, you think there will be a massacre? Let me tell you there will be two
Indians who will nut take part in it. Good day, sir." And Moonlight bowed the post trader
out of his quarters.
Another account, from a Denver newspaper, published in "The Overland Stage," by Frank
A. Root, pages 353-356, says that Mrs. Eubauks's husband, Joseph Eubanks, was a stage-driver
and station-keeper. On August 7, 1864, her husband and all her family, except a child one and
a half years old, were killed, and her husband scalped before her ejes; ten settlers and nine
stage men were also killed by the Cheyennes. Mrs. Eubanks was in captivity fourteen months.
This accouut says that it was this outbreak of the Indians that caused the Sand Creek massacre
by Colonel Chivington, November 29, 1864, about forty miles from Fort Lyon. Cliivingtou in
his report says he killed between 500 and 600 Indians, captured 550 ponies, mules, and horses.
and destroyed all their lodges and other paraphernalia, himself losing ten killed and forty
wonnded. This account says that Colonel Baum was in command of Laramie, and that he
reported to General Connor that he had the three chiefs, Two Face, Doc 'Billy, and Big
Thunder, who had been specially brutal to Mrs. Eubanks. Connor telegraphed, "Where are
those villians now?" and the answer clicked, " In chains." Connor responded, "Hang them ia
chains," Later Connor messaged : "I was a little hasty. Bring them to Julesburg and give the
THE ELEVENTH KANSAS AT PLATTE BRIDGE. 855
were ordered to be sent to Julesburg, Captain Fouts, of the Seventh Iowa, with
three troops of cavalry, left Fort Laramie as escort to these 700 Indians. He
also had in charge 185 lodges of Sioux Indians, numbering about 2000.
On the second day out, near Fort Mitchell, on the North Platte, the Indians
mutinied and made an attack on the escort, killing and mutilating Captain Fouts
and several of the soldiers, and then the whole outfit fled across the river. A
dispatch was sent to Colonel Moonlight at Fort Laramie, who immediately
started in pursuit with a force of California, Ohio and Kansas troops. When
120 miles out, in the early morning at the camp on Dead Man's fork, he was
attacked by a large force of Indians. After a sharp engagement they succeeded
in stampeding his horses. This necessitated the abandonment of the pursuit.
Moonlight burned his saddles and took up the weary march back to Fort Lara-
mie on foot. On his arrival there he was relieved of his command by Gen. P.
Edward Connor, commander of the district of the plains, and ordered to Fort
Leavenworth, to be mustered out of the service. It was a cruel order and a great
injustice to a brave soldier. Colonel Moonlight was the peer of any officer that
ever drew sword west of the Missouri river.
The feeling among the soldiers was bitter against General Connor, and there
were those among them who would have released him from his command on
short notice and without requiring him to report to Fort Leavenworth for mus-
ter-out. He kept the Eleventh Kansas in the Indian country two months after
they had been ordered home by the government to be mustered out, and then
took their horses and transportation from them out on the desert, hundreds of
miles away, letting them find their way to civilization.
General Connor gave the following order to the commanders of his expedition :
"You will not receive overtures of peace or submission from Indians, but will
attack and kill every male Indian over twelve years of age." How will this com-
pare with General Weyler, the Spanish butcher, in Cuba? Some one has said
that you only have to scratch the skm of a civilized man to find the savage.
On the 11th day of May five companies of the Eleventh Kansas, under
Colonel Plumb, were ordered to Fort Halleck, 120 miles from Fort Laramie, to
wretches a trial." The colonel reported: " Dear General — I obeyed your first order before I
received the second." Mrs. Eubanks many years after lived at McCune, Kan.
The following is the report of Col. Thomas Moonlight, dated Fort Laramie, May 27, 1865,
addressed to Capt. George F. Price ( Rebellion Records, series I, volume 48, part 1, page 276) :
"I have the honor to submit the following report of the capture of Two Face and Black
Foot, 6ioux chiefs of the Ogallala tribe, along with their band, and the execution of the two
chiefs:
"About the 18th instant some Indians were discovered on the north side of the Platte, near
the Indian village, encamped ten miles east of Laramie. Mr. Elst'>n, in charge of the Indian
village, took a party of Indian soldiers and captured what was found to be Two Face, having a
white woman prisoner ( Mrs. Eubanks ) and her little daughter, whom he had purchased from
the Uhe.vennes. During the same evening and next morning early the other Indians who were
witli Two Face, and who h»d fled on approach of Elston's party, were also captured and
lodged in the guard-house here. Mrs. Eubanks gave information of the whereabouts of Black
Foot and the village, and a party of Indian soldiers started to bring them in, dead or alive.
The village was found about lOU miles northeast of here, on Snake fork, and compelled to sur-
render without being able to make any fight. Black Foot and his companions were placed in
the guard-house with the others, making six men in confinement. Both of the chiefs openly
boasted that they had killed white men, and that they would do it again, if let loose; so I con-
cluded to tie them up by the neck with a trace-chain, suspended from a beairi (jf wood, and
leave them there without any foothold. The property cnptured was as follows: Six United
States mules, three United States horses, five mnJes not branded, but I believe claimed by
some party down the river, and fifteen ponies, in miserable condition, which I left in charge of
Mr. Elston for the use of the Indian soldiers in scouting. The other animals wern turned in to
the acting a-sistant quartermaster, to be taken up on his return. On the person of Two Fac&
was found t220 in greenbacks, which I g-ve to Mrs Eubanks, also fifty dollars taken from an-
other of the band. This lady was captured by the Cheyennes on the Little Blue last fall,
•where her husband was kilh d, along with several others. She was treated in a beastly manner
by the Cheyennes, a^d purchased from them during the winter by Two Face and Blsck Foot,
who compelled her to toil and labor as their squaw, resorting, in some instances, to lashes, ^he
was in a wretched condition when she was brought in, having been dragged across the Piatt©
river with a rope. v*>he was almost naked, and told some horrible tales of the barbarity and
cruelty of the Indians."
356 KANSAS STATE HISTORICAL SOCIETY.
reopen and protect the route of 400 miles from Camp Collins, Colo., to Green river.
For 200 miles of this distance the Indians had full sway. They had captured all
the horses and destroyed all the stage company's property. Colonel Plumb dis-
tributed his five companies at different points along the entire line, and again
opened the overland communication between the East and the West. The
stages, loaded with United States mail, were drawn by cavalry horses. Soldiers
were drivers. His troops were constantly on duty protecting the telegraph line,
escorting trains, and repelling attacks of the Indians, who were always on hand,
ready to strike at any unguarded point.
The wily foe well understood that if the soldiers' horses could be stampeded
they had them at a great disadvantage, and they hovered around the posts and
lines of travel, watching for a chance to make a dash when the troops were off
their guard or in small bodies. The headquarters of the troops on the North
Platte were at Platte Bridge, under command of Maj. Martin Anderson,* of the
Eleventh Kansas cavalry, company I, of the same regiment, under Captain
Greer, being on duty there.
Platte Bridge was a strategic point. f It was here that the savages from the
Powder river country crossed to the lines of travel on the southern overland
route, where they reaped a rich harvest, intercepting travel, plundering and rob-
bing richly laden trains. United States mail, and valuable express. The military
forces at the bridge were a hindrance to their predatory raids, and the redskins
were determined to remove the soldiers out of their path. This made the post a
dangerous one for a small body of troops to hold. The Indians were always bold
and ugly at that point. June 26, Lieut. W. Y. Drew, of company I, with twenty-
five men, while repairing the telegraph line, had a hard scrimmage with some
300 warriors that pounced down upon them. On the 2d of July the whole of
company I was attacked by several hundred Indians, some twelve miles from the
bridge. Major Anderson then ordered a detachment of troops from D, H and
K companies to report at headquarters at the bridge for duty, thus bringing up
the number of enlisted men to 120 and two teepees of Snake Indians. This force
was wholly inadequate to be statiooed in the heart of the Indian country swarm-
ing with savages.
* Martin Anderson was born in Columbiana county, Ohio, September 17, 1817. In 1833, af-
ter receiving a common-school education, he went to Pittsburgh, Pa., and learned the carpen-
ter's trade. He followed the trade in Ohio until he came to Kansas, in June, 1857, settling at
Valley Falls. January 1, 1858, he moved to Holton. In 1859 he was one of twelve men who
organized the Republican party in Jackson county. The party were assaulted, and Mr. Ander-
son received a blow on the head with a club, from which he was unconscious for seventy-two
hours. He was in the care of a physician for six months. In the fall of 1858 he was elected
probate judge, serving one term. In 1860 he was elected to the territorial legislature. In 1861
he was elected to the first state legislature, and was the main instigator of the investigation
which ended in the impeachment of the auditor and secretary of state. In 1862 he enlisted as
a private soldier in the Eleventh Kansas, and was made captain of company B. He partici-
pated in the battles of Fort Wayne, Cane Hill, Prairie Grove, and Van Buren. In 1863 he be-
came senior major of the regiment. In the Price raid, in 1864, he commanded a battalion of
cavalry in the battles of Lexington, Little Blue, Big Blue, and Westport. At the close of the
campaign against the Indians he returned with his regiment to Leavenworth, and was mustered
oot in September, 1865. He returned to a farm near Circleville. In 1866 he was elected state
treasurer, serving one term. He served two terms as mayor of Holton. April 19, 1838, he was
laarried to Ellen Hauck, who was born in Maryland, December 9, 1819. The fruit of this mar.
riage was two children — Thomas JefiFerson Anderson and Luticia Ann. Mr. Anderson removed
to Topeka in 1892, where he died, July 9, 1897.
■ tOnly two names can be recognized on the latest map of Wyoming, and those are Labonte
and Deer creek, the latter being about 100 miles on an air line from Fort Laramie, in the
southwest corner of Converse county. Platte Bridge was thirty miles up the river from Deer
ci^k, which would be about Casper, in Natrona county.
THE ELEVENTH KANSAS AT PLATTE BRIDGE. 357
About the middle of July I went with a mail detail of twelve men from Platte
Bridge 100 miles down the line toward Fort Laranaie. We were gone ten days,
having to travel 'mostly in the night, as it was unsafe to travel by daylight in
small bodies. While at Horse Shoe station we learned that the Indians had
appeared again along the North Platte, and in our rear, in large numbers,
and were liable to give us serious trouble on our return. We arrived at Deer
Creek, where our company was stationed, on the 24th of July. Another detail
of twelve men under Corp. Henry Grimm relieved us and proceeded to Platte
Bridge with the mail. They arrived there on the 25th; also a small detachment
of the Eleventh Ohio from Sweet Water bridge. The Indians had been hang-
ing around the bridge for several days and were bold and saucy, which indi-
cated that they were there in force. In the early morning of July 25 a small
band attempted to stampede the horses that were grazing just below the bridge
on the south side of the river, where company I, commanded by Capt. J. E.
Greer, was camped, but the soldiers finally succeeded in getting them into the
stockade.
Reenforcements coming from the post, the Indians were driven back. The
Indians rallied, and in their turn drove our boys back and recovered the body of
their dead chief.
About nine o'clock on the morning of the 26th, a train of wagons from Sweet
Water, escorted by twenty-five men, under command of Sergt. Amos J. Custard,
company H, Eleventh Kansas, was seen coming over the hills some two or three
miles away. The howitzers were fired to warn them of danger.
A detail of twenty-five men from I and K companies, under Sergeant Han-
kammer, including the mail party under Corporal Grimm, was ordered to go to
the relief of Sergeant Custard. Lieut. Caspar Collins, Eleventh Ohio, who had
just arrived with Grimm's mail party, volunteered to take command of the de-
tachment. They crossed the bridge to the north side of the river, and at full
speed made their way toward the hills. They had proceeded about half a mile
when, from behind the hills and out of the ravines, came swooping down upon
them hundreds of Indians, yelling, whooping, shooting arrows and rifles, and
riding in circles about them like so many fiends, while a large body of them,
coming down from the bluffs, attempted to get between them and the bridge.
Captain Greer, company I, seeing the peril threatening the brave boys under
Collins, charged across the bridge with the balance of his company and poured
a deadly fire into the howling savages, driving them back, and thus opening a
way of retreat for Collins and his men, if they succeeded in making their way
through the hundreds of savages that surrounded them. Collins, finding that
more than half of his men were killed or wounded, gave command for every one
to make for the bridge. It was a race for life. Nehring, a private of company
K, Eleventh Kansas, not understanding the order, dismounted to fight from a
deep washout in the road. Grimm, looking around, yelled to him in German
"To the bridge !" That was the last that was seen of poor Nehring. Camp, also
of company K, Eleventh Kansas, lost his horse and then ran for dear life, but
when within a few rods of safety was overtaken and tomahawked.* Sergeant
Hankammer's horse was wounded, but carried him safely to the bridge and
there dropped.
A wounded soldier fell from his horse and called out to his comrades, "Do n't
♦Camp's horse was killed and he himself wounded. After he fell he crawled on his hands
and knees to within 500 yards of the river, when an Indian buried a tomahawk in his head.
W. K. Lord, now of Dodpe City, a company I soldier, lying under the bank of the river, fired and
killed the Indian, The soldiers at the bridge covered the body of Camp with their rifles while
Lord and two comrades went out and brought him in.
358
KANSAS STATE HISTORICAL SOCIETY.
leave me! do n't leave me!" Collins
turned and rode back to the man, and
thus lost all possibility of saving his
own life. The brave lieutenant was
mounted on a magnificent horse, and
might have escaped had he not gone
back on this errand of mercy. It was
a miracle that any man escaped. Our
friendly Snake Indians reported that
they heard the order given by the chiefs
of the wild Indians, "Stop firing ! You
are killing our own men." This, added
to the fact that the Indians were so
massed, was what probably saved our
boys. The bridge across the Platte
was of 1000 feet span and the stockade
was on the south bank of the river,
near the bridge. Our sbldiers held the
bridge and stockade, although the In-
CouET HocsE Rock.
Fifty miles northwest of Julesburg, on the
old military trail from Julesburg to Fort
Laramie. Situated in a sandy desert and is
apparently solid sand. Supposed to have
been a high hill or mountain once, and that
the storms which have been sweeping the
desert for ages have whittled it down to its
present grotesque shape. The Eleventh Kan-
bas, on its way to Wyoming, circled this
strange natural monument and some of the
boys inscribed their names on the highest
pinnacle.
dians crossed the river above and below
the bridge and fought desperately, harassing our forces on every side throughout
that day and a part of the next. On the evening of the 26th two men came out
of the chaparral in a bend of the river on the south side, about one-half a mile
above the bridge. A party went out to rescue them. They proved to be com-
pany D boys from Sergeant Custard's command. They said that, when they
heard the howitzers in the morning. Custard ordered a corporal to take five men
and go forward to see what the firing
meant. They had proceeded but a
short distance when they were cut oflf
from Custard's escort. Pursued by the
Indians they struck for the river, but
only three of them succeeded in cross-
ing to the south bank, and one of these
was killed before the friendly shelter of
the chaparral was reached. The nine-
teen men remaining with the train un-
der Custard were also surrounded, but
made a brave fight from ten in the
forenoon until three in the afternoon.
From that time there was an ominous
silence which, to the troops at the
bridge, boded ill for Custard and his
men. Five squadrons of the Sixth
Michigan cavalry at Laramie were or-
dered by forced marches to Platte
Bridge to relieve the garrison. Major
Anderson, on the evening of the 26th,
sent a telegram to Lieutenant Hubbard,
at Deer Creek, giving an account of
the battle, but the Indians, during its
transmission, cut the wires, so the mes-
sage as received was only fragmentary.
La Prelle Creek.
A small stream that enters the North Platte
some sixty miles below Platte Bridge. It takes
its rise somewhere west of the Deer Creek
range of mountains. By some convulsion of
nature the mountain range was cleft, and
a deep gorge made for the stream to pass
through. Entering the valley on the east side,
it flows under a natural arched bridge, by a
channel made through solid rock. The banks
of La Prellecreek were lined with trees, mostly
box-elders. Near a bridge on this creek a
company of the Eleventh Kansas was stationed
for four weeks. While there a b-ind of Indians
undertook to stampedethe hor.ses, but were re-
puled without loss Had they come down in
force, as they did at Platte Bridge a few weeks
later, there would not have been a soldier left
to tell the tale, there being no stockade nor
any protection for horses or men, while the
nearest post was thirty miles away.
THE ELEVENTH KANSAS AT PLATTE BRIDGE. 359
Major Anderson isgueu an order to Lieutenant Hubbard, at Deer Creek, to re-
enforce him at once, as his troops were nearly out of ammunition, and he could
hold out but a short time. Two friendly Snake Indians were paid $150 to take
the order to Deer Creek, thirty-five miles distant. They started from the bridge
after dark, took to the mountains and followed down the range, and delivered
the order just at dawn the next morning. Lieutenant Hubbard put his company
in readiness at once and made a forced march to the bridge.
Arriving there about three o'clock in the afternoon, we were cheered lustily
as we came in. The main body of the Indians had apparently withdrawn. The
next morning we took an ambulance and went out to gather up our dead.
We found Nehring with his arms bound to his body by telegraph wire, his bands
and feet cut off, his tongue and heart cut out, and otherwise horribly mutilated.
Nearly one hundred arrows were sticking in his body; a long spear pierced it
through to the ground. Lieutenant Collins was found a half-mile from the
bridge, stripped, and cut up in a fiendish manner. The company I soldier was
also stripped and mutilated, but for some reason Camp's body had escaped such
awful indignity. The arrow that pierced Grimm was pulled through after the
feather end was cut off. The arrow in his spine remained there for over four
hours during the battle. He begged the doctor to take it out, and not let him
die with it in his back.
On the afternoon of the 27th, twenty-five of us boys, under Lieut. Paul
Grimm, went out in search of Sergeant Custard and his men. We followed the
telegraph road among the hills. Several miles from the bridge we came to a
washout, where the boys had made a stand.
On three sides the embankment was three or four feet high, but on the west
there was only slight protection. Into this washout they had driven one of their
wagons, and from behind such meager embankments the poor fellows fought for
their lives for five long hours. Here we found the mangled and mutilated bodies
of Sergeant Custard and hie eighteen men. Seventeen of them had been left
lying upon their faces, their bodies pinioned to the ground with long spears-
They had been stripped and cut up in a shocking manner. The wagoner was
strapped to his feed-box, and hot irons from the hubs of the wagon-wheels were
placed along his back, apparently when he was alive. The charred remains of
one man were among the coals where the wagon was burned. The next day an-
other detail of twenty-five men, under command of Lieutenant Hubbard,* went
* Lieut. J. M. Hubbard, now a resident of Middletown, Conn., under date March 5, 1904
writes as follows :
" I have read with great interest your account of the Indian campaign of '65. It recalls
vividly the experiences of that eventful summer, although a considerable portion of your narra-
tive is of events with which I was not directly connected.
" I had b^en on detached service away from the regiment for nearly a year, and rejoined the
company, I think in June, at La Prelle Creek, one of our stations which you do not mention.
Afterwards we moved to Deer Creek, from which station we made our march to the relief of the .
garrison at Platte Bridge. I have often thought of that march as apparently involving more of
danger than any other undertaking which fell to my lot during my three years of service
" There were just fifty of us, and we were moving to the relief of a post invested by an un-
counted swarm of savages, probably outnumbering us twenty times over or more. And when-
ever I have thought of it my heart has thrillfMi with pride at the way the boys of K company
faced the situation. There was no sign of flinching, though every one understood the peril of
the movement.
" I remember, too, the reply which Henry Grimm made to me when I asked him if he wished
us to take him along with us on the homeward march. You know that tbe doctor had strongly
advised against it, and gave very little hope for his life in any event. But it seemed to me that
if he was left b'=*hind he would be likely to die of homesickness, even if his wound did not prove
fatal, and I told him that while the trip would be hard on him, he should go if ho wished it, and
we would do the best for him we could. Henry said: ' Yes, take me along; if I am to die, I at
least want to die on the road home.' I am inclined to think that being on the road home was
the very best medicine in the world for him. And the seemingly interminable extent of those
dusty plains, as we trailed day after day for forty long summer days to cross them and reach our
destination at Fort Leavenworth, to be mustered out of the service and to scatter to our several
homes, to take up as best we could the broken threads of civil life ! None of us, I think, could
ever be just what we were before those three years of army life, or what we would have been if
we had never had that experience."
360 KANSAS STATE HISTORICAL SOCIETY.
out and buried the poor fellows where they had sacrificed their lives so dearly.
A long ditch was dug and lined with blankets. In it the dead were laid side by
side, with rubber blankets spread over them, and then the bodies were covered
with the sands of the desert. How naany Indians were killed in the battle will
never be known. In a communication from General Dodge, he says: "Informa-
tion from our scouts shows that their loss must have been greater than at first
supposed. The Indians threw away all the scalps they had taken from our men,
a sure sign that they had lost more than they had killed."
It was estimated that over 2000 Indians were engaged in the fight, and that
over one-third of Major Anderson's forces were killed or wounded.*
A few days after the battle our regiment was relieved by the Sixth Michigan
and we were ordered to Fort Leavenworth to be mustered out ; so we soon took
up our line of march for the white man's country. Between Fort Laramie and
Julesburg all of our serviceable horses were taken from us, and we were left to
plod our way several hundred miles on foot. At Fort Kearney our transporta-
tion was also taken from us and all of our belongings dumped on the banks of
the Platte river. After having served our country faithfully for three years, we
felt that we were cruelly and unjustly treated. But the curses of the boys
rested on General Connor, commander of the district, and not on our country.
There was possibly some excuse for the oflBcers in command. They were at their
wits' end as to how to furnish equipment for the contemplated campaign-
Troubles arose which were unlocked for when they planned the expedition into
the heart of the Indian country. Even before they were sent to the plains most
of the horses were worn out by the hard campaigns in the South. Transporta-
tion for the troops was insufficient. Added to these difficulties were the in-
subordination and desertion of the troops. The soldiers claimed that the term
for which they enlisted had expired, and that they were entitled to be mustered
out, but by some arbitrary power were held in service. Many of the officers
were arbitrary and tyrannical, and the soldiers were wicked enough to believe
that the general officers were not anxious for the strife to come to an end, but
were fighting the Indians on the same principle that boys used to torment hor-
nets, punching their nest just to see them fight. The war department of the
plains and the various Indian agents were at swords' points. One was for ex-
* L. W. Emmons, late corporal company L, Eleventh Kansas regiment, writes from 71 Shelby
street, Detroit, Mich., under date of March 19, 1904:
" Personally I was not in that bloody scrap at Platte Bridge, my company (L, Capt. Henry
Booth) being at that date posted at other points. We had been at Deer Creek, Horse Shoe,
La Banta, and other points in that land. I was one of the boys on that ' excursion ' to the Old
Woman's fork of White river (not Dead Man's fork) under Colonel Moonlight, 115 strong, a
part of our company, with a company of California troops, when the redskins stampeded our
horses. It was this little troop that was ordered post-haste from Fort Laramie to the rescue of
the troops, of which Capt. Wm. D. Fonts, of the Seventh Iowa, and some of his men were butch-
ered. We went with two days' rations, and followed the reds into the hills 120 miles from Lara-
mie, practically without grub, and about 100 miles of the tramp without water. I well
remember how angry the California boys were over the loss of our horses, the mutterings and
threats against Moonlight; and the first day of our 'retreat' I fully expected to see our colonel
plugged in the back by some fool Californian. But no outrage of that nature happened. Im-
mediately on our arrival at Fort Laramie, footsore and tired as we were, our company was
ordered back to Fort Hal leek, in the southwest. And it was there we were stationed when the
affair at Platte Bridge occurred. You say that the loss of the redskins was greater than that
of the soldiers because the reds threw away scalps, and so it was, as we at Fort Hallock were in
possession of facts in a remarkably short time after the fight. Our information came to us
through some ' good Inguns ' at the fort, who had their information from passing Indian runners
from the scene of the conflict. And the information was that 210 Indians were killed and
wounded, and that the soldiers 'fought like devils.' My company was a year on the plains be-
fore joining the regiment at Fort Riley on our northwestern trip, previous to which we had
done the central and the southern routes from Salina and Fort Larned up the Arkansas valley to
Fort Lyon, Myself, with a small detachment of company L, were at Sand creek when Chiving-
ton with the First Colorado regiment did the act you mentioned to that band of Indians, who
deserved what they got, notwithstanding Chivington was court-martialed, as was Moonlight,
without just cause. My company (L) had the pleasure of hoofing it through from Fort Halleck
to Fort Leavenworth, about 1000 miles, to be mustered out, and then about 100 miles back home
again to God's country, in Pottawatomie county."
THE ELEVENTH KANSAS AT PLATTE BRIDGE. 361
termination ; the other demanded a treaty of peace. General Dodge, in a com-
munication to General Pope, says : " I desire that the government may understand
that it has either got to abandon the country west entirely to the Indians or
meet the war issue presented ; that there are 15,000 warriors in open hostility
against us in the north and about 10,000 in the south, and never before have
we had so extensive a war on the plains, so well armed and supplied as now."*
Had the military arm of the government in the West been let loose it would
have wiped the redskins off the face of the earth. But a different spirit per-
vaded the country. It was tired of bloodshed, turmoil, and strife. As soon as the
clouds of war had passed over in the South the people began to breathe easier,
but, on looking westward, they beheld a dark, ominous cloud rolling up in the
sky. They were alarmed and began asking what it meant. Commissioners were
sent out by the president to see what was behind the cloud. The secretary of
war wrote General Grant: "The president is much concerned about the Indian
expedition. The secretary declares his inability to meet an expenditure so large
and unexpected, and not sanctioned by the government. Have you any infor-
mation to relieve the president's anxiety or to satisfy him as to the object or de-
sign of the expedition ? Who planned it ? "
General Grant to Secretary Stanton : "They have been planned under Gen-
eral Pope's direction. I will go to St. Louis in a few days and look into this
matter myself."
General Grant to Major-general Pope, commanding the department of Mis-
' souri: "The quartermaster and commissary generals report requisitions of such
magnitude coming from Leavenworth as to alarm them. Look into this and
stop all unnecessary expenditures."
General Pope's headquarters were at St. Louis, and he instructed his gener-
als in the field to plan and manage the campaign against the Indians and make
requisitions on the government. They, being on the ground, would know what
was best. This proved to be erroneous, for reckless expenditures were made
without the approval of the government. The United States quartermaster re-
ported, August 6, 1865, to the secretary of war that $10,000,000 of supplies had
* Major-general Dodge, in one of bis reports, said that there appeared to be a perfect or-
ganization extending from Denver to tlie Missouri river, and that all the rascals in the West
were in the combination, stealing and committing all kinds of depredations. Col. Samuel
Walker had a sample of it on his ■way to Fort Laramie with his regiment. He camped one night
at a deserted ranch. Some of his soldiers discovered the toes of a man protruding out of the
ground. On removing the earth they found the body of a man that had been murdered and
placed there but a few days before. The colonel sent a squad of men back, and they learned
that an old man and a boy had passed west on the road with a load of apples a few days before.
Walker then sent a sergeant and some men west as far as Fort Kearney ; there they found a boy
sixteen years' old with a team peddling apples. The soldiers took him back to the regiment,
and he confessed that he had killed the man. He said they were in camp and the old gentle-
man was cooking supper, and he came up behind him and brained him with a hatchet and then
took his team with the load of apples and went on to Kearney. The colonel called a council of
his officers and told them that he had decided to have the young criminal shot, and not turn
him loose to kill other men, and his oiBcers coincided with him. A box was made for a cotfin
from some old boards. The boy stood by with his arms folded, facing the soldiers with their
rifles that were drawn up to shoot him, as coolly as if he was having his picture taken. The
Nebraska soldiers were greatly incensed at Walker for taking the law into his own hands in
their territory. The regiment, on its way west, passed one of their posts. The Nebraska offi-
cers took the colonel to task for his presumption. Walker told them that their country was
full of desperadoes, and they would kill a man for five dollars. A private stepped up to him
and said: " You are a d liar." He had not more than gotten the words out of his mouth
before down came the colonel's revolver onto his head, laying bare his skull. The soldier de-
clared that he would kill Walker if he had to go to the ends of the earth for him. Colonel
Walker died a natural death in Lawrence a few years ago. (See sketch of Samuel Walker, sixth
volume Kansas Historical Collections, pages 249-274.)
362 KANSAS STATE HISTORICAL SOCIETY.
been sent to the army in the west, exclusive of the outfit of the troops, wagons,
animals, clothing and stores taken with the troops in their own trains.
Had the expedition which had already started been allowed to go on as
planned by General Pope and his generals, the treasury of the United States
would have been in a condition similar to that of England at the close of the
Boer war.
The peace commissioners sent out by the president, with authority to make
treaties with the warlike Indians, in conjunction with the United States Indian
agents, succeeded in getting the chiefs of most of the tribes in council. A cessa-
tion of hostilities was agreed upon until October, when the chiefs of the tribes
would meet in council, with the commissioners appointed by the president, to
make treaties of perpetual peace, and thus the war was practically ended, and
most of the troops in the Indian country were relieved from duty and ordered
back to their various states, to be mustered out of the service.
Our regiment having been furnished transportation from a train returning
from the mountains, we again took up our weary tramp of 300 miles for home.
We did not have the appearance of returning heroes, neither did we look like a
very formidable foe. We scattered along the road like so many schoolboys, but
always brought up at night with the wagons that held our grub and blankets.
It cheered our hearts when we first saw our dear old Kansas, with her fields
of waving corn and broad prairies covered with green, so unlike the desert we
had left behind. Above all", it was "home, sweet home," Arriving at Fort
Leavenworth, muster-out rolls were prepared and, just three years from the time
we were enlisted into the service for three years or during the war, we were
mustered out. As soon as the boys were free they made for their homes, to
enter again the peaceful walks of life. Friends of a large number of the soldiers
came with wagons to take them home, but many had to go on foot, for railroads
were an unknown quantity in Kansas in those days.
THE BIG SPRINGS CONVENTION.
Paper read by R. G. Elliott at the meetiner of the "Fifty-sixers," at Lawrence,
Saturday, September 13, 1902.
TF "every human action gains in honor, in grace, in all true magnificence, by
-■- its regard to things to come," what honor should be given to the movement,
gentle as the breeze upon the vapor, that condensed and harmonized the hetero-
geneous and refractory political elements of Kansas, and molded them into a
living form, from which was evolved the brightest star in the constellation of
states.
Such an agent was the Big Springs convention. Yet, though it imprinted its
name indelibly upon the history of Kansas, its position in the chain of events
that make up that history has been misplaced, its origin misrepresented, its
character misunderstood, and its conclusions misconstrued. From a mistaken
point of view, Professor Spring treats it, to use his own phrase, with "verbal
caustics," terming it "a kind of organic connection of all the anti- Missouri ele-
ments denominating themselves the free-state party," Other writers have taken
only the conclusions of the convention as so much prepared matter to be em-
bodied in their histories. Only one seems to have obtained from the outside a
comprehensive view, and that only of the bodily organization. As the only ap-
preciative description known to exist, it is worthy of repeating. It was by John
Speer, who opposed the movement from its inception :
THE BIG SPRINGS CONVENTION. 363
"The Big Springs convention became noted throughout the Union. . . .
It was the first consolidated mass of the freemen of Kansas in resistance to the
oppressions attempted by the usurping legislature, and was as intelligent, earnest
and heroic a body of men as ever assembled to resist the tyranny of George
III. , . , The people came from all portions of the territory. No hamlet or
agricultural community was unrepresented. Men started before daylight from
dangerous pro-slavery places, like Kickapoo, Delaware, Lecompton, and else-
where, to avoid interruption if not assassination."
But the full significance of this assembly can be understood only from a com-
prehensive view of the prevailing conditions that called it into being; and as
the germ from which was developed the organization of statehood, the impor-
tance of the subject demands for it minute consideration.
The order of statehood development was:
1. Natural inflow of immigration.
2. Organization of the free-state political forces at Big Springs.
3. Adjusting the free-state policy to changed conditions at Grasshopper
Falls, August 26, 1857.
4. Assumption of legislative authority by free-state men, at the legislative
election of October, 1857.
5. Perfecting the development of the free state in the Wyandotte convention.
Other movements were experimental or subsidiary. The prevailing theory,
however, that upon which Kansas history has been written, is:
Organized or scientific emigration, imbued, to use Ingalls's term, with the
"invincible potency of the Puritan idea."
Organized repudiation of the territorial government by free-state men.
Organization of an experimental, independent state government by free-state
men.
The blending of the Topeka state government, through the agency of its ex-
ecutive, with the reformed territorial organization, in 1857-'58.
The Big Springs convention had its origin in the spirit of dissent, fast merg-
ing into revolt, against an organized movement proposing armed resistance to
the territorial government, and was a departure from the course into which the
opponents of slavery were being forced by assumed leaders.
The situation which called the convention into being was one of great peril,
both to the political issue in controversy and to the safety of the community.
The movement for armed resistance, first openly revealed at the Lawrence cele-
bration of the Fourth of July, 1855, burdened the party of freedom with a charge
of insurrection, and involved the whole territory in a conflict with an unscrupu-
lous and relentless enemy, which could command for its most perverse acts the
support of the federal government. In fact, organized resistance compelled fed-
eral interference, and provoked lawless retaliation. In short, with a feeble
minority in Congress to support it, the free-state party in Kansas could, at the
most, supplant usurpation with anarchy.
The strength of the pro-slavery element in the territory had been measured
by the first wave of emigration, having its fountainhead in Missouri, and the
force of its allies had reached a waning maximum in the invasion of the polls
March 30, 1855. Its power lay in these allies, who were a tide that ebbed and
flowed with the pressure of emergencies; but it was organized and under the
command of astute and unscrupulous commanders.
The anti-slavery element was the deposit of a steady flow of population which
was annually bearing westward on its tide the material for the peopling of a
state. From the states of Ohio, Indiana, Illinois, Iowa, and Missouri, the hives
364 KANSAS STATE HISTORICAL SOCIETY.
of pioneers, was an average migration of 70,000, as shown by the federal census
of that period. It was an army, as the locusts, without leaders, moving west-
ward by instinct, under a fixed law, and impelled, by a crowding population,
augmented by 200,000 foreigners.
For the ultimate triumph of the free-state party it is apparent that the con-
ditions required only peace, patient endurance, and watchfulness, till the swell-
ing tide of immigration from the North should bring in a population which, by
strength of numbers, would render fraud and invasion in the interest of slavery,
futile.
That Kansas would receive her due share of emigration did not admit of a
reasonable doubt. Her geographical position defined her as the basin, opened
by the Kansas-Nebraska bill, to receive the flow of emigration. No other terri-
tory had been so widely advertised, presenting to the homeseeker " hungering for
the horizon" so attractive a picture. The strength of her allurements were ir-
resistible. With the enchantment of distance and the haze of romance had
come to him the vision of a land blessed with all the bounties of nature, where
the Creator had imprinted enduring smiles upon her billowy prairies, reflected
His beneficence in her valleys, fringed her streams with groves, stocked her coverts
with game, fed the great herds of nature on her green pastures, and devoted to
them her arid plains as an everlasting preserve. And to embellish the whole,
she had wrought a forest embroidery upon her border, adorned her summer land-
scape with virgin bloom from nature's conservatory, and cast over all, as a silken
gauze, the changeful beauty of the seasons.
To the pioneer of early days the great West tendered homes in the trackless
wilderness, "with boundless contiguity of shade," but encumbered them with a
life-tenancy of grinding toil; or, upon the bleak monotony of treeless plains,
with conditions that responded only to his lower wants. But this latest inherit-
ance was a land formed by nature in her happier mood, combining all the exter-
nal elements for an ideal home, and, glowing with the graces that minister to the
higher senses, awaken the loftier emotions that lie dormant within the unculti-
vated mind.
It was such a vision that gave a new impulse to our Western emigrants. The
broad prairies of Illinois, with their exhaustless fertility, could not detain them.
Missouri, imperial in her domain, and richest of all the states in the gifts of na-
ture, spread a succession of Edens before them; but the trail of the serpent was
there, and homage to slavery the condition of tenancy. 0»ly the flaming sword
that guarded the gates of that other Eden could prevent — the faint shadow re-
flected upon it by slavery could but impede — their entering in and holding this
land of their visions.
Though in this inflow the free-state element largely predominated, with
increasing ratio, it was not bound together by any political affinities, but was an
aggregation of home-seekers, drawn from a wide range, mainly of rural life.
Strangers to each other, they represented every phase of political opinion and
shade of belief. Spread over a wide expanse of territory, without mail facilities,
with limited business relations and social intercourse, fastened to the soil by the
necessity of subsistence, and held to their homes for the support of their fami-
lies, they were unfitted for the organization of an aggressive movement. But
their fixity and inertia fitted them admirably for an army of stubborn occupa-
tion.
The promoted immigration from the East, however, was of a widely different
caste. Their migratory instinct had been awakened and quickened by an ambi-
tion to share in the conflict which was convulsing the nation. Fired with the
THE BIG SPRINGS CONVENTION. 365
spirit of crusaders, their determining motive was the saving of Kansas to freedom.
Responding to public patriotic appeals, rather than to self-promptings and intel-
ligent judgment, there was drawn into the movement too large a proportion of
the restless and adventurous element, of budding professionals, ambitious for a
career, and of those ill adapted to pioneer life. But though, by the census of the
territory, they numbered only six per cent, of the population, they were all of a
superior grade. In education, in general intelligence, in familidrity with the
vital issues of the times, with strong social cohesion, skill in discussion, in the
art of public speaking, in expounding first principles and compounding resolu-
tions, with a genius for publicity and, in politics the most effective of all agen-
cies, the ability to control conventions, they could all pass a political-service
examination. In council, where.the native pioneer, who had been drawn to Kan-
sas by his migratory instinct, would occupy the column of units, the promoted
emigrant, who had obeyed the call of patriotism, would rank in the column of
tens, and in aggressive action a Macedonian phalanx. He had enlisted for the
redemption of Kansas in a campaign outlined for two years' duration and was
eager for service. Many were oppressed with the consciousness of their respon-
sibility, and as forty centuries looked down from the pyramids upon Napoleon's
army on the Nile, so our New Englanders were conscious of seven generations
from the Mayflower viewing with anxious expectancy from Bunker Hill their de-
scendants in the valley of the Kaw.
In the flush of indignation at Governor Reeder's tacit approval of the inva-
sion of the polls from Missouri, indicated by his granting certificates to a
majority of the members of the legislature, an assumed leader, without consulta-
tion, sent East for a supply of Sharps' rifles, the most effective weapon then
known. Though obtained ostensibly to defend against invasion of the polls, the
unadvised act was widely deprecated as unnecessary, as it was certain that there
would be no further invasion, last of all Lawrence, unless provoked. The rifles
in the hands of the rash and irresponsible element, which would be the first to
accept them, would lead to conflicts that, from the strained conditions existing,
would involve the whole community. At the same time the organization of a se-
cret order, the Kansas Legion, was busily promoted, the real purpose of which
was indicated more by the military rank of its numerous officials than by its open
constitution.
FOURTH OF JULY DEMONSTRATION.
This undercurrent of resistance was more fully developed at the Fourth of
July (1H55) celebration in Lawrence, before an audience larger than had ever
before assembled in Kansas, in the address of the future governor, Charles
Robinson, and by the response of Samuel N. Wood, in behalf of the two armed
military companies which had been presented with flags by the citizens. Doctor
Robinson said, in part: "What are we? Subjects of Missouri. We come to the
celebration of this anniversary with chains clanking about our limbs. We lift
to heaven our manacled arms in supplication. Proscribed, outlawed, denounced,
we cannot so much as speak the name of liberty, except with prison walls and
halters staring us in the face. . . . 'Had you rather Cassar were living, and
die all slaves, than that Caesar were dead, to live all free men ? Who is here so
base that would be a bondman ? ' "
The whole burden of the address, impressed upon his hearers, was that pa-
tience was servility and endurance cowardice.
The sinister significance of the military and declamatory proceedings was
made apparent by the knowledge that the usurping legislators, backed by their
legal advisers, on receiving a majority of their certificates, had defiantly pro-
366 KANSAS STATE HISTORICAL SOCIETY.
claimed before Robinson and the other attending free-state men, who had been
summoned to the Shawnee Mission capital to support Reeder, that they would
ignore the supplementary election, and give seats to those who had been denied
certificates by the governor. With Doctor Robinson's knowledge of this fact,
his prompt dispatch for arms is explained, as he has inspired Professor Spring
to record, as "the first stroke in the projected scheme of anti-Missouri opera-
tions," to which "Sharps' rifles were an absolutely essential preliminary."
This insurrectionary step was the more easily comprehended when it was re-
called that five years before the orator had led in a riotous assault against the
legal authorities of California, in an attempt to unsettle the land titles in Sacra-
mento, which had been quelled only by bloodshed and death. The story of this
adventure, till then but vaguely known, and dimly remembered beyond the con-
fines of California, was revived, with the personality of the leader magnified, and
given renewed circulation by his adherents in the way of encouragement, and by
his opponents as a warning.
That these premonitions of possible strife were well grounded is attested by
the author of the movement. In his retrospect of the California affair, in the
"Kansas Conflict," forty years afterward, recounting approvingly the Sacra-
mento insurrection in all its minuteness, he refers to it as his precedent "on a
small scale."
The dominant feature of the situation at this time was the character of the
territorial organization to which resistance was proposed. The gross, barbaric
laws that proved more paralysing to their makers than annoying to their enemies,
had not yet been enacted. Though such legislation was plainly foreshadowed,
it was eliminated from the proposition, and resistance was apparently aimed
at the machinery of the government.
The justification was based on the illegality of the legislature. The over-
shadowing fraud that marked with ignominy the invasion of the polls on the 30th
of March stamped upon the body elected on that day a brand of infamy that de-
stroyed in the public mind all respect for its authority, and tainted its enact-
ments. Yet, with all its deformities, and its vileness unconcealed, it was clothed
with the robes of legitimacy and had federal recognition. The election of the
members, constituting a majority, to whom Reeder had given certificates, was not
contested. Movements for the contest before the governor had been suppressed
by threats. Yet, by the act that called the territory into being, this legislative
majority, though the offspring of violence and fraud, was the supreme tribunal
for determining the election and qualification of its own members. Only from a
political standpoint has its legality been disputed. It is true that Congressmen
Howard and Sherman, of the investigating committee, in their report to Con-
gress, pronounced it "an illegally constituted body, having no power to pass
valid laws, and that its enactments, therefore, were null and void." But theirs
was a political conclusion, submitted, not to a court for a decision, but to Con-
gress, that had the power and was under obligation to apply the remedy. But as
a judicial proposition, the question of its legality was never raised, but, on the
contrary, shunned. S. N. Wood, while under indictment for resisting Sheriff
Jones, expressed a readiness to submit to arrest for the purpose of carrying the
question to the supreme court; but when in the grasp of the sheriff he flinched
from the ordeal and fled from the territory. Even Doctor Robinson, when under
indictment for treason, as his political actions were construed, when an adverse
decision would have been a triumpphant vindication of his course, instead chose
acquittal based on a technicality.
That impulse of freedom that recognizes its obligation to established govern-
THE BIG SPRINGS CONVENTION. 367
ment burst into expression on the culmination of the fraud of the 30th of March,
and reverberated with an echo like the rumbling of an approaching storm that
made the beneficiaries of the fraud dumb in its presence. It was not vociferous,
but sullen and determined. It was first publicly proclaimed by Martin F. Con-
way, at an assemblage called to hear him at Lawrence, on the 8th of June, at
which he announced his purpose of returning his certificate of election to the
council, and "repudiating all action by the legislature elected on the 30th of
March," and "memorializing Congress for relief."
Again, a fully attended convention, on the 25th of June, called to instruct the
members chosen at the supplementary election, requested "the legally elected
members, as good citizens of Kansas, to resign, and repudiate the fraud." The
resolutions of the convention made repudiation of the legislative enactments a
working principle of the free-state party by absolving its members from all obli-
gations to obey them. Conway was the moving spirit of this convention. It did
not propose resistance. Its action was negative.
As yet there had been no movement to organize the political forces of the
territory for any positive action. The numerous assemblages that met in Law-
rence with almost weekly regularity, were composed of delegates representing
the promoted immigration, and were dominated by the ardent and volatile ele-
ments that were seeking opportunity rather than counsel, and expending them-
selves in resolutions of denunciation and defiance rather than in deliberation.
The assumption of leadership which these numerous meetings forced upon
Lawrence awakened a spirit of hostile jealousy and alienation among the more
sluggish settlements.
The scheme for a state government was the proposition of Lane, suggested
by him on the day of his arrival in Lawrence, to the writer, while the free-state
men were staggering under their recent defeat and groping for some active policy
for relief. He attested that it was approved by Douglas, Dickinson and other
leading Democrats in Washington, with whom he had had personal consultation.
The writer has never doubted the truth of this statement, though the consulting
Democrats evidently referred to the time when the quotum of population would
entitle the state to admission. Though not offered by Lane in a public assem-
blage, this plan became current on his authority, and was met with approval by
a few, but discarded by most, who were suspicious of its origin, as a scheme to
entrap and democratize the free-state party. It was finally redeemed from disre-
pute by John Speer, who became sponsor for it before the 14th of August con-
vention, with Lane in anxious readiness to support it and press it with all his
force to adoption.
Statehood, however, was not conceived by the originator of the movement as
hostile to the territorial organization, but supplementary. Statehood was dis-
tinctly recognized by the organic act as the legitimate heir to sovereignty, to
which the territorial government was regent; therefore Congress would eagerly
confirm it as an escape from the disasters of the Kansas imbroglio. Viewed by
the enemy from the inauguration of the movement only as an attempt at insur-
rection, it drew their Ore upon this indefensible point, changed the plan of the
eontest, and involved the whole population in the calamity of an armed conflict.
Every department of the hostile forces joined in the attack upon the free- state
ranks. Pierce, and afterwards Buchanan, trained the presidential battery upon
them as "insurgents." The federal grand jury, instructed by Judge Lecompte,
indicted the Free State hotel with its parapets "port-holed" as "a stronghold of
rebellion," and the two newspaper offices, for publishing articles encouraging re-
sistance to the laws; all of which were destroyed without trial by the sheriff's
368 KANSAS STATE HISTORICAL SOCIETY.
posse. Armed defense became criminal. Armies from Missouri laid waste the
territory, and bands of brigands marked their trail with the ashes of burned
dwellings; all under guise of suppressing an intangible insurrection.
This train of calamities, easily traced after the event as the logical result of
the conditions, required no prophetic insight to predict from the beginning. It
was the recoil from the threatened consequences that brought into being the Big
Springs convention. With this minute portrayal of the conditions prevailing as
the course of Kansas politics from the beginning, the introduction of myself
may here be permitted without imputation of undue egotism, being the origina-
tor of the Big Springs convention movement, the secretary of the caucus that
issued the call, the secretary of the convention, and one of the only three living
of the fifteen delegates from the Lawrence district; the other two being Wesley
H. Duncan and William M. Yates.
The bitter dispute over the town site between the Lawrence Association, com-
posed of Eastern emigrants, and the farm claimants, who were Western pioneers,
increasing in intensity during its seven months' duration, had spread until it had
involved the whole surrounding population, dividing it, according to its sympa-
thies, on sectional lines — the association known as "insiders," all others as
"outsiders."* From Lawrence, as the center of political activity, the virus of
the controversy was diffused as an antitoxin to abolition, chiefly by the aid of
the slave propaganda, till it had spread to the confines of settlement, creating a
deep prejudice among the masses against every political movement emanating
from Lawrence as the center of infection. Notwithstanding the amicable settle-
ment of the dispute, a cleavage still remained in the political situation in the
summer of 1855, dividing factions, denoted as radicals and conservatives, which
was widened by provincial jealousies. Eastern disdain for the crude political
creed of the uncultivated pioneer, and Western prejudice against the political
eccentricities of the East, made unity of action under radical leadership im-
possible.
The Kansas Free State, which sought cooperation on the one proposition
expressed in its title, was generally accepted as the representative of the ad-
vanced political element forming the party of action, its broad platform giving
its editors a standing as advisers.
THE SAND- BANK CONVENTION.
On returning from Pawnee, where he had gone to witness the assembling of
the bogus legislature and the ousting of the free state members, the writer of
this was beset by a multitude of his political clients, alienated by the demon-
strations on the 4th of July, and threatening desertion. Not a few of the waver-
ing had declared for the party of slavery. The action of the convention of a
week later (July 11, 1855), taken at the significant moment, confirmed them in
their determination to revolt. The revulsion would have landed them in a hos-
tile organization, which was seeking to organize as the ally of the administra-
tion, under the leadership of some of the brightest and ablest men in the
* When the site of Lawrence was selected, in the fall of 1854 but one settler, Clark Stearns,
occupied it. The agent of the Emigrant Aid Company bought his right and cabin for $5' 0, and
turned the cabin into a store. Another settler, A. B. Wade, was near the site on the west, but
his claim was not needed. But other claimants appeared, the most troublesome being John
Baldwin. He settled within a few rods of the Stearns cabin, claimed 160 acres, and employed C.
W. Babcock as his attorney. Babcock and two others, named Stone and Freeman, and a specula-
tor named Starr, became associated with Baldwin, and they proceeded to lay out a rival city —
named Excelsior. After much hostile talk during the winter of 1854-'55, the trouble was settled
in March, 1855, by giving the contestants 100 shares out of 220 in the Lawrence Town Company.
Govenor Robinson's " Kansas Conflict" gives a lengthy account of this trouble. ( Pages 78-90.)
THE BIG SPRINGS CONVENTION. 369
territory. It may be said, in anticipation, that these apostles of National Democ
racy met in council at Tecumseh five days before the Big Springs convention,
and finding their material all afloat and drifting towards Big Springs, the best of
them committed themselves to the flowing tide, and were landed in the free state
party. To the sweep of this tide we owe the services of Marcus J. Parrott, Judge
Johnson, M. W. Delahay, Doctor Davis, and others whose unrecorded names
have been lost to memory. With the collapse of the Democratic movement,
others, among them John P. Wood, repelled by the Reeder resolutions at Big
Springs, found lodgment in the pro-slavery party.
But to return to the main subject. To avert this threatened revolt a number
of the most pronounced of the disaflfected were summoned for consultation, and
met at the office of the Free Stale, on the 17th of July. Prominent among
them were W. Y. Roberts, and his brother. Judge Roberts, of Big Springs;
Judge Wakefield and J. D. Barnes, of the California road; William Jessee, of
Bloomington, one of the ousted members of the legislature; Judge Smith, Doc
tor Wood, and others from Lawrence and vicinity, whose names are not recalled.
As the number responding exceeded expectation and the accommodations of
the printing-office, Wood proposed removal to the river bank, at the foot of New
Hampshire street, where, under the shade of a cotton wood, was a set of timbers
for a warehouse designed for the accommodation of the steamboat traffic. In
the spirit of liberality, though at the sacrifice of unanimity, all who were met
on the way were invited to the conference, and the number seated on the tim-
bers increased to more than twenty by the acceptance of John and Joe Speer,
editors of the Tribune, S. N. Wood, E. D. Ladd, and G. W. Deitzler, who were
committed to the aggressive movement. Most noted amsng the counselors who
were caught on the wing was Colonel Lane, fresh from attendacee upon the
bogus legislature. He was seeking to enter the political arena, having registered
his pedigree on the 27th of June, and it was conceived would be a strong factor
in the movement. His acceptance was accompanied with a request that his par-
ticipation should not be published; so no mention of him appears in the record.
Judge Wakefield was chosen as chairman, and the writer of this as secretary.
The wide and determined revolt against the political action inaugurated, or
rather enunciated, at Lawrence, charged with imposing upon free-state men a
dangerous policy without consultation or authority from the masses, had been
attested from every neighborhood. It was our conclusion that the situation
could be saved only by a convention in which every locality should be fairly rep-
resented, and free from domination by local influences.
Big Springs offered the ideal location.* It was yet but a mere site upon a
wide expanse of high prairie, dotted only with cabins half a mile apart, with its
blocks marked by stakes, its street the California road, and its buildings a rude
hotel, hastily built, and two or three other cabins. Roberts, who was one of the
proprietors, offered its hospitalities, pledging free accommodations for the con-
veration by the neighborhood, and free entertainment for the delegates — a large
promise under the conditions, but amply fulfilled. Big Springs was convenient
and attractive, with its wide prairies, to the rural delegates whom it was desired
*Big Springs is located in section 14, township 12 south, of range 17 east, in Lecompton
township, about four miles from the town of Lecompton, and two miles south of the Kaw
river and the Santa Fo road, in the northwest corner of Douglas county. It is on the main
traveled road between Lawrence and Topeka, and so named from a spring near by. The first
settlers located there in the fall of 1854, and they were given a post-office in 1S55. In the spring
of 1856 a Missourian opened a saloon. He paid no attention to a protest against selling, and
fortymen to'ok three barrels of v/hisky from his establishment and burned them.
—25
370 KANSAS STATE HISTORICAL SOCIETY.
to draw out, and who would come prepared for camping. It was central and ac-
cessible, and at a safe distance from the dreaded influence of Lawrence. Five
delegates were apportioned to each of the twenty six representative districts,
and, in contrast to the prevailing custom, the ample time of fifty days was set
for convening.
The whole scheme, however, was opposed by five of the supplementary coun-
selors, Deitzler, Ladd, S. N. Wood, and the two Speers, who deemed it a move-
ment that would distract and divide, rather than unite, the free-state elements,
and lead to defeat. In the following issue of the Tribune there appeared a
three-column article, contributed (as was afterward learned) by Deitzler, the
most caustic and penetrating published in that era of sharp controversy, headed
'•Sand Bank Convention," treating the movement with merciless sarcasm as a
conspiracy to entrap the unwary masses and lead them into the Democratic fold.
The disrepute into which this brought the movement left no hope of electing a
sympathetic delegation from Lawrence. The defeat of the "conspirators" in
their own precinct would be a disaster, to avert which the principle applied in
the selection of Big Springs as a convention site was applied. The Lawrence
district extended south to the old Santa Fe trail, and the election for delegates
was called at Blanton's bridge, on the Wakarusa, as central and at a safe dis-
tance from Lawrence, for the 25th of August.
Meanwhile the political zodiac revolving with its belt of conventions brought
to the zenith that of the 14th of August, transformed on the 15th, on an ex post
facto call, into a non-partizan people's convention, by pressing into service as its
vice-president "Jimmy" Christian, a professed pro-slavery Democrat, and thus
qualifying itself for the initial movement in constructing a state government —
which it proceeded to do.
To promote harmony, it was desirable to obtain the cooperation of this as-
semblage, and a committee of the " Sand Bank Convention," of which the writer
was one, appeared before it, and presented the subject of the proposed conven-
tion, with a statement of the sitwitian upon which it was based. But though
urged by others, it met with opposition from the delegates, until a copy of the
call, printed as a quarter-sheet poster, was brought from the F'r(e State cffice
across the street and displayed, with the assurance that, in addition to the publi-
cation in the paper, 600 copies had been distributed, going into every precinct in
the territory, and that favorable responses had been received already from the
most distant and diverse quarters; and that while the cooperation of this as-
semblage was earnestly sought, the Big Springs convention would be held re-
gardless of its dissent.
This demonstration, which is attested in the report of the convention printed
in the Herald of Freedom, gave pause to the deliberations of the convention,
for the dell-gates, hesitating to place themselves in conflict with the lofty ideals
of the masses, were nonplussed at playing second fiddle to the "Sand Bank"
caucus. John Speer came to their relief with a resolution instructing a com-
mittee to issue a call duplicating that of the "Sand Bank," expressed decep-
tively as origiaating with themselves. From this fictitious and deceptive origin
it has gone iato hisiory. RDbioson, takiog credit for what he personally op-
posed, says in the "Kansas Conflict": "It was concluded to call a general con-
vention of the free-state party at Big Springs, September 5, 1855. The call*
was made by the convention of the 14th of August, held at Lawrence, and
notices were spread broadcast over the territory." Speer, in his "Life of Lane,"
claims its paternity through his deceptive resolution, committing a hesitating
* A copy of the call is printed at bottom of next page.
THE BIG SPRINGS CONVENTION. 371
convention to an advancing movement that up to that time his paper had treated
with reproach.
But while disproving these spurious claims to the authorship of the move-
ment, the writer disclaims any assertion of leadership, aiming only by the minute,
portrayal of the whole situation to show that the movement was the result of an
irrepressible impulse stirred into activity by the crushing situation threatening
from opposite sides, and that no one has a just claim other than for shaping its
expression and giving initial direction to its force.
BLANTON MEETING.
The next step demanding attention was the election of delegates. The acces-
sion of the radical element, with its zealous activity, complicated the situation
and called into play for the first time the "fine Italian hand" of Lane. The
Lawrence district was entitled to fifteen delegates. A well-balanced ticket was
selected, composed of the best men representing the diverse free state elements,
and fairly distributed, with instructions to each candidate to be at the polls
with his friends promptly on the hour to organize the convention. The radicals
also turned out in good force, but, finding themselves outnumbered, plead for
delay in organizing — that it was in law two o'clock till three. But the conven-
tion was promptly organized, with Judge Smith as chairman, and J. S. Emery
as secretary, and on motion of Lane a grace of half an hour was given for the
arrival of Lawrence recruits, who were anxiously looked for but did not come.
The minority then plead for a division of the ticket, but the stereotyped ticket
could not be changed without offense to the delegates to be dropped, as with
most having entered into the matter this was regarded as the honor of their
lives — a feeling shared by all the members of that notable assemblage. Besides,
the Eastern element had been given three places, and the ticket as prearranged
was the very foundation of the convention, acd had been printed and distribu-.
ted. The majority was inexorable in their determination to vote fur the delegates ■
in block and pushed the first contest to a conclusion ; in which the personalities
of Lane and Robinson Were opposing factors. The result was a vote of exactly
two to one for the preordained ticket. Incredible as the subsequent events would
make it appear, John Speer at this engagement was Robinson's chief of staff.
The elect were G. W. Smith, Bryce Miller, Turner Sampson, Henry Barrick-'
low, Dr. Andrew Still, Col. J. H. Lane, Morris Hunt, Wesley H. Duncan, J. S.
Emery, John Hutchinson, J. D. Barnes, VVm. Yates, R. G. Elliott, James Mc-
Gee, eight of whom had been selected from the town and seven from the country,
FREE STATE CONVENTION!
All persons who are favorable to a uoion of effort, and a permanent organization of all the
Free State elements of Kansas Territory, smd who wish to secure up..u the brnadest platform
the co-operation of all who agree upon this point, are requested to meet at tht-ir several places
of holdius elections in their respective districts on the Z-nh of August, mutant, at one o'clock
P. M., and appoint live delegates to each representative to which they were entitled in the
Legislative Assembly, who shall meet in (ieneral Convention at
Big Springs, Wednesday, Sept. 5th, '5n,
at 10 o'clock A. M. for the purpose of adopting a Platform upon which all may act harmoni-
ously who prefer Freedom to Slavery.
The uiimiuation of A Delegate to Congress, will also come up before the General Convention.
Let no sectional or party issues distract or prevent the perfect co-Dperation of Free State
men. Union and harmony are absolutely neces.-ary to success. Ihe pro-slaveiy party are fully
and effectually organized. No jars nor minor issues divide them. And to couteud against them
8ucce^sfully, we also must be united — Without prudence and liarniouy of action we are certain
to fail. Let every man then do his duty and we are certain of victory.
All Free State men, without distinction, are earnestly requested to take immediate and ef-
fective steps to insure a full and correct representation for every District in the Territory.
"United we stand; divided we fall.
By order of the Executive Committee of the Free State Party of the Territory of Kansas, as
per resolution of the Mass Convention in session at Lawrence, Aug. 15. and ibth, 1855.
J. K. GooDiN, Sec'y. C. Robinson, Lluiirman^
Herald of Freedom, Print.
372 KANSAS STATE HISTORICAL SOCIETY.
BIG SPRINGS CONVENTION.*
On the 5th of September, 1855, the nascent town of Big Springs bloomed with
a display unknown to that isolated watering-place on the California road
since the days when the Oregon pilgrims and caravans of the Argonauts made its
inviting ranges their camping-ground. Commencing with the previous evening,
a population greater in number than it has ever since attained began flowing in-
upon it from all directions. They came on horseback, in covered wagons, and
conveyances of every variety, with tents and camping outfit, the most poorly
equipped provided with lariat, picket-pin, and blanket, the distinguishing marks
of the plainsmen — preparations prudent but superfluous, as the entire popula-
tion within the radius of a mile were in waiting to press upon the incoming
delegates the hospitality of their cabins. Roberts had more than redeemed his
pledge. A shaded platform, ample seats, and an abundant provision, with free
tickets to the delegates for dining, had been provided. Heaven, in the kindliest
of her moods, spread a radiance over the whole with the glory of her September
sunshine.
The convention was organized with Judge G. W. Smith as chairman, and R.
G. Elliott and David Dodge as secretaries. The usual committees were* ap-
pointed, consisting of thirteen members each, representing the several council
districts, the chief of which were the ones on platform, state organization, and
resolutions, with Lane, Elliott, and Emery, respectively, as their chairmen.
* From a pamphlet entitled " Proceedings of the Territorial Delegate Convention held at
Big Springs on the 5th and 6th of September, 1855," we learn that the convention was called to
order at eleven o'clock, and organized temporarily by appointing W. Y. Roberts, Esq., to the
chair, and D. Dodge, secretary. A committee consisting of John Hutchinson, R. Riddle, A.
Hunting, P. C. Schuyler, P. Laughlia, W. Pennock, John Fee, A. G. Adams, John Hamilton, J.
M. TutoH, R. Gillpatrick, J. M. Arthur, Isaac Wollard were appointed on credentials, with
Instructions to report immediately. S. D. Houston, G. F. Warren, J. D. Barnes, Wm. Jessee, A.
G. Adams, E. Fish, John Hamilton, Wra. Jordon, B. Harding, Isaac Wollard, S. Mewhinney
were appointed to report permanent officers for the convention. The convention took a recess
until half-past two. Met again at the hour of adjournment. The committee on credentials
reported the following list of delegates :
First District.— G. W.Smith, J. H. Lane, John Curtiss, J. S. Emery, John Hutchinson, Tur-
ner Sampson, M. Hunt, R. G. Elliott, J. D. Barnes, Wm. Yates, A. Still, H. Barricklow, B. W.
Miller, W. Duncan, James McQee.
Second Di.'itrict.— J, M. Tuton, J. A. Wakefield, A. Curtiss, H. Y. Baldwin, H. Burson, Wm.
Jessee, Samuel Walker, T. Wolverston, J. C. Archibald, Charles Wright.
Third District.— Wm. Y. Roberts, Wm. Jordon, A. G. Adams, James Cowles.
Fourth District.— S. Mewhinney, J. F. Javins, E. G. Scott, A. J. Miller, W. Moore.
Fifth District.- A. P. Wykoff, James Osborn, James M. Arthur, D. F. Park, Wm. G. Nichols,
Dr. R. Gillpatrick, G. W. Partridge, Isaac WoJlard, Chas. A. Foster, James Todd, Robert H.
Brown, Enos Shon, Wm. R. Vail, Enos Strawn, Hamilton Smith.
. Sixth District.— John Hamilton, James Johnson, F. M. Morris.
Seventh District.— P. C. Schuyler, Geo. Bratton, Dr. J. G. Wood, Dr. A. Bowen, E. Fisk.
Eighth District.— J. E, Hohenick, Daniel B. Hiatt.
Ninth District.— S. D. Houston, Wm. S. Arnold, James P. Wilson, Luke P. Lincoln, Dr. A.
Hunting.
Tenth District.— James Wilson, John Anesworth, Nathan Adams.
Twelfth District.— M. F. Conway, C. Junkins.
Fourteenth District.— S. Collins, John Fee, P. Laughlin, N. Carter, Geo. W. Bryan, Benj. H.
Brock, Wm. Poepges, B. Harding, A. Grooms, C. W. Stewart.
' Fifteenth District.- Wm. Crosby, H. J. Stout, J. C. Ridgeway, Elijah Pierce.
Sixteenth District.— Wm. Pennock, J. B. Pennock, J. H. Byrd, Geo. F. Warren, P. Dowlin,
E. H. Phelan, D. Dodge, H. M. Hook, James Salsbury, E. Castle, Marcus J. Parrott, John
Wright, A. Guthrie, R. Riddle.
Seveatoenth District.— R. Mendenhall, D. W. Mendenhall, G. P. Lowry.
The committee on a permanent organization reported the following list of officers: Presi-
dent, G. W. Smith, Esq.: Vice-presidents, John Fee, J. A. Wakefield, James Salsbury, Dr. A.
Hunting ; secretaries, R. G. Elliott, D. Dodge, A. G. Adams.
THE BIG SPRINGS CONVENTION, 373
The conclusions of the convention have been very fully set forth by all the
historians, and need not be rehearsed, except as they have been invidiously com-
mented upon.
Professor Spring records Lane as "intriguing himself upon the chairmanship
of a committee of thirteen, and in an all-night discussion persuading the com-
mittee to adopt violent anti-negro principles," a statement that shows the pro-
fessor was not a historian to the manner born — his years of residence in Kansas
failing to give him a perception of the political atmosphere that even in his day
retained the odor and haze of its morning hours. It shows a misapprehension
of the character of the assemblage and of all the prevailing conditions. As to
"intriguing" for position in that assemblage, it is only necessary to reply that
where Lane sat was the head of the table. As to the "anti-negro" enunciation^
it is a sufficient reason that the convention was not a synod called for the re-
forming of a political creed, but a council charged with the harmonizirg of the
most diverse elements, drawn together by the pressure of an overshadowing is-
sue, and banding them for the coming struggle to the finish, with ultimatum
distinctly defined, in which no compromise could be made nor quarters given^
The convention was not "persuaded to adopt negro exclusion." The proposition
had been thrust upon attention by the masses that commissioned the convention,
coupled with that of a free state.
A stereotyped phrase of wide currency was: "If we are to have the negroes
(pronounced niggers), we want their masters with them." This was the creed
of a class of no inconsiderable numbers, that between the extremes would revolt
to the enemy.
The strength of the element favoring negro exclusion, with its title to recogni-
tion, is shown by the result of the election held three months later, at which the
question was submitted separately from the adoption of the Topeka constitution,
being nearly three to one for exclusion. Only three precincts, Lawrence, Man-
hattan, Wabaunsee, show a majority — combined, only 103 — opposed to exclusion.
And in the whole territory, outside of seven precincts, containing the Eastern
element, the vote for exclusion was over 93 per cent. Deplorable as such polit-
ical depravity may be, as viewed from the lofty plane of contemplation, by the
doctrinaire, it was, nevertheless, an importunate condition that had to be dealt
with practically, and with conciliatory discrimination — a recognition of the law
that political reforms come, not by resolutions nor proclamations, but' by the
impact and attrition events knocking off excrescences and grinding crude forms
into symmetry.
Hardly had these repellent elements emerged from between the millstones
till they became eager guides of the fugitives. The champion of negro exclu-
sion, in an address at Topeka, offered his body as a tie for an underground rail-
road, and on the first clap of the rebellion, with the applause of his constituents,
acclaimed the policy of the liberation and enlistment of the slaves as a logical
method of saving the Union. But for the contumacy of the governor in refusing
supplies for Camp Lincoln, which had been established for the enlistment of
negroes, and hindering enlistments by writs of habras corjnis, Kansas would be
to-day wearing the jewel, proudly treasured by Massachusetts, of the first com-
mission issued to a regiment of colored troops,
STATE ORGANIZATION.
The committee of thirteen on state organization, of which the writer was
chairman, after a night's consideration and much outside inquiry, reported
unanimously, over their signatures, against the proposition, summing their con-
clusions in the phrasQ " untimely and inexpedient." This judgment has been
374 KANSAS STATE HISTORICAL SOCIETY.
amply justified by the current of events which it set in motion, much as has
been written to prove it a deep game of political strategy played to "thwart, baf-
fle and circumvent" the slave power. In view of the paucity of population,
overestimated at 25,000, only the gravity of the situation and the statesmanlike
seriousness of the sponsors of the movement suppressed the rounding out of the
cadence by adding "absurd."
Among the many reasons for the committee's judgment, the most cogent was
the want of popular support, the sole foundation for a political organization.
Among the more than 100 delegates, not one could be found who favored the
proposition, except those, less than a score, who had been initiated into the
movement at Lawrence. It was with a feeling of deep regret that both Judge
Smith and Colonel Lane heard the adverse report. Both, relying on an intimate
friendship with the chairman of the committee, had been confident of the approval
of the measure. But in the end this backset was plainly turned to the service
both of Lane and of the measure, raising its originator to that position of power
which he thereafter maintained over the masses. John Hutchinson offered a
substitute for the adverse report, indorsing statehood.
Lane permitted Hutchinson, Foster, of Osawatomie, Judge Smith and the other
trained advocates of the measure to exhaust their ammunition with no apparent
effect. Then, rising to the occasion, under a shadow of threatened defeat, he
gave an exhibition of that magic faculty by which he controlled primitive as-
semblages, convincing them against their judgment and bending them against
their will. It was not measured oratory nor logical argument, nor was it an
•emotional harangue, but the blending of an accompaniment toned to the popular
chord, with a dramatic presentation of the subject that materialized as a moving,
tangible reality. His ideal was a state, not antagonistic, but harmonizing, rising
legitimately out of the xjopular-sovereignty clause of the organic act; the right-
ful heir to sovereignty, with the territorial organization as regent. He repre-
sented Douglas as anxiously waiting the recovery of his political fortunes and
the salvation of the Democratic party by the admission of Kansas into the Union
as a free state; Pierce as ready to sacrifice his right arm to correct the mistakes
of his administration ; while he himself bore the parting admonition of Douglas:
"For God's sake, do something to save the Democratic party." These were the
visions that were made to pass across the stage before the audience.
When the curtain fell, the vote, taken at the psychological moment, revealed
^he triumphant passage of the substitute. Within an hour opposition had
melted away and the minority had become the majority. Only the stubborn
pride of opinion preserved the consistency of the chairman of the committee.
The belligerent element that controlled the veiled movement at Lawrence had
been eliminated at Rlanton, and the measure approved at Big Springs was dis-
tinctly peaceful and petitionary.
"bloody-issue" resolutions.
An anomaly of the convention was the bifurcated committee on resolu-
tions—one branch, with Lane as chairman, charged with furnishing the nec-
essary material for a broad and substantial platform; the other, on resolutions,
with Emery as chairman, to furnish explosives and projectiles for a defiant pyro-
technic display — elements too dangerous to be inserted in the platform and too
radical to be imposed upon the masses.*
, * From a pamphlet copy of the proceedings :
"The chairman of tlie committe on platform reported through Colonel Lane the following
resolutions, stating at the .«ame time that twelve out of thirteen had agreed upon adoption,
and plndged to each other their undivided support:
" Whereas, The free-state party of the territory of Kansas, about to originate an organi-
THE BIG SPRINGS CONVENTION. 375
This division of the work was made for the accommodation of Governor
Reeder, rankling with the indignity of his removal, made on the importunate de-
mand of the legislature, because of his refusal to recognize its legality. It was a
crucifixion on the base and baseless accusation of speculation in Indian lands,
and the "lajing out his capital town of Pawnee City on a military reserva-
tion." The indictment was aggravated by the slanderous publicity given to the
controversy over the matter, abounding in scurrilous charges by the Indian com-
missioner, which Reeder was denied the opportunity to disprove. On the 30th
of August Reeder was stopping at the American Hotel, in Kansas City, with his
trunk packed in readiness to depart to his home in Pennsylvania, when Parrott
also stopped there, on his way to a Democratic conference at Tecumseh. Reeder
had expressed his indignation in a set of resolutions which he showed to Parrott,
intimating his purpose of attending the convention at Big Springs and taking a
parting shot at the legislature. So, borrowing a valise from Colonel Eldridge, he
set out for Lawrence, where an arrangement was made to handle his explosives
by a select committee, so as not to encumber the platform. The resistant fea-
tures of the resolutions were vainly sought to be modified in the convention by
Parrott, Lane, and other conservatives, but the utterly atrocious features of the
slave code, just recently made public, had worked the popular mind up to such
a pitch that no language was too strong to express their indignation, and the
resolutions were adopted with a defiant shout.
zation for concert of political action in electing our own ofBcers and molding our institutions;
and whereas, it is expedient and necessary that a platform of principles be adopted aud pro-
claimed to make known the character of our ortrauizatioa and to test the qualifications of
candidates and the fidelity of our members; and wliereas, we hud ourselves in an unparalleled
an(l critical condition — deprived by i-uperior force of the rights gnarauteed by the declaration
of intlepeudence, the constitution of the United States, aud the Kansas bill; aud whereas, the
great aud overshadowing question, whether Kansas shall become free or a slave state, must in-
evitaby absorb all other issues except those inseparably connected with it; and whereas, the
crisis demands the concert and harmouioils action of all those who from principle or interest
prefer free labor to slave labor, as well as of those who value the preservation of the Union and
the guarantees of republican institutions by the constitution : therefore,
"Resiiired, That si-tiing aside all the minor i>sues of partizan politics, it is incumbent upon
us to proffer an organization calculated to recover our clearest rights, and into which Demo-
crats and Whigs, native and naturalized citizens, may freely enter without any sacrifice of their
respective political creeds, but without forcing thetn as a test upon others. And that when wo
shall have achieved our political freedom, vindicated our rights of self-government, anil become
an iudepeudent state of the Union, when those issues may become vital as they are now dor-
mant, it will be time enough to divide our organization by these tests, the impuitance of which
we fully recognize in tlipir appropriate sphere.
" Ri'xni, rd. That we will oppose and resist all non-resident voters at our polls, whether from
Missouri or elsewhere, as a gross violation of our rights, and a virtual disfranchise ment of our
citizens.
" Res'^lvrfi, That our true interests, socially, morally, and pecuniarily, require that Kansas
should be. a free state ; that free labor will best promote the happiness, the rapid population,
the prospeiity and the wealth of our people; that slave labor is a curse to the master and the
community, if not to the slave; that our country is unsuited to it; and that W' will devote our
energies as a party to exclude the institution aud to stcure for Kansas the constitution of a free
state.
"RexolverJ, That in so doing we will consent to any fair and reasonable provision in regard
to the slaves already in the territory which shall protect the masters against injustice and
total loss.
"Rmolvprl. That the be-t interests of Kansas require a population of free white men, and
that in the ^tate organization we are in favor of stringent laws excluding all negioes, bond or
free, from the territory. That nevertheless such measures shall not be regarded as a test of
party orthodoxy.
"Rexolved, That the stale and ridiculous charge of abolitionism, so industriously imputed
to the free-state party, and so pertinaciously adhered to, in spite of all the evidence to the
contrary, is without a shadow of truth to support it ; and that it is not more apparent to our-
selves than it is to our opponents, who use it as a term of reproach to bringodium upon ns, pre-
tending to believe in its truth and hoping to frighten from our ranlis the weak and timid, who
are more willing to desert their principles than they are to stand up under persecution and
abuse with a consciousness of riglit.
"Rpsolvd, That we will discountenance and denounce any attempt to encroach upon the
constitutional rights of the people of any state, or to interfere with their slaves, conceding to
their citizens the rit-'ht to regulate their own institut'ons and to hold and recover their slaves,
without any molesation or obstruction from the people of Kansas.
"The report was received with three hearty cheers, and adopted by acclamation.
" Mr. Emery, on the committee, having in charge the legislative matters of Kansas, reported
as follows :
"Resolved, That the body of men who, for the last two months, have been passing laws for
376 KANSAS STATE HISTORICAL SOCIETY.
The opponents of the free-state party made no distinction between the reso-
lutions and the platform, but held it responsible for all the utterances of the
convention, making bold display of " resistance to a bloody iesue."
The resolutions were a bold and defiant thrust at the powers that be, but
with disastrous recoil provoked against the whole party a virtual proclamation
of outlawry, setting loose the brigands against it, and casting a false color of in-
surrection over every defensive movement forced upon it for self-preservation.
"Resistance to a bloody issue" gave a crimson color in the eyes of the adver-
saries of the state movement. The phrase was echoed in derision from the halls
of Congress; and in the Fremont campaign, Kansas being the paramount issue,
the convincing story of her wrongs was offset by the charge of insurrection, and
the grossest outrages of the pro-slavery party were condoned by these resolutions.
But their rebound brought Reeder the nomination for delegate to Congress,
which had been his objective, and raised him to an eminence from which he
could bombard his adversaries.
As yet the authorship of the resolutions had not been disclosed. They had
passed the convention by their intrinsic weight, under the impulse of a revolt
against the atrocious slave code just passed by the legislature. Their author
had not appeared before the convention, but his reserved and dignified presence
in the adjacent hotel, like sunshine breaking through a cloud, disclosed his
sympathies and impressed his personality upon the assemblage, and brought his
nomination by acclamation.
To him this meant more than to any other; a vindication by those who knew
him best from a humiliating charge by the administration which he had been
the people of our territory, moved, counseled and dictated to by the demapropues of Missouri,
are to us a foreiga body, representing only the lawless invaders who elected them, and not the
people of the territory ; that we repudiate their action as the monstrous consummation of an
act of violence, tisurpatiou and fraud unparalleled in the history of the Union, and worthy only
of men unfitted for the duties and regardless of the responsibilities of Republicans.
"Resoh'pcl, That having, by numerical inferiority and want of preparation, been compelled
to succumb to the outrage and oppression of armed and organized bands of citizens of a neigh-
boring state — having been robbed by force of the right of suffrage and self-government, and
subjected to a foreign despotism, the more odious and infnmous that it involves a violation
of compacts with sister states more sacred than solemn treaties, we disown and disavow with
scorn and indignation the contemptible and hypocritical mockery of a representative govern-
ment into which this infamous despotism has been converted.
"Jiesolvfd, That this miscalled legislature, by their reckless disregard of the organic ter-
ritorial act and other congressional legislation, in expelling members whose title to seats was
beyond their power to annul, in admitting members who were not elected, and in legislating at
an unauthorized place, by their refusal to allow the people to select any of our officers, by im-
posing upon us their own appointees down to the most insignificant offices, mnny of whom were
unquestionable residents of Missouri at the time, by leaving us no elections save those pre-
scribed by Congress, and therefore beyond their power to abrogate, and even at these selling
the right of suffrage at our ballot-boxes to any non-resident who chooses to buy and pay for
it, bv compelling us to take an oath to support a United States law invidiously pointed out, by
stifling the freedom of speech and of the press, thus usurping a power forbidden to Congress, -
have trampled under foot the Kansas bill, have defii'd the power of Congress, libeled the dec-
laration of independence, violated the constitutional bill of rights, and brought contempt and
disgrace upon our republican institutions at home and abroad.
^' Ito^olred, That we owe no allegiance or obedience to the tyrannical enactments of this
spurious legislature; that their laws have no validity or binding force upon the people of
Kansas, and every free man amongst us is at full liberty, consistently with all his obligations
as a citizen and a man, to defy aud resist them, if he chooses to do so.
" Rfxiilved, 'Ihfit we will resist them primarily by every peaceable and legal means within
onr power, until we can elect our representatives and sweep them from the statute-book ; aud
that as the majority of our supreme court have so far forgotten their official duty, have so far
cast off the honor of the lawyer and the dignity of the judge, as to enter with the judicial ermine
into a partizan contest, and by an extrHJudicial decision given opinions in violation of all pro-
priety, have prejudged our case before we could be heard, and have pledged themselves to these
outlaws in advance to decide in tbeir favor, we will therefore take measures to carry the ques-
tion of the validity of these laws to a higher tribunal, wheie judges are unpledged and dispas-
sionate, virhere the law will be administered in its purity, and where we can at least have the
hearing before decision.
"lir^olvt'd, That we will endure and submit to these laws no longer than the best interests of
the territory require, as the least of two evils, and will resist them to a bloody issue as soon
as wo ascertain that peaceable remedies shall fail and forcible resistance shall furnish any
reasonable prospect of success ; and that, in the meantime, we recommend to our friends through-
out the territory the organization and discipline of volunteer companies and the procurement
and preparation of arms.
"Jiexolved, That we cannot and will not quietly submit to surrender our great 'American
THE BIG SPRINGS CONVENTION. 377
denied the chance to disprove; and called forth from him in response a burst of
oratory such as only the conditions of that time could produce. As the brilliant
features of that address, still vivid in its scope after forty-seven years, have been
blended by time in their outlines, the best view that can now be given is the
faint negative produced at the time, here copied from the records of the conven-
tion:
"Ha spoke long and eloquently. 'Should all hope of moral influence to
correct these evils be cut off, and the tribunals of our country fail ue while our
wrongs still continue, what then ? Will they grow easier to bear by long cus-
tom ? God forbid that any lapse of time should accustom free men to the duties
of slaves ; and when such fatal danger as that is menaced, then it is time to
' "Strike for our altars and our fires.
Strike for the green graves of our sires,
God and our native land."'
"As he paused there was for an instant a deep silence, as when a question of
life or death is being considered — every man drew a long breath, but the next
instant the air was rent with cries: 'Yes, we will strike ! White men can never
be slaves! Reeder! Reeder! Nine cheers for Reeder and right!' During his
speech he had been constantly interrupted by shouts and shaking of hands. But
now the enthusiasm was ungovernable. The crowd gathered round him with
warmest greetings."*
But his altars and his fires had been left behind in his native state of Penn-
sylvania. Thither, obeying his patriotic impulses, he repaired, leaving his polit-
ical fortunes in the care of the party, and the party to withstand the recoil of his
resolutions. He was known no more in Kansas, except by the echoes of his bom-
bardment of Pierce, until he appeared with the congressional committee in the
spring of 1856, contesting with Whitfield for a seat as delegate in Congress.
If in the white light of the present these views seem to be too highly colored,
the cause is in the subject. As the events of that day are called up in memory,
they rise in succession and make their imprint with the glow that illumined and
magnified them, as they were brought into being by the clash of elements which
de that era a political chaos.
birthright'— the elective franchise — which, first by violence, and then by chicanery, artifice,
weak and wicked legislation, they have so eiiVctually accomplished to deprive us of; and that
we with scorn repudiate the ' election Jaw,' so called, and will not meet with them on the day
they have appointed for the election, but will ourselves fix upon a day for the purpose of elect-
ing a delegate to Congress.
"Mr. Lane moved to strike out of the report all that part impeaching the action of th&
territorial supreme court. Lost.
"Several motions were made to amend, but was finally adopted with but one dissenting
vote."
♦John Speer, ia his " Life of Lane," page 46, says: " Feeder's speech of acceptance was a
masterpiece of eloquence and patriotism. It is to be regretted that there was no reporter on
the ground to preserve it as an example of heroic literature, to be read by future generations,
when liberty might seem to be endangered. When he uttered this noble sentiment: ' We stand
here, fellow-citizens, as with the voice of one man, to proclaim to the world, before high heaven,
that we will protect our rights with the steady arm and the sure eye 1 ' it was said that the unit
shout was heard at Lecompton, five miles away."
378 KANSAS STATE HISTORICAL SOCIETY.
IN MEMORIAM.
COMRADE OTIS BERTHOUDE GUNN, citizen, soldier, civil engineer, and
author, was born on a farm near Montague, Mass., October 29, 1828; died
at his home, Montague apartments, in Kansas City, Mo., February 18, 1901.
Comrade Gunn was a member of the Loyal Legion and of the Grand Army
of the Republic. He was mustered into Admiral Farragut Post No. 3, this city,
January 14, 1892. He was educated at Montague and at Williston Seminary,
East Hampton, Mass. Completing his schooling in 1846, he taught school for
about two years near Harrisburg, Pa., after which he served a short time as
rodman with engineers on the Fitchburg system, between Troy and Boston.
Following the business of civil engineering, for which he had specially qualified
himself, he became connected with the Wabash railway system, and at the age
of twenty-four years he was promoted to the position of division engineer of that
system, in Indiana. Being of a self-reliant and aggressive nature, he forged
ahead until he was made assistant engineer of the Lockport & Niagara Falls
railway.
Foreseeing the great development of the new country in the West, and being
imbued with the spirit of the times, he migrated to the Western frontier in 1857,
and settled in Kansas, locating in Wyandotte. In the excitement of the border
struggles in Kansas that aroused the whole nation and culminated in the great
civil war. Comrade Gunn, with his anti slavery sentiments and positive charac-
ter, could not and did not long remain unknown; he soon became prominent,
and, although not a politician, he was elected to the Kansas state senate in 1861
and 1862. He also served on the military staff of Governor Robinson, in that
state, in the early part of the civil war. He was subsequently commissioned
and served as major of the Fourth Kansas volunteers, and with them was for a
time stationed at the military posts in and near this city, where he superintended
transportation of army supplies.
At this time the Kansas Pacific railroad was projected, and was regarded as
a great public advantage, and almost a military necessity, and its construction
had become a certainty. Comrade Gunn's reputation secured for him an offer
of the position of chief engineer of this road, which he accepted, and resigned his
office as major to take that position. From this time on for many years he had
a wonderful career as a civil engineer and builder of railroads. The Central
Branch of the Union Pacific, now the Missouri Pacific railroad, was built by
him, and he was made its superintendent. As chief engineer of the Missouri,
Kansas & Texas railroac, he built about 900 miles of that road, including the
great bridge that spans the Missouri river at Booneville, Mo. He also built the
bridge across the Missouri river at Atchison, Kan. ; and the dam across the Kan-
sas river at Lawrence, Kan. He reconstructed the Hannibal bridge piers and
the union depot at Kansas City, Mo. As chief engineer, he built the Southern
Kansas railroad, and also portions of the Union Pacific, Santa Fe and 'Frisco
railroads. He made the first map of Kansas; was city engineer of Kansas City,
Mo., in 1889. He superintended the construction of many bridges and public
buildings throughout the country.
Comrade Gunn had acquired a national reputation as a thoroughly skilled and
practical engineer and also an able writer. He frequently contributed to the
OTIS BERTHOUDE GUNN. 379
leading journals and magazines of the country able and valuable articles on great
engineering projects, or upon subjects of special public interest. These articles
always commanded attention, and many of them were copied and republished in
the ablest scientific journals and magazines of this country and of Europe.
He wrote numerous papers, pamphlets, and books. A very able, interesting and
instructive paper on the proposed Nicaragua canal, first read in our own Farragut
post, attracted considerable attention and favorable comment. It was subse-
quently, by request, read before the commercial club of Kansas City, Mo., and
afterwards before the Loyal Legion, at Leavenworth, Kan., by whom it was
published. The article coming to the attention of the Nicaragua Canal Com-
pany, of New York, they took it up and republished in pamphlet for general dis-
tribution, as a most clear and masterly presentation of the project from an
engineer's view, showing its practicability and use, and well calculated to create
and mold public sentiment in its favor and to prove its great advantage as a
military as well as a commercial necessity.
His book entitled "Bullion i\s. Coin" was written by him during the heated
discussions of the money question, in 1895, as a refutation of the sophistries of
W. H. Harvey, in his book called " Coin's Financial School." " Bullion vs. Coin"
was adopted and circulated by the national committee of the gold party as a
campaign document in the presidential campaign of 189G.
Comrade Gunn lived and rounded out an eventful life, and in an age of great
events. He was always a very active, industrious and busy man, and thorough
in whatever he undertook, but withal a very modest person. He was known by
his works, which, while he lived, commanded for him respect, admiration, and
honor, and after his death shall serve as his monuments to perpetuate his
memory and name. He was a just and generous man, a good neighbor and true
and firm friend, universally respected and beloved, and his demise is lamented
by ail.
He was married in 1853 to Miss Mary H. Crosby, of Spencerport, N. Y., who
survives him, together with three children, namely: Mrs. H. C. Whitehead, of
Chicago, 111., wife of H. C. Whitehead, general auditor of the Santa Fe railway
system; Mrs. Otto Bendix, of San Francisco, Cal.; and Fred C. Gunn, the well-
known architect of this city.
Before cooaing to Kansas City, Mo., Major Gunn and family resided many
years in Lawrence, Kan., where te was buried, February 20, 1901, beside his two
deceased children, Lucy and Charles H. Gunn, in the family lot in the beautiful
Oak Hill cemetery, near the historic city of Lawrence, where he lies at rest
amid the scenes of his early pioneer struggles, and alongside of the spot where
lie the remains of the 150 victims who fell defenseless in the infamous Quantrill
raid and massacre, at Lawrence, in 1863.
"With profound appreciation of him whose death so many mourn:
'^Be it rffioJved, By Farragut-Thomas Post No. 8 Department of Missouri,
Grand Army of the Republic, That in the death of Comrade Otis B. Gunn his
wife and family are bereft of a devoted, affectionate and kind husband and
father; each of us. his comrades, a true friend; this post a most valuable arid
honored member; the Grand Army of the Republic a loyal supporter; the com-
monwealth an exemplary man and citizen; and liberty and good government an
able promoter and defender.
'■''Re solved. That we extend to the widow and family of our deceased comrade
our sincere sympathy a-nd condolence in this hour of their bereavement; that we
are mindful of their loss, which is likewise our loss, irreparable, sustained by
his death; that we recognized his worth and held him in high esteem, and de-
380 KANSAS STATE HISTORICAL SOCIETY.
plore with them his separation from us, and with them we shall ever cherish
his momory. He yet survives in our hearts and affections.
'■'■Jlfsolred, That this record and these rsolutions be spread upon our min-
utes, and that duly certified copies thereof be eent to the family of our departed
comrade, and also copies thereof be deposited in the archives of the Kansas
State Historical Society, at Topeka. Kan., and at Lawrence, Kan.
Jere T. Dew, W. F. Henry,
E. B. Howard, J, L. Walker,
J, W. Jenkins, H. F. Devol,
W. F, Cloud, Ross Griffin,
C. N. Brooks, Committee.
"It is Hereby Certified, That the above is an exact and true copy of the
record and resolutions concerning our late comrade, Maj. Otis B. Gunn, adopted
unanimously by this post, this 14th day of March, a. d. 1901, at Kansas City, Mo.
"In Witness Whereof, The commander of said post has hereunto subscribed
his name, and caused the same to be attested by the post adjutant, and the seal
of said post to be hereunto affixed, at Kanpas City, Mo., this 14th day of March,
A, D. 1901. J. E. Turner, Post Commander.
"David C. B^\cu, Post Adjutant.''^
A KANSAS PIONEER MERCHANT.
Written for the State Historical Society, October, 1903, by Geo. W. Martin, Secretary.
npHERE has been so much excitement of a political and public nature in the
-*- settlement and development of Kansas, that the biography of the average
pioneer has largely to do with office-holding, controversy, or fighting. Those who
participated in the organization of government, who were leaders in giving char-
acter to our institutions, labored under unusual circumstances, attracting more
than ordinary attention ; but none the less deserving of mention or fame are
those who, in such chaotic condition as prevailed in territorial days, conducted
successful business enterprises, and who contributed to the expenses of those
who gave time and service to the public. In the beginning of things the tax
upon the liberality of business men was far greater than it is to-day, because
there was so much to do and so few to do it, while the uncertain condition of
things gave hazard to contributions.
Hence there is something refreshing in the biography of a business man who
has adhered strictly to business since the month of November, 1856, down to the
present — the oldest continuous merchant in Kansas to-day; always refusing
public or political favors; contenting himself solely with voting the Republican
ticket, but ready with his services and money in advancing a business enterprise
of use to his city, the territory, and his neighbors.
In the now almost half a century since the organization of Kansas as a terri-
tory, and therefore subject to settlement, statesmen, politicians, office-holders and
whole communities have passed away. Those who have lost out and moved on;
towns that have had national prominence in fact or in the minds of the project-
ore; schemes that died a bornin'; United States senators, congressmen and gov-
ernors who existed only in sappy heads, have far outnumbered those who got
there and stayed. The people of Kansas can look back and see all that has been
done, how it was done; and the failures, and how they happened, are as signifi-
cant as the successes.
It is interesting, therefore, when we note the style of old-time Kansas bio-
graphy, to read the story of a Kansas pioneer who attended strictly to business.
William Learner, of Lecompton, without doubt the oldest continuous merchant
in Kansas, will soon retire from business which he established in that city in No-
A KANSAS PIONEER MERCHANT. 381
vember, 18j6, and which he has continued in one place since 1857, and within
Jess than a block of where he opened. This business he has conducted succees-
fully all this time, never failing, and having never been sued. Mr. Learner, it
may be further said, began business on his own account in 1843, when he was
seventeen years old, and he now closes sixty years of active business without fail-
ing, without being sued, and although he has sued others probably a dozen times
never once called for an execution against another.
There is not enough of this sort of biography written. There is an abundance
of it among this people, but somehow there is a predilection toward the sensa-
tional and notorious. And yet with all his quiet attention to business Mr. Leamer
had a connection with public affairs in the territorial days of exceeding interest;
the local and political failures with which he was surrounded emphasizing the
success he made in his chosen line of strictly business.
William Leamer was born at Leamersville, Blair county, Pennsylvania, Sep-
tember 8, 1826. He was the son of William Leamer and Catherine Gast, each
being born in eastern Pennylvania. There were eleven children in his father's
family. Two besides himself still live — Levi G., at Altoona, Pa., and a sister,
Mrs. Elizabeth Lovell, at Osborne, Kan. His education was limited to the com-
mon schools of Leamersville and East Freedom.
On the 8th of August, 1855, at Altoona, he was married to Anna Mary Mc-
Cormick, whose family had previously removed from Hollidayeburg. She was
the daughter of Alexander McCormick and Catherine Adams. Her parents were
also natives of Pennsylvania. Mr. and Mrs. Leamer have had eight children:
Kate K., Clara E., and William A., now dead; Ed. Brooke Leamer, a traveling
man, with the Rocky Mountains for his field; Coates W., in business at Onaga;
Mary McKinney Snyder, at Robinson; Harry Gast, at Lecompton; and Ella
Butler, living at Hood River, Ore.
Mr. Leamer began business at Leamersville in 1843. In 1846 he moved to
HoUidaysburg, the county-seat of Blair county, just created that year by the
Pennsylvania legislature, and bought out Lloyd & Graff, a leading mercantile
establishment. Here he did a large business until 1855, when the Kansas fever
took hold of him, and he sold out. He and his wife started for Kansas in Janu-
ary, 1856, reaching Lecompton in May. In the following November he opened
the business which he is now closing, and which has been a success, leaving him
a comfortable competence, notwithstanding the public and political disasters to
the town of his choice.
A number of Hollidaysburgers and other Pennsylvanians had located at Le-
compton, without much thought of the slavery question. Dr. A. Rodrique, of
HoUidaysburg, was one of the town company, and was doubtless responsible for
leading the others. Later, other Pennsylvanians came to the neighborhood, who
announced themselves as free-state Democrats, and, as the town became the
pro-slavery capital and headquarters, they were regarded as abolitionists, and
became very offensive. The Learners and the McCormicks away back in Penn-
sylvania were, however, Whigs and Republicans.
If Leamer had put his energy, liberality and success at a point not doomed
for political reasons, how much more he would have accomplished; and yet, who
knows. As it has been, he has done his part well, he has made a pleasant home,
raised a delightful family, and left a mercantile record for honor and uprightness
never excelled and rarely equaled.
At the time of his settlement at Lecompton, the national government was en-
gaged in erecting a capitol building for the future state of Kansas. This was in
the interest of the scheme to force Kansas into the Union as a slave state. The
382 KANSAS STATE HISTORICAL SOCIETY,
foundation of this building was placed, and the walls built a few feet above th©'
ground. The contractors on the job were A. Rodrique, Samuel J. Jones, James
C. Bailey, and Findlay Patterson; all being PennsyWanians except Jones. Con-
gress spent $50,000 on the job, and, as sentiment changed rapidly from 1856 to
December, 1857, no more money could be had. The last contractor got into debt
to Mr. Learner about $1000, at which figure the credit was stopped. This puts
some responsibility on Mr. Learner of squeezing out the first capitol. He after-
wards received S500 of the amount, leaving $500 in the effort to give Kansas a
capitol building.
The free-state men were determined that there should be no capital at Le-
compton, and, when they came into power, removed the session of the legislature
to Lawrence in 1858, 1859, 1860, and 1861. But that they should have no excuse,
the citizens of Lecompton provided ample hall room and hotel accommodations^
A majority of the sentiment of the neighborhood was pro-elavery, and both ele-
ments made an effort for a hotel, each standing in the other's way, and so with-
out success. Mr. Leamer and the celebrated Robert S. Stevens were on the
free state subscription for a hotel for $500 each. At last Leamer proposed that
he and Stevens transfer their subscription to the pro-slavery side, which was
done, and before night a contract was made for a stone hotel, known to fame as
the Rowena. In a few months the control of the enterprise was shifted to the
free state crowd, and when finished a free-state landlord was put in charge.
But in the progress of construction and equipment help and credit were needed^
and, with seven others, William Leamer signed a note for $8000. Everybody
knows what happened. The legislature regularly adjourned to Lawrence, and,
as William H. Seward predicted, Lecompton became as lonesome as a lone widow
on a hill. But that note! Dynasties may fall, revolutions come, parties decay,
and political manipulators die, but a note with a good name on it goes on. Three
months after that note was outlawed, William Leamer paid every dollar of it,
with interest, making about $10,000 in all, the other fellows falling by the way-
side, either for lack of stuff or conscience.
In addition, the landlord, in attempting to feed the statesmen, that they might
have no excuso for leaving, became indebted to Leamer about $500, adding so-
much more to his enterprising zeal for the town of his adoption. To help estab-
lish a private boarding-house he contributed about $100; but nothing could en-
tice the free- state people to tolerate Lecompton as their seat of government.
In territorial days a- stage line was established between Lawrence and St.
Joseph. In order to have the stage company make Lecompton a point, he built
a barn for them, costing him about $1000. He put $1600 into a pontoon bridge.
He and a few others, in the early days, built a Presbyterian church, which is now
used as a residence. He has hundreds of dollars in Episcopal, Catholic and
Southern Methodist enterprises, now defunct. He and his good wife were of the
Btraight-laced Presbyterian stock in Pennsylvania, but when left without their
kind, and the United Brethren adopted Lecompton, they joined with this ele-
ment in maintaining church work in the community.
About 1861 or 1865 the United Brethren denomination purchased the founda-
tion of the capitol and erected thereon a two-story building, which they called
Lane University, in honer of General and United States Senator James H. Lane.
Our recollection is that Lane promised to endow the institution very liberally,
but Lane had a prolific mouth in this respect — he was a doliarless man. This
summer the institution was removed to Holton and consolidated with Campbell
University. From beginning to end, Lane University cost the subject of our
sketch about $10,000. The old Rowena hotel, which has been used in conneo-
A KANSAS PIONEER MERCHANT. 383
tion with Lane University as a dormitory, is now being remodeled for a hardware
and agricultural-implement store.
Mr. Learner first engaged in business on the corner of Woodson and Haider-
man avenues. On this corner he now has as fine a residence as there is in Doug-
las county. In 1857 he built a store-room on Elmore avenue, in which place he
has continued to this day. In 1857 this was the finest store in Douglas county,
and he carried the best stock of goods.*
In 1859 he started a store in Junction City, and in August, 1860, sold out to
the famous firm of Streeter & Strickler. For many years he also did business
at Perry, in Jefferson county. He established other people in business, getting
the worst of it a couple of times; but he took hold of each concern and made
them pay out 100 cents on the dollar. His credit with wholesalers was un-
bounded. During his sixty years of continuous business his losses from bad ac-
counts run upwards of $130,000; some of it, of course, such as occurs to all
business men, a little of it perhaps to bad judgment, but a whole lot of it due to
cleverness and an ambitious desire to push along enterprises of a useful public
nature. Much that he did in territorial days was wasted because of political
animosities, but that does not lessen the fact that he did his duty. Now that he
has concluded to retire, the evidence is all in, and it is certain that he came from
a family of stayers.
In no department of activity or enterprise did Mr. Learner lag. When the
scheme of building a railroad from Topeka to Kansas City was suggested, he
promptly took hold, in March, 1872, and obtained the right of way from the
farmers through Lecompton township as a gift to the company, and without ex-
pense on his part. The Atchison, Topeka & Santa Fe started from Atchison, but
the development of Kansas City necessitated the construction of a line down the
valley from Topeka. Mr. Learner began freighting with an ox team from Leav-
enworth ; in 18C6 his wagon service was reduced to a drive from the Union Pacific
at Perry, across the river; and later the great Santa Fe, successor of the lo-
cal company, came within three blocks of his store and residence. That he
was always a cash man, always putting up his share through life, it may be said
that he does not know the sensation of riding on a pass or of having any dead-
head freight.
We are told that but three merchants in a hundred go through life without
failing. Therefore Mr. Leamer is not only the oldest merchant at one stand in
Kansas, but he is one of the three out of a hundred. He stayed with his busi-
ness— came to Kansas with that purpose; and I think the lesson of his life is of
more use than that of the man who became governor, congressman, or United
States senator. Mr. Leamer was never called tricky, never charged with taking
advantage of another; always known for unlimited cleverness toward his neigh-
bors. There never was any fault found with his business operations; his record
shows the most scrupulous business integrity and personal honor, whereas, a
person may reach a political job without either of these old-fashioned virtues.
To those who have adhered to business after the manner of Mr. Leamer the
state of Kansas owes its advancement. He has had the help and inspiration of
a splendid woman. Eliza Jane McCormick, an aunt of Mrs. Leamer, had charge
of the infant Sunday-school of the First Presbyterian Church in his old Pennsyl-
vania town for years and years; and when I think of the thousands of boys and
girls, afterwards and now strong men and women scattered all over the country,
♦He closed this business out March 15, 1904, to his sons, Brooke and Harry Q., under the
firm name of Leamer & Leamer, and is now retired.
384 KANSAS STATE HISTORICAL SOCIETY.
with her impress upon their minds and hearts, I would not trade her record for
that of a whole township full of women's clubs of today. It is the sort of blood
and brain and companionship from which William Leamer has drawn in his bat-
tle of life, and this is the mettle which is sending the pioneers of Kansas ringing
down the ages.
RAILROAD GRADING AMONG INDIANS.
Written for the Kansas State Historical Society by A. Roenigk,* of Lincoln, Kan.
THE year of 1868 was a busy time in western Kansas, especially at the army
posts. Forts Harker and Hays were active. Indians had committed many
depredations on the Solomon river and at other places. The Nineteenth Kansas
cavalry was being organized. This regiment, with General Custer and the
Seventh cavalry, was getting ready for an Indian campaign. Horses, mules,
wagons and other freight were shipped by rail to these military posts. From
here soldiers and wagon-trains followed the Indians south to the Indian Territory.
After a battle they were brought to terms and then fed by the government at a
place named Camp Supply. I had been working for the government, and came
to Fossil Creek station in November to work on the railroad.
Ellsworth and Hays City were small frontier towns, with no others between or
west of Hays to Sheridan, a small place at the end of the road near the state
line. From there freight was hauled by wagon-train to Denver.
Fossil Creek I station had no depot or telegraph office. A water- tank and a
small frame box house, the shape of a freight car, were the only buildings. The
side-track was about one mile west of the station. I think it had been built for
the purpose of loading building stone for culverts and bridges.
A man named John Cook was in charge of the station, pumping water for
locomotives by horse power (one horse). He and his wife also boarded the sec-
tion men, generally six or seven. Several small dugouts were the quarters of the
men and a large one was occupied by the boarding boss and his wife, which was
also the dining-room for all. It had small windows on all four sides and could
be used as a fort in time of need. Large herds of buffalo were in sight many
times and other game was plenty.
The railroad had been built the year before and was named Union Pacific,
Eastern Division; afterwards the name was changed to Kansas Pacific. There
* Adolph Roenigk was born in Thuringia, Prussia, in 1847. He is the son of Gotlob and
Maria Roenigk, who were honest, thrifty farmers in good circumstances. He received a common-
school education up to the age of thirteen, when he came to America, settling in Wisconsin,
leaving his parents in the old country. A few years later he went to St. Louis and learned the
trade of saddle- and harness-making, attending night school. In 1866 he made a tour of Kansas,
visiting Lawrence, Topeka, and Manhattan, returning by way of Leavenworth. In 1868 he
came to Kansas to make his home, working for the government during the Indian troubles of
that year. He settled in Clay county in 1870, and in 1871 his parents came from Germany and
joined him. He engaged in the saddlery and harness business at Clifton, Washington county,
and was worth at this time $20,000. Ho removed to Lincoln, Kan., and engaged quite exten-
sively in manufacturing, and has always done a prosperous business. He built several business
blocks. He was burned out in 1897, without insurance, and met with other losses about the
same time. He made a trip to California for his liealtb. He is a bachelor, an Odd Fellow,
and a Royal Arch Mason. He is still engaged in business, as much for pleasure as profit, and
is comfortably fixed.
fFossil creek is a branch of the Smoky Hill. Fossil station became the present town of
Russell, April 19, 1871, through adoption by the Northwestern Colony Association, of Ripon, Wis.
In 1874 it was made the county-seat of Bussell county.
RAILROAD GRADING AMONG INDIANS. 385
were no regular passenger trains running; only a mixed train, one a day each
way, and once in a while an extra. Indians had been troublesome more or less
ever since the road was built, and men had been killed along the line. The
company had armed its men with guns for their protection, six or seven of
which belonged to the equipment of each section gang, the same as the tools.
We called them railroad guns and we carried them with us when going to work,
but, seeing no Indians, some of the boys would get careless and leave them at
home. They were breech-loading rifles of an unusual caliber. The ammunition
could not be found for sale anywhere, and it was furnished by the railroad com-
pany in such limited quantities as to allow no practice, and we were generally
out, or nearly so.
Three of us, George Seeley, the boss, Charles Sylvester, and myself, intended
to stay together and with the job at the station for some time. Each had bought
a Spencer carbine, a seven-shot repeating rifle, which has the magazine in the
butt of the gun, and was one of the best at that time.
About May 20, or a week before the raid, a man on horseback was passing
through and stopped with us for dinner. I think he was a scout or some kind
of government employee. He told us the report at Fort Hays was that the In-
dians had broken out at Camp Supply and were coming north, and we had bet-
ter be on the lookout.
On May 28 there were seven of us. Besides us three who had the Spencers
there were George Taylor, Alexander McKeefer, John Lynch, and a man whose
name I have forgotten. The latter had taken his gun with him, but had for-
gotten his ammunition and had left it at home. The other three were armed.
I was the youngest man among them, but the oldest hand on the job at the
time, and can say for myself that I was the most careful. Only a few days be-
fore I had urged one of the men who was killed to take his gun with him when
going to work. I had sixty rounds of ammunition, and the other two men about
thirty rounds each. We were working on the track about one and three-fourths
miles west of the station, and about 300 yards east of a large ravine running
north to the Saline river: a branch of this one heads about a quarter of a mile
east of where we were at work, and so we were between the two.
While busy at work in the forenoon I overheard an argument between two of
the men about Indians. They were looking north, and one contended that he
had seen Indians ; the other said they were not. On looking up I had seen what
might have been a bay animal. It had dropped out of sight, and the distance
was too far to be sure. The hand car was standing on the track with the guns
in the rack. I started for the car to load my gun. Charles Sylvester, who was
our funny man, always full of stories and jokes, made fun of me, calling me a
coward, because I had done the same thing once or twice before when it turned
out to be nothing but antelope, or something of that kind. I laid down my gun
without loading it and went back to work. About an hour later, and when we
had forgotten about it, one of the men shouted, "Yes, they are Indians." It
flashed through my head as another of Charlie's jokes, but the same instant I
saw Indians on their ponies coming out of the ravine west of us, yelling like
demons.
I ran for my gun, and, seizing my cartridge bag, grabbed a handful, but, load-
ing in haste, got one too many in the gun. I could not shut down the magazine
and had to pull it out and take out one. This occupied several moments. The
Indians were right on our heels, firing at us, and the bullets made the dust fly
?\\ around me. Some one called, "Come on." Looking up I saw the boys on
the car leaving me. I ran and got on the car. We tried to get the car under
386 KANSAS STATE HISTORICAL SOCIETY.
headway, but had gone only a short distance when Indians came out of the
ravine ahead of us, and the next minute we were surrounded and they were
firing into us from all sides. We had to take to our guns.
The Indians were also in danger of hitting one another. They opened out in
front and let us pass, keeping up the fire from both sides and behind. I thought
it impossible to reach the station alive. A culvert was ahead of us. I called to
the boys, "Let 's get into the culvert." Some one said "No." I think it was
one ip?ho had no gun. These words, and "O God!" by one of the men killed,
were the only ones spoken during the run. On we went. It was impossible to
get the car under headway, as the Indians came so close we had to take to our
guns, which slackened the speed of the car; but before we could get them to
our shoulders, like circus riders, tho Indians would slip on the other side of their
ponies, and we would let drive at them now and then.
About halfway, Alexander McKeefer and John Lynch were killed, and fell
from the car a few hundred yards apart. Each time a crowd of Indians jumped
ofif their ponies and gathered round. The last one exclaimed "O God!" I
turned to look at him and saw he was struck. The Indians were pressing us
hard. I turned back towards them and the next moment I saw him lying on
the track behind us. Again the Indians gathered round and I tired a shot into
the crowd. When their guns were empty and no time to reload, we received a
shower of arrows. One struck George Seeley in the thigh. He jerked it out the
next moment. About one-half mile from our. dugout the Indians turned and
left us. When within a few hundred yards of the station we met John Cook,
with his rifle, coming toward us.
All got into the large dugout with our guns, placed the ammunition on a
table in the center of the room, where it was handy, and waited for the Indians
to come. We expected to be^attacked. As none appeared, we spread some
quilts on the floor, and four of us, who were wounded, George Seeley, Charles
Sylvester, George Taylor, and myself, laid down, while the man that was not
hurt kept watch outside, in turn with John Cook. Nothing was seen for several
hours. In the afternoon twenty-eight Indians passed that station on the south,
but out of our range, walking one behind the other, leading their ponies, to a
point on the road about two miles east, where they tore up the track by break-
ing off the heads of spikes and setting fire to the joint ties. They were the old-
fashioned chair rails. In that way they removed some rails. The smoke was
plainly seen from the station, and we suspected what they were doing.
Both trains were due at midnight, to pass one another on the side-track one
mile west. The one from the west came first and found the road bed damaged,
but a wreck was prevented on account of the train going slow to go onto the side-
track. John Cook intended to flag the train from the east, but would not ven-
ture out to the other side of the damaged track. When the train came in sight
he made a fire in the center of the track at the station by burning a bale of hay,
but the signal was not understood by the engineer on account of the distance,
and the train ran into the ditch.
The nearest telegraph station was Bunker Hill. A wrecking train to arrive
and repair the track required nearly two days. We were taken to the govern-
ment hospital at Fort Harker, later to Ellsworth, and treated by a doctor in the
employ of the railroad company from Salina.
In the fall I went back to Fossil Creek station. Things had changed. The
place was a busy tie camp. The railroad was being extended from the state
line to Denver. Wood-choppers were making ties and chopping cord wood on
Paradise creek for the new extension, and teams were hauling them to the sta-
RAILROAD GRADING AMONG INDIANS. 387
tion. Locomotives then burned wood. We had a telegraph oflBce. The name,
of the operator was John J. Burns. A squad of soldiers were stationed here, as .
at every other station along the line. They were of Gen. Nelson A. Miles's regi-/
ment, the Fifth infantry, with headquarters at Fort Marker. Twice more we
saw Indians; one time a mile west, at nearly the same place. Eight were com-
ing from the south. Seeing us, they turned and took a course west and were
soon out of sight. We were feeling all right that time, and would have just as
soon had a round or two with them. The soldiers at the station had also seen
them and were coming to where we were. It was not known whether there
were any more in the vicinity or not.
In the spring of 1870 I left the station. At the time of the raid we were criti-
cized by some, claiming that we acted cowardly in taking to our heels; that we
should have made a stand and that we could have easily whipped them, and so
on.* For myself, I will say at the time I had no other thought than my gun.
Although we had plenty of warning we were completely surprised. In a very ,
short time the prairie seemed swarming with Indians, and the majority of us ,
were without means of defense. By the way the firing commenced, we knew ,
they were well armed. The place there is level and hardly any ditch for us to ,
get into. But this was not all. Leaving myself out, I will say the boys had rea- (
son to believe we could outrun the Indian ponies, as we had done once before
when we had a race with some of the best horses of Fort Hays. This can best;
be told by relating the whole story. j
About February, I think it was, we had a blizzard that filled ravines and.,
railroad cuts full of snow and left very little on the prairie. The sun came out ,
warm and we were shoveling snow to clear the track. We had had no train for j
a week. We had our section clear except one cut six miles west. While going
there one afternoon to finish, a few miles from the station we met a big, burly ,
looking fellow with a pair of six-shooters strapped to his side coming on foot- ,
Answering a few questions as to the distance to the station, etc, we passed on, ,
and forgot about him. Arriving at the cut we shoveled snow on the east end, ;
when one of the boys had occasion to go up on the high ground. He came down ^
immediately with the report, "Indians are coming." Another went, to know the ,
truth of the statement. He also came down with the same report. I
All seemed to think the dugout would be the best place for us; so withoui ,
argument we pulled for home. We had gone but a short distance when horse-,,
men appeared on the high ground behind us, and one of them tired a shot. Her©..
the railroad makes a long bend. Four or five of the best mounted on the north
side took across the prairie to head us off. A lively race followed. We had a
good car and down grade, and I might say we fairly made her fly. The bend in
the road was not short enough and we easily outwinded the horses. .
Being out of reach, we took it moderately. Getting home, we all got into the ^
large dugout with our guns and got things ready for a reception. A while later ^
those horsemen who had run the race with us came in sight. One was carrying ^
a stick with a white handkerchief tied to it as a flag of truce. Coming nearer, ;
♦Grading on the railroad was quite risk}' in 1867 and 1868. Tuesday, June 18, 1867, Thomas
Parks, contractor, and three other men were killed by Indians on the grade about where Wilson
is now. Parks was a partner of Vincent J. Lane, of Kansas City, Kan. Mr. Lane declined to >
contract further because of the danger, and it was but a short time after he retired that Parks ;
was caught. Oa Saturday, the 22d, three more men were killed and scalped near Monument
station, and 1000 laborers driven from their work along the line. A few days later two men '
were killed at Bunker Hill. Oa the 27th a camp was attacked and one grader killed and "■
another wounded, and five Indians killed, Lieutenant-general Sherman called on Governor i
Crawford for eight companies of cavalry, and the Eighteenth Kansas regiment was the result.
388 KANSAS STATE HISTORICAL SOCIETY.
we saw that they were army officers, and later there catne about thirty privates
of the Tenth cavalry. They were negroes and those our two men had taken for
Indians.
They were following the track in the snow of the man whom we had met in
the afternoon. He was said to be a horse thief, and when they saw the car going
they thought he was on and tried to head us off. On reaching the station, they
took a circle around the place looking for his tracks, to see that he had not left;
then the darkies made a search of our dugout with drawn guns. Finally they
located him up in the water tank, made him hand down his guns and come down.
The officers then had him tied by his wrists with the rope over the beam in the
tank building and made him stand on his tip toes. In that way they tried to
get a confession out of him as to who his pals were. They worked with him all
oight.
An organized gang of horse thieves were about Hays City, and some of the
best horses and mules had been taken from the government corral. The snow
came at the wrong time, and it got too hot for the thieves, and this one tried to
get away on foot. One of the soldiers told me the thief must have traveled forty
miles that day, but the snow was not melted enough but what they could track
him.
The next morning all started back to Fort Hays. The man had to walk with
his hands tied, and a rope to the saddle of one of the negroes. Later we heard
that he never reached the fort, but that he was found in an abandoned sod hr>use
on the way, with bullet holes through him and some sod thrown over him. Our
eupposition was that the officers rode on ahead and left him to his fate in the
hands of the soldiers, who killed him.
In conclusion, I will say that I believe the chances taken in getting on that
car were greater than otherwise, and don't think I would have been in favor of
it; but as soon as we started and saw Indians coming out of the ravine ahead of
us I thought it was a mistake, and I hardly expected to reach the station alive.
Hundreds and hundreds of shots were fired at us, and twenty-eight bullet marks
were counted on us and the handcar. It was a wonder we were not all killed.
On the other hand, if the car had been off the track there would have been no
time to get it on, and it might have been better for us, as we would have been
compelled to make a stand. We three were fairly good shots, and they could
not have got us without our getting some of them, perhaps a large number;
and after killing a few, they might have left us alone. Being near the railroad,
•we would have had relief.
The trouble was we were not organized. Those who had no guns would not
Miepend on us three; but, in justice to the boys, I will say they were not cowards
«ny more than the average citizen. They expected to outrun the Indians, as we
had the army officers, and could we have gotten the car under good headway
they could have done us little if any harm. When it was over we did not know
that we hit any one, but the next day one pony was found dead in its tracks on
■the south side, and the carcass of another was found later, some distance north
and west.
When the train that had been on the side-track during the night came down
to the station the next morning, the trainmen picked up the dead bodies on
the way. They were stripped of clothing and horribly butchered up. They
were scalped, and rings of telegraph wire were through the calves of their legs
and fleshy parts of their bodies, and arrows stuck into them. Being hurt myself,
I was advised not to see them. They were wrapped in blankets and buried
about 300 yards south of the railroad-track and a little east of the water-tank.
A DEFENSE BY SAMUEL A. LECOMPTE. 389
somewhere near what is now the main street of Rueeell. [On the lot now occu-
pied by Hill's store. — Ed,] In the winter of 1869 I put up a headstone for each —
common limestone, the only kind I could get — on which I cut their names, native
state, and the words: "Killed by Indians, May 28, 1868." Alexander McKeefer
was a Canadian, and John Lynch a New Yorker, of Irish descent. Both were
between thirty and thirty-five years of age.
A DEFENSE BY SAMUEL D. LECOMPTE.*
OccasJODPd by a newspappr controversy, and published by Sol. Millee, in thn Troy Chief,
February 4, 1875 ; reprinted in this volume by the secretary as an act of historic justice.
TT has been the greatest misfortune of a life, by no means exempt in smaller
-*- measure, that I accepted the position of chief justice of the territory of Kan-
sas, soon after its creation ; not that the position was not one in itself desirable;
not that I failed to apprehend its duties and its responsibilities; not that, in
aught, I did not bring to the discharge of its duties as fair and impartial a
spirit, as full an exemption from partiality, prejudice, favoritism, partizanship
as ever entered with a judge upon his seat; not that, when I retired, I did not
possess a conscience as free from censure as ever possessed a human bosom; not
that to-day, with the increasing solicitude excited by the near approach of the
"bourn" to all human aspirations and fears, I have a regret for one solitary act
of my judicial life. Its misfortune was this — this only: that my service filled a
period, scarcely paralleled in the history of this country, for the violence of the
political animosities aroused; the ingathering, amongst many that were good, of
so many that were vicious and depraved ; the facilities that existed ; the prompt-
* Samuel D. Lecompte was born on the eastern shore of Maryland, December 13, 1814. He
died at the residence of his son, J. T. Lecompte, 1224 Campbell street, Kansas City, Mo , on the
morning of April 24, 1888. He lived in Cambridge, Md., where he studied law and was admit-
ted to the bar. In 1854 he was appointed by President Pierce chief justice of the territorial
court of Kansas, which position he held from October 3, 1854, to March 9, 1859. In the early part
of December, about five weeks after his appointment, he arrived in the territory, accompanied
by his wife, five children, and two negro women. Upon his retirement from the bench he re-
sumed the practice of law, locating at Leavenworth. At the close of the war he renounced
his former political belief and became a Republican. He served four years as probate judge
of Leavenworth county. He represented Leavenworth in the state legislatures of 1867 and 1868.
April 15, 1874, he was elected chairman of the Republican congressional committee of the flrsfc
district, Cy. Leland being secretary, when William A. Phillips, territorial correspondent of the
New York Tribune, was representative in Congress for that district. Judge Lecompte resided
in Leavenworth twenty-two years, when in 1887 he went to Kansas City to live with his son. He
was married, April 28, 1841, to Camilla Anderson, who died at Leavenworth, October 22, 1877.
He made an address before the State Historical Society, February 24, 1879, Governor Robinson
presiding. In the fourth volume of the Kansas Historical Collections will be found a letter
from Judge Lecompte to Congressman J. A. Pearce, of Maryland. The town of Lecompton was
named for him. The Historical Society has a number of manuscripts from Judge Lecompte.
Among them we find the original of the following, referring to the murder of R. P. Brown, at
Easton, January 17, 1856:
"Januaey 18, 185C.
" Mr. Me Meekin or other Depiitxi Marshal : The accompanying warrant, I under'Stand, it
is important to have served speedily. I am told that there is danger that in the excitement
under which those having custody of Mr. Brown are, personal harm may be done him. It is of
intiifite importance that everything like mob violence shfill be restrained in the territory. In
the condition of affairs existing, every good citizen ought, at all hazards, to array himself oa
the side of law and order. The recurrence of deeds of violence must be stopped. If need be in
order to s-ecure the prompt acquiescence of those in whose hands Mr. Brown is, say to them that
he must be surrendered to your custody, to he dealt with as the law directs, and that the re-
fusal to surrender him must be treated as high-handed outrage upon the laws of the country.
If you think it will be needful and of service let those persons see this.
Very respectfully yours, Saml. D. Lecompte."
Several letters passed between Judge Lecompte and the former secretary of the Histor- .
ical Society, Franklin Q. Adams. The last one is dated March 7, 1887, in response to a request
'390 KANSAS STATE HISTORICAL SOCIETY.
hess with which they were seized to charge every violence and every homicide to
political account; the already excited hostility with which immigrants from the
' North and from the South gathered here, not as theretofore in friendly rivalry
to extort its riches from the bosom of the earth by diligent toil, but, nolens
volens, by right or by wrong, to force and to resist the recognition of slavery as
an institution of the future state; and consequent upon all these, the utter im-
possibility that those holding official position could escape calumny.*
The Kansas-Nebraska bill gave to every resident on the day of the first elec-
tion a right to vote. The adjacency of Missouri, separated in the north only by
the river, in the south only by an imaginary line, gave to the citizens of that
Btate all advantages in the control of the first election. Of these they availed
themselves. These they abused, coming hither just in time to vote, and after
the election returning. They carried the elections. Representatives thus elected
constituted the first legislature. They enacted the laws of 1855. However fla-
^g^ant after-facts may have shown the abuse to have been, these were the laws;
were so recognized by the government; could but be so recognized by the judges;
'were so recognized until repealed; and are to this day the source of numberless
rights of property of all kinds, and would today be interpreted by the judges of
our courts, if a question of right depended upon them for adjudication.
' Unpopular as may be the opinion, it was then, with all the opportunities I
"bad of knowing, is now, and I doubt not will be to my dying day, my firm con-
viction that the politicians of the time, no purer nor less pure than the politicians
■'before and since, were mainly anxious to carry their projects to success, and were
rfor a cabiuet photograph of himself. The judge says: "You were kind enough to ask me to
give our (your) Historical Society your ( my ) cabinet photo portrait. You did not say whether
it was by direction of the Society or only at the prompting of your own friendly feelings. It is
not the first time that you have evinced towards me a generous disposition iu a somewhat
similar direction, to which I take pleasure in adding that I have found you, beside, to the ex-
tent that social relations have presented the opportunity for any demonstration, always affable
, and courteous. Were your request, therefore, a merely personal one, I should respond to it
with unhesitating compliance, and no less ready acknowledgments for the compliment it would
.imply. But coming in the form it does and for the purpose specified, while I, noce the less, ap-
preciate your motives and return my heartfelt thanks for the intended kindness, I feel obliged
jby every consideration of self-respect, and in deference to long-felt and profoundly impressed
convictions, to decline your suggestion." Here follow twelve pages of exceeding bitterness,
closing with the following paragraph : " Instead of contributing to its perpetuation in archives,
.60 abounding with manifold outrages, and where such a character holds and, so far as human
prescience can forecast, is destined to hold a lofty preeminence, I should greatly prefer that my
name should be erased from every record and obliterated from every memory. Thanking yon
again, most profoundly, for your individual consideration, I close with the assurance that I
have no desire that my photograph or picture should grace, as perhaps a score of personal
friends might deem, or disgrace, as the hosts who have confederated to my destruction would
adjudge, the halls of the Historical Society of the state."
*On the 23d of September, 1856, Gov. John W. Geary addressed a letter to Chief Justice
Lecompte and Associate Justices Cato and Burrell, in which he said: "Upon my arrival here
I found this territory in a state of insurrection, business paralyzed, the operations of the courts
suspended, and the civil administration of the government inoperative and seemingly useless.
.Much complaint has been made to me against the territorial officers for alleged neglect of duty,
party bias, and criminal complicity with a state of affairs which resulted in a contempt of all
authority," closing with three questions as to their districts and the amount of business in each.
' ( Kansas Historical Collections, volume 4, pages 5.i5. 556.) Cato and Burrell did not respond.
.Judge Lecompte responded (volume 4, pages 602-607 ), with the information asked for, and from
which is quoted the following:
"As to the complaints made to you ' for alleged neglect of duty,' the charge, like the others
mentioned, is too general tf) bo responded to otherwise than by a general denial, and a reference
to the responses which follow to your inquiries,
"As to the charge of ' party bia*,' if it means the fact of such bias, I regard it as ridiculous;
because I suppose evt^rv man in this country, with very few exceptions, indeed, entitled to r6>-
spect either for his abilities, his intelligence, or his virtue, has a ' party bias.' I am proud of
A DEFENSE BY SAMUEL D. LEOOMPTE. 391
quite secondarily concerned as to the modes, and that this was true of both sides
no reasonable man can doubt.
Circumstances changed, the description of Missouri outrages might have
been those of another state of opposite policy. Be this as it may, thus we were
provided officers and people, with a body of laws as good in general as any other
body of laws then governing any other state or has since governed this. No ob-
jection, so far as I know, was ever made to the laws, with the exception of the very
absurd provisions relating to slavery, nor was any ever made to this, within my
knowledge, in the courts of the territory — certainly no question touching it ever
arose in any court held by me.
The head and front of my offending hath this extent, no more: that, as
judge, 1 administered these laws until they were repealed. If in this I polluted
the judicial ermine or committed any other crime, then am I amenable to such
charges. If there be any man who thinks that this was to disgrace the judicial
office, I have quite as much commiseration for his stupidity as he can have of
censure for my offense, with the very flattering advantage on my side, that my
feeling rests upon reason, while the censure is due to a very low order of igno-
rance. With those whose condemnation rests upon this fact I have no con-
troversy.
That a considerable body of the people of the territory, under the leadership
of false teachers, instead of abiding by the laws, until so much of them as was
objectionable, either in their provisions or the manner of their adoption, could be
repealed, arrayed themselves against them, and defied the officers, executive and
judicial, entrusted with their administration and execution, was the great mis-
take of the time. This condition of affairs necessitated a very large increase of
the already existing troubles.
The only alternatives were an abandonment by the entire corps of officials,
from the president of the United States to the lowest territorial officer, of their
highest duty, or the maintenance of the laws. They, myself amongst them,
adopted and sustained the last alternative. That they were right in this I am
not to discuss. But in the maintenance of this alternative, did I abuse or per-
vert my power, to the wrong of any living soul ? Did I abuse or pervert my
power by affection, on the other hand, or partiality, to secure a living soul from a
rightfully incurred condemnation ? If, in either of these regards, I was at any
time derelict, then I am well charged with malfeasance in office, and richly de-
serving to have my name reproached and dishonored. If not, then are they
libelers, and wicked libelers, who so stigmatize me, as has been done, until I was
obliged, in self-vindication, to appeal to the law for an ascertainment of the
proof.
It was reasonably to be expected that, where such fierce invectives have been
mine. It has, from my first manhood to this day, placed me in the ranks of the Democratic
party. It has tauprht me to regard that party as the one, par excellence, to which the destinies
of this contitry are particularly entrusted for preservation.
" If it be intended to reach beyond tbat general application, and to charere a pro-slavery
bias, I am proud, too, of this. I am the steady friend of Southern rights under the cnnstita-
tion of the United States. I have been reared where slavery was recognized by the constitution
of my state. I love the institution as entwining around all my early and late associations;
because I have seen as much of the nobility of the human heart in the relation of master and
servant, and on the part of the one as well of the other, as I have seen elsewhere. I have with
me now an old woman who left all to come with me when it was purely at her discretion. An-
other who did the same have I lo>^t, and buried with care and decency at Fort Leavenworth.
An old man has come to me, under the care of a youthful nephew, within a few days, all the
way from Maryland, and passing through every intprveuing free state, with a perfect knowledge
of the fact, and making his way through various interferences by his own ingenuity.
" If it means more than the fact, and to intimate that this ' party bias ' has atJected the in-
tegrity of my otHcial action in any solitary case, I have but to say that it is false — basely false.
" In relation to the other charge, of ' criminal complicity with a state of affairs which ter-
minated in a contempt of all authority,' I will content myself with saying that it, too, is false —
basely false, if made in relation to me, and to defy the slanderer to the proofs of a solitary act
to justify the deepest villain in such an aspersion."
392 KANSAS STATE HISTORICAL SOCIETY,
hurled, there must have been many glaring acts of intolerance and outrage,
easily specified and susceptible of the clearest proof — many individuals, the un-
happy victims of those wrongs, who, with the' readiest alacrity, would have pre-
ferred their complaints and loaded me with fresh reproach.
Now, where are these persons ? Who knows of one ? With the single excep-
tion of Cole McCrea, I have heard of none. And what are the facts in his case?
That he killed Malcolm Clark in the streets of Leavenworth in the spring of
1855 is an undeniable fact. I then resided at the Shawnee Mission, and was
at home at the time. I heard of the murder, and at the same time was informed
that there were threatenings of mob violence. In less than an hour after the
information was received I was on the road to Leavenworth, for the sole purpose
of determined resistance to such a procedure. Stopping at Fort Leavenworth
over' night, I went early in the morning to Leavenworth city, and, by earnest
protest and entreaty with all such as I knew and met, prepared the way, before
the hour appointed for the meeting for deliberating, for the passage of a resolu-
tion disavowing all interference with the regular administration of the law.
When the meeting assembled I took the stand, and, with whatever of energy
and earnestness and ability I possessed, urged the adoption of the resolution.
Nobly seconded and sustained by the better thinking, the resolution was carried>
against some violent opposition. Thanking the audience for the result, I imme-
diately left, and had no part in any other of their proceedings.
Other resolutions of a highly inflammatory and partisan character were after-
wards passed by them, as I learned from the next issue of the paper, where I saw
them, along with the one I had come all the way from the mission, forty miles,
to carry, and myself, in general terms, announced at the close as one of the
speakers. My immediate purpose was to address a note to the editor, placing
myself right by disavowing all connection and sympathy with the political part
of their proceedings. Reluctant, however, to obtrude myself before the public,
knowing, too, that every one present well understood my part in the matter, and
little dreaming at that time of the future conflicts, I let the occasion pass, and
thus, unfortunately for myself, left, without correction, an apparent record that
did the greatest conceivable injustice.
It is this same report of the proceedings of the meeting, which being called to
the attention of the investigating committee sent here by authority of Congress,
led them to incorporate in their report that I had thus been one of the speakers
at a political meeting at which very denunciatory partizan resolutions were
passed — an act of the most inexcusable injustice on their part, when I had had
no opportunity given me of explanation.
Shortly after this meeting I came up to Fort Leavenworth with my family,
where I was allowed quarters for a few months. Then the case of McCrea was
brought before me for preliminary hearing, and upon such hearing I thought it
my duty, and as well hie interest, to commit him to custody. This was done un-
til the sitting of the court, which came on some months after. There being but
a short time allotted to the term, before that to be held at Atchison and other
places came on, no final action by the grand jury was taken until an adjourned
term of forty days. At such term an indictment was found, and on the 14th day
of November, 1855, his counsel applied, according to law, for a change of venue
(and it was granted ) to Shawnee county, in the second district. This was my
entire connection with this case.
Shortly after that time he escaped from the guard-house at the fort; returned
here some years afterward, when quietness had been restored and healing laws
passed, and has remained undisturbed, as much to my satisfaction as that of
A DEFENSE BY SAMUEL A. LECOMPTE. 393
any other person. Upon the merit or demerit of the case I have had no occasion
to decide, beyond that implied in the performance of the official duties above
specified ; nor have I at any time expressed an opinion beyond this : that it was
such a case as made it my duty to hold him for trial.
Shortly before this I had had before me, at the Shawnee Mission, the case of
one Kibby, a free-state man, who had killed a pro-slavery man. Him I had dis-
charged on bail upon an entirely different state of facts, S. N. Wood, a promi-
nent free-state man, being his counsel. It would be quite as fair to allege
against me partiality in this case as prejudice in the other. The simple fact is,
that I disposed of both with simple reference to their merits, as I understood
them, and with no more regard to the political opinions or interest involved than
to the color of their hair.
There is another case to which reference has been made, not unfrequently,
that may be regarded as a specific accusation. It is that of the bailing of Charles
Hays, after indictment for the murder of Buffum. This murder, undoubtedly,
was amongst the most atrocious of those times.* Whether or not Hays was the
guilty man is more than I know; about it I have never heard any proof, nor do
I know that there was any. There was, it is true, an indictment, and that made
some presumption that distinguished it from a case on preliminary examination,
and, in the absence of exten'^ating circumstances, ought to have controlled, and
would have controlled my judgment "gainst bailing. Thus the question arose.
The day before the necessary adjournment of court, at the close of a long term,
when be had professed himself ready for trial, a'~d the territory was not ready,
his counsel made application for bail. I remarked that I did not feel at liberty
to bail, under the circumstances, without knowing something of the merits of
the case, and had the witnesses called, with a view to a summary inquiry as to
the greatness of the presumption of guilt. No witnesses were in attendance. I
stated that I would put the matter off until the next day, and proceeded with
the business of the court, which consisted mainly in taking bail for appearance
to the next term. The next day my attention was again called to the case, and
when I asked if any witnesses were in attendance, and what the district attor-
ney had to say, he rose in his place and stated that he knew Mr. Hays well : that
he lived not far from him; that he regarded it as altogether uncertain whether
any proof could connect him with the murder; that he had no doubt he could
give good bail, and that so far as he, the prosecutor, was concerned, he should
make no objections to his being bailed. I thereupon stated that, under those
circumstances, I would take the bail, fixing the sum at $10,000, and took a bail
bond with five securities, reputed to be men of large means.
The next morning I left Lecompton for my home at Leavenworth, where I
then resided, as I do now and have ever since. A day or two afterwards. Colonel
Donalson, United States marshal, came to my house and told me that Governor
Geary, after I had left, had denounced my conduct in bailing Hays, and threat-
* Governor Geary and .Judge Cato happened along the road a few moments after the shoot-
ing of Baffum, and saw him weltering in his blood. This was on February 15. The murderer
was one of a squad of six Kickapoo rangers, and in November Hays was arrested. Judge Cato,
at the direction of the governor, took down the dying man's statement, as follows: " Oh, this
was a most unprovoked and horrid murder. They asked me for my horses, and I plead with
them not to take them. I told them that I was a cripple — a poor lame man; that I had an
aged father a deaf and dumb brother, and two sisters, all depending upon me for a living, and
my horses were all I had with which to procure it. One of them said I was a God d— d aboli-
tionist, and, seizing me by the shoulder with one hand, he shot me with a pistol he held in the
other. I am dying, but my blood will cry to heaven for vengeance, and this horrible deed will
not go unpunished. I die a martyr to the cause of freedom, and my death will do much to aid
that cause."— Gihon's "Geary and Kansas," page 167.
I
394 KANSAS STATE HISTORICAL SOCIETY.
ened to report it to the president; had requested him, the marshal, to rearrest
Hays, and, upon his declining to do, had ordered Colonel Titus to rearrest him.
A- few days afterwards application was made to me by Hays for a habeas
corpus. This I issued, and upon his being brought before me by Titus, with a
return setting forth the facts, I ordered his discharge from custody, and he was
discharged; and thus the matter ended, so far as concerned action here. The
case was represented by Governor Geary, but in the most distorted manner, to
President Pierce. I made to President Pierce a statement of the facts as I have
represented them here, and closed my letter to him with the assurance that, if he
desired a chief justice for the territory of Kansas who could be dictated to in the
discharge of his official functions by either the governor of this territory or the
president of the United States, it would necessary to appoint another gentle-
man; that I had always performed my duties under a solemn sense of my obli-
gations, without favor, affection, or prejudice; that I had so done in the case of
Hays, and meant so to do while I held the office; and that my judicial conduct
could not be controlled by either him or the governor.
President Pierce sent to the senate the name of a gentleman from Kentucky
to supersede me, but the senate of the United States failed to confirm the nomi-
nation, and thus sustained me. But whether the senate had sustained me or
not — but the more as it did — I ranked my conduct in that transaction as amongst
the proudest acts of my life — only surpassed, if at all, by this: that subse-
quently to this wrong done me, when a Mr. Sherrard was killed at Lecompton, by
a gentleman of Governor Geary's household, and the friends of Sherrard threat-
ened the life of the governor, I remained there two days, upon learning of the
threat, to prevent it, and did, by the most earnest exercise of my personal and
official influence, allay the excitement.
I cannot doubt that Alexander Majors, in whose company and at whose re-
quest I had gone to Lecompton, of the firm of Russell & Majors, will well re-
member this fact. I desire in this connection to be expressly understood as
intending no offense to the memory of Governor Geary. On the contrary, I am
free to say that I entertained for him a high personal admiration, and received
from him many acts of kindness and courtesy, not obliterated by a single injus-
tice, the result of misrepresentations, and a consequently jaundiced view of the
case, aided by the distortions of an egotism which those who have known him
since, and better than myself, unless he had greatly altered, will be apt to ad-
mit to have been a prominent characteristic of him. Nor will I hesitate in pass-
ing, from any truckling to the prevailing fashion of speaking of President Pierce's
administration, to say as a man, as a soldier or a statesman that Pierce is, in my
opinion, entitled to the highest honor and respect and admiration.
That I may have erred in judgment in the matter of bailing Hays is possible,
but I do not think I did ; yet even if I did, it was but an error of judgment, and
was amply retrieved by the resistance of the illegal and unwarrantable rearrest
of him, by the executive authority, and maintenance of judicial independence.
Another accusation against me has been to the effect that the destruction of
the Lawrence hotel and press was made under my authority. To this I can but
offer unqualified denial, and an absolute defiance of any particle of proof from
living witnesses or of record. Not until long after did it ever reach my ear that
my name was in any manner connected with it, except that a newspaper article
was sent to me describing my courts as scenes of drunken debauch, and myself
as having been seen riding down to Lawrence astride of a whisky barrel, and
directing operations. To such things I could scarcely have been expected to
give denials. It did, however, in more serious forms, get into print, and even
A DEFENSE BY SAMUEL D. LECOMPTE. 395
into so-called histories, as that of "Geary and Kansas," by Gihon (the only man
whom I have ever known who struck me as coming up to the full significance of
lickspittle), that Sheriff Jones proclaimed in the streets of Lawrence, at the
time, that the destruction of the property mentioned had been ordered by the
court.
On the preliminary examination of the case against Anthony, James F. Legate
distinctly disproved any such declaration by Jones. I know of nobody who will
say that Jones ever made any such declaration. I have no idea that he ever
did. All I can say is that, if he did, he stated what is unqualifiedly false. If
he or any other living man should say that, by any order, oral or written, I di-
rected such destruction, he would say what is unqualifiedly false. If he or any
other living man should say that, by act or word, I had ever intimated any such
thing, he would say what is unqualifiedly false. If he or any other living man
should say that, by act or word, I had ever given an expression to a sentiment
of approval of the destruction of this or any other property, he would say what
is unqualifiedly false. If he or any other living man should say that he ever
heard me express any other sentiment regarding it than unqualified condemna-
tion, he would say what is unqualifiedly false.
What more can I say? If it be true that I did, directly or indirectly, by
word, by intimation, by order, by connivance, by innuendo, advise, counsel, di-
rect or approve of all or any of the wrongs then perpetrated, I trust that God
almighty shall paralyze my arm as I write, so that this disavowal shall never
meet the public eye. What more can I say ? Where is the order? where was
the trial, where the conviction upon which such an order could have been based?
Do the records show it? Does anybody remember it? Has anybody ever seen
it? How heartless, how base such aspersions!
There were presentments by the grand jury of the hotel and, I believe, of the
press that denounced the laws and defied and counseled resistance to them.
There may have been issued by the clerk of the court citations to the owners to
appear in court and show cause why they should not be abated as nuisances. I
know not that there were. It was not my duty to know, but that of the district
attorney. If he ordered them, they would have been issued by the clerk. There
xnay have been many writs in the hands of the marshal for service, and I pre-
sume there were ; for I do know that it was to aid him in the service of the writs,
which he stated his inability to serve without aid, that he made the foundation
for his proclamation ordering a posse. It was his duty to serve the process of
the courts. If he could not without aid, it was his duty to summon aid. This
he did, and with this I had nothing to do. The public meetings assembled in
Lawrence so understood ; else wherefore is it that all their correspondence and
resolutions and conferences through committees were addressed to and carried
on with the governor and with the marshal? Why was not I ever addressed?
Was it that they lacked confidence in me? Why, then, was not this somewhere
disclosed in the course of the various movements to which the events gave rise?
Nowhere in all the publications of the time will it be seen that my name was
mentioned, except in the purely gratuitous and, as I have shown, absolutely
groundless and false assertion that my authority justified the subsequent wrongs.
Another that may be treated as a definite arraignment of my conduct is the
attempt bj the congressional committee to blame me for the issuance against ex-
Governor Reeder of an attachment, and the expression by them of an opinion
that the object was to interfere with their proceedings. The facts are simply
these: Governor Reeder was subpoenaed to appear before the grand jury to
testify. The marshal made return that he had served the subpoena, and that
396 KANSAS STATE HISTORICAL SOCIETY.
Governor Reeder told him that he would not obey it. The district attorney de-
manded an attachment. I declined to order the attachment immediately, and
stated as my reason that I thought it likely that the governor would, upon re-
flection, reconsider his determination, as I hardly thought it possible that he
would adhere to such a purpose, and therefore deferred action in the matter to
the next day. The next day the application was renewed. In the meantime, I
had satisfied myself that he was not entitled to any exemption from such proc-
ess, as it was stated that he claimed to be by reason of his position as a contest-
ant for the seat as a delegate from the territory, and I therefore ordered the
attachment. If I was not right in this, then was I never right in any order of
attachment that I ever made. The committee expressed a doubt whether he
was amenable to such a process; but, with due deference to their respectability
and position, I beg leave to say that I hold the opposite proposition just as clear
as that either you or I would be subject to a similar process should we disobey a
subpoena. The opinion that my object was to embarrass their investigations,
was as unauthorized and as far from the fact as it would have been had they
said that I was holding my regular term for that reason. I regretted exceedingly
that the necessity existed, but would far more have merited denunciation had I
shrunk from my duty than I do for the discharge of it without respect to per-
sons.
Another of the terrible murders of our early history was that of a Mr. Hcppe,,
in the neighborhood of Leavenworth, and not more than a mile from my residence.
It was charged to one Fugitt, who escaped pursuit for some time, but was finally
arrested and brought before me for trial, upon an indictment for murder. I had
been accused of trying and acquitting him with just the same propriety that
would be any other judge before whom an alleged or real criminal had been ac-
quitted. No one has ever intimated any reason why I should have sympathized
with him, nor can I conceive of any such reason to be assigned. That I should
have been conceived capable of that absolute baseness that sees justification for
an unprovoked, wicked, devilish murder in the fact that there was a difference
of opinion between the victim and myself, and an accord of views between me
and the demon of his destruction, upon one or more political questions, is more
than I can understand. He who so conceives might well be supposed, under
some strange intuition, to have that wresting of his normal, healthful operations
of judgment from their natural channel by which incomprehensible modes of
thought are substituted for the ordinary exercise of our faculties. Some self-
generated process for the attainment of conclusions peculiar to an abnormal
disintegration, and only estimable by a large concession to the power of innate
adaptation, finding its parallel no otherwhere than in those fishes found in the
subterranean waters of great caves, in which, for lack of eyes, some as yet un-
discovered organism must have been developed, by a forcing necessity, to render
the services of perception.
Fugitt was as much a stranger to me as was Hoppe. My first knowledge of him
was, when under indictment, he was arraigned before me for trfal. This ought
to be a suflBcient vindication of any man not known to be so absolutely lacking
in moral principles, so utterly devoid of every sentiment of honor and apprecia-
tion of official propi^ety as to be ranked in the lowest scale of human existence.
These delinquencies found in ordinary degree could not be supposed to incline to
sympathy toward the perpetrator of so wanton a murder as that with which he
was charged, adding to the most fiendish characteristics of homicide in civilized
life the atrocities of such mangling of the godlike form as is found only upon
the leavings of Indian butcheries.
Am I to vindicate myself in such a case? Alas for the toleration which has
A DEFENSE BY SAMUEL A. LECOMPTE. 897
permitted my residence unmolested where I now am for twenty years ! How
should such depravity have failed to outcrop in a growth of infamous acts that
must have forced an uprising for the purgation of the community ?
Not for vindication, but for confusion to such anomalous suspicions, I will
say that, defended by able counsel, their first step in the progress of his defense
was a motion to quash the indictment. This was argued with great force
and at great length by one of the first lawyers of western Missouri, Mr. John
Wilson. The natural tendency of a sympathizer would have been to sustain the
motion. It was overruled. In the course of the trial it became important to
the prosecution that a principal witness, who detailed a conversation he had
heard, which was almost or quite a confession of the murder, should identify
Fugitt as the man from whom he had heard it. Being asked if he could see the
man in the court-room, and answering in the negative, the counsel for the ter-
ritory asked that Fugitt should be ordered to stand up. This was earnestly op-
posed by his counsel. Sympathy would have dictated an overruling of the
motion. The motion was sustained. Unfortunately for the ends of justice, if he
really was the murderer, the witness failed to recognize him. This unquestion-
ably was the turning-point in tfie case. It can scarcely be that, if he had been
identified, the jury would have acquitted him. Had they done so, it would not
have been an isolated case in the history of our country of the escape from con-
viction of the probably guilty under the dictates of a human sympathy, long
after the occurrence of the tragedy — not even in such a case of extreme subordi-
nation of duty to feeling on the part of a jury can any man whose good opinion
is worth the having see any cause of camplaint against the judge who presides.
But in the category of cases to which reference has been made, that may be
regarded as specifications of charges, it is said that I refused to bail certain per-
sons who were indicted for treason. It is true that I did so upon their first ar-
raignment, and when it was scarcely to be expected that the government could
be ready for trial. It is equally true that at the next term, when sufiicient time
had intervened for the preparations, and the territory was not ready, and the
prisoners were, that I did take bail. I may not have erred in either case. But
suppose I did. Is it more likely that the error was in the latter, in allowing bail
in such a case at all, or in the former? Perhaps the greater probability is that
the error was on their side, in allowing bail in such a case. Or is the idea to be
scouted that there was any foundation for such a charge, and that therefore the
judge should disregard an indictment ? Do those so thinking know how well de-
fined is the line of demarkation between the functions of a judge and those of a
jury ? How rigidly the one is confined to the law and the other to the facts? The
grand jury had said that the facts existed which, I had instructed them, would
constitute treason. Could I wisely, and in the due line of duty, ignore the find-
ing? But behind this have gone the fault-finders, and, first raising aloft an im-
aginary charge to the grand jury, have amused themselves at battering it as a
wild vagary of judicial perversion.
Weli, if I had charged the grand jury as they say, I should richly deserve the
contempt of every well-read lawyer. But I flatter myself that it would be diffi-
cult to convince any gentleman of that profession who knows me that I could
have given any such charge. A very tyro with but the most elemental knowl-
edge of law could scarcely have been so stupid as to say to a jury ^'■ihat all that
resist these laws ( the territorial ) resist the powe7' and authority of the United
States, and are therefore guilty of treason.'''' ; very much as the constable in
Pennsylvania remarked to a man who, being a little incensed at his pomposity,
took him by the shoulder and shook him: "Take care, sir, take care how you
shake me; for any man who shakes me shakes the commonwealth of the key-
398 KANSAS STATE HISTORICAL SOCIETY.
stone of America." I remember somewhat what I did say; not word for word,,
by any means, nor the greater part of my charge to the jury.
One of the most serious regrets that I have felt in recurring to those unhappy
days is that I had not, despite the great inconveniences under which I labored,
in the want of facilities, at whatever cost of labor to surmount them, put upon
paper and safely preserved every utterance in court. What these were no one
can know, without a like experience with mine, of holding terms of court in vil-
lages where the largest room was but a ten by twelve, or thereabout, and for
want of even such, under the shadow of the most accessible tree, with no more
books within a league than could be carried under an arm; with no possibilities
of other modes of locomotion than an ambling nag, over boundless prairie; with
lawyers abounding, but with no attempt to enlighten the court, either from
books, which could not be had, or their own intellectual resources, which, for
the most part, must needs be scanty; with turbulence and mistrust and threat-
ening and danger all aronnd ; with scarcely pen, ink, and paper, unless carried.
about in a pair of saddle-bags; and an ever-recurring, even acZ /lauseam,, sub-
mission of the gravest questions of law to your unaided solution, in the deferen-
tial assurance that " Your honor is doubtless familiar with the authorities, and
will not need that I shall put myself to the trouble of searching them up."
I do remember, however, very well, some features of my charge, and these are
that, BO far from uttering a word like the recognition of a "constructive treason,"
I expressly denounced it as only having its growth in the most oppressive periode-
of English history, and irreconcilable with our republican conceptions. I do
recollect that I had the constitution of the United States under my eye, and that
I had Wharton's Criminal Law in my hand, and that whether or not I had written
what I said I had well considered it, and was extremely careful to confine
myself to the clearest teachings of authority. I know that I did make the
"levying of war" the very groundwork and indispensable prerequisite to the
commission of this high offense; and I do know that if there were not upon my
mind an impression the most inconsiderable of whatldidsay,! should none the less
feel the utmost confidence that I could not, after the study of my previous life,
the commingling of my thoughts and opinions with those of men of intellect and
study, the conflicts I had had in the arena of political controversy and at the
forum of legal discriminations, have so far stultified the reputation that justified
my acceptance of such a position as to have given an instruction that ignored
the plainest possible distinctions, and elevated every rufBan and rioter and
drunkard who might happen to "shake a constable" to the high but melancholy
eminence of a traitor to his country. If every man that "resists" the laws, and
every "combination" made for the purpose of "resisting" them, were guilty of
treason, it might be that, like the sayings of our Lord, if all had been written
"the world could not itself contain" the reports of all the trials. The only lati-
tudinous construction I can recall is that of Lady MacDuflf, perhaps excusable-
on account of her sex and her extreme indignation :
" Son: What is a traitor?
L'idy Mar-Duff: Why, one that swears and lies.
Son: And bo all traitors that do so?
Lady MacD.: Every one that does so is a traitor and must be hung."
No, gentlemen who throw, throw something more substantial. Such pellets
as these are too much of the pop-corn-gun order to hurt. The true and only de-
batable question in my charge was this: Could treason be committed against
the United States government by levying war in resistance to the territorial au-
thorities? I held and instructed them that it could; I hold still that it can;
and if I were judge to-day in any territory of the United States, and the emer-
A DEFENSE BY SAMUEL D. LECOMPTE. 399
gency should arise that would invoke a charge to the grand jury, I should have
no hesitation in reiterating the sentiment. In only one thing would I depart
from the tenor of my previous course, and that would be in making a permanent
record of what I should say, nor leave my utterances to be reported by Mr. A,
as something Mr. B. had told him that Mr. C. had said that I stated.
With thus much of comment and explanation of some half-dozen cases, se-
lected from a judicial service of about four years and a half, I might be content
to close this communication, but I should do so by omitting some considerations
which, it seems to me, ought not to be passed in silence. True, that to such
aspersions as consist only of the use of opprobrious terms, such as "border-
ruffian judge," "the tool of the slave power," "the most obsequious of all the
federal appointees," "instincts and tyrannical reputation for crimes committed
in" those days, "old shyster," "infernal villain," "holding courts amidst the
fumes of tobacco and whisky," "committing to prison for no reason but the hold-
ing of free-state opinions," "the Jeffreys of Kansas," "a drunken wretch," and
such others as the rivalry of ingenious effort, unrestr;.\ined by the decorums of
taste, may invent, no response can be made.
If a life of twenty years anterior to that date passed in association with re-
fined and cultivated society, and in the prosecution of an ennobling profession,
and of fifteen years since its close, distinguishable by no participation in un-
seemly disturbances of the proprieties of social intercourse; if no taint of liber-
tinism or of malignity, no charge of the inculcation of pernicious principles, no
exhibition of disgusting and degrading practices, no infractions of the high ob-
ligations of marital, paternal or social demands, no instance of riotous or ruf-
fianly demonstrations, not a broil or a discourteous act — if such a life, and that no
allegations of like proclivities to these have been attributed to it, furnish no pro-
tection against these calumniations, or, being made, are not a satisfactory reply,
it would be idle to add disclaimer or denial. Those who can comprehend how an
isolated period of four or five years of one's life shall have been characterized by
acts and practices so radically unlike the whole tenor of all the antecedents and
the sequence of the so much longer eras, may find a compatibility in the vices
of the one, with exemptions in those of the others. It would be indicative of a
strange want of confidence in the refined faith of truth's ultimate triumph to
doubt that the general sentiment will rather adopt the theory of irreconcilable
repugnance, and discard the exceptions as too surely the creations of distem-
pered prejudice.
Of those who cavil and seek solutions of the conflict in nice casuistic disser-
tations, the mass will find, as will the few, that, like the mirage of the desert,
the solution recedes as they advance, and is as remote at the end as at the com-
mencement of the chase, and, abandoning the vagary of reconciliation, the
former may be expected to see, as is the truth under the eye of the All-seeing,
that the exception has had no existence but in the oblique vision of those "who
see what is not to be seen," while the few, stern in their determination not to
"believe though one rose from the dead," will still falsify probabilities, possibi-
lities, and truth, and "believe a lie," if not to be damned, in the placid hope
that it may damn another.
It is not my task to philosophize, nor have I a charter to denounce. The
multiformity of the species is proverbial, and
" In the catalogue all go for men ;
As hounds and grayhounds, mongrels, spaniels, curs,
Shoughs, water-rugs and demi-wolves are cleped
All by the name of dogs " ;
and various as may be their modes of thought and diverse the ends they reach.
400 KANSAS STATE HISTORICAL SOCIETY.
starting from the same scroll and working out their results from the same data,
it is an assumed authority, that which hurls denunciation at such as happens
not to have attained our conclusions. Even where the goal reached is that least
in harmony with humane sentiments, it is not always pardonable to assign as
probable causes grossly perverted or grossly debased perception.
There is but one class to which this explanation might seem, almost without
exception, to be permissible; to that one, fortunately not a large one, in which
some great crime, indelibly set in the inner portals of their souls, incessantly
preying, like the vulture upon the heart of Prometheus, gives no respite in relaxa-
tion, but impels, perpetually, the wretched subject of the mastering diabolism
that prompted his deed to an ever active and unceasing plotting of mischief and
evil as the only possible solace, like the " March ! march ! march ! " of the wander-
ing Jew to the never-ceasing recurrence of the curse that rests upon him.
I have thus, and I can but fear at wearisome length, said what I thought nec-
essary to disabuse the minds of those honorable and dispassionate men who,
under impressions received from the sources already indicated, and which I
have had no opportunities but by obtrusively presenting myself before the pub-
lic of correcting, may have judged me unfavorably, but are willing to know the
truth. I have also intended thereby to fortify and sustain the respect of those
friends who, knowing me personally for many years, have accorded to me their
regards and confidence, in spite of similar preconceived prejudices. I have also
had in hope, but less confidently, to oblige those even passionately prejudiced
to such modification of their judgments as I knew, and have trusted to con-
vince them, was fairly due to truth and justice. I have also designed to purge
eo-called history of its most unfounded calumnies; and while written as it is,
such as it is, if I connot obliterate its falsehoods from the pages where they are,
I shall at least put in form where more disinterested compilers in the future
may see it my own solemn asseveration, which, if still borne down by a current
too strong to be stemmed, will nevertheless be as a voice from the dead to protest
against the iniquity of the injustice.
For the tone of your editorial of the 7th I have already tendered you my sin-
cere thanks. Forgiveness of wrong is a noble quality. The exercise of it is
magnanimous. The recommendation of it is generous. This magnanimity, this
generosity, you have shown. But, my dear sir, what I have written, as what I
have yet to say, is a protest against the implication upon which forgiveness is
based; for when there has been no wrong done there is nothing to forgive. The
forgiveness is due from the other side; from me toward those who have con-
tributed in the past to do, and are now to the extent of their power (alas! by no
means an unlimited one) perpetuating upon me, injustice and wrong that have
rarely been surpassed. It ought to have been enough for the most malevolent
to have blackened my fame to the extent that it was done during the early years
of our territorial existence. I can with difficulty comprehend how so much ran-
cor can exist without provocation, as is evinced in the disposition, after the lapse
of so many years, to subject me to the annoyance of being a target for every vile
epithet and degrading charge that any unscrupulous editor may please to hurl
at me.
I have now reached the place where it becomes necessary to explain why it is
that 1 became the complaining witness in a prosecution by the state against D.
R. Anthony for libel, and whence have proceeded the hurtful and wrongful
allusions to me by the press of the state, which led me, upon seeing one of dis-
similar character in the Kansas Chief, to ask you the favor of space in your
widely read paper for this article.
A DEFENSE BY SAMUEL D. LECOMPTE. 401
This explanation, and the unavoidable reflections that follow, will end the
heavy taxing of your space, and your indulgence, so kindly and so generously
given.
In the autumn of 1873, D. R. Anthony published in the Leavenworth Times,
on not less than six or seven occasions, articles of the most libelous character
toward me, touching my official action, and, so far as I know or have ever heard,
without any assignable provocation. Having borne with them as long, I think,
as any reasonable man could have expected me to, I addressed a respectful letter
to him, and one to Cole McCrea, the same whom I have occasion to mention herein
before, who had contributed some of the articles, in which I stated that there
were but three alternatives presented for my choice if such publications were
continued: The first, submission; the second, personal redress; the third, legal
prosecution ; that I could not adopt the first, that my duty as a citizen forbade the
second, leaving me only the third, and that to this I should resort if such publi-
cations were repeated; adding that the law allowed, in the case of prosecution,
the truth to be given in evidence, and that if they believed they could prove the
truth of the allegations, they need not be deterred by this assurance. It was
not until after this fair notice, and the repetition of a most violent publication of
the same kind, that I filed the complaint, which resulted in his conviction and a
fine of $500.
Will any honorable man say that there was in my conduct up to this point
anything unworthy of a gentleman? Had I submitted to such imputations,
would it not have been considered impliedly an admission of the truth ? Had I
assailed him in the street, and demanded recantation, and followed this up with
assault with deadly weapons, would not I have been justly chargeable as a male-
factor ? Had I countenanced in my sons the violent redress of my wrongs, should
I not have thus exposed them to similar imputations, and myself to the more
painful charge of suffering those dearest to me to incur hazard and reproach
which myself shirked? Had I feared the result of a legal investigation, when
tbe law gives to the accused the fullest liberty of justifying, my proof of the
truth of the charges, and of good motives, and of justifiable ends, I might have
felt some temptation to incur the hazards I have mentioned, rather than the
added odium of a jury's verdict of condemnation. But I knew, and I know to-
day, that, one and all, without exception, the charges, in particular the subject of
. discussion in the prosecution, and ail charges that impute to me in any respect
a lack of the most upright and conscientious discharge of my official duties as
judge, are utterly and unqualifiedly false and libelous.
I feared no judicial investigation, but, on the contrary, looked with most pro-
found confidence to such an investigation, as resulting, by an inflexible necessity,
in my most honorable acquittal. Such has been the result, and before court and
jury as free from prejudice, so far as I know, as any that ever heard a criminal
prosecution. On the trial, the amplest opportunity was afforded to prove the
truth of the charges, and citizens of those times, with all the prejudices of those
times, were called and heard, and, after a fair and dispassionate and able charge
by Judge Sherry, a jury, with not two of whom had I a personal acquaintance,
and one of whom was 'a colored man, presumably imbued with the deepest preju-
dices against those who had been pro- slavery men in former times, but an hon-
orable and intelligent man, almost of accord, on their first retiring to their room,
rendered a verdict of guilty on all the several charges. In his charge to the
jury, full and ample credit was done by the judge to the press, as one of the
noblest and most efficient instrumentalities of this advanced age in the enlarge-
ment of the bounds of human knowledge, in the eradication of evils of pernicious
—27
402 KANSAS STATE HISTORICAL SOCIETY.
tendency, in the spread of just, humane and utilitarian principles, in the exposure
of false and harmful doctrines, to all of which encomiums it gives me the highest
pleasure to subscribe my fullest assent. But as it is powerful, and meritedly so,
to advance the truth, so, when abused, is it a weapon of terrible potency to work
ruin upon the individual character, and even upon the most time-honored insti-
tutions of a higher civilization.
Was it not enough that my character should be aspersed by hired reporters
in those sad days of our early history, and the noblest feature of our polity — the
judiciary, the safeguard, par excelhncc, of guaranteed rights — should be
wounded in my person by the falee and scurrilous accusations and epithets of
those thus writing in the heat of an intensified partizan strife, without personal
knowledge of me, without specification of an iostance of misconduct in any other
form than the worthless opinion of men knowing nothing of the facts that my
official action in two or three cases of bailing, or refusing to bail, alleged offend-
ers against the law, was partizan? Why single thus such cases and impute a
partizan motive, in the face of a record abounding with instances of free-state men
bailed or pro-slavery men brought to trial, with no more regard in either case to
their political opinions than if there were no such thing on earth as political
opinions ? Why impute to me dereliction of duty or malfeasance in office in the
face of the most conclusive testimony, of record and of living men, that at all
times and on all occasions when violence was threatened, within my knowledge,
I opposed a steady and fearless and, almost without exception, a successful re-
sistance? Whenever called upon, no matter who the movers, no matter who the
threatened victims of lawlessness, I stood, with whatever of influence my per-
sonal relations or my official character gave to the interposition, as a wall of pro-
tectioQ to those in danger.
It was thus that I lay all night at the door of Charles Robinson, to protect him
against a threatened mob. It was thus that I traveled hastily from the Shawnee
Mission, where I then resided, the first winter of my arrival in the territory, to
Leavenworth, to stem a like threatened violation in the mobbing of the same
Mr. McCrea before mentioned. It was thus that, happening to be at Lecomp-
ton when Sherrard was killed by a member of Governor Geary's household, I
delayed my return home two days to counteract and defeat similar outrages of
his enraged friends. It was thus that, upon information of threatened destruc-
tion of the Territorial Register of Judge Delahay, I hastened to Leavenworth
and successfully urged and sustained the United States marshal, Colonel Donal-
son, in defending it against the outrage. It was thus that, as long as effort per-
mitted the possibility of success, I besought, with all my power, an enraged
multitude to desist from an application of mob law to three men charged with
murder in Leavenworth city. It was thus that, when Governor Reeder ex-
pressed to me apprehensions of molestation by a body of men incensed against
him, I assured him of my support and defense, to the last effort of my life. It
was thus that, when General Lane was "hounded" (in his own language, in a
letter to me from the senate chamber of the United States) by those from whom
he expected other things, after he had killed Mr. Gaius Jenkins, I upheld his
right to a fair hearing, before judgment, in the city of Lawrence. It was in this
spirit that, when application was made to me by Mr. James F. Legate and oth-
ers, at night, at my own house, for habeas corpus for a Mr. Brown, who had
been taken by a mob, I not only issued it, but addressed to the marshal an un-
official letter urging him, by all means, to extraordinary efforts in its service. It
was in this spirit that, when Mr. Phillips, who had been kidnapped from our soil,
transported across the river to Missouri, and there most shamefully abused, de-
A DEFENSE BY SAMUEL D. LECOMPTE. 403
clined to prefer a complaint, I went to his own house in Leavenworth city and
urged him to make the information, and heard the case, and put under bonds for
their appearance at court all concerned in it. It was this spirit that was recog-
nized by Wm. H. Russell, a distinguished lawyer, of counsel for Mr. Robertson
and others, prisoners at Lecompton, when he closed a letter to me, of May 31,
1856, excusing my going there, in the following language: "With my sincere
thanks, therefore, for the very courteous manner in which you received me, and
for the obliging consent to accompany me upon a long and tedious journey, I
beg leave to assure you of my most respectful consideration."
I have asked, was it not enough that irresponsible panderers to the vulgar
love of defamation should have ignored facts, and attempted to make history a
worthless lie, that now, after the lapse of fifteen years, when our population has
enlarged from tens to thousands, our facilities of intercourse and communication
diminished leagues to roods, my children became men and women, and my name
intermarried with others, that an unobtrusive and irreproachable life, and an
unvarying citizenship of the state, to which, almost alone a presidential ap-
pointee, I brought my entire family, and with whose weal or woe I devoted my-
self and them, should now be darkened and overshadowed by a rehash and
redistribution of infamies originally inventions for partizan ends, but now no
other than the base utterances of that
"Slander
Whose edge is sharper than the sword; whose tongue
Outvenoms all the worms of Nile; whose breath
Rides on the posting winds, and doth belie
All corners of the world — kings, queens, states.
Maids, matrons — nay the secrets of the grave
This vip'rous slander enters."
And pray, upon what pretext hath this vituperation assailed me ? Was it any
reason that my name should be thus overloaded with obloquy, that in the dis-
cussion of the Grange organization I should have expressed the conviction, and
urged it, that the best policy for its adoption was to leave nominations for office
to the political parties of the state? Was it any reason for personal vilification
that when there was pending before the county board the consideration of the
best manner of dealing with the great public defalcation in our county treasury,
I should have been solicited by the Grange organization to submit certain reso-
lutions expressive of their views? Was it any justification for a personal tirade
upon me, by the repetition of baseless and even defunct calumnies, that in my
official action as United States commissioner I should have held to bail a man
charged with distilling liquor in violation of the revenue laws in a case so plain
that even his counsel did not object, and raised no question except as to the
court — the circuit or district — to which he should be held? Was it an answer
to a calm and dispassionate discussion of the policy of unchanging adherence to
the precedent of two presidential terms, published in the Kansas Magazine, to
denounce me in vulgar vocabulary, not only of having to defile the judicial er-
mine in the past, but as now doing dirty work which no honorable Republican
would do? If I then thought, nay, if I still think, that the coming centennial
cannot more fitly be honored than by the assertion of our self-reliance in dis-
carding, experimentally, a usage and a precedent, and again tendering to a well-
tried and true man the presidential term for the opening of the second great
epoch in our history, what more dare any man say than that he thinks other-
wise ? And should I even doubt whether the late Republican reverses indicate,
as has so flippantly been assumed, a quietus to the third term, or whether they
404 KANSAS STATE HISTORICAL SOCIETY.
rather teach that success in 1876 can only be achieved by the prestige of the
name of Grant, what more shall any man venture to say in reply than that the
experience of the next eighteen months must decide between us ?
And yet such was the occasion which evoked that wantonness of aggressive
and outrageous utterances through a widely disseminated paper that drove me
to the tribunal provided by law for the defense of one of the dearest of individ-
ual rights, and as well for the protection of communities against the unbridled
license of the press.
Of this have I already spoken, as it well deserves, as chief among the potent
agencies that contribute to the spread and to the development of the most ad-
vanced civilization. And in no jot or tittle do I propose to qualify its high
claims upon the confidence and admiration of the age, but by so much as I
would cherish and venerate it, in the line of an exalted career of glory, may I
not be pardoned to deprecate the abuse of its majestic capabilities? Would it
not have been better in harmony with its nobler mission to have at least sur-
ceased its denunciation after the judicial tribunal had spoken its solemn edict ?
More in accord with such mission to have found something to admire in the
spirit that prompted an appeal to such tribunal, rather than to that fiercer arbi-
tration that stains the hand with human blood ? More in the spirit of higher in-
telligence that ought to inspire its teachings, to have pondered the inquiry, Is
there not in the confidence prompting the complainant something scarcely con-
sistent with a consciousness of imputed guilt?
Have those claiming to be educators of the Kansas sentiment in the enno-
bling truths that conspire in the making of good citizens well reflected whither
their teachings lead ? Can they command the confidence of an intelligent people
in the maintenance of the theory that they better know the truth of a mooted
issue than the jury impaneled under the law, presided over by one of her ap-
pointed ministers, acting under the most solemn sanction? Can they feel sure
that they are teaching a sound philosophy and inculcating wholesome senti-
ments when, putting their prejudices and preconceptions above a development
of sworn testimony, they assume that a verdict was the result of either prejudice,
ignorance, or corruption ? Have they waived the probabilities as to the direc-
tion from which disturbing causes would have been most likely to have come:
whether they would have found their sources where no hurtful influence could
assail, or whence alike arraignment of motives and like denunciations might
flow ? List they themselves, pray tell me, sir, in the ranks of the ornaments of
their profession, the instructors of their age, the upholders of our safeguards, or
place they themselves besides the destroyers of all these when, forgetful of the
just claims of the judiciary, they comprehend it and its noblest appendage — the
trial by jury — in their invectives and denunciations?
But apart, the great power for truth, for right, for all good, which they wield,
apart, the exalted demands thence arising, that it be not perverted to base uses,
it is not easy to see how the mere citizen, possessed of but a spark of noble im-
pulse, can justify to himself so gross a departure from the rule of estimation by
which he would have his own rights and grievances adjusted.
1 have done — with but a word more. Making no ridiculous assumption of
superiority to the frailties of human nature, pretending to no exemption from
its temptations and no unyielding power to always successfully resist them, con-
ceding a fallibility of judgment and a limited capacity that may have occasioned
me to fail into many errors and mistakes, I am none the less clear in the consola-
tory assurance of my own conscience that, in nO solitary instance, did I know-
A KANSAS soldier's ESCAPE FROM CAMP FORD, TEXAS. 405
ingly, or in any spirit of prejudice or partiality, pervert or abuse my ofiBcial
position. To whatever extent I shall have failed, by a lack of occasion, or in de-
fault the energy to seize it, in the advancement of great purposes, or in the
enlargement of the area of human happiness, I trust in all confidence to have
that choicest of heaven's gifts, that no pangs of remorse for outrage and wrong
shall cloud the serenity of a closing life.
A KANSAS SOLDIER'S ESCAPE FROM CAMP FORD,
TEXAS.*
Written for the Kansas State Historical Society by Geo. W. Maetin, Secretary.
ROBERT HENDERSON, captain of company G, Sixth Kansas volunteer cav-
alry, was born near Belfast, Ireland, January 8, 1834. He came to the
United States in 1851. In March, 1852, at Hudson street, New York, he enlisted
in company F, Second dragoons, regular army, under Capt. Patrick Calhoun. His
expectation was to go to California, but instead he soon landed at Indianola, spend-
ing three years in chasing Indians on the plains of Texas. During these years
he was at Forts Graham, McKavitt, Worth, Belknap, and Crogan, the latter
now Gainesville. In 1854 his company, together with three companies of Texas
rangers, went on a hazardous expedition to the Wichita mountains, and for this
special service he received a land-warrant for 160 acres.
In October, 1855, his company arrived at Fort Riley, coming by the way of
Council Gi-ove. R. E. Laurenson, H. Lichtenhan, E. S. McFarland, and Patrick
King, afterwards useful citizens of Geary county, belonged to the same company.
They were quite lively in the summer of 1856, with Col. Philip St. George Cooke,
in chasing free-state and pro-slavery men. On the 29th of June, 1856, Secretary
Daniel Woodson wrote Col. St. George Cooke at Fort Riley "to take the field"
and "scour the country between Fort Riley and the crossing opposite Topeka,
for the purpose of repelling armed invasion of the territory." They were in
Camp Sackett, a couple of miles south of Lecompton, when James H. Lane be-
seiged that city, September 4 and 5, and were in the march which placed the
troops between the town and the free-state forces. September 13 a march was
made after the free-state men who engaged in the Hickory Point fight. The
free-state men were subject to arrest because they made this fight after Governor
Geary had ordered all to disband, not having heard of his proclamation. In the
latter part of September they were ordered to the Nebraska line to intercept
immigrants into the territory. One of this company, Hartman Lichtenhan, was
one of a number of sentries placed along the bluffs a mile or so apart, to signal to
♦"Prisoners of War and Military Prisons," by Asa B. Isham, Henry M. Davidson, and
Henry B. Furness, page 425:
"Camp Ford was located about six miles from Tyler, Tex., about 100 miles due west from
Shreveport. On the arrival of the first detachineut, of some 6U0 men, they were camped in the
open woocis. Afterward a stockade was built, enclosing two and a half acres, which was subse-
quently enlarged to six. No shelters were furnished for the men, and the only protection they
had from the inclemency of tlie weather was such rude contrivances as they couJd construct of
the limbs and boughs of trees, arranged in the form c)f cabins and thatched with mud. The
usual dead-line was an imaginary line some ten feet from the stocljade. of which the sentry was
the sole judge. Water was abundantly supplied, and no complaint is made for lack of it.
"The remaining fifty-six places of coufiuement were of a temporary character, small and
unimportant. The opportunity for the display of barbarity was on a diminished scale, but the
suffering of the individual prisoner was not less keen, although the aggregate horror was
smaller.
" Reminiscences of severe and malicious treatment by officers, soldiers and citizens abound
in charges of starvation, thirst, frost, and exposure, at Lynchburg, Tuscaloosa, Camp (iroce;
at Raleigh, Charlotte, Atlanta. In all of these experiences, whether disclosed by captured rebel
documents or related by the prisoners themselves, there is the same unvaried tale of depriva-
tion, indignity, severity. It is hardly to be presumed that this was the spontaneous sentiment
406 KANSAS STATE HISTORICAL SOCIETY.
Colonel Cooke, and being nearest the free-state party saw them bury a cannon —
evidently the incident referred to by Robert Morrow on pages 305 and 306 of this
volume. Governor Geary arrived at Fort Riley on October 28, on a tour of in-
spection, remaining the 29th, 30th and 31st. Robert Henderson was one of the
men detailed to fire a salute for the governor.
In March, 1857, Henderson was discharged at Riley, and became a citizen of
Kansas. He promptly settled in 1857 on a quarter section of government land
south of the Smoky Hill, about two miles from Junction City. Logan Grove, a
remarkable body of timber, was his preemption claim. He entered this land at
Ogden in November, 1858, This has expanded into a farm of 750 acres, noted
beyond the borders of the county for its perfect development and the hospitality
and patriotism of the very pleasant family he has gathered around him.
In 1858 he commenced work in Junction City, with the beginning of the town,
as a house-builder, retaining such occupancy of his land and making such im-
provements as were necessary to hold his preemption claim. He was by trade a
vs'heelwright. His industry provided a comfortable home in Junction City for
his family by 1861, the commencement of the civil war.
October 4, 1861, he enlisted in company F, Sixth Kansas cavalry, and was
made first sergeant. September 15, 1862, he was made second lieutenant and
transferred to company G. January 1, 1864, he was promoted first lieutenant,
and to a captaincy December 9, 1864. He was mustered out May 19, 1865. He
participated in the engagements at Newtonia, September 30 and October 9, 1862,
Coon Creek, Cane Hill, Prairie Grove, Fort Wayne, Prairie D'Ane, and Poison
Springs; in the latter suffering a severe wound. There was no idle days for cav-
alry in the army of the frontier, and Captain Henderson was as energetic and
persistent in pursuing the enemies of his country, bushwhackers or legitimate
troops, as he has been in all the departments of civil life since.
In the winter of 1863-'64 Captain Henderson's duty found him in Arkansas,
engaged in escorting government trains between Fort Smith and Little Rock.
There were also in that neighborhood, besides his own company (G), companies
A, K and M of the Sixth Kansas.
In January, 1864, the commander in-chief of the army decided upon definite
plans for an aggressive and early spring campaign for the control of the Arkansas
river from the head of navigation to its mouth. For this purpose it was deter-
mined to order the concentration of a large force on Red river for the defense of
northern and western Louisiana, and for the purpose of operating against Texas.
The troops under Gen. N. P. Banks, Gen. A. J. Smith and Gen. Frederick
of a people spread over so wide an area. There is every evidence of a directing hand — a thread
running; tlirouffh all, which connected them with the same center.
"The testimony of all the prisoners shows the quantity of food issued to them by the rebel
authorities to have been greatly below what was necessaryfor their health, even under the most
favorable circumstances. All along the line of prison stations, from Richmond to Camp Tyler,
there is the same hollow, enfeebled cry for food."
The United States government at the beginning issued to the rebel prisoners thirty-eight
ounces of solid food per ration, and after June, 1864, thirty-four and a half ounces, composed of
bread, beef, beans, sugar, Rio coffee, candles, soap, salt, molasses, and potatoes.
On page 430 of " Prisoners of War and Military Prisons" is the following description of how
they lived at Andersonvillo:
"The bacon was tainted with rust, and often so decayed that the prisoner pulled it in pieces
with his fingers and ate it raw, and so filled with maggots as to appear like a moving, living,
wriggling mass of worms. Fresh beof was sometimes issued at Andersonville which had, after
kiilintr, been thrown upon the ground and suffered to lie there in the hot sun until it was blown
with flies and green with decomposition. To crown the fearful horror, the food was hauled tD
the famishing men in the same wagon in which they had but a short time before beheld their
dead comrades carried out to the burial, half naked, and covered with scorbutic sores and gan-
grenous suppuration, with the worms that had consumed their living flesh still rioting in the
dead remains ; and all this filth was allowed to remain in the wagon and mingle with food the
living were to eat."
A KANSAS SOLDIEE's ESCAPE FROM CAMP FORD, TEXAS. 407
Steele were to concentrate May 1 at Shreveport. The Red river campaign was
the most disastrous to the Union cause of any in the West. Wiley Britton, in
his "Civil War on the Border," says it was planned in Washington, and that
General Banks was selected as the scapegoat. These three columns were to
start from points as distant from each other as New Orleans, Vicksburg, and
Little Rock, through hostile territory, and with many obstacles intervening.
March 23, General's Steele's division left Little Rock with 24:, 547 men, including
the First Kansas Colored, Col. James M. Williams; Second Kansas Colored,
Col. Samuel J. Crawford; Twelfth Kansas, Lieut. -col. Josiah E. Hayes, in the
division commanded by Gen. John M. Thayer; the Second, Sixth and Four-
teenth Kansas cavalry, commanded by Lieut. -col. Owen A. Bassett; and ten
companies of the Fifth Kansas, under command of Col. Powell Clayton. After
much skirmishing and hard marching, General Steele's division entered Cam-
den April 16. It was Gen. Sterling Price's army that General Steele maneuvered
out of its entrenchments at Prairie D'Ane and out of its strong fortifications at
Camden without a general battle.
On the morning of the 17th of April, Henderson was ordered out with a forag-
ing party of 695 men, 198 wagons, and four pieces of artillery, uuder command of
Col. J. M. Williams, of the First Kansas Colored. This squad was made up of
fifty men of company G, fifty men of the Second Kansas, under command of
Lieutenant Mitchell, and several companies of the Eighteenth Iowa, and an In-
diana battery. Steele's entire army were on short rations, and it had been
learned that, in consequence of the demands of the armies, the people had
planted an increased acreage of corn and a decreased acreage of cotton, and that
a large amount of corn had been secreted throughout the country. Upwards of
100 wagon-loads of corn were brought in at the end of the first day, and in con-
sequence empty wagons were sent the second day to forage on plantations on
either flank. The morning of the 18th, with eighteen wagons and fifty cavalry,
Henderson was ordered to visit the plantation of a Captain Purifoy, of the Con-
federate army. He found large quantities of bacon, a number of great cans of
lard, several barrels of salt, a general assortment of provisions used on planta-
tions, covered with cottonseed, and some wheat. While the men were emptying
the house, Henderson was superintending affairs on the outside, securing the
capture of eight mules. He entered and found the wife crying. She threw
down upon the table in his presence a Masonic manual. He instantly stopped
the men, inquired how. much there was in the house, and left her wheat and
bacon enough for the use of the family. She asked the privilege of retaining
one mule for plowing, and she was allowed to select one. Henderson left seven
jaded horses and took in their place seven fine mules.
The booming of cannon announced that the battle of Poison Springs was
on. Henderson with his fifty men promptly reported to Colonel Williams. He
was ordered to move with his cavalry to the right, and his signal to advance
was when an Indiana battery ceased shelling the woods. In this engagement he
was wounded. Maj. R. G. Ward, of the First Kansas Colored, in his report (Re-
bellion Records, series I, volume 34, part 1, serial 81, page 752 says: "Lieuten-
ant Henderson, commanding detachment Sixth Kansas (than whom a braver
officer never existed), was severely wounded." (See, also, "Civil War on the
Border," page's 283, 284.) He was carried into a small house with twenty-two
other wounded. They were twelve miles west of the main command, which was
in camp at Camden. During the night Generals Marmaduke and Shelby threw
their command between the wounded and Camden, thus isolating them. The
whole squad of foragers under Williams's command, 700 men were routed, and
408 KANSAS STATE HISTORICAL SOCIETY.
the wagons and a few pieces of artillery captured. The rebels killed all the
wounded colored troops and some of the wounded whites. The loss of this large
train and artillery was seriously felt by General Steele, and necessarly crippled
his oi/erations. While in the shanty four of Henderson's wounded comrades
died. The Union loss in this engagement was 122 men killed, 97 wounded, and
81 missing. In the fight and in the retreat the First Kansas Colored had 117
officers and men killed and 65 wounded. When separated from the command,
the colored soldiers were shot without mercy. General Cabell, Confederate, re-
ported that one of his regiments stationed east of the battle-field on the Camden
road killed eighty negroes. While in the hospital Henderson overheard two Con-
federates deplore the cruelty toward the negroes, because they said it was a game
two could play at, and they Instanced the action of Colonel Crawford's Second
Kansas Colored in the battle of Jenkins's Ferry, when the loyal negroes gave no
quarter. Henderson knew of negro soldiers entering a house and killing six Con-
federate prisoners.
Capt. J. H. Purifoy, the Confederate whose i)lace Henderson had raided,
cime to the improvised hospital and invited Henderson to his home, that his
wife might nurse him; but Henderson declined to fare better than his boys.
Purifoy was a surgeon in the Confederate army, captured at Fort Gaines. He
had been a prisoner at Alton, 111., where bakers' bread had ruined his health,
he said; but upon appealing to the commandant he was granted his home feed
of corn pone. There was then and still is a post-office named Purifoy, about the
west line of Ouachita ( Washita) county. The prisoners remained in this place,
mostly on the battle-field, for three weeks — for a little time in this post-office
room. — and were very hospitably treated; the neighboring planters frequently
contributing a variety of provisions.
General Steele had sent 200 wagons to Pine Bluff for supplies, and these were
also captured. The Poison Springs disaster cost him 400 wagons. Couriers
from General Banks announced several misfortunes to his division. These dis-
couragements, added to his unprepared condition, compelled Steele to withdraw
from Camden to Little Rock. The movements of Generals Banks and Steele west
of the Mississippi were no doubt a part of the final effort to crush the rebellion,
but were overshadowed by the greater importance of the operations of Grant on
the Potomac and Sherman's march to the sea, so that neglect contributed to the
disasters of the remote Western movements. General Steele was tardy in moving
from Little Rock, and his explanation was that "more than half of my cavalry
were dismounted, and more than half of the rest very poorly mounted; artillery
horses and transportation in the same condition. This department is the last to
be served, my troops scattered all over Arkansas, and still I am expected to move
on short notice. We have had to haul most of our forage thirty and forty miles
for months." General Steele left at Camden a hospital containing about 200
wounded, in charge of Dr. W^illiam Finlaw, for many years afterward a citizen
of Junction City, but now of Santa Rosa, Cal. F'inlaw attended Henderson
until the latter was taken to Camp Ford.
After the departure of General Steele's army, the rebels gathered up all the
prisoners and put them in the court house at Camden. There were about eighty
wounded, and in all about 400 prisoners. In passing over the battle-field on the
way to Camden the horrors of war were terribly illustrated ; the dead had not
been decently buried, their feet and arms protruding through the thin covering
of earth. About the 1st of July, 18G4, the prisoners were all rounded up and
started under guard for the prison at Tyler, Tex. Tyler is in Smith county, near
the northeast corner of the state. For some miles after leaving the neighborhood
A KANSAS soldier's ESCAPE FROM CAMP FORD, TEXAS. 409
of Poison Springs the roads were lined with bleached skulls, evidently the remains
of negroes massacred because they were in arms in aid of the government. The
prisoners spent the Fourth of July in Shreveport. The citizens turned out to see
them, and were quite demonstrative. One bloodthirsty citizen wanted to exter-
minate the prisoners, but the guard pushed him away and told him to go to the
front, where he could get a live Yankee for breakfast every morning. They
crossed the Red river on a pontoon bridge and were placed in a tobacco shed,
where they spent the night.
On the 5th bakers came around with trays of bread on their heads, offering
loaves at ten cents each in United States money, or one dollar in Confederate
money. All the money in the party had been taken by the guards. Not a man
in the party that day had a bite to eat. A Confederate officer moved about
among the boys, offering liberty to all who would join the rebel army. One man
signified his willingness to do so, and it was with the utmost difficulty the rebel
guard prevented the prisoners from hanging him.
On the 7th they were placed with a number of prisoners already at Shreveport
in a bull pen, making in all about 600, and started for Tyler. The ration in the
morning for the whole day was a pint of meal, which each man carried in the
corner of his blouse. They traveled hard that day. On this march Henderson
saw Henry W. Selig, company F, Second Kansas, shot and killed by the guard,
as he was not able to keep up on account of his wounds. He was the father of
August L. Selig, recently mayor of Lawrence. One or two days on the trip they
got a little bit of bacon.
On the 14th of July they reached Camp Ford prison. Before entering this
terrible place, they were lined up, a roster made, and those who had anything
left were robbed again. There were about 8000 prisoners at this place, the pen
covering twelve acres, and they were allowed to distribute themselves among their
old comrades. There were about six of the Sixth Kansas in Camp Ford, but
Henderson concluded to mess with the One Hundred and Twentieth Ohio.
Capt. Andrew J. Amstrong, of company D, First Kansas Colored, an Emporia
man, knew Henderson, with whom he shared all he had, surrendering his plank
to sleep on and lying in the sand himself. Henderson says he owes his life to
Captain Armstrong, who not only aided him with his wound, but looked after
him in a spell of typhoid fever, which came to him on the 18th.
The Monday morning following, the 25th of July, Henderson was taken to the
hospital. He obtained a little quinine and extract of wild camomile, and soon
began to recover; some gruel, a little meat and some flour aided rapidly. While
in the hospital he sold his boots for twenty-three dollars, Confederate money,
and with this he was able to buy some butter, eggs and sweet potatoes from
farmers peddling about the place. He began to long for God's country, and
plans for escape filled his mind.
The hospital consisted of crotches set in the ground, covered with brush.
There were no sides, but it was thoroughly guarded. A fourteen foot board
raised slightly at one end was deemed ample bedding for two. There were two
log shanties in connection, and the place had the advantage of a good spring of
water.
Some time in August 105 more of the Sixth Kansas were brought into prison.
They had been captured at Massard Prairie.* Among them were Maj. David
* July 27, 1864, companies B D, E, H and L of the Sixth Kansas, about 6; 30 in the morning
were surprised and attacked by General Gano's Texas brigade, 2000 strong, at Massard Prairie,
six miles south of Fort Smith. Eleven were killed, 14 wounded and 115 taken prisoners, among
them Maj. David Mefford and Lieut. J. M. DeFriese.
410 KANSAS STATE HISTORICAL SOCIETY.
Mefford, of Fort Scott ; James M. Asher, of company B, for several years after a
lawyer at Junction City and Argentine, and Green L. Defrees, of company D,
Several of this party got permission to go out after wood, and were killed because
they were Kansas men.
During the month of September a tunnel was made by a number of the pris-
oners. It was about sixty feet long, and was sunk to a depth of four feet be-
neath the stockade, being just large enough for a man comfortably to crawl
through. Thirty-eight escaped through this tunnel. They were detected be-
cause of one who came out with a violent cough, induced by the foul air. In-
stantly the alarm was sounded, and the bloodhounds and about forty-five men
started in pursuit. Twenty-two were recovered. A man named William H.
Riggs, of company H, Fifth Kansas, who worked in a sawmill at Kansas Falls,
a few miles above Junction City, prior to the war, was one of those escaping and
who was recaptured. He was badly bitten by the dogs. The rebels claimed the
dogs had to taste blood to make them savage.
After the tunnel episode, M. F. Parker, first sergeant of company C, Sixth
Kansas, and private J. J. Jones, of the Fifth Kansas, and Captain Henderson
entered into an agreement to effect an escape. A feature of the compact was
that in case of recapture each was to make his own escape independent of the
others, rather than risk going back to Camp Ford. Henderson swapped his
blue blouse for a butternut one and forty pounds of flour to boot. Jones baked
this flour into little biscuits about two inches square. They secured from the
hospital two ounces of spirits of turpentine, in which they mixed red pepper.
This was to rub on their feet, to destroy the scent of the dogs. They secured
one tin cup, one canteen, and two case-knives, and with this outfit they thought
they were well fixed. Parker was waiting on Henderson in his sickness, and
Jones was a cook in the hospital.
But not for months did opportunity offer. The horrors of Libby and Ander-
sonville were duplicated at Camp Ford, but were not so conspicuous, because it
was remote from the seat of war, and the' number in confinement was much less.
Henderson saw four men shot at the dead-line. The rations and filth were dread-
ful. Men were constantly attempting to tunnel and otherwise make their escape.
The patrol and bloodhounds kept up a constant confusion after those who were
missed.* Every day the rebel officers would make the rounds, offering liberty to
* Herman Westerfeld, of St. Louis, company H, Fourth Missouri cavalry, who was cap-
tured May 5, 1864, on Red river, in the report of the special committee on the treatment of pris-
oners, XLth Congress, pages 1032, 1033, under oath says:
"After we got into Shreveport they kept us there a day and a half, to the best of my knowl-
edge, and they put us in an old store, a feed store it used to be. They had their own prisoners
above, and it was such a lousy place you could see them fall down upon you from above. From
here they marched us to Marshall, Tex. We camped there all night, and then they marched us
to Camp Ford, in Texas. That was in the evening. They did not give us anything to eat until
the next day, somewhere in the afternoon. We had no shelter whatever; and next day they
gave us some corn-meal, a pint or probably a little over to a man. They gave us no wood,
tliough, nor nothing to cook it in. They kept us there about fourteen days without giving us
any shelter. After that they allowed some of us to go out and get some brush to build sheds of.
The fourteen days that we stayed in there it was raining pretty near every day, and a good
many of our boys at that time got sick, from not having our victuals cooked as they ought to
be. It was coarse corn-meal, and they got the diarrhea from eating it and lying in the wet;
and I have seen men, while I was in there, die for the want of sufficient food. One man, who
slept next to me, had the diarrhea so bad from eating this corn-meal that he just fell down and
died."
"A good many of the men had nothing but old pants on, the rebels having taken away their
pants when they were captured and given them their old ones. This was at Camp Tyler, in
Texas. This camp is about five or six miles from Tyler City. While here some days we did n't
get our food at all. Whenever it rained, as there was a creek between the camp and the city,
the rain would swell the creek, and the rebels would give as an excuse for not giving us food that
they could n't get it across the creek. I recollect on several occasions we did n't get anything
at all during the whole day. Another thing we did n't get, and that was sufficient wood to
cook our victuals. During the winter time we had n'teuough to keep warm. Once in a while they
would let twenty of our men go out at a time to chop trees down and carry them in, and they
A KANSAS soldier's ESCAPE FROM CAMP FORD, TEXAS. 411
the strong, but not to the weak, if they would renounce their country and join
the Confederacy. He knew of but one man to accept this offer. The prejudice
against a Kansas soldier was intense.
On the night of the 27th of October an opportunity of escape came. The
night had been determined upon a week before. It was cloudy, and proved a
favorable time. The three named gave the guard the slip, one at a time, and
met at a point agreed upon. A member of the Twenty ninth Iowa, who had been
wounded and bulletined as dead, occupied Henderson's bunk, and was counted
for him for two mornings; Parker and Jones also had similar friends. But be-
fore the end of the second day they were missed and the bloodhounds started
after them. The Twenty-ninth Iowa man had a suspicion that his wife would
marry again, and he was exceedingly anxious that news concerning his healthy
condition might reach her, and Henderson was to get a letter to her. But Hen-
derson's wardrobe or baggage was no protection to the love missive, and the rain
soon made pulp of it.
The meeting- point agreed upon was inside the dead or patrol line, but beyond
the guard. The patrol made a round of the place accompanied by bloodhounds,
the property of the Confederate States of America, managed by a captain, look-
ing for tracks of any that might have escaped. Here they held a consultation as
to directions. They determined to cross the Sabine river at a point about twenty
miles distant from Tyler. They were three days in making this distance, travel-
ing only at night. Here conflicting opinions arose among them, and they were
very despondent, being still within hearing of the bugle calls of the prison. On
the night of the 4th of November they ran into a rebel soldier and his brother
out hunting. They talked with the rebel and obtained a promise that he would
not report them; but to be sure, as soon as they got out of sight, they made an-
other liberal application of turpentine and red pepper to the soles of their feet,
and to their pants lege, now beautifully frilled by contact with the briers and
brush of several nights' rambles toward the flag of the free.
would send a guard along. Then they would allow some of us to go out and cut some brush,
after we had stayed there a while, to make a shelter. The treatment we received was very bad.
I have seen men brought in there who had marks all around their necks where they had put
ropes around them and tied them to the horses, and dragged them along the ground, on account
of their being too sick to walk any more. I have seen men brought in there who had managed
to escape from the stockade, but had been recaptured by bloodhounds. I have seen them with
their pants all torn to pieces, and some of them had their legs torn pretty badly by the hounds."
"The graveyard was right in sight of the camp, and they would generally bring bodies
there and bury them. Soon after we got there, on account of their giving us corn-meal, a good
many died. I have seen as many as five or six die in a day. There were about 45U0 prisoners
when I first went there. Some of them were exchanged after a while, and about the last of the
war there were about 800, I believe. To the best of ray knowledge, some 700 or 800 must have
died. The surgeon never came into the enclosure, to my knowledge, and I never heard of any
sick call. If a man got sick, he generally stayed there until he got so low he could n't walk,
and then we would carry him up to the hospital in our blankets. I hardly ever saw anybody
go in the hospital before they were so low that I thought they could never recover. Most of
them had scurvy or diarrhea, and they let them stay in camp so lung without giving them
any medicine that they couid n't recover. While I was in there I heard one of the guards say,
' Whenever we kill one of you Yankees we can get a furlough of so many days,' but he did n't
state whether he had orders from the officers to shoot us or not."
Frank Hanlon, of St. Louis, Mo., who was captured in May, 1864, before the committee on
the treatment of prisoners, LXth Congress, page 1034, undi=*r oath, October 22, 1868, says:
"After we first went there we were allowed to go out and cut some brush with which to
make a shade to keep off the sun. We found that we were not going to be exchanged, and then
we went out and cut some poles, and dug holes in the ground, and put up the poles, and then
put clay on top. While we were in prison a good many men were taken out and punished.
Sometimes the men would get away, but would be caught and brought back, and then they
would tie them up by the thumbs and punish them in different ways. Ihey could n't well treat
men any worse than we were treated. Colonel Allen v;as in command at one time, and then
Colonel Stewart. There were four or five different ones ; they kept changing. The guards had
orders, I understood, not to speak to the prisoners. There was no surgeon there that I ever
saw to attend to the sick, and no medicine. There was some kind of a place outside that they
called a hospital, where they used to put men when they were very sick ; and about all they
had in the shape of medicine was s-alts. I played off one time that I was sick, and went in
there, .and I got a dose of salts. They gare us a few potatoes once in a while during the thir-
412 KANSAS STATE HISTOR.CAL SOCIETY.
Their line of travel took them a little east, but in sight of Clarksville, Red
River county, Texas. The next point of interest was in crossing Red river, about
the 8th of November. This was exceeded by an alarming interest about the 10th,
when their food gave out. They were now traveling north along the Choctaw
road, or the western line of Arkansas. Hunger began to affect them and it was
determined that Henderson should approach the first house they came to and
ask for aid. He approached a house and heard the voices of colored people.
Quite a number were present in the house, and'the man who opened the door to
him instantly surmised who he was and shoved him behind the door, out of sight
of the rest of the company, and whispered, "What do you want ? " The answer
was, "Something to eat." Gathering up some meat and bread and other scrape
from a table, he warned Henderson to get out of sight as quickly as possible;
that his master, an officer in the Confederate army, and party of friends were
near by on a hunt, and were expected in a very short time. They resumed their
travel without further hint.
A day or so farther on serious differences arose between them, and a quarrel,
which almost separated them, resulted. Henderson maintained that they were
not far enough east, and threatened to secede, but the other two insisted they
were on the right course. Better counsel prevailed and they continued the old
route, but hunger now came upon them. An empty stomach was not conducive
to good nature, but self-preservation was stronger, and they unitedly continued
the battle to reach the safety and comfort known only under the flag. Another
house came in view, and it was determined again to ask for something to eat, and
voted that Henderson should again make the application. His butternut blouse
was deemed a great advantage, but nevertheless a loyal rifle was held on him
while waiting for a " hand-out." He approached a cabin and knocked, but much
parleying was necessary before he could get in. As the door opened, an old man
sat on a bed with a rifle aimed at him, which covered him until he withdrew.
He found they were Unionists. The wife gave him corn-bread and beef to eat,
and three pones and three pieces of dried beef to carry to his companions. They
had not heard a word from home or the rest of the world for four months, and
the old couple gave them more than bread. Here they learned of the reelection
of Abraham Lincoln, and that Price's raid into Kansas* had been a failure.
teen months that I was there. I am not sure whether they gave them or whether our men
bought them. They ha(i vegetables plenty in the country, so I am told. They would brin^ in
sweet potatoes and sell them to the prisoners. Many died for the want of vegetables. The
men died pretty fast. Some of them had no clothes on of any account, and were lousy, filthy,
and dirty ; had no means to keep clean. We had a very good well in the camp, and only for
that many more would have died."
Patrick Fleming, of St. Louis, a steamboatman on the Red river, captured May 1, 1864, in
the report on the treatment of prisoners (No. 45, XLth Congress, page 1038), October 24, 1868,
under oath, says:
"We dug tunnels there to get out, and when we had the tunnels dug, the roll was called every
morning, and if there was anyone gone he was missed in the morning, and then there were three
or four bloodhounds sent in pursuit of him, and before they could get far the men were caught.
There were a good many prisoners that left there that never came back. There was a boy be-
longing to the Sixth Kansaswho made his escape out of there, and they captured him at Sabine
river, and they took him, after catching him, and tied a rope around him and threw him into
the river, and then hung him up, but they did n't kill him. Then he was brought into the camp
and WIS out of his mind. When we were coming home he jumped overboard and was drowned.
I saw them tie an officer to the horn of a saddle, when we were coming out of there, and the
horse was put on a gallop, and he was dragged along. Any one that would fall in the rear, and
was too weak to keep up, they would treat them in that way. They never issued rations suffi-
cient to satisfy the hunger of the prisoners."
*About'October 1, 1864, it became generally known that Gen. Sterling Price contemplated
a raid into Kansas. Gov. Thomas Carney learned of the movement September 24. Price
crossed the Arkansas, coming north at Dardanelles, with from 5000 to 15,000 men. His army
was greatly increased in Arkansas and Missouri. October 8, Governor Carney called out the
state militia, Geo. W. Deitzler, major-general, and John T. Morton, adjutant, and on the 9th
General Curtis gathered in all the Federal troops to resist Price, and on the ICth proclaimed
A KANSAS soldier's ESCAPE FROM CAMP FORD, TEXAS. 413
They were now 105 miles from Fort Smith. They were requested, if recaptured
and taken back, not to recognize or look at the house as they passed. The food
and the news greatly revived them and they made good time until November 17.
One morning, about this point in their march, when looking for a safe bunch
of brush in which to hide for the day, they came to a spring. At this spring a
skunk was drinking. Jones picked up a rock and killed it. It was instantly
skinned, and there being one match in the party they soon had a fire, and pre-
pared a luscious repast. Henderson's share of the animal was a foreleg and the
tallow. It tasted very well, making a satisfactory meal. They laid down to
sleep, and when they awoke in the afternoon, perspiring under a blistering sun,
the odor of the animal seemed to come from every pore of their skins.
November 17, near Waldron, within fifty miles of Fort Smith, they were re-
captured by a party who announced themselves bushwhackers, and boasted that
they had killed and scalped every Kansan and Arkansaa who had fallen into
their hands, and that since the 1st of April they had killed sixty Federals. Here
Henderson concluded it was safer to be an Iowa soldier than a Kansan. A Kan-
sas soldier was about as objectionable as a colored soldier, the latter certain to be
shot. So from this on he was a member of the Eighteenth Iowa. Parker and
Jones likewise belonged to the First Indiana cavalry. The captain of this
squad was named Sewell. Before the departure of Steele's command on the
Camden expedition, and while stationed at Roseville, Lieutenant Henderson
had captured a guerrilla named Colonel Carpenter. He was turned over to the
Fourth Arkansas infantry regiment, his neighbors, who shot him. The guer-
rilla who took in Henderson and his compatriots, was a nephew of Carpenter,
and so his talk was quite cheering. He did not know the identity of his prisoner
^it would have been woe to Henderson if he had; so he magnanimously robbed
him of what clothing he had left, also a large silver ring each from Parker and
Jones, and announced that they would be taken back to Tyler. The next day
he took them back nine miles, and the day following would have turned them
over to a guerrilla captain named Miller, who knew Henderson, and whom Hen-
derson knew well enough to deem a second escape preferable to his recognition.
It would be all over with him if he did not somehow make a second slip.
Toward evening it began to rain, and for convenience the captain ordered a
number of the party to a near-by house for supper. As soon as they approached
the house the woman began to cry. The same party had murdered her husband
a few weeks previous. After supper they were told to go to a smoke-house and
make a fire. Everything was damp, and in the search for something dry Hender-
son gave them the slip and ran through an orchard. It was pitch darkness, and
he made his escape. He crossed a fence and found a small brook. He followed
martial law in Kansas. The militia assembled at Olathe numbered 6816; at Atchison, 1151;
Paola, 1872 ; Mound City, 1180 ; Fort Scott, 1050, and Wyandotte, 550, all of whom were soon con-
centrated on the border. October 20 there was a slight engagement on the Little Blue, fol-
lowed on the 21st by a battle along the Little Blue, with Price's whole army engaged, closing
on the Big Blue, within six miles of Kansas City. October 22 the battle of the Big Blue was
fought— a Union victory. October 23 the battle of Westport resulted in the defeat and retreat
of Price. Besides the Eleventh, Fourteenth, Fifteenth, Sixteenth and Seventeenth regiments,
Kansas volunteers, and troops from other states, there were about 20,C00 citizens of Kansas
under arms. General Price and his army entered Kansas in Linn county, a few miles south of
West Point, Mo., and passing down through Bourbon, until he crossed the Marmaton, where he
withdrew from the state. The decisive day for Kansas was October 25, in battle near Mound
City. Marmaduke and Cabell, nine guns and 800 prisoners were captured, and 200 rebels buried
there. The rebels made their last stand in Kansas on the Marmatou, six miles east of Fort
Scott, and were whipped. October 27 Governor Carney ordered the militia to their homes.
Lieutenant-general Grant, October 30, ordered the pursuit of Price to be resumed. November
6 Price again crossed the Arkansas, this time going south.
414 KANSAS STATE HISTORICAL SOCIETY.
this brook into the mountains for several hours, when, deeming himself safe, he
lay down in the mud and rain to sleep. He passed the remainder of that night
and all the next day and into the second night without waking up. When he
awoke the stars were shining, and taking his bearings he resumed his march.
His food was now acorns and red haws. He was nine miles back on his march,
and separated from His companions. The next day was Sunday, and he lay all:
day in the brush. At night he started again in a northwesterly direction, and on
the 20th struck the Choctaw road. He now began to increase his speed, impelled
by the thought that he could recognize an occasional landmark. A little grave
he knew came to mind, and if he could find that he could locate himself. He
found the grave, and he knew then that he was thirty-six miles from Fort Smith.
At daylight of the 22d he came to Massard Prairie. Here was the most dan-
gerous point on the road. Bushwhackers were abundant, constantly picking off
Union men who ventured out. Henderson here lost all caution — was so over-
joyed with the prospects of home and of the flag that he was reckless of conse-
quences. He met two ladies and asked them where he could breakfast, and they
referred him to a little board shanty not far off, where he might get some
Lincoln coffee. He received a good breakfast from a woman whose husband was
a Union man at Fort Smith. He was now ten miles from Fort Smith, traveling
in daylight. After a weary walk he reached the southern edge of heavy timber,
and the flag of Fort Smith beamed on his eyes. This timber had been felled,
lying crossways and the limbs jagged, affording a very good protection against the
advance of an army of assault, and there was good view across it. Travelers
always tell how joyful is that flag in foreign ports or on distant seas, but that is
incomparable to the soul-thrilling joy of Henderson, Parker and Jones when
they beheld that starry banner, for which they had suffered so much, against an
Arkansas sky:
"Whose broad stripes and bright stars, through the perilous fight,
O'er the ramparts we watched were so gallantly streaming."
He was now three miies out. He made his way to a tent of the Forty-fourth
U. S. Colored. A lieutenant in charge sent him to Fort Smith in charge of two
big negroes. On the way he met Corp. Thomas Tool, of his own company, who
remarked to the negro soldiers: " What are you taking that old bushwhacker in
for?" The first man to recognize him was Charles Speiner, of company F, from
Junction City and Lyon Creek.
His pants were worn off up to his knees. He had taken the cavalry reen-
forcements from his pants to wrap his legs, his blanket was tied about his neck
with a piece of grapevine, and he had an old white slouch hat, generously given
him at Tyler for a good one that some rebel had appropriated. His arrival was
soon noised about, and Maj. John Arrell Johnson, Mrs. Col. George W. Veale's
brother, hunted him up, took him to his quarters, had a surgeon examine him,
gave him a bath, burned his lousy rags, and clothed him in a good suit of his
own.
Parker and Jones came into Fort Smith two days later. They had been taken
thirty miles toward Tyler. The whole party was out of food, the country was
devastated, and they were given a chance of escape. They made their way by
night.
About six years after, Parker visited Henderson at his home, while on his way
to Colorado. He has not heard of him since. The last heard of Jones, he was
living in Leavenworth county.
Henderson was on the road twenty six days. There was not much sign of
civilization between Tyler and Fort Smith. In Texas the country was smooth,
• F. B. SANBORN. 415
and in Arkansas very mountainous. Where travel had attempted a road, it was
passable only with the greatest difficulty. Wild animals seemed very rare. A
wildcat annoyed them one night, and they saw signs of a panther. The party al-
together proved congenial. Jones was a splendid woodsman, well versed in tree
signs, trails, etc., a good specimen of an American farmer boy. Parker was a
man of good sense and caution, and entitled to great credit for the safety of the
expedition.
On a hilltop, near by a comfortable farm residence and ample barns and feed-
lots, set off with handsome cedars, stands erect a better flag-pole than Uncle
Sam has at Fort Riley, from which two flags float at intervals — the same which
greeted Captain Henderson's eyes at Fort Smith; one a present from Mrs. Gen.
John A. Logan, for special occasions, and the other for regular service. When
anything of public interest happens, the flag gives the neighborhood for miles
around to understand that the captain is pleased : if under such circumstances
the flag does not appear, then things have gone wrong. But, right or wrong,
that flag is the old man's idol.
Capt. Robert Henderson has been a fine citizen, as his love for the flag indi-
cates. In 1871 he was elected county treasurer, and under Benjamin Harrison
served four years as postmaster of Junction City. In 1887 he was post com-
mander of Junction City Post No. 132, G. A. R. He is an ardent, enthusiastic
and impulsive man in all things, and, like all such, always faithful. He keeps in
good order, for the use of the public, the handsomest grove of native timber for
several counties around, in which, in deference to a natural liking for archeology,
Indian lore, and general history, he recently erected a monument commemorat-
ing the visit of Coronado to Kansas in 1541. He was beside himself with joy
when the county name was changed from [Jefferson] Davis to [John W.] Geary.
His splendid and self-sacrificing military service to his country is equaled by
his citizenship, which has developed a Kansas home and a Kansas farm — a life
embellished with a lively interest in all that is good and true.
AUTOBIOGRAPHY OF F. B. SANBORN.
Published by resolution of the twenty-seventh annual meeting of the State Historical Society,
upon the occasion of the receipt of a bronze bust of Mr. Sanborn, Decsmber 'i, 1902.
"]% /TY earliest recollections are naturally of the old house where I was born, at
-*-'-■- the top of the gentle hill on which my ancestors laid out their farm, in the
seventeenth century, among the pine woods, and some thirty rods eastward of
where the original house stood, as shown by the old well and the scattered
bushes of the old English Lancastrian rose which they planted there, and which
still survives. My grandmother Sanborn had died before I was born. My grand-
father Benjamin, for whom I was named, as he had been for his father, and he
for his uncle — all living and dying on this great farm — was my particular care-
taker, though seventy-two years old when I was born, late in 1831. I slept in his
bedroom, on the ground floor, except in winter, entering it from the old spacious
kitchen, with its fireplace six feet wide and three feet deep, and, at my first re-
membrance, wainscoted and unplastered at the top, where I recall the dark,
smoky pole hung across above our heads to dry wet garments on, and an old oak
armchair, perhaps brought from England, in which eat "'Grandsir Sanborn" —
so called to distinguish him, in a child's mind, from the other grandfather,
"Grandpa Leavitt," who came often to chat with his older contemporary and
to urge Democratic politics on his milder kinsman.
416 KANSAS STATE HISTORICAL SOCIETY.
Benjamin Sanborn was a hale, hearty yeoman, much of the English type,
blue-eyed and brown-haired, with cheerful good nature, which I never saw
ruffled, and a clear, rosy complexion, even at eighty-five. He had been a Fed-
eralist and follower of Washington, like his pastor and neighbor. Parson Abbot,
but seema to have gone over to the Jeflfersonian side when Governor Plumer did,
though hig pastor did not. About 1821, when those political animosities sub-
sided under the sagacious administration of Monroe, Parson Abbot had con-
sented to the introduction in the "singing-seats" of his old meetinghouse of
instruments — a bass viol, played by Jo Perkins, and a clarionet, blown by Peter
Tilton ("Doctor Peter"); but my grandfather, who had been constant at
church before, took offense at this new music, which seemed to him better
suited for dancing than for worship, and for a while stayed away from service.
It is the only instance of Puritanic strictness recorded of the good old man; he
viewed the younger generation of temperance reformers with toleration ; but took
his own moderate tipple at intervals, notwithstanding; kept a goodly mug of
cider on his table, and favored the family with Jamaica punch on Independence
day, in the great pitcher whereon was seen the Constitution capturing the
Ouerriere.
Parson Abbot, a cousin of the more famous Doctor Abbot, of Exeter, and
with some of his persuasive talent, spent many evenings at grandfather's house,
chatting with him and Squire Perkins, father of the musical Jo; and took ad-
vantage of this to talk of David with his harp, and all the instruments named in
the Bible — dulcimer and psaltery, sackbut and shawm — until finally, after grand-
mother's death, in 1823, he persuaded the widower back to his pew. An early
and proud recollection is of going into this pew with my mother, when I was
hardly high enough to peep through its enticing banisters (out of which, when
the old sanctuary came down, I made spinning-tops ), arrayed in a green frock and
long, white stockings. Grandfather had then ceased to go to church Sundays,
but sat at home and read the Bible, or some religious book, in a loud whisper,
sounding the final ed, as "Enoch walk-ed with God," which struck my childish
mind with awe.
When my father, Aaron Sanborn, the younger of his two sons, married Lydia,
daughter of "Squire Tom" Leavitt, before 1820, and brought his handsome wife,
blue-eyed, but with jet black hair, her father said, "Lydia ought to have a home
of her own." His father replied "Yes," and said to his daughter Rachel, who
was housekeeper in her mother's illness: "Lydia must be head now; there will
be only one family here, and where I live there will be peace." Parson Abbot's
daughter, who told me this, added, "the neighborhood was remarked upon as a
happy one,"
There all the children of my father and mother were born and brought up —
Aaron having undertaken to carry on the farm and inherit it, as one of the sons
of each generation had done since 1680. Like his father-in-law, who was the
Democratic party leader in that region, my father was an active Democrat, and,
under Jackson, his party controlled the little town of Hampton Falls; he was,
therefore, chosen town clerk, and held that office when I was born. One of his
duties was to record the names of new-born children; and while my grand-
father gave me his own Scripture name, and my fond grandmother Leavitt added
the favorite middle name of Franklin, in honor of the great doctor, father, know-
ing his son would be called Frank, vowed he should not go by his middle
name. He therefore reversed on the record the usual order, and entered me as
"Franklin Benjamin" — a whim that has occasioned some trifling mistake ever
since. He was rather too persistent in his own whims, but essentially just in his
F. B. SANBORN. 417
nature; a serious, rather saturnine person, inclined to separate himself from
o'bhers; industrious, frugal, and governing his family more by severity than by
affection; an athletic man, skilful with his hands in many arts," a fine horseman,
unsparing of himself, kinder to the poor than complaisant to the rich, and inde-
pendent to the verge of self-will.
My father and all his near kindred were readers, and in that community of
old traditions and simple habits learning was held in honor. Books were easy
to obtain, in libraries or by neighborly borrowing. With such books, many of
them in Latin, the bequest of the parish minister, who had also been president
of Harvard, and with the instruction of my brother, Charles, and the ministers,
in addition to the worthy youths who taught the winter schools, I had picked
up, before fifteen, much miscellaneous learning. To this I added by myself, be-
fore 1850, a good deal of Latin, a little French, some German, and the rudiments
of Greek, though my father had forbidden me the latter when, at the wish of
the schoolmaster and the age of eleven, I had learned the alphabet. I began to
write verses at sixteen, and thought myself skilful that way before I was nine-
teen— even printing a few. However, I had no thought of entering college, and
neither formed for myself nor had formed for me by my family any definite plan
of life. I grew up in much freedom, working with my hands, but not excess-
ively, sauntering and reading a great deal, with few companions outside of my
own cousins and neighbors; learning to swim and shoot, play whist and chess;
going to church when I pleased, but not habitually, and joining in a literary
circle, which first gave me an opportunity to try my pen in verse and prose. Its
manuscript journal, bearing the high name of "The Star of Social Reform"
(not given by me), contained a few pieces written at eighteen, which I have since
printed.
I was also making my first experiments in love, without forming any serious
connection, until, in my nineteenth year, it was my good fortune to meet the
beautiful person who had the most inspiring influence on that portion of my life
which preceded my acquaintance with Emerson and John Brown. This was
Miss Ariana Smith Walker, a grandniece of Webster's witty friend. Judge
Smith, of Exeter, who, in consequence of her father's second marriage with a
daughter of Parson Abbot, became a summer visitor in Hampton Falls. I met
her there in the summer of 1850, having heard of her and had a glimpse of her
in 1849, and between us a quick and inspiring affection grew up, changing my
course of thought, and, for a time, arresting the malady which had fastened on
her delicate constitution. This continued my chief interest and hers for four
years and until her death, in August, in 1854. It was her wish that we should
be married, when her death was seen to be near, and we were united in name, as
we had been in spirit almost from our first sight of each other, but a short week
before her death, which occurred at her father's house in Peterborough, where
her maternal relatives, the Smiths and Morisons, of the genial Scotch-Irish
race, had settled in the middle of the eighteenth century.
I had already, at her suggestion, been prepared for Harvard partly by private
lessons in Greek from my good friend. Prof. J. G. Hoyt, of Exeter Academy, and
finally, by seven months' study in that excellent old school, then very small
(1851-'52), I entered college a year in advance, in July, 1852, and found among
my classmates there Phillips Brooks, Gen. Frank Barlow, Edwin Morton, Robert
Treat Paine, Theodore Lyman, and others since noted, who graduated with me
me in 1855. Though actually at Cambridge but little more than two years, my
greater age and miscellaneous reading gave me good rank — I think seventh in
the class; and by inheriting my wife's small property, could begin life free from
—28
418 KANSAS state; historical society.
debt, and in a position at the head of a private school in Concord, which enabled
me to be of some service to others. I owed this to the friendship of Mr. Emer-
son, who had known me in college, selected me as the tutor of his children, and
by his influence more than my merit secured me a flourishing school, which I
carried on for eight years — from March, 1855, to March, 1863 — teaching boys
and girls, young women and young men, and giving them some taste of country
life and social training.
Interest in national affairs drew my attention often from this school; having
long been, like my brother Charles, devoted to the freedom of the Southern
slaves and the emancipation of the North from its subservience to the slave-
masters and their commercial and political allies. This was contrary to the
wish of my elders, and my grandfather Leavitt, long before his death, in 1852,
predicted a "civil war on account of the niggers"; but it brought me into ac-
quaintance with Theodore Parker, Wendell Phillips, Doctor Howe, Mr. Garrison
and others who took the anti-slavery side. Along with some of these — George
L. Stearns, Dr. Samuel Cabot, Colonel Higginson, two of the Lawrence family.
Dr. William and A. A. Lawrence (father of the bishop), and others — I became
active in the colonization and defense of Kansas in 1855-'57, serving on com-
mittees and giving and raising money thereafter. This again brought me into
friendship and much correspondence with that remarkable champion of freedom,
John Brown, to whose cause and apparently hopeless undertaking, in Virginia,
I gave much time and money in 1858 and 1859.
The story of this period is told in my "Life and Letters" of Brown, and my
life of Doctor Howe; its events brought upon me, in the winter and spring of
1860, an attempt by the Virginians and other slaveholders, who then controlled
the United States senate, to kidnap and compel me to testify before a senate
committee against my friends and Brown's friends, which I was resolved never
to do. Beicg summoned as a witness by the chairman of the senate committee,
MasoQ, of Virginia, I declined to appear, and the senate ordered my arrest, in
February, 1860; but the warrant, addressed to the sergeant-at-arms of the
senate, lay dormant until April, when it appeared in the hands of Silas Carleton,
a Boston bailiff, who, escorted by young Freeman, a son of the United States
marshal of the district (who had served the senate summons in December),
came to my house at night, with four men, and by a forged letter sought to en-
trap me. I, ignorant of their purpose, for I supposed the senate had given up
its unwise purpose of arresting me, admitted them to my house, where they
handcuffed me, and prepared to carry me off like a runaway slave seized under
this same Mason's fugitive slave law. The courage of my sister, my own resist-
ance, and the intervention of neighbors, who came flocking at the sound of the
fire-bell, stopped my kidnappers, and a writ of habeas corpus, drawn up by my
neighbor. Judge Ebenezer Hoar, then on the Massachusetts supreme bench, and
served by Sheriff Moore, another neighbor, with the 2^osse comitatus, took me
from their hands atd brought me the next day before Chief Justice Shaw and
the full bench, who discharged me as unlawfully arrested — the warrant being in
hands to which it was not addressed, and the law's salutary maxim being dele-
(jata potestas non 2^ote'>t delcfjari, "delegated power must not be again dele-
gated" by the mere server of a process. ,
This decision did not touch the main issue, which my counsel (John A, An-
drew, afterward governor), raised; but it was good law, and recognized as such by
Senator Bayard, of Delaware (uncle of our late embassador at London), then
chairman of the senate judiciary committee, who drew a bill to meet such con-
tumacies in future. But the civil war came on, and the bill never passed even
F. B. SANBORN. 419
the senate; my kidnappers, whom I got indicted, mostly enlisted in the Union
army, and I never proceeded against them.
Such affairs interfered with the success of my school, and the outbreak of the
war so reduced my pupils that, in the winter of 1862-'63, I accepted an offer
from the friends of emancipation (Maj. G. L. Stearns, Dr. Samuel G. Howe, and
Francis W. Bird\to edit their weekly newspaper, the Boston Commomvealth,
only remaining in that capacity seven months, however, when Governor Andrew
called me away to be first secretary of the Massachusetts board of state chari-
ties, October 1, 1863. This was the first organization of the kind in the coun-
try— there are now twenty or more — and everything had to be begun and carried
through without pattern. It was an able board, and I was its youngest mem-
ber; Doctor Howe soon became its chairman, and its very efficient general agent
was Henry B. Wheelwright. Between us — these three being the most active
members — we gradually reorganized the Massachusetts charities, and set the
fashion for other state boards, which began to be appointed in 1867.
I was thus withdrawn from active participation in the war, having the inter-
ests of many thousand persons to look after, and worked as I have never done
before or since to understand, explain and reform the charitable and statistical
work of Massachusetts. Much that we did remains still in force, much became,
obsolete by its own success, and something of our work has been perverted by
indolent or selfish successors. In the midst of all, I continued to write for the
Commomvealth, the New York Inde'pendent, the Springfield Reijuhliecm , and
other journals, as well as for the North American Eevh w and magazines. At
the end of five years' service as secretary, I accepted the invitation of Samuel
Bowles to become a resident editor of his Republican. This took me to Spring-
field and Ashfield for four years, and brought me into closer friendship with
George William Curtis and other literary men. I was for a few months manag-
ing editor of the i?ep«6'/ef/?i, in 1871, and had much to do with organizing the
successful opposition to Gen. Benjamin F. Butler's ambitious attempt to become
governor, as the Republican candidate. He was finally chosen, eleven years
after, as the Democratic candidate.
I had married in 1862 (August 16) my second wife, Louisa Augusta Leavitt,
of Woburn, but born in Boston, where we were united at the small church of our
friend, James Freeman Clarke, after which we lived for a winter in Cambridge,
and one spring with my dear old friend, Mrs. Sarah Ripley, in the Old Manse at
Concord. My two oldest sons, Thomas Parker and Victor Channing, were born in
Concord, the latter in my house on the Sudbury road, where the kidnappers had
found me, seven years before. My youngest son, Francis Bachiler, waa born in
Springfield, overlooking the lovely Connecticut valley, in February, 1871. My
children were all educated in the schools of Concord (to which I returned in the
spring of 1872), except for a year spent by Tom in my former school at Exeter.
After resigning my secretaryship, in 1868, I had been appointed a member of
the state board in 1870, and in 1871 succeeded Doctor Howe as its chairman, for
two years. I there originated or cooperated in legislation or administration
affecting public charity throughout the country, and joined, in May, 1874, with
Doctor Hoyt and Mr. Letchworth, of New York, Mr. Elmore, of Wisconsin, and
Mr. F. H. Wines, of Illinois, son of my good friend. Dr. E. C. Wines, of New York,
with whom I had been active in prison reform, in founding the National Confer-
ence of Charities, at New York city. Previously (October, 1865) I had united
with Mrs. Caroline H. Dall, Doctor Howe, Col. Thomas W. Higginson, Joseph
A. Allen and his brothers. Presidents Rogers, of the Technological Institute, and
Gilman, of Johns Hopkins University, my brother-in-law, George Walker, Gov-
420 KANSAS STATE HISTORICAL SOCIETY.
ernors Andrew and Boutwell, Mr. R. C. Winthrop and many others in founding
the American Social Science Association, of which I have been an officer for
nearly thirty-three years, and was secretary more than twenty-five years.
I was associated with General Hayes, afterwards president, with Dr. E. C-
Wines, Mr. Brockway, then of Detroit, but for twenty-two years at the head of
the Elmira Reformatory, and many other friends, at Cincinnati, in 1870, in form-
ing the National Prison Association, which we afterwards revived at Saratoga,
in 1882. This connection with such organizations has led me to write ancJ pub-
lish several thousand pages on the topics generally included under "Social
Science," while my state reports for Massachusetts on charities, prisons (of
which I was an inspector for five years), insane asylums, reformatories, etc.,
must cover some 8000 pages. While chairman of the state board, I carried on
an important legislative inquiry into the management of the Tewksbury State
Almshouse by the Marsh family, resulting in great reformation of the system
there, especially after the sensational action of Governor Butler, in 1883, gave
the board, of which I was then an officer, opportunity to complete the work
begun by me in 1876. In 1877, in place of the attorney-general, and with the
support of the board of state charities, I carried on a similar inquiry into the ex-
travagant cost of the new Danvers Lunatic Hospital, which resulted in much
economy of money, and an exposure of the futility of such building of palace
hospitals for paupers. In consequence of these services, for which I received
no compensation but much abuse, I was asked, in 1879, by my friend, Thomas
Talbot, then governor of Massachusetts, to assist in a second reorganization of
the charities and prisons, which he carried through ; then selecting me for the
place of general inspector of charities, which I held from July, 1879, to Novem-
ber, 1888, when, by an intrigue, I was illegally, but effectively, deprived of it.
My measures had been found too reformatory, and my successors fell into a com-
fortable routine, which has accomplished little.
In all, my official service to Massachusetts was about twenty-five years; and
I have continued since 1888, as a private citizen and publicist, to aid in the pro
motion of better systems in my own and other states. It might also be men-
tioned that I took an active part from 1865 till 1878 in establishing oral instruction
for deaf children in schools at Northampton, Boston, and Mystic, Conn. I have
been for thirty years one of the twelve trustees of the Clarke School for the Deaf,
at Northampton — one of the best in the world — and had much to do with ob-
taining its charter from the legislature in 1867. The same year I obtained the
charter and assisted in the organization of the Massachusetts Infant Asylum,
which first in America showed practically how to prevent the extreme mortality
among motherless infants, and which still continues to do its good work near
Boston.
In 1879, besides beginning my work as deputy lunacy commissioner of Mas-
sachusetts, under the new board of health, lunacy, and charity, I aided my
neighbor, Bronson Alcott, and his friends, W, T. Harris and Mrs. Ednah Cheney,
Miss Elizabeth Peabody, and others, to carry out a long-cherished plan of Alcott
and Emerson — the opening of a summer school of philosophy and literature at
Concord, in the grounds of Mr. Alcott's picturesque Orchard House, where we
soon built the small Hillside Chapel, and there continued to hold sessions during
the summers of nine years, closing the enterprise with a memorial service for the
founder and dean of the school, in 1888, a few months after Mr. Alcott's death.
This involved the arrangement and delivery of some fifty lectures by ten or fif-
teen professors and scholars in each year, to audiences ranging from 20 to 300,
and usually followed by a free debate. I was secretary and treasurer of the fac-
F. B. SANBORN. 421
ulty, and also lectured from two to five times each summer. In some years 1000
different persons attended during some part of the courses. It was the first of
such schools, but has since been often imitated.
As a contributor to the Atlantic and other magazines and reviews, I had
published much before 1882, when my first literary book appeared — the life of
my neighbor and friend, Henry D. Thoreau, in the Boston series of American
authors. The same year I edited for Mr. Alcott his unique volume of "Sonnets
and Canzonets," and in 1887 his political autobiography, entitled "New Con-
necticut." These were followed up in 1893 by his "Memoirs," in two volumes,
chiefly written by me, but edited in concert with Doctor Harris. In 1885 I pub-
lished, after loEg preparation and some preliminary work, in the Atlantic
Monthly and Orcutt's "History of Torrington" (1872, 1875, 1878), the authentic
"Life and Letters of John Brown," making use of the papers of the Brown family
and that invaluable collection of the State Historical Society, at Topeka, which
I examined in 1882. All these books, except the first named, were published
by Robert Brothers, Boston. For the school of philosophy, I edited its two vol-
umes of lectures there delivered, in 1885 "The Genius of Emerson," and in 1886,
"The Life and Genius of Goethe," to both of which I contributed chapters. In
1891, after my first visit to Greece (in 1890), I published in a New York biograph-
ical series (Funk & Wagnalls) a "Life of Dr. S. G. Howe," in which many of
the facts concerning his connection with John Brown were first made public.
In 1892-'93 I resided in Greece again for more than four months, sailed along
the shores of Attica, Boeotia, Euboea, and Thessaly, and ascended Mt. Pelion,
after traversing the plains of Thessaly and the pass of Tempe; also sailed to
Constantinople, rowed on the Bosphorus, saw the sultan pass from hie palace to
his mosque, and sailed in broad daylight between Tonedos and the plain of Troy.
I examined with Doerpfeld and his students the ruins of Grecian temples and
theaters; saw Waldstein begin his excavations at Sparta and continue those at
the Argive Heraion; and in the rare library of George Findlay, at Athens, read
again the story of the Greek revolution and the romantic fortunes of his friend,
Trelawny, making use of this knowledge in some recent articles in Scribner's
Magazine on Byron and Trelawny (1897). In 1895, having long had them in my
hands, I published through Houghton & Mifflin the "Familiar Letters of Henry
D. Thoreau," which was virtually a new and better biography of him. And I
have now completed the "Memoirs of Pliny Earle," with whom I was long asso-
ciated in the improvement of the treatment and cure of the American insane. In
preparation for this task, I visited many European asylums for the insane in 1890
and 1893 — in Austria, Belgium, Greece, Italy, Hungary, Saxony, and Scotland.
Besides these books, I have edited or had some share in several others, drawn
from the copious writings of Theodore Parker, with whom for seven years, while
in college and in my Concord school, I was on the most intimate terms. He de-
sired me to be his literary executor, as I was one of the executors of his will, but
his purpose was frustrated by untoward circumstances following his death, in
1860. However, his manuscript and copyright came into my hands long after-
wards, upon the death of his widow. At present I am writing for my latest
publisher, Mr. Goodspeed, of Boston (who has published two books of mine on
Thoreau), a email book — somewhat larger than my "Emerson" of 1901 — "The
Personality of Emerson," to appear in April, 1903.
On the invitation of my friend. Dr. A. D. White, now embassador to the Ger-
man empire, but then president of Cornell University, I began, in April, 1885,
the first course of college lectures on applied social science of which I ever heard
in America — though they are now common enough — visiting, after a lecture,
422 KANSAS STATE HISTOKIOAL SOCIETY.
with a large class of students, the model reformatory of Mr. Brockway, at
Elmira, the great Willard Asylum for the Insane, and other establishments for
the poor and vicious in New York. I then required my pupils to pass an exami-
nation on the features observed at these different establishments, as well as on
the general principles of the system upon which they were conducted and justi-
fied. I continued these lectures four years, with many hearers, and such have
since been had at other universities. I thus received the courtesy title of
"professor," by which the Cornellians and others addressed me, but with no
real claim to it.
I have lectured repeatedly at other colleges and before many societies and
clubs for the past forty- five years, beginning at the Westford Academy, in 1853,
with a college essay on King Arthur. My journalistic beginnings were even
earlier, for I contributed verses to the Iitdej^endent Democrat, of Concord,
N. H., in 1849, since when I have printed verse or prose in more than forty peri-
odicals, daily, weekly, monthly, and quarterly, and to the extent of many, many
thousand book pages, for which I hope to be forgiven at the day of judgment.
I have at least escaped the sin of indolence, and have seldom avoided the frank
expression of deliberate opinions.
Thomas Parker Sanborn, eldest son of F. B. and Louisa, was born in a house
orerlooking the Concord battle-field, and close by the Old Manse, February 21,
1863. He accompanied the family in their migration from Concord to Ashfield
and Springfield, and had for playmates there the younger children of Mr.
Bowles. His school education began there, but was seriously undertaken only
after the return to Concord, in 1872, where he studied in the primary schools,
and was taught Latin and Greek by his father. He was a sensitive and original
child, much noticed by his elders, especially by Mr. Emerson and Ellery Chan-
ning, going to walk with the latter and with his father and brother, Victor, as
soon as he was able to keep up with older persons in the wood roads and pastures
of Concord — their custom on Sunday afternoons for many years.
His interest in nature and his poetic eye for the beauties of the various sea-
sons were noticeable from early childhood, and appear gracefully expressed in
such of his serious verses as have been published here and there by himself or
by his father since his death. His love of books was equally marked, and thus
he seemed designed and equipped for a literary career, had his days been pro-
longed. He studied at home with his brother and father, and in the excellent
town schools, graduating from the high school with distinction, and entering
Harvard college in 1882 with few conditioxis, at the age of seventeen. He took
no high rank in college, but devoted himself largely to reading and journalism,
having for social companions in his large class those youths who have since been
prominent in literature and were then active in the satirical and critical journal-
ism of the students. He was one of the editors of the Lampoon and the Advo-
cate (of the latter his uncle Joseph was one of the founders), and wrote constantly
for such publications in his junior and senior years. After graduating, in 1886,
he joined the staff of the Springfield RepKhlican, with which his father had
long been connected, and was qualifying himself by various forms of journalistic
work for more extended usefulness as editor elsewhere, when, in 1888, it was
found needful for him to give up his position and return home to Concord, his
health being seriously affected and his power of application weakened. This
state of things continued, with alternations of hope and despondency, until in the
winter of 1888-'89 his state of mind gave his family much alarm, and finally cul-
minated in suicide, in March, 1889.
Under more fortunate circumstances — this being the very time when his
REMINISCENCES OF FREDERICK CHOUTEAU. 423
father's efforts to improve the condition of the insane poor had brought upon
him the animosity of persons in office, and the loss of his own government posi-
tion— it would not have been difficult, perhaps, to ward off the approach of in-
sanity in this brilliant and sensitive youth. But such a result was not to be,
and a life of more than ordinary promise was thus cut off. No collection of his
writings has been published, but it is the wish of his father to include the select
verse of his son with such of his own as may be thought worthy of preservation in
a volume. He is buried in the pleasant Concord cemetery, and above his grave
a tablet of Pentelic marble, chiseled and carved in Athens, with its emblems of
aspirations and genius, recalls his memory in a line of Greek verse, copied from
an antique tomb in Thebes.
KEMINISCENCES OF FREDERICK CHOUTEAU.
From notes taken by Franklin G. Adams, at Westport, Mo., April 24, 1880, for the
Kansas State Historical Society.
T CAME to Randolph, Clay county, Missouri, about two miles below Kansas
-^ City, on the opposite side of the Missouri river, in the fall of 1825, October
or November. I was fifteen years old. My brothers, Francis* and Cyprian,
were trading there. The United States Indian agent, Barnett Vasquez, bought
annuity goods of my brothers, and took the goods in my brothers' boat across
the Missouri river and up to the yellow banks, just above where Wyandotte is.
The goods were landed on a sand-bar there. Thirty-five hundred dollars was the
amount of the goods. That was the first annuity ever paid the Kaws. The
next three payments, I suppose, were made somewhere about there.
The first payment at the Kaw agency, f on the reservation, near Grasshopper,
was made in 1829.
Barnett Vasquez was the first agent of the Kaws. He was agent from 1825
till 1828. In the summer of 1828, coming up from St. Louis, in July or August,
he took the cholera and died. He went down in a buggy, and was coming back
in a buggy when he took sick and died. He was a hard drinker.
His family was at my brothers' agency at Randolph, where he had lived since
1825. The family remained till March, 1829. My brother then loaded a large keel-
* Article 8.— And whereas, the Kanzas are indebted to FranQois Q. Choteau for credits
given them in trade, which they are unable to pay, and which they have particularly requested
to have included and settled in the present treaty: it is therefore agreed on, by and between
the parties to these presents, that the sum of J.'iCO toward the liquidation of said debt shall be
paid by the United States to the said Francois G. Choteau. (Am. St. Papers, Ind. Affairs, vol.
2, p. 590.)
t "In a letter from Mr. Boone, under date of August 11, 1879, he says: ' The agency was located
nearly on a line between the Kaw half-breed reserve and the Delaware reserve land, mainly,
however, on the Delaware lands. We lived one-half mile east.' Upon examining the original
field-notes of the survey of 18.^6, the first s-ectional survey of the territory, I found a reference
made to an 'old well ' f)n section 4, township 12, range 19 east, on the north side of the river. A
letter received from Thomas R. Bayne, who owns survey No. 23, Kaw half-breed lands, which
joins the original Delaware reserve on the west, says: 'Just east of my prairie farm was an old
well, near the hank of the river, when I moved here in 1854. The remains of quite a village can
yet be spen in the vicinity. There are stone chimneys of quite a number of houses, and remains
of an old blacksmith shop. When I broke the prairie I found the charred remains of a rail
fence that had enclosed over )0(J acres of land. The well is about in the center of the old vil-
lage, and is walled with hard limestone. The stone is cut to fit a perfect circle, and was one of
the finest pieces of masonry I ever saw. This well only furnished water when the river was
high, showing that the channel of the river is deeper than when the well was first dug. This
old village is seven miles above Lawrence, on the north side of the river.' "
( From the Topeka Weekly tapiial, August 27, 1879.)
424 KANSAS STATE HISTORICAL SOCIETY.
boat, of forty or fifty tons burthen, with peltries, 400 packs, for St. Louis. The
numbers of skins in packs of the different kinds of peltries are as follows:
Beaver skins 65
Otter skins 100
Deer skins (20 buck and 20 doe) 40
Raccoon skins 120
Muskrat skins 500
Wolf skins 100
Badgfer skins 100
Buffalo-robes • 10
( Buffalo are killed for robes from November to the 1st of May.)
Mrs. Vasquez * with her children took passage on this boat. There were four
children, all small, the oldest not over ten or twelve years. The following per-
sons were on board to go down to St. Louis: Mr. Hughes and John Dougherty,
Indian agents; two pilots, and a daughter of one of them; Mrs. Vasquez and
her four children ; eight hands; ten Kaw Indians, and myself — twenty nine in all.
My brother had hired an old mulatto pilot, named Baptiste Datchurut, to
pilot the boat. The boat was all loaded and Baptiste was drunk, and could not
be found ; so I hired his brother pilot, Frank Zabette, also a mulatto, to take
the steering oar and steer the boat. Two miles above Prime's ferry, where Inde-
pendence now is, the old rascal overtook us in a canoe, with a discharged soldier
by the name of Kennedy. He showed me bis papers, and says he, "Your brother
sent me to take charge of the boat." I said, " I am very sorry ; I wish you had
not overtaken us."'
The wind was blowing very hard from the south, so that we laid by for a
while against the southern shore, and when we started again we kept as near
the southern shore as we could. Between the place where we were detained by
the wind and Prime's ferry was a large rock, which was in the bank at low
water, but out in the current in high water, as it was now. I saw that we were
running towards the rock. I told the men to row away. They did, and threw
the bow of the boat away out from the rock; but the old man was not stout
enough, as the brother was, to throw the stern out, and the boat struck its side
against the rock, breaking the side in. We turned right toward the shore, but
the boat began to sink fast. We threw the anchor, but it would not catch.
Then seven hands and myself jumped in and swam ashore. Three of the hands,
Kennedy and two Canadians, were drowned. Myself, Frank and three of the
hands got safely ashore. The others all remained on the boat. The boat's
anchor soon got a hold and stopped the boat.
I hastened to Prime's ferry, a mile below, and got a flatboat and went to the
rescue of the party remaining on the keel-boat. I got them all off in safety.
Next day we got all of the packs out. We cut a hole in the deck. Joe Lulu
dived down and brought out all the packs, one at a time, and we took them
ashore and dried them.
Mrs. Vasquez lost $300, which she had in the little cabin that I had made for
her near the stern of the boat.
Kennedy's body I found three or four days after, and had the men bury it. I
♦"Sdpeeintendent of Indian Affairs, St. Louis, February 17, 1830.
"Sir: I tako the liberty of enclosing to you herewith a letter just received from Captain
Vashon, tlie Indian aerent for Shawnees, Delawares, etc. (of the 27th ult), witli the receipts
to Major Campbell, the sub-aKeut for tliose tribes, for oxpenditnres made by him, and which
Captain Vashon recommends the payment of. The claim al-so of the widow Vasquez, which he
recommends, is a just one. Tliis claimant is the widow of the late sub-agent, and has lost
everything she possessed in moving to this place from the Kanzas sub-acency, the boat in which
she embarked having been wrecked in descending the Missouri. She is therefore in much need
of her due, and I would particularly recommend the payments due her for house rent. Be
pleased, sir, to instrvict me as early as couvenient whether I shall pay those accounts or not.
With high respect, sir, 1 am your most obedient servant, Wm. Claek.
" To the Honorable Secretary of War."
REMINISCENCES OF FREDERICK CHOUTEAU. 425
paid them five dollars which I found in his pockets. Prime's landing was Inde-
pendence landing, twelve miles below Kansas City. We hauled all the pelts up
to Kansas City, where my brother had a house, and packed them again and
shipped them on a steamboat.
Mrs. Vasquez went down on the steamboat with Mr. Dougherty.
Joseph Lulu, a mulatto who belonged to my father, took the peltries out of
the keel-boat, diving down in the water for every pack, except a few which we
could get out when we first cut the hole in the deck. He went under water no
less than 375 times, taking out a pack each time. He was worth his weight in
gold.
Joseph afterwards claimed his freedom because of some Indian blood in his
veins on his mother's side, and my father gave him his freedom. He became a
fireman on a Mississippi steamboat, and some years afterwards was killed, with
other firemen, by the blowing up of a steamboat going down to New Orleans. He
was with me at Horse Shoe lake as cook.
My brother Francis had built his house at Kacsas City in 1828 — a frame
house — where he lived with his family. In 1828 and 1829 we built some trading-
houses four or five miles above Wyandotte, on the north side of the Kansas river.
These were not the "four houses," so called. The "four houses" were built
about 1820, by my brothers. The houses built in 1828, in the fall, were for trad-
ing with the Shawnees and Delawares.
The next agent was Daniel D. McNair, a special agent to make payments, in
1829.
In 1830 General Clark was appointed full agent and made a payment.
These two payments were made at the stone house near Grasshopper, north side
of the Kaw river.
Chouteau's trading-houses — the kaw villages in 1830.
I built my house at Horse Shoe lake in the fall of 1829. I remained there
two years.
In 1830 I made my house on the American Chief creek, on the south side of
the Kansas river, about fifteen or twenty miles above Topeka. American
Chief had a small band living there, twenty lodges. They were permanent dirt
lodges, good size. They were down on the creek bottom, about two miles from the
Kaw river, on the west side of the creek. They built their lodges there the same
year 1 went, 1830. They remained there until 1845. I remained there till that
time; then I went with them to Council Grove. I remained at Council Grove
till 1852 or 1853; then I left. I sold out to Price Kelly, who remained there a
few years as trader. Mr. Huflfaker was there when I left, a missionary. There
were three trading-houses. Seth Hays had one of them.
Hard Chief had his village, in 1830, about a mile above the American Chief,
away from the creek, and nearer the Kaw river, on the highland. His people
got their water from the Kaw river. The village was not far from the Kaw river.
These two bands built their villages there because I was going there to trade, as
I told them.
Fool Chief had his village on the north side of the river, about a mile above
Papan's ferry. This was the largest village. Fool Chief's village numbered
700 or 800 people; Hard Chief's village numbered .500 or 600 people; American
Chief's village numbered 100 people; they averaged six, eight or ten to a lodge.
HUNTING.
The Indians would generally start out on their buffalo hunts about the first
week in September, and would return about Christmas, and remain in their vil-
lages all winter. They kept their horses in the creek bottoms.
426 KANSAS STATE HISTORICAL SOCIETY.
I went out to my trading-house about the Ist of September, and the agent
would come and make the payment. Then I would give them credit and they
would start out on their hunting. I went out again about Christmas, to get my
pay in peltries — otter and beaver skins and buffalo-robes. Id the spring they
planted their corn, and then went out hunting in June, getting back the first
week in August.
BAPTISTE AND ZABETTE DATCHURUT.
Baptiste Datchurut had been living among the Kaw Indians for a good many
years, and could speak their language well, and was the interpreter for the Kaws.
He had a Kaw wife. He came from St. Louis a free negro. His daughter,* a
half-breed, between the mulatto and Kaw woman, which he was taking down to
St. Louis at this time, afterward married in St. Louis a mulatto man, John
Boudon, who was born in France. His father was a Frenchman, his mother a
negress. John was well educated, a fine violinist, and gave lessons in dancing
to the children of the best families, private lessons, and made lots of money. He
became dissipated after a while, but lived very well in his younger days.
Datchurut stayed among the Kaws until ubout 1846, when he got down with the
consumption. His brother, Zabette, came along and, seeing how he was, brought
him to my house, then near where Chouteau station is now, and asked me to
take care of him, and told me he would pay me for doing so. I told him I would.
I gave him a place to lie in near my houses, and went every day to see him, and
gave directions to have him well taken care of. One morning I found him dead.
I buried him there on the hill, just out on the prairie from where the station
now is. I never saw any more of Zabette. He never paid me anything.
Zabette followed the river keel-boating, sometimes for the American Fur
Company, going way up on the Yellowstone. He was a rough fellow.
FOOL CHIEF AND WAHO-BA-KE,
When I went to build the house at the Horse Shoe lake, I became acquainted
with the Fool Chief in the fall of 1828. His village was then above Papan's
ferry. His band would go and hunt on the Republican and Big Blue and bring
their peltries down to my trading-house — beaver, otter, elk, deer and buffalo
skins. He was a hereditary chief, a smart fellow, but not brave. He was peace-
able when sober, fond of feeling his authority and of having the younger Indians
about him to bring hijn the choice pieces of game to eat. He had only two
wives and three or four children.
After Mr. Johnson f established his mission at the American Chief's creek,
within a mile or two of my trading-post, the Fool Chief was converted and be-
came a Methodist for two or three years. Rev. J. Thompson Peery, a mission-
ary at Mr. Johnson's mission, took the Fool Chief to Baltimore during that
time, to attend some missionary convention. It was hot weather. The Fool
Chief was given a bed in the parlor. Very early in the morning Mrs. Peery
looked out of her window and saw a crowd of people on the street around the
Fool Chief, who was stark naked ; he was cooling himself, Indian fashion.
When he drank liquor he became drunk and crazy; hence he got the name
"Fool Chief." Such names are given to the Indians by their associates, after
they grow up and develop their peculiar characteristics. He was a fine-looking
♦"Elizabeth Datcherute, the daughter of Bapti.^to Datcherute" was one "of the half-breeds
of the Kanzas nation " to whom a half-mile square on the north side of the Kansas river was
given by treaty of June 3, 1825. ( Am. St. Papers, lud. AiTairs, vol. 2.)
tFor account of the Rev. William Johnson's missionary labors among the Kaws, 1830-'32,
1835-'42, see Historical Society's Transactions, vols. 1, 2, page 276.
REMINISCENCES OF FREDERICK CHOUTEAU. 427
fellow. He was a very young man when I first saw him. The villages had no
other names than that of the principal chief living in them. He killed, in one
of his drunken sprees, a few years after I went up there, a young Indian. He
had killed one before.
In about 1846 or 1848, after I had moved on the hili near where Chouteau
station now is, the Fool Chief came along with nearly all of his band, going to
Missouri on a begging and stealing expedition. They camped near my place,
and remained there two or three days. After a while an Indian, Waho-ba-ke by
name, came along, alone, from up the river. I gave him something to eat, when
he inquired where the Fool Chief was camping. I told him, and he went over
there. Entering the chief's lodge, the women gave him something to eat. While
he was eating the Fool Chief came in and slapped him. The Fool Chief had been
drinking and was half crazy. Then the chief took out his knife and took off
Wa-ho-ba-ke's scalp. When Wa-ho-ba ke saw the blood from his head he
jumped up, took out his knife, seized the chief's hands, and cut the tendons
of his wrists, so that his knife fell to the ground, both hands becoming power-
less. He then took a club of wood, a rough, split stick, and mashed his head,
scattering the brains all around the lodge, killing him at once. Wa-ho-ba-ke
then ran away to the Osages, for fear that he would be killed by the Fool Chief's
relatives. The body of the Fool Chief was buried right there on the prairie, near
my house where I afterwards lived at Shawneetown.
The band then went off and camped at Wm. Park's house, where Shawnee-
town now is.
Wa-ho ba-ke stayed among the Osages about a year. Then Supt. Richard
W. Cummins and agent General Rains sent word for him to come back. Rains
made the payment about 1840 and 1842. He was afterwards a general in the
rebel army. They sent for him because they approved his act of killing the Fool
Chief. They were glad of it, and they gave notice that Ihey would protect Wa-
ho-ba-ke and punish any Indian who should harm him.
This Wa-hoba-ke was a noted brave. Some years before, when the Kaws
were out on a hunt, Wa-ho-bake was surprised when alone bathing in a creek,
and shot through the body by two Pawnees, two bullets passing through his
body the same instant, large thirty-two to the pound bullets. He fell and
floated down stream. The two Pawnees sprang in and clubbed him. A blaw
on his head reanimated him so that he sprang to his feet in the shallow water,
startling his two enemies, and causing them to flee. He then mounted his horse>
which the Pawnees had left in their panic, and rode to the camp; reaching it, he
fell to the ground exhausted. Having been brought back to the Fool Chief's
village, he lay a long time nearly dead in his lodge. Finally he was about to die,
as he supposed, and it came into his mind that before he died he must have one
more ride on his best hunting horse. He called for his horse to be brought to
his lodge. The Indians placed him in his saddle. He was so weak and emacia-
ted that he could not sit upon the pony by his own strength. The Indians tied
him on, strapping his legs under the horse's belly. He then started off, the pony
running carelessly over the prairie. The agitation and shaking up, in this race,
•caused the bursting and discharge of an abscess, which had been formed in con-
nection with his wounds. Returning to his wigwam, he immediately began to
recover, and finally he became fully restored to health. This circumstance, to-
gether with his many acts of bravery, gave him great prominence in his tribe, as
well as respect among the white men and officers of the government. He died
at Council Grove, of the smallpox, about 1850.
Waho-ba-ke means "the one who carries the nat." The "nat" is a roll of
428 KANSAS STATE HISTORICAL SOCIETY.
stuff of horses' hair, about two feet long and eight or ten inches wide. Interwoven
in this are bird skins, wings, and feathers, and some small rods running length-
wise. This thing is rolled up in a snug roll. It is a talisman, necessary to be
present to secure the success of any enterprise. Hence, when the band of Indians
to which it belongs goes out to war, or on a hunting expedition, it is carried on
the back or shoulders of a man who is selected for that duty. This Indian,
Wa-ho-ba-ke, had this duty to perform in his band, and hence his name.
PIROGUES AND KEEL-BOATS.
A pirogue was a craft sixty or seventy feet long, made like a canoe, out of Cot-
tonwood trees of the largest size found in the Missouri bottoms, sometimes four
feet through. Two of these were placed together side by side, tied solidly
together. They would carry from ten to fifteen tons.
The keel-boat which my brothers had in 1828, I think, was the first which
navigated the Kaw river.
After I came, the keel-boat was used altogether on the Kaw river. We would
take a boat up with goods in August, and keep it there till the next spring, when
we would bring it down loaded with peltries. At the mouth of the Kaw we
shipped on steamboat to St. Louis.
The keel-boats were made in St. Louis. They were rib-made boats, shaped
like the hull of a steamboat, and decked over. They were about eight or ten
feet across the deck and five or six feet deep below deck. They were rigged
with one mast, and had a rudder, though we generally took the rudder off and
used a long oar* for steering. There were four rowlocks on each side.
Going up the Kaw river we pulled all the way ; about fifteen miles a day. Going
down it sometimes took a good many days, as it did going up, on account of low
water. I have taken a month to go down from my trading-house at American
Chief (or Mission) creek, many times lightening the boat with skiffs; other times
going down in a day. I never went with the boat above my trading-house at the
American Chief village. No other traders except myself and brothers ran keel-
boats on the Kaw. We pulled up sometimes by the willows which lined the
banks of the river.
The Southprn Methodist mission at the American Chief's village was the first
mission established there. William Johnson started it about the year 1835. He
was uncle of Alex. S. Johnson, and a brother of Rev. Thomas Johnson, of the
mission near Westport. Mr. Cornetzer took charge of the mission after Mr.
Johnson died, for two or three years, about 1838 or 18iO. The property was soon
taken away to the Shawnee Mission, near Westport.
There was no other mission amopg the Kaws. Eight or ten of the Kaw chil-
dren were sent to the Shawnee Mission, near Westport, after the closing of the
mission at American Chief's creek. Several of these children, after returning
home from the mission, soon died. Hard Chief would not allow any more to go
after that, because, as he said, they at the mission smelled the big knife so much
that when they came back to the tribe they soon died.
*Such an oar was found while removing the island east of the present Melan arch bridge,
in Topeka, in 1897. The oar was embedded in the sand, ten feet beneath a large Cottonwood
tree which stood at the upper end of the island, and a few feet east of the old bridge. The oar
which is twelve feot long, has the rusted iron oar-lock attached, and the paddle blade is
patched with a shake. The oar is now in the Historical Society's museum.
REMINISCENCES OF FREDERICK CHOUTEAU. 429
DEATH OF A MEMBER OF THE TRIBE.
Statement made by Frederick Chouteau, at Westport, Mo., May 21, 1880.
When a member of a family dies, a warrior of the band to which the family
belongs is chosen to make propitiation with the Great Spirit. He smears his
face with mud and ashes, goes out in the morning to a high, lonely place, and
sits there all day, crying and moaning, and blowing smoke toward heaven; eat-
ing and drinking nothing from morning till night. This he does every day for a
month. The warrior then takes a body of warriors, sometimes to the number of
100, and goes out on a war expedition against some hostile tribe. If he is suc-
cessful in taking scalps or stealing ponies he returns, and the widow can put
aside her mourning and is at liberty to marry again.
If a woman dies, the husba,nd selects the one to make propitiation ; the father,
if a child dies.
The idea which this superstition embodies is, that the affliction which the
Kaws have been made to suffer has been an act indicating the displeasure of
the Great Spirit, and intended to humble the tribe in respect to its standing with
the Great Spirit, as between the Kaws and a hostile tribe. The sacrifice which
the hostile tribe (against which the incursion is made) has been made to suffer
in this way results in placing the Kaw family, and the band to which it belongs,
on an equ^l footing before the Great Spirit with the hostile tribe which had not
suffered the infliction imposed by the Great Spirit by the hand of death.
The ceremony of monthly penance — mourning, moaning, and smoking — is for
the object of propitiating the Great Spirit, and obtaining favor in the effort to
be made to bring the tribe at enmity in equal standing before the Great Spirit.
Success in the warlike expedition is taken as full proof that the Great Spirit ac-
cepted the penance.
At the same time that the chosen warrior is performing his acts of mourning,
the members of the family of the deceased, every morning just at break of day,
go through similar mourniog exercises at their lodge. If it be winter, or in a
season of the year unfavorable for the warlike expedition, the family mourning
takes place only at that time, but when the time approaches for the war expe-
dition, the chosen warrior has his month of propitiatory mourning. The chosen
warrior is always given a horse at the beginning of his mourning ceremonies, by
way of compensation for the service he is to perform.
When Hard Chief's brother, Sans Oreilles, Ne-ru-ga nin-ga, died, the Hard
Chief sent out 200 warriors, and told them not to come back until they had killed
100 Pawnees. Some of his brothers led the band. They only killed one Pawnee.
Said he, "One scalp ! What does that amount to? I want you to go again, and
do not stop until you have got 100 scalps."
The chiefs are regarded as characters of great dignity. To speak with them
or to have social intercourse with them is regarded as a great favor. To obtain
such favor a present of a horse is always to be made, sometimes of many horses.
I have known as many as 150 horses to be distributed by one man to three chiefs
in order to gain their favor. The name of the man who made these presents was
Ne-ca queba-na (the one who runs down men). This Indian ran down and
killed with a knife eighteen Pawnees, at different times, during the time that I
was trading among them. Every time he went on one of these killing expedi-
tions he returned with a drove of horses which he had captured. The 150 horses
given by him at one time were distributed among the Hard Chief, the Fool
Chief, and the Broken Thigh. This warrior was by far the most successful In-
dian fighter I ever knew among the Kawa. He was murdered, while lying
deed druuk, by a member of his tribe, at Council Grove, about the year 1850.
430 KANSAS STATE HISTORICAL SOCIETY.
The murderer's name was Que-ba-como-ne (the one who walks mad). The das-
tardly murderer was immediately shot and killed in his own lodge by the mem-
bers of the tribe and his lodge burned over him, consuming his body.
INDIAN MARRIAGE.
If a young man takes a fancy to a girl, he goes to her father and asks for the
girl, but the father refuses. Then the young man goes to a priest of the tribe, or
medicine man as he is called, and asks him to go and intercede for him with the
father of the girl. The priest takes a pipe to the girl's father, but perhaps he
will not smoke, but turns his head away, refusing. The medicine man repeats
the offer of the pipe, going perhaps several times for that object before the re-
quest is granted. When granted and a favorable answer is reported to the
young man's father, the young man's parents then bring many presents to the
parents of the girl — horses, household goods, kettles, guns, etc. In return, the
parents of the girl select some of their oldest broken-down ponies and some
trifling goods, which are presented to the bridegroom's parents. The young
man then repairs to the lodge of the parents of the bride and remains there as a
member of the family. He becomes the hunter of the family and nothing else.
He has the use of the best horses, those perhaps presented by his parents, and
performs the duty of supplying the family with game.
Returning from his hunting expeditions, he gives himself up to idleness in the
lodge, not even doing so much as to unload his pony of the game brought in. He
is not privileged to have any communication with the parents of his wife, not
being permitted to speak to them until a child is born to his wife, even if it be
ten years. After he has acquired a family of two or three children, he may set
up housekeeping separately. The oldest girl is always first married. Her hus-
band marries the younger girls successively as they become old enough, he being
entitled to the privilege of marrying all the daughters for the family, a privilege
which is almost universally taken advantage of. If, however, a young man de-
clines to marry all the daughters, a second son-in-law may be taken into the
family. I have seen some men have six or seven wives — sisters. They never
have wives that are not sisters. If there be but one daughter, her husband has
but one wife.
I employed at my trading-house on American Chief's creek a medicine man
as soldier or policeman. His name was Ne-co-he-bra. He was called by us
Wacon-da-ga-ton-ga, or big medicine man. This name was given him because
he was in possession of a little red morocco box of vials of medicine, similar to a
doctor's pill-bag. It had been given him by some white man. This medicine-
box, the contents of which perhaps he himself was ignorant of, was an object of
superstitious fear to the other members of the tribe, investing him with unlim-
ited authority, even over the chiefs. He was supposed to'have the power to kill
or save as he might choose. I have seen him whip the Hard Chief, Fool Chief,
and others. He was always ready to go and whip any Indian who was careless
about settling up accounts with me or refused to pay his debts. Sometimes the
Indian women would cut down trees around the post, and not being strong enough
to cut up the trunks and large limbs, would leave them in convenient places,
only stripping the smaller branches for fuel. This was an annoyance to me, as
the trees had to be cut up and hauled away by my men ; so I told the medicine
man to go and whip the Indian women, which he did. This soon put an end to
that trouble. The young men also came in for a share of chastisement at the
hands of the big medicine man. They took a fancy to picket their horses on
my feeding- grounds, thinking no doubt that where Chouteau picketed his horses
REMINISCENCES OF FREDERICK CHOUTEAU. 431
would in all probability be the best place to picket theirs. I had the big medi-
cine man teach them better manners. He was exceedingly useful to me.
It was the custom at payments, for the object of preserving order, for a war-
rior to be selected to act as a policeman. For instance, whenever the Indians
would crowd around the payment table or window and refuse to fall back when
directed, the policeman might use his whip freely, slashing away at the faces of
any members of the tribe, chiefs or others, except my big medicine man. No
one dared strike him on any occasion.
The Hard Chief had two brothers — His-til-lis-ea, Blue Eyes (we called him
"La Soupe," on account of his relish for that dish), and Ne-ru-ga-nin-ga, No
Ears, or, as he was known in French, "Sans Oreilles." He would have his own
way. He was a great warrior, and was finally killed by the Pawnees while on a
war expedition to one of their villages. His brother. Hard Chief, told the Kaws
to kill a hundred Pawnee braves as a compensation for his loss, but I think
there was only one killed.
During the Mexican war the Kaws were troublesome, stealing horses, oxen,
mules, etc., from the Santa Fe trail. The Hard Chief and his two brothers were
arrested by the United States troops and taken to Fort Leavenworth, where
they were kept prisoners for two or three weeks.
The Kaws had many games of chance. These games were played in the lodges
of the chiefs. Here a policeman was on duty to watch after the welfare of the
game, and to see that no cheating was done. If he happened to see an Indian
taking an advantage of another, crack would go the whip^and the offender would
be brought to justice without delay. All of the well-to-do Indians, those who
possessed horses, robes, guns, trinkets, or other articles of any kind that could
be put up as stakes in gambling, were expected to join in the games. If they
did not wish to play, they were obliged to, or else lose favor with the chief, and
at the same time be excluded from the chief's house. The poor Indians, on the
other hand, were allowed to enter the chief's lodge and entertain the guests by
music from their rude instruments, such as the drum, besides performing any
other service which might be required of them.
INDIAN KETTLES.
Conversation with Frederick Chouteau, Westport, Mo., June 30, 1880.
We used to sell copper, brass and iron kettles to the Indians. There were
ten sizes of kettles in a nest. The largest were as big as a tub at the top and
tapered down, and would hold about fifteen gallons. This was true of all the
different kinds, brass, copper, and iron. The copper kettles have lids to them.
Copper kettles were even all the way from the top to the bottom. The copper
and brass kettles were sold at a dollar a pound ; the sheet-iron were cheaper.
The brass kettles were of a single piece, not riveted or soldered together, like the
copper and iron ones.
TIME OF TRADE, HUNTING, AND PAYMENTS.
When^I was trading at the American -Chief's creek (Mission creek), I was
part of the time away. I would take the boat up about August with goods and
give the Indians their credit; that is, sell the goods to them on credit; and they
would start out about the 10th of September on their hunt. I would stay there
until the next spring, then go down to the Missouri river for two or three weeks,
I was up at the trading-post most of the time. The agent never lived there, or
at any of the other Indian villages. He only went there once a year, to make the
payment — about Christmas — when the Indians returned from their hunt. All
the Indians of the tribe of all the villages traded with me. I was the only
trader.
432 ■ KANSAS STATE HISTORICAL SOCIETY.
WHITE PLUME — NO-PA-WA RA.
I do not know what year White Plume's house was burned, near the Grass-
hopper. But after it was burned he left there and came up to the Fool Chief's
village and stayed there. He died there, some time between 1835 and 1840.
Fool Chief's name was Ka-hega-wa-ta-nega.*
Hard Chief's name was Ka-he-ga-wa-che-ha.
The name of Broken Thigh, a brave of the Fool Chief's band, was Koo-sa-
ma-ne.
STEALING AND ITS PUNISHMENTS.
During the Mexican war the Kaws would steal a good many horses belonging
to the army. They would not stop their stealing. A company of soldiers were
sent to the villages to arrest the chiefs for not stopping the young men from
stealing. They took the Hard Chief, Ka-he-ga-wa-che-ha, and his two brothers,
Sans Oreilles and the White Eagle. They were the very Indians who had done
the stealing, and that was why they took them. They kept them about a month.
When they came back Hard Chief was very mad. He said he would kill any
Indian who would steal any more horses. He had been sleeping between logs
♦Council Grove, April 16, 1904.
Geo. W, Martin : Dear Sir and Friend — Your letter, with inquiry relative to the matter
of the Fool Chiefs of the Kaw Indians, received. There will be no discrepancies in the Indian
stories of Captain McClure and the writer. There were two Fool Chiefs, who at different times
were well-known head chiefs of the Kaw Indians — father and son.
Fool Chief I, Ca-ega-wa-tan-nin-ga, was prominent as a great chief away back as early as
1819, when Major Long's exploring expedition held a council with the Kaws on the Missouri
river, and when a part of the expedition visited their large village near the mouth of the Blue.
The Kaws had three villages on the Kansas river, the largest one governed by the Fool Chief
and the other two presided over by Hard Chief and American Chief. It may here be mentioned
that the Kaws governed, and usually operated in all things, by threes. They were always divided
into three villages or tribal divisions, and when they lived on their reservations near this place
kept up the three-village scheme. Fool Chief I came here with the Kaws in 1847, and during
the year 1848, while on a visit into Missouri, was killed in a difficulty in Johnson county, in
the itianner you relate in your address.
Fool Chief II, Kah-he-ga-wa-ti-an-gah, was a son of the former, and seemed to inherit the
rank from his father. He was Fool Chief during the residence of the tribe here, and went with
the Kaws, in 1873, to their present home in the Indian Territory, where he died, a very old man,
a few years ago. During most of his life he was a great and wise counselor, and in his younger
days a brave warrior; but once, a few years before the tribe went to the territory, he became
crazed by liquor, and in a quarrel killed a Kaw brave with little or no excuse. It caused a
grand council of the tribe to be convened, and after full investigation he was only allowed to
save his life by paying a heavy fine — a large number of ponies, robes, and many valuable relics.
He was also required to surrender his chiefship for a time, and was considered in disgrace.
Kah-he-ga-wa-ti-an-gah was a peculiar hereditary title, and had important and historical
significance. Some claim that there was always a Fool Chief, or a Kah-he-ga-wa-ti-an-gah, in
the tribe. At different times and by different writers it was spelled Ca-ega-wa-tan-nin-ga, Ka-
he-ga-wa-ta-ning-ga, and Kah-he-ga-wa-ti-an-gah, the latter being the spelling authorized by
those who lived with the Kaws here, and, according to our old mutual friend. Judge Huffaker,
the most expressive. Kah-he-qa means chief, and iva-ti-an-gah means brave and courageous,
even to rashness. The title " Fool Chief " was a high and honorable distinction and became
hereditary, but it could only be maintained by brave and warlike qualities, coupled with good
conduct and wisdom in council. Originally, it was obtained by some remarkable act of per-
sonal bravery or daring Indian prowess which brought advantage and renown to both the indi-
vidual and the tribe. The spelling of Indian names varies, and is not very important, but that
which gives best representation of the pronunciation should be used. Having no written
language, this is manifestly so.
The latter-day Fool Chiefs in Kansas are in no wise followers of the methods of those dusky
worthies of long ago, but now, as then, all dynasties in Kansas, whether of the Fool character,
or otherwise, come to an end — and so must this letter. I think this will harmonize the dis-
crepancies you mentioned, for there were at least two Fool Chiefs among the leading historical
characters of the Kaws. Very truly, Geo. P. Morehouse.
REMINISCENCES OF FREDERICK CHOUTEAU. 433
long enough. He was very sore, and he would not do that for any man who
would steal horses. He would kill them. They never stole horses after that.
Brandsville, Mo., June 23, 1901.
Oeo. W. Martin, Secretary State Historical Society, Topeka, Kan.:
My Dear Sir — I enclose with this some letters relating to early times in
Kansas. They are soiled and worn, and ought to have been deposited with the
Society years ago, where they would have had better care. They consist of six
letters from Mr. Frederick Chouteau; two letters from Daniel Boone; one
letter from John C. McCoy, and one letter from W. S. Chick — ten letters in all.
They ought to be preserved in different form, either in newspaper articles or in
the Collections, as they all relate to the earliest settlement of Kansas by the
'Whites. Much stress is laid on the settlement of Kansas in 1854. Here is a
record of the settlement of the territory commencing more than twenty-five
years before that time, and written by men who knew what they were writing
about, and all thoroughly trustworthy. You were probably acquainted with
them. I had another letter from Daniel Boone, but do not now find it. I may
have deposited it with the Society. However, you will find a copy of it in the
Andreas's History, under "Jefferson County," and also in the Capital, in 1879,
but the enclosed letters have not been published. Yours truly, W. W. Cone.
P. S. — I have a letter written by Col. Albert G. Boone, in which he says he
never lived in Kansas, written in Dakota territory in 1879; partly biography
and partly relating to Kansas, but in general not very valuable matter, which
letter would not be of much use to the Society. It is written with pencil. It
corroborates the statement made by Daniel Boone regarding Napoleon Boone,
etc.— W. W. C.
Westport, Mo., August 11, 1879.
3fr. W. W. Cone : Dear Sir — Fred. Chouteau's brother established his
trading- post across the river from my father's residence the same fall we moved
to the agency, in the year 1827. The land reserved for the half-breeds belonged
to the Kaws. The agency was nearly on the line inside the Delaware land, and
we lived a half-mile east of this line on the bank of the river. I suppose a copy
of the Journal that contains that sketch can be had at the Journal office, but
I do not know. I will try and get one, for I did not keep the one I had. I know
nothing of my grandfather's travels through Missouri. All I know is that he
lived some time with his son Nathan in St. Charles county.
Yours, etc., Daniel Boone, sr.
P. S. — Doctor Lykins's son has a position in the post-office at Kansas City.
Perhaps he can give you some information on the subject. A. G. Boone can
give you more information than I concerning my grandfather's travels in Mis-
souri. I send you a short sketch, which you will please return as soon as con-
venient.— D. B.
Jackson County, Missouri, February 18, 1879.
W. W. Cone, Esq.: Dear Sir— Yours of the 16th has been received. In
reply thereto I would state, that my father (not my brother) was appointed, in
1827, farmer of the Kansas Indians, by General Clark, superintendent of Indian
affairs. The Kansas Indians were then located at the mouth of the Big Blue, in
Kansas. My father settled seven miles west of where Lawrence now stands, on
the north bank of the Kaw river, at which place his son Napoleon was born, in
1828, August 22. Napoleon died single. May 20, 1850, in California. Col. Daniel
Boone trapped for a time on the Kaw river, at what time I cannot say, but think
it was before I was born. Col. A. D. Boone should be written A. G. Boone. He
is a cousin ; never lived in Kansas, but used to live in Westport, Mo. He now
—29 ■
484 KANSAS STATE HISTORICAL SOCIETY.
resides in Denver, Colo. Col. Daniel Boone was my grandfather. I know J. C.
McCoy. He lives in Wyandotte county, Kansas. I was born in St. Charles
county, Missouri. I have never received any word from L. C. Draper. The
following are the names of the children of my father and mother, Daniel Mor-
gan and Sarah Griffin Boone:
John W. Boone, born in St. Charles county, Missouri, December 19, 1806.
Nathan Boone, born in St. Charles county, Missouri, February 17, 1808.
Daniel Boone, born in St. Charles county, Missouri, March 27, 1809.
Lindsey Boone, born in St. Charles county, Missouri, October 22, 1811.
Edward H. Boone, born in St. Charles county, Missouri, July 30, 1813.
Elizabeth Boone, born in St. Charles county, Missouri, April 22, 1815.
Alonzo H. Boone, born in St. Charles county, Missouri, March 22, 1817.
Jaiues Boone, born in St. Charles county, Missouri, , 1819.
Milton Boone, born in St. Charles county, Missouri, March 11, 1820.
Cassandra Boone, born in Gasconade county, Missouri, November 3, 1821.
Morgan Boone, born in Gasconade county, Missouri, August 3, 1824.
Napoleon Boone, born in Kansas territory, August 22, 1828.
I am the only surviving member of my father's family. I presume my cousin
at Denver could give you more information of the Boone family than I, as he is
older. If your letter is not satisfactorily answered you can write again.
I am, yours respectfully, Daniel Boone.
Westpobt, the 1st, 1880.
Mr. W. W. Cone, Topeka : Dear Sir — In regard to the Indian name of
the American Chief, I do not remember the Indian name. In regard to White
Plume,* he was always looked upon by the agent as the head chief of the nation.
You want to know about the age of the chiefs when I first went among them.
White Plume was about fifty or fifty-five. The American Chief was about
seventy-five; he lived but a few years after I went among them. Hard Chief
was about forty or forty-five, and the Fool Chief was a young man, about eighteen
years old. Clement Lessert was United States inspector at the time the treaty
was made, in 1825. He had two half-breed children — a boy and a girl. The
boy died and the girl married a man by the name of Bellmar, and gone to the
Well, now, about [the] Johnson mission. I refer you to Samuel Cornatzer.
He lives in the Indian Territory. He wa& employed at the mission when Johnson
died, and took care of the farm for some time after his death. If you write to
Sam. Cornatzer, address your letter, Samuel Cornatzer, Vinita, Indian Territory,
care of William Beatty. My respects to you, and also Mr. Adams and family.
Hoping what little information I give you may prove satisfactory, I remain.
Yours truly, Fred'k Chouteau.
* He was tall and muscular, though his form, through neglect of exercise, was fast verging-
towards corpulency. He wore a hat, after the fashion of the whites, a calico hunting shirt, and
rough leggings. Over the whole was wrapped a heavy blanket. His face was unpainted, and,
although his age was nearly seventy, his hair was raven black and his eye as keen as a hawk's.
( John T. Irving's Indian Sketches, vol. 1, p. 64.)
JUDGE KUSH ELMORE. 435'
BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCH OF JUDGE RUSH ELMORE.
Written for the Kansas State Historical Society by John Martin, of Topeka. ■'
TTON. RUSH ELMORE was born in Autauga county (now part of Elmore'
-L-L county), Alabama, on the 27th day of February, 1819, and grew to man-'
hood in that locality. He received a liberal education at the University of Ala-
bama, and at the close of his collegiate life chose the law for hie profession.'
Soon after arriving at his majority he was admitted to practice in Montgomery.
He continued the practice until the commencement of the Mexican war, by
which time, by constant and steady application, natural ability and great per-'
sonal popularity he had acquired a lucrative practice. At the beginning of the'
Mexican war, he raised a company of young men in Montgomery, of which he was
elected captain. The services of this company were tendered to and accepted'
by the federal government for service in the Mexican war, and they were mus-'
tered into the service of the United States as a part of its military forces, for'
operation in Mexico. Captain Elmore, with his company, immediately left for
Mexico and continued to serve until the expiration of their enlistment. He'
made a gallant and efficient soldier and was popular with his command. After
the war he returned to Montgomery, formed a partnership with hia older brother,
the Hon. John A. Elmore, and Hon. William L. Yancey, and again commenced
the practice of his profession in that city. Soon after his return from Mexico he
was elected brigadier-general of the Alabama militia, and continued to hold that
position until he came to Kansas.
Upon the organization of Kansas and Nebraska, in 1854, he was appointed
one of the associate justices of the supreme court of Kansas. He first visited
the territory in the fall of 185i, and in the spring of 1855, with his family, he'
moved to the territory and located at the town of Tecumseh, in what is now
known as Shawnee county. He continued in the discharge of his official duties'
until the fall of 1855, when he was removed at the same time that Governor'
Reeder and Judge Johnston were, for the alleged reason that he, in company
with these gentlemen, had made contracts for the purchase of certain Indian'
lands from the Kansas half-breed Indians. The fact is that the president, for
political reasons, had determined upon the removal of Governor Reeder and
Judge Johnston and included the removal of Elmore in order to justify himself
in their removal. The whole thing was a mere pretense, for neither of the three
gentlemen was guilty of the slightest impropriety. In the spring of 1857 Judge
Elmore was reappointed to the same position by President Buchanan, confirmed,
by the senate, and assigned to the second judicial district of the territory of Kan-
sas. From that time until the admission of Kansas into the Union, in January,
1861, Judge Elmore continued to discharge the duties of his office in the second'
judicial district with distinguished ability and fairness and to the entire satis-
faction of the people of the district of every political faith. After the admission
of the state into the Union he located in the city of Topeka, and in connection
with Mr. John Martin engaged in the practice of law, and so continued until his
death, which occurred August 14, 1864.
In 1857 Judge Elmore was a member of the Lecompton constitutional conven-
tion, having been elected from the county of Shawnee. In that body he exercised
his influence to the fullest possible extent to have what is known as the Lecomp-
ton constitution, as a whole, submitted to a direct vote of the people for their
436 KANSAS STATE HISTORICAL SOCIETY.
approvkl or rejection. In this he was defeated. He then made an effort to have
the slavery cause submitted as an independent proposition to the people, for
their acceptance or rejection, and in this he succeeded.
He was a lawyer of great ability and learning; not an orator in the ordinary
acceptance of the term, but a clear, strong and logical reasoner. As a judge, he
was just, prompt, and fair, and distinguished for his courtesy and urbanity upon
the bench. His decisions were sound and just, and commanded the respect of
the bar. Although politically opposed by a large majority of the people of the
territory, by his uniform courtesy and kindness he won his way to great personal
popularity. No suspicion of dishonor ever rested upon him, and no unworthy or
unmanly act, as a public oflBcer or as a private citizen, was ever imputed to him.
Although a native of the South, and by the civil war cut off by correspondence
with a large circle of relatives and friends in his native state, he never forgot or
in the slightest degree evaded his duty, but was at all times and under all cir-
cumstances faithful to the constitution and laws of his country and steadfast in
his devotion to the union of the states. As a public officer, as a lawyer, as a
neighbor and friend, he commanded the confidence and respect of all who knew
him. His life was useful, honorable and upright in every respect. At his death
he left a family consisting of his wife and five children. His wife died many
years ago, but the children are all living. Two of them reside in Missouri, one
in Texas, one in Oklahoma, and one in Kansas.
1
ISLE AU VACHB.
Written by Qeokge J. Remsbdeg,* of Oak Mills, for the Kansas State Historical Society.
N the Missouri river bottom, about midway between Atchison and Leaven-
worth, and directly opposite the village of Oak Mills, in Atchison county, Kan-
sas, and latan, in Platte county, Missouri, is a fertile accretion of land in which
is embraced what was at one time an island of more than 1000 acres,! and which
is one of the most historic island tracts along the entire course of the longest
river channel in the world. Noted by Lewis and Clark in 1804; a conspicuous
stopping-point in the famous journey of Major Long in 1819-'20; the scene of
important Indian councils; occupied as a military post by Col. Henry Leaven-
worth and other soldiers who afterwards became famous ; one of the most fre-
quented rendezvous for boats in the golden era of steamboat traffic on the "Big
♦Gboege Jacob Remsbueg was born in Atchison county, September 22,1871. He resides
near Oak Mills, Atchison county. His father is J. E. Remsburg, lecturer, author, and horticul- '
turist, and his mother, Nora M. Eiler, daughter of Jacob Eiler, a free-state pioneer. His father
is of German-English extraction, and his mother of German-Irish. George J. Remsburg was
educated in the common schools, and is a newspaper man by profession, but ill health com-
pelled him to suspend newspaper work, and he now resides on a farm a few miles north of
Leavenworth, engaged in horticultural and archspological pursuits. He has served as a jus-
tice of the peace, and is now clerk of the district school board, elected thereto as a Republican,
although in a strong Democratic neighborhood. He is vice-president of the American Society
of Curio Collectors, the largest organization of its kind in the world. He is a thorough stu-
dent along arcliflpological and prehistoric lines, early travels, and Indian lore, and an interest-
ing writer for magazines and newspapers.
t Previous to the big flood of 1881, the main channel of the river was on the Missouri side of
the island, while on the Kansas side was a wide slough, connecting with the main channel at
either end of the island, thus making this body of land completely surrounded by water. This
same condition prevailed when the earliest white settlers found it. The flood of 1881 threw the
main channel to the Kansas side, and left the island practically nothing more than a broad
tract of bottom land adjoining the Missouri side.
ISLE AU VACHE. 437
Muddy " ; in the vicinity, just a century ago, was fired the first gun in commemo-
ration of the Fourth of July in Kansas; incidents here occurring materially
changed the designs of the Yellowstone exploring party; a flood disturbing the
troops on this island, il; is said, made Fort Leavenworth possible — in fact, the
silicious and salicacious shore of Isle au Vache is encircled by a wreath of memo-
ries of historic incidents and traditions that combine to make a story of absorbing
interest to students of early Western history.
It is now known as Cow island, which is derived from the name Isle au
Vache, given it by the early French who discovered it, and which signifies isle
of the cow. It was so named, as near as can be ascertained, from the fact that
a lone cow was wandering about on the island when the first French explorers
came up the river and discovered it. Whether this solitary bovine was a buffalo
cow or a domesticated animal is yet a question. Phil. E. Chappell, of Kansas City,
Mo., a recognized authority on the early history of this region, informs me*
that the cow from which the island took its name is supposed to have been stolen
by the Indians from the early white settlement at St. Charles, Mo., and placed
on the island to prevent her escape. This tradition is disputed, however, by
others well posted on Western history, who contend that the island was named
for a stray buffalo cow which had in some unaccountable manner become thus
isolated from the vast herds which thronged this region at that period.! Doctor
Coues, in his "Lewis and Clark," X cites these early explorers as giving the name
in the plural, Isle des Vaches, though Clark himself, in his manuscript journal,
gives it in the singular. Isle de Vache. Doctor Coues adds in a foot- note (p. 37)
that Buffalo island used to be sometimes given when female buffaloes were the
only cows in the country. An anonymous Missouri correspondent of the Atchi-
son Globe had the audacity to come out in a bit of would-be historical reminis-
cence, a few years ago, and declare that the island was named for General Cow,
who camped there at one time.
The date of the discovery of this island is probably not known, but it was
perhaps at the beginning of the eighteenth century, or previous to the Bourg-
mont expedition of 1724. Lewis and Clark, as above stated, mention the island
in the journal of their expedition in 1804, as follows: "July 3, a gentle breeze
from the south carried us eleven and one-fourth miles this day, past two islands,
one a small willow island, the other large, and called by the French Isle des
Vaches. At the head of this island, on the northern shore, is a large pond
(Bean lake) containing beaver and fowls of different kinds." On the night of
July 3 they camped on the south side of the river, a short distance above Cow
island. The morning of the Fourth was announced by the discharge of their
gun — the first shot ever fired on Kansas soil in honor of Independence day.
Though it has been set down as an established historical fact that the first
Fourth of July celebration on Kansas soil was by Lewis and Clark, at the mouth
of Independence creek, I feel it my duty, as an impartial student of early West-
ern history, with a desire for historical accuracy, herein, incidentally, to correct
an erroneous impression, and pilot this pretty tradition across the river to Mis-
souri, where it rightfully belongs. If we accept the account in Lewis and Clark's
journal as a reliable record of the expedition, we are compelled to accoid to our
* Letter from Phil. E. Chappell, dated January 19, 1902.
t Horace Kephart, librarian of the Mercantile library at St. Louis, says: "Capt. Joseph
Fechto, of 5603 Virginia avenue, told me that when he was running on the Missouri his steamer
was held back a few days because buffalo crossing the river were so thick he could not run his
steamer through them." ( Kansas Historical Collections, vol. 7, p. 574.)
tDr. Elliott Coues's " Lewis and Clark," p. 21.
'438 KANSAS STATE HISTORICAL SOCIETY.
old neighbor, Missouri, the honor that has heretofore been unwarrantediy har-
bored at the mouth of Independence creek, on the Kansas shore.
While it is true that these early explorers passed the mouth of Independence
creek on July 4, and named it in honor of the day, they sailed on a little above
this creek and landed at a point on the "north" (Missouri) side, where they
spent the night, and "celebrated by an evening gun and an additional gill of
whisky to the men." On the morning of the 5th they "crossed over to the south
• and came along the bank of an extensive and beautiful prairie, interspersed with
> Copses of timber and watered by Independence creek.'* Kansas, however, can
still boast of a goodly share of these Fourth of July observances, which began
t near Cow island and ended at a place called "The Narrows," just above the
■ present town of Rushville, in Buchanan county, Missouri, The memorable day
was ushered in on the Kansas shore, above Cow island, by a shot from the gun-
boat. After passing "the mouth of a bayou or creek coming from a large lake
(Sugar lake) on the north side," they stopped at "a creek on the south side,
; about twelve yards wide, coming from an extensive prairie which approached
the borders of the river." To this creek they gave the name of "Fourth of July
• creek." This was what is now White Clay creek, and the site of Atchison. Here
t they dined and rested a short time. Joe Fields, a member of the party, evidently
•wanted an extra "snort" of whisky to wash his dinner down; so he went out in
• the thick grass which once covered the site of Atchison and got snake-bitten.
'Whether or not he got the whisky is not mentioned, but the journal says that
•a "poultice of bark and gunpowder was sufficient to cure the wound." Accord-
ing to Sergeant Floyd's diary, the prairie on which Atchison now stands was
named "Joe Field's Snake Prairie."
Above Fourth of July creek was a "high mound where three Indians paths
center and from which was a very extensive prospect." This was perhaps the
high elevation on which the Soldiers' Orphans' Home is situated, and which is
■ the most commanding eminence in this vicinity. The early French must have
maintained a trading post in the vicinity of Cow island, on the Kansas shore,*
< for Lewis and Clark, in their journal, mention having observed the ruins of such
a post in that locality. Therefore, Paschal Pensinau, the Frenchman who mar-
ried a Kickapoo Indian squaw, and settled on the bank of Stranger creek in 1839,
• was not the first white settler of what is now Atchison county, as has hitherto
< been supposed.
Maj. Stephen H. Long, in his report! of his expedition to the Yellowstone
•.in 1819-'20, says that Isle au Vache, which lies about 100 miles above Fort
Osage, was the wintering post of Captain Martin's detachment, J destined to
proceed in advance of the troops ordered to the Missouri. Captain Martin, with
three companies of the rifle regiment, § left Bellefontaine in September, 1818,
* Prof. E. L. Berthoud, of Golden, Colo., one of the best authorities in the West on the early
French history of this country, in a letter to the writer, dated May 16, 1903, says that he remem-
bers having read somewhere in the accounts of early explorations on the Missouri that the
French had a trading-post on Cow island, but he is not certain whether it was Perrin Du Lac
. who mentioned this post or not. Du Lac went up the Missouri to the Blackbird Hills very early
last century.
t Kansas Historical Collections, vols. 1, 2, 1875-1880, pp. 280-301.
tWYLY Maetin. of Tennessee, was third lieutenant Twenty-fourth infantry August 9, 1813;
. first lieutenant Thirty-ninth infantry July 29, 1813; captain Third rifles March 17, 1814; honor-
ably discharged June 15, 1815; reinstated December 2, 1815, in rifle regiment; transferred to
Sixth infantry June 1, 1821; resigned July 21, 1823. (Heitman's Register United States Army,
1903, p. 69;3.)
§ Judge W. B. Napton, of Marshall, Mo., informs me, in a letter under date of January 16,
1904, that he has some old manuscripts of Brig.-gen. Thomas A. Smith, who commanded the
ISLE AU VACHE. 439
and arrived at Isle au Vache in October, with the expectation of resuming his
march as early in the following spring as the weather would permit. But not
having received the necessary supplies of provisions as anticipated, they were
obliged to remain until the time of Major Long's arrival, in the latter part of
July, 1819, subsisting themselves principally by hunting. Fortunately this part
of the country afforded so much game that a competent supply was easily ob-
tained. Between 2000 and 3000 deer, besides great numbers of bears, turkeys,
etc., had been killed by Captain Martin's men. The arrival of Major Long's
boats* furnished them the means of continuing their ascent. Accompanying
Major Long's party was Major O'Fallon, the Indian agent, who had arranged a
council with the chiefs of the Konzas Indians, who then resided on the Kansas
river, near the present site of Manhattan. This council was held on Isle au
Vache, August 21, 1819. t The chiefs and principal men of the Konzas nation
assembled under an arbor prepared for their reception. Major O'Fallon made a
speech, in which he set forth the causes of complaint which the Konzas had
given by their repeated insults and depredations upon the whites, giving them
notice of the approach of a military force of suflHcient strength to chastise their
insolence, and advising them to seize the present opportunity of averting the
vengeance they deserved by proper concessions, and by their future good be-
havior to conciliate those whose friendship they would have so much occasion
to desire. The replies of the chiefs were simple and short, expressive of their
conviction of the justice of the complaints made against them, and of their ac-
quiesence in the terms of reconciliation proposed by the agent.
There were present at this council 161 Konzas, including chiefs and warriors,
and thirteen Osages. "The most distinguished men were Na-he daba (Long
Neck), one of the principal chiefs; Ka-he-gawa-ta-ning-gaJ: ( Little Chief ), second
in rank; Shon-ga-ne-ga, who had been one of the principal chiefs but had re-
signed in favor of the second chief; Wa-ha-che-ra (Big Knife), a partizan or
Western military department from 1815 to November, 1818. These papers show that the three
companies of the rifle regiment sent up the river from Fort Bellefontaine in September, 1818,
established on Cow island a cantonment composed of houses built of logs, and which was
called " Cantonment Martin," from the ranking captain of the troops. The other captains
were Bennet, Riley, and McGee. Col. John O'Fallon, afterwards a prominent citizen of St.
Louis for many years, was the sutler. Col. Henry Atkinson, of the Sixth regiment (whose
grandson is, or was, a captain of that regiment at Fort Leavenworth ), was in command of the
fleet which transported the Long expedition up the river, although Major Long, topographical
engineer, had command of one of the steamboats. The troops got only as far as Council Bluffs,
where they built a log fort, and Colonel Atkinson left Major Morgan, of the rifle regiment, in
command during the winter, Atkinson returning to St. Louis. He became a brigadier- and
major-general afterwards, and remained in command of the Western department for many
years — until 1842, when he died at Jefferson Barracks. Captain Riley also became a major-
general in the Mexican war. Fort Riley and Riley county were named in honor of General
Riley, who died in 1853.
♦The fleet of the Long expedition originally consisted of four steamboats. One of them,
the "Jefferson," according to Mr. Chappell, came in contact with a snag at the mouth of the
Osage and sank, being the first of many hundreds of steamboats wrecked on the Missouri. The
remaining three boats, after many delays and breaks in the machinery, reached Cow island. Two
of them were unfit to proceed further, and returned to St. Louis after spending the winter at
the island. The "Western Engineer" was the only one of the boats fit for the purpose. She
proceeded, and reached Fort Liza, near Council Bluffs, as before stated, where she spent the
winter, returning to St. Louis in the spring, it bring apparent that the rest of the journey could
not be accomplished.
tThe Sac and Fox and Iowa Indians also held their councils on Cow island for many years.
} See story of two Fool Chiefs, by George P. Morehouse, pages 206-212, with pictures, and
Frederick Chotean, pages 423-434 ; also foot-note by Mr. Morehouse, page 432 ; and mention, by
J. R. McClure, page 248, this volume.
440 KANSAS STATE HISTORICAL SOCIETY.
leader of war parties; Wom-pa-wa-ra, he who scares all men, more commonly
known to the whites as Plume Blanche or White Plume, a man who was then
rising rapidly in importance in his tribe." In addition to the Indians, the offi-
cers of the garrison and a few gentlemen were present. The ceremonies were
commenced by a discharge of ordnance from the steamboat. The flags were
hoisted in their appropriate places, a council flag being placed near the chair of
the agent. The Indians appeared gratified at the displays made on the occasion,
but their attention was more particularly aroused by the exhibition of a few
rockets and shells, fired for their entertainment. At the departure of Major
Long's party, on August 25, many of the Indians were present and manifested
some surprise at the operations of the steamboat "Western Engineer," which
was the first to ascend the Missouri river above Chariton, Mo.*
It was thought advisable to make some addition to the force at Isle au
Vache, as Major Long's party would be in advance of the troops on the Mis-
souri, and might be exposed to insults and depredations from some of the nu-
merous tribes of Indians. Accordingly, on application to Colonel Morgan, a
boat and fifteen men, under command of Lieutenant Fisher, were detailed for
this duty and directed to regulate their movements agreeably to the orders of
the commanding officer of the exploring expedition. These men were furnish? d
with provisions for sixty days, and, having embarked on board a keel-boat called
the "General Smith," they sailed in company with the "Western Engineer."
A detachment of Major Long's party, under command of Prof. Thomas Say,
the naturalist of the expedition, had left the steamboat at Fort Osage, on
August 6, 1819, for the purpose of extending the examination of the country be
tween that place and the Kansas river, and also between that river and the
Platte, in what is now Nebraska. They were instructed to cross the Kansas at
the Konzas Indian village, then traverse the country by the nearest route to
the Platte, and descend that river to the Missouri, where they should join the
main party. Professor Say's party arrived at the Konzas village August 19.
The Indians had just returned from a big hunt on the plains, and were mak-
ing preparations for the journey to Isle au Vache, where they were to meet the
agent in the council already described. Many reports had been circulated
among the Indians respecting the invitation to council their chiefs had received.
They were conscious of having recently offended by firing on Major O'Fallon,
and by insulting and plundering several soldiers of Captain Martin's command.
For these ofi'enses they had been in some measure punished at the time. Major
O'Fallon having returned their fire, and not without effect, as was supposed;
several, also, had been flogged, by orders of Captain Martin, yet they did not
consider themselves secure from the vengeance of the whites. Many believed at
the time of the anticipated council on Isle au Vache that barrels of gunpowder
were to be placed in the earth to destroy them at once. Two runners who had
been dispatched from the village to Isle au Vache to notify Major O'Fallon
♦Phil. E. Chappell, of Kansas City, Mo., who was for thirty years a steamboatman on the
Missouri, in a paper entitled the " Rise and Fall of Steamboating on the Missouri River," read
before the Nebraska Historical Society, at Lincoln, January 13, 1903, thus describes the " West-
ern Engineer" : "The ' Western Engineer' was of such unique construction as to be worthy of
description. She was a stern-wheeler, probably the first boat of that kind built, seventy-five feet
long, thirteen feet beam, and drew nineteen inches of water. She was built expressly for the
expedition, and was intended to impress the Indians with awe. On her bow, running from her
keel on forward, was the escape-pipe, made in imitation of a huge serpent with its mouth open
and its tongue painted a fiery red. The steam escaped through the mouth of the serpent at in-
tervals, making a loud, wheezing noise, like the dying groans of a great sea monster. The noise
could be heard for miles, and we can well imagine that the Indians who saw this wonderful
boat recognized in it the power of the great Manitou and were overcome with fear."
ISLE AU VACHE. 441
that his summons had been received quarreled before they had gone far, one
saying the things that had been told them by the interpreters were lies, for
which assertion he was struck to the ground by his companion. In this situa-
tion the advancing chiefs found them. Finally a dispute arose between the
chiefs respecting rank, in consequence of which ten or twelve returned to the
village.
Mr. Say's party left the Konzas village August 24, and had not proceeded far
when a rencounter with a war party of Pawnees* frustrated their design and
made it necessary for them to return to the Konzas village. They then decided
to strike across the country by the most direct route to Isle au Vache, for which
place they departed August 25, having sent Indian messengers ahead to apprise
Major Long of their trouble. Upon their arrival at Isle au Vache, they found
that the boat had proceeded up the river five days previous, and before the ar-
rival of Mr. Say's messengers. Messrs. Say and Jessup, the latter a geologist of
the party, were sick, and remained at the island, while other members of the
party struck across the country to intercept the boat, which was overtaken near
the mouth of Wolf river, on September 1. Mr. Say's party was hospitably re-
ceived by Colonel Morgan | and the officers of his command at Isle au Vache.
Mr. Say and Mr. Jessup rejoined the main party at the winter camp, near
Council Bluffs, on September 26, having come in the flotilla from Cow island,
where they had been entertained by Colonel Morgan, Doctor McGee, and others,
who now accompanied them.
Father De Smet, a Roman Catholic missionary among the northern Indians
at an early day, in response to inquiries from the secretary of the Old Settlers'
Association of Omaha, in 1867, regarding the location of "old Fort Crogan,"
says J that after the evacuation of Fort Atkinson or Calhoun, above Omaha, in
1827 or 1828, or thereabouts, the troops came down and made winter quarters on
Cow island. According to Joseph La Barge, the old Missouri river explorer, it
was called Camp Crogan. In the spring a flood came and again caused the
troops to evacuate. This time they moved on down the river and established
Fort Leavenworth. It is evident that Father De Smet is slightly mistaken in
regard to the date. It is known that Fort Leavenworth was established in the
spring of 1827; therefore, if the troops occupied Cow island the previous winter,
Fort Atkinson must have been evacuated about 1826. Col. Henry Leavenworth,
the founder of the fort that bears his name, and whose dust now reposes in
Kansas soil, § must have been in command at Cow island during the winter of
1826-'27, for, according to Father De Smet, he was commandant at the breaking
up of Fort Atkinson.
During the many years of active steamboat traffic on the Missouri river. Cow
island was a favorite night harbor for boats. Mr. Chappell says, "I remember
*The Pawnees, numbering about 130, swooped down upon Mr. Say's party and deliberately
robbed them of their horses and supplies. This nation was at war with the Konzas.
tRev. Samuel Allis, a missionary among the Indians, who spent the summer of 1834 at Fort
Leavenworth, mentions a Major Morgan, who was then sutler at the fort. This was, in all
probability, the same Major Morgan who had the command at Cow island fourteen years be-
fore. ( Transactions Nebraska Historical Society, vol. 2, p. 135, 1887.) Willoughby Morgan,
Virginia, captain Twelfth infantry, April 25, 1812; major, June 26, 1813; brevet colonel, Novem-
ber 10, 1828, for faithful service in one grade ; died April 4, 1832. ( Heitman's Register United
States Army, 1903, p. 726.)
t Transactions Nebraska Historical Society, vol. 1, 1885, p. 43.
§The remains of General Leavenworth were removed from Delhi, N. Y., and reinterred in the
national cemetery at Fort Leavenworth, May 30, 1902. For a sketch of this distinguished sol-
dier, see Kansas Historical Collections, vol. 7, p. 577.
442 KANSAS STATE HISTORICAL SOCIETY.
it well in my steamboating days." It is claimed that previous to the big flood of
18i4 Cow island contained 1100 acres, and that it was at one time owned by Maj.
John Dougherty, the pioneer Indian agent.* This island has been a productive
fariuing tract since the early settlement of Kansas and has yielded splendid
crops. Mr. and Mrs. R. M. King, of Oak Mills, Kan., who were among the
earliest settlers of that locality, say that their first recollection of the island, in
the early '50's, is, that while it showed much evidence of former occupancy, the
periodical floods had swept away all remains of its long military occupancy, only
a very small patch being above high-water mark, and that was doubtless sub-
merged during the flood of 1844. They recall that volunteer pumpkins and pea
vines flourished in abundance on the island when the first settlers found it.
The pea vines made excellent cattle feed, and the pumpkins were cultivated by
the inhabitants for food after the first settlement of Kansas.
Cow island, or what was once Cow island, belongs to Kansas soil, although
the channel of the river is now between the Kansas mainland and this accretion,
and the latter attached to or contiguous with the mainland of Missouri. This
question was tested and decided in a Missouri court in 1900, when one Charles
Keane was arrested and tried on a charge of selling intoxicating liquor in Platte
county, Missouri. His saloon was situated in the river bottom, on land which
was formerly embraced in Cow island. The circuit court at Platte City con-
victed Keane, whereupon the case was taken before the court of appeals, at
Kansas City. This court reversed the judgment of the former court and dis-
charged the defendant, on the ground that his saloon was located on Kansas
soil. The findings of this court were substantially as follows : f "Where a river
forms a boundary between two states, the exact line is the center of the navi-
gable channel, rather than of the river from bank to bank. If there is a gradual
or imperceptible change in the course of such stream, the 'river as it runs' —
that is, the channel of the river as it runs — will remain the boundary. But if
there is a sudden avulsion, the river seeking a new course and leaving the old
bed as dry land, as in this case, the new course of the stream will no longer
mark the boundary; the boundary will remain as it was before the sudden
change — that is, in the middle of the navigable channel as it existed just before
the sudden shifting of the course."
As the big flood of 1881 suddenly shifted the channel from the Missouri to
the Kansas side, and, as the saloon in question was located west of the center of
the deserted channel, it was in Kansas, and the circuit court at Platte City had
not jurisdiction. And furthermore, as Cow island, prior to the flood of 1881,
was west of the main channel, it is unquestionably in Kansas. As to what is the
actual boundary of the two states at this point, and as to which is the rightful
possessor of the famous Cow island, has been a much-mooted question, though
there has been but little litigation over the mattter. The matter how seems to
be practically settled, and it is believed that the verdict of the Kansas City
court of appeals will be final. The men who live on this land cast their votes in
*In reply to inquiries concerning the alleged ownership of Cow island by Major Dougherty,
his son, Col. L. B. Dougherty, now living at Liberty, Mo., writes, under date of January 9, 1904:
"I am sorry to say I do not know much of my father's early life. About the time I was of the
age when family history interests one I was separated from my family." Colonel Dougherty
has no knowledge of his father's ownership of the island, but has in his possession certain pa-
pers transferring land in the immediate vicinity of Cow island, in Platte county, Missouri,
which his father owned in 1839.
t Missouri Appeal Reporter, St. Louis, vol. 3, No. 8, April 20, 1900, pp. 362, 363.
THE BATTLE OF THE SPURS. 443
Kansas, coming across the river in boats to Oak Mills, which is the nearest vot-
ing precinct.* ,
To the secretary of .the Kansas Historical Society I am much indebted, for his
pains in copying and transmitting valuable data in the archives of the Historical
Society, and which circumstances prevented me from looking up personally.
THE BATTLE OF THE SPURS AND JOHN BROWN'S
EXIT FROM KANSAS.
Written by L. L. Kiene.t of Topeka, for the Kansas State Historical Society.
< ' 1% TOTHER, John Brown has started for Canada with the Missouri slaves,
-l-'J- Are there plenty of provisions in the house ?" The speaker was Daniel
Sheridan, who lived on an elevation two miles southeast of Topeka, the house
commanding a view of the town and country for miles around. He had just re-
turned from the village below, where, by some mysterious system known only to
the men who conducted the underground railroad, he had heard of the move-
ments of John Brown, which were guarded with careful solicitude by his friends
and associates. The Sheridan home was the headquarters for John Brown when
he was in the vicinity of Topeka. It was a small stone house, scarcely adequate
for the Sheridan family of two members, but there was always room for Brown
and as many fugitive slaves as were brought that way on their long journey to
the country where the driver's whip and the strong hand of the United States
government could not reach them.
The time was the latter part of January, 1859. The month had been an un-
usually mild one, with frequent rains and little snow, but the nights were by no
means comfortable for travelers, and, where there was danger of detection, slaves
were always moved in the night. The Sheridans, like other New England pio-
neers, had done their share in winning the struggle for race freedom in Kansas.
But while Kansas had been saved from the slave-traders, the institution still ex-
isted, and these courageous reformers stood ready to give up their lives if they
might by that means advance the cause of universal emancipation. John Brown
knew that he could trust the Sheridans. He had no fear that he would be be-
trayed while he was under their roof, and the house was so situated that the ap-
proach of officers of the law could be observed in time to get out of their reach,
for not a day passed that there were not people on the lookout for John Brown
and planning to secure his arrest. The aged emancipator had reached the period
in life when his very name was a terror to the slave-owners and also to the local
officers under the United States or the provisional government of Kansas. The
president of the United States had set a price upon the head of Brown, and this
* In this matter of the legal history of Cow island I am indebted to Judge H. M. Jackson, of
Atchison, for information cheerfully tendered.
t Llewellyn L. Kiene was born on a farm in Putnam county, Ohio, in 1H68. He came to
Kansas with his parents in 1882, and settled on a farm near Valencia, Shawnee county. He was
educated at the Kansas State Normal. He was employed for three years as reporter and city
editor on the Topeka Daily Ccipital. For ten years past he has been engaged on the Topeka
State Journal, and now holds the position of associate editor. He married Miss Martha Ja-
queth, in 1892, at Sycamore, Ohio. They have a family of three children, two boys and one girl.
444 KANSAS STATE HISTORICAL SOCIETY,
had been supplemented by rewards* by the governors of Missouri and Kansas..
To the slavery sympathizers he was the red-handed murderer of innocent men
who opposed him, but to the Sheridans and other anti-slavery advocates he was
a benign, fatherly individual, whose voice was seldom raised except in denuncia-
tion of human slavery.
It was therefore with no degree of fear, but rather a feeling of joyful duty,
that the Sheridan home was made ready for visitors. The light was kept burn-
ing and an extra supply of wood was secured, so that a roaring blaze might be
kindled in the expansive fireplace at a moment's notice. Mr. Sheridan then
notified two of his intimate friends to be ready to receive visitors. One of these
was Jacob Willits, who lived about a mile west of the Sheridan place, and the
other was Col. John Ritchie, one of the most intrepid men that ever lived, whose
home was in the village, at what is now Eleventh and Madison streets. Both
these places were used as retreats for runaway slaves, as was also the William
Scales residence, which stands in the heart of Topeka, near the corner of Fifth
and Quincy streets.
The gray streaks of dawn were visible in the east on January 28 when the
Sheridans were aroused by a pounding on their door. To the inquiry, "Who is
there?" a voice answered "Friends. Are you ready to receive visitors ?" Thfr
man who awakened the Sheridans was George B. Gill, who had left Garnett on
January 20 as the only escort of John Brown and the ten negroes who had been
captured in a raid into Missouri on December 20, 1858.
When the wagon which carried Brown and the slaves arrived the Sheridans
were waiting for them. The vehicle was what was known as a prairie-schooner,
the type used by freighters, and which, while it served to conceal the contents,
at the same time attracted little attention. The wagon was drawn by four
horses, which had been substituted for oxen at Maj. J. B. Abbott's farm, five
miles south of Lawrence, where a stop of several days was made for the purpose
of selling the cattle and securing provisions for the long journey. There were
twelve negroes in the wagon when it drew up in front of the Sheridan home, a
child having been born to the Daniels family while they were on the road. The
negroes had all been taken from the Hicklan, Cruise and LaRue farms, in Mis-
souri, and Cruise had been killed in the raid. It was Jim Daniels, one of the
Hicklan negroes, who had told Brown that he with his family was to be sent
South, which information had moved Brown and the anti slavery men in his
party to make a stroke for the relief of Daniels. The reecue and capture of the
other negroes had apparently been an afterthought. The slaves had little cloth-
ing when they were taken, and their condition had not been improved. When
they arrived at the Sheridan place they were shivering with cold, as they were
half. clad and some of them were without shoes. They huddled down around the
fireplace while Mrs. Sheridan prepared breakfast, and negroes and whites gath-
*The following correspondence will show Gov. Samuel Medary's efiForts to arrest Captain
Brown. In a letter to President Buchanan, dated January 5, 1859, relative to troubles in south-
eastern Kansas, he says: "Old Brown has started on the underground railroad for Canada, I
am pretty well assured that he has at least slipped off for the present."
" ExECDTiVE Office, Lawrence, K. T., January 31, 1859.
" Col. E. V. Sumner, Commandant, Fort Leavenworth: You will furnish Deputy Marshal
Colby, the bearer of this, with such military forces as he may think necessary to secure Captain
Brown, who is now in Calhoun county, Kansas territory, on his way to Nebraska and Iowa.
Very respectfully, S. Medary, Governor Kansas Ty."
Extract from another letter to President Buchanan, dated February 2, 1859:
"The attempt to arrest old Brown and tho negroes with him on their way to Canada has
produced some excitement, but I think it will soon be over. He was overtaken at Holton, in
Calhoun county, K. T. Mr. Colby immediately went up there, and will, I hope, be able to pre-
vent bloodshed between the factions gathering around him and bring him back for trial."
THE BATTLE OF THE SPURS. 445
«red around the little table and partook of a hearty meal. There was no caBte
at the Sheridan board.
After breakfast the fugitives were distributed among the trusted anti-slavery
homes, and Sheridan, Ritchie and Gill went into the town to solicit shoes and
clothing for the negroes. Brown was careful not to expose himself, and he re-
mained all day at his retreat, where he paced the floor impatiently. He spoke
occasionally to Mrs. Sheridan, and to her inquiry as to when he would leave, he
replied: "We must be gone to night. There is a great work before me — greater
than I can tell, and you may never see me again, but you will hear." Mrs.
Sheridan did not press the gray-bearded captain for more information, and did
not know that a raid into the heart of the slave territory had been planned for
the year before, and had been postponed because Brown had been betrayed by
Hugh Forbes, who had acted as military instructor of the insurrectionists.
At dusk the horses were hitched to the wagon, and the negroes, who had been
made more comfortable with clothing secured from the anti-slavery people, were
gathered up. The sky was overcast and the wind was cold and chilling. It was
not a pleasaot night for a journey, but Brown would not wait for, more pro-
pitious weather. J. H. Kagi and Aaron D wight Stevens joined the party at
Topeka and followed Brown to Virginia, where, with him, they gave up their
lives — one, like him, on the gallows; the other a victim of the bullets of the in-
furiated people of Harper's Ferry.
Jacob Willits accompanied the travelers a short distance, and helped ferry
them across the Kansas river. He stood beside Brown on the ferry-boat. The
wind blew along the water from the north, rippling the surface and causing the
aged emancipator to shiver. Willits noticed this and said: "I don't believe
that you have enough clothes for this weather." "Do not bother about me.
There are others not so well supplied," replied Brown.
Willits then took hold of Brown's trousers and found that he wore no under-
clothing, and after they had crossed the river he induced Brown to take those
he wore, the exchange being made by the roadside.
A stop was made at the home of Cyrus Packard, four miles north of Topeka,
where the negroes were unloaded and the refugees and their escort ate lunch.
Holton was reached without incident at noon the following day, and the party
took dinner at a hotel. They supposed that they had passed the danger point
and no longer feared to travel in daylight. That afternoon, January 29, the
prairie-schooner arrived at the log house of Albert Fuller, on Straight creek, six
miles northwest of Holton. This was one of the stations on the underground
railroad, and was situated in a community known to be in sympathy with the
rescue of the slaves. It was agreed that the night should be spent at the Fuller
cabin. The roads were bad on account of the rains, and the horses were jaded.
Stevens went down to the stream after the negroes were safe in the cabin and
was watering his horse, when he was suddenly confronted by two youthful deputy
United States marshals on horseback.
" Have you seen any slaves around here ?" asked one of the men.
" Yes," said Stevens. " There are some over there at the cabin now. I will
go over with you."
The apparent frankness of Stevens threw the men oflf their guard, and one of
them accompanied him to the cabin, while the other remained in charge of the
horses. Stevens spent some time looking after his horse, to give the occupants
of the house time to prepare an appropriate reception, and then he moved toward
the cabin and threw open the door, saying, as he did so, "There they are. Go
and take them."
446 KANSAS STATE HISTORICAL SOCIETY.
The officer moved forward and found himself looking into the muzzles of two
revolvers. A gruflf voice said, "Come in here, and be quick about it," and he
lost no time in obeying the summons. The young man was made a prisoner.
The slaves were frantic with fear. After all, their sufferings had been for
nothing, and they were to be recaptured and taken back to Missouri. Brown
did his best to reassure them. "You won't be caught; we will take care of
you," he said. But even then horsemen were gathering about a quarter of a
mile off, near the creek, and the situation was far from reassuring. The invaders
were careful to keep out of rifle range, but it was evident that their purpose was
to capture Brown and his charges. The two men who accosted Stevens were a
part of a posse under the leadership of John P. Wood,* a deputy United States
marshal from Lecompton. The company was made up principally of young men
from Atchison and the surrounding country, and they were probably actuated
quite as much by love of adventure as hope of reward. They were on the look-
out for Brown, and were notified of his arrival at Holton. The terror with which
the aged abolition warrior was regarded was never better illustrated than at
this time. There were thirty or more men in the Wood posse, all well armed and
vested with authority of law. Opposed to them were Brown and his three asso-
ciates and a few unarmed negroes. Still the officers were afraid to attack, and
Wood drew up his forces in the shelter of the timber on Straight creek and sent
for reenforcements.
Meanwhile Brown was not idle. One of the men crept out of the cabin under
the cover of darkness, and went to the home of a farmer named Wasson, whose
anti-slavery sentiments were well known, and he was requested to go to Topeka
at once and tell Col. John Ritchie that John Brown was surrounded in the
Fuller cabin, on Straight creek. Wasson lost no time in complying with the re-
quest. It was Sunday morning when Wasson reached Topeka. The little con-
gregation was gathering in the schoolhouse, which stood at Fifth and Harrison
streets, and which served as a meeting-place for the Congregationalists. Colonel
Ritchie was already there and was waiting with his family for the opening of the
services. A commotion at the rear of the building caused the people to turn
their eyes toward the door as John Armstrong, one of the Topeka anti-slavery
contingent, walked in excitedly and went to Ritchie's seat and whispered in his
ear. Ritchie sprang to his feet and said audibly, "There is work for us," and
strode out of the church with Armstrong.
The preacher, a young man named Lewis Bodwell, who had assisted in pilot-
ing more than one load of slaves out of the state, knew that something unusual
had occurred, and he followed Ritchie and Armstrong. He soon returned to the
church and made this strange announcement: "There will be no service to-day
at this place. We will adjourn to the river bank."
The people filed hurriedly out of the schoolhouse and it was not long until
the village was the scene of suppressed excitement and activity. The women
were busy preparing provisions and clothing, while the men made a hurried can-
vass to find who could best leave home on what they knew to be a perilous
* John P. Wood died at Thomas, Okla., March 28, 1903, aged 101 years. He was born in
Dublin, Ireland, January 4, 1802, and came to America in 1810. He graduated from Augusta
College, Kentucky, in 1819. In 1823 he graduated from Transylvania Medical College, Lexington,
Ky. He served as a surgeon through the Mexican war. In 1845 he settled at Danville, 111., and
in 1854 came to Kansas, settling at Lawrence. He was the first probate judge of Douglas
county. As a United States commissioner, John Brown was twice brought before him. For
many years he lived at Lecompton, and then at Perry, and the latter years of his life were spent
at CoiTeyville. He celebrated his 100th birthday at Cofifeyville January 4, 1902. He was at
Thomas on a visit when stricken with paralysis. Ho was a practicing physician for seventy-five
years.
THE BATTLE OF THE SPURS. 447
journey. There were no protests from the women, though they knew that when
they said good-by to their husbands and brothers it might be for the last time.
Some degree of secrecy was maintained, because there were government oflBcers
in Topeka, and it was not deemed wise to let them know that a party was being
organized to go to the rescue of John Brown, or even that John Brown was in the
country. Much difficulty was experienced in finding enough horses, and when
the dozen men left Topeka for Holton, some of them were on foot. In the party
were Thomas Archer, John Armstrong, and Maj. Thomas W. Scudder, who still
live in Topeka. They traveled all night, and the next forenoon, January 31,
they arrived at Holton, where a half dozen men and boys, including T. J.
Anderson,* now of Topeka, joined the Ritchie party, and they pushed on as
rapidly as possible toward the Fuller cabin.
When they were within sight of the house they saw Kagi, Gill and Stevens
hitching the horses to the wagon, and upon their arrival Brown was supervising
the transfer of the negroes to the conveyance. Across Straight creek, a half
mile away, were the horses of the Wood posse, and a line of dark mounds nearer
the stream which marked the places where they had thrown up rude rifle-pits
commanding the ford and the road leading to it. It had been raining, and the
creek was high, and the Fuller crossing was known to be exceedingly bad.
" What do you propose to do, captain?" asked one of the body-guard.
"Cross the creek and move north," he responded, and his lips closed in that
familiar, firm expression which left no doubt as to his purpose.
" But, captain, the water is high and the Fuller crossing is very bad. I doubt
if we can get through. There is a much better ford five miles up the creek,"
said one of the men who joined the rescuers at Holton.
The old man faced the guard, and his eyes flashed. "I have set out on the
Jim Lane road," he said, "and I intend to travel it straight through, and there
is no use to talk of turning aside. Those who are afraid may go back, but I will
cross at the Fuller crossing. The Lord has marked out a path for me and I in-
tend to follow it. We are ready to move."
♦Thomas Jeffeeson Andbeson was born at Atwater, Portage county, Ohio, May 29, 1839.
He was the son of Martin Anderson and Ellen Houcke ; of Scotch-Irish descent on his father's
side and of German on his mother's side. Came to Kansas, settling at Valley Falls with his
parents, May, 18.57. In 1858 he was elected county surveyor of Jackson county on free-state
ticket. In 1861 he enlisted as a private in company A, Fifth regiment, Kansas cavalry, volun-
teers, being mustered in August 2, at Fort Leavenworth ; he was made lieutenant of engineers,
on the staff of Gen. James H. Lane. February 27, 1863, he was appointed by President Lincoln
assistant adjutant general, with the rank of captain, and assigned to the staff of Gen. James G.
Blunt. He was mainly instrumental in organizing the Fourteenth Kansas cavalry and the
Second Kansas Colored infantry. May 25, 1S63, he was promoted to the rank of major, and
served with Generals Blunt, McNeil and Thayer in the army of the frontier. In March, 1865, he
was brevetted a colonel. Soon after he resigned his position in the army, and was appointed
adjutant general of the state of Kansas by Gov. Samuel J. Crawford. In 1866 he resigned his
position to become agent of the Kansas Pacific railroad, at Topeka, which place he held until
March 1, 1873, when he became general freight and passenger agent of the Kansas Midland rail-
road. When that road was purchased by the Santa Fe, in 1875, he was made general pas-
senger agent of the latter road, and in 1878 was made general agent for Kansas, Colorado, and
New Mexico, and was in command of the Santa Fe forces in the fight with the Denver & Kio
Grande road for the possession of the Grand £!anon of the Arkansas. He resigned his position
with the Santa Fe in May, 1881, and was appointed postmaster at Topeka, serving four years;
was appointed general agent of the Rock Island at Topeka in 1887, and assistant general pas-
senger agent for lines west of the Missouri river in 1892 ; resigned in December, 1897, and has
served as secretary of the Commercial Club of Topeka since that date. He was mayor of
Topeka in 1875 and 1876, a member of the Kansas house of representatives in 1879 and 1881, and
of the state senate in 1899; was a delegate to the national Republican convention in 1880, and
voted thirty-six times for General Grant. He was also a delegate at large to the Republican
national convention in 1896.
448
KANSAS STATE HISTORICAL SOCIETY.
The members of the party exchanged glances
of uneasiness, but when their eyes turned to the
old leader he had already started toward the ford,
and one by one they fell in behind him, and not a
member of the party turned back. There were
forty five entrenched men waiting in their rifle-
pits across the creek. Their guns were in their
hands and directly in front of them, and not 100
yards away was the road leading to the Fuller
crossing. They saw the little cavalcade of twenty-
one men leave the cabin, preceded by a tall, lank
figure, and they waited in their entrenchments
for their coming. The abolitionists moved out
into the road and went straight toward the ford.
Did the men who were waiting know that with a
single volley they could wipe John Brown and his
guard from the face of the earth ? They certainly
did, but what force was it that kept their fingers
from their triggers ? Perhaps the moral courage
of the old man had paralyzed their arms.
John Brown appeared utterly oblivious of the
presence of Wood and his forces. He looked
straight ahead, and if the deputy marshal and
his men had been ants they could not have re-
ceived less attention from him. On toward the
ford went the little company of Kansans. They
did not fire a shot and not a gun was raised. As
the advance-guard reached the ford there was a commotion in the rifle pits on
the opposite bank. A man or two sprang up and ran toward the horses, which
were tied not far off, and in less time than it takes to tell it the entire mar-
shal's party was in a wild panic, each member trying to outstrip the others in
an effort to reach the horses. In their terror one or two of the men grasped
the tails of the horses and were dragged over the prairie to a safe distance by
the frightened animals.*
♦Hiawatha, Kan., October 9, 1900.
Geo. W. Martin, Secretary of the State Historical Society, Topeka, Kan.:
Dear Sir — The " Battle of the Spurs" was fought on the northeast quarter of section 34,
township 5, range 15, then of Brown (but now of Jackson) county, Kansas, at what was
known as the crossing of the Jim Lane road, on Spring creek. I was but a boy at that time,
and am not quite clear as to the year it occurred. My father located his claim in the
fall of 1856, and we moved there in the spring of 1857. Our house was located right at the
crossing in the timber, and I remember very distinctly that on the morning of the battle
father and myself were hauling a load of wood to the house from the timber with a yoke
of oxen, when we saw Marshal Wood and his men come up to the house. He had about
fifty or sixty men. When we drove up to the house Marshal Wood came up to my father
and commenced handing him handfuls of buckshot, and seemed to be very much excited.
About this time Brown and his party came in sight from the South. Wood looked up and
saw him coming and said, "My God! There is 500 of them. Conceal yourselves, men! Con-
ceal yourselves! Where is a horse?" And he went to a lot where the horses were hitched,
got on one of them, and started eastward. That was the last that we ever saw of him. He
lost his hat in going through the timber. We afterwards'heard of him going through Mus-
cotah, thirteen miles east of us, without a hat. The old patriarch had with him, I think, two
covered wagons and eleven negroes, mostly women and children, and twenty -one men on horse-
back. I remember that one of the men was Colonel Ritchie, of Topeka. I remember this as
my father was acquainted with him in Indiana. Wood's men had got behind trees, and as
Brown came nearer they fell back and kept going. Some had gotten their horses and some
,THE ESTABLISHMENT OF COUNTIES IN KANSAS. 449
The Topeka men charged across the creek to give chase, and found four men
standing at their rifle-pits, apparently waiting for them. They had thrown their
guns on the ground and stood with folded arms, awaiting the charge.
"Do you surrender?" shouted Colonel Ritchie.
"Yes, you may take us," said one of the men coolly. " We simply wanted to
show you that there were some men in the Wood party who were not afraid of
you."
The men were made prisoners, and their horses, which were tied near by, were
also taken. The heavy emigrant wagon became mired at the ford and it required
several hours' work to get it through the creek. Then the march toward Tabor,
Iowa, was resumed. The mounted members of the Topeka party, including
Ritchie and Armstrong, accompanied Brown as far as Seneca and the rest turned
back.
Thus ended the " Battle of the Spurs," which received its name from Richard
J. Hinton, who belonged to the force of Eastern correspondents in Kansas. As
spurs were the most effective weapons used, the title is not altogether inappro-
priate. Not a shot was fired on either side. If this encounter had not had its
farcical termination there would have been no John Brown raid at Harper's
Ferry in October of the same year, the world might never have known John
Brown, the emancipator, and perhaps the institution of human slavery might
have waited many years for its death-blow.
THE ESTABLISHMENT OF COUNTIES IN KANSAS.
A Thesis prepared in 1903 by Helen G. Gill,* of Vinland, in partial fulfillment of the
requirement of the Uui varsity of Kansas for the degree of master of arts.
'"f^HE series of maps, constituting the principal part of this paper, has been
*- prepared for the purpose of showing the progress of county organization in
Kansas, The maps exhibit the effect upon county organization of each succes-
sive wave of immigration and the disorganization of counties that followed the
recession of population. They furnish a basis in studying the political history
of the state, upon which to reconstruct the various congressional, judicial, sena-
torial and legislative districts that have from time to time existed. The periods
chosen are such as render it possible to exhibit all the changes in county
boundaries that have been made. One difficulty that presented itself in the con-
were afoot, but as they got out of the woods those that were afoot grabbed hold of the tails of
the horses of those who were mounted and away they went sailing over the prairie ; hence it
was dubbed the "Battle of the Spurs." Respectfully, etc., G. M. Seaman.
According to Andreas' History, page 1337, the home of Albert Fuller was on the southeast
quarter of section 10, township 6, range 15 east, about one mile and a half south of the location
given by Mr. Seaman, Spring creek was north of Straight creek, and Andreas says the battle
or the race occurred on the high prairie between the two creeks.
♦Helen Geetedde Gill was born on a farm near Baldwin, Kansas, July 29, 1878. She is
the daughter of William H. Gill and Martha Cutter, of English descent. The father came to
Kansas in 1856, and was an active free state man, having been captured at Hickory Point and
held as a prisoner at Lecompton for two months. He returned to Wisconsin and served through
the civil war as a first lieutenant in the 42d Wisconsin infantry. At the close of the war he
came to Kansas and settled in Douglas county. The mother came to Kansas in 1859 from Low-
ell, Mass. Miss Gill graduated from Baker University in 1899. In 1901 she entered the Kansas
State University and took a graduate course in history, and received the degree of master of
arts, June 1903. In August, 1903, she was elected instructor in English and History in the Ells-
worth high school, where she is now engaged. She has always lived in Kansas, and her home
is at Baldwin.
—29
450 KANSAS STATE HISTORICAL SOCIETY.
struction of the maps resulted from the fact that in some cases considerable in-
terval elapsed between the legislative creation and the actual organization of a
county. As the dates of creation are more definite than those of organization,
they have been chosen as the time from which the counties are represented. The
result has been in some cases to present counties a year or so before their organi-
zation, at a time when they existed only on paper.
Map I, 1855.
The first territorial legislature, held in 1855, passed three acts relative to the
establishment of counties in the Territory of Kansas.
The first of these defined the boundaries of thirty-three counties. As the
survey had at that time only been begun, the definition was made by distances
only, the starting point being the main channel of the Kansas river at the point
where it crosses the Missouri line. The counties established by this act were
Johnson, Lykins, Linn, Bourbon, McGee, Douglas, Franklin, Anderson, Allen,
Dorn, Shawnee, Weller, Coffey, Woodson, Wilson, Richardson, Breckinridge,
Madison, Greenwood, Godfroy, Davis, Wise, Butler, Hunter, Doniphan, Atchi-
son, Leavenworth, Brown, Jefferson, Nemaha, Calhoun, Marshall, and Riley^
(Laws of 1855, pp. 205-211.)
In most of these counties the population was not large enough to justify
organization, so the system of attaching the thinly inhabited counties to those
able to maintain an organization was adopted, the counties being organized
when they had acquired the requisite population. The counties organized at
the time of establishment were Allen, Anderson, Atchison, Bourbon, Doniphan,
Douglas, Davis, Jefferson, Johnson, Leavenworth, Lykins, Linn, Madison, Mar-
shall, Nemaha, Riley, and Shawnee. For civil and military purposes, Weller
and Richardson were attached to Shawnee; Butler, Wise and Breckinridge to
Madison; Coffey to Anderson; McGee to Bourbon; Greenwood, Hunter, Dorn^
Wilson, Woodson and Godfroy to Allen; Brown to Doniphan; Davis to Riley
(id., pp. 210-215).
The second act of 1855 created two new counties : Marion, out of a tract of
land one hundred miles long and eighteen wide, west of Hunter, Butler and the
south half of Wise; and Washington, including all the part of territory west of
Marion and east of a line drawn north from the northeast corner of New Mexico.
Both counties were attached to Allen (id. p. 214).
The third act created Arapahoe county out of all that part of the territory
west of the line running north from the northeast corner of New Mexico (id. p.
217). Commissioners were appointed, but the organization seems not to have
been completed, for in the same session an act, providing for an annual election of
a delegate to the territorial assembly, attached the county to Marshall. This
act further provided that all territory west of Marshall and east of Arapahoe
should be attached to Marshall, and all territory west of Riley and east of Ara-
pahoe should be attached to Riley* (id. pp. 218, 219).
♦For origin of county names as they exist today, see seventh volume, pages 472 to 474. The
following gives the origin of the names that have disappeared, as near as possible to discover:
Aeapahoe.— For the Plains tribe of Indians.
Billings.— For N. H. Billings, a resident of Norton Center, and representative from the 100th
district, legislature of 1873, changed to Billings in jest, and restored to Norton by the next
session.
Breckinridge.— For John Cabell Breckinridge, vice-president of the United States with Presi-
dent Buchanan, a native of Kentucky, 1821-1875; presidential candidate in 1860 of the slave-
holding interest.
Brodeeick.— For David Colbreth Broderick, elected United States senator for California in
1856, served 1857-'59, when he was shot in a duel by Judge David S. Terry. He was an
eminent debater and opposed the admission of Kansas under the Lecompton Constitution..
He became separated from the Democratic party on the slavery question in 1858.
Buffalo.— For the bison of the plains.
LL
N E M A H A
BROWN I ^^
N^
ATCHISON
C A L II O U N
-\
•x^"
.->
leaven;
V r WORTH
,^v
N'
J^ SHAWNEE
OUGLAS JOHNSON
..X'
^"^ I WELLER FRANKLIN lYKINS
- U<^
V
^v\
\] r,MADISON 1 COFFEY IaNDERSON
LINN
S^
>
4'
V-
:^ WOODSON ALLEN BOURBON
GODFROY
WILSON
DORN MCGEE
)-f
Map I, 1855.
WASHINGTON
THE ESTABLISHMENT OF COUNTIES IN KANSAS. 451
Map II, 1857-'59.
By 1857 the survey had progressed so far that it was possible to bound the
eastern counties by township and sectional lines. An act was passed February
20 correcting the boundaries of all counties established in 1855, except Marion ^
Washington and Arapahoe. (Laws of 1857, pp. 37-46.) The west line of Davis,
Wise, Butler and Hunter was pushed four miles east of the line between ranges
4 and 5, east. The strip of land one mile wide and fourteen miles long, between
Atchison and Calhoun counties, was detached from the former and given to the
latter. The west line of Calhoun was placed eleven miles east of the former line,
on the line between the first and second tiers of sections in range 12, east. The
Calhoun.— For John Calhoun, first surveyor general of Kansas. See this volume, p. 1, foqt-note,
Davis. — For Jefferson Davis, president of the Southern Confederacy.
DoEN.— For Andrew J. Dorn, United States agent for the Osages, Quapaws, and united nations
of the Senecas and Shawnees, at the Neosho Indian Agency, Kansas, July, 1853 to 1861,
when he was succeeded by P. P. Elder of Ottawa.
El Paso.— Spanish "The Passage," "the gap."
Feemont.— For John Charles Fremont, the western explorer and Union general, nominated by
the first national Republican convention, Philadelphia, for president June 17, 1856. Born,
1813, died, 1890.
FooTE.— Probably for Andrew Hull Foote, 1806-1863, United States naval ofiScer war of the re-
bellion. %
Garfield.— For James Abram Garfield, twentieth president of the United States, 1831-1881.
GoDFEOY, or " frey."
Hageman.
HowAED.— For Oliver Otis Howard, soldier and philanthropist, graduate of Bowdin, 1850, West
Point, 1854, brigadier general volunteers 1861; chief of the Freedmen's Bureau, 1865-1874',
because of his able services to secure to the freedmen of this country their rights as freemen.
HuNTEE.— Probably for Robert Mercer Taliaferro Hunter, United States senator from Virginia,
1847-1861; opposed use of United States troops to enforce the "Bogus" laws in Kansas ;
favored the repeal of the Missouri proslavery law making a death penalty for certain offenses
against the rights of slave-holders; favored the admission of Kansas under the Lecompton
constitution ; candidate for president before the national Democratic convention of 1860.
Ieving.— For the poet, Washington Irving.
Kansas. — For the Kansas tribe of Indians,
LvKiNS.— For David Lykins, a member of the Territorial Council of 1855, from the fourth council
district, and at the time superintendent of the Wea Mission for the Weas, Piankeshaws,
Peorias, and Kaskaskias. His post-office was Westport, occupation physician, and age 34
years, nativity Iowa. He had been connected with the Baptist Mission among the Potta-
watomies in 1853, and was given the title of "reverend" by the agent.
Madison. — For James Madison, fourth president of the United States.
McQee,— For Mabillon W. McQee, member of the Kansas territorial house of representatives,
1855, with post-office at 110 Crossing, Weller (Osage) county. He was a merchant of West-
port, Mo., who took a claim near Burlingame, but did not stay long in Kansas. He was
born in Kentucky in 1818, and was a brother of Fry P. McGee of Osage county.
Montana.—
Oeo.—
Otoe.— For the Otoe Indians of Nebraska.
Peketon. — Probably of Indian origin.
Richaedson.— For Wm. P. Richardson, senator from the eighth council district, legislature of
1855 and 1857; a native of Kentucky, 53 years of age in 1855. August 31, 1855, he was com-
missioned major-general of the northern division of the militia of Kansas Territory.
Although a prominent actor of the proslavery party, he wrote a letter deprecating the in-
sult oiiered Governor Geary by W. T. Sherrard in the territorial house of representatives in
February 1857. His death occurred on the 14th of the same month. Sub-agent Great Nemaha
sub-agency for the lowas. Sacs and Foxes, 1842-1846.
Shelby.— For Joseph Orville Shelby, a native of Lexington, Ky., 1831, removed to Waverly, Mo.,
in 1850. He participated in several of the raids during the border troubles in Kansas. He
served under General Price in the confederate cavalry, organized Shelby's brigade and dis-
tinguished himself at Shiloh. At the close of the war he marched his brigade to the service
of Maximillian; died in 1897.
Shieley. — For a young woman, in jest.
Sequoyah.— For Sequoyah ( George Guess ) the son of George Gist and a Cherokee woman,
born in 1770. Abandoned by his father, his mother reared him to industry and trade. He
had great mechanical ingenuity. By 1821 he had devised a syllabic alphabet of 83 letters for
the Cherokee language, which was adopted by his nation.
St. John.— For John Pierce St. John, eighth governor of Kansas. (See this volume, page 295,
foot-note.)
Wellee.— Probably for John B. Weller, United States senator for California, 1852-'57, defeat-
ing John C. Fremont. He was governor of California 1858-'60.
Wise.— For Henry Alexander Wise, governor of Virginia, 1855-1859; about his last official act
as governor was the hanging of John Brown.
452 KANSAS STATE HISTORICAL SOCIETY.
west boundary of Riley was moved eight miles west of the line formerly estab-
lished to the line between the second and third tiers of sections in range 4 east,
and the eastern boundary was changed to the Big Blue river. Pottawatomie
county was created out of the territory between the Big Blue river and the west
boundary of Calhoun. Washington, Clay and Dickinson counties were created
with the boundaries they now have, except for eight sections which have since
been detached from Morris and given to Dickinson on the east and half a section
which has been included in Dickinson on the west. Pottawatomie, Dickinson,
Franklin, Breckinridge and Jackson counties were organized.
During the year 1859 seven new counties were created and organized: Wyan-
dotte out of that part of Leavenworth east of the east line of range 22 and that
part of Johnson north of the north line of township 12 (General Laws of 1859,
p. .362); Chase out of that part of Wise south of the south line of township 17
and that part of Butler north of the north line of township 22 (id. p. 361), and
Montana, El Paso, Oro, Broderick, and Fremont, in the extreme western part of
the territory, between the lOith meridian and the mountains. By the act which
created these counties, Arapahoe was limited to the district between the 104th
meridian and the line drawn north from the northeast corner of New Mexico ( id.
pp. 357-360). ^
Two minor changes were made in boundary lines during the year. The line
between Davis and Wise was pushed nine miles north to the line between town-
ship 13 and 14 (id. p. 361). The line between Madison and Breckinridge was
pushed from the center to the south line of township 19 (id. p. 357).
In consequence of the strong antislavery feeling which prevailed during the
period of the border war, the names of several counties, given in honor of promi-
nent proslavery men, were changed. Richardson was changed to Wabaunsee,
Wise to Morris, and Calhoun to Jackson (id. pp. 376, 377, 572, 573).
Osage, Butler, Coffey and Wabaunsee counties were organized.
Map III, 1860,
In 1860 eight new counties were created: Irving, out of the north part of
Hunter, less a strip three miles wide on the east, and plus two ranges of town-
ships on the west; Republic, Shirley (later Cloud), Ottawa and Saline, with
boundaries as they exist to-day; Marion, south of Dickinson; Otoe, south of
Marion and west of Butler, and Peketon, including all the unorganized territory
south of township 16 and between the sixth principal meridian and New Mex-
ico (General Laws of 1860, pp. 83-87). Through a discrepancy in the definition
of boundaries, that part of township 26 of ranges 3 and 4 east, lying north of the
Osage Trust Lands, was included in both Otoe and Irving counties.
Many changes were made in boundary lines. The south line of Butler county
was pushed three miles south to the fifth standard parallel (id. p. 68). The
name of McGee county was changed to Cherokee, and its western boundary was
pushed two miles east to the line between ranges 21 and 22 (id. p. 68-70). The
east line of Chase and Butler was pushed three miles east to the line between
ranges 9 and 10, east (id. p. 70). The line between Shawnee and Jackson, in-
stead of following the Kansas river, was fixed at the second standard parallel
and the line between Shawnee and Osage was pushed nine miles north to the
south line of township 13 (id. p. 88). The line between Wabaunsee and Davis
was pushed four miles west to the second section line west of the east guide
meridian (id. p. 89). Davis county was enlarged by cession from Dickinson and
Riley counties so that the line between ranges 3 and 4 became its western boun-
dary and the second standard parallel its northern boundary, except between the
DOUGLAS
J
OSAGE
J Oil NSON
F R A N K i: I N
COFFEY ANDERSOM
>^
LYKINS
LINN
THE ESTABLISHMENT OF COUNTIES IN KANSAS. 453
Kansas and Republican rivers, where the boundary ran through the middle of
township 11, south (id. pp, 72,73).
Map IV, 1861-186i.
In 1861 that part of township 10 of range 8 lying in Davis county was trans-
ferred to Riley (Territorial Laws of 1861, p. 16). Madison county disappeared,
its territory being divided between Breckinridge and Greenwood. Greenwood
received all south and Breckinridge all north of the line between townships 21
and 22 (id. p. 17). The south line of Woodson was pushed twelve miles north to
the north line of the Osage lands (Session Laws of 1861, p. 107). The name of
Lykins county was changed to Miami, Dorn to Neosho and Godfroy to Seward
(id. p. 114). Greenwood county was organized the next year (Laws of 1862, p.
443).
In 1864 Neosho county was organized. The eastern boundary of Morris
county was pushed four miles east to the line between ranges 9 and 10 east
(Laws of 1864, p. 48). Dickinson county was restored to its original form plus
eight sections from the eastern part of township 14, range 5 east, and the western
boundary of Davis was correspondingly modified (id. pp. 48, 49). Chase county
was extended south to the north line of township 23, and Butler county was en-
larged so as to include Irving, Otoe, and Hunter, and all other territory east of
the sixth principal meridian (id. p. 50).
Map V, 1865, 1866.
In 1865 Douglas county took its final form by the acquisition of that part of
township 12, ranges 19 and 20, lying north of the river (Laws of 1865, p. 44).
The west line of Greenwood county was pushed nine miles west to the center of
range 8 east, Butler county being thereby diminished by a strip nine miles wide
and thirty-three miles long (id. p. 45). Wilson county was given a tract on th&
northeast two miles wide and twelve long, formerly belonging to Allen (id. p. 45).
A verbal error in the definition of the boundary of Wilson county in this act was
corrected in 1867 (Laws of 1867, p. 47). The southern boundary of Allen was
pushed twelve miles north to the north line of the Osage Indian lands (id. p.
46). Washington county was enlarged to include Shirley and Republic, with the
proviso that these counties should be restored whenever they acquired the
requisite population (id. p. 46). "Shirley" was printed "Shelby" in this act.
Marion county was enlarged to include Peketon* (id. p. 47).
In 1866 Cherokee and Clay counties were organized and there was a slight
change in boundary lines. The eastern line of Neosho and the western line of
Cherokee was pushed two miles west, to a line drawn due south from the south-
east corner of Allen county (Laws of 1866, p. 78).
*The following letter appears among many manuscripts deposited by Samuel N. Wood, and
is the only mention the Society has of Peketon county :
" Kiowa, Peketon County, Kansas, May ICth, 1864.
"Sir: Yours respecting guerrillas and rebs., dated May 5th, received. Texians, or"T6-
han-nos," as the Indians call them, were reported on the way up through the Indian country —
some two or three weeks ago, and Kicking Bird, a Kiowa, assured us that we might rely upon
its being so, but as they showed no disposition to move their families North, we paid no heed
to it, althrugh I am told they slept upon their arms at the Fort. Yesterday Poor Bear and
Lance, head chiefs of the Apaches, were here, and informed us that a baud of Comauches had
scoured the country S. W., S. & S. E. of us, and came into an Arapahoe village, some 20 miles be-
low here for food, and report no " Tehannos." There is a report that the Texians are going up
the Cimarron. This I will believe as soou as I see the squaws moving their lodges to Smoky Hill,
but not before. The Kiowas and Comauches, accompanied by a few Indians from other tribes,
some 2 or 3 of J. I. Delashmett's Kaws being of the number, numbering in all, as nearly as we
can learn, about 1000, are now about ready to make another bloody raid in Texas. Tlie Texians
believe that our government sends them down, and if they should come up, an event not improb-
able, as they are very desirous to punish the Indians, and rob the trains on the road — a thing
456 KANSAS STATE HISTORICAL SOCIETY.
Map VI, 1867.
In 1867 Crawford, Ellis, Ellsworth and Labette countieB were organized.
Thirty-five new counties were established, and several changes were made io
the boundaries of old ones.
The western boundary of Dickinson was changed to include the eastern half
of section 13, township 13, range 1 west (Laws of 1867, p. 49).
Labette county was created out of that part of the state south of the sixth
standard parallel and between the Osage reserve and the Cherokee neutral lands
(id. pp. 48, 49). This made the western boundary of Labette fall about two and
one-half miles west of the west line of Neosho, as formerly established. A little
later, Montgomery county was created out of that part of Wilson county south
of the sixth standard parallel (id. p. 51). With the establishment of this county,
the west line of Labette went back to the old line between Wilson and Neosho,.
i. e., the line between the second and third tiers of sections of range 17 east.
The south boundary of Bourbon was pushed six miles north to the section
line two miles north of the south line of township 24, and the north line of Chero-
kee was pushed eighteen miles south to the middle of township 31. Out of the
territory thus detached from Bourbon and Cherokee the new county of Crawford
was formed (id. p. 50).
Another act provided for the division into counties of all the unorganized
part of the state east of range line 26 west; the counties to be organized when
they should have the requisite population. The counties created by this act
were: Montgomery, Howard, Cowley, McPherson, Sedgwick, Sumner, Jewell,
Mitchell, Lincoln, Ellsworth, Rice, Reno, Harper, Smith, Osborne, Russell, Bar-
ton, Stafford, Pratt, Barbour, Phillips, Rooks, Ellis, Rush, Pawnee, Kiowa,
Comanche, Norton, Graham, Trego, Ness, Hageman, Ford, and Clark. By the
same act Seward disappeared, and the boundaries of Greenwood, Butler and
Marion were changed. Butler took its final form. The south line of Greenwood
was pushed nine miles south, to the north line of township 30. Marion was con-
fined to one tier of townships on the south, taken from Butler (id. pp.*51-57). •"*
The name of Shirley was changed to Cloud (id. p. 68).
Map VII, 1868.
In 1868 two new counties — Gove and Wallace — were created. Shawnee,
Jackson and Brown took their final form, the line between Shawnee and Jack"
son being pushed six miles north to the north line of township 10, and the line
between Brown and Jackson six miles north to the north line of^township 5.
(Special Laws, 1868, pp. 49, 50.)
The general statutes of 1868 restated all county boundaries, and made some
minor changes. The line between Osage and Coffey was pushed three miles
easily done, as the Forts at present afford no protection -whatever — then we and the Indians
would all fare alik(<.
" Last week a runner came down with word that the Platte Indians, or Platte Choyennes,
and the whites were fighting on Beaver— Black Kettle and Lean Bear were here with bands
numbering some 100 Lodges. They immediately pulled up and struck out for the seat of war.
The Cheyennes are much dissatisfied as to the manner in which their " presents," or the goods
Governrnent gives them, are withheld, and I would not be surprised if trains suffer on tlie road
at any time. George Bent'; who is with the Cheyennes, told me a few weeks since that the Sioux
came amongst the Clieyennes last summer and agreed to come over and rob on the road, but
were prevented by his fathpr. Chas. Rath is some 130 or 160 miles S. W. trading with the Com-
anches; he left here April 23d, and will probably be back in 8 or 10 days. His brother " Chris "
left on the 12th of March with 2 wagons, one white man and one contraband, to trade with
Cheyennes upon Smoky, about 175 miles distant. He wrote home by an Indian about a month
since, which is the last tidings we received from him. , The Indians say he wiil be here in 4 days.
We are getting somewhat anxious about him.
"May nth, 1864. Chas. Rath has just got in from the Comanches, and reports all quiet in
the Indian boundary. Respectfully yours, &c., John F. Dodds."
T» Brig. OerCl. S. N. Wood.
THE ESTABLISHMENT OF COUNTIES IN KANSAS. 457
north to the line between townships 18 and 19 (Statutes of 1868, p. 242). The
line between Woodson and Wilson was pushed two miles south, to the south
line of township 26 (id. p. 2i8). The line between Greenwood and Howard
was pushed nine miles north, to the middle of township 28 (id. p. 236). A strip
one mile wide, between the north lines of townships 20 and 23, was added to
Chase on the west (id. p. 231). The act provided for an addition to Cherokee
county on the west, in case the legal voters in the proposed addition approved
the change at the next general election, but the question was not submitted,
and the boundary remained unchanged.
Two inconsistencies occur in the general act of 1868. The first is a merely
verbal error in the definition of Crawford county. "Twenty-four miles west
from the southeast corner of section 13, township 31, range 25 east to the east-
ern boundary of Neosho county," should read "to the eastern boundary of La-
bette." This error was corrected in 1874 (Laws of 1874, p. 104). The second
occurs in the boundaries of Wabaunsee and Shawnee counties. The triangle
enclosed by the Kansas river, the second standard parallel and an extension of
the line between Shawnee and Wabaunsee was included in both counties. This
error was corrected in 1870 by giving the tract to Shawnee (Laws of 1870, p. 89).
Map VIII, 1869-1872.
Montgomery county was organized in 1869. The same year the northeast
corner of Morris county was squared by the addition of. a tract eight miles wide
and nine miles long, taken from Wabaunsee county (Laws of 1869, p. 57), but
the next year a part of the tract was returned, so that the boundary between the
two counties assumed its final form ( Laws of 1870, p. 89).
In 1870 Cowley, Jewell, Lincoln, McPherson, Mitchell and Sedgwick counties
were organized. The same year the line between Allen and Neosho counties was
pushed two miles south from the north line of the Osage lands to the line between
townships 26 and 27 (id. p. 88).
In 1871 Zeandale township, consisting of a tract six miles wide, extending
from the Kansas river to the north line of township 13, was detached from Wa-
baunsee and given to Riley (Laws of 1871, p. 105).
During 1871 and 1872 Sumner, Osborne, Barton, Harvey, Norton, Pawnee,
Phillips, Rooks, Russell and Smith counties were organized.
Map IX, 1873.
In 1873 the remaining part of the state west of range 25 west was divided into
twenty-two new counties and twelve changes were made in the boundaries of
counties already established. The new counties were Decatur, Rawlins, Chey-
enne, Sheridan, Thomas, Sherman, Lane, Buffalo, Foote, Meade, Scott,
Sequoyah, Arapahoe, Seward, Wichita, Kearney, Grant, Stevens, Greeley>
Hamilton, Stanton, and Kansas (Laws of 1873, pp. 146-156).
Wabaunsee county took its final form, a tract six miles square being de-
tached from Riley county and restored to Wabaunsee (id. p. 110). •«■
The line between Riley and Davis, instead of following the Kansas and Re-
publican rivers, from the west line of township 11, range 8 east, to the east line
of Clay county, was defined by section lines "commencing at the southeast corner
of section 34, township 9, range 4 east ; thence east to the southeast corner of sec-
tion 34, township 9, range 5 east; thence south to the southeast corner of section
14, township 11, range 5 east; thence east to the section line in the middle of
township 11, range 6; thence south one mile to the line between the fourth and
462 KANSAS STATE HISTORICAL SOCIETY.
fifth tiers of sections of township 11 ; thence east to the east line of the county ae
formerly established" (id. pp. 113-115).
The southern boundary of Barton was pushed six miles south to the line be-
tween townships 21 and 22 (id. p. 112).
The north line of Pawnee was pushed six miles north to the north line of town-
ship 20. Townships 21, 22, and 23, range 15 west, were detached from Stafford
and attached to Pawnee on the east. The south line of Pawnee, beginning at the
northeast corner of township 24, range 15 west, ran eighteen miles west; thence
six miles north ; thence eighteen miles west on the north line of township 23 to
the east line of Hodgeman county (id. p. 152). The west line of Stafford was
pushed six miles east to the east line of range 15 west (id. p. 153). As defined
by the statute Barton and Stafford overlapped four townships and Barton and
Pawnee one. Kiowa was enlarged by the territory cut off from the south of
Pawnee and by townships 24 and 25, range 15 west, cut off from Stafford.
Barber county was enlarged by township 30, ranges 11, 12, 13, 14, and 15 west,
which were detached from Pratt and by townships 31-35, range 10 west, which
were detached from Harper (id. p. 112).
Townships 21, of ranges 1, 2 and 3 west, were detached from Harvey and
given to McPherson (id. p. 116).
The north line of Clark was pushed six miles north to the north line of town-
ship 30, and the west line six miles west to the east line of range 27 west (id.
p. 147).
The north line of Ford was pushed six miles north to the north line of town-
ship 25, the south line six miles south to the north line of township 30, and the
west line six miles west to the east line of range 27. The south line of Hodge-
man was pushed six miles north to the north line of township 25, and the west
line six miles west to the east line of 27. The west line of Ness was pushed six
miles west to the east line of range 27 east (id. p. 148).
Barber, Cheyenne, Ford, Harper, Ness, Pratt and Reno counties were organ-
ized. The name of Norton county was changed to Billings, but was changed
back to Norton the following year.
Map X, 1874.
Edwards county was created out of that part of Kiowa north of the north line
of township 27, except township 23 of range 18 west, which was given to Paw-
nee, and townships 24 and 25, of range 15 west, which were restored to Stafford.
The overlapping townships of Barton, Stafford and Pawnee were confirmed to
Stafford and Pawnee (Laws of 1874, pp. 91-93).
Edwards, Kingman and Rush counties were organized.
Map XI, 1875-1880.
In 1875 Kiowa county was extinguished, its territory being divided between
Edwards and Comanche. Edwards was given all north of the north line of town-
ship 29, and Comanche all south of that line (Laws of 1875, p. 87).
By a similar act it was intended to obliterate Stafford county. Barton was
to receive that part north of the north line of township 24, and Pratt all south
of that line except townships 24 and 25 of range 15 west (id. p. 88). These two
townships, being left out of the division, preserved the identity of the county.
Four years later the supreme court declared this partition illegal and Stafford
county was restored to the boundaries assigned in 1874 (State v. St. John, 21
Kan. 591).
THE ESTABLISHMENT OF COUNTIES IN KANSAS. 463
The line between Davis and Riley, south of the Kansas river, was changed to
its present position (Laws of 1875, p. 89). Howard county was divided into two
new counties. Elk comprised the part north of the north line of township 32
and Chautauqua the part south of that line (id. p. 148).
Republic county was organized in 1878.
In 1879 an act was passed redefining the boundaries of most of the western
counties but changing only Thomas, Sheridan, Wallace, Gove, and Lane (Laws
of 1879, pp. 143-148). The south line of Thomas and Sheridan was pushed
north six miles to the north line of township 10 (id. p. 143). Wallace was en-
larged on the north by a tract forty-two miles long and six wide, and on the east
by a tract thirty-six miles long and six wide. The west line of Gove was pushed
six miles east to the east line of range 30 west, the north line six miles north to
the north line of township 10, and the south line six miles north to the north
line of township 15. Lane county was enlarged by townships 15 in ranges 26-30
(id. p. 144). A few days after the passage of this act, but before its publication,
another act dissolved Wallace county on charge of fraud (id. p. 356.)
Decatur, Stafford, Hodgeman and Trego counties were organized in 1879.
Map XII, 1881, '82.
In 1881 Thomas and Sheridan counties were restored to their original boun-
daries. The second standard parallel again became the north line of Gove and
the third standard parallel the south line. The west line was pushed twelve
miles west to the east line of range 32. Lane was diminished on the north by
one tier of townships and increased on the south by a tier taken from Buffalo.
Out of the remainder of Buffalo and all of Foote a new county was created, and
named Gray. Wallace county was recreated out of that part of the original
county west of the east line of range 38, and the part east of that line was formed,
into St. John county (Laws of 1881, pp. 131-133).
Rawlins county was organized in 1881.
Map XIII, 1883, '84.
In 1883 Kearney, Sequoyah, Gray, Grant, Arapahoe, Kansas, Stevens, Meade
and Clark counties disappeared. Hamilton, Ford, Seward and Hodgeman were
enlarged, and Finney created to include the territory of the first named counties-
In the redistribution of this territory the fourth standard parallel became the
north line and the sixth standard parallel the south line of Hamilton, Finney and
Hodgeman counties. Hamilton extended east to the east line of range 37;
Finney beginning there extended to the east line of range 29 west, and Hodge-
man extended from that line to the east line of 21 west. The south line of
Hodgeman was the south line of township 24. Ford occupied the district south
of Hodgeman, and Seward was bounded on the north by the sixth standard
parallel and on the east by the east line of range 29 west, and extended to the
western and southern boundaries of the state. Townships 21 of ranges 27 to ,30
were detached from Lane, and the first two were attached to Hodgeman, and
the last two to Finney ( Laws of 1883, pp. 113-115 ). Finney was organized in 1883.
Map XIV, 1885.
Meade and Clark counties were reestablished. The north line of township 30
was made the north line of both counties. Clark extended from the east line of
range 21 to the east line of range 26 west, and Meade from the east line of range
26 to the east line of range 31. (Laws of 1885, pp. 243-249.)
Clark, Comanche, Meade and Thomas counties were organized.
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THE ESTABLISHMENT OF COUNTIES IN KANSAS. 469
Map XV, 1886-1892.
In 1886 Kiowa county was reestablished out of that part of Edwards south of
the north line of township 27 and that part of Comanche north of the sixth
standard parallel. (Laws of 1886, p. 54.) Stevens county was reestablished with
the same boundaries assigned to it in 1873, plus a strip three miles wide on the
western side of the county. Morton county was created out of the territory
which had been established as Kansas county in 1873, less the three-mile strip
given to Stevens. Seward was reduced to the limits assigned in 1873 (id., p.
57). The south boundary of Rice county was changed slightly, to include eight
sections of township 22, range 8, which were detached from Reno (id., p. 56).
The boundary between Lyon and Coffey was changed to the Neosho river for a
distance of sixty rods in township 20, range 13 east (id., p. 58).
Gove, Hamilton, Kiowa, Lane, Morton, Scott, Seward, Sherman, Stevens,
and Wichita counties were organized in 1886.
In 1887 the area of Finney, Hamilton and Ford counties was reduced. Has-
kell was created out of that part of Finney which had been established as
Araphaoe in 187.3. Ford, Hodgeman and Hamilton again took the boundaries of
1873, and Grant, Stanton and Kearny were reestablished with their former
boundaries. Gray, abolished in 1883, was reestablished with different bounda-
ries. The north line was now the north line of township 24, the east line the
east line of range 27, the south line the north line of township 30, and the west
line the east line of range 31. Garfield county was created out of six townships
from the northeast corner of Finney and six from the northwest corner of Hodge-
man. (Laws of 1887, pp. 111-113.) The name of St. John county was changed
to Logan (id., p. 255).
Garfield, Gray, Haskell, Logan and Stanton counties were organized in 1887.
In 1889, the name of Davis county was changed to Geary (Laws of 1889, p.
182.) In 1893 an act was passed providing for the restoration of the name Davis,
in case a majority of the voters should decide in favor of it at the next general
election (Laws of 1893, p. 88). The majority vote, however, was opposed to the
change, so that the county has retained the name of Geary.*
In 1889, the last of the counties — Grant, Greeley, and Kearny — were organ-
ized.
Map XVI, 1893-1904.
In 1892, the state instituted quo warranto proceedings against Garfield
county to test the validity of its organization. The supreme court decided that
it was illegally organized, having less than 432 square miles of territory (State v.
Garfield Co. 54 Kan. 372), and in 1893 it was annexed to Finney (Laws of 1893i
p. 173). In 1893, the boundary between Marshall and Washington, in township
24, was modified, to give Washington access to the Big Blue river, in order to
enable her to assist Marshall in building a bridge over the river. In case the
bridge was not built within five years, the land detached was to revert to Mar-
shall county (id., p. 82). The bridge was not built within the period fixed by
the statute, and in 1903 the law was reenacted (Laws of 1903, p. 326). There
seems to be no prospect that the bridge will be built, so that the proposed change
* The vote was taken at the general election November 1894. The highest vote cast was
1686, but 475 did not vote on the question of restoring the name to Davis. Of the votes cast
upon the question, there were 523 for Davis and 588 for Geary, being a majority of 65 for Geary,
in honor of John W. Geary, third territorial governor, a distinguished major-goneral, and twice
goyernor of Pennsylvania. This is probably the only instance in Kansas of a name being
adopted by a popular vote.
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472 KANSAS STATE HISTORICAL SOCIETY.
of boundary will probably not take effect. Since 1893, there have been prac-
tically no changes in county boundaries. An act was passed in 1897 to define
more specifically the line between Lyon and Coffey counties (Laws of 1897, p.
195), and in 1899 an act was passed to define the line between Shawnee and Jef-
ferson (Laws of 1899, p. 121). These acts were not intended to alter the bound-
aries already existing.
HIGH WATERS IN KANSAS.
From the diary of Rev. Jotham Meeker* and other raauuscripts in the collection of the
State Historical Society.
May 7, 1844.~Rainy.
May 13. — It rained nearly all day yesterday and all of last night. The river
rises all day, and is within four feet of overflowing the bank at evening, and is
still rising.
May 14. — The river is all day near at a stand. Work at saving boards, rails,
etc., from the flood.
May 15. — Raining most of the day. The river very high, overflowing its
banks in many places.
May 16. — Attend prayer-meeting at John Holmes's. Rained nearly all of last
night. The river rises still higher. Almost all of the Ottawas leave their
houses, many of which are surrounded by water, and flee to the hills, where they
encamp. Some of their fences are carried away.
May 20. — The rain and high water prevent Brothers Pratt and Barker from
starting home. The rain stopped this morning and it clears off after almost con-
stant rain and high water for the last nine days. Think I never saw such a wet
time before.
May 21, — Frost this morning.
May 24. — Ride home in a great shower of rain, having two streams to swim.
The rain fell nearly all of last night and to-day. The river rising very fast
again.
May 25. — Raining. Stay at home all day.
May 28. — Much rain night before last, last night, and to-day. The river con-
tinues high.
May 29.— Still raining.
May 30. — Never saw such a time of rain. It has fallen almost every day in
the last three weeks. The river has overflown its banks, and the bottoms in
many places have been inundated more or less for three weeks, and continues all
of to-day within our dooryard. There has been no plowing nor planting done of
any consequence during the rain, so that the fields not planted then still remain,
and much that was planted has been drowned out. Many of the Indians fear
that they will have no crops at all this year.
*Rev. Jotham Meeker located among the Ottawas as their missionary in June, 1837, building
his house on the banks of the Marais des Cygnes, near the present town of Ottawa, Franklin
county, Kansas. After the overflow of 1844, the mission house was erected at a point about five
miles northeast of Ottawa, on the high ground. Mr. Meeker's diaries cover the entire period of
his Kansas experiences, 1833 to 1854. The " Shawanoe " Baptist mission, where Mr. Meeker took
refuge with his family, was situated in the northeastern part of Johnson county, among the
Shawnees.
The State Historical Society has four large volumes of newspaper clippings, and 100 photo-
graphic views from Salina to Kansas City, of the Kansas river flood of May and June, 1903. See
Prof. Erasmus Haworth's article in the "Mineral Resources of Kansas for 1903," issued by the
State University, July, 1903.
HIGH WATERS IN KANSAS. 473
May 31. — Yesterday and to-day have been clear. The river again commenced
falling. About noon left our dooryard. Hope we shall again have dry weather.
Plow corn all day.
June 5. — Yesterday and to-day the weather has been very clear and warm.
June 6 — Replant potato patch which was drowned out by the flood.
June 7. — Rainy all day.
June 10. — Rain falls all day. The river is very high. Fear we shall have
higher water to-night or to-morrow than we have ever known. Put things away
and prepare for the flood.
June 11. — The river rises higher than we have ever seen it. The water covers
many of the Indians' fields and surrounds their houses. The Indians who live
in the bottoms near by all fled to the hills. Many of the hogs we think will bo
drowned, and crops and other property will be destroyed. Move our things out
of our cellar and smoke-house, both of which are deep with water. River is not
quite upon a level with the bank at our house, but is still rising and may sur-
round us before morning.
June 12. — At sunrise the water began to overflow the bank at our house, and
continued to rise rapidly all day. At three p. m. it came into the dwelling-house,
when we fled to the hills near us, the rain descending in torrents. We pitched
our tent and encamped, all wet. We have been completely wet all day, having
been engaged in hunting my cattle and hogs and driving them to the hills,
and in gathering up things to save them. All the Indians in the country have
also fled, driving and packing as much of th^ir stock and other property as they
could. Nearly half of my fences are swept away, and the water continues to rise
fast. Doubtless touch of the Indians' stock and other property will be lost.
June 1.3. — We laid ourselves down last night in our tent, all wet. It con-
tinued to rain all night. The water still continues all day to rise. Our smoke-
house, bee-house, chicken-houses, stable, corn-crib, and kitchen, with all that
was in them; and also our dooryard, garden, orchard, cow-pen, calf pasture, po-
tato patch, and corn-field fences, with the peach and apple trees, are, we think,
all swept off, the current being very strong. Went twice to the house in a small
canoe to save some few choice articles, and, apparently, was in great danger of
losing my life. Many of our fowls and hogs, all of the bees — seven large hives —
and perhaps some cattle, floated off, and are probably drowned. The fences of
all the Ottawas, with four or five exceptions, we suppose, are carried off, and
their loss must be very great in live stock, old corn, present crops, houses,
household property, etc., etc.
June 14. — Last evening, near night, our brother, Oshosh, in coming from his
house with a canoe loaded with his articles, ran against a tree. The canoe up-
set and all went down. He clung to a sapling and cried for help. We heard
him, but having no canoe we could render him no assistance. Before morning
we obtained a canoe, and as soon as it was light two of the brethren went, found
him, and brought him home, he having hung to the shaking sapling all night,
with nothing but his shirt on. The river commences falling to-day.
June 15. — The water falls three or four feet. Visit our house. It looks deso-
late indeed. The whole bottom land is still covered from two to six or seven feet
deep. Immediate poverty and starvation seems to stare every one in the face.
Their old corn all washed away.
June 17. — The water having left our house, I wash and scrub one room and
we remove into it, and gather up a few of our things which had drifted into the
brush. Find that none of my crops or fences are left, and that even all the
earth which had been loosened by the plow has been swept off. All my out-
474 KANSAS STATE HISTORICAL SOCIETY.
houses and all that was within them are swept away. Nothing left but the
dwelling house and office. Part of the cellar wall and the hearth are fallen, and
the large chimney will probably soon fall. The west end of the house also is
settling, being undermined.
June 18. — River falling all day. Learn that the Missouri is fifteen feet higher
than it was ever known to be before. If so, doubtless all the bottom is destroyed.
Also, that all the towns down the Osage are carried away.
June 19. — The rain descended in torrents again much of last night and to-
day. Pack away our property in our upper chambers and prepare to leave as
soon as possible for Shawanoe.
June 20. — The river rises again all day — is again almost full.
June 21. — Shut up our house and cross the big creek, which is nearly full,
in a piece of bark of a tree six or seven feet long, with Brother Pratt and my
family. We travel thirty-five miles and encamp in the prairies.
Letter to Kev. S. Peck, Foreigo Secretary A. B. B. F. M.
Shawanoe, June 26, 1844. Dear Brother — In haste I drop you a line to in-
form you of our present situation, and to ask the board to direct us what course
to pursue. The Osage river, on the immediate bank of which the Ottawa Mis-
sion house stands, has been uncommonly high for about eight weeks past. But
no particular damage resulted from it until the 12th of June inst. At sunrise of
that day the water commenced running over its banks. At three p. m. it was two
feet deep around our house and commenced running into our dwelling-rooms.
The water still rising, and the current becoming very strong around the house,
we fled to an adjoining hill and pitched our tent, the rain descending in torrents
the meanwhile. The river still continued to rise for thirty-six hours after we
left, until the whole bottom country was from six to twelve feet deep. The re-
sults were, in part, as follows: Our smoke-house, with our year's supply of pork
and soap, etc., bee-house, with seven hives, hen-house, with 100 fowls, stable
and corn-crib, with about 125 bushels of corn, kitchen, with all the cooking and
table apparatus, etc., about 4000 rails, the dooryard post-andrail fence, the
garden paling fence, the peach and apple orchard, and all the new crops
of every kind, and even the soil, as deep as the plow had loosened it, were all
swept off by the current, so that the dwelling-house and office stand naked and
alone, considerably injured — one chimney of the dwelling being sagged back
some from the house, and part of the cellar wall and the hearth being caved in.
The flood beat so vehemently upon the house that, although the foundation corner-
stones were three feet deep, yet the injured end of the house has, I think, settled
two or three inches. The wooden furniture in the dwelling-house is almost
ruined, and some of the doors and windows broken. When the water left I and
an Indian boy shoveled out the mud and scrubbed the inside of the house, and
we moved back into it where we stayed two or three days. The most of the
kitchen furniture has been found. Fearing that we should soon be sick, we
fastened the house and left for Shawanoe. My family will remain here awhile,
and I expect to spend most of my time among the Ottawas for the present.
The Ottawas have lost all of their fences and new crops, with a very small ex-
ception ; some of their dwellings have been carried down the stream — many of them
are lodged against trees. All their old corn has either been washed away or
lying under water from five to seven days, which has sprouted, soured, and be-
come unfit to eat. Much of their stock, viz., fowls, hogs, cattle, and horses,
have been drowned. I think there is not breadstuff in the nation to subsist
them one week from this time. It is now too late to make new fields for the
present season, the game is very scarce, they can raise nothing to eat for twelve
HIGH WATERS IN KANSAS. 475
or thirteen months from this time, 80 that extreme poverty and starvation seem
to stare every one in the face. For three days past I have been working hard
for them in the neighborhood of Westport, and have obtained for them four yoke
of oxen, a wagon, 250 bushels of corn, some buckwheat and turnip seeds. No
old potatoes to be found. The Indians all intend now, if they can only be sup-
plied with corn to eat, to build houses and make fields back on the hills immedi-
ately. I have been interceding with the agent for them, and have to-day written
to the superintendent of Indian affairs, at St. Louis, hoping that the United
States government will do something for them.
The main object I had in writing this letter was to inform you that Mrs. M.
and I, the Ottawa brethren, many missionary brethren with whom I have con-
versed, unite in thinking that we ought to remove the Ottawa Mission buildings
back from the river, on the high prairies. Were we to rebuild, repair, etc.,
where we now are, the cost would be considerable, but we would always live in
fear of another flood. The expense would, of course, be much more to remove.
We think it would be more healthy on the hills; by going three or four miles
back we would be in the center of the nation. My present impression is that
the establishment could be completed on the hills for about $300, including the
stone chimneys and cellar. I have not yet selected a suitable site, but intend to
do so soon and wait for the decision of the board, who, I .think, will see the
necessity of immediate action, so that we can be prepared for winter. On ac-
count of the high waters generally throughout the state of Missouri, we have
had no mails lately. We have not yet received anything from the board since
the convention at Philadelphia. We are waiting with great anxiety.*
*In a volume of letters written or received by Mr. Meeker is found a draft of the followingr
letters:
"Baptist Mission Rooms, Boston, August 1, 1844.
'' lie V. J. Meeker, Shawanoe: My Deae Beothee — I take the earliest opportunity to lay
your afflicted case before the acting board, as detailed in your letter of 26th June ; also the let-
ter of Mr. Blanchard in regard to the Delawares on the Kansas river. I need not assure you
of our deep sympathy, and I am sure there will be a very extensive sympathy in the churches,
many of whom will make contributions for the relief of the suilerers. The board have appro-
priated $300, the amount named by yon, for rebuilding the mission house on the 'hills,' and we
hope you will be able to complete it before winter. They have also felt constrained to add $200
more, to help you repair the loss of furniture, stock, labor, etc. — and to give to him tliat is hun-
gry. This last is in anticipation of collections which we propose to take up in the churches in
this neighborhood. As to the extent of your distribution to the necessities of the Indian breth-
ren from the above $200, we do not fear to leave it to the dictates of your judgment and Chris-
tian charity, though the appropriation was especially designed for your own benefit. You can
draw at such times as may suit your convenience, specifying the object in your letters of ad-
vice. I suppose it hardly necessary to caution you against exposure to fevers this season ; they
will be likely to abound, even with the best precautions. This may make it necessary to post-
pone your arrangements for building till the hot season is well past. With affectionate regards
to Mrs. M. and sincere sympathy for the native brethren, to whom remember me particularly,
truly, your brother, S. Peck, For, See."
" St. Louis, Aug. 27th, 1844.
"Mr. J. Meeker: Deae Sie — We herewith send you four boxes mdse., one bale do. & two
bedsteads which is from Cincinnati, shipped by Mess. Bowen & Hibberd, in behalf of themselves
& many others. They were brot to this place by the charity of steamer lone. The steamboat
Tobacco Plant has kindly consented to deliver them to you free of charge. We yesterday for-
warded twelve chairs, two tables, two bedsteads, nine boxes, four bbls., one stove & one keg
received from the same source as the other articles. They was brot to this place by the charity
of steamer Palestine & forwarded on the steamer latan, who promised them to deliver to you
gratuitously. We have not charged any commissions on either lot, as we are informed they are
for the benefit of the suiierers by the late flood. Hoping this may arrive safe and prove satis-
factory, we remain your obdt. svts., H. N. Davis & Co. by W. S. Richards."
" Bap. Miss. Rooms, Boston, Sept. 2d, 1844.
"7?ei'. J. Meeker: Deae Sie — I write to inform you that I have put on board the ship .41-
mina for N. Orleans, 2 boxes containing clothing &c. for the sufferers by the late inundation in
your vicinity. One of the boxes contains articles of clothing, sent to the rooms by a few female
friends in Boston, with a few things found in the store room. Some of the clothing is hardly
worth sending, but may perhaps be put to some use ; this box is directed to yourself; the other
box is from ladies of the south leading Bap. Ch. & directed to Mr. Blanchard, & I will thank
you to inform him of the fact. The boxes are consigned to the care of Geo. &. Robt. Buchanan,
N. Orleans, with instruction to forward to Aguew & Buchanan, St. Louis, Mo., & I hope will be
promptly transmitted. They are marked as follows: ' Rev. J. Meeker, Kansas Landing, Mo.,
Rev. I. D. Blanchard, Kansas Landing, Mo., care of Agnew & Buchanan, St. Louis, Mo.' Very
truly yrs &c., Thomas Shaw."
476 KANSAS STATE HISTORICAL SOCIETY.
July 6. — Haul some things home which drifted off in the flood.
July 8. — Again lock up the house. Swim my horses over the creek, and
leave for Shawanoe alone.
July 10. — Ride around all day hunting corn for the Ottawas.
July 11. — Again am busy all day hunting for corn, the price of which has
just raised from ten cents to twenty-five, thirty and fifty cents. The new crops
promise but little.
July 17. — Intend to start home, but the rain prevents.
July 19. — Again thought of starting home to-day with my family, but rain
and other things prevent.
July 22. — Load up the wagon and start for home with Mrs. M. and Emiline-
July 23. — The bad road, flies and heat are very severe on us and the horses.
Stalled once ; unloaded, and carried all up a high hill. Encamped several hours
on account of the flies.
July 24. — Stalled half a mile from home. Left wagon and rode home with
my family. Get my wagon home.
July 30.— Plow from seven to eleven o'clock in the evening for turnips, the
excessively warm weather and the flies preventing in the day.
August 17. — From about the 10th of May to the 25th of July the river was
high and it was uncommonly rainy. From the 25th ultimo until now we have had
no rain of account, and it is becoming very dry.
August 29. — After being pretty well wetted in a shower of rain, I arrived at
home. (Found Shawanoe.)
September 4. — Receive instructions from the board to remove our buildings
back onto the hill this fall. They give us all the aid we wish. Also learned that
the Cincinnati brethren have sent a lot of provisions, clothing, furniture, etc., to
the Ottawa brethren, on account of their losses from the late flood.
September 5. — Ride to the Westport landing. Employ two persons with
teams to haul boxes, etc., from Cincinnati to Shawnee.
September 6. — Draw on the board for $300 for building purposes.
September 7. — Receive a letter from Brother Miller and others in Cincinnati
relative to their contributions to the Ottawas. Their liberality on this occasion
is truly great.
September 11. — Load up my wagon and start with my family for home.
Somewhat rainy. Encamp in the prairie.
September 13. — Arrive at home about noon.
September 20. — Rainy and windy.
September 21 (Fort Leavenworth Agency). — This year their crops are very
sorry, owing to the abundance of rain during the spring and early part of the
summer. All those farming on the bottom lands of the Kansas river and other
bottom lands lost their crops entirely; not only their crops, but nearly all their
stock, hogs, cattle, and some horses ; all their fencing and houses swept off by
the flood. In a few weeks I will make a report in detail of the damage done, as
nearly as I can ascertain, to all the Indians by the high waters, etc. Many of
the Shawnees tried this year to raise hemp, but their crops of hemp were almost
entirely destroyed by the repeated hard rains. . . . Konzas. — The black-
smith for this tribe has been employed most of his time in repairing guns, mak-
ing butcher-knives, arrow-points, small axes, and hoes. It can hardly be said
that the Konzas raised any corn this year. They farm mostly on the bottom
lands of the Kansas river, which was overflowed from bluff to bluff, sweeping off
all of the fencing, houses, etc. As soon as they found that their crops were late,
they made for the buffalo grounds, and returned home the 15th of September
HIGH WATERS IN KANSAS. 477
last for the purpose of receiving their annuity and to procure powder, lead, etc.,
and left again in a few days after receiving their annuity. This tribe follow the
chase. They number between 1600 and 1800. They are a stout, active people.
Their crops were very promising until they were overthrown. The Konzas bot-
tom lands are vastly fertile. I asked them how they expected to live this year;
they replied that they could not tell ; that their only dependence was on the
buffalo and other game. — Richard W. Cummins.
September 22. — Have frost on yesterday and this morning.
September 21. — Rainy most of the day.
September 25. — Visit Notono to make arrangements to have the Indians'
goods brought out from Shawnee.
September 26. — Conclude to go to the Shawnee with the Indian brethren on
Monday next to divide among them contributions from Cincinnati.
September 27. — Rainy most of the day.
September 28. — Very cold for some days past.
September 30. — Was to have accompanied the Ottawa brethren and sisters
to Shawnee to-day to divide out to them the goods, etc., given to them by the
brethren in Cincinnati, but my wife being very sick, I cannot go. Write to
Brother Pratt for him to attend to it, and nearly all of the brethren and sisters
go in on horseback.
September 30 (Great Nemaha Subagency). — "The past season, you must
be aware, has been a most unpropitious one for farming operations. The un-
precedented fall of rain which took place in June and July, by which much of the
best farming lands of the Indians was several times wholly inundated, has been
a serious drawback upon the aggregate value of the farming products. Sac and
Foxes of Missouri river. — S. M. Irvin."
October 7. — Most of the brethren returned from Shawanoe loaded with pres-
ents from Cincinnati. They received clothing, provisions, cooking apparatus,
tools, medicine, furniture, and money to the amount of between $1000 and $1100.
October 9. — Received from our Baptist brethren in Cincinnati a box of
clothing, etc. A thousand thanks to our kind friends.
October 17. — Received the balance of the Cincinnati contributions, and esti-
mate the whole to be worth near $1300, 8200 of which was sent especially to my
family.
October 19. — The snow commenced falling for this fall on the day before
yesterday. It fell all the afternoon, all night, and until noon of yesterday, and
about three or four inches deep, and it is melting off in the evening.
October 20. — The snow melts off and the weather moderates.
October 26. — Ride to Westport and other places, where I witnessed terrible
destruction from a tornado which passed about a mile from us on day before
yesterday evening. Nearly all the fences, trees, houses, etc., in its course are
prostrated. Many people are wounded. Hear of eight lives being lost.
November 8. — Gather, haul and bury my turnips, twelve or fourteen bush-
els; also carry in and put away in the cellar mj crop of potatoes, eight or ten
bushels, which are the whole amount of my crops for 1844.
December 5. — Brother Barker and I open and assort five boxes of clothing
just arrived from Boston for the sufferers of the late flood.
The Flood of 1844. — "The spring of 1844 was warm and dry until May, when
it commenced to rain, and continued for six weeks — rain falling every day.
What is now Kansas City, Kan., and Kansas City, Mo., was covered with four-
478 KANSAS STATE HISTORICAL SOCIETY,
teen feet of water. The Missouri backed up to the mouth of Lime creek, and
Jersey creek was backed up to the crossing on the Parallel road." — Wyandotte
Herald.
Mr. Henry Harvey, in his "History of the Shawnees," says: "In the year
1844, they were visited by a great flood, which swept off their houses and a large
amount of grain ; many of their farms were laid waste."
W. W. Cone, in his "Shawnee County History," says: "In the flood of 1844,
all their houses and boats were washed away (Papan Bros.), and they all went
back to Kansas City to live. . . . During the flood, Major Cummings, pay-
master of the United States army, wishing to cross from the south to the north
side of the Kaw river (at Topeka), stepped into a canoe at about the corner of
Topeka avenue and Second street, and was rowed by an Indian from there to the
bluffs, near the present residence of J. M. Harding, in Soldier township, the
water then being twenty feet deep over the ground where North Topeka now
stands. One of the Pa pans lived in a house on the island just above the bridge.
This house stood the flood until the water came above the eaves, and then was
washed away. This island at that time was part of the mainland."
The following on the same subject is from a paper prepared for the State
Historical Society by O. P. Hamilton, Esq., of Salina: "The great flood of
1844, of the lower Mississippi and upper Missouri, fell upon these plains, and
evidences were seen as late as twenty years ago along the Kansas river and its
tributaries. Eighteen years ago we were shown by the Papans (French residents
among the Kaw Indians living near Topeka) the high-water mark of 1844 of the
Kansas river, which had inundated the bottoms from eight to ten feet. We do
not question the above, as we found the same evidences on the tributaries. On
the Solomon river driftwood and a carcass (pretty well dried up) were found
lodged in trees at a height that would cover the highest bottoms several feet.
Driftwood was found along the foot of the blutfs of the Saline valley, indicating
the same high state of water. Evidences of great floods were also found on the
Smoky Hill, and the water must have flooded the present town site of Salina,
Kan., four feet deep. This great flood was seen by the Indian trader. Bent, lo-
cated on the upper Arkansas river, who at the time was on his way to Missouri.
He had to follow the divides as best he could. Every river was full from bluft' to
bluff." . .
Among the set of manuscript volumes from the oSice of the superintendent of
Indian affairs, at St. Louis, is one of letters from the agents and missionaries
among the Indian tribes in Kansas, covering the years 1839-'46, from which the
following extract is made :
"Fort Leavenwokth Agency, January 6, 1845,
" Sir — ^I send by W. C. Cummins book of treaties; be pleased to leave it in
the care of Simpson & Hunter, or Mr. Price. You will find enclosed a statement,
as near as I can come at it, of the number of Shawnees, Delawares, and Munsees,
including men, women, and children, that were deprived of the means of subsist-
ence by the high waters during the last spring. Since I saw you to-day I have
been meditating on the subject, and have come to the conclusion that it will be
best to furnish the Kanzas and Munsees with corn earlier than the 1st of March.
I do not know how much corn you expect to give to the Shawnees and Dela-
wares. One thing I feel sure of, that most of the Indians that suffered by the
freshets are now in want of corn, and that if they now had all you intend to give
them, they would take care of it and not let any of it get wasted, and the Kanzas
HIGH WATERS IN KANSAS. 479
more so than any of the others. There are a good many of the latter tribes now
at home ; when the others will return I am unable to say. If you give the
Kanzas 2500 bushels, I think 500 might be given to them or delivered to me at
the Kanzas mission or farmer's house as early in February as it can be got
there. I incline to believe that corn cannot be delivered at the farmer's house
for less than one dollar per bushel, if it can for that. It is at least 100 miles
the wagon road, and some very bad places, tho' the road is generally good. It
will be much harder on teams after the winter breaks up or after there comes a
general thaw, say in the months of March and April, than while the earth is
solid. If a contract is let out for the delivery of corn at the Kanzas village
farmer's house, I would not be surprised if it did not come under $1.23 per
bushel, and my present impression is that it will be best to let out a contract for
the delivery of the corn for this tribe, say 500 bushels by the 20th February,
500 by the 1st of March, 500 by the Ist April, 500 by the 1st May, and 500 by
the 1st of June, 1815. It is possible I may be deceived — I wish I may — respect-
ing the price of corn can be delivered to the Kanzas. Your instructions on the
subject will be promptly attended to.
I am, respectfully, &c., Richd, W. Cummins, Ind. Agt.
"Col. Thos. H. Harvey, Supt. Ind. Ajf., St. Louis, Mo."
Phil. E. Chappell, of Kansas City, Mo., who had been a Missouri river steam-
boatman for thirty years, wrote as follows, in May, 1903:
"There have been many great freshets in the Missouri since it was known to
the white man. The first of which we have any account in the annals of the
stream occurred in 1785. There were no settlements on the river at that day ;
hence the only accounts possessed are those which have come down by tradition
from the Indians and the early French voyaguers. The American Bottoms, on the
Mississippi, opposite St. Louis, were entirely submerged, and great damage was
done in the French villages of Cahokia, Kaskaskia, and Chartres, all located on
the Mississippi below St. Louis. The freshet marked an era among these early
settlers and tho year was ever after known as the 'year of the great flood.' The
water, it is said, came out of the Missouri.
"In the spring of 1811 the waters of the Missouri rose to an unprecedented
height. The first settlement had been made in the Boon's Lick country, op-
pose Boonville, Mo., the previous year; hence there were no farms to be injured
or crops to be destroyed. We have no means of knowing how high the water
reached that year, but that it overflowed the entire bottom, in the lower part of
the river, and caused great damage to the settlements on the Mississippi, is at-
tested by the early records.
"In the spring of 1826 a very singular overflow occurred at the mouth of the
Kaw. There are two or three persons now living in Kansas City who were living
here then ; for it was in the previous year ( 1825) that the Indian title to the land
where the city now stands was extinguished, and the pioneers crossed the Blue.
In that year the annual June rise was very high and the Missouri was flowing
bank full. It so happened that just at that time there came down from the Kaw
a tremendous rise, like a solid wall of water. This tremendous wave, when it
reached the Missouri, could not escape, but was dammed up and thrown back
over the west bottoms, which it submerged ten or twelve feet.* The entire bot-
* Rev. William F. Vail, superintendent of missions among the Osages at Harmony, from
1821 to September, 1834, writes as follows to the board, under date, Union (on the Neosho, near
the south line of the state), July 14, 1827, concerning the year 1826, from which is quoted :
" The whole summer might be called a rainy season. The season before was remarkably dry ;
the streams were never known to be so low as during the winter. About the 1st of March our
river rose and overflowed its banks beyond anything seen before. It swept away our large corn-
480 KANSAS STATE HISTORICAL SOCIETY.
torn was then, of course, a primeval forest, and where now stand the immense
warehouses of a city were dense thickets of pawpaw and grape-vines. The same
concurrence of circumstances may never take place again, but nature sometimes
repeats her strange freaks.
"But by far the most destructive flood that ever occurred on the Missouri river
was in 1844. It is remembered as the 'great flood of 1844,' and will never be for-
gotten by those who witnessed its terrible results. It was caused, as usual, by
continuous rainfall on the lower river coming on top of the annual June rise. The
month of May had been attended with unusual rains and for weeks previous to
the 10th of June the precipitation had been unprecedented. The downpour had
been almost continuous for weeks. About the 5th of June the water began to
overflow the banks, and the river continued to rise until the 18th, when (at Jef-
ferson City) it came 'to a stand and began to recede. The entire bottom from
the Kaw to the mouth of the Missouri was completely submerged, and from
bluflf to bluff the river presented the appearance of an inland sea. The destruc-
tion of property, considering the sparse population, was enormous, and much
suffering ensued. The channel of the river was covered with driftwood and
houses were frequently seen floating down stream with people clinging to the
roofs. Steamboats no longer confined themselves to the channel of the river,
but ran the cutoffs through the woods and across cornfields.
"One marked peculiarity of the flood of 1844 was the fact that it was confined
entirely to the lower river. It did not extend above Kansas City, and the river
above that point during the entire season was unusually low. Capt. Joseph La
Barge took the steamer "Omega" to the mouth of the Yellowstone that year, and
had great difficulty in ascending the river above St. Joseph on account of the
low stage of the water.
"In 1845, and again in 1851, there was unusual high water in the river and
all the second bottoms and low sloughs were submerged. The damage to the
farms, however, was slight, and nothing to be compared to the destruction of
1844,
"The next most destructive flood in the Missouri river was in 1881, It was not,
however, nearly so destructive as the great flood of 1844, and did not overflow the
field, which was near it. This field was renewed, and thirty-five acres of corn planted, and never
had the mission a better prospect of a crop. Hopefield was also overflowed for the first time to
our knowledge. This was also planted and promised well. But through the summer the rains
continued; the ground was wet and the air chilly; sudden changes were common, and may
have had great influence in producing the sickness. The most appalling scene, however, was re-
served for the month of September. It was in this month, about the middle, that the earth,
already overflowing, could no longer drink in the rain that came oft upon it. Fresh torrents
from the clouds descended ; the Neosho commenced its second great rise, and it was great in-
deed. Mr. Fuller, our farmer, was residing on the bank of the river, near the farm. In the
spring the water had risen four feet in his dwelling. They now, as then, placed their furniture
in the chamber, and fled with only their wearing apparel to the mission houses. They returned,
and lo! the water had swept away their house, with their little all, and it was seen no more.
The field of corn, the labor of a summer, was destroyed ; all went before the flood. And, also,
Hopefield: for there the product of the toil and sweat of the poor Indians — their summer's
work and winter's dependence, already gathered into the granaries — was swept away; their
log buildings which they had rolled together, their fields and fences, all were swept away in one
night, and they escaped houseless to the hills. Our brother, Requa, also, superintends the set-
tlement, and his family were residing there. Supposing the flood could not exceed that in the
spring [a foot-note says the water rose ten feet higher than in the spring], they remained till
they had to escape for their lives. So rapid was the rise, that they, too, lost all their furniture,
except the little they could take off in a small canoe. The loss sustained by the mission the
last year, in stock and in corn, but chiefly in corn, cannot be less than $2000. But the Osage
settlers lost their all ; at least, all they had gained as the fruit of civilization. It was all swept
away as with the besom of destruction ; yet, when I returned to the mission, I found that they
had not become discouraged."
This flood destroyed the town of Hopefield, a settlement of a dozen Osage families. This
Hopefield was four miles from Union, which was south of the Kansas state line. There
were two other Hopefields — one about White Hair's village, and one east of the Kansas state
line. The record shows that the Rev. Mr. Vail " visited the United States from March 20, 1826,
to May 30, 1827."
THE KANSAS INDIANS IN SHAWNEE COUNTY AFTER 1855. 481
entire bottom. The second bottoms and low places were all under water, and
considerable damage was done, especially in the lower reach of the river. This
flood differed from any that had preceded it, in that it occurred in March and the
first part of April, and before the mountain rise had arrived in the lower river.
It was caused solely by the unusual rainfall, and not from the melting of enow in
the Rockies."
THE KANSAS INDIANS IN SHAWNEE COUNTY
AFTER 1855.
Written by Miss Fannie E. Cole, of North Topeka, for the Kansas State Historical Society.
"jl/TY father, Joseph M. Cole, and family started on their journey to "Sunny
■^^ Kansas" from Illinois on the morning of May 10, 1855. I was a small
girl then, but the memory of that bright and beautiful May morning is vividly
before me.
There being no railroads we traveled by wagon, the journey occupying nearly
a month.
Of that journey, so momentous and exciting to the imagination of a child, I
will not speak, but will pass at once to our early Kansas experiences.
We crossed the line from Missouri into Kansas at Westport late in May (I do
not remember the exact date), and journeyed to Lawrence, then only a village,
where we remained several days. My mother wished to remain there, but my
father having somewhere gotten a pamphlet, setting forth in glowing language
the glories and advantages of a certain city named Whitfield, which was de-
scribed as already possessing elegant residences, banks, schools, etc., while pros-
pects of a university loomed up in the near future, decided not to choose a
permanent home until he had visited it.
So we came to Topeka, another insignificant little village, and we wondered
why any one was foolish enough to try to build a town there, when the flourish-
ing city of Whitfield was so near, for it was said to be on the magnificent hills
across the Kansas river, a few miles north of Topeka. It was indeed a brilliant
example of the mendacious imagination of the author of the above mentioned
pamphlet, one J. B. Chapman, for when my father visited this city, the site of
which he found with some difficulty, there were neither schools, churches nor
residences — not even one Indian wigwam — nothing but the vast rolling prairie.
J. B. Chapman was an Ohio man who came to Kansas at the beginning of
her career as a territory, and having staked out the city of Whitfield on what is
now known as Rochester, three miles north of Topeka, endeavored to create a
boom in town lots by writing the pamphlet, a copy of which fell into my father's
hands. Chapman's wife was much younger than himself, and was a woman
suffragist, and she visited the territorial legislature in the interests of that move-
ment. They both returned to Ohio in the winter of 1855-'56, and we afterwards
heard that she separated from her husband, and some years later we heard of his
death.
My father settled on a farm near the little town of Indianola, two or three
miles west of "Whitfield," consisting of one store or trading-post, and one dwell-
ing occupied by Lewis Vieux, a half-breed Pottawatomie, and quite an intelli-
gent man.
We took possession of our new home June 6, 1855. It was situated on what
was known as the "Delaware Trust Land." I suppose that when Kansas
formed part of the Indian territory, this tract was a portion of the Delaware re-
—31
482 KANSAS STATE HISTORICAL SOCIETY.
serve, which, upon the organization of Kansas into a territory, was by them re-
linquished to the United States government, to be sold to settlers for their
benefit. Our farm lay just north of the third mile of the Kaw half-breed reserve.
The Kaws, being a Western tribe of Indians, I think that they once claimed all
the area of Kansas, and perhaps more, as their hunting grounds, and when the
government made a treaty with them, for the purpose of removing various tribes
of Indians from the East to these lands — the Kaws having twenty-three half-
breeds in their tribe — reserved twenty-three tracts, each containing one square
mile, all lying contiguous to each other on the north bank of the river, extending
from the east line of the Pottawatomie reserve, about three or four miles west of
Topeka, down to the vicinity of Lecompton. As these tracts followed the course
of the river, as a natural consequence some of the miles extended further north
than others, and when the government surveys were made there were many
fractional "quarters," as they were called, between the northern lines of these
tracts and the sectional lines.
Our farm consisted of one of these fractional quarters, containing something
over ninety acres, and forty-six acres of the regular quarter section, the remain-
der of which formed part of the Indianola town site.
The tract of half-breed land just south of us was occupied by Moses Belle-
mere, a Canadian Frenchman, whose wife was Adele La Sert, one of the original
half-breeds. She was the daughter of Clement La Sert, a Canadian Frenchman,
whom I had supposed was a trader among the Kaws. While he lived among
them he married a blanketed squaw and they had two or three children. When
he left the Kaws he abandoned the squaw, but took the surviving children, a
boy and girl, with him. Clement La Sert took for his second wife a woman of
the Osage tribe. She was nearly white, having but very little Indian blood in
her veins, and she trained his Indian daughter in the ways of the white people.
Adele became a fine cook and an exceedingly neat housekeeper, which was in
decided contrast to the life she would have led, had she remained with her own
mother. She married Mr. Bellemere, who was considerably older than she, and
came to live on her allotment several years before we came to Kansas. Her
brother having died, without other heirs, she inherited his allotment. Her
mother had consoled herself by marrying an Indian, whose name I never knew,
but whose mouth was so immense that we always called him "Big Mouth."
One could hardly have blamed Mrs. Bellemere if she had been ashamed of
her mother ; certainly she never showed it, but treated the old woman with
kindness and respect, and made her children do likewise.
The Indian relatives and friends of the Kaw half-breeds came every summer
from their own reservation, at Council Grove, in Morris county, and encamped
in the dooryards and around the premises of the Bellemeres, the Papane, the
DeAubries, and others. Among them was the chief. La Soupe. He was the
tallest Indian I ever saw, and must have been six and a half feet tall. He was
not especially handsome, but was imposing looking.
The handsomest Indian I ever saw was a Kaw, who called himself Thomas
Jefferson. He had been much with white people, and had traveled with a show,
and spoke good English. He had regular features and was certainly very fine
looking.
It was related of Thomas Jefferson that he fell in love with a dusky maiden
of his own tribe, and one day they strolled to the little town of Indianola, which,
I regret to say, was not a prohibition town in those days. He treated her to
two glasses of whisky, whereupon, to use his own expression, "she fell down,"
THE KANSAS INDIANS IN SHAWNEE COUNTY AFTER 1855. 483
meaning that she became too intoxicated to stand, so he left her in great disgust
at her inability to withstand the effects of such a trifling quantity.
Indian women, generally speaking, are far from good looking, but I saw one
girl of about fourteen, also a Kaw, who was a beauty, and she was married to a
hideous Indian old enough to be her father.
To return to Mrs. Bellemere, she lived on her allotment for many years.
When her Indian mother died Mrs. Bellemere refused to allow any Indian cere-
monies, but had her attired in neat burial clothes, and buried like white people.
Mrs. Bellemere herself died about 1870, and is buried in Rochester cemetery. Her
husband and three children survived her. The latter were Joseph, aged about
sixteen, Julia, fourteen, and Leonard, seven. She possessed much influence'
among the Indians, who regarded her as a very superior personage. She had a.
half-brother, her mother's son, who was quarrelsome, and, when intoxicated,,
was dangerous, and though Mrs. Bellemere could generally control him, there
were times when even she was obliged to keep out of his way. He died young.
After her death Mr. Bellemere married a white woman named Hetty Gar-
mire, whose sister, Margaret, married Garland Cummins, an old Indianola saloon-
keeper and an ex-Kickapoo ranger.
In the early days of our residence in Kansas, we knew a man named William
Ally, or Captain Ally, as everybody called him, and I think he was a Kentuckian
by birth, but went among the Indians as trader when he was a young man, and!
passed nearly all his life among various tribes. He finally married a half-breed.
Pottawatomie, who died before we knew him. He used to come to our house
and relate some very thrilling adventures, of which the following is one:
He was at that time in charge of a trading-post among one of the wild west-
ern tribes — it may have been the Pawnees, but I have forgotten precisely which
one — when one day the cabin, occupied as a store, was filled by a band of stern
and murderous-looking Indians. One of their number had been guilty of some
crime, perhaps cowardice in the face of the enemy. After a solemn trial, he was
convicted and sentenced to death. Seeing that they were making preparations
for his immediate execution. Captain Ally endeavored to get them out of the
building, but an old chief, with a very disgusted expression of countenance, gave
him to understand that the blood of the culprit would contaminate the soil of
their village, and they immediately carried out the sentence of the court. Cap-
tain Ally said it was an awful scene and haunted him for years.
On some of the farms just north of Menoken could be seen, within recent
years, and, perhaps, are still visible, large circles in the soil. Many years ago a
large village of Kaws was established there. It was probably the village of a
chief called Fool Chief, and, judging from the little I have hea^d of him, I im-
agine he was well named. Some years ago I taught the Menoken school. In
the early springtime these circles showed very plainly all over the level, freshly-
plowed fields.
484 KANSAS STATE HISTORICAL SOCIETY.
RECOLLECTIONS OF EARLY TIMES IN KANSAS
TERRITORY.
FROM THE STANDPOINT OF A REGULAR CAVALRYMAN.
Written for the Kansas State Historical Society by Robert Morris Peck,* late private Com-
panies E and K, First United States Cavalry, Whittier, Cal.
44 T)UT I had heard of battles, and longed to follow some war-like lord unto the
-D battle-field." Or words to that effect. That's how I came to go to Kan-
sas. I was a 17-year-old boy, serving an apprenticeship in a printing-office in
Covington, Ky., when I met a gay recruiting sergeant, one day in November,
1856, and that settled it. I then and there "jumped my job," ran away from
home and enlisted for five years in E company, First Cavalry, which regiment
was then wintering at Fort Leavenworth, Kansas Territory. With a lot of other
recruits, I was sent by railroad to Jefferson Barracks, Missouri, whence, after
being drilled and disciplined throughout the winter, until the ice broke up in the
Missouri river, about the last of February, 1857, 300 of us were loaded onto a
a couple of steamboats — for there were no railroads reaching Kansas then — and
started, running the gauntlet of snags and ice up the muddy Missouri.
Just as we neared the western line of Missouri we stopped at what seemed to
me a miserably dirty little town, stuck in among hills and hollows, and this, I
was told, was the Kansas City, Mo., that T had heard so much about. I volun-
teered the prophecy that Kansas City could never possibly make much of a town
in such a location. The subsequent phenomenal growth of that great railroad
center and mart of trade has long ago convinced me that I am neither a prophet
nor the remotest relation to one.
As we approached Fort Leavenworth we stopped at another little village that
had previously been called New Town, but was now trying to assume city airs
under the more dignified title of Leavenworth City. A few business houses
fronting on the steamboat landing and along Second street, was about all there
was of Leavenworth City then, except the scattering residences back of these,
many of which were almost hidden among the scrub-oaks and hazel-brush.
As the " wild and woolly west" unfolded before me, my boyish mind was alive
to all the new and strange features peculiarly western that the panorama pre-
sented. As the steamer drew slowly in towards the Fort Leavenworth landing
we all gathered on the hurricane deck, scanning the Kansas shore with anxiety,
to see what our new station looked like; but seeing nothing resembling a fort-
no buildings, in fact but a large warehouse near the water's edge, in front of
which an infantry sentry, in full uniform, with bright musket and fixed bayonet,
paced stiffly back and forth — I asked an old soldier near me, who had been there
before. Where 's the fort ? Directing my gaze up over the hill back of the ware-
house he pointed to Old Glory floating from the top of the garrison flag-pole, and
below it the roofs of some of the buildings. " That 's the fort, about three-
quarters of a mile back," he said.
He next called my attention to the garrison water-works, which was something
* Robert Morris Peck was a resident of Kansas for a few years after the close of the civil
war, living at Leavenworth and Baxter Springs. After the expiration of his term of enlistment
in the regular army he served as a wagon-master in the army of the frontier. He promises the
Society a statement concerning the Harper county bond swindle, which was conceived and
planned at Baxter Springs. He has been for years a very popular writer for the National
Tribune, Washington, D, C.
EARLY TIMES IN KANSAS TERRITORY. 485
altogether new and novel to me, and interested me very much. The aforesaid
water-works consisted of a six-mule team and wagon driven into the edge of the
water about hub deep, and in the wagon eight or ten barrels, with the upper
head out, set on end. The "power" was a couple of prisoners from the guard-
house, guarded by a sentry with musket and bayonet. One of the prisoners
stood on the hub of a wheel, clinging to the top of the wagon-box with one hand,
while dipping up water in a large camp-kettle with the other, passing it to the
other prisoner who stood in the wagon and emptied the water into the open bar-
rels, which were not covered to keep the water in; and the water-wagon was
doing well if it reached the fort with each barrel two-thirds full. The team was
then driven around in rear of the officers' and soldiers' quarters, the prisoners
dipping the water out and filling the barrels kept near the back doors for that
purpose. I subsequently found that this primative style of water-works was the
only kind in use at all of Uncle Sam's frontier posts that I visited. The same
system was also still in vogue in many of the towns of Kansas some years after
the civil war; and in many of the "back counties" they are probably hauling
water in barrels yet.
Fort Leavenworth at that time was anything but an attractive-looking place —
nothing to compare with the beautiful post it has since been made — but was
even then a post of considerable importance, being the depot for the distribution
of supplies for many of the western forts.
On account of the prevailing disturbances between the proslavery and free-
state factions a considerable force was kept there. At the time we reached it
the garrison consisted of the whole of the First cavalry and Sixth infantry regi-
ments and several companies each of the Fourth artillery and Second Dragoons,*
with Colonel Sumner, of the First cavalry, in command of the post.
As many of the officers of our regiment cut something of a figure in the early
history of Kansas, and also in the civil war a few years later, it may be of inter-
est to mention the most prominent.
Our colonel, Edwin Vose Sumner, familiarly called "the old Bull o' the
Woods," needs no introduction to the early settlers of Kansas. Although then
(in 1857) well advanced in years, with hair and beard white as snow, he was still
quite vigorous, every inch a soldier, straight as an arrow, and could ride like a
Cheyenne. Sumner was the ideal veteran commander, and was idolized by his '
men. He was a natural-born soldier, and always seemed happiest when there
was a fight in sight. He attained rank and fame in the Army of the Potomac,
but died, before the struggle was ended, from injuries received in the war.
Our lieutenant colonel, Joseph E. Johnston, was a history-maker on the rebel
side during the civil war. We soldiers did not admire "old Joe" as much as
we did "old Bull." Johnston was too cautious; he lacked the dash and aggres-
siveness of Sumner.
Our majors were John Sedgwick and William H. Emory.
Our captains were Wm. N. R. Beall, Delos B. Sackett, Thomas Wood, James
Mcintosh, Sam. D. Sturgis, William Dessansure, William Walker, Edward W.
B. Newby, George Burgwin Anderson, and George H. Stewart.
George B. McClellan had been a captain in the regiment, but had resigned
before I enlisted.
* At the beginning of the civil war there were but five mounted regiments in the service :
First and Second Dragoons, Mounted Rifles, and First and Second cavalry. In 1861 the desig-
nation of all mounted men was changed to cavalry, regiments ranking according to date of or-
ganization ; the two Dragoon regiments becoming the First and Second cavalry, the Mounted
Rifles, Third cavalry, and the former First and Second cavalry coming in as Fourth and Fifth
eaTalry.
486 KANSAS STATE HISTORICAL SOCIETY.
Among our lieutenants were James E. B. Stuart, George D. Bayard, David
Stanley, Eugene A. Carr, Frank Wheaton, Eugene Crittenden, Eli Long, David
Bell, Jos. H. Taylor, Jas. B. Mclntyre, Elmer Otis, John A. Thompson, and
others.
Capt. W infield Scott Hancock, Sixth infantry, vpho also subsequently became
a prominent figure in the civil war, was post quartermaster at Fort Leavenworth
at this time. During the war he was dubbed "Hancock, the Superb," by his
fellow officers, and the compliment was well bestowed, for he was one of the
handsomest, most magnificent-looking officers I ever saw, and also a first-class
soldier and polished gentleman.
The Cheyenne Indians had been on the war-path for a year past, committing
all sorts of depredations on the overland routes through Kansas and Nebraska,
and orders had been sent out by the war department for Colonel Sumner
to take the field in person during the coming summer, hunt the hostiles down,
and bring them to terms, or chastise them properly. I will here take occasion
to remark that such orders from Washington to punish hostile Indians were
generally neutralized by a clause admonishing the commander of the expedition
that he must first exhaust all means of conciliation before beginning hostilities.
While waiting for the grass to come, preparatory to starting on the Cheyenne
expedition, we were occasionally sent out into the territory, a company here and
-there, chasing Jim Lane, John Brown, or James Montgomery, and their free-
•state followers, dispersing or arresting them when we succeeded in catching any
of them.
It was noticeable that many of our officers, being Southern men, entered into
this sport with considerable zest. Colonel Sumner was a fair and just man, and
I believe he tried to deal with impartiality between the factions, but his orders
from a proslavery secretary of war compelled him to use considerable harshness
at times towards the free-state men.
I was too young then to know much about politics, or to study the political
situation deeply, but having been born and raised in Kentucky, in an atmos-
phere of hostility to everything that savored of free-state doctrines, where a
man's life would be in danger if he advocated such principles, I had always
heard there but one side of the argument and had naturally imbibed the popu-
lar sentiment of my state. But when I got out in the world where I heard both
sides of the controversy fairly presented I began to do a little more thinking for
myself, with the result that by the time my five years in the army was finished
I cast my maiden vote for Abraham Lincoln.
In addition to the Cheyenne expedition another important piece of work was
assigned to our troops for the coming summer — that of surveying and marking
the southern boundary line of Kansas. Our regiment, ten companies, and six
companies of the Sixth infantry, were divided into three commands, and assigned
to duty as follows: Four companies of First cavalry and two of the Sixth in-
fantry under command of Lieut. -col. Joe Johnston and accompanied by a party
of surveyors, were ordered to proceed south to a designated point on the west
line o.f Missouri, and from there to run out and mark a line westward to the Rocky
mountains, as the southern boundary of Kansas territory. I don't think there
was any established western limit to Kansas at this time, but the territory was
said to extend west to the "divide" of the mountains.
Our Cheyenne expedition was to be divided in two commands. Four com-
panies of the First cavalry, commanded by Major Sedgwick,* were to proceed by
*The family of Maj.-Gen. John Sedgwick published in 1902 his correspondence in two vol-
umes, covering the period from July 23, 1846, to April 26, 1864. General Sedgwick graduated at
West Point July 1, 1833, and served continuously in the army of the United States until May 9,
EARLY TIMES IN KANSAS TERRITORY. 487
way of the Santa Fe road and upper Arkansas river to the foot of the mountains,
unless the Cheyennes were sooner found; thence over to the South Platte and
down that river till meeting Colonel Sumner's command, which, consisting of
the remaining two companies of the First cavalry and four of the Sixth infantry,
were to go from Fort Leavenworth to Fort Kearney, thence on to Fort Laramie,
and then back across to the South Platte to form a junction with Sedgwick. If
the hostiles had not been found by either command in this time, a pack-mule
expedition was to be fitted out by the two commands united, to scour the coun-
try between the South Platte and Arkansas in search of them. Each of these
three commands was reenforced by a couple of twelve-pounder mountain howit-
zers, drawn by four mules to each piece, and manned by detailed dismounted
cavalrymen.
On the 18th of May, 1857, Sedgwick's command, four companies of the First
cavalry, marched out of Fort Leavenworth, starting on this expedition. The
company I belonged to, E, (Capt. S. D. Sturgis) was with Sedgwick, and Sturgis
was the ranking captain of Sedgwick's party. Next day Lieut. -col. Joe John-
ston started on the boundary-line expedition. A day or so later Colonel Sum-
ner's command, the other half of our Cheyenne expedition, took the road for
Fort Kearney.
As we (Sedgwick's command) marched westward, we found the settlements
of Kansas few and scattering, generally being confined to the timber along the
watercourses, most of the prairie land being yet unoccupied. Easton, on the
Little Stranger creek, and Osawkee, on the Grasshopper, were mere hamlets, of
probably a dozen houses each. At Hickory Point, where there was but one
dwelling-house and a blacksmith shop, the property of a Mr. Lowe, a cannon-
ball hole in the shop was pointed out to me by one of the old soldiers as having
been recently made in a "scrap" between the proslavery and free-state men.
Passing through Indianola, on Soldier creek, we crossed the Kaw river a little
beyond, fording the river on our horses, but ferrying our wagons over, one team
at a time, on a flatboat, pulled back and forth by means of a rope stretched be-
tween trees on opposite banks, entering the old Santa Fe road just after crossing
the Kaw, a few miles west of Topeka.
Council Grove, a small village at this time, was the farthest western settle-
ment on the Santa Fe Trail in Kansas, except Allison's ranch, at the mouth of
Walnut creek, five miles west of the Big Bend (the point where the Santa Fe
road first strikes the Arkansas going west), and Bent's Fort on the upper Ar-
kansas, where Fort Wise was afterwards built. Just south of Council Grove
the government had established a reservation, agency and mission for the Kaw
tribe of Indians, where teachers, preachers, farmers and mechanics were trying
to teach them the arts of peace — more particularly, how to earn their bread
by the sweat of their brows — but with indifferent success; for Mr. Lo invariably
develops an inherent horror of labor, and would sooner raise hell and hair any
time than corn. After passing Council Grove we were fairly on the plains and
saw little more of timber, consequently had to depend mostly on buffalo-chips
for fuel ; and the prairie chickens, which were so numerous in the Kansas
settlements that they were a great nuisance to the farmers, were seen no more
after we struck the plains.
1864, when he was killed by a sharpshooter while making preparations for the battle of Spott-
sylvania. His service in Kansas is given as follows: "On frontier duty at Fort Leavenworth,
Kan., 1855; quelling Kansas border disturbances, 1855-'56; Cheyenne expedition, 1857, being en.
gaged in the action on Solomon fork of the Kansas, July 29, 1857, and skirmish near Grand Sa-
line, August 6, 1857; Utah expedition, 1857-'5S; Fort Leavenworth, Kan., 1858; Fort Riley, Kan.,
1858-'59, 1859-'60; in command of Kiowa and Comanche expedition, 1860; and at Fort Wise, Colo.,
1860-'61."
488 KANSAS STATE HISTORICAL SOCIETY.
At Cottonwood creek, about fifty miles west of the Grove, we saw the first
buffalo, a few scattering small bands appearing at a distance; but from there on
their numbers increased amazingly, and, when in the thick of their range, we
were often in great danger from the stampeding of the vast swarms of these
animals that covered the prairie in every direction, for when those immense
herds started on a ruD it was impossible either to stop or turn them out of their
course. Of late years I hesitate to tell people of the vast numbers of buffalo I
have seen at one sight on the plains in those early times, for when doing so 1
often find my listeners looking at me with an incredulous smile, that seems to
say: "He is another one of those old frontier liars we 've heard about." One
who has never seen them can scarcely comprehend the vastness of those herds.
Some seasons they would be found ranging farther east or west than others, the
distance through the herds east and west varying from 150 to 200 miles. They
drifted north in summer and south in winter.
The first settlement of prairie-dogs that I noticed was at the Little Arkansas,
but from that time on throughout the trip we were seldom out of sight of these
interesting little animals.
As we were approaching the Big Bend, crossing the level stretch of eight
miles between the Plum Buttes and the Arkansas river, with our beef herd and
a train of about fifty eix-mule teams strung out behind us, we had an exciting
bit of experience in a buffalo stampede, a description of which may assist the
reader to realize the immensity of the herds of these animals near the center of
their range. This stampede might have resulted in a direful calamity to us but
for the prompt action of Captain Sturgis, who, having been in such a predica-
ment before many times, knew just what to do and how to do it.
Sedgwick, though an old officer in the service, had never had much experi-
ence on the plains, having been in the artillery for nearly twenty years, and the
sight of that brown mass of animals — so vast in extent that we could see no end
in flank or depth — thundering towards us in an irresistible torrent, made him
turn pale, as he appealed to Sturgis: "Sturgis, what '11 we do?"
"Time is too precious for explanations now, major," replied the captain; " bet-
ter turn the command over to me for a little while — I '11 steer you through it."
"Take command, captain, take command, and give your orders," replied
Sedgwick, eagerly.
Before the last word was out of Sedgwick's mouth Sturgis was giving his
commands: "Orderly bugler, give my compliments to company commanders
and say that Captain Sturgis is in command. Then hurry on back to the train
as fast as you can go, and give my compliments to the quartermaster and tell
him to corral his wagons quickly, in as small a space as possible, teams heading
south, with the beef cattle inside the corrall."
The buffalo were coming from the north. In another moment Sturgis had
us headed about and going back to the train on a gallop. At the start of the
stampede the buffalo had been probably two miles or more from us. On reaching
the train, which was being hurriedly formed in corral, with the beef herd on the
inside, as ordered, Sturgis halted us and commanded: "Dismount, to fight on
foot! " This leaves each No. -4 holding the horses of the other three men of his
set. We quickly "formed ranks," after dismounting, and were then marched
out, on " double quick," about a hundred yards to meet the buffalo. Our flanks
were then thrown back, forming us in the shape of a huge V, with the point
towards the coming herd, and the open ends of the V enclosing our horses and
train.
The stampede was now coming near, driving right at us, making the earth
EARLY TIMES IN KANSAS TERRITORY. 489
tremble, presenting a solid front as far as we could see, right and left. To me it
was a fearful sight, for I thought, " What will be left of^uslwhen that dense
avalanche of horns and hoofs sweeps over us ? " I had been told that we were to
split the herd by firing into them, but could not see how they could find room
to divide, they were crowded so closely together. However, when the command
was given, " Commence firing," we poured into their faces such a sheet of fire
and lead from our Sharp's rifles that they did the impossible, splitting, by crowd-
ing savagely to the right and left, actually climbing over each other in their
frantic efforts to avoid our withering fire, thus making an opening that cleared
our train and horses ; but that torrent of brown wool went right on without any
perceptible check in its speed.
We stood there loading and firing as fast as we could work our pieces, boxes
of cartridges being brought up from the ammunition wagons and placed in
rear of each company to keep us supplied, and it seemed at times that in spite of
our efforts we were doomed to be overwhelmed by that living tornado; the dust
they kicked up was often blinding to us, as well as to the buffalo, and we had
been crowded back, inch by inch, till we were closely packed about our horses and
wagons, when we were greatly relieved to perceive a thinning and straggling in
the threatening mass, and were glad to hear the command to "Cease firing."
The danger, with the bufl'alo, had passed, leaving the ground around us covered
with dead and badly crippled buffalo, while many wounded ones went limping
on after the stampeders. I heard one of the officers say, as he looked at his
watch, that it lacked but a few minutes of half an hour from the command
"Commence firing" to "Cease firing," with the buffalo going on a steady lope
all the time.
We cut up and stowed away in our wagons the choicest meat from some of
the young and tender buffalo, and leaving the rest of the killed and crippled for a
grand feast for the wolves, we moved on to the Big Bend, camping on the bank
of the river. Next morning we passed Allison's ranch, at the mouth of Walnut
creek. Be it understood that these frontier "ranches," as they were called,
were mere trading-posts, no efforts being made by the proprietors at any agricul-
tural pursuits or stock raising. They were there to catch the trade of travelers
and Indians, and usually kept a small stock of such goods as the trade demanded.
They also made profitable speculations in trading for the lame or give-out ani-
mals of passing trains or emigrant outfits, and after recuperating, selling them
again to other travelers.
As a necessary precaution against Indian attacks, these ranches were always
enclosed by walls or palisades, the ranch buildings being strung around the in-
side of the enclosure, leaving an open court or corral in the center of sufficient
capacity to contain all the amimals belonging to the establishment. For traffic
with Indians a long, narrow opening, about waist-high, to be closed when need
be by a drop-door on the inside, was made in that side of the storeroom that
formed a part of the enclosing wall, and through this slit all trade with the red-
skins was conducted, thus avoiding the risk of admitting them to the enclosure.
A watch tower was frequently built on a prominent corner of the wall, and in
dangerous times a lookout was maintained day and night.
Our road from the Big Bend westward lay along the north bank of the Ar-
kansas river, sometimes several miles off, sometimes close in.
Old Fort Atkinson, at the western junction of the "dry route" and river
road, had been abandoned by the government several years previous to our trip,
and nothing was left standing of it but some of the corners of the old 'dobe
walls, about as high as a man's shoulders. The nearest timber to Fort Atkinson
490 KANSAS STATE HISTORICAL SOCIETY,
was fourteen miles north, on a branch of Pawnee Fork, that has since been
named Sawlog creek. Previous to its occupation as a military post by the gov-
ernment, the site of Fort Atkinson had been held by a trading post, conducted
first by one Mann, and subsequently by one Macky, and the place was frequently
spoken of by old plainsmen as Mann's Fort, or Fort Macky, and these names
were used to indicate the place about as often as Fort Atkinson.
About fifteen or eighteen miles west of the ruins of old Fort Atkinson was
the Santa Fe crossing of the Arkansas. The crossing was opposite — almost un-
der—a high bluff, that overlooked the ford and surrounding country for some
distance. In recent historical sketches, I have noticed some diversity of opinion
between writers as to the relative location of and distance between old Fort At-
kinson and the Santa Fe crossing, varying from eight to twenty-six miles. I
have traveled the road and camped many times at both places, and we always
considered it a short day's march between them, and we usually called the dis-
tance fifteen or eighteen miles, but I never knew the exact measurement.
We had passed the western limit of the buffalo herds that season when we
reached old Fort Atkinson, and saw no more of them beyond there. At the
Santa Fe crossing, of course, we parted company with that famous old trail, and
traveled along the north bank of the river on a well-worn road, then called the
California trail.
The Santa Fe road, from the Arkansas to the Cimarron, then ran about due
north and south on the sixty-mile stretch, without water, called the " journeda,"
for I remember to have noticed, in traveling it afterwards by night, coming from
the Cimarron to the Arkansas, that we were going towards the north star all
night.
All the freight for the western country was then transported across the plains
in wagon trains, sometimes of mule teams, sometimes oxen. We had met sev-
eral of these outfits from New Mexico, going into the states for goods, their
wagons being usually empty, but sometimes carrying light loads of wool in huge
sacks, that being about the only commodity that New Mexico exported. We
had also overtaken and passed some freight trains going out loaded, and several
emigrant outfits en route to California. The teamsters employed in the New
Mexico trains were mostly Mexicans.
Frequent graves were to be seen along the roadside, many of them being
marked by rude wooden crosses. Such almost invariably indicated the last
resting place of some Mexican, who is always a Catholic. I had noticed, too,
but thought it the result of carelessness in placing the crosses on the graves,
that nearly all these cross-pieces were in a slanting position, but on mentioning
this peculiarity to one of the old soldiers, he informed me that when the hori-
zontal piece was slanted it meant, "died with his boots on," or a violent death —
usually killed by Indians — and that where the cross-piece was fastened at right
angles to the upright (and these were few, for people seldom die of disease on
the plains), it signified, "died on the square," or a natural death.
Major Sedgwick had employed at Leavenworth, as guides, scouts and trailers
for the expedition, a half-dozen Delaware Indians from their reservation on the
Kaw river, near Lawrence. They were under the command of old Fall Leaf, a
noted chief of their tribe. The Delawares had then adopted white men's garb
and ways to a great extent, and were far superior to the plains Indians. They
did us excellent service throughout the trip.
The Arkansas river, from where we first struck it, at Big Bend, to some dis-
tance west of the Santa Fe crossing, was a broad, shallow stream, showing many
sand-bars and islands, but no timber except a few scattering trees now and then
EARLY TIMES IN KANSAS TERRITORY. 491
■on some of the islands, but as we approached the mountains we found more tim-
ber along the river banks, and the stream grew narrower and deeper.
Bent's Fort, on the upper Arkansas, was the second white man's habitation
we struck after leaving Council Grove. It was admirably located on a high
bluff that overlooked the river and adjacent bodies of timber, and commanded a
view of the surrounding country for miles. It was a typical frontier trading
post, and, with its motley crew of retainers and hangers-on of Mexicans, Indians,
French-Canadian and white trappers, and their various equipments and appur-
tenances, made quite an interesting picture of frontier life. There had originally
been three of the Bent brothers engaged in trapping and Indian trading on the
frontier — William, Charles and Robert — and, although I subsequently became
well acquainted with "Colonel" Bent,='= who was the only survivor of the three,
and the proprietor of Bent's Fort at the time of which I write, yet I cannot re-
call his Christian name. We usually addressed him as "Colonel," or spoke of
of him as " Old Bent." He had held the position of Indian agent under the
government for several years, hence his title of "Colonel," it being customary to
confer the title of "Major" or "Colonel" on Indian agents as a matter of
courtesy.
Bent was then (1857) out of office, but the agency of the five tribes — Chey-
ennes, Arapahoes, Kiowaa, Northern Comanches, and Prairie Apaches — was still
maintained at his post, "Maj." A. B. Miller having succeeded Bent as agent. t
Bent had a Cheyenne squaw for his wife, and quite a flock of half-breed children.
The three older ones, Charlie, Bob and Mary were nearly grown, and had been
educated in a Catholic school in St. Louis, Mo. Charlie Bent, a few years later,
became notorious as a leader of the hostile Cheyenuea, and gained the reputa-
tion of being one of the worst Indians on the plains.
Shortly after passing Bent's Fort, following the California trail up the river,
we got our first sight of the snow-covered summit of Pike's Peak, resting on the
western horizon like a small white cloud, which many of us thought it really was ;
but day after day, as we marched towards it, the white cloud grew larger, higher,
and plainer, other mountains on each side of it coming into view, till in a few
days it seemed like we were running up against the whole Rocky Mountain range.
Near the mouth of a creek called Fountain que Bouille, we turned off from
the Arkansas and struck over the divide for the head of Cherry creek, passing
through some fine bodies of pine timber. At a point shortly before leaving the
Arkansas, a small collection of 'dobe shanties on the opposite bank of the river
had been pointed out to me as Pueblo, then a small settlement of Mexicans and
trappers.
Soon after reaching Cherry creek, while marching down it, we met a party of
six or eight men — Missourians, and all afoot — with a little old wagon drawn by
*Wm. W. Bent was agent for the Cheyennes and Arapahoes in 1859 and 1860, making a re-
port the former year. He was also one of the commissioners for the United States in the treaty
with the Comanches and Kiowas on the Little Arkansas, near- Kansas, October 18, 1865. See
note about the Bent brothers, Historical Society Collections, volume 7, page 327.
t Three years later (1860), the government, through Major Sedgwick, bought Bent out and
we (Sedgwick's command) built Fort Wise (name afterwards changed to Fort Lyon) in the
low flat, on the river bank just above, using Bent's old establishment on the hill as a commis-
sary and quartermaster's store. The selection of that low bottom, which had only about eight
feet elevation above the low-water stage, as the sight for locating a permanent post, always
seemed tome to show very poor judgment in Sedgwick and his officers, for they ought to have
known that the annual "June rise" in the Arkansas river was liable to inundate that low
ground and compel its evacuation, which actually occurred a year or so later, and was the
cause of the abandonment of the post, the government again buying Bent out, and building
■new Fort Lyon, twenty-five miles up the river.
492 KANSAS STATE HISTORICAL SOCIETY.
a single yoke of steers, driven by a big "buck nigger," the slave of one of the-
men, on their way back to Missouri. These inen were the first diHCoverers of
(/old in the Pike''s Peak regioa. I have always been sorry that I did not ascer-
tain their names, and more about them, in order to give them the credit to which
they are entitled, for giving to the country so important a discovery. The honor of
this discovery has been claimed by others, but I am satisfied that those Missourians
were the first to make known to the public the presence of gold in that part of
the country. Remember this was all Kansas territory then.
Those men had a wounded comrade lying in their wagon who had accidentally
shot himself through the hand, in pulling his rifle out of the wagon muzzle
foremost, a day or so before we met them; the wound had reached the gangrene
stage, and they halted to ask surgical aid from our doctor. Our surgeon decided
that it would be necessary to take the man along with us, and while halting to
bring up a wagon and transfer the man, we got a chance to talk to them a little,
and they told us their troubles. I think they had been in the mountains between
the mouth of Cherry creek and Pike's Peak all winter and spring prospecting,
and had found plenty of gold, some of which they showed us, put up in bottles
and little buckskin bags.
They had originally intended to keep the discovery of gold a secret, but the
Indians had run off all their stock except the yoke of steers, and had otherwise
made life such a burden to them that they finally concluded the only way to
make mining safe and profitable was to go back to Missouri, proclaim their dis-
covery, make up a strong party that would be able to hold their own against the
Indians, and return determined to have "the dust."
We parted company with them — they continuing on towards the States, and
we moving on down to the mouth of Cherry creek, where Denver now stands, and
camped, on the 29th of June, 1857. The next day being our regular bimonthly
muster day, we laid over at this camp, and were mustered for two month's pay.*
Our surgeons, Doctors Coveyf and Brewer, J amputated the wounded prospector's
hand at this camp, and a few days later found it necessary to take his arm off
above the elbow.
The California trail, which we had been following, crosses the South Platte
here, just below (north of) the mouth of Cherry creek, and seems to take through
the mountains, while we leave it and follow down the right bank of the river on
a dim wagon-trail that did not appear to be used much.
This part of Kansas Territory was literally a "howling wilderness," with little
indication of its having been occupied or traversed by white men, except the old
wagon-road we had been traveling, with here and there a stump and a few chips
by the roadside, as the mark of some California emigrant. Game was very
abundant, and comparatively tame. Herds of elk, antelope, and deer were fre-
quently seen from the trail as we marched along, and occasionally a bear. Old
Fall Leaf and his Delawares proved to be expert hunters, as well as good guides
♦Wherever we happened to be on the last days of February, April, June, August, October,
and December, we were always mustered for two month's pay at a time. This did not neces-
sarily imply pay, for we would not get the money until we got back to Fort Leavenworth, or in
reach of a paymaster somewhere else.
t Edward N. Covey, Maryland. Assistant surgeon, August 29, 1856; resigned June 1, 1861.
Died September 1867.
XVa. special order No. 59 of Lieut, Stephen D. Lee, dated Fort Leavenworth, April 27, 1858^
naming troops to be sent to Fort Scott, on the requisition of Governor Denver, is the following
paragraph: "V. Assistant Surgeon Chas. Brewer, medical department, is assigned to duty
with this command."
EARLY TIMES IN KANSAS TERRITORY. 493
and trailers, for they almost kept the command in fresh game meat while we were
traveling through this foothills country.
We had one or two desertions shortly after leaving Cherry creek, and our
officers seemed to fear that the reported gold discovery had caused these men to
abscond for the purpose of going into the mountains prospecting. For fear of
others being led to desert to go gold hunting they caused to be circulated through
the camp reports that the rumored gold discovery was a fake, and instructed the
wounded prospector to contradict his first statements and deny the discovery of
gold in paying quantities.
On the second day's march down the South Platte, after leaving the mouth of
Cherry creek, we passed the ruins of three old abandoned trading posts, a few
miles apart, which I was told were formerly called respectively : Forts Lupton,
Lancaster and St. Vrain, after their several owners. They seemed to have been
abandoned several years, nothing remaining but the crumbling 'dobe walls. In-
side the walls of one we found a small cannon, apparently about a four-pounder,
without carriage, half buried in the crumbling dirt. This piece had probably
been disabled and left by the proprietor when he abandoned the place. We left
it as we found it.
On the Fourth of July we laid over on the bank of the Platte, and, with our
two howitzers, fired our national salute of thirty-two guns in honor of the day.
We had now got clear of the foot-hills and timbered country and were back
again on the plains. We had expected to form a junction with Colonel Sumner's
command somewhere in this part of the country, but had not heard a word from
them since leaving Fort Leavenworth. As the echo of our last gun died away
we were cheered by the answering boom of cannon from down the river, and dis-
tinctly counted thirty-two guns. Of course, we understood that this must be
from Colonel Sumner, and Major Sedgwick immediately dispatched one of Fall
Leaf's young Delawares to the colonel's camp, which was found to be about
fifteen miles down and on the opposite side of the river, near the mouth of Crow
creek.
Next day we moved down opposite the colonel's camp, and in fording the
river to join him got a lot of our horses and mule teams mired in the quicksands,*
but finally got over without the loss of an animal.
Sumner's command, two companies of cavalry and four of the Sixth infantry,
had come by Fort Kearney, and then went on to Fort Laramie, on the North
Platte, and, hearing nothing of the Cheyennes in that direction, he had come
♦Here, in the middle of the South Platte, was the first time and place that I ever re-
member to have seen P. G. Lowe, Colonel Sumner's chief wagon-master, who there assumed
control of our trains. One of Wagon-master Cecil's teams had bogged down, and Cecil was
sitting there on his riding mule looking bewildered and helpless, and seemed afraid of getting
himself wet. Lowe came riding up on a horse, and — well, the language ha used to Cecil I'm
sure he never learned in Sunday school. It was both emphatic and persuasive, for he made
Cecil get down in the water, nearly waist-deep, and hold up above water the head of a mule
that was about to drown, until he could get help enough to work the team out. It was a way
Lowe had of exhorting bashful wagon-bosses and teamsters. I afterwards served as assistant
wagon-master under him at Fort Leavenworth during the war, and got so I could understand
his language perfectly.
[ Percival G, Lowe still lives in Leavenworth, and has attained great prominence in Kansas
public affairs. For biographical sketch see vol. 7, p. 101. He has written several chapters
of early recollections for the State Historical Society, notably, " Kansas, as Seen in the Indian
Territory," vol. 4, p. 360, and "Recollections of Fort Riley," vol. 7, p. 101. He is now
publishing in the Journal of the United States Cavalry Association, Fort Leavenworth, a series
of articles entitled, " Five Years a Dragoon." A marvellous interest attaches to the days when
the solitude of these prairies was broken only by the Indian and the buffalo. Mr. Lowe's story
is five years preceding Mr, Peck, or from 1849 to 1854.— Secretary.]
494 KANSAS STATE HISTORICAL SOCIETY.
across from Fort Laramie to this camp. At Fort Kearney the colonel had hired a
squad of Pawnees for guides and trailers, judging that their hereditary enmity for
the Cheyennes would prompt them to a vigorous pursuit of the enemy, but they
proved to be inefficient and not at all comparable to our Delawares. We lay at
this camp five days, preparing for a pack-mule expedition across the country
from the South Platte to the Arkansas, in quest of the Cheyennes.
On the 13th of July, with twenty days' rations on our pack-mules and other-
wise lightly equipped, we crossed the river, leaving our trains of six- mule teams
under charge of P. G. Lowe, chief wagon-master, escorted by a company of the
Sixth infantry, to return to Fort Laramie for a supply of rations and forage, and
then again to come back to the South Platte, about the old Salt Lake crossing,
and there await orders from Sumner.
The wounded gold prospector, whom I have mentioned, was left with our
train and I never heard of him again, but suppose he recovered and returned to
his home in Missouri.
I think most of the officers and soldiers of our pack-mule outfit fully expected
that we would find and clean out the Cheyennes and get back to our supply-
train within the twenty days for which we were rationed. But I doubt whether
Colonel Sumner and the more experienced men anticipated such an easy job, for
it was said of the "old bull o' the woods" that whenever he started on such a
trip he never expected to get back in twice the time of his rations, and during
the last half after rations had run out, his command was liable to have to sub-
sist on their pack-mules or horses, if he struck a warm trail.
We left all extra luggage with our wagons, such as tents, blankets, and over-
coats, taking no clothing but what we wore, and no bedding but our saddle-
blankets, lightening ourselves and our horses of every pound that could possibly
be dispensed with. We took no wheeled vehicles except one two-mule ambu-
lance for the use of the sick, and the four mountain howitzers, which were
united in a four- gun battery under command of Second Lieut. Geo. D. Bayard,
of G. company. We were entirely without shelter. The colonel took along a
tent-fly, to use for headquarters and adjutant's office, and one fly was allowed
for the hospital.
After crossing the river we followed down the south bank of the South Platte,
eastward, for three or four days, and then bore away in a southeast direction. Our
guides seemed to have ascertained or guessed something of the whereabouts of
the Cheyenne village, and led us as though they knew where they were going ;
though the old lodge-pole trail we were following was by no means fresh — ap-
parently not having been used for a year or more.
On the sixteenth day from the time of leaving our train, on the 29th of July,
traveling generally in a southeast course, we found the Cheyennes, and thought
for awhile that we had "found more Indians than we had lost." During the
previous day our Delaware scouts, who usually kept the country explored for ten
or twelve miles in advance and on each flank, had found some fresh signs. The
country being somewhat broken in many places, for we were near the head-
waters of Solomon river, Colonel Sumner had taken the precaution to march the
command in three columns, " en echelon " (a sort of stair-step formation ), from
which they could be brought quickly into line, to meet an attack from the front,
rear, or either flank. Our pack-mules were kept close in our rear. The three
infantry companies, and sometimes the battery, would unavoidably drop to the
rear in rough ground, but we made frequent short halts to allow them to close
up. Be it remembered that this was all a treeless prairie, with seldom even a
bush to be seen.
EARLY TIMES IN KANSAS TERRITORY. 495
On this day (July 29), about ten o'clock a. m., old Fall Leaf sent one of his
Delawares galloping back from the front to report to Colonel Sumner that his
trailers had sighted a small party of Indians, some distance ahead, who seemed
to be retreating as our scouts advanced. This proved to be a reconnoitering
party of Cheyennes who had been sent out to watch us, and were falling back
on the main body as we approached. Colonel Sumner seemed to fear that the
Cheyennes were all on the retreat and might escape us ; so he determined to
push on with the six companies of cavalry, and try to bring the enemy to a fight,
even if he had to leave the infantry and artillery behind. And it is probable that
the Indians had planned to draw us out in a rapid pursuit of that decoy party,
and after getting us well strung out to fall on us with their whole force and clean
us up in detail; for, as we afterwards learned, they had no notion of running
from us. Instead, they had come out fifteen miles from their village, selected
their ground to fight on, and were coolly awaiting our approach apparently so
confident of defeating us that they had made no preparations for moving their
village, a precaution they seldom neglect when they are about to have a fight near
their camps.
As soon as the colonel got the word that the Indians had been sighted, he
halted the command and sent orders to all company commanders to see that
their men were prepared for action. At the command, we dismounted, tight-
ened up saddle-girths, and examined arms and equipments to see that every-
thing was in fighting order. Little preparation was necessary, however, for we
had frequently been admonished on the trip to keep our "kits" in good shape,
and were always ready for a call. As soon as the captains remounted their com-
panies and reported ready for action, the "old man" rode out in front of the
center column and made a little speech. He had a very loud, strong voice, and
I think this, together with his well-known fighting proclivities, had probably
earned for him the name "Bull o' the Woods," by which sobriquet his men were
fond of speaking of their old white-headed, white-bearded fighting colonel. His
speech on this occasion was about as follows: "My men! the enemy is at last
in sight. I don't know how many warriors the Cheyennes can bring against us,
but I do know that if officers and men obey orders promptly, and all pull to-
gether, we can whip the whole tribe. I have the utmost confidence in my
officers and soldiers. Bugler, sound the advance ! "
As the clear notes of the bugle rang out, followed by the captains' " Column
forward! march !" we again struck the trail, and all seemed encouraged by the
colonel's confidence. This was the first bugle-call we had heard for several days,
Sumner having dispensed with those signals lately, lest the sound might be
borne to the ears of some scouting Cheyenne ; but now there was no longer any
use for such precaution. A few minutes after we had resumed the march, the
notes of "Trot!" reached us from the colonel's orderly-bugler, and each captain
commanded: "Trot! March!" Our pack-mules were also put in a trot, and
kept close in our rear. The infantry, of course, now dropped behind. Lieuten-
ant Bayard's battery kept up with us for a little while, but soon, in crossing a
miry little creek, some of his mules bogged down, and we left them floundering
in the mud, with Bayard swearing a blue streak at the unfortunate detention.
We saw no more of the infantry or battery until after the fight.
It seemed a little reckless of the colonel to scatter his command this way, and
attack an enemy of unknown numbers on their chosen ground with only a part
of his force, but he had probably estimated all the chances and was so much
afraid that the Indians would get away from us that he decided to try to bring
them to a fight and take the risk of either whipping them or holding them till
496 KANSAS STATE HISTORICAL SOCIETY.
our reenforcements came up. Deducting the "sick, lame, and lazy," who had
been left behind with the train, and the men on detail manning the battery and
attending to the pack-mules, we had scarcely an average of fifty fighting men in
the ranks of each company of cavalry — a little less than .300 men all told — ready
to go into action.
As we came down a hollow from the upland prairie, debouching onto the
Solomon river bottom, and rounded a bluff-point that had obstructed our view
to the eastward, before us and extending down along the north bank of the river,
was an almost level valley of several miles, at the lower end of which stood a few
scattering Cottonwood trees. About these trees we could see a dense mass of
moving animals that at first looked like a distant herd of buffalo. But we had
been told by our guides that we were more than two days' march west of the
buffalo range. Several of the officers halted long enough to take a look through
their field glasses, and promptly announced: "They are Indians, all right, and
a swarm of them, but no sign of lodges ; they seem to have been halted about
those trees, and are now mounting and moving this way."
Soon we began to see the glint of a rifle barrel or lance point here and there,
reflecting the rays of the sun. We afterwards discovered that the Cheyennes
had been awaiting our arrival several hours, in the vicinity of the trees, had
coolly unsaddled and turned their horses out to graze, and they and their mounts
were well-rested and fresh'.when the fight began, while we and our horses were
quite jaded. We found near those trees, after the fight, a number of their
saddles, blankets, and other impedimenta that they had discarded ; for, on going
into battle, the Indian warrior wants the free use of every limb and muscle,
usually dispensing with everything in the way of clothing but his "gee-string,"
leggings, and moccasins, often doffing even his leggings, many times throwing off
his saddle and riding barebacked, to give his horse more freedom of action.
When the Indians had approached near enough that we could make a rough
estimate of their numbers we saw that they greatly outnumbered us, and
noticed that they were advancing in a well-formed line of battle, but differing
from our formation in being several ranks deep, and preserving sufficient inter-
vals between the men to give each perfect freedom of action. And all the time
they were yelling as if
"All the fiends from heaven that fell
Had pealed the battle-cry of hell."
Things happen pretty lively and thought flies like lightning at such a time.
I remember to have thought, as I made a mental estimate of our chances, while
we got into line, "Of course we '11 have to whip them, for it 's a groundhog case;
but I wish the infantry and battery were here, for I'm afraid ' Old Bull ' has
bit off more than he can chew." If the colonel thought anything of the kind
there was no sign of it, for he never hesitated, but went right ahead as though
the prospect just suited him. The men used to say they believed he would fight
a buzz-saw.
Just when we were nearly in rifle range of the enemy we saw our old Delaware
chief. Fall Leaf, dash out from our line till he got about midway between the
two bodies, when he suddenly halted his horse, raised his rifle, and fired at the
Cheyennes. As he turned and rode back, followed by several shots from the
enemy, we heard Colonel Sumner say in a loud voice to Lieut. David Stanley,
who was beside him: "Bear witness, Lieutenant Stanley, that an Indian fired
the first shot!"
It is probable that he had been hampered by one of those milk and- water
orders from Washington, to "first exhaust all means to conciliate the Indians be-
EARLY TIMES IX KANSAS TERRITORY. 497
fore beginning hostilities," and he seemed relieved to be able to establish the
fact that an Indian fired the first shot, pretending not to have noticed that said
first shot was fired by one of his own Indian scouts and not by a Cheyenne. Up
to this time the colonel was possibly expecting that the Cheyennes might halt,
display a white flag and request a " pow-wow," but now that he could establish
the fact that an Indian begun hostilities, he was under no obligations to wait
longer for peaceful overtures from them to satisfy the demands of the weak-
kneed sentimentalists of the East.
When the Cheyennes were almost in rifle-shot they were outflanking us both
right and left. Our right vvas moving along the bank of the river. A large party
of the Indians had crossed the river, and, after passing our right, was about to
recross and come in our pack-train in the rear. They were also turning our left,
all the while keeping up that infernal yelling. Noticing that the Cheyennes
were turning our left, the colonel ordered Captain Beall (the left company) to
deploy his company to the left and head them off. He seemed to have deter-
mined to offset the disparity of numbers by a bold dash that would create a
panic in the enemy's ranks, and roared out, "Sling — carbine ! " then immediately,
"Draw — saber I" and wo knew the old man was going to try a saber charge on
them.
I noticed with some surprise that when the command "Draw — saber" was
given ( which I then thought was a serious mistake in the colonel ) and our three
hundred bright blades flashed out of their scabbards, the Cheyennes, who were
coming on at a lope, checked up. The sight of so much cold steel seemed to
cool their ardor. The party that had started to cross the river after passing our
right also hesitated, and Captain Beall, with his company deployed to the left,
easily turned back those that were turning our left flank. I then said to myself,
"I guess 'Old Bull' knows what he is doing, after all; he knows the Indians
will not stand a saber charge." And so it proved.
At their first checking of speed, a fine-looking warrior mounted on a spirited
horse, probably their chief, dashed up and down in front of their line, with the
tail of his war-bonnet flowing behind, brandishing his lance, shouting to his
warriors, and gesticulating wildly, evidently urging his men to stand their
ground, when he saw symptoms of a panic among them. Many of us found time
to admire his superb horsemanship, for he presented a splendid sight as he
wheeled his horse, charging back and forth, twirling the long lance over his head
now and then.
The Indians had almost ceased their yelling, had slowed down almost to a
walk and were wavering. We had kept a steady trot, but now came the com-
mand in the well-known roar of "Old Bull," "Gallop — march!" and then im-
mediately " Charge ! " and with a wild yell we brought our sabers to a " tierce
point" and dashed at them.
All their chief's fiery pleading could not hold them then, for every redskin
seemed suddenly to remember that he had urgent business in the other direction,
but as they wheeled to run they sent a shower of arrows toward us, by way of a
"parting shot" as it were. Few of the missiles, however, took effect. They
scattered as they ran, some going to the north, some east, but by far the greater
number struck across the river and went south ; and these, as we afterwards
discovered, were heading for their village, which was about fifteen miles south of
the Solomon, on the next creek.
Our men, of course, became much scattered in following them, fighting oc-
casionally, when a party of the Indians could be overtaken and brought to bay,
-32
498 ' KANSAS STATE HISTORICAL SOCIETY'.
but their horses were fresh and well rested, while ours were jaded. It was a
running fight, mostly a chase, for about seven miles, when the colonel had
"recall" sounded, calling us back to the Solomon where the fight began. Our
pack-mules had been ordered halted there when the charge was made to await
the result.
It was estimated that about thirty Cheyennes were killed, though they were
scattered over the country so far and wide that it was almost impossible to count
the dead correctly. If it had not been for the fact that a number of their horses
had stuck in the quicksands while crossing the river, we would have got but
few of them. Some ten or twelve Indians who had been compelled to abandon
their mired horses in the river, and who had reached the further side afoot, were
soon overtaken and killed on the slope of the hill after crossing. They fought
like devils as long as there was breath in them, never seeming to entertain the
idea of surrendering, for they generally believed that if taken alive they would
be tortured to death the same as they would have served us if taken prisoner by
them. It was here on the slope of the hill, after crossing the river, that most of
their casualties occurred. Quite a number of the dismounted Indians escaped by
being taken up behind others of their comrades who had got through with their
horses, but many of these were overtaken on account of the double load.
Besides the dread of torture, Indians consider it a great disgrace to surrender
while yet able to fight. As a rare instance of disregard of this rule, one strap,
ping big Cheyenne, who had lost his horse, but was not wounded at all, sur.
rendered to a party of our men, without offering any resistance, seeing that there
was no chance of escape.
When I got back to the Solomon river, after the "recall" had been sounded,
I found the colonel establishing camp on the south bank, about opposite the
ground where we made the charge. The three companies of the Sixth infantry
and Lieutenant Bayard's battery were just crossing the river, coming into camp,
all cursing their luck at being left behind. The hospitaftent fly had been hastily
put up to shelter the wounded from the hot sun, and I went there immediately
after finding my company's camp and unsaddling and picketing out my horse,
anxious to learn who had been killed or wounded. At the corner of the hospital
tent my attention was first drawn to two still forms, side by side, covered by a
saddle-blanket, and on turning back the blanket I was shocked to meet the dead
face of an intimate comrade, Private George Cade, of G company, and alongside
of him Private Lynch, of A company. A small hole in Cade's breast, over the
heart, showed where a Cheyenne's arrow had gone through him, which must
have killed him instantly.
Lynch had been shot several times with arrows and twice with his own pistol,
and a cut around the edge of his hair, with the edge of the scalp turned back,
showed that the Indians had also attempted to scalp him. He had been detailed
t3 lead his company's pack-mules for the day, and was so occupied just before
we came into line to make the charge. Seeing his first sergeant i)aseing near.
Lynch called to him to ask if he could n't send another man to relieve him, as he
wanted to go into the fight. The sergeant replied: "No time for any change
now. Lynch; you '11 have to stay and hold the mules," and then rode on to join
his company. Just then the charge was ordered. Lynch was heard to exclaim,
indignantly : " Hold hell in a fight ! Does he suppose I 've come all this way out
in the wilderness to hold pack-mules when there 's a fight going on ? " And with
that he dropped his leading strap, drew his saber and charged with his company.
After crossing the river, Lynch's horse — a fiery, hard-mouthed thing — took the
bit in his teeth and ran away with him, outrunning his company, overtaking a
EARLY TIMES IN KANSAS TERRITORY. . 499
party of the Indians who shot him with arrows until he fell otf his horse; then,
halting and dismounting quickly, they drew Lynch's pistol out of its scabbard,
shot him twice with it, and one Cheyenne had boldly begun scalping him when
our men overtook them and killed several near where he lay. His revolver was
found in the hand of one of the dead Indians, but his horse had continued run-
ning with the fleeing Cheyennes, and we never saw it again.
Cade and Lynch were all the killed, but under the tent-fly were twelve
wounded. Among the number, First-lieut. James Elwell Brown Stuart ±iad
received a pistol ball in the shoulder from an unhorsed Cheyenne whose life
Stuart was trying to save : it is possible that the Indian had misunderstood
his intentions. None of the wounded were mortally hurt. One of the most
seriously injured was Private Cook, of G company, who had had an arrow through
his breast, very similar to the wound that killed Cade, but, though spitting
blood occasionally, Cook seemed determined not to die, and finally recovered and
served out his time a hearty man. The wounded were being attended to as well
as could be under the circumstances, and Colonel Sumner was circulating among
them, examining their condition, speaking cheerfully to each, and giving direc-
tions for making them more comfortable.
It was estimated that there were about 900 or 1000 of the Cheyenne warriors.
If Colonel Sumner had known that we were almost in sight of their village when
he gave up the pursuit, it is probable that he would have gathered his men and
followed them right on, but we did not discover that their camp was so near in
time to take advantage of the opportunity to inflict further punishment on them.
The fact was we were all pretty well tuckered out, as were our horses, also; and
probably our Delaware scouts were in a similar condition, and, on that account,
had failed to penetrate the country far enough in advance to detect the Cheyenne
village.
Old Fall Leaf and his Delawares went into the fight with us, and did good
service, but the cowardly Pawnees, that Colonel Sumner had brought with him
from Fort Kearney, only followed in our wake, scalping the dead Cheyennes,
and gathering up their abandoned ponies, of which they had collected about
sixty head, which the colonel agreed to let them keep as part pay for their ser-
vices.
As I have before mentioned, some of our men had taken one Cheyenne pris-
oner. On hearing of this, after the fight, the Pawnees went in a body to Sum-
ner's headquarters and tried to buy the prisoner of him, in order to have a grand
scalp-dance over him, and put him to death by torture, offering to surrender to
the colonel the sixty captured ponies, and also to forfeit the money that was to
be paid them on their return to Fort Kearney, if he would only give them that
Cheyenne, and they seemed fairly wild with a fiendish desire to get him into
their possession. Of course, the old man would not listen to any such a barba-
rous proposition, and promptly ordered them back to their own camp, on the
outskirts of ours. They went away, very angry at his refusal. The "Old Bull"
was so disgusted with the conduct of the skulking Pawnees this day that he im-
mediately discharged them, and they started next morning back to their village,
near Fort Kearney.
I have always felt sorry that we could not have managed some way to turn
that Cheyenne over to the Pawnees, in order that I might have been enabled,
by witnessing the "hop," to write a description of the ceremony, for few white
men have seen such afl"airs and lived to tell it; and in such matters I have al-
ways felt that I would sooner that an Indian was given the "post of honor."
We had probably been a little improvident with our rations on this trip, at
500 KANSAS STATE HISTORICAL SOCIETY.
least in my mess, for, although this was only the sixteenth day since we left our
train, we ate the last of our twenty days' rations this day. It began to look like
hungry times ahead. We had been driving a small herd of Texas steers along,
from which to draw our fresh meat, but now, for fear we would soon exhaust
that supply, Colonel Sumner thought best to cut down our allowance of beef
from one and one- fourth pounds a day to the man, which is the full ration, to
three fourths of a pound.
From the place where we had left our supply train, at the mouth of Crow
creek, on the north side of the South Platte, to the battle-ground on Solomon
Fork, we had been traveling about southeast. After the fight, we followed the
Cheyennes' trail nearly due south, or a little east of south, coming out on to the
Santa Fe road and Arkansas river, on the 9tb of August, at old Fort Atkinson;
not seeing a buffalo or any other game, except an occasional coyote, in the whole
distance.
On leaving our train, Colonel Sumner had directed his chief wagon-master,
P. G. Lowe, to take the outfit back to Fort Laramie, load up with commissa-
ries and grain, return to the South Platte, and wait about the Salt Lake crossing
until he heard from us, or until we joined the train there. Lowe performed his
part all right, but we failed to connect with him, much to our regret; for the
colonel had been disappointed in not getting to give the Cheyennes such a chas-
tisement as he had wished to, and still hoped to be able to overtake them and
give them another drubbing: and accordingly decided to make the effort to catch
them again, even with the prospect of having to subsist on our pack-mules and
horses.
As we had but one ambulance, that would not hold half of them, and, with
no other means of transporting our wounded, Sumner determined to leave one
company of infantry here on the Solomon, to take care of them until they were
able to travel, and then they were to make their way to Fort Kearney,
Capt. Rensselaer W. Foote, with his company of the Sixth infantry, was de-
tailed to perform this service; and to prepare them to defend themselves against
a possible attack of a returning party of Cheyennes, we turned to and threw up
a sod-and-dirt wall about five feet high, enclosing a square plot of probably about
fifty feet each way — large enough to contain the little garrison and their ani-
mals.
Next forenoon, after burying the dead, and leaving Captain Foote's party a
dozen head of beef cattle, as their share of the remaining subsistence, we sad-
dled up, about ten o'clock, and resumed the Cheyenne trail southward ; and
about the middle of the afternoon, at the distance of about fifteen miles from the
Solomon, we were much surprised to see the Cheyenne village looming up before
us, lodges all standing; but our scouts soon brought back word that the enemy
had vamoosed, and in such a panic, too, that they had left their lodges and a great
deal of their other property ; apparently having rushed off with what few things
the squaws could hastily pack up, as the defeated and demoralized warriors had
come rushing back after the fight, supposing that we were following right on
their heels.
We were soon riding through the deserted village, in which we found no living
thing, except a few female dogs with fresh litters of pups. The evidence of the
Indians' wild panic was to be seen everywhere; buffalo robes, blankets, skins of
many kinds, dressed, half-dressed, and undressed, bead-worked leggings and
moccasins — in fact all sorts of "Injun fixin's" were scattered about in wild con-
fusion. It is a custom with them for a warrior to stick a slim rod in the ground,
in front of his lodge, on which he strings the scalps he has taken. We found a
EARLY TIMES IN KANSAS TERRITORY. 501
number of these standing untouched — a plain indication of the extremity of
their fright and wild rush to escape us; for the occasion must be one of the
greatest urgency when they will abandon these trophies.
Their camp was well located in a horse shoe bend of a little creek, having
some few trees and bushes along its banks. Our men helped themselves to such
of the Indian property as they could make use of or take albng; but our trans-
portation facilities were too limited to admit of carrying off anything but necessi-
ties. Many of the men supplied themselves with leggings and moccasins, which
soon became useful, for we were getting very ragged already, and before we again
got iu reach of a supply of clothing, many of us had but little more to wear than
an Indian in his "gee-string."' The most valuable thing we found in the village
was a lot of dried buffalo meat packed up in jjarflfche cases (receptacles made
of half-dressed rawhide, patterned like huge letter envelopes), convenient pack-
ages for transportation on pack animals. We gladly appropriated this buffalo
meat, but found nothing else in the way of food. After selecting such stuff as
we could make use of we pulled down their lodges and made bonfires of every-
thing left in the camp, and established our camp for the night in an adjoining
bend of the creek.
I have an unpleasant remembrance of our experience for the next twenty-
three days after the battle; of long and exhaustive marches in the hottest and
driest part of the season, and almost at the point of starvation. Our miserable
pittance of three-fourths of a pound of fresh beef to the man, of the poorest
quality, issued each afternoon after camping (and in a day or so after the fight
we had n't a bit of anything else in the way of food, not even a grain of salt),
was sometimes eked out by using the meat of a horse or mule that chanced to
give out and would be shot to prevent its falling into the hands of the enemy.
We found frequently along the trail freshly made graves, showing that a
number of the Cheyennee had succumbed from their wounds after the fight. It
soon became evident that there was little prospect of our catching them again,
for the trail showed that several parties had split off from the main body since
leaving their village; and by the time we reached the Arkansas river the band
we were following was small, and well in the lead of us.
On account of its historical interest I have been anxious definitely to locate
our battle ground on Solomon fork, and had hoped that the finding of the re-
mains of our little breastwork by some of the early settlers who went into that
country after the civil war, might be the means of establishing its exact loca-
tion. In 1901 I published in the Xatiunal Tribune, of Washington, D. C, the
narrative of my five years' soldiering on the frontier, including an account of
the Cheyenne expedition, and hoped that it might attract the attention of some
pioneer of northwestern Kansas who might have noticed the traces of our old
sod corral, and would tell us about it: but not a word has ever been heard of it.
I have since corresponded with several parties whom I thought might be able to
give me the desired information, but have found no one who knew or ever heard
anything about it.
It has been suggested that we may have been mistaken, and that the fight
was on some other stream, and not the Solomon ; but I have always felt confi-
dent that it was the main Solomon — the south fork — and never heard any ques-
tion raised as to its being that river; all our officers and guides seemed satisfied
on that point. Besides our Delawares, we had a competent guide in a white
man (whose name I have forgotton), who lived near Fort Riley, and he said that
he recognized the locality of our battle-ground, for he had previously been out
there with a party on a hunting trip, on which occasion he had followed the
502 KANSAS STATE HISTORICAL SOCIETY.
Solomon up from its mouth on the Smoky Hill. The river at the battle-ground
is a broad, shallow stream, without timber, except the few scattering cotton-
woods before mentioned, where the Cheyennes had been waiting for us, and it
contained numerous visible sandbars and invis.ible quicksands.
I have understood that some settlements were made in that country as early
as 1867, ten years after our sod- walled corral was built. It seems hardly possi-
ble that in that time our breastwork should have been so completely obliterated
as to leave no trace. Even if leveled, it should still show an outline that would
attract the attention of the first comers into that country, and excite their curi-
osity as to how, when and for what purpose it had been built and used.
On reaching the Arkansas, Colonel Sumner sent Major Sedgwick, with his
four companies of cavalry, to follow the Cheyenne trail — which now turned
westward up the river — as far as Bent's fort (with little hope of catching them,
however), and at that post to take possession of anything in the way of rations
that he could find among the goods sent out by the government to be distributed
to the Indiana as annuities. The colonel also immediately dispatched an express-
rider into Fort Riley for a train-load of supplies, to be hurried out to us at the
Big Bend, to which point he moved with the rest of the command, and remained
there till we rejoined him from Bent's fort.
At Bent's Major Sedgwick got some hardtack, bacon, sugar, coffee and salt
from Maj. A. B. Miller, the Indian agent; and we did not have to eat any more
pack mule steak or dead-horse stew during the season. As we had no tents or
bedding, and the weather had turned rainy and chilly, we suffered considerable
discomfort from this source, partially alleviated in a few individual cases by the
assistance of some Indian blankets that Sedgwick appropriated and issued to us,
but which had been intended for the Cheyennes, provided they had come in and
promised to be good. We were sadly in need of clothing, too, many of us being
nearly naked, but there was nothing among the Indian goods that would supply
this want. We heard at Bent's that a party of the Cheyennes had passed there,
still on the run, making for the mountains, all broken up and badly demoralized.
On our return down the river to rejoin Colonel Sumner, at a place called
Grand Saline, on the bank of the Arkansas, we were nearly surrounded by a
swarm of Indians, Kiowas and Comanches, who tried to provoke us to hostili-
ties, and seemed to be fairly spoiling for a fight. Their two villages were on the
move, on the the opposite side of the river, en route to Bent's to receive their an-
nuties from the Indian agent, but evidently thought this was too good a chance
to wipe out a few of Uncle Sam's soldiers to let slip, and were willing and anxious
to do it. though living under the solemn obligations of a treaty of peace with
the government.
Want of space forbids my giving details of this affair, as also many incidents
of the fight on the Solomon ; but, as a historical fact, I feel compelled to state
that, here again Major Sedgwick showed a want of nerve, as he did at several
other times and places of danger while I served under his command. On this
occasion he seemed to be perfectly helpless, and eagerly turned over the com-
mand to my captain, Sam. D. Sturgis, who, by promptness and pluck, bluffed
the Indians off and saved us from a probable massacre. It is an unpleasant
thing to do — and I know it will be unpleasantly received by the public — to make
a statement as a historical fact that casts an aspersion on the valor of one who •
has subsequently gained fame and gone into history as one of the heroes of the
civil war; but I am one of those cranks who believe that history should be
strictly true, no matter whose corns are trodden on ; and during the five years that
I served with Sedgwick on the frontier, on every occasion where we were threat-
EARLY TIMES IN KANSAS TERRITORY. 503
eoed with great danger he plainly showed — a lamentable lack of nerve. My old
comrades who were there know this to be so.
When we reached Colonel Sumner's command, at the Big Bend, we found
that a few teams, loaded with plenty of rations and forage, but with a scant sup-
ply of clothing and blankets, had just reached him from Fort Leavenworth, in-
stead of Fort Riley. The messenger (or express rider, as we called them then)
who had been sent on this errand was big Nick Berry, one of P. G. Lowe's
wagon-masters, who had been serving in the capacity of chief of packers for our
command. On arriving at Fort Riley, Berry had found that the supplies we re-
quired were not to be had there; so procuring a fresh horse at Riley he rode on
to Leavenworth, 130 miles, in twenty- four hours; but his horse dropped dead at
Salt creek, within three miles of Fort Leavenworth, and Nick "hiked" the three
last miles, carrying his saddle and bridle. He then quickly loaded up those
teams and hurried back to Sumner with the much-needed supplies. After
reaching the buffalo range Colonel Sumner's party had had an abundance of
meat, but nothing else to eat till the arrival of Berry's teams.
A passing Santa Fe mail had brought the colonel an order from the war de-
partment to send his command across the country to Fort Kearney, there to join
the forces of Bvt. Brig. Gen. Albert Sidney Johnston, en route to Utah to put
down Brigham Young's rebellion, and for Sumner himself to report for other duty
at Fort Leavenworth.
The evening after our arrival at Sumner's camp an "undress parade" was or-
dered, and it came about as near filling the bill in regard to the " undress " part as
often occurs; for we had not yet received the little bit of clothing that had come
with our other supplies, and many of the men were nearly as lightly clad as In-
dians. For instance, our dandy. Sergeant-major Arlington, the dude of the regi-
ment, who was usually most fastidious in dress — a fine-looking soldier and proud
of it — now performed his duties forming the battalion attired in a pair of moc-
casins, Indian leggings over a pair of dirty drawers, no trousers, an old cut-off
stable frock for shirt, no jacket, and a bandanna handkerchief tied about his head
in lieu of a hat; and this had been his best and only suit since we burned the
Cheyenne village. Many of our men were in as bad or worse fix for clothing.
On parade the adjutant read an order from the colonel, highly commending
his men for their proven pluck, prompt and cheerful obedience and patient en-
durance of great hardships, and saying that, ragged though we were, he was
proud of us. Then came the unwelcome order transferring the command to
Majof Sedgwick, and directing him to proceed with it across the country to Fort
Kearney and there report t6 Gen. A, S. Johnston for the Utah expedition.
In the morning, when we were mounted in line, before making the start to
Kearney, "Old Bull o' the Woods" rode out in front of us to have a parting,
word with his men. He never called us "boys," nor would he tolerate any one
else addressing us by such a puerile title; for he always insisted that there were
no boys in hie regiment — they were all men, and manly men, too.
" My men," he said, in that stentorian voice that could be heard all along the
line, " I am truly sorry to see you start on such a trip so unprepared, but like
the true soldiers that you are, I know you will obey the order cheerfully and
promptly, disagreeable as it is. The War Department is not aware of our worn-
out condition, or, I am confident, this order never would have been issued. I
think I can safely promise you, however, that you will not have to go farther
than Fort Kearney, for I shall hurry in to Fort Leavenworth and acquaint the
department with the true condition of my men and horses ; and by the time you
reach Kearney I am positive you will find an order there sending you back to
504 KANSAS STATE HISTORICAL SOCIETY.
Riley or Leavenworth to winter and recuperate. Till then, good-by, my men,
and God blese you ! " We felt like cheering the old colonel, but rigid military
rules forbid all such hilarious demonstrations, and we knew he would not be
pleased with anything that savored of lax discipline. Taking our Delawares
with him, and a small mounted escort, he started down the Santa Fe road, while
we moved out north across the trackless prairie for Fort Kearney.
Crossing the country here, from the Big Bend to Kearney, we found it a pleas-
ing contrast to what it had been on the Cheyenne trail, about a hundred miles
west of this route. There we had an arid desert, almost, with water and grass
poor and scarce, no timber, no game. Here we find numerous streams of good
water ; plenty of good grass ; nearly all the watercourses timbered ; and we are
in the heart of the buffalo range, with an abundance of other game. Although
the weather had turned somewhat rainy, and we had no tents, and were still
short of clothing and blankets — for the little we had received from Leavenworth
was not enough to go half-way around — yet we enjoyed this trip, and, compared
to the Cheyenne chase, it was a picnic. Some of the men had contracted scurvy,
from our enforced protracted meat diet, but we found plenty of wild plums and
grapes — excellent anti-scorbutics — at nearly every creek, and a free use of the
fruit soon cured them.
We struck the old Salt Lake road two or three days' marches southeast of
Kearney, at a place on the Little Blue called Tremont's Orchard, and there met
Gen. Albert S. Johnston, with his staff and an escort of the Second dragoons, en
route to Kearney, to overtake his command which had been rendezvousing there.
General Johnston halted a little while, to talk with our officers, and then hurried
on, while we followed on more leisurely.
When within a day's march of the fort we found that the "old Bull 'o the
Woods" had fulfilled his promise, for we were then met by our company teams,
coming from Kearney, and the "sick, lame and lazy" of our command whom we
had left with P. G. Lowe's train up on the South Platte, when we started with
the pack-mules: and these men brought with them an order, which General
Johnston had found awaiting him at Kearney, for us to return to Fort Leaven-
worth. General Johnston, however, appropriated the rest of Lowe's train and
took it on to Utah.
We were not to go directly to Leavenworth, either, for the order was accom-
panied by another directing Major Sedgwick, on arriving at Marysville, on the
Big Blue, which was then the farthest town west on this road, to scatter his
command, sending a single company here and there to several different points
mentioned, for another election was about to be held in Kansas, and we were to
umpire the game, and after the election all were to proceed to Fort Leavenworth.
Right glad we were to take the back track for the settlements, every fellow
promising himself all sorts of a good time, to m-ake amends for our hardships,
when we got back into "God's country," and had an interview with the pay-
master, Major James Longstreet (afterwards a rebel general), for it was now the
middle of October, and in a few days more we would have six months' pay com-
ing to us.
After dispersing Lis command from Marysville, as ordered, Sedgwick, who
had been messing with our company officers all summer, accompanied us (Cap-
tain Sturgis's company) to Atchison, where we lay several days, when, the elec-
tion having passed off quietly, we moved on in to the fort. From our stragglers
who joined us with the company teams near Fort Kearney, we heard, for the first
time, from Captain Foote's little command, whom we had left in the sod corral
on the Solomon taking care of the wounded after the fight with the Cheyennes.
EARLY TIMES IN KANSAS TERRITORY. 505
Next day after we left Foote a party of about a hundred Cheyennes had re-
tuAaed and made an attack on his party, but finding them well protected behind
their sod walls the Indians succeeded in doing no other damage but to drive off
the garrison's beef cattle, and then withdrew and were seen no more. The loss
of their beeves was a serious blow to the little command, however, and as they
then had nothing left to eat but their pack-mules, and these would be needed
for transporting the wounded, Foote was compelled to evacuate the works and
strike out east for the buffalo range, which he did the next day after the loss
of his cattle. Fortunately the Indians did not learn of the dilemma in which
they had placed Foote, and probably immediately left that locality to try to
rejoin their own mvich-scattered people.
Captain Foote now had a perplexing task to march to Fort Kearney and
carry a dozen wounded men, with such poor facilities for transporting them ; but
he had an efficient assistant in Jeb Stuart,* for, though the lieutenant was one
of the wounded, having his left arm disabled from a bullet in the shoulder, he
was still worth a half-dozen ordinary men; for Jeb was always prolific of expe-
dients for working his way out of diflBcult or embarrassing situations. Next to
having no rations, the most serious problem confronting Foote, was how to carry
so many wounded men with only one small ambulance that would not hold half
of them. Some of the men had found a few old lodge-poles along the river bank,
and Stuart soon had some improvised stretchers made of them by fastening a
piece of stout canvas — pack-covers — across the center of each two poles, then
hitching a pack-mule — one before and one behind — between the ends of the
poles, which were lashed to the pack-saddles — the front mule's tail to the
wounded man and the rear one's head — with a man to walk alongside and lead
each mule carefully, a very comfortable litter was formed.
For a couple of days the little command suffered some from the heat and want
of water, as well as for rations, as they made their tedious way across the prairie
in the supposed direction of Fort Kearney; but after they got into the buffalo
range they had plenty of meat, at least, and finally reached the fort without the
loss of a man or mule ; and also brought the Cheyenne prisoner along with them.
It will be remembered that Lowe, with our big train, had gone back to Fort
Laramie after supplies, and then returned to the South Platte near the old Salt
Lake crossing, to await some word from Sumner. Our men who had been with
this train informed us — and a recent letter from Mr. Lowe corroborates their
statement — that while camped on the Platte, on the evening of the next day
after we had the fight on the Solomon ( 30th of July ), they not having heard any-
thing from us, did not of course know where we were, or that we had had a fight ;
on that evening about sunset three Cheyenne warriors rode into Lowe's camp to
beg something to eat, mistaking the train for a citizens' freighting outfit. Two
of these Indians were made prisoners by the trainmen, the third escaped.
The strange part of this incident is that these Cheyenne prisoners informed
the trainmen, through an interpreter, that they had been in the fight with us
at noon the day before (the 29th), and that the Cheyennes had been whipped
and scattered in every direction ; describing our command, and giving such other
testimony as to leave no doubt in the minds of Lowe and others as to these In-
dians having been in the engagement.
* James Elwell Brown Stuart, of Virginia, is mentioned in Colonel Sumner's report of the
Cheyenne expedition ( Kan. Hist. Soc. Col., vol. 5, p. 299 ) as among the wounded. He continued
to serve under Sumner until May 14, 1861, when he resigned and enlisted in the army of the Con-
federacy. He died May 12, 1861, of wounds received at the battle of Yellow Tavern, Va. Gen-
eral Stuart was a property-holder in Junction City before the war.
506 KANSAS STATE HISTORICAL SOCIETY.
Making a careful and conservative estimate of the average length of our day's
marches for the sixteen days we had been on the trail, up to the time of ttfie
fight; of the general southeast course we had been traveling, and the estimated
location of the battle — which, after a careful scanning of the latest maps of
Kansas, I would place on the main or south fork of Solomon river, somewhere in
the present county of Sheridan * —we must have been, at the time of the engage-
ment, at least 150 miles from Lowe's camp, on the South Platte.
It seems almost incjredible that those three Cheyenne warriors bad ridden
their ponies that distance, without change, in thirty-six hours, but I think it is
possible, for those Indian ponies have great powers of endurance, and we know
that it was customary for a warrior to select his very best and fleetest horse to
ride in battle, and we had evidence that the Cheyennes' horses were fresh and
well-rested on going into the fight. The two Cheyenne prisoners captured by
the trainmen, and the one taken in the fight, were all put in the guard-house at
Kearney, but shortly afterward they succeeded in digging their way out of the
old 'dobe one night, and made good their eecape.
A few days after our return to Fort Leavenworth, Lieut.-col. Jos. E. Johns-
ton's command came in, and reported having completed their task of establish-
ing the southern boundary line of Kansas territory from the west line of Missouri
to the Rocky Mountains.
We had scarcely got settled in our quarters when orders came for us to scat-
ter out through the territory again, to preside at other elections. I thought it
strange, at the time, that Kansas should have so many different dates for hold-
ing elections, and wondered why the territorial authorities did not make one
general election do for all. On this occasion our company (Captain Sturgis's),
accompanied by Major Sedgwick as commanding officer, was sent to Lecompton,
by way of Lawrence.
We crossed the Kaw river at Lawrence on Baldwin's ferry, a rickety flat-boat,
without guard or railing, capable of holding only one six-mule team, and pulled
back and forth by means of a rope stretched between trees on opposite banks.
The soldier men facetiously called it Baldwin's "steam" ferry. The ferryman
carried his "steam" in a gallon jug: and our fellows "did not do a thing" to
that jug but drink all the whisky and refill the jug with muddy Kaw river water,
while the old man was busy pulling the leaky old tub across. I expect Baldwin
made some pious remarks about "soger men" the next time he hooked his bill
over the muzzle of that jug to take another "snort," but we did n't stay to hear
his discourse.
As we passed through Lawrence, a cannon-ball hole in the wall of a large
brick house (the Eldridge house, I think) was pointed out to me as a battle-scar
made by the border ruffians in a recent "scrap" between the factions.
We spent several days at Lecompton, and though whisky was plenty and
cheap, and there were all sorts of rumors of portending war between the parties,
still everything passed off quietly. Lecompton, at that time, was the territorial
capital, a shabby-looking village scattered through the timber on the Kaw river,
and the stumps of trees that had been cut down to indicate where streets were
intended were so numerous that team navigation was difficult in the main
avenues of the metropolis. I remember to have noticed the foundation for a
large house that had been commenced and some piles of building material, also
some large cast-iron columns, all of which I was told were for a capitol building.
♦Sheridan county was created by the legislature of 1873. It was organized June 2, 1880. A
population of 600 was required to organize. See Sumner's official report, page 299, volume 5,
Historical Collections; Sumner locates the fight on the Solomon.
EARLY TIMES IN KANSAS TERRITORY. 507
But Lecompton, as a seat of government, " died a-bornin'." While promenading
the streets of this capital city, steering between the stumps and stumbling over
the grubs, I was attracted by the sign, "Printing Office," and on clinabiDg a
shaky stair on the outside of a two-story frame house, I found myself in the
sanctum, composing-room, and press-room — all in one, and not a large room
either — of the only newspaper in the place, which seemed to be a very weakly
weekly.* I am sorry I cannot remember the name of this historic sheet or that
of its editor, who was also compositor and pressman, or "which side of the fence"
he was on. I set a stick full of type, just to see if I had forgotten how, and re-
ceived a flattering offer of employment from the proprietor, but was forced to
plead prior engagement with Uncle Sam.
We had again got into comfortable quarters at Fort Leavenworth, and were
congratulating ourselves on having nothing worse than garrison duty for the rest
of the winter, when our companies were once more sent scattering through the
territory — this time in the southern part, about Humboldt and Fort Scott — to
attend more elections : and particularly to look after that ubiquitous abolition-
ist, Montgomery, who was said to be raising hades with the " peaceable and law-
abiding citizens of Missouri," who "hadn't done nothin' " but run over into
Kansas once in awhile and shot or hung a few blanked abolitionists, turning
their families out in the cold, and burning their houses. And now these peace-
able citizens of Missouri called for Uncle Sam's soldiers to come and make Mont-
gomery and his men behave themselves.
I escaped this trip on account of my horse being badly run down, and, with
detachments from each of the other companies who were in the same fix, was
left at Fort Leavenworth. But soon another call was made for soldiers to um-
pire an election shortly to be held at Palermo, sixty miles north, opposite St.
Joseph, Mo., and as we dismounted cavalrymen were the only available force
that could be spared for the purpose, the various detachments were formed into
an impromptu company, and, under command of Second-lieut. John Thompson,
First cavalry, we "hiked" it to Palermo in two days, and returned, after the
election, in the same time, which was pretty good marching for men who were
not accustomed to "mud-mashing."
After returning from Palermo, I was one of twenty men sent to take a string
of horses out to Fort Riley, to remount some companies of our regiment that had
been sent to garrison that post. This was a bitterly cold trip, for it was now
January and blizzards were ripe. Our detachment returned from Riley in a cou-
ple of six-mule wagons.
So, as the old song says : "If you want to have a good time, j 'ine the cavalry."
* This was the office of the Ka7isas Xaiional Democrat. The secretary of the Historical
Society was then an apprentice in the Democrat office. The recollections above are all right
■except that the paper was not a " weakly." It was edited by some of the ablest men in the ter-
ritory. Robert J. Walker, Ferd. P. Stanton, William Brindle, Hugh S. Walsh and Samuel
Medary contributed to the editorial columns. The National Democrat succeeded an intensely
proslavery paper, and was anti-Lecompton until it got orders from Washington to change
about, which it did. George F. Pentecost, the noted evangelist, was a journeyman printer in
that office about that time.
508
KANSAS STATE HISTORICAL SOCIETY.
A ROSTER OF KANSAS FOR FIFTY YEARS.
TERRITORIAL, 185i-1861.
GOVERNORS.
Reerler, Andrew H. Shawnee Manual Labor
School; appointed July 7, 1854: arrived in
Kansas, Oct. 7, 1854; served to April 17, 1855;
June 23 to Aug. 18, 1855. d. Easton, Pa., July
5, 1864.
Woodson, Daniel. Apr. 17 to June 23, 1855;
secretary and acting governor, Aug. 16 to
Sep. 7, 1855; June 24 to July 7, 1856; Aug. 18
to Sep. 9, 1856. Mar. 12 to Apr. 16, 1857. d.
Claremore, I. T., Oct. 5, 1894.
Shannon, Wilson. Shawnee Manual Labor
School and Lecorapton. Sep. 7, 1855, to
June 24, 1856 ; July 7 to Aug. 18, 1856. d. Law-
rence. Aug. 30, 1877.
Geary, John White. Lecompton. Sep. 9, 1856,
to Mar. 12, 1857. d. Harrisburg, Pa., Feb. 8,
1873.
Stanton, Frederick P. Lecompton. Apr. 16
to May 27, 1857 ; secretary and acting gov-
ernor, Nov. 16, to Dec. 21, 1857. d.nearOcala,
Fla., June 4, 1894.
Walker, Robert John. Lecompton. May 27
to Nov. 16, 1857. d. Washington, D. C, Nov.
11, 1869.
Denver, James W. Lecompton. Dec. 21,1857,
to Oct. 10, 1858; secretary and acting gover-
nor until May 12, 1858, when he was appointed
governor. Was out of the territory July
3-30, 1858. d. Washington, D. C, Aug. 9, 1892.
Walsh, Hugh Sleight. Lecompton. July, 3-30,
1858 ; Oct. 10 to Dec. 18, 1858 ; Aug. 1 to Sep.
15, 1859; Apr. 15 to June 16, I860, d. near
Grantville, Jefferson county, Kan., Apr. 23,
1877.
Medary, Samuel. Lecomptbn. Dec. 18, 1858,
to Aug. 1, 1859; Sep. 15, 1859, to Apr. 15, 1860;
June 16 to Sep. 11, 1860; Nov. 25 to Dec. 17,
1860. d. Columbus, Ohio, Nov. 7, 1864.
Beebe, George M. Lecompton. Sep. 11 to
Nov 25, 1860; Dec. 17, 1860, to Feb. 9, 1861.
Secretary and acting governor.
SECRETARIES.
Woodson, Daniel. Shawnee Manual Labor
School. June 29, 1854, to Apr. 16, 1857. d.
Claremore, I. T., Oct. 5, 1894.
Stanton, Frederick P. Lecompton. Apr. 16
to Dec, 21, 1857. d. near Ocala, Fla.. June 4,
1894.
Denver, James W. Lecompton. Dec. 21, 1857,
to May 12, 18.58. d. Washington, D. C, Aug.
9, 1892.
Walsh, Hugh Sleight. Lecompton. May 12,
1858, to June 28, 1860. d. near Grantville, Jef-
ferson county, Kan., April 23, 1877.
Beebe, George M. Lecompton, July 1, 1860,
to Feb. 9, 1861.
AUDITORS.
Donaldson, John. Shawnee Manual Labor
School and Lecompton. Aug. 30, 1855, to
Feb. 20, 18.57.
Strickler, Hiram Jackson. Lecompton. Feb.
20, 1857, to Feb. 1861. d. near Tecumseh,
Kan., July 31, 1873.
TREASURERS.
Cramer, Thomas J. B. Shawnee Manual La-
bor School and Lecompton. Aug. 30, 1855,
to Feb. 1859. d.
Mitchell, Robert Byington. Linn county, Feb.
11, 18.59, to Feb., 1861. d. Washington, D. C,
Jan. 26, 1882.
ATTORNEYS GENERAL.
Louisiana. June
Isacks, Andrew Jackson.
30, 1854, to 1857.
Weer, William. Lecompton.
Davis, Alson C. Wyandotte.
February, 1861.
1858.
June 5, 1858, to
SUPERINTENDENTS OF SCHOOLS.
Noteware, James H. Mch. 1 to Dec. 1, 1858.
Greer, Samuel Wiley. Leavenworth. Dec. 1,
1858, to Jan. 2, 1861. d. Winfield, Kan., ,Sep.
30, 1882.
Douglas, John C. Leavenworth. Jan. 2 to
Feb. 1861.
PENITENTIARY.
1856, Capt. E. W. B. Newby, master of convicts.
1857, L. J. Hampton, master of convicts.
PENITENTIARY COMMISSIONERS.
Pratt, Caleb S., 1858.
Lewis, Ward S., 1858.
Hunt, Ashael, 1858.
Ritchie, John, Topeka, 1859.
Prentiss, S. B., Douglas county, 1859.
Johnson, Fielding, Wyandotte county, 1859.
Lambdin, C. S., 1860, '61.
Adams, M. S , 1860, '61.
Status, Charles, 1860, '61.
PUBLIC PRINTERS.
Brady, John T, 1855.
Ross, William W., 1857, 1858.
Vaughan, Champion, 1858.
Thacher, Timothy Dwight, 1859.
Brown, George W., 1859.
Medary, S. A., & Driggs,^. W., 1860.
Medary, Samuel A., 1861.
CHIEF JUSTICES.
Lecompte, Samuel Dexter, Shawnee Manual
Labor School and Leavenworth. Oct. 3, 1854,
to Mar. 9, 18.59. d. Kansas City, Mo., Apr. 24,.
1888.
Pettit, John, Leavenworth. Mch. 9, 1859, to
Feb. 1861. d. Lafayette, Ind., Jan. 17, 1877.
A ROSTER OF KANSAS FOR FIFTY YEARS.
509
ASSOCIATE JUSTICES.
Johnston, Saunders W., June 29, 1854, to Sep.
13, 1855.
Burrell, Jeremiah Murray. Sep. 13, 1855. Served
but a few weeks, returning to his home in
Greensburg, Pa., where he died Oct. 21, 1856.
Cunningham, Thomas. Nov. 19, 1856, to June
3, 1857.
Williams, Joseph. June 3, 1857, to Feb. 1861.
Elmore, Rush, Lecompton. June 29, 1854, to
Sep. 13, 1855.
Cato, Sterling G. Sep. 13, 1855, to July, 1858.
Elmore, Rush, Tecumseh. July, 1858, to
Jan. 1861. d. Topeka. Aug. 14, 1864.
PRESIDENTS OF THE COUNCIL.
Johnson, Thomas. Shawnee Mission. 1855.
d. Jan. 2, 1865, near Westport, Mo.
Babcock, Carmi W. Lawrence. 1857-'59. d.
Lawrence, Oct. 1890.
Updegraif, W. W. Osawatomie. 1860, '61.
SPEAKERS OF THE HOUSE OF REPRE-
SENTATIVES.
1855.— Benjamin F. Stringfellow, Atchison
county ; Joseph C. Anderson, j>ru tern.
1857.— W. G. Mathias, Leavenworth county;
W. H. Tebbs, Jefferson county, pro tern.
1859.— A. Larzelere, Doniphan county, d. Doni-
phan county, June 7, 1877. J. B. Irvin, Atch-
ison county, pro tern. d. Jonesboro, 111.,
Sept. 3, 1867.
I860.— Gustavus A. Colton, Lykins county;
Edward Lynde, Jefferson county, pro lem.
1861.— John W. Scott, Allen county; Charles
Burrell Lines, Wabaunsee county, pro tern.
d. Wabaunsee, Kan., March 31, 1890.
DELEGATES TO CONGRESS.
Whitfield, John W. Tecumseh. XXXIIId Con-
gress. Dec. 20, 1854-Mar. 3. 1855.
" Reeder and Whitfield both claim a seat in
the XXXIVth Congress; both receive mile-
age ■' ; seat declared vacant Aug. 1, 1856.
Parrott, Marcus J. Leavenworth. 1857-'61.
d. Oakwood, O., Oct. 11, 1879.
STATE, 1861-1904.
GOVERNORS.
Robinson, Charles. Lawrence. Feb. 9, 1861 to
Jan. 1863. d. Lawrence, Aug. 17, 1894.
Carney, Thomas. Leavenworth. Jan. 1863 to
Jan. 1865. d. Leavenworth, July 28, 1889.
Crawford, Samuel J. Garnett. Jan. 1865 to
Nov. 4, 1868, when he resigned to take com-
mand of the 19th regiment.
Green, Nehemiah. Manhattan. Nov. 4, 1868,
to Jan. 11, 1869. d. Manhattan, Jan. 12, 1890.
Harvey, James M. Fort Riley. Jan. 1869 to
Jan. 1873. d. Riley county, April 15, 1895.
Osborn, Thomas A. Leavenworth. Jan. 1873
to Jan. 1877. d. Meadville, Pa., Feb. 4, 1898.
Anthony, George T. Lerfvenworth. Jan. 1877
to Jan. 1879. d. Topeka, August 5, 1896.
St. John, John Pierce. Olathe. Jan. 1879 to
Jan. 1883.
€rlick, George W. Atchison. Jan. 1883 to
Jan. 1885.
Martin John Alexander. Atchison. Jan,
1885 to Jan. 18»9. d. Atchison, Oct. 2, 1889.
Humphrey, Lyman Underwood. Independ-
ence. Jan. 1889 to Jan. 1893.
Lewelling, Lorenzo D. Wichita. Jan. 1893
to Jan. 1895. d. Arkansas City, Sep. 3, 1900.
Morrill, Edmund Needham. Hiawatha, Jan,
1895 to Jan. 1897.
Leedy, John W. Le Roy. Jan. 1897 to Jan.
1899.
Stanley, William Eugene. Wichita. Jan.
1899 to Jan. 1903.
Bailey, Willis Joshua. Baileyville. Jan. 1903
to Jan. 1905.
LIEUTENANT-GOVERNORS OR PRESI-
DENTS OF THE SENATE.
Root, Joseph Pomeroy. Wyandotte. Feb.
1861 to Jan. 1863. d. Kansas City, Kan.,
July 20, 1885.
Osborn, Thomas A. Elwood. Jan. 1863 to Jan.
1865. d. Meadville, Pa., Fsb. 4, 1898.
McGrew, James. Wyandotte. Jan. 1865 to
Jan. 1867.
Green, Nehemiah, Manhattan. Jan. 1877 to
Nov. 4, 1868.
LIEUTENANT-GO.VERNORS OR PRESI-
DENTS OF THE SENATE.
Eskridge, Charles V. Emporia. Jan. 1869 to
Jan. 1871. d. Emporia, July 15, 1900.
Elder, Peter Percival. Ottawa. Jan. 1871 to
Jan. 1873.
Stover, Elias Sleeper. Council Grove. Jan.
1873 to Jan. 1875.
Salter, Melville J. Thayer. Jan. 1875 to
July 19, 1877. (Resigned.)
Humphrey, Lyman Underwood. Independ-
ence. Elected Nov. 6, 1877, vice Salter.
Served till Jan. 1881.
Finney, David W. Neosho Falls. Jan. 1881
to Jan. 1885.
Riddle, Alexander Pancoast. Girard. Jan.
1885 to Jan. 1889.
Felt, Andrew J. Seneca. Jan. 1889 to Jan.
1893.
Daniels, Percy. Girard. Jan. 1893 to Jan.
1895.
Troutman, James A. Topeka. Jan. 1895 to
Jan. 1897.
Harvey, Alexander Miller. Topeka. Jan.
1897 to Jan. 1899.
Richter, Harry E. Council Grove. Jan. 1899
to Jan. 1903.
Hanna, David J. Hill City. Jan. 1903 .
SECRETARIES.
Robinson, John Winter. Manhattan. Feb.
1861 to July 28, 1862. Removed, d. Fort
Smith, Ark., Dec. 11, 1863.
Shepard, Sanders Rufus. Topeka. Appointed
vice Robinson. Aug. 1862 to Jan., 1863.
Lawrence, William Henry Wirt. Peoria City.
Jan. 1863 to Jan. 1865.
Barker, Rinaldo Allen. Atchison. Jan. 186J
to Jan. 1869.
Moonlight, Thomas. Leavenworth. Jan.
1869 to Jan. 1871. d. Leavenworth, Feb. 7,
1899.
Smallwood, William Hillary. Wathena. Jan.
1871 to Jan. 1875.
Cavanaugh, Thomas Home. Sallna. Jan.
1875 to Jan. 1879.
510
KANSAS STATE HISTORICAL SOCIETY.
SECRETARIES.
Smith James. Marysville. Jan. 1879 to Jan.
1885.
Allen, Edwin Bird. Wichita. Jan. 1885 to Jan.
1889. .
HisKins, William. Topeka. Jan. 1889 to Jan.
1893.
Osborn, Russell Scott. Stoclfton. Jan. 1893 to
Jan. 1895.
Edwards, William Congdon. Lamed. Jan.
1895 to Jan. 1S97.
Bush, William Eben. Mankato. Jan. 1897 to
Jan. 1899.
Clark, George Alfred. Junction City. Jan.
1899 to Jan. 1903.
Burrows, Joel Randall. .Tan. 1903 — -
AUDITORS.
Hillver, George Shnler. Grasshopper Falls.
Feb. 1861 to July 28, 1862. Removed, d. Val-
ley Falls, May 13, 1874.
Lakin, David Long. Grasshopper Falls. Ap-
pointed vice Hilly er. Aug. 1862 to Jan. 1863.
d. Topeka, Oct. 8, 1897.
Hairgrove, Asa. Mound City. Jan. 1863 to
Jan. 1865. d. Del Norte, Colo., Nov. 9, 1881.
Swallow, John R. Emporia. Jan. 1865 to Jan.
1869.
Thoman, Alois. Lawrence. Jan. 1869 to Jan.
1873. d. St. Louis, Oct. 20, 1897.
Wilder, Daniel Webster. Fort Scott. Jan.
1873 to Sep. 20, 1876. Resigned.
Bonebrake, Parkinson Isaiah. Topeka. Ap-
pointed vice Wilder, Oct. 2, 1876; twice
elected ; Oct. 2, 1876, to Jan. 1883.
McCabe, Edward P. Millbrook. Jan. 1883 to
Jan. 1^87.
McCarthy, Timothy. Larned. Jan. 1887 to
Jan. 1S91. d. Larned, June 12, 1900.
Hovey, Charles Merrill. Colby. Jan. 1891 to
Jan. 1893.
Prather, Van B. Columbus. Jan. 1893 to Jan.
1895.
Cole, George Ezekiel. Girard. Jan. 1895 to
Jan. 1897.
Morris, William H. Pittsburg. Jan. 1897 to
Jan. 1899.
Cole, George Ezekiel. Girard. Jan. 1899 to
Jan. 1903.
Wells, Seth Grant. Erie. Jan. 1903 .
TREASURERS.
Tholen. William. Leavenworth. Elected Dec.
6, 1859. Entered the army, and did not
qualify, d. Leavenworth, Feb. 13, 1879.
Dutton Hartwin Rush. Hiawatha. Ap-
poioted vice Tholen, March 26, 1861 ; elected
for remainder of term, Nov. 5, 1861; served
March 26, IS61, to Jan. 1863. d. Zanesville,
Ohio, Nov. 23, 1883.
Spriggs, William. Garnett. Jan. 1863 to Jan.
1867.
Anderson, Martin. Circleville. Jan. 1867 to
Jan. 1S69. d. Topeka, July 9, 1897.
Graham, George, i^eneca. Jan. 1869 to Jan.
1871. d. Seneca, Feb. 21, 1880.
Hayes, Josiah E. Olathe. Jan. 1871 to Apr.
3U, 1874. Resigned.
Francis, John. lola. Appointed, vice Hayes ;
served May 1, 1874, to Jan. 1875.
TREASURERS.
Lappin, Samuel. Seneca. Jan. 1875 to Dec,
20, 1875. Resigned, d. La Centre, Wash.,
Aug. 4, 1892.
Francis, John. Tola. Appointed vice Lap-
pin; elected to office three succeeding
terms. Served Dec. 21, 1875, to Jan. 1883.
Howe, Samuel T. Marion, Jan. 1883 to Jan.
1887.
Hamilton, James William. Wellington, Jan.
1887 to Mar. ], 1890. Resigned.
Sims, William. Topeka. Appointed vice
Hamilton. Mar. 1 to Dec. 30, lb90.
Stover, Solomon G. Belleville. Jan. 1891 to
Jan. 1893.
Biddle, William Henry. Augusta. Jan. 1893
to Jan. 1895.
Atherton, Otis L. Russell. Jan. 1895 to Jan.
1897.
Heflebower, David H. Bucyrus. Jan. 1897 to
Jan. 1899.
Grimes, Frank T. Leoti. Jan. 1899 to Jan.
1903.
Kelly, Thomas T. Paola. Jan. 1903 .
ATTORNEYS GENERAL.
Simpson, Benjamin Franklin Paola. Feb.
to July, 1861. Resigned.
Chadwick, Charles. Lawrence. Appointed
vice Simpson. Appointed July 30, 1861, and
served till Jan. 1862. d. Lawrence, 1900.
Stinson, Samuel A. Leavenworth. Jan.
1862, to Jan. 1863, d. Wiscasset, Me., Feb.
20, 1866.
Guthrie, Warren William. Carson, Brown
county. Jan. 1863 to Jan. 1865. d. Atchison,
Apr. 22, 1903.
Brumbaugh, Jerome D. Marysville. Jan.
1865 to Jan. 1867.
Hoyt, George H. Leavenworth. Jan. 1867 to
Jan. 1869. d. Athol, Mass., Feb. 2, 1877.
Danford, Addison. Fort Scott. Jan. 1869 to
Jan. 1871.
Williams, Archibald L. Topeka. Jan. 1871
to Jan. 1875.
Randolph, Asa Maxson Fitz. Burlington.
Jan. 1875 to Jan. 1877. d. Topeka, .Sep. 2, 1898.
Davis, Willard. Oswego. Jan. 1877 to Jan.
1881.
Johnston, William Agnew. Minneapolis.
Jan. 1881 to Dec. 1, 1884. Resigned to be-
come associate justice.
Smith, George P. Humboldt. Appointed vice
Johnston. Served Dec. 1, 1884, to Jan. 1885,
Bradford, Simeon Briggs. Carbondale. Jan.
1885 to Jan. 1889. d. Ardmore, I. T., Apr.
2, 1902.
Kellogg, Lyman Beecher. Emporia. Jan.
1889 to Jan. 1891.
Ives, John Nutt. Sterling. Jan. 1891 to
Jan. 1893.
Little, John Thomas. Olathe. Jan. 1893 to
Jan. 1895.
Dawes, Fernando B. Clay Center. Jan.
1895 to Jan. 1897.
Boyle, Louis C. Fort Scott. Jan. 1897 to
Jan. 1899.
Godard, Aretas A. Topeka. Jan. 1899 to
Jan. 1903.
Coleman, Charles Crittenden. Clay Center.
Jan. 1903
A ROSTER OF KANSAS FOR FIFTY YEARS.
511
SUPERINTENDENTS PUBLIC INSTRUC-
TION.
Grifiith, William Riley, Marmaton. Feb.
1861, to Feb. 12, 1862. d. Topeka, Feb. 12,
1862.
Thorp, Simeon Montgomery, Lawrence. Ap-
pointed vice Griffith. Served Mar. 28, 1862,
to Jan. 1863. Killed, Quantrill massacre,
Aug. 21, 1863.
Goodnow, Isaac T., Manhattan. Jan. 1863
to Jan. 1867. d. Manhattan, Mar. 20, 1894.
McVicar, Peter, Topeka. Jan. 1867 to Jan. 1871.
d. Topeka, June 5, 1903.
McCarty, Hugh DeFrance, Leavenworth.
Jan. 1871 to Jan. 1875.
Fraser, John, Lawrence. Jan. 1875 to Jan.
1877. d. Allegheny City, Pa., June 4, 1878.
Lemmon, Allen Borsley, Winfle'.d. Jan. 1877
to Jan. 1881.
Speer, Henry Clay, Junction City. Jan. 1881
to Jan. 1885.
Lawhead, Joseph Hadden, Fort Scott. Jan.
1885 to 1889.
Winans, George Wesley, Junction City. Jan.
1889 to Jan. 1893.
Gaines, Henry Newton, Salina. Jan. 1893 to
Jan. 1895.
Stanley, Edmund, Lawrence, Jan. 1895 to Jan.
1897.
Stryker, William, Great Bend. Jan. 1897 to
Jan. 1899.
Nelson. Frank, Lindsborg. Jan. 1899 to 1903.
Dayhoff, Insley L., Hutchinson. Jan. 1903
STATE PRINTERS.
Speer, John. 1861-'64, 1866, 1868.
MacDonald, S. D. & Co. • 1865.
Clarke, Emery & Co. 1867.
Prouty, Salmon Stevens. 1869-'73.
Martin, George Washington, Junction City.
1873-'8l.
Thacher, Timothy Dwight, Lawrence. 1881-'87.
Baker, Clifford C, Topeka. 1887-'91.
Snow, Edwin H., Ottawa. 1891-'95.
Hudson, Joseph K., Topeka. 1895-'97.
Parks, John S., Beloit. 1897-'99.
Morgan, William Y., Hutchinson. 1899-1903.
Clark, George A., Topeka. 1903-'05.
HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES.
Speakey-s and Speakers pro tern,
1861.— W. W. Updegraff, Lykins county. John
W. Scott, Allen county, pro lem.
1862.— Moses Sawin Adams, Leavenworth
county. James McGrew, Wyandotte county,
pro tfrn.
1863.— Josiah Kellogg, Leavenworth county.
W. R. Saunders, Coffey county, pro tern.
1864.— Josiah Kellogg, Leavenworth county.
W. R. Saunders, Coffey county, pro tern.
1865.— Jacob Stotler, Lyon county, d. Kansas
City, Mo., Jan. 26, 1901. N. Z. Strong, Bour-
bon county, pro tern.
1866.— John T. Burris, Johnson county. Jacob
Stotler, Lyon county, pro lem.
1867.— Preston Bierce Plumb, Lyon county.
d. Washington, D. C, Dec. 20, 1891. W. W.
Updegraff', Miami county, pro lem.
186H.— George W. Smith, Douglas county.
James D. Snoddy, Linn county, pro tern.
HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES.
Speakers and Speakers j>)o tern.
1869. — Moses Sawin Adams, Leavenworth
county. John B. Johnson, Jefferson county,
pro lem. d. Topeka, May 18, 1899.
1870.— Jacob Stotler, Lyon county, d. 'Kansas
City, Mo., Jan. 26, 1901. John Quthrier
Shawnee county, pro tcm.
1871. — Benjamin F. Simpson, Miami county .^
S. M. Strickler, Davis county, pro tern. d.
Azusa, Cal., Apr. 21, 1894.
1872.— Stephen A. Cobb, Wyandotte county,
d. Wyandotte, Aug. 25, 1878. S. M. Strickler,
Davis county, pro tern. d. Azusa, Cal., Apr.
21,1894.
1873.— Josiah Kellogg, Leavenworth county.
George W. Veale, Shawnee county, pro tern.
1874.— Boyd H. McEckron, Cloud county. F.
W. Potter, Coffey county, pro tern.
1875. — Edward H.Funston, Allen county. Sam-
uel S. Benedict, Wilson county, pro lem.
1876.— Dudley C. Haskell, Douglas county, d.
Washington, D. C, Dec. 16, 1883. George W.
Glick, Atchison county, pro tern.
1877-'78.— Samuel N. Wood, Chase county, d.
Hugoton, June 23, 1891. George W. Hoge-
boom, Jefferson county, pro lem.
1879-'80.— Sidney Clarke, Douglas county. J.
M. Price, Atchison county, ])ro lem. d. Atchi-
son, Oct. 19, 1898.
188l-'82. — John B. Johnson, Shawnee county..
Nehemiah Greene, Riley county, jjro lem. d.
Manhattan, Jan. 12, 1890.
1883-'84.— James D. Snoddy, Linn county. Geo..
D. Orner, Barber county, jiro lem.
1885-'86. — John B. John.-on, Shawnee county.
Joseph Ralph Burton, Dickinson county, pro
tem.
1887-'88.— Abram W. Smith, McPherson county.
Jeffrey B. Clogston, Greenwood county, p> o
lent.
1889-'90.— Henry Booth, Pawnee county, d.
near Larned, Feb. 14, 1898. J. N. High, Reno
county, pro tem.
1891-92.— Peter P. Elder, Franklin county.
Benjamin Matchett, Osborne county, pro-
lent.
1893-'94.— Geo. L. Douglass, Sedgwick county.
Edward Wallis Hoch, Marion county, pro
tem.
189,5-'96.— Charles E. Lobdell, Lane county.
James Monroe Miller, Morris county, pro
tem.
1897-'98.— William D. Street, Decatur county.
E. C. Weilep, Cherokee county, pro lem.
1899-1900.— Stephen J. Osborn, Saline county.
F. M. Benefiel, Montgomery county, p- o tem.
1901-'02.— George J. Barker, Douglas county.
Edwin D. McKeever, Shawnee county, pro
tem.
1903-'04.— James T. Pringle, Osage county. C.
D. Jones, Norton county, pro lem.
CHIEF JUSTICES.
Ewing, Thomas, Leavenworth. Feb. 1861 to
Nov. 28, 1862. Resigned, d. New York, Jan.
21, 1896.
Cobb, Nelson, Lawrence. Appointed r'Ve
Ewing. Served Nov. 28, 1862, to Jan. 1864.
d. Kansas City, Mo., June 16, 1894.
Crozier, Robert, Leavenworth. Jan. 1864 to
Jan. 1867. d. Leavenworth, Oct. 2, 1895.
Kingman, Samuel Austin, Atchison. Jan.
1867 to Dec. 30, 1876.
512
KANSAS STATE HISTORICAL SOCIETY.
CHIEF JUSTICES.
Horton, Albert Howell, Atcliison. Appointed
vice Kingman. Served Doc, ai, 1876, to Apr.
aO, JSa'i. Resigned, d. Topeka, Sep. 2, 1902.
Martin, David, Atchison. Appointed vice
Horton. Served Apr, 30, 189.i, to Jan. 1897.
d. Atchison, Mar. 2, 1901.
Doster, Frank, Marion. Jan. 1897, to Jan. 12,
190a.
Johnston, William Agnew, Minneapolis. Jan.
12, 1903
ASSOCIATE JUSTICES.
Kingman, Samuel Austin. Hiawatha. Feb.
18t)l, to Jan. 1 865.
SaflEoi-d, Jacob. Topeka. Jan. 1865, to Jan.
1871. d. Topeka, July 2, 1885.
Brewer, David Josiah. Leavenworth. Jan.
1871 to April 8, 1881. Resigned.
Hurd, Theodore A. \ Leavenworth. Appointed,
vice Brewer. Apr. 12 to Dec. 1, 1884.
Johnston, William Agnew. Minneapolis. Dec.
1, 1884, to Jan. 1899.
Bailey, Lawrence Dudley. Emporia. Feb.
1861, to Jan. 1863. d. Lawrence, Oct. 15, 1891.
Valentine, Daniel Mulford. Ottawa. Jan.
1869, to Jan. 1893.
Allen, Stephen H. Pleasanton. Jan. 1893, to
Jan. 1898.
Smith, William Redwood. Kansas City. Jan.
1899
Cunningham, Edwin W. Emporia. Jan. 15,
1901
Greene, Adrian L. Newton. Jan. 15, 1901
Ellis, Abram H. Beloit. Jan. 15, 1901, to Sept.
25, 1902. d. Topeka, Sept. 25, 1902.
Pollock, John C. Winfleld. Jan. 15, 1901, to
Dec. 2, 1903. Resigned.
Atkinson, Wm. D. Parsons. Jan 1, 1904
Burch, Rousseau A. Salina. Sept. 29, 1902
Mason, H. F. Garden City. Jan. 12, 1903
Supreme Court Commissioners.
Simpson, Benjamin Franklin. Topeka. Mar.
5, 1887, to Mar. 1, 1893.
Clogston, Jeffrey B. Eureka. Mar. 5, 1887, to
Mar. 1, 1890. d.
Holt, Joel. Beloit. Mar. 5, 1887, to Mar. 1,
189J. d. Beloit, April 27, 1892.
Green, George S. Manhattan. Mar. 1, 1890, to
Mar. 1, 1893.
Strang, Jeremiah C. Larned. Mar. 1, 1890, to
Mar. 1, 1893.
Note.— The commission was created by act
of 1887, for the relief of the supreme court, and
its members appointed by the governor for a
term of three years.
Supreme Court Reporters.
Plumb, Preston Bierce, Emporia. 1861-'62.
Carpenter, Louis, Emporia. 1863. Killed Aug.
21, 1863, in Lawrence massacre.
Banks, Elliott V., Lawrence. 1864-'71.
Webb, William C, Fort Scott. 1871-'78.
Randolph, Asa Maxson Fitz, Burlington. 1879-
'96. d. Sep. 2, 1898, Topeka.
Dewey, Thomas Emmett, Abilene. 1896-'97 ;
1899
■Clemens, Qaspar C, Topeka. 1897-'99.
Clerks of the Supreme Court.
Stark, Andrew, Topeka. 1861-'67.
Fowler, E. B , Topeka. 1868-"70.
Hammat, Abram, Ottawa. 1870-'79.
Brown, Channing Jno., Blue Rapids. 1879-97.
Martin, John, Topeka. 1897-'99.
Valentine Delbert A., Clay Center. 1899
COURTS OF APPEALS.
Northern Dejnirtntent.
Gilkerson, A. D. Hays City. 1895-'97.
Garver, Theodore Franklin. Salina. 1895-'97.
Clark, George W. Topeka. 1895-'97.
Mahan, John H. Abilene. 1897-1901.
Wells, Abijah. Seneca. 1897-1901.
McElrov, Samuel W Oberlin. 1897-1901. d.
Nov. 6, 1901, Cripple Creek, Colo.
Southern Department.
Johnson, William Alexander. Garnett. 1895
-'97. d. 1903, Garnett.
Denuison, Arthur Wellington. El Dorado.
1895-1901.
Cole, Elrick C. Great Bend. 1895-'97.
Milton, B. F. Dodge City. 1897-1901.
Schoonover, Manford. Garnett. 1897-1901.
Note.— The courts of appeals were created
by the legislature of 1895 to relieve the supreme
court. The state was divided into a northern
and southern department. The judges were
appointed by the governor in 1895 for the two
years ending Jan. 11, 1897. Their successors
were chosen at the general election of Novem-
ber 1896, for the four years ending Jan. 14, 1901,
when the court ceased to exist.
JUDGES OF THE DISTRICT COURTS.
First District.
McDowell, William C, Leavenworth. Jan. 29,
1861, to Jan. 9, 1865.
Brewer, David J., Leavenworth. Jan. 9, 1865,
to Jan. 11, 1869.
Ide, Henry W., Leavenworth. Jan. 11, 1869, to
Jan. 8, 1877.
Crozier, Robert, Leavenworth. Jan. 8, 1877,
to Jan. 1893.
Myers, L. A., Valley Falls. Jan. 1893 to Jan.
1901.
Gillpatrick, J. H., Leavenworth. Jan. 1901
Second District.
Lee, Albert L., El wood. Jan. 29 to Oct. 31, 1861.
Horton, Albert H., Atchison. Oct. 31, 1861, to
May 11, 1866.
Graham, R. St. Clair, Atchison. May 11, 1866,
to Jan. 11, 1869.
Price, Nathan, Troy. Jan. 11, 1869, to Mar. 1,
1872.
Hubbard, P. L., Atchison. Mar. 2, 1872, to
Jan. 8, 1877.
Otis, Alfred G., Atchison. Jan. 8, 1877, to Jan.
1881.
Martin, David, Atchison. Jan. 1881, to Apr. 1,
1887.
Jackson, H. M., Atchison. Apr. 1, 1887, to Jan.
1888.
Gilbert, W. D., Atchison. Jan. 1888 to Jan.
1889.
A ROSTER OF KANSAS FOR FIFTY YEARS.
513
JUDGES OF THE DISTRICT COURTS.
Second District.
Eaton, R. M., Atchison. Jan. 1889 to Jan. 1893.
Webb, W. D., Atchison. Jan. 1893 to Jan. 1897.
Hland, W. T., Atchison. Jan. 1897 to 1902.
Hudson, B. F., Atchison. 1902
Third District.
Safford, Jacob, Topeka. Jan. 29, 1861, to Jan.
9, 1865. I
Gilchrist, C. K., Oskaloosa. Jan. 9, 1865, to
Jan. 11, 1869.
Morton, John T., Topeka. Jan. 11, 1869, to
Jan. 23, 1883.
Martin, John, Topeka. Jan. 23, 1883, to Jan.
1885.
Guthrie, John, Topeka. Jan. 1885 to Jan. 1893.
Hazon, Z. T., Topeka. Jan. 1893
Fourth District.
Thacher, Solon Otis, Lawrence. Jan. 29, 1861,
to Sept. 27, 1864.
Lowe, David P., Mound City. Sept. 27, 1864,
to Jan. 29, 1865.
Valentine, Daniel M., Ottawa. Jan. 9, 1865, to
Jan. 11, 1869.
Bassett, Owen A., Lawrence. Jan. 11, 1869, to
Jan. 8, 1877.
Stephens, N. T., Lawrence. Jan. 8, 1877, to
Dec. 29, 1884. d. Dec. 29, 1884.
Benson, A. W., Ottawa. Dec. 31, 1884, to Jan.
• 1896.
Riggs, S. A., Lawrence. Jan. 1896 to 1900.
Smart, C, A., Ottawa. Jan. 1900
Fifth District.
Learnard, O. E., Burlington. Jan. 29, to June
26, 1861.
Ruggles, R. M., Emporia, June 26, 1861, to
June 9, 1865.
Watson, John H., Emporia. Jan. 9, 1865, to
Jan. 13, 1873.
Peyton, E. B., Emporia. Jan. 13, 1873, to Jan.
1881.
Graves, Charles B., Emporia. Jan. 1881 to
Jan. 1893.
Randolph, William A., Emporia. Jan. 1893 to
Jan. 1901.
Madden, Dennis, Emporia. Jan, 1901
Sixth District,
Lowe, David P., Mound City. Mar. 4, 1867, to
Mar. 1, 1871.
Broadhead, J. F., Mound City. Mar. 9 to Nov.
17, 1871.
Voss, M. v.. Fort Scott, Nov. 27, 1871, to Oct.
21, 1874.
Stewart, W. C, Fort Scott. Oct. 21, 1874, to
Jan. 1880.
Lowe, D. P., Fort Scott. Jan. 1880 to Apr. 10,
1882. d. Apr. 10, 1882.
French, C. O., Fort Scott. Apr. 14, 1882, to Oct.
19, 1889.
West, J. S., Fort Scott. Oct. 19, 1889, to Jan.
1891 ; Jan. 1892 to Jan. 1900.
Allen, Stephen H., Pleasanton. Jan. 1891 to
Jan. 1892.
aimons, Walter L., Fort Scott, Jan. 1900
—33
JUDGES OF THE DISTRICT COURTS.
Seventh District.
Spriggs, William, Garnett. Mar. 4, 1867, to
Jan. 13, 1868.
Goodin, John R., Humboldt. Jan. 13, 1868, to
Feb. 1, 1875.
Talcott, H. W., lola. Feb. 1, 1875, to Jan. 1885.
Still well, L , Erie. Jan. 1885
Eighth District.
Humphrey, James, Manhattan. Mar. 4, 1867,
to Apr. 29, 1870; Jan. 1892 to .Jan. 1900.
Canfield, William H., Junction City. Apr.
29, 1870, to Feb. 26, 1874. d. Feb. 26, 1874.
Austin, J. H., Junction City, Mar. 2, 1874, to
Jan. 12, 1884.
Nicholson, M. B., Council Grove. Jan. 12,
1884, to Jan. 1892.
Moore, O. L., Abilene. Jan. 1900 to Jan. 11,
1904.
Dickerson, J. T., Marion. Jan. 11, 1904
Ninth District.
Wood, Samuel N., Cottonwood Falls. Mar. 6,
1867, to Jan. 13, 1868.
Brown, William R., Cottonwood Falls. Jaa.
13, 1868, to Mar. 1, 1875.
Peters, Samuel R., Marion Center. Mar. 1,
1875, to December 12, 1882.
Houk, Lysander, Hutchinson. Jan. 1, 1883, to
Jan. 1892.
Martin, F. L., Hutchinson. Jan. 1892 to Jan.
1900.
Simpson, Math. P., McPherson. Jan. 1900
Tenth District,
Burris, John T., Olathe. Mar. 5, 1869, to Jan.
10, 1870; Jan. 1890 to Jan. 1902.
Stevens, Hiram, Paola. Jan. 10, 1870, to Jan.
9, 1882.
WagstafP, William R., Paola. Jan. 9, 1882, to
Jan. 1886.
Hindman, J. P., Olathe. Jan. 1886 to Jan.
1890.
Sheldon, W. H., Paola. Jan. 1902
Eleventh District.
Webb, W. C, Fort Scott. Mar. 16, to Nov. 17,
1870.
Webb, Henry G., Oswego. Nov. 17, 1870, to
Feb. 21, 1873.
Perkins, Bishop W., Oswego. Feb. 21, 1873,
to Jan. 8, 1883.
Chandler, George M,, Independence. Jan. 8,
1883, to Apr. 11, 1889.
Ritter, John N., Columbus. Apr. 11, 1889, to
Jan. 1890.
McCue, J. D., Independence. Jan. 1890 to
Jan. 1895.
Skidmore, A. H., Columbus. Jan. 1895 to
Jan. 1903.
Glasse, W. B., Columbus. Jan. 1903
Twelfth District.
Wilson, Andrew S., Washington. Mar. 16, 1871,
to Oct. 20, 1884.
Lowe, Joseph G., Washington. Oct. 27, to
Nov. 10, 1884.
514
KANSAS STATE HISTORICAL SOCIETY.
JUDGES OF THE DISTRICT COURTS.
Twelfth District.
Carnahan, A. A. Nov. 11, 1884, to Jan. 1885.
Hutchinson, Edward, Marysville. Jan. 1885,
to Jan. 1889.
Sturges, F. W., Concordia. Jan. 1889, to Jan.
1901.
Alexander, Hugh, Concordia. Jan. 1901
Thirteenth District.
CampbeU, W. P., El Dorado. Mar. 15, 1872,
to Jan. 1881.
Torrance, E. S., Winfleld. Jan. 1881, to Oct.
15, 1887.
Troup, M. G., Winfleld. Oct. 15, 1887, to Jan.
1893.
Jackson, A. M., Howard. Jan. 1893 to Jan.
1897.
Shinn, C. W., Eureka. Jan. 1897 to Jan. 1901.
Aikman, G. P., El Dorado. Jan. 1901
Fourteenth District.
Prescott, J. H., Salina. Mar. 12, 1872, to Jan.
8, 1877.
Hinds, S. O., Lincoln. Jan. 1877 to Jan. 1889,
Eastland, W. G., Russell. Jan. 1889 to Jan.
1897.
Flannelly, T. J., Chetopa. Feb. 23, 1901
Fifteenth District,
Banta, A. J., Beloit. Mar. 1, 1873, to Jan. 12,
1874.
Holt, Joel, Beloit. Jan. 12, 1874, to Jan. 9,
1882.
Smith, Clark A., Cawker City. Jan. 9, 1882, to
Jan. 1890.
Heren, Cyrus, Osborne. Jan. 1890 to Jan.
1902.
Pickler, R. M., Smith Center. Jan. 1902
Sixteenth District.
Strang, J. C, Larned. Mar. 8, 1881, to Jan.
1890.
Vandivert, Samuel W., Kinsley. Jan. 1890 to
Jan. 1897.
Seventeenth District.
Nellis, De Witt C, Hays City. Mar. 15, 1871,
to Jan. 9, 1882.
Pratt, W. H., Phillipsburg. Jan. 9, 1882, to
Jan. 1886.
Pratt, Louis K., Norton. Jan. 1886 to Jan.
1890.
Bertram, G. Webb, Oberlin. Jan. 1890 to Jan.
1894.
Geiger. A. C. T., Oberlin. Jan. 1894 to Jan.
1902; Jan. 1903
Hamilton, John R., Norton. Jan. 1902 to Jan.
1903.
Eighteenth District,
Harris, Amos, Wichita. Feb. 12 to Nov. 6,
1883.
Sluss, H. C, Wichita. Nov. 6, 1883, to Dec. 4,
1885.
Wall, T. B., Wichita. Dec. 4, 1885, to Jan.
1888.
Heed, C, Wichita. Jan. 1888 to Jan. 1900.
Dale, D. M., Wichita. Jan. 1900
JUDGES OF THE DISTRICT COURTS.
Nineteenth District.
Orner, George D., Medicine Lodge. Mar. 4,
1885.
Ray, James A., Wellington. 1885 to Jan. 1886;
Jan. 1890 to Jan. 1894.
Herrick, J. T., Wellington. Jan. 1886 to Jan.
1890.
Burnette, J. A., Caldwell. Jan. 1894 to Jan.
1898.
McBride, W. T., Wellington. Jan. 1898 to Jan.
1902.
Lawrence, James, Wellington. Jan. 1902 to
Jan. 1903.
Swarts, C. L., Arkansas City. Jan. 1903
Twentieth District.
Nimocks, G. W., Great Bend. Mar. 23, 1885, to
Jan. 1886.
Clark, Ansel R., Sterling. Jan. 1886 to Jan.
1890; Jan. 1S94 to Jan. 1902.
Bailey, J. H., Lyons. Jan. 1890 to Jan. 1894.
Brinckerhoff, J. W., Lyons. Jan. 1902
Twenty-first District.
Spilman, R. B., Manhattan. Mar. 11, 1885 to
Oct. 19, 1898. d. Manhattan, Oct. 19, 1898.
Glass, William S., Marysville. Oct. 24, 1898, to
Sep. 14,1901.
Kimble, Sam., Manhattan, Sep. 14, 1901
Twenty-second District,
Bassett, R. C, Seneca. Feb. 25, 1886, to Jan.
1891.
Thompson, J. F., Sabetha. Jan. 1891, to Jan.
1895.
Emery, R. M., Seneca. Jan. 1895, to Jan. 1899.
Stuart, William I., Troy. Jan. 1899
Twenty-third District.
Osborn, S. J., Wa Keeney. Feb. 26, 1886, to
Jan. 1895.
Monroe, Lee, Wa Keeney. Jan. 1895 to Jan.
1903.
Reeder, James H, Hays City. Jan. 1903 .
Twenty-fourth District.
Ellis, C. W., Medicine Lodge. Feb. 26, 1886,
to Jan. 1891.
McKay, G. W., Attica. Jan. 1891 to Jan. 1899.
Gillett, P. B., Kingman. Jan. 1899
Twenty-fifth District.
Doster, Frank, Marion. Mar. 19, 1887, to Jan.
1892.
Earle, Lucien, McPherson. Jan. 1892 to Jan.
1895.
Twenty-sixth District.
Redden, A. L., El Dorado. Mar. 19, 1887, to
Jan. 1888.
Hamilton, A. L. L., El Dorado. Jan.
to June 2, 1888.
Shinn. T. O., El Dorado. Sept. 17, 1888, to
Jan. 1889.
Leland, C. A., El Dorado. Jan. 1889 to Jan.
1892.
Shinn, C. W., El Dorado. Jan. 1892 to Jan.
1895.
Twenty -sei'ent.h District.
Abbott, A. J., Garden City. Mar. 19, 1887, to
Jan. 1895.
A ROSTER OF KANSAS FOR FIFTY YEARS.
515
JUDGES OF THE DISTRICT COURTS.
Twenty-eighth District.
Leslie, S. W., Kingman. Mar. 19, 1887, to Jan.
1892.
Bashore, W. O., Kingman. Jan. 1892 to Jan.
1895.
Twenty-ninth District,
Miller, O. L., Wyandotte. Mar. 19, 1887, to
Mar. 7, 1891.
Alden, Henry L., Kansas City. Mar. 7, 1891,
to Jan. 1900.
Fischer, E. L., Kansas City. Jan. 1, 1900 to
1904.
Moore, J. McCabe, Kansas City. 1904
2'hirtielh District,
Thompson, R. F., Minneapolis. Mar. 1889 to
Jan. 1902.
Rees, R. R., Minneapolis. Jan. 1902
Thirty-first District.
Price, Francis C, Ashland. Mar. 1889 to Jan.
1902.
Madison, Ed. H., Dodge City. Jan. 1902
Thirty-second District.
Botkin, Theodosius. Springfield. Mar. 1889
to Oct. 11, 1892.
Hutchison, William Easton. Ulysses. Oct.
11, 1892
Thirty-third District.
Grinstead, V. H. Dighton. Mar. 1889 to Jan.
1894.
Andrews. James E. La Crosse. Jan. 1894 to
Jan. 1902.
Lobdell, Charles E. Lamed. Jan. 1902
Thirty -fourth District.
Smith. Charles W. Stockton. Mar. 1889
Thirty-fifth District.
Thompson, William, Osage City, Mar. 1889 to
Jan. 1902.
Heizer, Robert C. Osage City. Jan. 1902
Thirty-sixth District.
Johnson, Charles F. Oskaloosa. 1899 to Jan.
1900.
Gephart, Marshall. Oskaloosa. Jan. 1900
Thirty-seventh District,
Foust, Oscar, lola. 1903
JUDGES OF COURT OF COMMON
PLEAS.
Wyandotte County,
Anderson, Thomas P., Kansas City. Mar. 7,
1891, to Jan. 1900.
Holt, W. G., Kansas City. Jan. 1900 - —
Sedc/wick County.
Balderston, Jacob M., Wichita. Mar. 4, 1889,
to Dec. 31 1891.
SUPERIOR COURT OF SHAWNEE
COUNTY.
Webb, William C, Topeka. Mar. 24, 1885, to
Apr. 4, 1887.
JUDGE OF CIRCUIT COURT OF SHAW-
NEE COUNTY.
Johnson. John B,, Topeka. Mar. 12, 1891, to
Apr. 12, 1895.
DISTRICT ATTORNEYS.
First district, T. P. Fenlon, Leavenworth.
1861-'63. H. W. Ide, Leavenworth. 1863-'65.
Second district, Joseph F. Babbitt. 1861-'63.
E. J. Jenkins. 1863-'65.
Third district, A. H. Case, Topeka. 1861-'63,
C. K. Gilchrist, Oskaloosa. 1863-'65.
Fourth district, Samuel A. Riggs, Lawrence.
1861-'65.
Fifth district, George H. Lillie. 1861-'63. A.
S. Howard. 1863-'65.
UNITED STATES SENATORS.
Lane, James Henry. Lawrence. Apr. 4, 1861,
to July 11, 1866. d. Leavenworth, July 11,
1866.
Ross, Edmund G. Lawrence. Appointed vice
Lane, July 20, 1866, and elected to fill va-
cancy vice Lane, Jan. 23, 1867. Served July
20, 1866, to Mar. 1871.
Caldwell, Alexander. Leavenworth. Mar.
1871 to Mar. 24, 1873. Resigned. '
Crozier, Robert. Leavenworth. Appointed
vice Caldwell, Nov. 22, 1873. Served Nov. 22,
1873, to Feb. 2, 1874. d. Leavenworth, Oct. 2,
1895.
Harvey, James M. Vinton. Elected vice Cald-
well, Feb. 2, 1874. Served Feb. 2, 1874, to
Mar. 1877. d. Riley co., Kan., Apr. 15, 1895.
Plumb, Preston Bierce. Emporia. Mar. 1877
to Dec. 20, 1891. d. Washington, D. C, Dec.
20, 1891.
Perkins, Bishoo W. Oswego. Appointed vice
Plumb, Jan. 1, 1892. Served Jan. 1, 1892, to
Mar. 1893. d. Washington, D. C, June 20,
1894.
Martin, John. Topeka. Elected vice Plumb,
Jan. 25, 1893. Served Jan. 25, 1893, to Mar.
1895.
Baker, Lucien. Leavenworth. Mar. 1895 to
Mar. 1901.
Burton, Joseph Ralph. Abilene. Mar. 1901
Pomeroy, Samuel Clark. Atchison. Apr. 4,
1861, to Mar. 1873. d. Whitinsville, Mass.,
Aug. 27, 1891.
Ingalls, John James. Atchison. Mar. 1873 to
Mar. 1891. d. Las Vegas Hot Springs, N. M.,
Aug. 16, 1900.
Peffer, William Alfred. Topeka. Mar. 1891 to
Mar. 1897.
Harris, William A. Linwood. Mar. 1897 to
Mar. 1903.
Long, Chester I. Medicine Lodge. Mar. 1903
CONGRESSMEN.
Conway, Martin F. Lawrence. 1861-'63. d.
Feb. 15, 1882, Washington, D. C.
Wilder, Abel Carter. Leavenworth. 1863-'65.
d. Dec. 23, 1875, San Francisco, Cal.
Clarke, Sidney. Lawrence. 1865-'71.
Lowe, David P. Fort Scott. 1871-'75. d, Apr.
10, 1882, Fort Scott.
Cobb, Stephen Alonzo. Wyandotte. 1873-'75,
d. Aug. 26, 1878, Wyandotte.
Phillips, William Addison. Salina. 1873-'79.
d. Nov. 30, 1893, Fort Gibson, I. T.
Brown, William R. Hutchinson. 1875-'77.
516
KANSAS STATE HISTORICAL SOCIETY.
CONGRESSMEN.
Goodin, John R. Humboldt, 1875-'77. d. Dec.
19, 1885, WyaudottP.
Haskoll, Dudley C. Lawrence. 1877-'83. d.
Dec. 16, 188S, WashiustoD, D. C.
Ryan, Thomas. Topeka. 1877-'89.
Anderson, John Alexander. Manhattan. 1879-
'91, d. May 18, 1892, Liverpool, England.
Morrill, Edwin N. Hiawatha. 1883-91.
Peters, Samuel Ritter. Newton. 1883-'91.
Hanback, Lewis. Osborne. 1883-'87. d. Sept.
7, 1897, Kansas City, Kan.
Perkins, Bishop W. Oswego. 18S3-'91. d. June
20, 1894, Washington, D. C.
Funston, Edward Hogne. lola. 1883-'93.
Turner, Erastus J. Hoxie. 1887-'91.
Kelley, Harrison. Burlington. 1889-'91. d.
July 24, 1897, Burlington.
Broderick, Case. Holton. 189l-'99.
Clover, B. H. Cambridge. 1891-'93.
Davis, John. Junction City. 1891-'95. d.Aug.
2, 1901, Topeka.
Simpson, Jerry, Medicine Lodge. 1891-'95,
1897-'99.
Otis, John Grant, Topeka. 1891-93.
Baker, William, Lincoln. 1891-'97.
Harris, William Alexander. Linwood. 1893-'95.
Moore, Horace L., Lawrence. 1893-'95.
Curtis, Charles, Topeka. 1S93-1905.
Hudson, Thomas J., Fredonia. 1893-95.
Blue, Richard W., Pleasantou. 189.5-97.
Miller, Orrin L., Kansas City. 1895-'97.
Kirkpatrick, Snyder S., Fredonia. 1895-'97.
Calderhead, William A., Marysvillo. 1895-'97,
1899-1905.
Long, Chester I., Medicine Lodge. 1895-'97,
1899-1903.
Botkin, Jeremiah Dunham, Winfleld. 1897-'99.
Peters, Mason Summers, Kansas City. 1897-'99.
McCormick, N. B., Phillipsburg. 1897-'99.
Ridgely, Edwin Reed, Pittsburg. 1897-1901.
Vincent, William D., Clay Center. 1897-'99.
Bailey, Willis Joshua, Baileyville. 1899-1901.
Bowersock, Justin DeWitt, Lawrence. 1899-
1905.
Miller, James Monroe, Council Grove. 1899-
1905.
Reeder, William Augustus, Logan. 1899-1905.
Scott, Charles Frederick, Tola. 1901-'05.
Jackson, Alfred Metcalf, Winfleld. 1901-'03.
Campbell, Phillip Pitt, Pittsburg. 1903-'05.
Murdock, Victor, Wichita. 1903-'O5.
ACADEMY OF SCIENCE.
Presidents.
Mudgo, Benjamin Franklin, Manhattan. 1869-
'70, 1878 to Nov. 21, 1879. d. Manhattan, Nov.
21, 1879.
Fraser, John, Lawrence. 1871-'73. d. Alle-
gheny City, Pa., June 4, 1878.
Snow, Francis Huntington, Lawi'ence. 1874-'78.
Lovewell, Joseph Taplin, Topeka. 1881-'82.
Thompson, Dr. Alton Howard, Topeka. 1883.
Brown, Dr. Robert J., Leavenworth. 1884-'85.
Nichols, Dr. Edward Leamington, Lawrence.
1886.
Parker, John Dempster, Burlington. 1887.
Mead, James Richards, Wichita. 1888.
ACADEMY OF SCIENCE.
Presidents,
Dinsmore, Thomas H., jr., Emporia. 1889.
Failyer, George H., Manhattan. 1890.
Hay, Robert, Junction Citv. 1891. d. Junction
City, Dec. 14, 1895.
Popenoe, Edwin Alonzo, Manhattan. 1892.
Bailey, Edgar Henry Summerfield, Lawrence.
1893.
Sayre, Lucius Elmer, Lawrence. 1894.
Knaus, Warren, McPherson. 1895.
Kelly, Dorman S., Emporia. 1896.
Williston, Samuel Wendell, Lawrence. 1897.
Lantz, David Ernest, Chapman. 1898.
Knerr, Ellsworth Brownell, Atchison. 1899.
Hitchcock, Alberts., Manhattan. 1900.
Miller, Ephraim, Lawrence. 1901.
Willard, Julius T., Manhattan. 1902.
Secretaries.
Parker, John Dempster, Burlington. 1869-'73.
Wherrell, John, Leavenworth. 1874-'75.
Savage, Joseph, Lawrence. 1876-'77.
Popenoe, Edwin Alonzo, Manhattan. 1878-'89.
Bailey, Edgar Henry Summerfield, Lawrence.
1890-'92. -
Collette, Alonzo M., Emporia. 1893.
Knerr, Ellsworth Brownell, Atchison. 1894-'98.
Lantz, David Ernest, Chapman. 1899-1901.
Grimsley, George Perry, Topeka. 1902 .
Librarian and Curator.
Cragiu , Francis W., Topeka. 1884-'85.
Smyth, Bernard B., Topeka.* 1886-1902.
ADJUTANTS GENERAL.
Mitchell, Robert Byington, Mansfield. May 2,
1861, to June 20, 1861. d. Jan. 26, 1882, Wash-
ington, D. C.
.\llen, Lyman, Lawrence. July 23, 1861, to
Mar. 22, 1862. d. Dec. 1, 1863, Lawrence.
Chad wick, Charles, Lawrence, Mar. 22, 1862,
to Feb. 26, 1863. d. 1900, Lawrence.
Dudley, Guilford, Topeka. Feb. 27, 1863, to
May 2, 1864.
Holiday, Cyrus Kurtz, Topeka. Mav 2, 1864,
to Mar. 31, 1865. d. Mar. 29, 1900, Topeka.
Anderson, Thomas Jefferson, Topeka. Apr. 1
1865, to Aug. 18, 1867.
McAfee, Josiah Breckbill, Topeka. Aug. 18,
1867, to Mar. 3, 1869.
Moorliouse, William Simpson, Atchison. Mar.
4, 1869, to Mar. 4, 1870.
Whittaker, David, Doniphan. Mar. 5, 1870, to
Mar. 5, 1873.
Morris, Charles Archibald, Ft. Scott. Mar. 6,
1873, to Jan. 1876.
Beman, Hiram Thompkins, Topeka. Jan,
1876 to Mar. 5, 1878. d. Aug. 19, 1885, To-
peka.
Noble, Peter Stryker, Independence. Apr. 7,
1878, to Jan 7, 1883.
Moonlight, Thomas, Leavenworth. Jan. 8,
1883, to Jan. 22, 1885. d. Feb. 7, 1899, Leav-
enworth.
Campbell, Alexander B., Topeka. Jan. 23,
1885, to Mar. 31, 1889. d. Doc. 20, 1897, Chi-
cago, 111.
Roberts, John Newton, Lawrence. Apr. 1,
1889, to Jan. 1, 1893.
A ROSTER OP KANSAS FOR FIFTY YEARS.
517
ADJUTANTS GENERAL.
Artz, Henry H,, Garden City. Jan. 10, 1893, to
Mar. 31, 1891.
Davis, Albert J. Stockton. Apr. 1, 1891, to
Feb. 28, 1895.
Fox, Simeon M., Manhattan. Mar. 1, 189.5, to
to Jan. 31, 1897. .
Allen, Hiram, Williamsburg. Feb. 1. 1897, to
Feb 21. 1899. A. Mar. 29, 1902, Williamsburg.
Fox, Simeon M., Manliattan, Feb. 22, 1899, to
Feb. 1903.
Kelsey, Samuel Howell, Atchison. Feb. 1903
Majors General.
Cloud, William F. 1866.
Walker, Samu-el, Lawrence. 1873-75.
Brown, Willis, Seneca. 1879-'82.
Anderson, Thomas J., Topeka. 1882-'83.
Ketner, James, Junction City. 1883-'85.
Carroll, Thomas M., Leavenworth. 1885-'93.
Daniels, Percy, Girard. 1893-'95.
Hughes, James White Frierson, Topeka.
1895-'97.
McCrum, Charles, Garnett. 1897-'99.
Brigadiers Oeneral,
Mitchell, Robert B. Apr. 8, 1862.
Blunt, James G. Apr. 8, 1862.
Lee, Albert L. Nov. 29, 1862.
Deitzler, George W. Nov. 29, 1862.
Ewing, Thomas, jr. Mar. 13, 1863.
Clayton, Powell. Aug. 1, 1861.
Strickler, Samuel M., Junction City. 1863.
Fishback, W. H. M., Olathe. 1864.
Drake, Samuel A., Leavenworth. 1861.
Grant, M. S. 1864.
Sherry, Byron, Seneca. 1864.
Scott, John B., LeRoy. 1864.
Wood, Samuel N., Council Grove. 1864.
Snoddy, John T., Mound City. 1864.
Martin, John A. Atchison. 1865.
Harvey, James M., Fort Riley. 1865.
Burris, John T., Olathe. 1865.
Kelley, Harrison, Ottumwa. 1865.
McMillan, Robert, Council Grove. 1873-'74.
Drenning, Frank H., Wathena. 1873-'74.
Taylor, T. T., Hutchinson. 1875.
Daniels, Percy, Girard. 1873-'75.
Snyder, H. C, Glasco. 1873-'75.
Flenniken, B. F., Clay Center. 1878-'83.
Green, A. H. Winfield. 1879-'81.
Freiderich, Robert A., Topeka. 1879-'81.
Pratt, I. V. 1880-'81.
Stadden, Isaac, Fort Scott. 1883-'85.
WatrouS: John E., Burlington. 1883-'85.
Becker, William. 1883-'85.
Graves, George C. 1883-'85.
Fuller, A. M., Topeka. 1885-'91.
McCarthy, Timothy, Larned. 1885-'87.
Dixon, Adam, Belleville. 1885-'93.
Roberts, John N., Lawrence. 1885-'87.
Myers, Murray, Wichita. 1887-'93.
Patrick, S. L., Franklin county. 1889.
Kimball, C. H., Parsons. 1890-'91.
Sears, W. H., Lawrence. 1893-'95.
Brigadiers General.
Hettinger, I. H., Wichita. ]893-'95.
Parsons, W. H., Clifton. 189,J-'95.
Barker, George H. 1895-'97.
Corbett, W. S. 1895-97.
Morrison, T. S. 1895-'97.
Garver, Clair J., Wellington. 1897-'99.
Hughes, James W. F., Topeka. 1899-1907.
Engineers in Chief.
Gunn, Otis B. 1861. .
Robinson, Geo. T., Topeka. 1864.
Wilmarth, L. C, Topeka. 1864.
Reid, W. E., Concordia. 1880-'81.
Moore, James, Topeka. 1881-'83.
Myer, Alfred, Atchison. 1883-85.
Hebron, W. S., Kinsley. 1885-'89.
Atkinson, Robert, Ottawa. 1895-'99.
Wilcox, Wm. P., Topeka. Ang. 9, 1899, to Oct.
4, 19U1.
Porter, Geo. W., Topeka. Oct. 4, 1901, to April
23, 1903.
Kidder, Pancoast, Topeka. April 23, 1903, to
Jan. 4, 1904.
Inspectors General.
Simpson, B. F. 1861.
Mitchell, William. 1863-'64.
Tilton, W. S., WaKeeney. 1878-'83.
Smith, Harry A. 1891.
Loomis, Nelson H., Topeka. March 10, 1903.
Judge Advocates General.
Greer, J. P. 1861.
Lowe, D. P. 1863.
Fishback, W. H. M., Olathe. 1863.
McBratney, Robert. 1863.
Ingalls, John J., Atchison. 1864.
Cole, T. C. 1880-'83.
Usher, Samuel C. 1883-'85.
Feighan, J. W., Emporia. 1885-'89.
Sprague, E. F., Emporia. 1889-'93.
Doster, Frank, Marion. 1893-'95.
Bird, W. A. S., Topeka. 1895-'97.
Sears, W. H., Lawrence. 1897-'99.
Garver, Clair J., Wellington. 1899-1905.
Paymasters General.
Mitchell, A. J. 1861.
Otis, John G. 1863.
Chadwick, Charles, Lawrence. 1864-'65.
Rankin, John K., Lawrence. 1865.
Baldwin, William. 1873-'75.
Tilton, W. S., Wa Keeney. 1880-'8I.
Insley, Harry E., Leavenworth. 1883-'85,
Bonebrake, F. M., Topeka. 1887-'95.
Elliott, Charles S., Topeka. lS95-'97, 1899 .
Anderson, J. E. 1897-'99.
Quartermasters General.
George W. Collamore, Lawrence. 1861. Killed
in Quantrill massacre, Aug. 21, 1863,
Charles Chadwick, Lawrence, 1861-'62,
Edward Russell, Elwood. 1863-'61.
D. E. Ballard. 1865.
518
KANSAS STATE HISTORICAL SOCIETY.
Quartermasters General,
John G. Haskell, Lawrence. 1865, 1871-'72.
Samuel Lappin, Scueca. 1873-'7.5.
John H. Smith, Weir City. 1875.
T. P. Anderson, Columbus. 1878-'83.
C. J. McDivitt, Abilene. 1885-'89.
H. F. Best, Kinsley. 1889-'93.
C. A. Taylor, Springdale. 1893-'95.
L. V. B. Taylor. 1895-'96.
Fred. E. Buchan, Kansas City. 1896-'98.
W. H. Strickler. 1898-'99.
L. G. Parker, Oborlin. 4899-1901.
James Smith, Marysville. 1901— '05.
8%irgeons General.
Winans, N. T. 1865.
Early, W. H., LaCygno. 1873-'75.
Jones, D. C. 1879-'82.
Root, J. P., Wyandotte, 1878-'82.
Trimble, R. A., Larned. 1883-'85.
Hibben, J. B., Topeka. 1885-'89.
Roberts, H. S., Manhattan. 1889-'93.
Pattee, E. L., Manhattan. 1893-'95.
Mitchell, E. A. 1895-'98.
Martin, F. H. 1898-99.
O'Donnell, Harry. 1901-'05.
AGRICULTURAL COLLEGE, STATE
Board of Regents,
The governor, secretary of state, superin-
tendent of public instruction and president
of the College were ex-officio members of the
board.
Collamore, G. W. 1863.
Baker, T. H. 1863-'70.
Pipher, John, Manhattan. 1863-68.
Spaulding, Azel, Atchison. 1863-64. d. Mar.
6, 1883, Atchison.
Wood worth, W. F. 1863-'66.
Bailey, Lawrence Dudley, Lawrence. 1863-'69.
d. Oct. 15, 1891, Lawrence.
Houston, Samuel Dexter, Manhattan. 1863-'69,
Lowe, David P., Mound City. 1863-'64. d. Apr.
10, 188i, Ft. Scott.
Reaser, J. G. 1863-'69.
Cordley, Richard, Lawrence. 1863-'71.
Gale, Elbridge, Manhattan. 186.5-'71.
Earheart, David, Pardee. 1865-'71.
Manning, E. C, Winfield. 1868-'70.
Reynolds, Charles, Fort Riley. 1868-'74. d.
Dec. 28, 1885, Junction City.
Hanna, Benjamin John Franklin, Salina.
1869-'73. d. Dec. 7, 1891, at Washington, D. C.
McClenahan, John, Ottawa. 1869-'73.
Grover, O. J., Savannah. 1869-'73.
Parker, R. D., Manhattan. 1870-'73.
Strickler, Hiram Jackson, Tecumseh. 1870-'73.
d. July 31. 1873, Tecumseh.
Wheeler; Joshua, Pardee. 1871-'73; 1888-'94.
d. May 14, 1!596, Nortonville.
Gray, Alfred, Quindaro. 1870-'73. d. Jan. 23,
1880, Topeka.
Higinbotham, Geo. W., Manhattan. 1870-73. d.
Sternberg, L., Fort Barker. 1871-'73.
AGRICULTURAL COLLEGE, STATE
lionrd of Regents.
Under act approved March 6, 1873. the board
was confined to six appointees and one ex-
ojfficio member, who shall be the president of
the college.
Rogers, James, Burlington. 1873-'76.
Adams, N. A., Manhattan. 1873-'78.
Hudson, Joseph Kennedy, Wyandotte. 1873-'75.
Copley, Josiah, Perryville. 1873-'75.
Green, Nehemiah, Holton. 1873-'74. d. Jan.
12, 1890, Manhattan.
Kingsbury, Burton L., Burlington. 1874-79.
Bates, Charles A., Marysville. Feb. 8, 1874 to
Apr. 1, 1874.
Folks, John H., Wellington. 1874-'77.
Salter, Melville J., Thayer. 1875-'80.
Horton, Albert Howell, Atchison. 1876-'77. d.
Sep. 2, 1902, Topeka.
Wood, Stephen M., Elmdale. 1877-'83.
Hallowell, James R.. Columbus. 1877-'79. d.
June 24, 1898, Crawfordsville, Ind.
Henry, Theodore C, Abilene. 1877-'80.
Best, Lewis J., Beloit. 1878. d. Apr. 30, 1897,
Beardown, Ark.
Challis, W. L., Atchison. 1878-81.
Purcell, E. B., Manhattan. 1879-'81.
McKay, D. C, Ames. 1879-'83.
Redden, Alfred Lee, El Dorado. 1879-'83.
Hoisington, Andrew Jackson, Great Bend.
1880-'83.
Elliott, John, Manhattan. 1881-83.
Adamson, V. V., Holton. 1881-'83.
Leland, C. A., EI Dorado. 1883-'86.
Ellicott, J. T., Manhattan. 1883-86.
Kellerman, H. C, Burlington. 1883-'87.
Coburn, Foster D wight, Wyandotte. 1883-'85.
1902-'05.
Krohn, Philip, Atchison. 1883-'85.
Gifford, Charles E., Clay Center. 1883-'85.
Henshall, Thomas, Troy. 188.5-'90.
Moore, T. P., Holton. 1885-'93.
Lemmon, Allen Borsley, Newton. 1885-'88.
Forsythe, A. P., Independence. 1885-'94.
FuUenwider, John H., El Dorado. 1886-'87.
Hessin, John E., Manhattan. 1886-'92.
Smith. E. N., El Dorado. 1887-'89.
Caraway, Morgan, Great Bend. 1889-'92.
Finley, R. W., Oberliu. 1890-'93.
Chaffee, F. M., Wyckoff. 1892-'95.
Kelley, R. P., Eureka. 1892-'95.
Street, W. D., Oberliu. 1893-'96.
Stratford, E. D., EI Dorado. 1892-'95.
Secrest, Ed., Randolph. ]892-'95.
Kelley, Harrison, Burlington, lS93-'96, 1898-'01.
Hoffman, C. B., Enterprise. 1894-1901.
Goodyear, C. E., Wichita. 1894-'97.
Daughters, C. B., Lincoln. 1895-'98.
Noe, C. R., Leon. 189.5-'98. '
Riddle, Alexander P., Minneapolis. 1896-'99.
Stewart, Sam'l J., Humboldt. 1896-'99, 1902-'05.
St. John, Mrs. Susan J., Olathe. 1898-1901.
Hudson, T. J., Fredonia. 1896-'99.
Limbocker, J. N., Manhattan. 1898-1901.
Munger, George M., Eureka. 1898-1901.
Phipps, William H., Abilene. 1896-'99.
A ROSTER OF KANSAS FOR FIFTY YEARS.
519
AGRICULTURAL COLLEGE, STATE
Board of Regents.
CowgilJ, Elias Branson, Topeka. 1896-'99.
Fairchild, E. T., Ellsworth. 1900-'03.
McDowell, .J. S., Smith Center. 1898-1905.
Yoe, W. T., Independence. 1898-1901.
Hunter, William, Blue Rapids. 1900-'03.
Vrooman Carl, Parsons. 1898-1901.
Satterthwaite, J. M., Douglass, 1900-'03.
Presidents.
Denison, Joseph, D. D., A.M., Manhattan,
1863-'73. d. Feb. 21, 1900, Manhattan.
Anderson, John Alexander, Junction City.
1873-'78. d. May 18, 1892, Liverpool, England.
Ward, Milan Lester. A.M., Manhattan. Feb.
to Dec. 1879. Acting president.
Fairchild, George Thompson, A. M., Michigan
Agricultural College. 1879-'96. d. Mar. 16,
1901, Columbus, Ohio.
Will, Thomas E., A. M., Manhattan. 1897-'99.
Nichols, E. R., A. M., Manhattan. 1900 .
Agent for the Sale of Agricultural College
Lands.
John B. GifEord, Manhattan. 1904.
AGRICULTURE, STATE BOARD OF
Presidents.
Scott, Lyman, Leavenworth. 1862.
Bailey, Lawrence Dudley, Emporia. 1863-'66.
d. Oct. 15, 1891, Lawrence.
Elliott, R. G., Lawrence. 1867-69.
K'alloch, Isaac S., Lawrence. 1870-'71. d. Dec,
11, 1887, Whatcom, Wash.
Strickler, Hiram Jackson, Tecumseh. 1872.
d. July 31, 1873, Tecumseh.
Niccolls, E. S., Anderson county. 1873.
Anthony, George Tobey, Leavenworth. 1874-
'77. d. Aug. 5, 1896, Topeka.
Kelly, John, Blendon. 1879-85.
Jenkins, Richard W., Oaaga. 1879-'85.
Wheeler, Joshua, Nortonville, 1885-'88. d.
May 14, 1896, Nortonville.
Sims, William, Topeka. 1888-'89.
Smith, Abram Wentworth, McPherson, 1889-
'94.
Potter.Thomas M., Peabody. 1894-'97.
Glick, George Washington, Atchison. 1897-'99,
Hubbard, Thomas A., Rome. 1899-1901.
Taylor, Edwin, Edwardsville, 1901-'03.
Churchill, .John g.. Dodge City. 1903 .
Secretaries.
The Kansas State Agricultural Society was
organized March 5, 1862, and was incorporated
under the act of March 6, 1862. Under the act
of March 7, 1872, the name of the Society was
changed to the Kansas State Board of Agricul-
ture.
Adaoas, Franklin George, Topeka. 1862-'64.
d. Dec. 2, 1899, Topeka.
Brown, John S., Lawrence. 1865-'66; d. July
16, 1902, Lawrence.
Strickler, Hiram Jackson, Tecumseh. 1867-'70.
d. July 31, 1873, Tecumseh.
Gray, Alfred, Quindaro, 1871-'80. d. Jan. 23,
1880, Topeka.
Hudson, Joseph Kennedy, Topeka, 1880-81.
AGRICULTURE, STATE BOARD OF
Secretaries.
Coburn, Foster Dwight, Pomona. 1881-'82.
Sims, William, Topeka. 1882-'88,
Mohler, Martin, Osborne. 1888-'93. d. Mar.
20, 1903, Topeka.
Coburn, Foster Dwight, Wyandotte. 1894 .
BANK COMMISSIONERS.
Johnson, Charles F., Oskaloosa. 1891-'9,3.
Breidenthal, John W., Chetopa. 1893-1900.
Albaugh, Morton, Kingman. 1901
BARBERS' BOARD OF EXAMINATION
AND INSPECTION COMMISSIONERS.
Aker, William L. July 8, 1903, to July 8, 1906.
Mitchell, D. M. July 8, 1903, to July 8, 1905.
Stephens, J. D. July 8, 1903, to July 8, 1904.
BLIND, INSTITUTION FOR EDUCATION
OF THE, WYANDOTTE.
Board of Trustees,
Baker, Floyd Perry, Topeka. 1868-'70.
Larimer, William, president, Leavenworth.
1868-'73.
Speck,' Frederick, sec, Wyandotte. 1868-76.
MacDonald, S. D., Topeka. 1871-'73.
Reasoner, Calvin, Osborne. 1873-'74.
Slosson, William B., sec, Sabetha. 1873-76.
Wells, Welcome, pres., Manhattan. 1873-'76.
Wood, Stephen M., Elmdale. 1873-'75.
Gordon, David, Fort Scott. 1873-'76.
Pilkenton, W. H., Belleville. 1874-'76.
Wright, R. W., Oswego. 1875'-76.
This institution passed under the control of
the State Board of Charities by amendatory
act of 1876.
Superintendents.
Sawyer, H. H. 1868-70,
Updegraff, W. W. lS70-'72.
Parker, John D. 1872-'76.
Miller, George H. 1876-'89.
Buckner, Allen. 1889-'92.
Williams, Lapier. 1892-'93.
Todd, W. G. 1893-'95.
Miller, George H. 1895-'97.
Toothaker, W. H. 1897-'99.
Williams, Lapier. 1899 .
CHARITIES, STATE BOARD OF
Wilson, J. C, Muscotah. Apr. 10, 1873, to Apr,
10, 1876.
Elder, P. P., Ottawa. Apr. 10, 1873, to Apr, 10,
1876.
Barnitt, W. B., Hiawatha. Apr. 10, 1873, to
June 3, 1873.
Brodbent, C. S, June 13, 1873, to Apr, 10. 1876,
Taylor, Thomas Thompson, Hutchinson,
1876-'79.
Slosson, William B., Sabetha. 1876-'77,
Lanter, John T., Garnett. 1876-'78.
Smith, John H., Columbus. 1876-'78.
Bauserman, Joseph P., Leavenworth. 1876-'77.
Knowles, Edwin, Sabetha. 1877-'83.
520
KANSAS STATE HISTORICAL SOCIETY.
CHARITIES, STATE BOARD OF
Faulkner. Charles E., Salina. 1878-'88.
Sharpo, Amasa Trowbridge, Ottawa. 1878-'84,
188.'i-'89. d. Aug. 18. 1890.
Waver, J. L., Leavenworth. 1877-'81.
Hogne, J. M., Emporia. 1880-'83.
Mitchell, C. R., Geuda Springs. 1882-'85.
Maloney, Michael, Emporia. 1883-'84. d. Feb.
4, 1884.
McAllister, D. O., Ottawa. 1883-'85.
Gilbert, Samuel L., Winfield. 1884-'85.
Hohn, August, Marysville. ]883-'85.
Rogers, George C, Eureka. 1884-'85.
Krohn, Philip, Atchison. 1835-'86.
Bondi, August, Salina. 1883-'8.5.
Stotler, Jacob, Wellington. 1885-'90. d. Kan-
sas City, Mo , Jan. 26, 1901.
Crump, William S., Clyde. 1885-'89.
Kirk, L. K., Garnett. 1886-'92.
Reynolds, Adrian, Sedan. 1892-'93.
Rhodes, T. F., Frankfort, 1889-'93.
Bond, R. F., Sterling. 1890-'91.
Kelley, Harrison, Burlington. 1889.
Miller, W. W., Osage City. 1889-'93.
Yoe, W. T., Independence. 1891-'94.
Kelly, Henry Bascom, McPherson. 1891-'94.
Martin, James, Seneca. 1883-'84. Died.
Wait, Walters., Lincoln. 1893-'96. Died Lin-
coln, Dec. 17, 1900.
Lease, Mary Elizabeth, Wichita. 1893-94.
Freeborn, J. W., McPherson. 1893-'96.
Householder, Moses Alvah, Columbus. 1893-96.
Hinshaw, N. M., Emporia. 1894-'95.
Landis, Harry S., Medicine Lodge. 1895-'97.
Allen, Walter Norman, Meriden. 1894-97.
Albaugh, Morton, Kingman. 1895-'97.
Clark, George Alfred, Junction City. 189.5-'98.
Wilcockson, Kleber E., Oakley. 1895-'98.
Blakeslee, Dr. Thomas, Neodesha. ]896-'97.
Lockard, Francis Marion, Norton. 1896-'97,
Brown, William L., Kingman. 1897-'98.
Jumper, Horace G., Melvern. 1897-'99.
Wheeler, S. C, Concordia. 1897-1900.
Dolan, P. H., Salina. 1897-1900.
Shane, B. Frank, Oskaloosa. 1898-'99.
Street, William D., Oberlin. 1898-'99.
Hornaday, Grant, Fort Scott. 1899-1901.
Snyder, Edwin, Oskaloosa. 1899-1902.
Kanavel, G. W., Sedgwick. 1899-1905.
Vincent, R., Washington. 1899-1904.
Hannon, John, Leavenworth. 1900-'03.
Allen, Henry J., Ottawa. 1901-'06
McNeill, C. A., Columbus. 1901-'07.
Denman, F. B., Osborne. 1903-'07.
Yoe, Charles, Independence. 1902-'03.
CHICKAMAUQA AND CHATTANOOGA
BATTLEFIELD COMMISSION.
Johnson, G. W. Feb. 20, 1895.
Washer, Maj. Sol R. Feb. 20, 1895.
Aker, Leonard. Feb. 20, 1895.
Starnes, J. W. Feb. 20, 1895.
Abernathy, Col. James L., Leavenworth.
Feb. 20, 1895. d. Leavenworth, Dec. 16, 1902.
DEAF AND DUMB, INSTITUTION FOR
THE EDUCATION OF, OLATHE.
VisUinf) Comniiilee.
Cox, John T., Ottumwa. Feb, 20, 1865.
Craig, Warreu. Feb. 20, 1865.
Park, J. G., Leavenworth. Feb. 20, 1865.
Commissioners.
Henderson, F. E., Olathe. Feb. 26, 1866.
Craig, Warren, Baldwin. Feb. 26, 1866.
Goodin, J. K., Baldwin. Feb. 26, 1866.
Truslees.
Lawrence, George W., Olathe. Jan. 31, 1867.
Henderson, Frank E., Olathe. Feb. 26, 1870.
Lawrence, George H., Olathe. Feb. 20, 1870.
Johnson, A. S., Shawnee Mission. Feb. 20, 1870.
Bruner, J. B., Gardner. Feb. 20, 1870.
Lakin, D. L., Topeka. Feb. 20, 1870.
Lockwood, Geo. C, Salina, vice Craig. Sept.
2, 1875.
Board of Trustees.
Craig, Warner, president, Baldwin. 1867-'68.
Henderson, Frank E., secretary, Olathe. 1867-
1871.
Goodin, Joel Kishler, Baldwin. 1867-'69.
Johnson, Alexander S., president, Shawnee
Mission. 1867-'7I.
Lawrence, George H., Olathe. 1867-'72.
Lakin, David Long, Topeka. 1868-'71. d. Oct.
8, 1897, Topeka.
Bruner, J. B., Olathe. 1869-'71.
Craig, William B,, president, Wathena. 1872-
1875.
Milhoan, Thomas Elwood, secretary, Olathe.
1872-'73.
Durkee, Samuel T., Olathe. 1872-'73.
Fishback, William Henry M., president,
Olathe. 1873-'74.
Francis, John, secretary, lola. 1873-'76.
Shaw, Archibald, Olathe. 1873-'76. d. May
14, 1888, Olathe.
Stover, Elias Sleeper, Council Grove. 1873-'76.
Rogers, J. W., Boyle, 1873-'76.
Shannon, W. A., president, Augusta. 1874-'76.
Lockwood, George C, Salina. 1875-76.
This institution passed under control of the
State Board of Charities by amendatory act
of 1876.
Super inte ndents,
Burnsides, Thomas. 1866-'67.
Jenkins Louis H. 1867-'76.
Bowles, Theodore C. 1876-'79. d. Apr. 8, 1879,
Olathe.
Wyckoff, George L. Apr. 4 to Aug. 15, 1879.
Parker, J. W. 1879-'80.
DeMotte, W. H. 1880-'83.
Turton, H. A. 1883-'85.
Walker, S. T. 1885-'94.
Stewart, A. A. 1894-'95.
Hammond, H. C. 189!)-'97.
Stewart, A. A. 1897-'99.
Hammond, H. C. 1899 .
The Kansas Deaf-mute Institute was opened
at Baldwin City, in the summer of 1861, as a
private school, by Philip A. Emery. It con-
tinued under his management, at this place,
until the fall of 1864, when the school was
A ROSTER OF KANSAS FOR FIFTY YEARS.
521
moved to Topeka. While at this place the
school was under the management of Joseph
Mount. He continued with it until early in
1.S6S, when the school was apain moved to
Baldwin. B. R. Nordyke was in charge for a
few months this year, being succeeded by
I Joseph Mount, who remained in charge until
the school was adopted by the legislature, in
' 1868, and located permanently at Olathe.
DENTAL EXAMINERS. STATE BOARD OF
Wasson, L. C, president, Ottawa. lS85-'95.
Young, J. A., Emporia. 1885-'88.
Shirley, William M., Hiawatha. 1885-'91.
Callaham, Andrew M., secretary, Topeka.
1885-'99. d. July 13, 19U2, Topeka.
Mathews, Rodolph, Wichita. 1888-'90.
Noble, S. S., secretary, Wichita. 1890-'91.
Houx, J. O., Columbus. 1893-1901.
Van Fosseu, Charles L., Wyandotte. 1893-'94.
Davis, A. W., Holton. 1894-'95.
Hatfield, T. I., Marysville. 1895-1903.
Lawrence, F. P., El Dorado. 1897-1901.
Dillman, H. M., president, Girard. 1899-19C3.
Simpson, O. H., Dodge City. 1901-'05. Presi-
dent, 1903-'05.
Root, Joseph P., secretary, Kansas City. 1901-
'05.
Hults, M. I., Hutchinson. 1903-'07.
Hetrick, F. O., Ottawa. 1903-'07.
EDUCATION. STATE BOARD OF
Stryker, William, Great Bend. 1893-'95.
Olin, Arvin Solomon, Lawrence. 1893-'95.
Best, Mrs. Lucy, Labette county. 1893-'95.
Parmenter. Chas. Sylvester, Baldwin. 1895-97.
Klock, J. E., Leavenworth. 1895-'96.
Schofield, J. G., Seneca. 1896-'97.
Brooke, C. M., Lecompton. 1897-'99.
Kuhn, W. D., Holton. 1897-'98.
Johnson, T. S., Mitchell county. 1897-99.
Gaines, H. N., Salina. 1898-'99.
Bushey, A. H., Peabody. 1899-'93.
Massey, W. M., Wellington. 1899-1903.
Riggs, John D. S, Ottawa. 1899-1903.
Shepardson, E. A., Pittsburg. 1903-'05.
Markham, Osman Grant, Baldwin. 1903-'O5.
Cutter. H. M., Norton. 1903-'05.
From 1873 to 1893 the State Board of Educa-
tion consisted of the state superintendent, the
chancellor of the State University, the presi-
dent of the State Agricultural College, and
the principals of the State Normal Schools at
Emporia and Leavenworth. In 1893 this law
was amended and the board now consists of
"the state superintendent, the chancellor of
the University, the president of the State Agri-
cultural College, the president of the State
Normal School, and three others to be ap-
pointed by the governor, by, and with the
advice and consent of the senate, selected from
those engaged in school work in the schools of
the state."
EMIGRATION AGENTS.
Baker, Thomas H., Manhattan. May 3, 1864.
Hinton, Richard J. Aug. 6, 1867. d. Dec. 20.
1901, London, England.
Earhart, D., Pardee. Oct. 3, 1867.
Brunswick, Fred, Junction City. Oct. 19, 1867,
Mar. 1, 1870.
EMIGRATION AGENTS.
Sterrett, Alexander, Manhattan. May 18, 1868.
d. Kansas City, Kan., Sep. 25, 1885.
Pratt, Cyrus N., New York, June 19, 1868.
Arp, John H., Columbus, Ohio. Aug. 8, 1868.
Drew, Robert Hudson, London, England. Feb.
8, 1871;
Mite, T. J., Chicago, 111. Mar. 31, 1871.
Brewster, Charles, Kansas City, Mo. Apr. 1,
1871.
Sharman, William, Lawrence. May 9, 1871.
Marcon, Stephen G., France. June 5, 1871.
Gray, Col. W. F., New York. Sep. 20, 1871.
Lusher, .John, Aubrey. Dec. 1, 1871.
Mathonet, Hugo, Germany. Dec. 28, 1871.
Rood, A. D., Chicago, 111. July 12, 1872.
De Pardonnet, Frederic George, France. Nov.
15, 1872, Feb. 9, 1875.
HoUenberg, G. H., Hanover, Germany. Apr.
10, 1873.
Tholen, Charles, Leavenworth. Apr. 18, 1873.
Renedikt, Max, Leavenworth, July 11, 1873.
Bolmar, Charles P., Topeka. Aug. 19, 1873,
June 6, 1876, Dec. 15, 19U2.
Lavy, Albert, Sweden. Mar. 3, 1874.
Kelley, J. M., Ohio. Apr. 1, 1874.
Forbes, John, Fort Scott. Oct. 26, 1874.
Weston, Williams, Europe. Nov. 30, 1874.
Schmidt, C. B., Topeka. Jan. 25, 1875.
Kiper, Julius, Europe. Apr. 22, 1875.
De Blaesare, J. F., Brussels, Belgium. May 8,
1875.
Burbank, Maj. J. E., Nebraska. June 1, 1875.
Simon, Julius, Hamburg, Germany. June 28,
1875.
Goldsmith, M., Leavenworth. Mar. 27, 1876.
Parmelee, George F., Topeka. June 22, 1876.
Lewelling, Lorenzo D., Wichita. Jan. 5, 1900.
Smith, Oscar Z., Wichita. Jan. 20, 1900.
Miller, C. W , Hays City. Feb. 2, 1900.
Freeman, Geo. S., Wichita. Mar. 5, 1900.
Weinshenk, Frank, Kingman. May 2, 1900.
Honchin, A. M., Medicine Lodge. Feb. 13,
1901.
Kelly, George W., Coldwater. Feb. 10, 1902.
Mahin, F. W., Smith Center. Feb. 25. 1902.
These agents, for the most part, served with-
out compensation. The term of office, never
definitely stated, was apparently for one year.
EMPLOYMENT AGENCY, FREE
Gerow, Theodore Bliven, Atchison. Apr. 8,
1901, to Apr. 6, 1905.
EXPOSITIONS.
Paris Universal Exposition, 1S67.
Young, Isaac, agent for Kansas, Leavenworth.
Nov. 14, 1866.
Vioina Exposition.
Lewis, James, Humboldt. Apr. 9, 1873. d.
Oct. 28, 1899, Joliet, 111.
Hofman, M., Leavenworth. Apr. 14, 1873,
Brown, I. P., Atchison. Apr. 22, 1873.
Brier, Frank, Atchison. Apr. 22, 1873.
Hentig, F. G., Topeka. May 2, 1873.
Knox, John D., Topeka. May 10, 1873.
Pratt, C. H., Humboldt. May 31, 1873.
Mason, L. C, Independence. May 31, 1873.
522
KANSAS STATE HISTORICAL SOCIETY.
EXPOSITIONS.
Centennial Exposition, PJiiladelphia, 1S70,
Anthony, George Tobey, president, Leaven-
worth. Mar. 30, 1874. d. Aug. 5, 1896, Topeka.
Martin, .Tolin Alexander, Atchison. Mar. 30,
1874. d. Oct. 2, 1889, Atchison.
Crawford, George Addison, Fort Scott. Mar.
1874. d. Jan. 26, 1891, Grand Junction, Colo.
Dennis, Edgar Whetten, Topeka. Mar. 30,
1874, to Feb. 1876. d. Apr. 2, 1878, Topeka.
North, Amos J., Atchison. Mar. 30, 1874, to
Feb. 1876.
Evans, David J., secretary, Topeka. Mar. 30,
1S74, to Feb. 1876.
Kelsey, S. T., Hutchinson. Mar. 30, 1874, to
Apr. 24, 1875. :
Gray, Alfred, secretary. Topeka. Apr. 24, 1875,
d. Jan. 23, 1880, Topeka.
Bancroft, Edwin P., Emporia. Mar. 2, 1876.
Koester, Charles F., Marysville. Mar. 2, 1876.
d. Aug. 15, 1902, Marysville.
Henry, Theodore C, Abilene. Mar. 2, 1876.
Barnes, William E., Vinland. Mar. 2, 1876.
Wright, R. W., Oswego. Mar. 3, 1876.
Parkinson, William L., Ottawa. Mar. 3, 1876.
Glick, George W., Atchison. Mar. 3, 1876.
American Exposition, Lo7idon, 1877.
Collins, Frederick, commissioner, Belleville.
Paris Universal Exposition, 1S7S.
Floyd P. Baker, commissioner.
Eugene L. Meyer, Hutchinson, honorary com-
missioner.
Mason D. Sampson, Salina, honorary commis-
sioner.
Industrial Exposition, Paris, 1SS9,
Firmin, Emil, commissioner. Mar. 7, 1889.
World's Columbian Exposition, Cfdcago, 1S93.
Anderson, Thomas Jefferson, Topeka. Mar.
9, 1893.
Collins, A. P., Solomon City, Mar. 9, 1893.
Glick, George Washington, Atchison. Mar.
9, 1893.
Kern, H. H., Bonner Springs. Mar. 9, 1893.
Cobun, M. W., president, Hoisington. Mar. 9,
1893.
King, Lewis Philip, Tannehill. Mar. 9, 1893,
Clark, Mrs. Ada M., secretary. Mar. 9, 1893.
Omaha Exposition, 189S.
Glick, George Washington, Atchison. Mar.
29, 1898.
Smith, A. W., McPherson. Mar. 29, 1898.
Frost, John E., Topeka. Mar. 29, 1898.
Greef, A. H., Pittsburg. Mar. 29, 1898.
Lambe, A. C, Wellington. Mar. 29, 1898.
Louisiana Purchase Exposition, St. Louis,
190i.
Carpenter. John C, Chanute. Sep. 17, 1901.
Morrow, J. C, Haddam. Sep. 17, 1901.
Simons, R. T., Caldwell. Sep. 17, 1901.
Luling, Charles Henry, Wichita. Sep. 17, 1901.
Waggener, William P., Atchison. Sep. 17, 1901.
FEEBLE-MINDED YOUTH, STATE
SCHOOL FOB, WINFIELD.
Super i7itendents,
Greene, Henry Martin, La Cygne. 1881-'88.
d. Lawrence, Nov. 29, 19U0.
Wiles, Dr. C. K., Winfield. 1889-'93.
Pilcher, Dr. F. Hoyt, New Salem. 1893-'95 ;
1897-'99.
Newlon, Dr. C. S., Altamont. 1895-'97 ; 1899 .
FISHERIES, COMMISSIONER OF
Long, D. B., Ellsworth. 1877-'83.
Gile, W. S., Venango. 1883-'85.
Fee, S., Wamego. 1885-'88.
Brumbaugh, John M., Concordia. 1889-'92.
Mason, J. B., Eureka. 1891-'93.
Wampler, J. W., Brazilton. 1893-'94.
Sadler, Otis E., El Dorado. 1895-'96.
Shults, J. W., Wichita. 1897-98.
Wiley, George W.. Meade. 1899-1901.
Haughey, John W., Wellington. 1902
FORESTRY AND IRRIGATION, COM-
MISSIONER OF
Robb, Silas C, Ogallah. Mar. 22, 1887-'89.
Allen, Martin, Hays City. 1889-'91. d. Grand
Junction, Colo., Apr. 10, 1898.
Bartlett, George V. 1891-'93.
Wheeler, E. D. 1893-'95.
Bartlett, George V. 1895-'97.
Wheeler, E. D. 1897-'99.
Wright, Robert M., Dodge City. 1899
GEOLOGICAL SURVEY, STATE
Mudge, B. F , Manhattan, 1864. d. Manhat-
tan, Nov. 21, 1879.
Swallow, George C. Feb. 20, 1865.
Hay, Robert, Junction City.
GEOLOGICAL SURVEY, UNIVERSITY
Samuel W. Williston, Lawrence. Paleonto-
logist, 1895-1902.
Haworth, Erasmus, Lawrence. Geologist,
1895
Bailey, Edgar, H. S., Lawrence. Chemist,
1895
GOSS ORNITHOLOGICAL COLLECTION.
Curator.
Smyth, Bernard B., Topeka. 1894
GRAIN INSPECTION COMMISSION.
Parker, H. July 6, 1903
Baker, F. M. July, 6, 1903
Cole, S. E. July 6, 1903
GRAIN INSPECTORS.
Haskell, W. W. Apr. 1891 to Apr. 1893.
Jones, Samuel P., Anthony. Apr. 1893 to Apr.
1895.
Merritt, A. C, Wamego. Apr. 1895 to Apr. 1897.
Culver, W. W., Great Bend, Apr. 1897 to Apr.
1899.
McKenzie, A. E, Apr. 1899 to Apr. 1901.
Northrup, B. J. Apr. 1901 to Apr. 1903.
Radford, J. W. Apr. 1^03 to Apr. 1905.
A ROSTER OF KANSAS FOR FIFTY YEARS.
523
HEALTH, STATE BOARD OF
Presidents.
Johnson, George Henry Trust, Atchison. Apr.
1885.
Swallow, Frank, Valley Falls. 1893-'94.
Stewart, Dr. Josephus P., Clay Center. 1894.
Ward, Dr. Milo Buel, Topeka. 1895. d. July
27, 1901, Kansas City, Mo.
Raines, Dr. Taylor E., Concordia. 1895-'97.
Hoover, Eli M., Halstead. 1897-'99.
Alexander, Benjamin J., Hiawatha. 1899-1902.
Minick, John Morrison, Wichita. June 3,
1902, to June, 1903. d. Feb. 22, 19U4, Wichita.
<jeo. E. Locke, Holton. June, 1903
Secretaries,
Redden, J. W., Topeka. Apr. 1885-'90. d. Aug.
5, 1*93.
O'Brien, Michael, Topeka. 1891-'93. d. Aug.
28, 1894.
Dykes, Henry A., Topeka. July lS93-'95.
Kirkpatrick, Thomas, Topeka. July 1895-'97.
Gill, Henry Z., Pittsburg. July 1897-'99.
Swan, William Brown, Topeka. 1899-1902. d.
Sep. 1, 1902, Ludington, Mich.
Lowry, Charles, Topeka. Sep. 1902
HISTORICAL SOCIETY,. KANSAS STATE
I'residents.
Kingman, Samuel Austin, Topeka. 1876.
Crawford, George Addison, Fort Scott. 1877,
d. Jan. 26, 1891, Grand Junction, Colo.
Martin, John Alexander, Atchison. 1878. d.
Oct. 2, 1889, Atchison.
Robinson, Charles, Lawrence. 1879-80. d.
Aug. 17, 1894, Lawrence.
Thacher, Timothy Dwight, Lawrence, 1881-'82.
d. Jan. 17, 1894, Topeka.
Baker, Floyd Perry, Topeka. 1883-'84.
Anthony, Daniel Read, Leavenworth. 1885-'86.
Wilder, Daniel Webster, Hiawatha. 1887.
Russell, Edward, Lawrence. 1888. d. Aug. 14,
1898, Lawrence.
Phillips, William Addison, Salina. 1889. d.
Nov. 30, 1893, Fort Gibson, I. T.
Holliday, Cyrus Kurtz, Topeka. 1890. d. Mar.
29, 1900, Topeka.
Emery, James Stanley, Lawrence. 1891. d.
June 8, 1899, Lawrence.
Osborn, Thomas A., Topeka. 1892. d. Feb. 4,
1S9S, Meadville, Pa. .
Lowe, Percival G., Leavenworth. 1893.
Lane, Vincent J., Wyandotte. 1894.
Thacher, Solon Otis, Lawrence. 1895. d. Aug.
11, 1895, Lawrence.
Morrill, Edmund N., Hiawatha. 1896.
Kelley, Harrison, Burlington. 1897. d. July
24, 1897, Burlington.
Speer, John, Garden City. 1898.
Ware, Eugene Fitch, Topeka. 1899.
Haskell, John Gideon, Lawrence. 1900.
Francis, John. Colony. 1901.
Smith, William H., Marysville. 1902.
Stone, William B., Galena. 1903.
Martin, John, Topeka. 1904.
HISTORICAL SOCIETY, KANSAS STATE
Secretaries.
Baker. Floyd Perry, Topeka. 1875.
Adams, Franklin George, Topeka. 1876-'99. d.
Dec. 2, 1899, Topeka.
Martin, George Washington. Kansas City,
1899
HORTICULTURAL SOCIETY.
Presidents.
Tanner, William, Leavenworth. 1867-71.
Howsley, William M., Leavenworth. 1871-'75.
Gale, Elbridge, Manhattan. 1875-'87.
Johnson, George Y., Lawrence. 1887-'89.
Houk, Lysander, Hutchinson. 1889-95. d.
Feb. 12, 1898, Chicago.
Wellhouse, Frederick, Topeka. 1895
Secretaries.
Brackett, George C, Lawrence. 1867-'95.
Taylor, Edwin, Edwardsville. 1895-97.
Barnes, Wm. Henry, Independence. 1897
INDIAN CLAIMS, COMMISSIONERS TO
AUDIT
Jackson, Z., Ellsworth. Mar. 5, 1869.
Baxter, Edson, Salina. Mar. 5, 1869.
Tallman, James F., Washington. Mar. 5, 1869.
COMMISSION FOR SETTLEMENT OF
WESTERN FRONTIER CLAIMS.
Colley, D. D., Leavenworth. May 15, 1871.
Heller, David, Clyde. May 15, 1871.
Brown, Thomas W., Marion, May 15, 1871.
INDIAN COMMISSION TO AUDIT CLAIMS
OF FRONTIER SETTLERS, 1861-1871.
Kelso, David, Oswego. Mar. 7, 1872.
Baker, Floyd Perry, Topeka. Mar. 7, 1872.
Brandley, Henry, Bazar. Mar. 7, 1872.
COMMISSION TO EXAMINE AND AUDIT
CLAIMS INDIAN RAID, 1878.
Mann, A. W., Burr Oak. Mar. 17, 1879.
Stephenson, R. E., Olathe. Mar. 17, 1879.
Adams, W. R., Larned. Mar. 17, 1879.
INDUSTRIAL REFORMATORY, HUTCH-
INSON, COMMISSIONERS
Severance, John, Axtell. Mar. 1885-'89.
Bonebrake, John E., Abilene. Mar. 1885-'89.
Smith, Edwin R., Mound City. Mar. 1885-'89.
McDowell, J. S. Apr. 1889-'95.
Rash, F. W. Apr. 1889-'95.
McNeal, Thomas A. Apr. 1889-'95.
Humphrey, J. M., Fort Scott. 1895.
Armstrong, John, Great Bend. 1895.
Scott, Tnlly, Oberlin. 1895.
Peters, Samuel Ritter, Newton. July 25,
1895-'97,
O'Neil, T. J., Osage City. July 25, 1S95-1903.
Nicholson, M. B. July 25, 1895, to Nov. 1895.
Liugenfelter, William J., Wellington. Nov.
15, 1895-1901.
Miller, J. J., North Topeka. 1897-'99.
524
KANSAS STATE HISTORICAL SOCIETY.
INDUSTRIAL REFORMATORY, HUTCH-
INSON, COMMISSIONERS
Kellfly, Phillip, White Cloud. 1899-1907.
Zacharias, F. R. 1901-'02.
Hull, Charles. 1902-'0I).
Jones, W. M. 1903-'05.
INDUSTRIAL SCHOOL FOR GIRLS,
BELOIT.
Superintendents.
Marshall, Mary. 1889-'91
Spencer, Martha P. 1891-'93.
Osborne, Tamsel Hahn. 1893-'95.
Leeper, Mrs. S. V. 1895-'97.
Bare, Mrs. Phoebe J. 1897-'99.
Hanback, Mrs. Hester A. 1899-1901.
Perry, Mrs. Julia B. 1901-'03.
INSANE ASYLUM, OSAWATOMIE.
Board of Trustees.
Hanway, James, president, Lane. 1866-'73. d.
May 9, 1882, Lane.
Underbill, Daniel, Linn county. 1866-'69, d
Adair, Samuel Lyle, secretary, Osawatomie'
1866-'73. d. Dec. 27, 1898.
Woodard, Levi, Hesper. 1870-'76. d.
Bowles, Theodore C, president, Ottawa. 1873-
'76. d. Apr. 1879, Olathe.
Childs, A. F., Columbus. 1873-'74.
Lanter, John T., Garnett. 1873-'76.
Smith, Reuben, sec'y, Osawatomie. 1873-'74.
Wyman, George, pres't, Topeka. 1873-'76. d.
Grimes, W. H., Atchison. 1874-'76. d.
Rhodes, Jacob, Mound City. 1874-'76.
This institution passed under control of the
State Board of Charities by amendatory act of
1876.
Superm tendents.
Gause, C. O. 1866-'72. •
Lee,' C. P. 1872-'73.
Jacobs, L. W. 1873-'74.
Knapp, A. H. 1874-'77.
West, T. Bailey. Mar. to Oct. 1877.
Tenney, A. P. 1877-'79.
Knapp, A. H. lS79-'92,
Wentworth, Lowell F. 1892-'95.
Biddle, T. C. 1895-'98.
Hinton, E. W. 1898. A few months.
Kirk, Thomas, jr. 1898-'99.
Uhls. L. L. 1899
INSANE ASYLUM, TOPEKA.
Sitperintendenis.
Eastman, B. D. 1879-83.
Tenney, A. P. 1883-'85.
Eastman, B. D. 1885-'94.
McCasey,J. H. 1894-'95.
Eastman, B. D. 1893-'97.
Wetmore, C. H. 1897-'99.
Biddle, T. C. 1899
INSURANCE DEPARTMENT.
Siip('ri)ite7ide/ils.
Webb, William C, Fort Scott. Mar. 19, 1871-
'72. d. Apr. 20, 1898, Topeka.
Russell, Edward, Leavenworth. Feb. 1873-'74.
d. Aug. 14, 1898, Lawrence.
Clarkson, Harrison, Topeka. Dec. 21, 1874-'75.
Welch, Orrin T., Topeka. Mar. 16. 1875-'83.
Morris, Richard Boutecou, Atchison. July 1,
18S3-'87.
Wilder, Daniel Webster, Hiawatha. July 1,
1887-'91.
McBride, W. H., Osborne. July 1, 1891-'93.
Snider, S. H., Kingman. July 1893-95.
Anthony, George Tobey , Ottawa. July 1895-'96.
d. Aug. 5, 1896, Topeka.
Riddle, Alexander Pancoast, Minneapolis.
Aug. 1896-'97.
McNall, Webb, Gaylord. July 1897-1901.
Church, Willard Volney, Marion. July 1901-'03.
Luling, Charles H., Wichita. 1903
INTERNAL-IMPROVEMENT LANDS,
AGENT FOR SALE OF
Drenning, F. H. Mar. 5, 1874.
IRRIGATION SURVEY AND EXPERIMENT,
BOARD OF
Frost, D. M., president. Garden City. 1895.
Tomblin, M. B., Goodland. 1895.
Sutton, William B., secretary, Russell. 1895.
Advisory members.
Fairchild, George Thompson, Manhattan.
1895. d. Mar. 16, 1901, Columbus, Ohio.
Haworth, Erasmus, Lawrence. 1895.
LABOR AND INDUSTRIAL STATISTICS,
BUREAU OF
Covimissioners.
Betton, Frank Holyoke, Wyandotte. May 1,
18S5-'93.
Todd, John F., El Dorado. 1893-"95.
Bird, William Goodman, Kansas City. 1895-'97.
Johnson, William Lee Andrew, Kansas City.
1897.
LIBRARIAN, STATE
Dickinson, David, Wyandotte. Mar. 14, 1870,
to Oct. 5, 1879. d. Oct. 5, 1879, Topeka.
Kingman, Samuel Austin, Topeka. Oct. 18,
1879, to Mar. 1, 1881.
Dennis, Hamilton J., Leavenworth. Mar. 1,
1881, to Oct. 12, 1894. d. Oct. 12, 1^94, Topeka.
King, James L., Topeka. Dec. 8, 1894, to Mar.
24, 1898.
Diggs, Mrs. Annie L., Topeka. Mar. 24, 1898,
to Mar. 24, 1902.
King, James L., Topeka. Mar. 24, 1902, to
Mar. 24, 1906.
LIVE-STOCK SANITARY COMMISSION.
Hamilton, James W., Wellington. Mar. 25,
1884-'89.
Harris, W. A., Lawrence. Mar. 25, 1884-'87.
White, John T., Ada. Mar. 25, 18S4-'92.
Kelley, Harrison, Ottumwa. June 1885-'89.
A ROSTER OF KANSAS FOR FIFTY YEARS.
525
LIVE-STOCK SANITARY COMMISSION.
Collins, Charles, Hutchinson. Feb. 1887-'89;
Mar. 25, 1892.
Hurst, Koenan. July 18, 1889-'93.
Hull, P. E. Mar. 18, 1893, to Mar. 25, 1895.
Turner, Ed. M. Mar. 25, 1893, to Mar. 25, 1896.
Brown, John I., Delphos. Mar. 24, 1894, to
Mar. 24, 1897.
William, J. F. Apr. 17, 1894, to Mar. 25, 1895.
Johnson, J. W., Hamilton. Mar. 1, 1895, to
Apr. 1, 1898.
Moore, J. W., Marion. Mar. 1, 1895. to Apr. 1,
1896.
Vincent, J. B. Apr. 1, 1896, to Feb. 1897.
Weinshenk, Frank, Kingman. Feb. 10, 1897.
to July 26, 1898.
Riddle, Taylor. Mar. 25, 1897, to Apr. 1, 1900.
Bryden, John. Apr. 1, 1898, to Feb. 16, 1899.
Beal, J. B., Grainfield. Sep. 1, 1898, to Feb.
16, 1899.
Campbell, M. C, Wichita. Feb. 16, 1899.
Chamberlain, F. K., Sedan. Feb. 16, 1899, to
Apr. 1, 1904.
Cowley, Fred., Columbus. Apr. 1, 1900, to Apr;
1, 19U3.
Hood, Harry E. Apr. 1, 1903-'05.
Johnson, J. H., Whiting. Apr. 1, 1904, to Apr.
1, 1907.
STATE VETERINARY SURGEON.
Holcomb, A. A. Mar. 25, 1884-'89.
Going, W. H. Mar. 13, 1889-'93.
Pritchard, George C. Mar. 25, 1893, to May
25, 1895.
Medical Registration and Examination,
Board of,
Hatfield, F. P. May 1, 1901, to May 1, 1906.
Williston, Samuel Wendell, Lawrence. May
1, 1901, to Oct. 18, 1902.
Lewis, O. F. May 1, 1901, to May 1, 1905.
Roby, Henry W., Topeka. May 1, 1901, to May
1, 1902.
Packer, E. B. May 1, 1901, to May 1, 1904.
Cook, D. P. May 1, 1901, to May 1, 1904.
Johnston, G. F. May 9, 1901, to May 1, 1907.
Hamuli, J. M. Oct. 18, 1902, to May 1, 1905.
Jones, N. L. June 8, 1903, to May 1, 1907.
Raines, T. E. June 8, 1903, to May 1, 1907.
MINE INSPECTOR.
Scammon, E. A., Columbus. 1883-'85.
Braidwood, John R., Pittsburg. 1885-87.
Findlay, George W.. Fort Scott. 1887-'89.
Stewart, John T. 1889-'91.
Gallagher, A. C. 1893-'95.
Brown, Bennett B. 1895-'97.
McGrath, George T. 1897-'99.
Keegan, Edward. 1899-'01.
Casselman, D. R. 1901-'04.
Orr, James, Weir City. Feb. 1904
NORMAL SCHOOL, EMPORIA.
Presidents.
Kellogg, Lyman B., Carbondale, 111. 1865-'71.
Hoss, George Washington, Indiana. 1871-'73.
Pomeroy, C. R., Batavia, N. Y. 1873-'79.
NORMAL SCHOOL, EMPORIA.
Presidents.
Welch, Rudolph Bair, Pontiac, 111. 1879-'82.
Taylor, Albert Reynolds, Lincoln, 111. 1882-
1901.
Wilkinson, Jasper N., Carbondale, 111. 1902
Regents.
At the organization of the State Normal
School in 1864, the board of regents, then called
directors, consisted of six members appointed
by the governor, and three ex-offieio members,
the governor, treasurer of state, and superin-
tendent of public instruction. Under act of
1873 the board of regents was confined to seven
members, six appointees "and one e.r-otfirio
member who shall be the president of the
school."
Morse, G. C, Emporia. Aug. 19, 1864-'71.
Eskridge, Chas V., Emporia. Aug. 19, 1864-'71.
d. July 15, 1900, Emporia.
Huffaker, J. S., Council Grove. Aug. 19,
1864-'71.
Brockway, David, Topeka. Aug. 19, 1864-'65.
Roberts, John W., Oskaloosa. Aug. 19, 1864-'66.
Rankin, John M., Ottumwa. Feb. 18, 1865-'67.
Rogers, James, Burlingame. Sep. 7, 1867-'69.
Bailey. Lawrence Dudley, Lawrence. Sep. 7,
1867-'71. d. Oct. 15, 1891, Lawrence.
Prouty, Salmon Stephen, Topeka. Sep. 7,
1867-'70. d. Jan. 31, 1889, Topeka.
Stotler, Jacob, Emporia. Jan. 20, 1869-'70. d.
Jan. 26, 1901, Kansas City, Mo.
Rice, Cyrus R., Burlington. Jan. 16, 1871-'71.
Overstreot, Robert M., Emporia. Jan. 18,
187l-'71.
Tucker, Edwin, Eureka. May 16, 1871-'83.
Bancroft, Harvey, Emporia. May 16, 1871-'73.
Stover, Elias Sleeper, Council Grove. May 16,
1871-'73.
Bancroft, E. P., Emporia. May 16, 1871-'73.
Horner. J. W., Chetopa. May 16, 1871-'73.
Riggs, S. B., Emporia. May 16, 1871 '73.
Butler, Chas. B., Burlington. Sep. 25, 1873-77.
Murdock, Marshall M., Wichita. Mar. 15,
1873-'80.
Crichton, James H., Chetopa. Feb. 3, 1874-'85.
Wood, George W., Troy. Apr. 1, 1873-'75.
Cross, H. C, Emporia. Mar. 15, 1873-'77.
Sellers, A., Alma. Mar. 18, 1875-'79.
Knapp, E. N. Nov. 11, 1876-'77.
Lawrence, C. D., Hiawatha. Mar 6, 1877-'79.
Wright, J. J., Emporia. Jan. 19, 1877-'81.
Goss, William, La Cygne. Mar. 10, 1879-'83.
Clapp, Dexter E., Yates Center. Mar. 10,
1879-'82. d. Juno 1882.
Loy, John, Americus. Apr. 1, 1881-'85.
Orner, George D., Medicine Lodge. Apr. 8,
1881-'85.
Clapp, Mrs. Mary, Yates Centa>r. July 31,
1882-'83.
Sharp, Isaac, Council Grove. Feb. 1, 1883-85.
Dickson, Honry D., Neosho Falls. Feb. 1,
1883-'85.
Haller, James, Burlingame. Feb. 1, 1883-'85.
Thanhauser, Samuel, Beloit. Feb. 1, 1883-'85.
Franklin, John H., Russell. Mar. 6, 188.5-'89.
Rico, William M., Ft. Scott. Mar. 6, 188!)-'89.
Stewart, Milton, Wichita. Mar. 6, 18S5-'89.
526
KANSAS STATE HISTORICAL SOCIETY.
NORMAL SCHOOL, EMPORIA.
Hegeiiis.
Warner, Edgar W., Kirwin. Mar. 7, 1885-'89.
Caldwell, Win. H., Beloit. Aug. 24, 1885-90.
Hatfield, Rudolph, Wichita. Feb. 26, 1889-'93.
West, Judson S., Ft. Scott. Feb. 26, 1889, to
Oct. 1889.
Hull, Charles W., Kirwin. Feb. 26, 1889-'93.
Case, Nelson, Oswego. Aug. 22. 1889-'95.
Qraybill, James M., Leavenworth. Oct. 23,
1889-'93.
Dodge, Sylvester H, Beloit. Dec. 23, 1890-1907.
Madden, John, Cottonwood Falls. Apr. 1,1893-
1901.
Stanley, V. K., Wichita. Apr. 1, 1893-'97.
McGrath, J. S., Beloit. Apr. 1. 1893-'99.
Knappenberger, M. F., Jewell City. Apr. 1,
1895-'99.
Winans, Jacob S., Manchester. Apr. 1, 1895-'99.
Ritchie, J. H., Cherryvale. Apr. 1, 1897-1901.
Turner, A. H., Chanute. Mar. 3, 1899-1901.
Larabee, F. S., Stafford. Mar. 1, 1899-1903.
Ross, E. A., Burr Oak. Mar. 1, 1899-1907.
Glotfelter, J. H., Atchison. Mar. 1, 1901 to July
25, 1901.
Kellogg, Lyman Beecher, Emporia. Apr. 1,
1901-'05.
Altswager, F. J., Hutchinson. Apr. 1, 1901-05.
Codding, George T., Louisville. July 25, 1901-
'05.
Bushey, A. H., Pittsburg. Mar. 1903-'07.
Appraisers of Salt-spring Lands to Endow
State Normal School.
Kinney, D. W. Mar. 30, 1886.
Voorhis, A. L. Mar. 30, 1886.
Billings, J. F. Mar. 30, 1886.
NORMAL SCHOOL, LEAVENWORTH.
Hegents.
Brown, John H., Leavenworth. Mar. 18, 1873,
to Jan. 1876.
Houston, Levi, Leavenworth. Mar. 18, 1873,
to Jan: 1878.
Moonlight, Thomas, Leavenworth. Mar, 1873
to Jan. 1877.
Gould, W. O., Leavenworth. Mar. 18, 1873, to
Sep. 11, 1875.
Newman, H. L,, Leavenworth. Mar. 18, 1873,
to Jan. 1876.
Wever, J. L., Leavenworth. Mar. 18, 1873, to
Jan. 1878.
Eddy, George A., Leavenworth. Aug. 4, 1874,
to Jan. 1878.
Wilson, Levi, Leavenworth. Sep. 11, 1875, to
1878.
Moore, H, Miles, Leavenworth. Mar. 9, 1876,
to 1878. ,
Butterfleld, W. H., Topeka. Jan. 8, 1877, to
Jan. 8, 1880.
Pierce, C. B., Leavenworth. Jan. 8, 1877, to
Jan. 8, 1880. '
Principals.
P. J. Williams. 1870-'7L
John A. Banfield. 1872.
John Wherrell. 1873-'75.
NORMAL SCHOOL, CONCORDIA.
Regents.
Reasoner, M. Apr. 17, 1874, to Jan. 1878.
Snowdon, E. C. Apr. 17, 1874, to 1877.
Smitli, H. E., Concordia. Apr. 17, 1874, to Jan.
1878.
McKinnon, M. M., Concordia. Apr. 17, 1874.
to Jan. 1878.
Sturgis, F. W. Apr. 17, 1874, to 1877.
Reid, W. E. Apr. 17, 1874, to 1877.
McEckron, B. H. Nov. 30, 1874, to Jan. 1878.
Laing, Theodore, Concordia. Jan. 8, 1877, to
Jan. 8, 1884.
Strain, James, Concordia. Jan. 8, 1877, to Jan.
8, 1880.
Principals.
E. F. Robinson, 1874.
Hugh D. McCarty. 1875.
NORMAL SCHOOL-COLORED, QUIN-
DARO.
Principals.
Langston, Charles. 1872.
Blachly, Eben. 1872.
Sherman, Esq. 1872.
Blachly, Mrs. J. F. 1873.
NURSERIES, STATE INSPECTOR OF.
Popenoe, Edwin A., Manhattan. July 17, 1901,
to .
Hunter, S. J., Lawrence. Oct. 18, 1901, - — .
OIL INSPECTOR.
Carpenter, Arthur H., Wichita. May 25, 1889,
to May 25, 1891.
Kelly, M. C. May 25, 1891, to Apr. 1, 1893 ; Apr.
1, 1895, to Apr. 1, 1897 ; Feb. 10, 1903
Taylor, H. L. Apr. 1, 1893, to Apr. 1, 1895.
Wharton, E. V., Yates Center. Apr. 1, 1897, to
Feb. 16, 1899.
Spencer, S. O. Feb. 16, 1899, to Feb. 10, 1903.
COMMISSIONERS IN CHARGE OF OR-
PHANS AND DESTITUTE CHILDREN
OF SOLDIERS.
Anthony, George T., Leavenworth. Dec. 19,
1867.
Plumb, Preston B., Emporia. Dec. 19, 1867.
McVicar, Peter, Topeka. Dec. 19, 1867.
PARDONS, STATE BOARD OF
Caldwell, Gen. John C, Topeka. Mar. 1885 to
Mar. 1893; Mar. 7, 1895-'97.
Stevenson, Robert B., lola. Mar. 1885 to Feb.
1890.
Felt, Andrew J., Seneca. Mar. 1885 to Mar.
1889.
Walton, Tell W., Lincoln. Mar. 1889 to Mar.
1893.
Parks, Samuel C, Winflold. Feb. 15, 1890, to
Mar. 1893.
Willits, John F. Mar. 1893-'94.
Willoughby, S. A. Mar. 1893 to May 1893.
McDonald, J. F. Mar. 1893 to Jan. 1894.
Foote, C. E., Topeka. May 8, 1893, to Mar.
1895.
Laybourn, Joseph W. Jan. 1894 to Mar. 1895.
A ROSTER OF KANSAS FOR FIFTY YEARS.
527
PARDONS, STATE BOARD OF
Baker, A. C. Mar. 1894 to Mar. 1895.
White, J. H. Mar. 14, 1895, to Jan. 1897.
Smith, Charles. Mar. 7, 1895, to Jan. 1897.
Thomas, Mayo. Jan. 28, 1897-'98.
Wells, M. W. Jan. 28. 1897-'98.
Randolph, J. Jan. 28, 1897-'98.
PENITENTIARY.
Comniissioners and Directors.
Dunlap, William. 1863-'67.
Wilson, John. 1863-65.
Ludlnm, S. S. 1863-'67.
■ Ritchie, John, Topeka. Appointed Aug. 23,
1865.
Dutton, M. R., Grantville. Sep. 1, 1865-'68.
Sears, Theodore C, Leavenworth. Mar. 7,
1867-'71.
Low, A., Doniphan. 1867-'71.
Kelley, Harrison, Ottumwa. Mar. 3, 1868, to
Apr. 1873.
Hensley, E,, Leavenworth. Mar. 4, 1869-'73.
Jenkins, R. W., Vienna. Mar. 9, 1871-'74.
Angell, A. J. 1873 to Mar. 15, 1875.
Learned, Homer C. 1873 to Jan. 20, 1876.
Crawford, Samuel J.. Emporia. Appointed
Jan. 20, 1876, vice Learned.
Grover, O. J., Vienna. 1874-79.
Gillett, H. W., Leavenworth. Mar. 15, 1875-76.
Mackey, H. D. Feb. 2, 1876, to Feb. 1879.
Burdette, 8. F., Leavenworth. Appointed
Mar. 11, 1879.
Martindale, William, Madison. Apr. 1, 1878, to
Apr. 1, 1881 ; Apr. 1, 1889, to Apr. 1, 1893.
Richter, Harry E., Council Grove. 1880-83;
Mar. 7, 1885, to Apr. 1, 1889.
Howell, Matthew, Leavenworth. May 22,1880,
tx) Apr. 1, 1881.
Guthrie, Warren W., Atchison. Apr. 1, 1881, to
Apr. 1, 1884.
Waters, John S., Oswego. Mar. 11, 1882, to Apr.
1, 1885.
Laurey, H. C, Frankfort. Mar. 11, 1883-86.
Walls, John C, Lawrence. Feb. 5, 1883, to Apr.
1, 1885.
Perry, Albert, Troy. Mar. 22, 1884-'87.
Hiatt, O. S., Fairmonnt. Mar. 7, 1885-'89.
Shaw, Archibald, Olathe. Apr. 1, 1886, to Oct.
22, 1888,
McDowell, J. S., Smith Center. Oct. 22,1888-' 89.
McBride, W. H. 1889 to June 17, 1891.
Cornell, D. E. Appointed Apr. 1, 1890.
Rice, William M. Appointed June 17, 1891,
vice McBride.
Rice, H. V. Appointed July 11, 1892.
Gilmore, John S., Fredonia. Feb. 1891 to Apr.
1, 1893; Feb. 16, 1899, to Apr. 1, 1901.
Kurd, W. J., Holton. Apr. 1, 1893, to Apr. 1,
1895.
Butler, T. H., Great Bend. Mar. 1, 1893, to Apr.
1, 1895.
Hollenback, George W., Cold water. June 13,
1893, to Apr. 1, 1895.
Eckert, T. W., Arkansas City. Apr. 1, 1895, to
Feb. 4, 1897.
Beck, M. M., Holton. 1895 to Jan. 29, 1897.
Dean, Lair, Smith Center. 1895 to Jan. 29, 1897.
d. Apr. 16, 1904, Smith Center.
PENITENTIARY.
Commissioners and Directors.
Newman, A. A., Smith Center. Jan. 29, 1897, to
July 1, 1898.
Pepperell, W. H. L. July 1, 1898, to Feb. 16,
1899.
Drake, M. L., Canton. Jan. 29, 1897, to 1899.
Allison, C. E., Erie. Feb. 4, 1897, to Feb. 16,
1899.
Ballinger.T. C, Burlington. Apr. 1, 1899, to
Apr. 1, 1902.
McFarland, E. A. Feb. 16, 1899, to Apr. 1, 1903.
Ellett, Ed. C, El Dorado. Apr. 1, 1901, to Apr.
1,1895.
Ames, Elmer E. Apr. 1, 1901, to Apr. 1, 1903.
TuUey, Mark, Independence. Apr. 1, 1901, to
Apr. 1,1907.
Haskell, W. H., Gaylord. Oct. 28, 1901, to Oct.
1, 1906.
King, C. L. Oct. 17, 1903, to Apr. 1, 1905.
Wardeyis.
Keller, George H. 1867.
Philbrick, J. L. 1868-'70.
Hopkins, Henry. 1870-'83.
Jones, W. C. 1883-'&5.
Smith. John H. 1885-'89.
Case, George H. 1889-'93.
Chase, S. W. 1893-'95.
Lynch, J. B. 1895-'97.
Landis, Harry S. 1897-'99.
Tomlinson, J. B. 1899-1901.
Jewett, E. B. 1901-'05.
PHARMACY, BOARD OF
Butin, C. J., Fredonia. 1885-'92.
Taylor, James Ira, Atchison. 1885-93.
Bryant, R. F., Lincoln, 1885-'91.
Stanford, W. A,, Marion. 1885-86.
Crandall, George B., Jewell City, 1886-'88.
Eager, Peter, Wyandotte. 1885-87. d. Mar.
31, 1887, Wyandotte.
Drake, Robert S., Beloit. 1887-'92.
Allen, J. P., Wichita. 1888-91. Dead.
Holliday, Frank E., Topeka. 1891-93.
Mehl, Henry William. Leavenworth. 1891-'97.
Moore. John T., Lawrence. 1891.
Johnston, W. C, Manhattan. 1892-1900.
Sherriff, W. E., Ellsworth. 1893
Lawrence, Charles, Wichita. 1894-1900.
Naylor, W. W., Holton. 1897
Ardery, L., Hutchinson, 1901
Becker, C. L., Ottawa. 1901
Snow, Fred. A., Topeka. 1904
POLICE COMMISSIONERS.
Atchison.
Johnson, W. J. Apr. 1889 to July 11, 1892.
Post, E. C. July 11, 1892, to Feb. 7, 1893.
Cochrane, W. W, Feb. 7 to Dec. 11. 1893.
Drury, R. B. Dec. 11, 1893, to Jan. 31, 1895.
Baker, David. Jan. 31. 1895, to Apr. 1, 1897.
Weaver, George I. Apr. 1. 1897, to Jan. 11, 1899.
Benning, Charles W. Apr. 1889 to June 1, 1891.
King, S. C. June 1. 1891, to Feb. 7, 1893.
Thayer, J. G. Feb. 7, 1893, to Jan. 31, 1895.
528
KANSAS STATE HISTORICAL SOCIETY.
POLICE COMMISSIONERS.
Atchison.
Carpenter, George. Jan. 31 . 1895, to Apr. 1, 1897.
Baker, F. M. Apr. 1, 1897. to Jan. 11, 1899.
Blair, Edward K. Apr. 1889 to Apr. 1, 1891.
Haskell, W. H. Apr. 1891 to June 1, 1891.
Stevenson, — . June 1, 1891, to Feb. 7, 1893.
Langen, Patrick. Feb. 7 to Dec. 11, 1893.
Forbridger, Robeft. Dec. 11, 1893, to Jan. 31,
1895.
Storch, George. Jan. 31, 1895, to Apr. 1, 1897.
Linley, Cljarles. Apr. 1, 1897, to Jan. 11, 1899.
Leavenworth.
Abernathy, J. L. Apr. 1889 to Aug. 8, 1890.
Faircbild, William. Aug. 8 to Oct. 11, 1890;
Oct. 21. 1890, to Apr. 1, 1891.
Weed, T.J. Oct. 11 to Oct. 21, 1890.
Atchison, David. Apr. 1, 1891, to Mar. 3, 1893.
Edie, J. J. Mar. 3, 1893, to June 25, 1894.
Welsh, James B, June 25, 1894, to Jan. 31, 1895.
Hunt, F. E. Jan. 31, 1895, to Apr. 1, 1897.
Bergfried, Carl. Apr. 1, 1897, to Jan. 11, 1899.
Hacker, M. L. Apr. 1 to 5, 1889.
Lowe, Percival G. Apr. 5, 1889, to Oct. 1, 1890.
Johnson, Thomas L. Oct. 11 to Oct. 21, 1890.
McQahey, A. Oct. 21, 1890, to Apr. 1, 1891.
Markbart, F. G. Apr. 1, 1891, to Mar. 3, 1893.
Leslie, Robert. Mar. 3, 1893, to July 27, 1894.
Jansen, Henry. July 27, 1894, to Jan. 31, 1895.
Hauserman, J. W. Jan. 31, 1895, to Apr. 1, 1897.
McGuire, Thomas. Apr. 1 to Nov. 6, 1897.
Coleman, D. C. Nov. 6, 1897, to Jan. 11, 1899.
Anthony, D. R. Apr. 1889 to Oct. 11, 1890.
O'Donald, Frank. Oct. 11 to Oct. 21, 1890; Mar.
3, 1891, to Jan. 31, 1895.
Callahan, H. B. Oct. 21, 1890, to Apr. 1, 1891.
Richards, Blackwell S. Apr. 1, 1891, to Mar.
3, 1893; Jan. 31, 1895, to Apr. 1, 1897.
Freeling, P. J. Apr. 1 to Nov. 8, 1897.
Davis, J. W. Nov. 8, 1897, to Jan. 11, 1899.
Wichita.
Lewis, H. W. Mar. 30, 1889, to July 24, 1890.
Allen, E. T. July 24, 1890, to Jan. 6, 1891.
Shearman, T. J. Jan. 6, 1891, to Jan. 16, 1893.
Dickson, G. M. Jan. 16, 1893, to Jan. 25, 1895.
Jones, Chas. M. Jan. 25, 1895, to Apr. 1, 1897,
Jocelyn, C. E. Apr. 1, 1897, to Jan, 11, 1899.
Stanley, W. E. Mar. 30, 1889, to Mar. 4, 1891.
Jones, C. E. Mar. 4 to Nov. 19, 1891.
Taylor, H. L. Nov, 19, 1891, to Apr. 21, 1892.
Van Ness, C. A. Apr. 21, 1892, to Jan. 16, 1893.
Brown, J. G. Jan. 16, 1893, to Jan. 25, 1895.
Husey, A. C. Jan. 25, 1895, to Jan. 29, 1897.
Weaver, G. J. Jan. 29 to April 1, 1897. '
Furniss, Joseph. Apr. 1. 1897, to Jan. 11, 1899.
Matthewson, Wm. Mar. 30, 1889, to Jan. 6, 1891,
Jacobs, John L. Jan. 6 to Sep. 25, 1891.
Parkinson, W. H. Sep. 25 to Nov. 19, li91.
Churchward, B. T. Nov. 19, 1891, to Jan. 16,
1893.
Davis, F. A. Jan. 16, 1893, to Jan. 25, 1895.
Pratt, Geo. L. Jan. 25, 1895, to Apr. 1, 1897.
Spencer, Geo. K. Apr. 1, 1897, to Jan. 11, 1899.
POLICE COMMISSIONERS.
Fort Scott.
Barnett, T. Mar. 30, 1889, to Feb. 20, 1893.
Bamberger, J, Feb. 20, 1893, to Feb. 9, 1895;
Jan. 30, 1897, to Feb. 15, 1898.
Stewart, J. J. Feb. 9, 1895, to Jan. 30, 1897.
Osborn, Robert. Feb. 15, 1898, to Jan. 11, 1899.
Walburn, A. W. Mar. 30, to Aug. 14, 1889.
Hudson, B. Aug. 14, 1889, to Feb. 20, 1893.
Cochrane, Thomas. Feb. 20, 1893, to Feb. 9,
1895; Feb. 15, 1898, to Jan. 11, 1899.
Lyons, F. A. Feb. 9, 1895, to Jan. 30, 1897.
Stalker, Robert. Jan. 30, 1897, to Feb. 15, 1898.
Hill, J. D. Mar. 30, 1889, to Apr. 1, 1891.
Davis, .J. W. Apr. 1, 1891, to Feb. 20, 1893.
Bryant, J. Feb. 20 to May 22, 1893.
Crow, John. May 22, 1893, to Feb. 9, 1895.
Lowry, W. D. Feb. 9, 1895, to Jan. 30, 1897.
Ball, J. E. Jan. 30, 1897, to Feb. 15, 1898.
Cottrell, J. F. Feb. 15, 1898, to Jan. 11, 1899.
Kansas Cil.i/.
Simpson, W, A. Apr. 2, 1889, to Mar. 14, 1893. ,
Cunningham, A. W. Mar. 14, 1893, to Jan. 31,
1895.
Caskey, John. Jan. 31, 1895, to Jan. 29, 1897.
McCambridge, Charles P. Jan. 27, 1897, to
Jan. 11, 1899.
Hilliker, R. W. Apr. 2 to Aug. 22, 1889.
Longfellow, J. W. Aug. 22, 1889, to Mar. 17,
1893.
Pray, William. Mar. 17, 1893, to Jan. 31, 1895.
Daniels, Leonard. Jan. 31, 1895, to Jan. 29,
1897.
Horton, John C. Jan. 29, 1897, to Jan. 11, 1899.
Bishop, George W. Apr. 2, 1889, to Apr. 1,
1891.
Gordon. Hinton. Apr. 1, 1891, to Mar. 17, 1893.
Mitchell, George W. Mar. 17, 1893, to Jan. 31,
1895.
Gress, W. S. Jan. 31, 189.5, to Jan. 29, 1897.
Jenkins, Junius W. Jan. 29, 1897, to Jan. 11,
1899.
Topeka.
Spencer, Charles F. Apr. 1, 1889, to Feb. 16,
1893.
Sells, W. A. Feb. 16, , to July 29, 1893.
Whiting, A. B. July 29, 1893, to Jan. 25, 1895.
Bonebrake, Parkinson I. Apr. 1, 1889, to Feb.
16, 1893; Jan. 25, i895, to Jan 27,1897.
Billard, J. B. Jan. 27, 1897, to Jan. 11, 1899.
Krauss, Oscar. Feb. 16, 1893, to Jan. 25, 1895.
Holliday, C. K. Jan. 25, 1895, to Jan. 27, 1897.
Keith, Wilson. Jan. 27, 1897, to Jan. 11, 1899.
McCabe. Francis S. Apr. 1, 1889, to Feb. 16,
1893 ; Jan. 25, 1895, to Jan. 27, 1897.
Yount, L. T. Feb. 16, 1893, to Jan. 25, 1895.
Henderson, M, D. Jan. 27, 1897, to Jan. 11, 1899.
PRICE RAID CLAIMS, COMMITTEE TO
AUDIT.
Hanby, William N., Garnett. Mar. 25, 1867.
Fitzpatrick, Wm. H., Topeka. Mar. 25, 1867.
Ballard, D. E,, Ballard's Falls. Mar. 25, 1867.
Woodard, Levi, Lawrence. Mar. 5, 1869.
Whittaker, David, Doniphan. Mar. 5, 1869.
Taylor, T. J., Paola. Mar. 5, 1869.
Caldwell, J. H. July 1, 1887.
A ROSTER OF KANSAS FOR FIFTY YEARS
529
COMMISSIONER TO EXAMINE UNION
MILITARY SCRIP.
Allen, James S., Kansas City. Apr. 28, 1903
QDANTRILL RAID CLAIMS, COMMIS-
SION TO AUDIT.
Bear, William H., Burlingrton. Mar. 8, 1875.
Murdock, John N., Ottawa. Mar. 8, 187.5.
French, Charles D., Lawrence. Mar. 8, 1875.
RAILROAD PROPERTY, COMMISSIONERS
TO ASSESS
By act of 1871, a Board of Railroad Assessors
was created, one member to be elected from
each judicial district at the general election,
for a term of two years. Members were ap-
pointed by the governor in March, 1871, to
hold office until their successors were quali-
fied. A board was elected in 1871 and in 1873.
The law was repealed in 1874, and in 1876 the
assessment of railroads was entrusted to the
lieutenant-governor, secretary of state, treas-
urer, auditor and attorney-general, who still
constitute the Board of Railroad Assessors.
Moonlight, Thomas, Leavenworth. Mar. 24,
1871, to Apr. 16, 1871.
Graham, George, Seneca. Mar. 24, 1871.
Bailey, J. C, Perryville. Mar. 24, 1871.
Walruff, John, Ottawa. Mar. 24, 1871.
Bent, H. N., Burlington. Mar. 24, 1871.
Power, Frank M., Geneva. Mar. 24, 1871.
Allen, John M., Manhattan. Mar. 24, 1871,
Hunt, F. B., Cottonwood Falls. Mar. 24, 1871.
Williams, H. H., Osawatomie. Mar. 24, 1871.
Wright, R. W., Oswego. Mar. 24, 1871.
Weisbach, Jacob, Frankfort. Mar. 24, 1871.
Libby, C. W., Xenia. Mar. 31, 1871.
Russell, Ed., Leavenworth. Apr. 16, 1871.
Elected, 1S71.
1. Modill, James, Leavenworth.
2. Johnson, J. P.
3. Cooper, Stephen S., Oskaloosa.
4. Gleason, F.
5. Bent, H. N.
6. Smith, Ed. R., Mound City.
7. Stevens, J. A.
8. Danielson, John.
9. Wood, Stephen M., Cottonwood Falls.
10. Williams, Henry H., Osawatomie.
11. Wright, R. W., Oswego.
12. Ballard, David E. Ballard's Falls.
Elected, 1S7^.
8. Swenson, John P., Junction City.
13. Steele, John M., Wichita.
14. Heizer, David Newton, Great Bend.
Elected, 1S73.
1. Bickford, Harry L., Leavenworth.
2. Tracy, Frank M.
3. Eggers, L. F.
4. Simpson, Turner, Lawrence.
5. Williams, J. L.
6. Shinn, A.
7. Talcott, Henry W., lola.
8. Allen, John M., Wabaunsee.
—34
RAILROAD PROPERTY, COMMISSIONERS
TO ASSESS
9. Davis, Joel T.
10. Ainsworth, Newton.
11. Emerson, J. D.
12. Hutchinson, Perry, Marysville.
13. Steele, John M., Wichita.
14. Leslie, W. F.
RAILROAD COMMISSIONERS. BOARD OF
The Board of Railroad Commissioners was
created in 1883, and was superseded in 1899 by
the Court of Visitation, created by the special
legislative session of 1898-'99. The court being
declared unconstitutional in 1900, the Board
of Railroad Commissioners was reinstated in
1901.
31embers.
Hopkins, Henry, Leavenworth. Apr. 1 to Dec.
18, 1883. d. Dec. 18, 1883, at Leavenworth.
Humphrey, James, Junction City. Apr. 1,
1883, to Apr 1, 1891.
Turner, Leonidas L., Sedan. Apr. 1, 1883, to
Apr. 1, 1887.
Qillett, Almerin, Emporia. Feb. 8, 1884, to
Apr. 1, 1889. d. May 15, 1896, at Emporia.
Greene, Albert Robinson, Lecompton. Apr. 1,
1887, to Apr. 1, 1893.
Anthony, George Tobey, Ottawa. Apr. 1, 1889,
to May 1893. d. Aug. 5, 1896, at Topeka.
Mitchell, William M., Newton. Apr. 1. 1891,
to May 1893.
Maxson, Perry B., Emporia. Apr. i, 1893, to
Feb 6, 1895.
Hall, John, Erie. May 6, 1893, to Feb. 6, 1895.
Vincent, William D., Clay Center. May 6, 1893,
to Feb. 6, 1895.
Howe, Samuel T.. Topeka. Feb. 6, 1895, to
Feb. 6, 1897.
Simpson, James M., McPherson. Feb. 6, 1895,
to Feb. 6, 1897.
Lowe, Joseph G., Washington. Feb. 6, 1895,
to Apr. 1, 1897.
Campbell, William M., Stafford County. Feb.
1, 1897, to Apr. 3, 1899.
Dillard, William Peake, Fort Scott. Feb. 1,
1897, to Apr. 3, 1899.
Lewelling, Lorenzo D., Wichita. Apr. 1, 1897,
to Apr. 3. 1899. d. Sep. 3, 1900, at Arkansas
City.
Walker, Andrew D., Holton. Apr. 9, 1901
Finney, David Wesley, Neosho Falls. Apr. 9,
1901, to Apr. 1, 1902.
Fike, James Nelson, Colby. Apr. 9, 1901, to
Apr. 1, 1903.
Morse, J. CO., Hutchinson. Apr. 1, 1902
Wheatley, George W., Galena. Apr. 1, 1903
Secretaries.
Turner, Erastus Johnson, Hoxie. Apr. 1, 1883,
to Aug. 1, 1886.
Rizer, Henry C, Eureka Oct. 1, 1886, to July
30, 1889.
Elliot, Charles S., Topeka. July 1, 1889, to
May 1, 1893.
Henderson, M. D., Topeka. May 1, 1893, to
Feb. 6, 1895.
Flenniken, B. Frank, Emporia. Feb. 6, 1895,
to Feb. 1897.
Turner, Robert W., Mankato. Fob. 1897 to
May 1, 1898.
530
KANSAS STATE HISTORICAL SOCIETY.
RAILROAD COMMISSIONERS, BOARD OF
Secretaries.
Senter, James M., Ness City. May 1, 1898, to
Apr. 3, 1899.
Smith, William H., Marysville. Apr. 1, 1901,
to Apr. 1903.
Anderson, Cyrus, Blakeman. Apr, 1903.
COURT OF VISITATION.
Johnson, William Alexander, Garnett. 1899-
1901. d. 1903, Garnett.
Postlethwaite, John Calvin, Jewell City. 1899-
1901.
Crum, Littleton 8., Oswego. 1889-1901. d.
July 24, 1902, Oswego.
Myatt, A. J., Wichita. 1899-1901. d. June 19,
1901, Colorado Springs, Colo.
Mickey, James M., Osage City, 1899-1900.
REFORM SCHOOL, LEAVENWORTH.
Managers.
Larimer, Wm., Leavenworth. Mar. 5, 1869,
for 5 years.
Allen, Harvey, Leavenworth. Mar. 5, 1869, for
4 years.
Callehan, H. B., Leavenworth. Mar. 5, 1869,
for 3 years.
Gist, John C, Leavenworth. Mar. 5, 1869, for
2 years.
Deckleman, Henry, Leavenworth. Mar. 5,
1869, for 1 year.
REFORM SCHOOL, TOPEKA.
Superiyitendet^ts.
Eckles, J. G. 1881-'82.
Buck, J. F. 1882-'91.
Fagan, W. E. 1891-'93.
Hitchcock, E. C. 1893-'95.
Howell, W. H. 1895-'97.
Hart, J. M. 1897-'99.
Hancock, W. S. 1899-1901.
Charles, H. W. 1901
SCHOOL LANDS, COMMISSION TO SE-
■ LECT AND LOCATE INDEMNITY.
West, G. C, Parsons. Dec. 24, 1877.
Thrasher, L. A., lola. Dec. 24, 1877.
Snow, L. B. Dec. 24, 1877.
Stone, J. E., Caney. Dec. 24, 1877.
Morse, O. E., Mound City. Dec. 24, 1877.
McQuay, J. C, Salina. Dec. 24, 1877.
SCHOOL TEXT-BOOK COMMISSION.
Stryker, William, state superintendent, chair-
man. 1897-'99.
Hurd, W. J., secretary, Holton. 1897-1901.
Black, S. W., Pittsburg. 1897-1901.
Jewett, A. v., Abilene. 1897-1901.
Hale, Samuel I., La Crosse. 1897-1901, 1903-'05,
McCray, D. O., Topeka. 1897-'99, 1901-'05.
McDonald, Norman, Osage City. 1897-'99.
Nees, S. M., Independence. 1897-1901.
Lupfer, A. H., Larned. 1897-1901.
Nelson, Frank, state superintendent, chair-
man. 1899-1903.
Spindler, J. W., Winfield. 1899-1901.
Smith, F. P., Lawrence. 1899-1901.
SCHOOL TEXT-BOOK COMMISSION.
Bear, H. F. M., sec, Wellington. 1901-'03.
Carney, A. B., Concordia. 1901-'0.5.
Leidy, Fremont, Leon. 1901-'03.
Sheldon, H. F., Ottawa. 1901-'03.
Shirk, D. F., Cottonwood Falls. 1901-'03.
Stanley, Edmund, Wichita. 1901-'O3.
Taylor, Edwin, Edwardsville. 1901-'03.
Dayhoff, Insley L., state superintendent, chair-
man. 1903-'05.
Swingle, C. G., sec, Manhattan. 1903-'05.
Butcher, H. P., Argentine. 1903-'05.
Kendrick, George W., Leavenworth. 1903-'05.
Starr, J, C, Scott City. 1903-'05.
Madden, John, Emporia. 1903-'05.
AGENT TO PURCHASE AND DISTRIBUTE
SEED WHEAT.
Wright, John K., Junction City, Mar. 3, 1869.
Logan, Joseph. Mar. 8, 1871.
SILK-CULTURE COMMISSION.
Williamson, Charles. Mar. 1887-'89.
Codding, J. 8. Mar. 1887-'89.
Morse, J. H. Mar. 18'57 to Mar. 12, 1888.
Brewer, James H. C. Mar. 12, 1888-'89.
Buck, L. A. 1889-'97.
SOLDIERS' HOME, DODGE CITY.
Dircclors.
Booth,»Henry, Larned. July 11, 1889, to July
8, 1893.
Collins, Ira F. July 11, 1889, to July 3, 1892.
Barker, J. D. July 11, 1889, to June 6, 1890.
McGonigal. J. B. June 6, 1890.
Coulter, O. H. July 3, 1892.
Van Vorhis, L. June 15, 1893, to July 3, 1897.
Bohrer, G. June 15, 1893, to June 5, 1895.
Stewart, Julius H. June 15, 1893, to July 3,
1896.
Junneau, H. July 3, 1895, to Mar. 3, 1897.
Kerr, R. N. Mar 13, 1897, to July 3, 1901.
Davis, J. A. Mar. 13, 1897, to July 3, 1899.
Grisham, T. H. Mar. 13, 1897.
Dutro, James. July 3, 1899, to July 3, 1905.
Burton, George. Feb. 21, 1899, to July 3, 1904.
Hancock, T. N. Mar. 3, 1899, to July 3, 1903. d.
Dobyns, J. B. July 3, 1903, to July 3, 1906.
MESSENGERS TO THE PHILIPPINES
To deliver election ballots to the regiments of
Kansas volunteers.
Shindler, Henry. Oct. 26, 1898.
Olden, G. D. Oct. 8, 1898.
SOLDIERS' ORPHANS' HOME, ATCHISON.
Superintendents.
Pierson, John. 1887-'89.
Faulkner, Charles E. 1889-'97.
Wood worth, C. A. 1897-'99.
Young, William H. H. April to July, 1899.
Hillis, E. L. 1899
A ROSTER OF KANSAS FOR FIFTY YEARS.
531
STATE AGENTS AT WASHINGTON.
Crawford, Samuel J., Topeka. Mar. 3, 1877.
Martin, W. W., Fort Scott. Mar. 15, 1891, to
Mar. 1, 1905.
STATE-HOUSE COMMISSION.
The first board authorized by the legislature
of 1866 was as follows :
Crawford, Gov. Samuel J.
Barker, Einaldo Allen, secretary of state.
SwaUow, John R., auditor of state.
Spriggs, William, treasurer of state.
Goodnow, Isaac T., superintendent of public
instruction.
The second board was elected in 1867 by the
legislature in joint session.
Bowman, William, Atchison.
Hammond, John, Emporia,
Killen, Daniel, Wyandotte.
In 1879 the governor appointed the following :
Williams, H. H.,Osawatomie. 1879-'83, 1886-'87.
Hammond, John, Emporia. 1879-'86.
Anderson, John B., Junction City. 1879-'85.
Hood, J. M., Hanover. 1883-85.
Carr, E. T., Leavenworth, 1885-86.
Butler, J. A., Sterling. 188.5-'86.
Love, Alexander, Lawrence. 1886.
Adams, N. A., Manhattan. 1886.
Bowman, W^illiam, Atchison. 1887.
BOARD OF PUBLIC WORKS.
Smith, John H., Columbus. 1891-'93.
Miller, Sol., Troy. 1891-'93, 1895.
Emery, James Stanley, Lawrence. 1891-'93.
Scott, S. M. 1893-'94.
Wykes, William. lS93-'94.
Kepley, Robert B., Topeka. 1893-'94.
Seaton, John, Atchison. 1895.
Heery, Michael, Topeka. 1895.
STATE ARCHITECTS.
Haskell, John G., Lawrence. 1867, 1891.
Carr, E. T., Leavenworth. 1879.
Haskell & Wood, Topeka. 18S5.
McDonald, Kenneth, Louisville, Ky. 1887.
Ropes, George, Topeka. 1889.
Davis, Seymour, Topeka. 1893.
Holland, J. C. 1895.
Lescher, T. H., Topeka. 1897.
Stanton, John F., Topeka. 1899
COMMISSION FOR IMPROVEMENT OF
STATE-HOUSE GROUNDS.
McVicar, Peter, Topeka. Mar. 11, 1871. d.
June 5, 19U3, Topeka.
Tweedale, William, Topeka. Mar. 11,1871. d.
Nov. 4, 1900, Topeka.
Jewell, C. W., Topeka, Mar. 16, 1871. d. Jan.
27, 1901, Topeka.
Anthony, George Tobey, Leavenworth. Mar.
16, 1871. d. Aug. 5, 1896, Topeka.
STATE ROADS, COMMISSIONER TO
ESTABLISH CERTAIN.
George W. Walker, appointed Feb. 19, 1868.
STATE ROAD FROM MOUND CITY TO
CHEROKEE, COMMISSIONERS TO
LOCATE.
St. Clair, James F. Mar. 25, 1868.
Smith, Ed. R., Mound City. Mar. 25, 1868.
Ingraham, W. D. Mar. 25, 1868.
STATE ROAD FROM FORT SCOTT TO
BAXTER SPRINGS, COMMISSIONERS
TO LOCATE.
Mann, M. J., Baxter Springs. Apr, 21, 1868.
North, L., Crawfordville. Apr. 21, 1868.
TAX LAWS, COMMISSION FOR THE
REVISION OF THE.
Foster, C. F., Topeka. July 29, 1S72.
Koester, Charles F., Marysville. July 29, 1872.
d. Aug. 15, 1902, Marysville.
Brooks, Paul R., Lawrence. July 29, 1872.
Francis, John, Colony. 1901.
Biddle, C. F., Coldwater. 1901.
Grosser, Emil., Enterprise. 1901.
Hurrel, Cyrus Frailey, Holton. 1901.
Smith, Frederick Dumont, Kinsley. 1901.
STATE UNIVERSITY.
Commissioners.
Goodnow, Isaac T., Manhattan.- 1863,
Miller, Josiah, Lawrence. 1863.
Thorp, Simeon M., Lawrence. 1863.
Chancellors.
Oliver, R. W., Lawrence. lS65-'67.
Eraser, John, Agricultural College, Pa. 1868-
'74. d. June 4, 1878, Allegheny City, Pa.
Marvin, James, Meadville, Pa. 1874-'83. d.
July 9, 1901, Lawrence.
Lippincott, Joshua Allen, Carlisle, Pa. 1883-
'89.
Spangler, William Cornelius, Lawrence. Act-
ing chancellor 1889-'90 ; 1901-'02. d. Oct. 22,
1902, Lawrence.
Snow, Francis Huntington, Lawrence. 1890-
1901.
Strong, Frank, University of Oregon, 1902
Com77iissio}i to Examine and Appraise
University Lands.
Miller, J. M., Seneca. Mar. 8, 1875.
Woodward, O. S., Neosho Falls. Mar. 8, 1875.
Thacher, Timothy Dwight, Lawrence. Mar. 8,
1875.
Commission to Procure a Bust of Gov. Charles
Robinson.
Robinson, Mrs, Sara T. D., Lawrence. Apr. 30,
1897.
Woodward, Brinton Webb, Lawrence. Apr. 30,
1897. d. Oct. 19, 1900, West Chester, Pa.
Chadwick, Charles, Lawrence. .Apr. 30, 1897.
d. 1900, Lawrence.
Regents.
Robinson, Charles, Lawrence. Mar. 2, 1864-'73 ;
Feb, 1893 to May 1894. d. Aug. 17, 1894, Law-
rence,
Liggett, J. D. Mar. 2, lS64-'70.
Mitchell, E. J. Mar. 2, 1864-'65.
532
KANSAS STATE HISTORICAL SOCIETY.
STATE UNIVERSITY.
Rcqents.
Crawford, Georee Addison, Fort Scott. Mar.
2, 1864-'65; Mar. 1, 187U-'73.
Emery, James Stanley, Lawrence. Mar. 2,
1864-'68; 1873-'77. d. June 8, 1899, Lawrence.
Horton, Albert Howell, Atchison. Mar. 2, 1864,
to Dec. 18, 1864 d. Sep. 2, 1902, Topeka.
Lines, Charles Burrill, Wabaunsee. Mar. 2,
1864-'74. d. Mar. 31, 1889, Wabaunsee.
Tliacher, Solon Otis, Lawrence. Mar. 2, 1864-
'68. d. Aug. 11, 189.5, Lawrence.
Moore, George A. Mar. 2, 1864-65.
Watson, John H. Mar. 2, 1864, to Feb. 20, 1865.
Kingman, Samuel Austin, Topeka. Mar. 2
1864-'65.
Steele, John A., Topeka. Mar. 2, 1864. d. Oct.
12, 1864, Topeka.
HoUiday, Cyrus Kurtz, Topeka. Dec. 18, 1864-
•68. d. Mar. 29, 1900, Topeka.
Bartholow, E. M., Lawrence. Sep. 5, 1865, to
Mar. 1, 1870. d. 1^83, Williamsburg.
Sears, Theodore C, Ottawa. 1865 to Mar. 2,
1870.
Paddock, George W., Lawrence. Feb. 20, 1865,
to July 1867.
Starrett, Wm. A., Lawrence. Apr. 27, 1865-'73.
Mitchell, D. P., Leavenworth. Feb. 20, 1865-
'73.
"Wever, Joseph S., Leavenworth. 1865 to Mar.
2, 1872.
Fisher, Hugh D., Lawrence. July 5, 1867-'72.
Tenney, William C, Douglas county. 1868-'73.
Vail, Rt. Rev. Thomas Hubbard, Topeka.
1868-'73. d. Oct. 6, 1889, Bryn Mawr, Pa.
Ekin, John. 1868-'70.
Elliott, R. G., Lawrence. 1868-73.
Giles, Frve Williams, Topeka. Mar. 1, 1870-
'73. d. June 9, 1898, Topeka.
Halderman, John Adams, Leavenworth. Mar.
1, 1870-'73.
Reaser, J. G.. Leavenworth. Mar. 1, 1870-'73.
Woods, J. J. 1872-'73.
By legislative act of 1873, the number of
regents was reduced to six and one ex-offlcio
member, the chancellor of the University.
Beatty, Archibald, Independence. 1873-'81.
d. 1904.
Wilson, V. P., Enterprise. 1873-'83. d. Feb. 14,
1899, Colorado Springs, Colo.
Ingalls, F. T., Atchison. 1873-'82. d.
McFarland, Noah C, Topeka. 1873-76; Apr.
1, 1879-81. d. Apr. 26, 1897, Topeka.
Houts, T. F. 1873-'77.
Fairchild, William, Leavenworth. Dec. 6,
187.5-'77.
Reynolds, Milton W., Parsons. Mar. 9, 187§-
•79. d. Aug. 9, 1890, Edmond, Okla.
Woodward, Brinton Webb, Lawrence. Mar.
6, 1877-'80. d. Oct. 19, 190U, Westchester, Pa.
Hershfield, R. M., Leavenworth. Mar. 6,
1877-'79.
Scott, John W., lola. Mar. 10, 1879-'83. d.
Jan. 19, 1899, Guthrie. Okla.
Thacher, Timothy Dwight, Topeka. Apr. 1,
1880-'83. d. Jan. 17, 1894, Topeka.
Benedict, S. S., Guilford. Apr. 1881-'8.5.
Nisbet, E., Leavenworth. Apr. 1881 to Dec.
27, 1881.
STATE UNIVERSITY.
Regents.
Downs, Mrs. Cora M., Wyandotte. Dec. 27,
1881-'83.
Peck, George R., Topeka. Aug. 11, 1881-'87.
Otis, A. G., Atchison. Feb. 5, 1883-'89.
Humphrey, James, Junction City. Feb. 5,
1883-'85.
Fitzpatrick, Frank A., Leavenworth. Feb. 5,
1883-'88.
White. W. S., Wichita. Feb. 5, 1883-'85.
Smith, Charles W., Stockton. Apr. lS85-"89.
Mitchell, C. R., Gueda Springs. Feb. 1885-'95.
Simpson, M. P., McPherson. May 5, 1885-'91.
Gleed, Charles Sumner, Topeka. Feb. 1887-'93,
1895-'97.
Billings, J. F., Clay Center. Feb. 1885-'90.
Moody, Joel, Mound City. 1889-'93.
Spangler, William C, Lawrence. 1889-93,
1901-'02. d. Oct. 22, 1902, Lawrenee.
Valentine, Delbert A., Clay Center. Jan. 27,
1890-'95.
Scott, Charles Frederick, lola. 1891-1903.
Rogers, William, Washington. Feb. 1893-'94,
Feb. 1897-1901.
Sams, James P., Seneca. Feb 1893-1901.
Clarke, Henry S., Lawrence. May 1894-1901.
Forney, J. W., Belle Plaine. Fob. 1895-1903.
Crowell, Frank G., Atchison. Feb. 1895-1907.
Moore, O. L., Abilene. 1894-'95.
Hopkins, Scott, Horton. Feb. 1901-07.
Potter, Thomas M., Peabody. Feb. 1901-'05.
Ackley, Earnest L., Concordia. Feb. 1901-'05.
d. Aug. 27, 1901, Concordia.
Wilmoth, Alvin L., Concordia. Oct. 1901-'05.
Mitchell, Alex. C, Lawrence. Feb. 1903-05.
Converse, Chas. N., Waverly. Feb. 1903-05.
Butcher, Thomas W., Wellington. 1903-'07.
WESTERN UNIVERSITY, QUINDARO.
Trustees Industrial Department.
Ransom, J. R. May 1899 to Apr. 1, 1904.
Keith, Green. May 1899 to Apr. 1, 1904.
Wilson, A. M. May 1899 to Apr. 1, 1902.
Jones, Samuel W. May 1899 to Apr. 1, 1902.
Keplinger, L. W. Apr. 1, 1901, to Apr. 1, 1904
Patterson, Corvine. Apr. 4, 1903, to Apr. 1, 1904.
COMMISSION FOR UNIFORM LEGISLA-
TION FOR THE AMERICAN BAR AS-
SOCIATION.
Godard, A. A., Topeka. Jan. 1, 1897, to Jan. 1,
1900.
Wilson, J. O., Salina. Jan. 1, 1897, to Jan. 1,
1900.
Wall, T. B., Wichita. Jan. 1, 1897, to Jan. 1,
1900.
Jackson, H. M., Atchison. Jan. 1, 1897, to Jan.
1, 1900.
Milliken, John D., McPherson. Jan. 1, ;i897,
to Jan. 1, 1900.
AMERICAN CONGRESS OF TUBERCU-
LOSIS.
New York, May 14, 1902.
Crumbine, S. J., Dodge City.
Lowry, Charles, Topeka.
A ROSTER OF KANSAS FOR FIFTY YEARS.
533
AMERICAN CONGRESS OF TUBERCU-
LOSIS.
Morton, R. J., Green.
Minnick, J. M., Wichita.
Locke, G. E., Holton.
Gish, A. 8., Abilene.
Alexander, B. J., Hiawatha.
Hollenbeak, G. W., Cimarron.
Dykes, J. B., Lebanon.
Swan, W. B., Topeka.
Hatfield, F. P., Grenola.
Johnston, G. F., Lakin.
Roby, H. W., Topeka.
Cook, D. R., Clay Center. '
Packer, E. B., Osage City.
Williston, S. VV., Lawrence.
Lewis, O. F., Hepler.
Alkire, H. L., Topeka.
Milton, C. A., Dodge City.
ANTI COAL-TRUST CONVENTION.
Chicago, June 5, 1893.
Hawkins, Richard, Marysville.
Wakefield, W. H. T., Lawrence.
Naugle, Lyman, Wichita.
Ryan, W. H., Brazilton.
Bierer, E., Hiawatha.
Clark, E. C.
Burnett, G. S., Topeka.
Allen, Noah, Topeka.
McLallin, S., Topeka.
Johnson, F. Burleigh, Topeka.
Clemens, G. C, Topeka.
Nichols, R., Wichita.
Houch, L., Hutchinson.
ASSOCIATION OF MILITARY SURGEONS
OF THE UNITED STATES.
Kansas City, September 27-29, 1899.
Niedman, W. F. de, Pittsburg.
Martin, Frank, Topeka.'
Dillenbeck, F. E., El Dorado.
At St. Paul, Minn., May 30-June 1, 1901.
O'Donnell, Henry, Ellsworth.
Dillenbeck, Fred E., El Dorado.
Smith, Henry D., Washington.
Martin, W. M., Wellington.
Leigh, Wm. A., Stockton.
Martin, Frank H., Topeka.
BI-METALIC CONGRESS.
Chicago, August 1, 1903.
St. John, John P., Olathe.
Robinson, Charles, Lawrence.
Osborn, Thomas A., Topeka.
Harvey, James M., Vinton.
Glick, George W. Atchison.
Humphrey, Lyman U., Independence.
Johnson, F.B., Topeka.
Chase, Frank, Hoyt.
Adams, W. R., Larned.
Rippey, W. D., Severance.
Williams, J. R.
CIVIC FEDERATION.
Chicago, September 13-16, 1899.
Bailey, W. J., Baileyville.
Cubbison, W. J., Kansas City.
Buckman, George H., Winfleld.
White, William A., Emporia.
Hessin, John E., Manhattan.
Elliott, C. E., Wellington.
Pestana, H. L., Russell.
Davis, C. Wood, Peotone.
Sherman, Porter, Kansas City.
CIVIC FEDERATION, NATIONAL TAX
CONFERENCE.
Buffalo, N. Y., May 23, 24, 1901.
Francis, John, Colony.
Smith, F. Dumont, Kinsley,
Biddle, C. F., Coldwater.
Grosser, Emil, Enterprise.
Hurrell, C. F., Holton.
Cole, George E., Girard.
Grimes, Frank E., Leoti.
Godard, A. A., Topeka.
COMMERCIAL MEN'S CONGRESS.
Atlanta, Ga., November 13, 1895.
Morgan, Vance, Concordia.
Duvall, Claude, Hutchinson.
Davis, J. A., Clyde.
Hoag, Edward, Leavenworth.
Clark, Walter, Salina.
Saunders, Edward, Cawker City.
Moore, June, Atchison.
Epps, Frank, Wichita.
Poindexter, J. S., Fort Scott.
Thomas, Frank, Topeka.
Seller, W. A., Topeka.
Fuller, W. H., Emporia.
CONVENTION TO PROVIDE FOR THE
CARE OF HOMELESS AND INDIGENT
CHILDREN.
St. Louis, Mo., December 11. 1894.
Botkin, J. D., Neodesha.
Morrow, O. S., Topeka.
Minnie, J. E., Topeka.
File, W. F., Topeka.
DEEP-WATER CONVENTION.
Fort Smith, Ark., December 15, 1896.
Murdock, Marshall M., Wichita.
Botkin, J. D., Neodesha.
Moflitt, J. v., Wichita.
Edwards, William C, Larned.
Bonebrake, P. I., Topeka.
McCall, J. A., Topeka.
Ury, I. N., Fort Scott.
Adair, R. H.. Kansas City.
Shelby, R. M., Hays City.
Wolverton, O. G., Topeka.
534
KANSAS STATE HISTORICAL SOCIETY.
EX-SLAVE HOME NATIONAL CON-
VENTION.
St. Joseph, Mo., August 24-27, 1898.
Knott, Rufus, Topeka.
Auderson, J. W., Topeka.
White, Jerry, Topeka.
Barber, John, Topeka.
Charles, G. W., Topeka.
Richardson, Cy., Lawrence.
McWilliams, Doc, Lawrence.
Townsend, W. B., Leavenworth,
Lee, S. W., Wichita.
Wilson, James, Atchison.
Burdett, Rev., Eudora.
Hudson, C. L., Ottawa.
Williams, Foster, Ottawa.
Dorsey, E. W., Parsons.
Dare, J. O., Emporia.
Cabbell, E. B., Emporia.
Garrett, W. M., Fort Scott.
Forman, John, Manhattan,
Pierce, Jefferson, Girard.
Granger, Thomas, Kansas City.
Richardson, John, Kansas City.
Griffin, Burrell, Clay Center.
Hunter, Robert, Junction City.
Stevenson, M., Coffeyville.
Harris, Frank, Jetmore.
Neal, Charles, Jetmore.
Reed, Noah, Jetmore.
Perry, George, Jetmore.
Welsch, Stephen, Lewis.
Hoyt, G. W., Lawrence.
Glover, Thomas, Wichita.
Biggers, W. T., Highland.
Shelby, Robert, Paola.
Scales, Anderson, Topeka.
Vernon, Harrison, Topeka.
COTTON STATES AND INTERNATIONAL
EXPOSITION.
Atlanta, Ga., September 18 to December 31,
1895.
Learnard, O. E., Lawrence.
Robinson, Mrs. Margaret E., Council Grove.
Carpenter, J. S., Council Grove.
Smith, Asa, Parsons.
Morgan, Mrs. Minnie D., Cottonwood Falls.
Royce, John Q., Phillipsburg.
Riddle, A. P., Minneapolis.
Kellogg, Mrs. L. B., Emporia.
Prentis, Mrs. Noble, Kansas City.
Briggs, Mrs. C. F., Ottawa.
StiDe, Mrs. Inez M., Kansas City.
AMERICAN-MEXICO EXPOSITION.
City of Mexico, 1895.
Emery, James Stanley, Lawrence.
Moses, E. R., Great Bend.
Capper, Arthur, Topeka.
McGee, A. H., Oberlin.
Warner, Alexander, Baxter Springs.
Ballard, David Ellenwood, Ballard's Falls.
AMERICAN-MEXICO EXPOSITION.
Chonowerth, E. S., McCracken.
Barnhart, W. E., Kansas City.
Turner, R. N., Mankato.
Haynes, Mrs. C. H., Fort Scott.
Regan, James R., Fort Scott.
This exposition was never held owing to
lack of necessary appropriations,
TENNESSEE EXPOSITION.
Nashville, May 1 to November 1, 1897.
Nicholson, M. B., Council Grove.
Van Doom, A. R., Atchison.
Morgan, Thomas, Eureka.
Stitch, A. C, Independence.
Montgomery, Frank, Topeka.
Hughes, J. W. F., Topeka.
Brown, John M., Topeka.
Bass, J. B., Topeka.
Rivers, B. F., Kansas City.
Jones, C. H., Emporia.
Martin, John, Topeka.
Streeter, Mrs. Josephine, Junction City.
PAN-AMERICAN EXPOSITION.
Buffalo, N. Y., May 1 to November 1, 1901.
Harris, W. A,, Linwood,
Taylor, A. R., Emporia,
Peters, Mrs, Samuel R., Newton.
Thompson, Mrs. Alton H., Topeka.
Randolph, L. F., Nortonville.
Sheldon, H. F., Ottawa.
Mitchell, C. A., Cherryvale.
Madden, John, Emporia.
Little, E. C, Abilene.
Mitchell, W. H., Beloit.
Junkin, J. E., Sterling.
Coburn, F. D., Topeka.
Barnes, W. H., Topeka.
Herbert,'Ewing, Hiqwatha.
SOUTH CAROLINA INTERSTATE AND
WEST INDIAN EXPOSITION.
Charleston, December 2, 1901.
Porter, Silas, Kansas City.
Kimble, Sam., Manhattan.
Vandegrift, F. L., Topeka.
Herbert, Ewing, Hiawatha.
Howe, E. W., Atchison.
INTERNATIONAL LIVE-STOCK EX-
POSITION.
Kansas City, January 13-17, 1903.
Addison, G. W., Eureka.
Modman, E. E., Vermillion.
Tudor, H. O., Holton.
Wolf, O.O, Ottawa.
Campbell, M. C, Wichita.
A ROSTER OF KANSAS FOR FIFTY YEARS.
535
LOUISIANA PURCHASE CENTENNIAL
EXPOSITION.
St. Louis, 1903.
Honorary Members, ICanstts Conimissio7i.
Duval, F. M., Norton.
Snyder, Edwin, Oskaloosa.
Christian, Charles, Atchison.
Heally. P. V., Wichita.
Fagersburg, O., Olsburg.
Jordan, W. H., Seneca.
Basye, A. J., Belleville,
Babson, D. T., Ellsworth.
Helman, W. A., Mankato.
Mayhew, T. A., Wellington.
FARMERS' NATIONAL CONGRESS.
Savanna, Ga., December 12, 1893.
Allen, W. N., Meriden.
Hefflebower, D. H., Bucyrus.
Currier, George S., Qarnett.
Dykes, J. B., Topeka.
FARMERS' NATIONAL CONGRESS AND
ROAD PARLIAMENT.
Atlanta, Ga., October 17-19, 1895.
Smith, A. W., McPherson.
Forsythe, A. P., Liberty.
Wheeler, Joshua, Nortonville.
Perry, C. D., Englowood.
Hunger, George M., Eureka.
Hubbard, Thomas A., Rome.
Grinstead, H. V., Dighton.
Holsinger, Frank, Rosedale.
Shearer, James, Frankfort.
Mohler, Martin, Osborne.
FARMERS' NATIONAL CONGRESS.
Boston, October 3-6, 1899.
Colorado Springs, Augast 21-31, 1900.
Glick, George W., Atchison.
Coburn, F. D., Topeka.
Howerton, John, Rossville.
Barnes, William E., Vinland. '
Forsythe, A. P., Liberty.
Potter, T. M., Peabody.
Anderson, Thomas, Salina.
AUaraan, George, Wallace.
Danner, S. T., Newton.
Mason, J. B., Eureka.
Harrison, T. W., Topeka.
Knox, S. M., Humboldt.
Ballard, D. E., Washington.
Uplinger, Jacob, St. Francis.
Sioux Falls, S. D., October 1-10, 1901.
Harrison, T. W., Topeka.
Knox, S. M., Humboldt.
Coburn, F. D., Kansas City.
Forsythe, A. P., Liberty.
Mason, .1. B., Eureka.
Anderson, Thomas, Salina.
AUaman, George, Wallace.
Uplinger, Jacob, St. Francis.
Robinson, Joseph, Yates Center.
FARMERS' NATIONAL CONGRESS.
De Long, Peter, Prairie View.
Diesem, I. L., Garden City.
Ballard, D. E., Washington.
Niagara Falls, Sept. 22 to October 10, 1901.
Robison, John W., El Dorado.
Brougher, Ira D., Great Bend.
Sims, John B., Topeka. ^
True, J. F., Perry.
Sutton, C. E., Russell.
Hubbard, T. A., Rome.
Hoover, Frank, Columbus.
Churchill, J. H., Dodge City.
Taylor, C. W., Pearl.
Kepperling, Robert L., Junction City.
Leach, Jessie, Topeka.
Sessions, Charles Harrison.
Kernohan, D. R., Beverly.
Potter, Thomas M., McPherson.
Davis, George W., Brownell.
Bowling, W. R., Norcatur.
Williams, George W., Seneca.
Bogart, L. M., Kirwin.
Jennings, W. L., Macksville.
Avery, H. W., Wakefield.
Lichty, J., Morrill.
Darland, T. M., Centralia.
Snyder, E., Oskaloosa.
Edmunds, Matt, McLouth.
Marshall, S. A., Goodland.
Palmer, George, Hays City,
Busic, A. R., Sylvan Grove.
Hamlin, August, Marysville.
Fagersburg, Oscar, Oldsburg.
Johnson, J. H., Holton.
Cirtwell, Bert, Effingham.
Mason, Frank M., Monmouth.
Hicks, Phil. N., Glenloch.
GULF TRANSPORTATION CONGRESS.
Chicago, 111., September 11, 1893.
Rutledge, Silas, Valley Center.
Heilbrun, Benjamin, Osage City,
Wilson, W. J., Wichita.
Sogard, Thyge, Kansas City.
Thacher, Solon Otis, Lawrence.
Maxson, P. B., Emporia.
Hoffman, C. B., Enterprise.
Fitzgerald, C. J., St. Marys.
King, E. S., Kansas City.
Huffman, P. R., Winfield.
Sankey, R. A., Wichita.
Heath, H. A., Topeka.
Ken, I. P., Ottawa.
McKellar, Duncan, Jamestown.
Harrison, Richard, Furley.
Bedell, L. M., Chotopa.
Scott, TuUy, Oberlin.
Harrington, N., Baker.
Campbell, B. H., Wichita.
Long, D. B., Ellsworth.
Gleason, H. W., Hutchinson.
Lathrop, James H., Topeka.
336
KANSAS STATE HISTORICAL SOCIETY.
INTERNATIONAL MINING CONGRESS.
Salt Lake City, July 6-9, 1898.
Dillard, W. P., Fort Scott.
Seatou, John, Atchison.
Hazlett, R. H., El Dorado.
Brandenburg, C. W., Frankfort.
McDonald, Ben., Fort Scott.
Crowe, Robert F., Weir City.
"Boyle, L. C, Topeka.
Noble, E. St. G., Galena.
Carpenter, F. B., Galena.
Murphy, James, Empire City.
Vincent, Frank, Hutchinson.
Ruffgles, R. M., Topeka.
Sapp, W. F., Galena.
Milwaukee, Wis., June 19-23, 1900.
Johnson, W. L. A., Topeka.
Devlin, C. J., Topeka.
Morrison, John T., Pittsburg.
Holliday, John, Pittsburg.
Robinson, W. D., Pittsburg.
Durkee, J. H., Weir City.
Orr, James A., Weir City.
Ryan, J., Leavenworth.
Kierstead, George W., Leavenworth.
Conley, John, Leavenworth.
Weise, Frank, Leavenworth.
Noble, E. St. George, Galena.
Elliott, Russell, Galena.
Sensor, C. A., Galena.
Brown, W. H. D., Galena.
Johnson, John, Osage City.
McCue, Pat., Osage City.
Winter, A. E., Blue Rapids,
Mahan, W. H., Coileyville.
Cowie, James, Kanopolis.
Ainsworth, J., Lyons.
Evans, O. A., Neodesha.
Metzler, P. C, Columbus.
Kellogg, 8. M., Redfleld.
O'Donnell, Dan., Frontenac.
Gallagher, A. C, Chicopee.
Fern, Frances, Scammon.
Rees, Dewey, Burlingame.
Matignon, Louis, Scranton.
Brinkman, H. F., Dillon.
Boise, Idaho, .July 23-25, 1901.
Devlin, C. J., Topeka.
Durkee, J. H., Weir City.
Winter, A. E,, Blue Rapids.
MahoD, W. H., Coffeyville.
Ainsworth, J., Lyons.
Matignon, Louis, Scranton.
Brinkman, H. F., Dillon.
Morrison, Jolm R., Midway.
Richardson, George, Weir City.
Gilmour, Robert, Pittsburg.
Keegan, Edward, Pittsburg.
Stewart, John L., Weir City.
McManus, Thomas, Weir City.
Haworth, Erasmus, Lawrence.
Schermerhorn, A. M., Galena.
Weilep, E. C, Galena.
INTERNATIONAL MINING CONGRESS.
Crawford, S. J., Topeka.
Holliday, Charles K., Topeka.
Orr, J. W., Atchison.
Sapp, E. E., Galena.
Butte, Mont., September 1-5, 1902.
Haworth, Erasmus, Lawrence.
Cowie, D. B., Kingman.
Cockeril], A. B., Gas City.
Cappeau, J. P., lola.
Fry, George A., lola.
Nortlirup, L. L., lola.
Turkington, W. E., Cherokee.
Henley, A., Lawrence.
Wasser, E. A., Girard.
Thomas, Clark, Moran.
Boyle, George A., Louisburg.
Barnhill, J. F., Paola.
Wear, Frank, Topeka.
Devlin, C. J., Topeka.
LanyoD, E. V., Neodesha.
Garrison, Oliver, Cherryvale.
Hodges, John, Pittsburg.
Hamilton, James, Weir City.
Sapp, W. F., Galena.
Stone, William B., Galena.
Craig, Robert, Osage City.
Gardner, James, Yale.
Mackie, David, Scammon.
Wilson, Henry, Frontenac.
Casselman, D. R., Pittsburg.
Deadwood, So. Dak., September 7 to 12, 1903.
Fellows, A. M,, Peru.
Oshant, Henry W., Hays City.
Murphy, E. F., Goodland.
Cappeau, J. A., lola.
Fry, George, lola.
Bowlus, G. A., lola.
Beattie, L. C, lola.
Kirkwood, A. B., Pittsburg.
Hedges, J. N., Pittsburg.
McCall, Peter, Pittsburg.
Lanyon, E. V., Neodesha.
Griffin, A. J., Lawrence.
Murdock, William, Chanute.
Martin, C. D., Chanute.
Mason, B. C, Chanute.
Schermerhorn, E. B., Galena.
Moore. T. J., Pittsburg.
Devlin, C. J., Topeka.
Johnson, Gus., Osage City.
Kierstead, G. W., Leavenworth.
Hamilton, James, W'eir City.
Casselman, D. R., Pittsburg.
Richardson, George, Pittsburg.
Gilmour, Robert, Pittsburg.
Deacon, Ralph, Weir City.
Burton, W. H., Leavenworth.
Blakeslee, Theodore, Neodesha.
McCall, Peter, Frontenac.
Stone, William B., Galena.
Strickland, F. P., Kansas City.
Corbin, W. D., Neodesha.
A ROSTER OF KANSAS FOR FIFTY YEARS.
537
CONFERENCE OF CHARITIES AND
CORRECTIONS.
Chicago, June 12, 1893.
Chase, S. W., Winfield.
Householder, M. A., Columbus.
Lease, Mrs. M. E., Wichita.
Walker. S. T., Olathe.
Faulkner, C. E., Atchison.
Waite, W. S., Lincoln.
Kelly, Henry Bascom, McPherson.
Miles, C. K., Winfield.
Todd, W. G., Topeka.
Pilcher, F. Hoyt, Winfield.
Hitchcock, A. E., Columbus.
Yoe, W. T., Independence.
Hurd, W. J., Holton.
Wentworth, Lowell E., Osawatomie.
Spencer, Miss Martha P., Beloit.
Nashville, Tenn., 1894.
Ruggles, Mrs. S. L., Emporia.
Hampton, Mrs. R. L., Kansas City.
Todd, W. G., Kansas City.
Spencer, Miss Martha P., Beloit.
Faulkner, Charles E., Salina.
Brown, Mrs. E. F.
New Haven, Conn., May 24-30, 1895.
Faulkner, Charles E., Atchison.
White, Francis H., Manhattan.
Albaugh, Morton, Kingman.
Washington, D. C, May 9-15, 1901.
Allen, Henry J., Ottawa.
Kanavel, G. W., Sedgwick.
Snyder, Edwin, Oskaloosa.
Vincent, R., Washington.
Hannon, John, Leavenworth.
Detroit, Mict., May 28 to June 3, 1902.
Morrill, E. N., Hiawatha.
Milliken, John D., McPherson.
Harding, Eva, Topeka.
Haskell, John G., Lawrence.
Thompson, Mrs. A. H., Topeka.
Ward, R. B., Belleville.
Householder, M. A., Columbus.
Allen, H. J., Ottawa.
Kanavel, G. W., Sedgwick.
Snyder, Edwin, Oskaloosa.
Vincent, R., Washington.
Hannon, John, Leavenworth.
Jewett, E. B., Lansing.
Fredenhagen, E. A., Topeka.
Blackmar, F. W., Lawrence.
Atlanta, Ga. May 5-12, 1903.
Perkins, L. H., Lawrence.
Charles, H. W., Topeka.
Fredenhagen, E. A., Topeka.
Fredenhagen, Mrs. E. A., Topeka.
Blackmar, Frank W., Lawrence.
Snyder, Edwin, Oskaloosa.
Allen, H. J., Ottawa.
Fisk, Daniel M., Topeka.
CONFERENCE OF CHARITIES AND
CORRECTIONS.
McClaughrey, R. W., Fort Leavenworth.
Morrow, O. S., Topeka
Simmons, J. S., Hutchinson.
Shields, Mrs. Ella Glenn, Wichita.
Jewett, E. B., Lansing.
INTERNATIONAL GOOD-ROADS CONVEN-
TION.
St. Louis, April 27-29, 1903.
Congdon, D. C, Fort Scott.
Hornaday, Grant, Fort Scott.
Sherman, Andrew J., Fort Scott.
Warr, W., Fort Scott.
Chilcott, R. M., Wamego.
Smith, O. Z., Wichita.
Bradbury, William, Topeka.
Kramer, E. A., Plainville.
Sims, John B., Topeka.
Updegraff, O. P., Topeka.
Heath, H. A., Topeka.
Henley, A., Lawrence.
INTERNATIONAL IRRIGATION CON-
GRESS.
Los Angeles, Cal., October 10, 1893.
Moses, E. R., Great Bend.
Everett, H. S., Great Bend.
Baldwin, L., Great Bend.
Frost, D. M., Garden City.
Stubbs, A. W., Garden City.
Lester, H. M., Syracuse.
Bristow, J. L., Salina.
Gregory, H. S., lagalls.
Mohler, Martin, Topeka.
Cowgill, L. B., Topeka.
Black, George, Olathe.
Omaha, Neb., March 21, 22, 1894.
Frost, D. M. Garden City.
Bristow, J. L., Salina.
Wright, J. K., Junction City.
Coburn, Foster Dwight, Topeka.
Gregory, J. W., Garden City.
Moses, E. R., Great Bend.
Clement, G. W., Wichita.
Churchill, J. H., Dodge City.
Hay, Robert, Junction City.
Hinckley, H. V., Topeka.
Shelton, D., Topeka.
Denver, Colo.,' September 3, 1894.
Emery, James Stanley, Lawrence.
Frost, D. M., Garden City.
Moses, E. R., Great Bend.
Frost, J. E., Topeka.
Cowgill, E. B., Topeka.
Sutton, W. B., Russell.
Hay, Robert, Junction City.
Failure, G. H., Manhattan.
Smith, Frederick Dumont, Kinsley.
Dewey, T. E,, Abilene.
Churchill, J. H., Dodge City.
538
KANSAS STATE HISTORICAL SOCIETY.
INTERNATIONAL IRRIGATION CON-
GRESS.
Gluck, Mayor, Dodge City.
Scott, TuUy, Oberlin.
Tomblin, M. B., Goodland.
Tilleux, Eugene, Tribune.
Pickering, L. M., Amazon,
Albuquerque, N. M., September 16, 1895.
Hutchinson, W. E., Ulysses.
Emery, James Stanley, Lawrence.
Churchill, J. H., Dodge City.
Jones, A. B., Wa Keeney.
Lloyd, Ira L., Ellsworth.
Stoufer, A. K., Liberal.
Phoenix, Ariz., December 15-17, 1896.
Emery, James Stanley, Lawrence.
Diesem, I. S., Garden City,
Brumlock, Austin, Eldorado.
Cook, J. B., Chetopa.
Friezell, Ed., Larned.
Bonebrake, P. I., Topeka.
Perkins, Fred.
Cheyenne, Wyo., September 1-3, 1898.
Hilton, R. H., Topeka.
Emery, James Stanley, Lawrence.
Fitzgerald, W. J., Dodge City.
Frost, J. E., Topeka.
Cowgill, E. B., Topeka.
Missoula, Mont., September 25-27, 1899.
Moses, E. R., Great Bend.
Cowgill, E. B., Topeka.
Diesem, I. L., Garden City.
Watson, George W., Kinsley.
Coburn, F. D., Kansas City.
Munger, George M., Eureka.
Churchill, J, H., Dodge City.
Allen, J. Berry, Oberlin.
NATIONAL IRRIGATION CONGRESS.
Chicago, 111., November 21-24, 1900.
Munger, George M., Eureka.
Frost, D. M., Garden City.
Long, Chester I., Medicine Lodge.
Reeder, W. A., Logan.
Moses, E. R., Great Bend.
Landis, Charles S., Osborne.
Cottrell, H. M.. Manhattan.
Colorado Springs, Colo., October 6 to 9, 1902.
Russell, W. G., Russell.
Moses, E. R., Great Bend.
Diesem, I. L., Garden City.
Churchill, J. H., Dodge City.
Allen, J. B., Oberlin.
Reeder, W. A., Logan.
Landis, C. S., Osborne.
Linton, L. M., Lebanon.
Morse, J. F., Phillipsburg.
Law, Alvin, Hill City.
Findlay, Robert, Sterling.
Thorpe, E. R., Lakin.
NATIONAL IRRIGATION CONGRESS.
Berry, J. W.. Jewell City.
Chambers, W. L., Stockton.
Stewart, S J., Humboldt.
Smith, W. A., Walker.
Hall, John, Syracuse.
Chilcott. R. M., Wamego.
Ogden, Utah, September 15 to 18, 1903.
Reeder, W. A., Logan.
Scott, E. J., Goodland.
Miller, C. W., Hays City.
Jacobs, George A., Atwood.
Reynolds, S. S., Grainfleld.
Bartholomew, Elam, Rockport,
Woodhouse, Guy E., Sharon Springs.
Haney, J. G., Hays City.
Rice, John H., Fort Scott.
Purcell, I. T., Wa Keeney.
Diesem, I. T., Garden City.
Madison, E. H., Dodge City.
Hutchinson, William E., Garden City.
Thorpe, E. R., Lakin.
Reid, W. F., Syracuse.
McNeal, T. A., Topeka.
Carver, Thad. C, Pratt.
Smith, Oscar, Wichita.
Forsha, Sam, Hutchinson.
Lobdell, C. E., Larned.
Jones, A. B,, Wa Keeney.
Starr, J. C, Scott.
Jones, C. D., Norton.
Hall, John, Syracuse.
Smith, F. D., Kinsley.
Chilcott, R. M., Wamego.
Snow, E. S., Lakin.
Frost, D. M., Garden City.
NATIONAL LIVE-STOCK. ASSOCIATION.
Denver, Colo., January — , 1899.
McCoy, J. G., Wichita.
Fort Worth, Tex., January 16, 1900.
Guthrie, W. W., Atchison.
Hubbard, T. A,, Rome.
Potter, T. M., Peabody.
Lower, Frank, Council Grove.
Salt Lake City, Utah, January 15-18, 1901.
Myers, S. R., Sabetha.
McAfee, H. W., Topeka.
Smith, W. A., Ellis.
Chicago, December 3-5, 1901.
Robinson, L. W., Towanda.
McAfee, H. W., Topeka.
White, John T., Ada.
Portland, Ore., January 11-15, 1904.
McAfee, H. W., Topeka.
Dougherty, Al., Logan.
A ROSTER OF KANSAS FOR FIFTY YEARS.
539
NATIONAL PRISON ASSOCIATION.
Denver, Colo., September 14-18,1895.
Lynch, J. Bruce, Lansing.
Faulkner, Charles E., Atchison.
Morse, J. C. O., Hutchinson.
Jones, W. C, Ida.
Milliken, John D., McPherson.
Lynch, J. Bruce, Lansing. 1896.
Morse, J. C. O., Hutchinson. 1896.
Cleveland, Ohio, September 22-26, 1900.
Milliken, John D., McPherson.
Landis, H. S., Galena.
Tomlinson, J. B.. Lansing.
Fisk, D. M., Topeka.
Harding, Dr. Eva, Topeka.
Blackmar, F. W., Lawrence.
Kansas City, Mo., November 9-13, 1901.
Milliken, John D., McPherson.
Blackmar, F. W., Lawrence.
Jewett, E. B., Lansing.
PhUadelphia, September 13-17, 1902.
Jewett, E. B., Lansing.
Simmons, J. S., Hutchinson.
EUett, E. C, El Dorado.
Kelly, Philip, White Cloud.
Milliken, John D., McPherson.
Potter, T. M., Peabody.
Fredenhagen, E. A., Topeka.
Louisville, Ky., October 3-8, 1903.
Jewett, E. B., Lansing.
TuUy, Mark, Independence.
Haskell, W. H., Gaylord.
EUett, E. C, El Dorado.
Marshall, E. E., Hutchinson.
McBrian, J. D., Lansing.
Gates, A. G., Hutchinson.
Garver, T. F., Topeka.
Smart, C. A., Ottawa.
LobdeU. C. E., Lamed.
Sheldon, Charles M., Topeka.
Brainerd, F. G., Ottawa.
Nusbaum, C. S., Ottawa.
Shield, Mrs. Ella Glenn, Wichita.
Fredenhagen, E. A., Topeka.
Blackmar, Frank W., Lawrence.
, Grigsby, C.E., Lansing.
NATIONAL PURE-FOOD AND DRUG
CONGRESS.
Washington, D. C, March 7, 1900.
Bigelow, Willard, Gardner.
Jeuson, W. F., Beloit.
Woodward, Brinton W., Lawrence.
Greenlee, J. F., Hutchinson.
Hubbard, Thomas D., Kimbal.
Danner, S. T.,' Newton.
Smith, W. A., Wilson.
Beers, Charles H., Hoxie.
Oreen, William, Topeka.
Kaffer, Charles F., Atchison.
PAN-AMERICAN CONVENTION.
St. Louis, October 3, 1893.
Bohrer, G., Chase.
Breidenthal, John W., Topeka.
Johnson, F. B., Topeka.
Osborne, R. S., Topeka.
Lathrop, James H., Topeka.
Hughes, John, Howard.
Williams, D. B., Edgerton.
Sutherland, M. R., Mankato.
Hoffman, C. B., Enterprise.
Ballard, David EUenwood, Ballard's Falls.
Kerns, David, Plainville.
Thompson, L. H., Norton.
Crawford, B. D., Pratt.
Partch, B. F., Hiawatha.
Atwood, John H., Leavenworth.
Moore, H. L., Lawrence.
Waterbury, Ed. S., Emporia.
Hood, Calvin, Emporia.
Holden, J. D., Emporia.
Peters, M. S., Kansas City.
Ames, J. W., Smith Center.
Pyne, W. A., St. Francis.
Calvo, Joaquin Bernardo, Washington, D. C.
Alfaro, Anastasio, Chicago, 111.
Otis, John Grant, Topeka.
Sogard, Thyge, Kansas City.
Riggs, Samuel A., Lawrence.
Heisler, E. F., Kansas City.
Overmeyer, David, Topeka.
Montgomery, A. B., Goodland.
Robinson, B. J., Osawatomie.
Tomlinson, William P., Topeka.
RAILROAD CONGRESS.
Lincoln, Neb., June 1, 1893.
Carstensen. C. P., Scandia.
Simpson, Jerry,, Medicine Lodge.
Forney, A. G., Belle Plaine.
Campbell, W. P., Wichita.
Ballard, David EUenwood, Ballard's FaUs.
Hathaway, G. E., Washington.
Glass, John D., MarysvUle.
Scott, TuUy, Oberlin.
Reynolds, S. S., Grainfleld.
Doster, Frank, Marion.
Pattee, H. D., Topeka.
Higgins, J. W., Beloit.
Johnson, F. C, PhiUipsburg.
Close. F. J., Troy.
Dick, L. F., Parsons.
Allen, Walter N., Meriden.
Foote, C. E., Marion.
Hefflebower, D. H., Bucyrus.
Otis, John Grant, Topeka.
Limbocker, J. N., Manhattan.
Stewart, A. A., Manhattan.
Hutchinson, W. E., Wichita.
Henderson, Ben, Winfleld. *
Patterson, Robert, Osage City.
Nicholson, M. B., Council Grove.
Maxson, J. B., Topeka.
540
KANSAS STATE HISTORICAL SOCIETY.
RIVER IMPROVEMENT CONGRESS.
Kansas City, October 8, 1903.
Greenwood, A. W., Topeka.
Whitlock, M. S., Topeka.
Bisb}', John, Wamego.
Lafontaine, J., Wamego.
Short, Henry, Belvue.
Worthing, Ed., Belvue.
Ramsey, George F., Belvue.
McCleery, T. F., St. Marys.
O'Brine, E. W., St. Marys.
Heisler, E. F., Kansas City,
Johnson, Ed., St. Marys.
Erbacher, August, St. Marys.
Adams, Horace, Maple Hill.
Bond, William, Rossville.
Andrews, T. W., Rossville.
Williams, Charles D., Silver Lake.
Ward, Ed., Silver Lake.
Merriam, E. B., Topeka.
Mulvane, Joab, Topeka.
Taylor, L. R., Grantville.
SILVER CONVENTION.
Washington, D. C. May 22, 1894.
Johnson, F. Burleigh, Topeka,
SUGAR CONVENTION.
Chicago, August 16, 1893.
Miller, E. P., Medicine Lodge.
Best, T. J., Medicine Lodge,
Drake, C. F., Fort Scott.
Kearns, Eli, Fort Scott.
TRANS-MISSISSIPPI CONGRESS.
New Orleans, La., April 14, 1892.
Anthony, George T., Ottawa.
Kelly, Henry B., McPherson.
Wright, John K., Junction City.
Hewins, E. M., Cedarvale.
Sutton, W. B., Russell.
Sponsler, A. L., Hutchinson.
Ewing, C. T., Thayer.
Rush, H. D., Leavenworth.
Cruise, John D., Kansas City.
Ogden, Utah, AprU 24, 1893.
Ives, .John Nutt, Topeka.
Graham, J. D., Manhattan.
Shinn, A. C, Ottawa.
McCormick, A. H., Parsons.
Qoodlander, Charles W., Fort Scott.
Montgomery, A. B., Goodland.
Cook, A. B., Paola.
Glass, Quincy A., Winfield.
Johnson, John B., Highland.
Todd, J. F., El Dorado.
San Franciisco, Cal., February 13, 1894.
Jocelyn, S. E., Wichita.
Cary, J. B., Wichita.
Stewart, J. H., Goodland.
Agrelius, A. E., Lindsborg.
TRANS -MISSISSIPPI CONGRESS.
Tomlin, M. B., Goodland.
Roberts, George R. T., Morrill.
Hutchinson, W. E., Hutchinson.
Sheldon, H. F.. Ottawa.*
Hoffman, C. B., Enterprise.
Ridgeley, E. R., Pittsburg.
Munger, George M., Eureka.
Toothaker, W. H., Kansas City.
Johnson, J. Burleigh, Topeka.
Omaha, Neb,, November 25, 1895.
Taylor, O. B., Leavenworth.
Douglass, George L., Wichita.
Stich, A. C, Independence.
McPike, W. C, Atchison.
Purcell, E. B., Manhattan.
Shinn, A. C, Ottawa.
Morgan, W. Y., Hutchinson.
Goodlander, C. W., Fort Scott,
Keplinger, L. W., Kansas City.
Gregory, J. W., Garden City.
Jarrell, J. F., Topeka,
Johnson, F. B , Topeka.
Wichita, Kan., May 21 to June 3, 1899,
Morrill, E. N., Hiawatha.
Emery, J. S., Lawrence.
Robinson, W. C, Winfield.
Scott, L., Howard.
Hood, Calvin, Emporia.
Ellis, A. H., Beloit.
Greenlee, J. F., Hutchinson.
Mason, Henry F., Garden City.
Peters, S. R., Newton.
Denton, John T., Grenola.
McNeal, Thomas A., Topeka.
Fleharty, H. B.
Savage, W. R., Wellington.
Case, J. B., Abilene.
Houston, Tex., April 17-21, 1900.
Hitchcock, C. B., Wellington.
Brinkman, J. G., Great Bend.
Churchill, John H., Dodge City.
Shinn, A. C, Ottawa.
Case, J. B. Abilene.
Drew, C. J., Topeka.
Mitchell, C. A., Cherryvale. ■
Ross, Finlay, Wichita.
Watson, George W., Kinsley.
Gray, E. M., Perry.
Webb, A. H., Wichita.
Frizzell, Ed., Lamed.
Burklund, Gus, Osage City.
Cripple Creek, Colo., July 16-19, 190L
Thrall, J. W., Wellington.
Wilson, Mrs. Augustus, Wilsonton,
Churchill, J. H., Dodge City.
Leis, George, Lawrence.
Mason, Henry F., Garden City.
Halloway, H. W., Larned.
O'Neil, T. J., Osage City.
Bonebrake, P. I., Topeka.
A ROSTER OF KANSAS FOR FIFTY YEARS.
541
TRANS -MISSISSIPPI CONGRESS,
Rice, John H., Fort Scott.
McKnight, J. Hudson, Wichita.
Barker, J. L., Great Bend.
Moses, E. R., Great Bend.
Hood, H. P., Emporia.
Beeson, C. M., Dodge City.
Hill, J. H., Russell.
Barker, G. H., Qirard.
Madison, Ed., Dodge City.
Hood, Calvin, Emporia.
Edwards, W. C, Larned.
Thompson, A. S., Cherry vale.
St. Paul, Minn., August 9-22, 1902.
McKnight, J. Hudson, Wichita.
Thrall, J. M., Wellington.
Ames, E. E., Norton.
Miller, C. W., Hays City.
Remington. J. B., Osawatomie.
Robinson, W. C, Winfield.
Gafford, J. C, Minneapolis.
Hornaday, Grant, Fort Scott.
Etzold, L. A., Liberal.
White, Hays B., Mankato.
Seattle, Wash., August 18-21, 1903.
Moses, E. R., Great Bend.
Frazier, T. C, Coffeyville.
Kennedy, R. J., Coffeyville.
McKnight, J. Hudson, Wichita.
Renn, W. A., Wellington.
Thatcher, George, Great Bend.
Wolf, John, EUinwood.
Cowgill, E. B., Topeka.
Smith, F. Dumont, Kinsley.
Diesem, I. L., Garden City.
Edwards, William C, Wichita.
Frost, John E., Topeka.
TWENTIETH KANSAS REGIMENT.
RECEPTION COMMITTEE.
Hudson, J. K., Topeka.
Lindsay, H. C, Topeka.
Broderick, Case, Holton.
Fnnston, E. H., Carlisle.
Schoonover, Manford, Garnett.
Martin, George W., Kansas City.
Allen, R. N., Chanute.
Beck, James, Galena.
Love, J. Mack, Arkansas City.
Hoch, E. W., Marion.
Madden, John, Emporia.
Watrous, John E., Burlington.
Burton, J. R., Abilene.
Kimball, Sam., Manhattan.
Stocks, Fred A., Blue Rapids.
Ellis, A. H., Beloit.
Fike, James N., Colby.
McCormick, N. B., Phillipsburg.
Smith, Abram W., McPherson.
Fitch, T. G., Wichita.
Mason, Henry F., Garden City.
St. John, Jphn P., Olathe.
Glick, George W., Atchison.
TWENTIETH KANSAS REGIMENT.—
RECEPTION COMMITTEE.
Humphrey, Lyman U., Independence.
Lewelling, L. D., Wichita.
Morrill, E. N., Hiawatha.
Leedy, John W., Lawrence.
Special Committee to Sa7i Francisco.
Montgomery, Frank C, Topeka.
Sampson, M. D., Salina.
Barker, J. D., Girard.
Little, T., Abilene.
Ury,I. N., Fort Scott.
Heisler, E. F., Kansas City.
Selig, A. L., Lawrence.
WARDEN'S ASSOCIATION.
St. Paul, Minn., June 13, 1894.
Chase, S. W.. Winfield.
Eallenback, George W., Cold water.
Hitchcock, E. C, Columbus.
WORLD'S AGRICULTURAL CONGRESS.
Chicago, lU., October 16, 1893.
Wellhouse, Fred, Leavenworth.
Mohler, Martin, Topeka.
WORLD'S CONGRESS OF BANKERS.
Levy, M. W., Wichita.
WESTERN STATES CONFERENCE
CONVENTION.
Topeka, October 1, 1895.
Baker, Lucien, Leavenworth.
Peffer, W. A., Topeka.
Glick, George W., Atchison.
Riddle, A. P., Minneapolis.
Vincent, W. D., Clay Center.
Cox, L. M., Wichita.
King, S. S., Kansas City.
Greenlee, J. F., Hutchinson.
Benedict, S. S., Fredonia.
Colburn, E. A., McPherson.
Baden. J. P., Winfield.
Bowersock, J. D., Lawrence.
Schilling, John, Hiawatha.
Todd, Neely, Leavenworth.
Harwi, A. J., Atchison.
Scoville, C. K., Seneca.
Keplinger, L. P., Kansas City.
Jones, George W., Mound City.
Goodlander, Frank, Fort Scott.
Kirk, L. K., Garnett.
Humphrey, Lyman U., Independence.
Lusk, H. H., Parsons.
Tarkington, W. E., Cherokee.
Hubbard, J. C, Columbus.
Hoch, E. W., Marion.
Finney, D. W., Neosho Falls.
Manchester, George, Burlington.
Overmyer, David, Topeka.
Hutchinson, Perry, Marysville.
Lee, H. B., Salina.
542
KANSAS STATE HISTORICAL SOCIETY.
WESTERN STATES CONFERENCE
CONVENTION.
Close, J. F., Belleville.
Postlethwaite, J. C, Mankato.
Simpson, William M., Norton.
Reynolds, S. S., Qrainfleld.
Montgomery, A. B., Goodland.
WESTERN STATES CONFERENCE
CONVENTION.
Murdock, M. M., Wichita.
Hunter, George H., Wellington.
Vandivert, S. W., Kinsley.
Petillon, W. T., Dodge City.
Elliott, L. R., Manhattan.
UNITED STATES DISTRICT COURT.— 1861-1904.
JUDGES.
Williams, Archibald, Topeka. 1861-'63.
Delahay, Mark W., Leavenworth. 1863-'74.
Foster, Cassias G., Atchison. 1874-99.
Hook, William C, Leavenworth. 1899-1903.
PoUock, John C, Winfleld. 1903
CLERKS.
Morton, John T., Topeka. 1861-'63.
Adams, Franklin G., Topeka. 1863-'65.
Thomas, Adolphus S., Topeka. ]865-'74.
Wilson, Joseph C. 1874-'95.
Sharritt, George F., Atchison. 1895-'99.
Brown, Frank L., Garnett. 1899
MARSHALS.
McDowell, J. L., Topeka. 1861-'64.
Osborn, Thomas A., Leavenworth. 1864-'67.
Whiting, Charles C, Topeka. 1867-'69,
Houston, D. W., Leavenworth. 1869-'73.
Tough, William S., Leavenworth. 1873-'76.
Miller, Charles H., Leavenworth. 1876-'78.
MARSHALS.
Simpson, Benjamin F., Paola. 1878-86.
Jones, William Clola. 1886-'90.
Walker, Richard L. 1890-'94.
Neely, Shaw F., Leavenworth. 1894-'98.
Sterne, William Edgar, Topeka. 1898-1902.
Crum, Littleton S., Oswego. Jan. 28, 1902, to
Aug. 12, 1902.
Mackey, William H., jr.. Junction City. Aug.
12,1902
DISTRICT ATTORNEYS.
Burris, John Taylor, Olathe, 1861.
Crozier. Robert, Leavenworth, 1861-'63.
Emery, James S., Lawrence, 1863-'67.
Riggs, Samuel A., Lawrence, 1867-'69.
Horton, Albert H., Atchison, 1869-74^
Peck, George Record, Independence, 1874-'79.
Hallowell, James R., Columbus, 1879-'86.
Perry, William C, Fort Scott, 1886-89 ; 1895-'97,
Ady, Joseph Wesley, Newton, 1889-'95.
Lambert, Isaac E., Emporia, 1897-1901.
Dean, John S., Marion, 1901
ADDENDA 543
ADDENDA
In Albert R. Greene's paper, "United States Land-offices in Kansas," page
5, eighteenth line from bottom of the page, read he went away singing, instead of
"we." And on page 13, seventh line from end of article, read general land-of-
fice, instead of "central" ; and in the line following, read office for "position."
In W. E. Richey's paper, entitled "Early Spanish Explorations and Indian
Implements in Kansas," page 159, foot-note, "E. R. Sharpe, Notary Public,"
should read E. R. Thorpe, Notary Public. Page 166, first line under plate 4,
instead of "diamond-pointed knives," read diamonds/toped knives.
Page 171, foot-note, James Richard Mead was born in Neivhaven, Vt., in-
stead of New Haven, Conn.
John Elmore McKeighan, referred to by Anna Heloise Abel, page 108, and C.
E. Cory, page 191, located in 1868 at Baxter Springs, where he remained until
1871, when he removed to Fort Scott and became a partner with H. C. McComas.
Five years later he removed to St. Louis, Mo., where the firm continued busi-
ness until the tragic death of Mr. McComas, wife, and son, as told on page 191.
He has since been identified with some of the strongest legal firms in that city.
Mr. McKeighan was born near Farmington, 111., July 20, 1841. His father was a
native of county Antrim, Ireland, where he was born in 1816, and his mother
was born three years later, in Cincinnati, Ohio. His earlier years were spent on
a farm. He entered Knox College, at Galesburg, 111., and from there he went
to the University of Michigan, from which institution he graduated in 1866. He
read law with Martin Shellenbarger, at Toulon, and was admitted to the su-
preme court of Illinoins in 1867, afterwards settling at Bolivar, Polk county.
Mo. His father was one of the free-soilers and abolitionists of Illinois, but after
the civil war the son became a Democrat. Mr. McKeighan married, June 2, 1869,
Ellen M. Cutler, of Kalamazoo, Mich. Her father was Thomas C. Cutler, who
became a Kansan and died at Newton, Kan., in 1893, at the advanced age of
ninety-three. Mrs. McKeighan died in 1893, and on August 1, 1899, Mr. Mc-
Keighan married Mrs. Ida P. Hunt.
In the running-head, top of pages 199, 201, 203, and 205, read James C. Horton
for "John C. Horton."
O. E. Morse, the author of the paper entitled "An Attempted Rescue of John
Brown from the Charlestown, Va., Jail," has been a resident of Linn county
since 1857. He was born in Huron county, Ohio, March 27, 1837. He located at
the historic town of Moneka and engaged in merchandising until 1861, when he
enlisted in company D, Fifth Kansas cavalry, and served until September, 1864,
when he was mustered out a captain. He located in Mound City and engaged
in the furniture business, in which he continued until 1873. In this year he was
appointed deputy county treasurer. In 1874 he engaged in farming and breeding
fine stock. In 1875-'76 he represented his district in the state legislature. In
1878 he was appointed commissioner to select school-lands. In October, 1864, in
Livingston, N. Y., he was married to Emma Wattles.
544 KANSAS STATE HISTORICAL SOCIETY.
William E. Webb, one of the founders of Hays City, wrote a book entitled
"Buffalo Land." On page 51 he says: "While in Topeka our party made the
acquaintance of Tenacious Gripe, a well-known Kansas politician, and who at-
tached himself to us for the trip. Every person in the state knew him, had
known him in territorial times, and would know him until either the state or he
ceased to be." He had served in the upper and lower house of the state legisla-
ture, and at this time was a moderate Democrat. On page 419 is the following:
"Drawing fresh inspiration from his success, Gripe devoted another hour to
an account of the many struggles in Kansas against these 'mean whites.' He
gave us many descriptions of the time when men died that their children might
live. Among other relations was that of the expedition under Montgomery to
rescue the two companions of old John Brown from the prison at Charlestown,
Va., a short time after the stern hero himself had there been hung.
"The dozen of brave Kansas men interested in the enterprise reached Harris-
burg, with their rifles taken apart and placed in a chest, and sent scouts into
Virginia and Maryland. It was the middle of winter, and deep snow covered the
ground. They intended when passing among the mountains to bear the charac-
ter of a hunting party. Every member of that little band was willing to push on
to Charlestown, notwithstanding the whole state of Virginia was on the alert,
and pickets were thrown out as far as Hagerstown, Md. The plan was by a bold
dash to capture the jail, and then, with the rescued men, make rapidly for the
seaboard. Although the expedition failed, it gave the world a glimpse of that
heroic Western spirit which was not only willing to do battle upon its own soil,
but content to turn back and meet death half-way when comrades were in dan-
ger. Gripe did not accompany the expedition."
We are deprived of the knowledge of whom Gripe was.
The Kaw Indian name in lines 21 and 22, page 248, should be Kah-he-ga-
iva ti-an-gah, to correspond with spelling on page 206.
See the story of Satank, the Kiowa chief, in Robert M. Wright's "Frontier
Life in Southwest Kansas," pages 48 and 49, volume 7 of the Historical Collec-
tions, in connection with the last paragraph of J. R. McClure's "Taking the
Census and Other Incidents in 1855," pages 227-250, this volume.
Page 340, in title to picture of Constitution hall, Lecompton, read Sherrard,
instead of "Sherwood."
Noble L. Prentis, in the Atchison Champion, September, 1880: "The capi-
tol square is surrounded by a dense growth, rods in width, of rampant sun-
flowers. They grow as big, rank and yellow as if they were forty miles from a
house. The sunflower ought to be made the emblem of our state. Nothing
checks it or kills it. It is always 'happy as a big sunflower.' Grasshoppers
have never held the age on it; and in droughty times, when everything else
wilts and throws up its hands, the sunflower continues business at the old stand.
It probably has some private arrangement with nature for securing 'aid.
) ))
Note by D. W. Wilder : " On page 208 of the Great Seal paper, my last aspp/ra
should have been asp Er'a, the way in which Kansas usually and incorrectly
pronounces as'-pera.^^
From the National Tribune, April 10, 1904.
''Editor National Tribune: In the National Tribune of December 10,
1903, I noticed an article from Geo. W. Bowers, New Philadelphia, Ohio, on the
death of the mother of the infamous outlaw, Quantrill, in which appears a state-
ment that he was mortally wounded by one of Gen. E. H. Hobson's command,
and shortly afterwards died in a hospital at Louisville, Ky. I have not yet seen
ADDENDA. 545
any correct accounts of the manner and by whom he was captured, as I under-
stand it. In the month of February, 1865, Quantrill and his band were reported
to be in the vicinity of Lebanon, Ky. By order of Gen. John M. Palmer, then in
command of the department of Kentucky, I drew 100 guns, equipments and am-
munition from the arsenal at Jeflfersonville to equip 100 men from Park barracks,
who were sent under a lieutenant to capture Quantrill and his band. This was a
failure, of course, for when they got where he was, like the Irishman's flea, he
'warn 't there.' There were so many rebel sympathizers there that he was posted
as soon as a union soldier appeared ; therefore, another kind of strategy had to
be adopted.
"Under instructions from General Palmer, I found a man who knew Quan-
trill in Kansas, who found thirty more men willing to undertake to capture him,
dead or alive, as the necessity of the case might require. These scouts ( all citi-
zens, no soldiers ) were instructed to be a band of guerrillas ; to live off the com-
munity where they were scouting, and to assume the garb of genuine guerrillas,
that they might gain the confidence of Quantrill and his band, and by that
means capture him. This they were entirely successful in doing, and in the
scrap which followed Quantrill was wounded in the back, much as Garfield was,
three or four of his men killed, and as many more wounded.
" Captain Terrill, who was in command of these scouts, reported May 10, 1865,
at General Palmer's headquarters, with Quantrill in a wagon on a straw bed.
He was sent to a hospital in the southwest part of the city, where he died about
six weeks later, and the company was paid off and discharged on the above date.
The names of the men comprising the company appear in my reports to the
third auditor of the treasury for the months of April and May, 1865, signed by
themselves, on their pay-roll. A copy is herewith enclosed. (Signed) J. M.
RiDLON, first lieutenant and quartermaster Twenty-fifth Michigan, and A. A.
Q. M., headquarters. Department of Kentucky."
" [ The document which Lieutenant Ridlon sends us is a very interesting one.
It is the roll-call of the thirty-one men who went as scouts on the expedition, and
were employed in it from the 1st until May 10, 1865. The chief was Edwin Ter-
rill. His lieutenants were John H. Thompson and Horace Allen. The chief
received fifty dollars a month for his services, and the lieutenants thirty-five and
thirty dollars, respectively. The document is a report of their services, and the
expenditure of money on them, and is signed on honor by Lieutenant Ridlon, and
vouched for by Gen. John M. Palmer, major-general commanding the Depart-
ment of Kentucky. — Editor National Tribune.] "
Page 504 read Fremont's Orchard, instead of "Tremont's."
The name of the first United States marshal of Kansas territory (page 120)
should be spelled Israel B. Donaldson, according to a letter addressed by him to
Geo. W. Deitzlerand L. M. Greene, dated Lecompton, May 15, 1856, and now in
the possession of the Historical Society. John Donaldson, territorial auditor,
spelled his name the same way.
May 9, 1904, J. B. Dickerson, who was given a federal judgeship in the Indian
Territory, resigned as judge of the eighth judicial district, and on the 10th of
May R. L. King, county attorney of Marion county, was appointed district judge
to succeed him (see page 513).
Mathew P. Simpson, judge of- the district court for the ninth district (page
513) was killed by an automobile May 10, 1904, seven miles from Newton.
Robert Morris Peck (page 484) was born in Washington, Mason county, Ky.,
October 30, 1839. He now resides in Los Angeles, Cal. His father was William
Peck, a Virginia horse-dealer, and his mother Rebecca Desha Peck, nee Ellis,
Irish and Pennsylvania Dutch. Her maternal ancestors, the Overfields, emi-
grated to Kentucky from Pennsylvania about 1820, in the days of Daniel Boone
and Simon Kenton, with both of whom the grandmother was acquainted.
—35
546 KANSAS STATE HISTORICAL SOCIETY.
Grandfather Ellis was an Irishman, a soldier in the war of 1812. Robert's
early education embraced a moderate knowledge of the three R's, acquired
while assisting to wear the splinters off a backless puncheon bench in a country
log schoolhouse, where the teacher each morning brought in an armful of apple-
tree sprouts, all of which would be worn out by night. His education was sub-
sequently finished up in a printing office, where he was "bound out" for five
years to learn the trade. There were no free schools in the slave states before
the civil war; consequently, the children of parents not able to pay for educa-
tion got none. Mr. Peck followed printing, soldiering on the frontier, wagon-
master for Uncle Sam during the civil war, farming, freighting, mining, etc. He
helped to organize the first G. A. R. post in Webb City, Mo., and served two
terms as commander. Was married in Leavenworth City, Kan., January 2, 1862,
to Miss Sarah Jane Collins (a member of the congregation of Rev. H. D. Fisher),
who is still living, and the mother of eight living children — five boys and three
girls. In politics Mr. Peck is a Republican, and in religion a Methodist.
GENERAL INDEX.
A.
Abbott, Dr. — , of Exeter
Abbott, Parson —
Abbott, A. J
Abbott, James B 215, 216, -223,
—letter to Franklin G. Adams, June 13,
1S87, relative to attempted rescue of
.John Brown.
Abbott, James N
Abbott, W. C
Abel, Miss Anna Heloise v, viii,
— biography . .
— Indian reservations in Kansas and the
extinguishment of their title; paper
before the twenty-seventh annual meet-
ing of the Historical Society, Decem-
ber 2, 1902
—paper of commended by D. W, Wilder,
Abercathy, Col. James L 520,
— biography
Aborigines of Kansas 133,
Academy of Science
Ackley, Earnest L
Acoma Indians, N. M
"Ad Astra per Aspera" 120,
Adair, R. H
Adair, Rev. S. L 179, 277.
Adams, A. G
Adams, Catherine
Adams, Charles W., receiver at Fort Scott
land-office
Adams, E. D
Adams, Francis E., receiver at Humboldt
land-office ..
Adams, Franklin G 102, 223, 296, 389,
434, 519, 523,
—letters to O. E. Morse, July 14 and Au-
gust 4, 1S87, relative to attempted res-
cue of John Brown
— register at Lecompton land-office
-the Capitals of Kansas, paper. May 26,
1896
Adams, Uapt. Granger
Adams, Henry J
Adams, Horace
Adams, J. B
—director
Adams, John Quincy, and the Indian re-
moval policy
Adams, John Q , assists in survey of Osage
and Cherokee reservations
Adams, Lucien R
Adams, Moses S 508,
Adams, N. A 350, 351, 518,
Adams, Nathan
Adams, William H., portrait of, mentioned,
Adams, W.R 523,
Adams, Miss Zu, director iii,
AdamsoD, V. V
Addison, G. W^.
Addresses, annual meetings
Adjutants general of Kansas
Admiral Farragut Post No. 3, Kansas City,
Mo
Ady, J. W 97,
Agrelius, A. E
Agricultural College, State 320,
—presidency of John A. Anderson
Agriculture, Kansas State Board of, en-
couragement of emigration by
Agricult ure. State Board of, lists of officers,
— L. D. Bailey, president of
Ah-ke-tah-shin-gah, Kaw brave, illustra-
tion
416
416
514
444
224
185
543
72
72
viii
528
272
135
516
532
172
544
533
524
372
381
9
61
423
542
224
10
331
167
185
540
77
128
511
531
372
120
533
iv
518
534
1
516
378
542
540
518
317
519
133
212
Aikman, G. P 514
Ainett, Thirza 252
Ains worth, J 536
Ainsworth, Newton 529
Aker, Leonard 520
Aker, Wm. L 5i9
Akers, L 272
Akin, Andrew, register of Augusta land-
office 10
Alabama military companies in Kansas. . . 340
Albaugh, Morton 519, 520, 537
Albee, Fred 55, 58, 61
Albright, Charles 230, 235, 236
Alcott, Bronson 420
Alden, Henry L 51. =>
Alexander, Dr. Benjamin J 523, 5'M
Alexander, Hugh . 514
Alfaro, A 539
Alkire, H. L. 5;«
AUaman, George 535
Al-le-ga-wa-ho, Kansas chief 206
—portrait 208
Allen, Colonel, commandant of Fort Tyler,
Tex 411
Allen, Abner 327
Allen, Edwin Bird 510
Alleu, E. T 528
Allen, Harvey 530
Allen, Henry J 520, 537
Allen, H.Vf 517
Allen, J. B 538
Allen, J. P 527
Allen, John M 529
Allen, Joseph A 419
Allen, Laura M 149
Allen, Lyman 186, 5l6
Allen, Martin 522
Allen, Noah.. 533
Allen, R.N 541
Allen, Stephen H 512, 513
Allen, Walter N 520, 535, 539
Alfen county 450, 453, 454, 457, 460
Allen's Hall, Eustis 56, 59
AUis, Rev. Samuel 440
Allison, C. E 527
Allison, William 127
Allison's ranch, on Walnut creek 487, 489
Ally, Capt. William 483
Along the Trail ; address of John Madden,
before the twenty-seventh annual meet-
ing of the Historical Society. Decem-
ber 2, 1902 67
Altswager, F. J 526
Ambrose, Wm. H 129
American Baptist Home Missionary So-
ciety '. . . 105
American bottoms, opposite St. Louis,
flood of 1785 479
American Chief, Creek 425,434
American Chief, village, 1830 425
American Congress of Tuberculosis, New
York 532
American Emigrant Company, connection
with sale of Cherokee neutral lands... 106
American Exposition, London, 1877 522
American Fur Company 426
American Historical Association 122
American Horse, Otoe chief Ill
American Hotel, Kansas City, Mo 304, 375
American House, Lecompton 339
American Indian Mission Association 74
American - Mexican Exposition, city of
Mexico, 1895 534
American Mission Society 92
(547)
548
KANSAS STATE HISTORICAL SOCIETY.
American Social Science Association
American Society of Curio Collectors
Ames, Elmer E 527,
Ames, J. VV..
Anderson, Bill
Anderson, Miss Camilla
Anderson, Cyrus
—receiver at Colby land office .
— roRister at Oberlin and Colby land
offices
Anderson, Capt. George Burgwin
Anderson, John Alex 147, 516,
—character sketch by Geo. W. Martin, v,
Anderson, Mrs. John A
Anderson, Col. John B 147, 318, 350,
Anderson, Joseph C 337,
Anderson, J. E
Anderson, J. W
Anderson, Lars
Anderson, Luticia A
Anderson, Maj. Martin 447,
—biography
—command of troops at Platte Bridge
massacre, Wyoming
Anderson, Osborne P., one of John Brown's
men
Anderson, Maj. Thomas J.. .. iv, 350, 516,
522,
—biographical sketch
— director
Anderson, Thomas P '. 515,
Anderson, Rev. Wm. C, pastor of church
in San Francisco
Anderson county
Audersonville .*
Andreas' History of Kansas
Andrew, John A
Andrews, James E
Andrews, T. W
Anes worth, John
Angell, A. J
Annual register of Indian affairs
Annual report of Secretary Martin, 1903. ..
Auti coal-trust convention
Anti-slavery workers
Antiquities, Indian
Antoinet, , Constitution hall, Lecomp-
ton, erected by
Antrim, George *
Anthony, Col. Daniel R...iv, 395, 400, 523,
—account of his participation in the res-
cue of the slave, Charley Fisher ; James
Montgomery's timely presence before
Judge Petit's court in his behalf; his
contribution to the John Brown rescue
fund 220,
—capture of camp of Col. Upton Hayes,
November, 1861
—censure of Marshall Cleveland for ap-
pearance on parade
— director
-lieutenant-colonel of Seventh Kansas,
28,
—order forbidding the return of fugitive
slaves by his soldiers .'. 30,
— past president of the Historical So-
ciety
—speech to citizens of Independence,
Mo., November, 1861
Anthony, Gov. Geo. T... 147, 509, 519, 522,
526, 529. 531,
—armory building erected during ad-
ministration of
—tribute to his ability as a speaker and
thinker 1
Anthony, Jacob M., captain company I,
and liouteuant, Seventh Kansas... 19,
Anthony, Miss Susan B
Apache Indians.. 453,
— council with, 1869
Appropriations .
Arapahoe county 457, 461, 463,
Arapahoe Indians 75,
—council with, 1869
—hostile in 1865 •.
420
436
541
539
46
389
530
12
12
485
519
315
321
531
509
517
534
128
356
510
356
356
214
517
535
447
iii
518
320
450
410
89
418
515
540
372
527
74
118
533
418
133
4
127
528
221
29
23
31
29
524
540
351
140
25
140
491
116
120
469
491
116
353
Arbor day proclamation of T. J. Anderson,
April 22, 1875
Archft'ological collection of Geo. J. Rems-
burg
Archffology, Kansas 133,
Archer, Thos
Archibald, J. C
Architects, state
Ardery , L
Argo, John
Argonauts of California
Arickaree fork of the Republican, battle
of 110,
Arkansas Indians
Arkansas valley in 1864
Arlington, Sergeant-major, U. S. A., 1857..
Armijo, Manuel
Armory, state, erected on state-house
grounds by Governor Anthony
Arms, free-state, restored to Colonel Eld-
ridge by Governor Denver
Armstrong, Capt. Andrew J
Armstrong, John 446,
Armstrong, William J
Arnold, J. N
Arnold, Wm. S
Arp, John H
Arretano, Teodoro
Arthur, James M 345, 347,
Artz, H. H.
Ashbaugh, Mrs. S. S
Asher, James M
Associate justices 509,
Atchison, David R : vii, 88, 178,
255, 314,
—at sacking of Lawrence, May 21, 1856..
—extract from his speech in November,
1854
Atchison , candidate for state capital
—in Price's raid
—police commissioners
— reign of terror in
— territorial election of 1857, troops at . .
Atchison Town Company
Atchison county 436,
—Delaware trust lands in
— first white settler in
— Kickapoo Indian lands in.
—military companies of, 1861
— survey of
Atchison and Pike's Peak Railroad Com-
pany
Atchison, Topeka & Santa Fe Railroad
Company 48,
Atherton, Otis L
Atkinson, G. C
Atkinson, Col. Henry
Atkinson, Rob
Atkinson, Rev. Robert, of Ottawa Univer-
sity
Atkinson, William D
Atkinson, W. M
Attorneys general, state
—territorial
Atwood, John H
Auburn, Shawnee county
Auburn township, Shawnee county
Auditors, state
Auditors, territorial
Augusta, land office at
Austin, Freeman
Austin, Henry
Austin, J. H
Automobiles
Avery, H. W.
Avis, John, John Brown's jailer at Charles-
town, Va
Ax, found on site of old Indian fort, near
Neodesha
Ayers, Lieut. Samuel N., of the Seventh
Kansas
Ayers, Samuel, chaplain Seventh Kansas,
18,
350
436
135
447
372
531
527
168
17
113
81
454
503
7
308
409
523
127
304
372
521
59
372
517
123
409
512
186
528
303
183
347
413
527
183
501
125
450
89
438
90
16
2
90
102
510
167
439
517
105
512
167
510
508
539
134
83
510
508
10
279
127
513
137
535
219
136
24
28
GENERAL INDEX.
549
B.
Babb, Eli, quartermaster-sergeant, Sev-
enth Kansas 18
Babbitt, Joseph F 51.5
Babcock,CarmiW..184, 186, 302, 334, 368. 509
Babcock, C. W.,Bogert and 349
Babson, D. T 535
Baca, Luis Maria "?
Bacon, Frank, register at Oberlin land-
office 12
Baden, J. P 541
Badger, Mr. — - 232
Badger skins 424
Bagly,Joe .•••■■ 61
Bailey, David, clerk Lecompton land-
office 6
Bailey, Edgar H. S 516, 522
Bailey, J. C -529
Bailey, James C, contractor territorial
capitol 382
Bailey, J. H 514
Bailey, Lawrence D.... 350, 512, 518, 519, 525
—biography 133
Bailey, Wells P 127
Bailey, Gov. Willis J.... iv, 301 509, 516, 533,
—director iii
Baker, . a Vermonter on the Marais des
Cygne, maltreated by Buford's men.... 186
276
Baker, Mr. . on Rock creek, near Coun-
cil Grove 234
Baker, A. C 527
Baker, A. I 384
Baker, Clifford C 313, 511
Baker, David 527
Baker, Edward D 2
Baker, F. ct A 312
Baker.F.M 522, 528
Baker, Floyd P iv, 147, 519, 522, 523
—director lii
—past president of the Historical So- _
ciety. ii
Baker, John T 181
Baker, Joshua 180
Baker, J.N •,•■ 129
Baker, Lucien .515,541
Baker, Thomas H 518, 521
Baker, W. L 516
Baker University, mentioned 449
Balderston, Jacob M 515
Baldwin, H.Y 372
Baldwin, John 368
Baldwin, L 537
Baldwin, William 169, 517
Baldwin, Palmyra, forerunner of 278
Baldwin's ferry, Lawrence, 1857 5C6
Ball, Benjamin 324
Ball. Charles 324
Ball, J. E •;• 528
Ballard, David E... 517, 528, 529, 534, 53o, 339
Ballinger, James .61
Ballinger, T. C 527
Bamberger. J ■■ 5..5
Bancroft, Edwin P 522, 52o
Bancroft, Harvey 525
Banfleld, John A 526
Bank commissioners of Kansas - 519
Banks, Charles W., receiver at Salina land-
office .9
Banks, Elliot V ■ •• 512
Banks, Gen. N. P 406, 408
Banks of Kansas 143
Banning, Judge John l^'
Banta.A.J ■ '514
Baptist minister, I. S. Kallock 8U
Baptist Mission, ferry over the Kansas
river at, 1855 243
Barbecue at Council Grove, 1891 140
Barber, John - . . • • 534
Barber, Thomas W., death of ••• 186
Barber, county 456, 458, 461, 462
Barbers' Board of Examination and In-
519
spection.
Barbour, Miss Fiavia ••, ]i°
Barbour county 456, 4o8
Barcome, Miss Agnes 171
Bard, S. W 350
Bare, Mrs. Phoebe J 524
Barker, Dr. Francis 253, 477
—account of his work among the Sbaw-
nees 256
Barker,Geo.H 517, 541
Barker, Geo. J : 511
Barker, J. D 530, 541
Barker, J. L 541
Barker, Rinaldo Allen 319, 509, 531
Barlow, Gen. Frank 417
Barnes, C. W., director iii, iv
Barnes,J.D 369, 371, 372
Barnes, William E 522. 535
Barnes, Wm. H 523 534
Barnett.M.V 19*
Barnett.T 5i:8
Barnhart, W. E 534
Barnhill, J. F 536
Barnitt, W. P 519
Barnitz, Col. Albert 116
Barrett, Mrs. Elias A 127
Barricklow, Henry 145, 371, 372
Barry, Abram 232
Bartholomew family, near Goodland 59
Bartholomew, Elam 538
Bartholow, E. M 532
Bartles, William L v
—biography — 62
—massacre of Confederates by Osage In-
dians ; address before the 27th annual
meeting of the Historical Society, De-
cember 2, 1902 ■ 62
Bartlett. Geo. V 522
Barton, J. T -. 347
Barton county 456, 457, 458, 462, 464, 465
Bashore, W. O 515
Bass,J.B .- „„• 534
Bassett. Col. Owen A 407, 513
Bassett, R. C 5U
Basye, A. J 535
Bates, Chas. A ■ 518
Bates, Edward, attorney-general 27
Battle of Black Jack, agreement for the
exchange of prisoners 288
Battle of Franklin 283
Battle of the Spurs, by L. L. Kiene ... vi, 443
Baum, Col. , in command of Fort
Laramie, 1865 354
Bauserman, J. P 519
Baxter, Edson 5il
Baxter, Mrs. Sarah ■• 10^
Baxter Springs massacre. 1863 119, 331
Baxter Springs to Fort Scott, state road.. 531
Bayard, Lieut. George D 486, 494
Bayard, Senator Thomas F 418
Bayne, Thomas R., old Kaw agency on
farm of, in Jefferson county 423
Bayne's Fort, battle of 276
Beach, David C 380
Beal, J. B ■•-• 525
Beall,Capt. Wm. N.R. 485, 497
Bean, , settler on -Lyon creek, 1855. .. ^45
Bean Lake, Atchison county 437
Bear, H. F. M 530
Beard, Henry ■ ■•■•-• 105
Beard, W. C. L., register WaKeeney land-
office .^1
Beattie, L C 536
Beatty , Archibald ^d^
Beatty, William 434
Beaubien and Miranda land grants '
Beaubien, Charles J
Beaubien, Narciso '
Beauchamp, Martin -o'lvi jkr
Beaver creek. '9, 113, 4nb
Beaver skins *-*
Beck, James ^f.}.
Beck, M. M 527
Becker, C. L 527
Becker, Wm 517
Becknell, William ^ jVV ^
Bedell, Henry M., receiver at Lamed land-
office ,\i
Bedell, L. M — ^35
Beebe, George M 344, 508
550
KANSAS STATE HISTORICAL SOCIETY.
Beech, John, agent for the Sacs and Foxes, 131
Beecher, Lieut. F. H 113
Beerer, Albert B., receiver at Dodge City
laud-otRce 12
Beers, Chas. H 539
Beeson, CM 541
Bell, , conductor Moline Emigrant
Company, 1856 309
Bell, Lieut. David ihd
Bell, Thomas. 345
Bellemere, Joseph 483
Bellemere, Julia 483
Bellemere, Leonard 483
Bellemere, Moses 482
Belmarde, Brown e( Brown vs 76
Beman, Hiram T 516
Beudix, Mrs. Otto 379
Benedict, Samuel S 511, 532, 541
Benefiel, F. M 511
Benjamin, Jacob, settler on Pottawatomie
creek 276, 279
Bennett, Capt. , Cow Island, 1818. ... 439
Benning, Charles W 350, 527
Benson, X. W 513
BentBrothers 478, 491
Bent, Chas 491
Bent, George 456
Bdnt, H. N 529
Bent, Mary 491
Bent, Robert 491
Bent, Col. Wm. W 491
Bent's Fort on the Arkansas 487
Benteeu, Col. Frederick W 115
Benton, Senator Thomas H 141
Bergfried, Carl 528
Berry, J. W 5a8
Berry, Nick, wagonmaster, 1857 503
Berry, Mrs. Sophia McGee 128, 237
Berthoud, Edmund L 149, 438
Berthoud, Prof. E. L 438
Bertram, G. Webb iv, 514
— director iii
Best, H F 518
Best, Lewis J 518
— receiver at Kirwin land-offlce 11
Best, Mrs. Lucy 521
Best, T. J 540
Bethany College, Lindsborg 167
Bethel, Marion county 206
Betton, Frank H 524
Betz, I. H iv
Bickford, Harry L 529
Biddle,C.F 531, 533
Biddle, T. C 524
Biddle, William Henry 510
BLerer, E 533
Big Blue, battle of. Price's raid 413
Big Blue river, first settler on 243
Big creek 114
Big Head, Cheyenne chief, held as hos-
tage for Mrs. Morgan and Miss White . . 117
Big Hill village of Osages 63
Big John, village on the Kaw reservation . . 70
Big John creek 208
Big isprings, candidate for capital 347
—location of 369
—convention 277
paper by R. G. Elliott, September 5,
1855 V, 362
call, printed by Free Stale 370, 371
proceedings 372
Big Thunder, Sioux chief 354
Bigplow,W 539
Bigford, O.G 167
Bigger, L. A iv
—director iii
Biggers, W. T 534
Biliard.J.B .528
Billings, J. F 526, 532
Billings, N. H 4.50
Billings county changed to Norton 462
Bimetalic congress 533
Bird, Francis W 419
Bird. W. A S 517
Bird, William G 524
Birney, James G 1
Bishop, George W
Bissell, John, register at Kirwin land-
office
Bixby, John, Wamego
Blachly, Eben
Blachly, Mrs. J. F
Black, Geo
Black, Jeremiah S. , U. S. attorney gen-
eral '. 108,
—opinionon removal of territorial capital
to Minneola ^
Black, 8. W
Black, Sam
Black, Walter
Hlack Bob band of Sliawnees 93,
Black Foot, Sioux chief
Black Hoof, Shawnee chief
Black Hawk, chief of the Sacs and Foxes . .
Black Hawk war, book written by Judge
Wakefield on
Black Jack, battle of, between free-state
and proslavery forces under Capt.
John Brown and Henry Clay Pate
Black Jack Point on Santa Fe trail
Black Kettle, Cheyenne chief
— raid into Russell and Lincoln counties,
1868, by Hill P. Wilson v,
— destruction of his village on the Wash-
ita .
Black Kettle's sister, Mah-wis-sa
Black river Chippewas
Blackfeet Indians, hostile in 1865
Blackiston, Capt. E . 216,
Blackledge, A. N
Blackman. Elmer E., biography
—Sherman county and the H. U. A., ad-
dress before the twenty-seventh annual
meeting of the Historical Society. De-
cember 1, 1903 V, 50,
Blackmar, Prof. Frank W 167, 537,
-director
Black well, James F
Blackwell. Mrs. Lucy Stone
Blackwood. William J 51, 52,
Blagrave, H. D
Blaine, James G
Blair, Charles W
—commissioned colonel of the Seventh
Kansas by Lieut.-Gov. Jos. P. Root
Blair, Edward K
Blake, Judge Alexander
Blakely, William S.. portrait of, given the
Society
Blakeslee, Theodore
Blakeslee, Thomas
Blanchard. Rev. I. D 81, 312,
Blanchard's Fork band of Ottawas
Bland, W.T
Blanton, candidate for state capital
Blanton's bridge precinct in Lawrence
election district, 1855 370,
Blind, institution for the education of, of-
ficers
Blood , Col. James .......... '. '. '. '. '. '. '. '. '. '. '. ' 305 ,
Blood, N. C.
Blood hounds in Kansas
Bloodhounds used in capturing U. S. pris-
oners
Bloody-issue resolutions, Big Springs con-
vention
Bloomington, candidate for state capital..
Bloomington company of emigrants, 1856..
309,
Blue, Richard W 1,
Blue-Jacket, Charles 2.53, 2.55, 257,
Blue-Jacket, George 254, 255,
Blue- Jacket, Henry 254,
Blue lodges
Blue Mound.
Blue river, battle between the Pottawato-
mies and Pawnees at the Rocky Ford..
Blue Springs, Mo
Blunt, Gen. Jas. G 5, 347, 447,
—portrait of, mentioned
" Bobtails" of the Seventh Kansas
Bod well. Rev. Lewis
528
11
540
5i6
526
537
191
342
530
127
127
95
354
259
101
229
285
257
456
110
115
116
82
353
226
105
50
53
539
iii
127
140
61
61
187
96
27
528
127
119
536
520
475
104
513
345
519
347
347
280
410
374
345
311
516
267
259
255
183
259
83
326
517
120
42
446
GENERAL INDEX.
551
Bogart, L.M ••••• ^^^
Bogert & Babcock, contractors on state-
house „■ ^J°
" Bogus laws," adoption of 4"*' ^^'
— Jud^e Lecompte's statement regarding
validity of 391
—repudiated by free-state men ^M
Bohrer.G , V-V'e
Boissiere, Ernest Valeton, portrait ot,
given the Society 1'°
Bolmar, Charles P a^}
Bond , Abel i'\
Bond, R. F , •„■•;.•••••,•••;, ^^^
Bond. Thomas L., register at Salina land-
office .^
Bond, Wm ......^ ^40
Bond voting for railroads : i*a
Bondi, August IV, v, 520
—biography 4'."?
—director ■■ "J
—house burned by ruffians .••■•• ^^l
—present at battle of Black Jack ^»»
—with John Brown in Kansas '^]^
Bondi, Henrietta f/^
Bondi, Herz Emanuel -'^
Bonds, state, in 1861 1*^
Bonebrake, F. M ol'
Bonebra ke, John E •.„• .Jni ' V.io ' WW i-m
Bonebrake, P. 1 296, 510, 528, 533, 538, 540
Bonilla, commander of Humana s expedi
tion of 1595.
162
Bonsall, I. H., Kansas photographer in
1 C^'^^'gg 1^£>
Book accessions'to the library by years.... 118
Boone, Col. Albert G I'l. f^^
—postmaster at Westport ^-»
Boone, Alonzo H *?\
Boone, Ca.ssandra oiX'Ji.i' Vlt
Boone, Col. Daniel - 260, 433, 545
—letter relating to genealogy of his tam
ily
433
Bowes. Solomon :•,•.• v. ,', Joo
Bowker, R. R., listof "state publications, lii
Bowles, Dick, death of 46
Bowles, Samuel i,„nil,
Bowles, Theodore C ^^°'lil
Bowlus,G. A orin oVi" If,
Bowman, William 350, 351, 53V
Boyle, George A »*
Bovle, Louis C 510, 536
Brackett, George C ^■.■- .••• ^f^
Brackett, M , sculptor of John Brown ^IS
Bradbury, William »?'
Bradford, Evalyn »^
Bradford, Dr. J. H 169
Bradford, Moses if'
Bradford, Simeon Briggs aj"
Bradley, Capt. Geo. W l"
Brady, John T 50°
Braidwood, J. R if^
Braiuard, F. G 539
Brandenburg, C. W 53b
Branson, Jacob • ^°5
Bratton, George ^'^
Bratton, Joseph ^f»
Bray, W. E .■„•• .^J.
Breckinridge, John C 33^. \^
Breckinridge county 43^. ?^^
Breese, Asa M ^. ■••• ^'
Breidenthal, JohaW...... 519. 539
Brewer, Surg. Chas., of Cheyenne expedi-
tion of 1857. - 492
Brewer, David J 148. 51Z
Brewer, James H. C ^g"
Brewster, Charles 'f *
Brew.ster, S. W >^
Brier, Frank ^- °f'
Brier, Mrs. Juliette W | '
Brigadiers General of Kansas »» '
TJni^cTc Mr* n K. - 534
Boone, Daniel, .ir ••-• 434
Boone, Daniel Morgan ^bU, 4^4
Boone, Edward H. 434
Boone, Elizabeth 434
Boone, James *?*
Boone, John W 4:^*
Boone, Lindsey ^?*
Boone, Milton *-^\
Boone, Morgan *;?*
Boone, Nathan ••■■ *?*
Boone, Napoleon ^60, 434
Boone, Sarah Griffin *'J*
Boon's Lick, Mo • ■ ■ - • • • • *'^
Booth, Capt. Henry ..^...360, 511, 530
—receiver at Lamed land-omce 1 1
Booth, John IJi
Border-ruffian grand juries ^f}.
"Border-ruffian," origin of term ^u/
Border-ruffian raid on Friends' Shawnee
mission in Johnson county, 1856 fa4
Boreland, Elijah S.... lf»
Boston Commonwealth *'°
Bostwick, Burr H ^°
Bothel, James •,,- ■ iS
Botkin, J. D 516, 533
Botkin, Theodosius ^'^^
Boudon, John ,-•■ *^''
Boundary, southern Kansas, surveyed bj
Lieut.-col. Jos. E. Johnston, 1857 486, 506
Bourbon county ^ 450, 456, 543
Military companies io
—part of Cherokee neutral lands 19J
—part of Osage ceded land ■ ■ ..• ■ • l»»
Bourgmont, Etienne Venyard, expedition
of 8'. *^'
Bouton, Colonel *3
Boutwell, Gov. Geo. S *-"
Bowen, Dr. A ..■a:-:--- 1--\oVa 17^
Bowen & Hibberd, of Cincinnati, 1844 4j5
Bower, Jacob JJ"
Bowers, Geo. W ••■• ^**
Bowersock, J. D 516, 541
—biography , - •,
-secures title to settlers on Shawnee
lands in Johnson county y*
Briggs, Mrs. C. F.
Briggs, John
168
Bright, Captain *5
Brinkerhoff, J. W 514
Brindle, Gen. William »"'
—biography of ,••••,•••«.■ i'V in
—receiver Lecompton land-office.. 3, 4, lu
Brinkman, H. F |3b
Brinkman, J. B 54U
Bristow, J. L J^i
Britton, Wiley 4U/
Broadhead, J. F ^"
Brock, Benjamin H.^ ■■•■ ^'^
Brockett, Lieut. W. B 288, 289
Brockway, David J^^
Brockway, Z. R 4ZU
Brodbent, C. S ■■kVa %i\
Broderick, Case iv. 516. 541
Broderick, David Colbreth ■■■■■.ha a^
Broken Thigh, Kansas Indian warrior, 429, 432
Brooke, CM l^
Brooks, C.N 380
Brooks, Miss Jennie ••••.ino' ^^i
Brooks, P. R !'■ 302, 531
Brooks, Mrs. Paul R \^
Brooks, Phillips «*'
Brooks, Preston S V -i,--.-" j ", '"°
Brothertown Indians educated at Friends
Shawnee mission '^?5
—reservation in Kansas o^
Brougher, Ira D ^ 535
Broughtou, Clay county "*
Brown et Brown vs. Belmarde '»
Brown, Aaron .- ,„„
Brown, Dr. Albert C i^»
Brown, B. B ,X'q
Brown, Bert .-. ■ ^?.
Brown, Channing John »'^
Brown. Mrs. E. F ^3^
Brown, F j^^g
Kn:Friderick:::::::::::-n7;]8o;-i8i;i83
Brown, George W 147, 186, 275', 340", 5^
Brown, H.W 1^
Brown, I. P gj
Brown, J. C -oo
Brown, J. G '''*
552
KANSAS STATE HISTORICAL SOCIETY.
Brown, J. S 519
Browu, J. W 83
Brown, Jason 177, 180, 183, 277, 289
Brown, Mrs. Jason 281
Brown, Jim, team of, used by Charlie
Fisher in escaping his master at Leav-
enworth .. — 221
Brown, Capt. John 148, 269, 289, 314,
324, 417, 418, 421, 448, 486
— an attempted rescue from Charlestown
jail, Address of O. E. Morse before the
twenty-eighth annual meeting of the
Historical Society, December 1, 1903,
213, 543, 544
^and the territorial conflict viii
— and the Pottawatomie massacre 177
— arrival in Kansas 185
—as cook and care-taker of his men.. 86, 282
-cabin of 280
— Geo. H. Hoyt, counsel for at Charles-
town 107
— F. B. Sanborn summoned as a witness, 418
— German contingent interested in the
rescue of his men from Charlestown
jail 218
— instructions to his men as to methods
of fighting, and against destruction of
property 283, 284
— manuscripts relating to, gift of Mrs.
Isabel B. flinton 119
— members of his company at battle of
Blackjack 287
— Prof. Andrew's estimate of 186
— Runs a surveyor's line through Bu-
ford's camp 186
— Schouler's estimate of.... 185
—sons of, settle in Franklin county 183
— the battle of the spurs, by L. L. Kiene.. 443
—with him in Kansas, paper by August
Bondi V, 275
Brown, John, " Song," new version 36
Brown, John, "Song," sang by company K,
Seventh Kansas 26
Brown, Mrs. John 220
Brown, John, jr 107, 177, 180, 186
276, 277, 289, 340
— captain company K, Seventh Kansas.. 26
Brown, John, blacksmith at Shawnee
Manual Labor School 334
Bro\tn, John H 526
Brown, John I 525
Brown, Joseph C, surveyor of Santa Fe
road, in 1825-'27 123
Brown, O.C 345
Brown, Oliver 180, 278, 281
Brown, Owen 177, 180, 183, 277, 281
Brown, Robert H 372
Brown, Dr. R. J. 516
Brown, Capt. Rees P., letter of S. D. Le-
compte requesting that the proslavery
mob deliver Brown to Deputy Marshal
H. D. McMeekin... 389, 402
— murdered at Easton 183, 185
Brown, Salmon 177, 183. 277, 281
Brown, Simon, mentioned by Sanborn as
intending to participate in the memo-
rial service to John Brown, at Concord, 214
Brown, Thomas W 523
Brown, W. H 61
Brown, W. H. D 536
Brown, Watson 281
Brown, William 5, 128
Brown, William L 520
— director iii
Brown, William R 513, 515
—register at Larned land-oifice 11
Brown, Willis 517
Brown county. 271, 450, 456, 459
—in flood of 1844 477
—Iowa trust lands, in 91
— Kickapoo Indian lands, in 90
-survey of 2
BrownP, O. H 337
Browning, O. H., Secretary of the Inte-
rior 106, 108
Brownlee, W. R., register at Larned land-
office
Brownsville
Brumbaugh, Jerome D
Brumbaugh, John M
Brumlock, Austin
Bruner, J. B.
Brunswick, Fred. .
Brunswick, Mo., Sac and Fox encampment
at, on their way to Kansas
Bryan, Miss Eva
Bryan, Geo. W
Bryant, J
Bryant, R. F
Bryden, John
Buchan, F. E
Buchan, W. J..
Buchanan, George
Buchanan, James
Buchanan, Robert
Buck, J. F
Buck, L. A
Buckman, Geo. H
Buckman, Joel H
Buckner, Allen
Buckskin breeches, Capt. Thornton's
Buffalo Bill (William F. Cody)
Buffalocounty 457, 461,
Buffalo free-state con mention, 1856
Buffalo herds in Kansas, 1855-'57 246,
Buffalo jerk
"Buffalo Land," by William E. Webb...
Buffalo robes, price of 208,
Buffalo Springs
Buffalo-wallows
Buffum, David, his statement regarding
his murder
Buford, Maj. Jefferson 168.
— in command of company of territorial
militia
Buford's men invited to help drive out the
free-state settlers on the Pottawa-
tomie 180, 181,
Bull creek fight
Bullock, Col. , post trader at Ft.
Laramie, 1865
Bunker Hill
Burbank, Maj. J. E
Burch, Rousseau A
Burdett, Rev. , of Eudora
Burdette, S. F
Burdick, D. B
Bureau of Animal Industry, U. S., estab-
lished by John A. Anderson
Burgess, Samuel
Burklund, Gus
Burlingame, Anson, extract from his speech
at Lawrence in 1857
Burlingame, Ward
Burlingame 232,
— settlers in vicinity of, "110," in 1854...
Burlington, candidate for state capital.. .
— laid out by Robert Morrow and O. E.
Learnard. ...
— supposed to have been surveyed by A.
D. Searl
Burnett, Jonathan C
— register Humboldt and Mapletop land
offices
Burnett, G. S
Burnett, Lucas
Rurnette, J. A
Burns, James N
Burns, John J., telegraph operator at Fos-
sil station
Burnsides, Thomas
Burrell, Judge James M
Burrell, Judge Jeremiah Murray
Burris, JohnT 347, 511, 513, 517,
Burrow, Joel Randall
Burson, H 345,
Burt, Miss M. K
Burton, George
Burton, Jos. R 511, 515,
Burton, W H
Bush, William Eben 351 ,
11
134
510
522
538
520
521
130
177
372
528
527
.525
518
96
475
367
475
530
530
533
127
519
45
25
463
303
488
207
544
424
176
258
393
314
281
185
283
354
386
521
512
534
527
128
322
333
540
199
147
237
235
347
306
119
347
533
327
514
185
387
520
390
509
542
510
372
352
530
541
5;i6
510
GENERAL INDEX.
553
Bushey, A. a 521, 526
Busic, A. R ; 535
Business Then and Now; address of Jas.
C. Horton before the 28th annual meet-
ing of the Historical Society V, 143
Bust of Gov. Charles Robinson 531
Butcher, H. P 530
Butcher, Thomas W 532
Butin, C.J 527
Butler, Benjamin F 419, 420
Butler, Charles B 525
Butler, Mrs. Ella 381
Butler, J. A 350, 531
Butler, Rev. Pardee, outrages upon by
proslavery citizens of Atchison.. .. 184, 185
Butler, T. H 527
Butler county 450, 4.56
Butterfield, J. Ware iv
Butterfield, W. H 526
Byrd, J. H 372
Byron's Ford on the Blue, Mo 150
C.
Cabbell, E. B 534
Cabell, Gen. Wm. L., C. S. A 408, 413
CabezadeVaca 153
Cable Tea Store, Kansas City, Mo 260
Cabot. Dr. Samuel 418
Cade, Private George, killed in Cheyenne
expedition, 1857 498
Caddo Indians 83, 173
Cain Hill, battle of 406
Calderhead, Wm. A iv, 516
—director iii,
Caldwell, Alexander, iv, 90, 515
Caldwell, J. H 528
Caldwell, John C 526
Caldwell, William H 526
—receiver at Kirwin and Oberlin land-
offices.. . 11
Caldwell, point on Chisholm trail 176
Calhoun, A.H 2
Calhoun, Capt. Patrick, Second U. S. Dra-
goons
Calhoun, John 7 ,
— vindication of
Calhoun, John C, and the Missouri com-
promise ?. .
Calhoun county
California emigration, Kansas City hotel
for 251
California road 87, 369
California trail on the Arkansas 490, 491
Callaham, Dr. Andrew M 521
Callahan, Dr. H. B 528, 530
Calvo, J. B 539
Cameron, Hugh 184
Cameron, John 61 , 168
Cameron, Simon, directs Governor Robin-
son to raise three regiments of Kansas
troops, June 17, 1861 — 14
Camp, George, member of Eleventh Kan-
sas regiment, killed at Platte river
bridge 357, 359
Camp Collins, Colorado 356
Camp Crogan, Cow Island, Missouri river, 441
Camp Ford, Texas, a Kansas soldier's es-
cape from 405
— description of 410
Camp Herrick, near Leavenworth 29
Camp Lincoln, Kansas 373
Camp Sackett 405
Camp Sanger, Fort Riley 120
Camp Supply, founding of... 114, 115, 117, 384
Camp Tyler, Texas 410
Campbell, Maj. , agent of Shawnees
and Dela wares 424
Campbell, A. B 516
Campbell, A. M iv
Campbell, B. H 535
Campbell, Bayless S 20
Campbell, Frank, register at Kirwin land-
office II
Campbell, Lieut. Henry C 19
405
451
1
74
45U
Campbell, M. C 525,
Campbell, W. P 514,
Campbell, William M
Campbell, P. P '.
Canby, Gen. Edward R. S
Canfield, William H
Canniii', Dr. H. J
Cannon, burial of by free-state party at
Kansas border in October, 1856
Cannon, free-state, recovered from Le-
compton in August, 1856
Cantonment Martin, on Cow Island, 1818,
Canville creek
Canville trading-post among the Osages. ..
Cape Girardeau, Mo
— Shawnees settled near .
Capitals of Kansas, paper by Franklin G.
Adams, May 26, 1896 v,
Cappeau, .J. A
Cappeau, J. P
Capper, Arthur iv,
—director
Caraway, Morgan
Carey, J. B
Carleton, Cyrus
Carmen, Brig. -Gen. A. E
Carmichael, Warren
Carnahan, A. A _
— receiver at Concordia land-office
Carnegie, Andrew
Carney, A. B
Carney, Gov. Thomas 109, 413,
Carondelet grant. Mo., Shawnees settled
on
Carpenter, Col.—, C. S. A
Carpenter, of Prairie City "281, 282,
Carpenter, Arthur H
Carpenter, F. B
Carpenter, George
Carpenter, Hank
Carpenter, Henry, and Stevens-Hazlett
rescue 215, 220,
Carpenter, John C iv,
—receiver at Hays City land-office. ......
Carpenter, J. S..
Carpenter, Louis . .'
Carpenter, Capt. Louis H., rescues For-
sythe and his men at the Arickaree —
Carr, Gen. C. C. C -■
Carr, E. T iv,
Carr, Lieut. Eugene A
Carroll, Thos. M
Carruth, Prof. William H
—director
Carson, John
Carson, Kit .
Carstensen, C. P
Carter, Charles P., an alias of Thomas
Wentworth Higginson
Carter, Mrs. Elizabeth
Carter, John R
Carter, John S
Carter, N
Caruthers, Grandma —
Carver, T. C
Case, A. H
Case, Cyrus
Case, George H
Case, J. B
Case, Nelson
—his history of Labette county men-
tioned
Caskey, John..
Casselman, D. R 525,
Castle, E
Cataloging of the Historical library
Catholic missionaries among the Potta-
watomies
Cato, Judge Sterling G '288, 390, 393,
Cattlemen of Sherman county 50,
Cavalry regiment, Seventh Kansas
Cavanaugh, Thomas H
—register at Oberlin land-office
Cavenaugh, Capt. H. G
Cawker City land-office
534
539
529
516
110
513
286
305
340
439
77
190
46
331
536
536
534
iii
518
540
418
110
61
514
10
316
530
5C9
78
413
285
526
536
528
59
223
522
II
534
512
114
167
531
486
517
62
171
539
213
260
260
260
372
128
538
515
128
527
540
526
77
528
516
372
121
83
509
51
13
509
12
•273
11
554
KANSAS STATE HISTORICAL SOCIETY.
Cazorla sent by the governor of New Mex-
ico to recall the expedition of Bonilia
in 1595
Cecil, — , wagon-master, Clieyenne expedi-
tion, 1857
Cedar creek, John Owen's house on
Cedar creek, Pottawatomie county, In-
dian mound near mouth of
Census, 1855, Jas. R. McClure appointed
taker, seventh and eighth districts
Census-taking in 1855, reminiscences of
James R. McClure v,
Census, 1857,
Centennial exposition, Philadelphia
Centerville, Mo...
Centropolis, Franklin county
Chadwick, Chas 510, 516, 517,
Chaffee.F. M
Cliain-armor found in McPherson county..
Challis, W. L
Chalmer's cavalry
Chamberlain, F. K
Chambers, J. M
Chambers, Maynard M., clerk Lecompton
land-office
Chambers, W. L
Chandler, E. C, receiver at Oberlin land-
office
Chandler, George M
Chapman, Edward L., receiver at Larned
and Garden City land-office
Chapman, J. B
Chappell, PhilE 437,
— account of flood of 1844 on Missouri
river
Charbonneau, Toussaint
Charities and Correction, Kansas delegates
to national conferences . .
Charities, members Kansas State Board
of 519,
Charles, G. W
Charles, H. W 530,
Cbarlestowu jail, letter describing, men-
tioned
Chase, Almira
Chase, Amasa
Chase, Frank
Chase, H. T
—director
Chase, Jacob
Chase, Julia A
— director
Chase, Lydia M
Chase, S. W 527, 537,
Chase county 453, 457,
— Kaw trail through
Chattanooga, battle of
— Kansas monuments on battlefield of,
and illustrations 272 ,
Chautauqua county 463,
Cheeney, Al., conductor on the Union Pa-
cific in the 70's
Cheney, Dr. E. B
Cheney, Mrs. Edward
Chenowerth, E. S
Chenoweth, Capt. Bernard P
Cherokee county 453, 456, 457,
—part of the Cherokee neiitral lands. . . .
—part of the Osage ceded land
Cherokee Indians, efforts for their removal
beyond the Mississippi
— Shawnees consolidated with
Cherokee neutral lands 77, 81, 198,
—boundaries of
—disposal of by that tribe
Cherokee Outlet
Cherokee Strip
Cherokee to Mound City, state road
Cherry creek, Colorado
Chestnut, J. C
Chestnut, William
Clietolah, located near the moutii of Lyon
creek, Geary county
Cheyenne expedition of 1857, by Robert M.
^ Peck 346, 484
Cheyenne county 457, 461,
162
493
257
135
232
227
341
522
46
338
531
518
160
518
45
525
128
5
538
12
513
12
481
440
479
120
537
520
534
537
217
96
270
533
314
270
541
459
70
15
274
465
318
167
420
534
19
459
199
188
73
94
456
199
106
79
107
531
491
181
178
232
-507
462
Cheyenne Indians
—agency
—battle on the Solomon, 1857 120,
— chiefs held as hostages by General Cus-
ter, portraits
—rumor of raid into Riley county . .
— surrender Mrs. Morgan and Miss White
to General Custer, 1868 116,
—raid on Kaws in Morris county, ISfiS,
led by Little Robe 70,
—raid on the Platte, Seneca military
company marched against
—village on the Washita, 1868, illustra-
tion 110,
—hostile in 1865
—village on Solomon abandoned after a
battle in 1857
Chicago, Rock Island & Pacific rid
Chick, W. S
Chickamauga, Eighth Kansas infantry at
battle of
Chickamauga and Chattanooga battlefield
and monuments, commission v. 271,
Chickasaw Indians, eii'orts to remove the
tribe beyond the Mississippi
Chief justices of Kansas 508, 511,
Chief, Troy
Chilcott, R. M 537,
Childs, A. F
Chippewa Indians, disposal of their lands
in Kansas
— lands in Franklin county 3,
Chisholm, Jesse, biography 176,
Chisholm creek, near Wichita
Chisholm ranch, Sedgwick county
Chisholm trail, history of
—used by Texas cattlemen
Ch ittenden , Mrs. R. H
Chi vers, Richard
Chi vington, Gen. John M
Chi vington massacre
Choctaw road, Texas 412,
Choctaw Indians, efforts to remove the
tribe west of the Mississippi
Cholera among the plains Indians, 1867
—death of Mexican on Santa Fe road, of,
—in Missouri, 1828, 1855 251,
—at military posts
Chouteau, Cyprian '
Chouteau, Francis, trader among the Kaw
Indians
Chouteau, Frederick, letters relating to
White Plume and other Kansas chiefs,
— reminiscences as a trader among the
Kaw Indians vi, 423,
Chouteau trading-houses
Christian, Charles
Christian, James
Christmas-making by Englishmen on the
Osage ceded lands
Christy, Dr. David D
Chroniclp, Burlingame
Church, R. P 161,
Church, Willard V
Churchill, John H 519, 535, 537, 538,
Churchward, B. T
Chute, Dr. J. A
Cimarron river, Santa Fe trail, on.. .. 453,
Cincinnati sends relief to Ottawa Indians
in 1844
Cirtwell, Bert
Cist's Cincinnati Miscellany
Civic federation, delegates to national con-
ferences of
Civil war and the Indian question 72,
Claiborne, C. C
Claim-jumper's side of the story
Claims, frontier
Claims, Indian
Clapp, Dexter E
Clapp, Irene S
Clapp, Mrs. Mary ,
Claremore, Ind. Ter
Clark, Gen. , agent Kaw Indians, 1830,
Clark, Mrs. Ada M
Clark, Ansel R
75
176
496
116
245
208
134
112
353
500
447
433
520
73
512
389
538
524
99
82
177
176
176
176
176
127
245
353
353
414
73
176
259
423
115
423
423
434
433
425
535
370
195
127
310
167
524
540
528
253
490
477
535
79
533
173
189
196
523
523
525
iv
525
508
425
522
514
GENERAL INDEX.
555
Clark, E. C i 533
Clark, George Alfred iv, 510, 511, 520
— director iii
Clark, George W 512
Clark, John 22
Clark, John T., owner of Spanish sword
found in Finney county in 1886 158
Clark, Malcom, killed by Cole McCrea,
free-state man 183, 392
— special marshal 333
Clark, Rev. Samuel A., Welsh historian. .. 152
Clark, Waldo,*Geary county 231
Clark, Walter 533
Clark, Gen. William, biography of 75
—letter relating to claim of widow Bar-
nett Vasquez 424
— superintendent of Indian Affairs, St.
Louis 75
Clark county 456, 4.58, 461, 462, 463, 468
Clark School for Deaf.Northampton, Mass., 420
Clark's creek, Morris county 135
Clarke, Emory & Co 511
Clarke, A. Howard, custodian section of
American History, national museum,
Washington 158
Clarke, Gen. Geo. W 185
— receiver at Fort Scott land-ofEce 9
Clarke, Miss Hattie 134
Clarke, Henry S 532
Clarke, James Freeman 419
Clarke, Sidney 51, 147, 515
— biography 95, 99
— defeats Sturgis' attempt to secure the
Osage diminished reserve for L. L. &
G. R. R 107, 108
Clarkson, Harrison 524
Clay county 453, 457, 461
Claypool, J. M 167
Clayton, Col. Powell 15, 407, 517
Clearwater 176
Clemens, Gaspar C 512, 533
Clement, G. W 537
Cleveland, Grover 187
Cleveland, Marshall (alias for Charles
Metz), captain company H, Seventh
Kansas 23, 24
— The Last of the Jayhawkers, by John
J.Ingalls 23
Clinton, Douglas county 134
CJogston, Jeffrey B 511, 512
Close,F.J 539, 542
Cloud, Wm. F 380, 517
Cloud county 456
—biographical history of 152
Clover, B.H 516
Coal in Osage county, John E. Rastall
interested in prospecting for 310
Coates, Kersey 186
Coates, Robert F., receiver at Wichita
land-ofiice 10
Cobb, , settler on Lyon creek, 1855. .. 245
Cobb, Nelson 511
Cobb, Stephen A 96, 511, 515
— biography 106
Cobby, James W 55, 61
Cobby, W.J 55, 61
Coblentz. Julia Annie 1
Cobun, M. W 522
Coburn.F. D 35, 518, 519, 534, 537, 538
— letter to Secretary Adams relative to
state seal 296
Cochran, Charles 128
Cochrane, Benjamin 284, 287
Cochrane, Thomas 528
Cochrane, W. W 527
Cockerill, A. B 536
Codding, George T 526
Codding, J. S... 530
Coddington, Lawrence 167
Cody, William F 25
Cody'sBluff 62
Coffey, Col. A. M 178, 281, 288, 337
Coffey county.. 282, 450, 456, 459, 469, 470, 472
Coffin, Charles F., work of Friends among
the Indian tribes in Kansas 266
Coffin, William C 270
Coffman, Lot, surveyor for the Shawnees.. 93
Coger, Lee 326
Colbert, Edward 22, 37
Colburn, E. A 541
Colby, Phillip T., deputy marshal, Kansas
Territory 444
Colby, W.J 53
Colby, Tliomas county 50
— land-office 12
Cole, D. C 528
Cole,ElrickC 512
Cole, Miss Fannie E., Kansas Indians in
Shawnee county vi, 481
Cole. George E iv, 510. 533
—director iii
Cole. Ira B., bugler company H, Seventh
Kansas 47
Cole, Joseph M 481
Cole, S. E 522
Cole, T. C 517
Coleman, Charles Crittenden 510
Coleman, Franklin N., kills Charles W.
Dow 185
Collamore, Geo. W 14, 308, 517, 518
Collette. A. M 516
Colley, D. D 523
Collins, A. P 522
Collins, Lieut. Caspar 357
Collins, Chas 525
Collins, Frederick 522
Collins, I. F 530
Collins.S 372
Collins, Samuel, free-state, killed by Pat-
rick McLaughlin 185
Collins, Miss Sarah Jane 546
Colored regiments. First and Second Kan-
sas 407
Colton, Gustavus A 509
Colton, John B., origin of the term "Jay-
hawker" 17
Columbia, C, blacksmith for Kansas In-
dians, 1855 234
Columbus, Mo., burned by Seventh Kan-
sas 30
Comanche county 456, 458, 462, 463,>465
468, 469, 470
Comanche Indians 75, 172, 175, 177
453, 491, 502
Commerce by way of the Missouri river . .. 145
Commercial men's congress, Kansas dele-
gates 533
Compton, E. A 61
Concord School of Philosophy 420
Concordia land-office 10
Cone, W. W 434, 478
— history of Shawnee county 83
— letter, June 23, 1901, relating to early
white residents of Kansas 433
Coney, P. H iv
Confederate attempt to incite the Indians
of the West and Southwest to take
up arms against the United States. .. 66
Confederates, massacre of, by Osage In-
dians V, 62
Congdon, D. C 537
Congress of bankers, delegates to national, 541
Congressional campaign of 1886 in the
Fifth district, made by John A. Ander-
son 322
Conley , John 536
Conn, M 169
Connelley, William E iv. 86; 252, 275, 295
— director iii
Connor, Gen. P. Ed...^ 3.54
Conservative, Leavenworth 349
Constitution Hall, Lecompton 340, 544
Constitution Hall, Topeka 123, 345, 346
Converse, Charles N 532
Conway, Martin F 334, 372, 515
— announces his determination to refuse
his seat in the territorial council, 1855
336, 367
— census-taker. Ninth district 74, 232
Cook, , captain of company of bor-
der-ruffians from Bates county. Mo.,
1856 280, 284
556
KANSAS STATE HISTORICAL SOCIETY.
Cook, private of G company., wounded in
Cheyenne expedition, 1857
Coolf, A. B
Cook, D. P
Cook, D. R
Cook, J. B
Cook, Joe ( Jas. H. Lane )
Cook. John, at Fossil Station in 1868
Cooke, Col. Phillip St. George.... 227, 341,
—compels the border-rutfian militia
leader, Cook, to .'surrender his prison-
ers to the United States troops
— sent by Governor Geary to intercept
the free-state party from Iowa at the
Nebraska border.
Cooke, Col. William W., in General Cus-
ter's parade, Camp Supply, 1868
Coon, David F
Coon, Thomas
Coon creek, battle of
Cooper, Stephen S
Cope, Perry
Copley, Josiah :
Copper wristlet, found on old village site
of Republican Pawnees
Coppoc, Barclay and Edwin
Corbett, W. S
Corbin, W. D
Corday, Charlotte
Cordley. Dr. Richard 126, 299, 518,
— bioRraphy
Corinth, Miss., battle of, participated in
by Seventh Kansas 33,
Corkil, J. A
Corn as pioneer food 192, 193,
Corn found by Coronado in Kansas
Cornatzer, Calvin 252,
Cornell, D. E
Cornetzer, Samuel 257, 259, 428,
Corny n, Col. Florence M 38, 39,
Coronado
Coronado's expedition, route through Kan-
sas 68, 152,
—sword belonging to member of
— Wolsli account of
—map of route 152,
Correspondence of the Historical Society..
Corwin, Bob.
Corey, C E., the Osage ceded lands; ad-
dress before the twenty-eighth annual
meeting of the Historical Society, De-
cember 1, 1903
Cory, C. E., director iii, iv, v,
Cotterman, W. A
Cotton States and International Exposi-
tion, 1895
Cottonwood, candidate for state capital..
Cottonwood creek
Cottrell, H. M
Cottrell, J. F
Coues, Dr. Elliott
Coulter, O. H
Council City, candidate for state capital..
Council Grove 70, 233,
—candidate for territorial capital
—in 18.52
—Kaw Indian mission (illustration)
— Kansas Indian reservation near
—pioneer store (illustration)
-rendezvous for Dick Yeager's band,
May, 1863
—Santa Fe crossing of the Neosho, illus-
tration
Council oak, under which the treaty of
1825 was made, illustration 140,
Counties in Kansas, paper on the establish-
ment of, by Helen G. Gill vi,
County-seat troubles
Court business
Court-house rock, Wyoming
Court of visitation, commissioners of
Court, territorial
Courts of appeals
Covey, Surgeon Ed. N., of Cheyenne expe-
dition, 1857
Covode inTcstigating committee
499
540
525
533
538
312
384
405
284
305
116
127
168
406
.529
168
518
165
330
517
536
186
308
299
34
62
194
135
257
527
434
40
141
156
159
152
155
119
98
187
543
127
534
345
487
538
528
437
530
345
487
332
258
206
76
142
169
138
142
449
50
147
.S58
530
148
512
492
2
Cox, Jacob D
Cox, John T
Cox, L. M
Cow island, Missouri river, account of, by
Geo. J. Rerasburg '. .
Cowgill, E. B iv, 519. 537, 538,
—director
Cowie, D. B
Cowie, James
Cowles, James
Cowley, Fred
Cowley county. 4o6, 457, 458,
Cracklin, Capt. Joseph
Cragin, Prof. Francis W
Craig, Geo. R., Q. M. Sergt
Craig, Meville B
Craig, Robert
Craig, Warner
Cramer, A
Cramer, E. A
Cramer, Geo. W 170,
Cramer, John A
Cramer, Thomas J. B 229,
—clerk Lecompton land-office
Crancer, J. W. & Son
Crandall, George B
Crane, Geo. W
—director
— & Company
Crane, William W
Crawford, B. D
Crawford, Goo. A 147, 522, 523,
— past president of Historical Society. ..
Crawford, Samuel J.... 109, 309, 349, 407,
509, .527, .531,
—effort for resurvey of Osage Indian
lands
— resigns his office to command Nine-
teenth Kansas cavalry against the In-
dians
Crawford county 456,
—a part of the Cherokee neutral lands . .
— a part of the Osage ceded land
Crawford opera house, Topeka
Creek Indians, efforts for their removal
beyond the Mississippi
Crews, Jno. D
Crichton, James H
Crist, Geo. T., receiver at Dodge City land-
office
Crittenden, Lieut. Eugene
Crocker, A
Crook, Gren. Geo
Crook, Lieut. Joel J
Crosby, Mary H
Crosby, R. H
Crosby. Wm
Cross, H.C
Cross Hollows, Miss
Crow, John
Crowe, Robert F
Crowell, Frank G
Crowley's Ridge, Mo
Crozier, Robert 108, 511, 512, 515.
Cruise, , slaves taken from by John
Brown
Crum, L. S 530,
Crumb, John H
Crumbine, S. J
Crump, William S
Cubbison, J. K
Cuepia, Shawnee Indian, employed in Sem-
inole war
Cullins, George
Culver, W. W.
Cummins, Garland
Cummins, Ma j. Richard W
— Kaw reserve in Morris county staked
out by
—report on flood on Kansas river,
1844 476,
Cunningham, A. W
Cunningham, E. W iv, 126,
—director
Cunningham. Harper S., receiver at Salina
land-office
105
520
541
436
541
iii
536
536
372
525
459
308
516
116
304
536
520
170
537
171
77
508
6
221
527
313
26
539
532
ii
447
536
113
458
199
188
348
73
540
525
12
486
347
no
28
379
345
372
525
66
.528
536
532
46
542
444
542
1-28
532
520
533
255
59
522
483
427
76
478
528
512
GENERAL INDEX.
557
Cunningham, J. S iv, 133
CunniDgham, Thomas 509
Currency in 1861 144
Currier. Geo. S 535
Curry, J.C 128
Curtis, A. M 52. 55
Curtis, B. R., counsel for the railroads in
the Osage ceded land case 108
Curtis, Charles 516
Curtis, Mrs. Charles 123
Curtis, George William 419
Curtis, Gen. S. R 150, 412
Curtis, William 214
Curtiss, A 345, 372
Curtiss, John ■■ 372
Cusick, Dr. , trader with Ottawa In-
dians at Peoria City 106
Custard, J 357, 358
Custer, Gen. Geo. A., farm of in Morris
county 169
— triumphal procession after the battle
of the Washita 116
—placed in command of the winter ex-
pedition against the hostile Indians in
the Indian territory 114
Custer massacre 69, 110
Cutler, Ellen M 543
Cutler, G. A 345
Cutler, Thomas C 543
Cutter, Dr. Calvin 309
Cutter, Amos, register Concordia land-
office .. 10
Cutter, Martha 449
Cutter, H. M 521
D.
Dacotah family of Indians, 75, 189
Dale, D. M 514
Dale, Frank, register at Wichita land-
office 10
Dall, Mrs. Caroline H 419
Dallas, E. J iv
Danford, Addison 510
Daniels, family of slaves rescued by John
Brown 444
Daniels, Prof. Edward 305
Daniels, Leonard 528
Daniels, Percy 509, 517
Danielson, John 529
Danner, S. T 535, 539
Dare, J. 0 534
Darland, T. M 535
Darling, Charles 127
Datcherute, Elizabeth, half-breed Kansas
Indian 426
Datchurut, Baptiste, interpreter of Kan-
sas Indian 424, 426
Daughters, C. B .■-■• 518
Daughters of the American Revolution,
Topeka 346
Daughters of the American Revolution,
proposal to mark Santa Fe trail.. 122, 139
Davenport company of emigrants to Kan-
sas; 1856 309, 311
Davidson, Henry M 405
Davidson, John A 333
Davidson, George 155
Davidson, Sergt. Morris and his wit 46
Davidson. U. P...... 17
Davidson, Wesley S 333
Davies, G. T., director.. iii, iv
Davis, Dr. — , of Lawrence 369
Davis, A. J 517
Davis, A. W 521
Davis, Adella 270
Davis, Alson C 508
Davis, C. Wood 533
Davis, David 1
Davis, F. A , 528
Davis, Geo. W 53d
Davis, H. N 47o
Davis, J. A 530
Davis, J. C 1'6
Davis, J. H 533
Davis, J. W 528
Davis, Jefferson 451
Davis, John 516
Davis, Joel T 529
Davis, Margaret 270
Davis, Seymour 351, 531
Davis, Thomas R 128
Davis, Willard 510
Davis, Winslow 270
Davis county.. 415, 450, 453, 457, 461, 463, 465
—changed to Geary 469
Dawes, Fernando B 510
Dawson, John ts., biography 298
—director ; iii. iv
—letter relating to Kansas seal and
motto 297
Day, H. H. 181
Day, Horace H 168
Day, Orson, brother-in-law of Capt. John
Brown 84, 180, 277, 280
Dayhoff, Insley L 511, 530
Dayton, Captain Osawatomie Rifles, com-
pany of free-state men 180, 278
Dayton, Mo., burned by Seventh Kansas.. 30
Deacon, Ralph 536
Deaf and Dumb Institution, State, list of
officers of 520
Dean, conductor Fremont Independent
Company 309
Dean, J. S 542
Dean, John M., account of Quantrill's par-
ticipation in the Morgan- Walker mas-
sacre 326
—biographical sketch 327
Dean, Lair 527
Dean, Sidney 327
Death Valley, Cal 17
DeAubries, Shawnee county 482
Deaver, C. C 127
De Blaesare, J. F 521
Decatur 457,461.463
Deckleman, Henry 530
Deep-water convention, Kansas delegates
to 533
Deer creek 354, 356
Deer-skins 424
Deford, Col. John 106
Deford, J. W., letter on Kansas seal 298
DeFriese, Green L 410
DeFriese, Lieut. J. M 409
Deitzler, Geo. W... 186, 340, 369, 412, 517, 545
—colonel First Kansas 14
Delahay, Mark W 185, 345, 369, 542
— Judge Lecompte's effort to save his
newspaper office from destruction 402
DeLambert, Dick 194, 198
DeLambert, Godfrey 195, 198
Delashmett, J. 1 453
Delaware •• 307, 363
Delaware Indians 132, 174, 175
-"First book" 80
—guides in the Cheyenne expedition of
1857 490-501
-in flood of 1844 478
—reservation in Kansas, 3, 7, 78, 87, 89, 423
— land in Indiana 79
— traders among 425
Delaware outlet 79
Delaware trust lands 89, 481
Delegates to Congress, territorial 509
Demers, Samuel, register of Concordia
land-office 10
£)t'/)ioe)-o<, Lecompton 5. 507
Democratic convention, Lawrence, July
27,1855 369
Democratic convention, Tecumseh, Sep-
tember 1855 375
Democratic party in Kansas 374
DeMotte, W. H 520
Denison, Dr. Geo. E 214
Denison, Rev. Joseph, D. D 519
Denman.H.B 294
Dennis, Col. Edgar W 522
Dennis, Hamilton J 296. 524
Dennison, .\rthur Wellington 512
Dental Examiners, State Board 521
558
KANSAS STATE HISTORICAL SOCIETY.
Denton, John
Denver, Gov. James W 342, 492,
Denver, Colorado
Denver trail, marking of
DePardonnet, Frederic (y
Dossansure, Capt. William
Deveuney, A. S
Devlin, C. J
Devol,H. F
Devon cattle owned by the Brown family.
Dew, Jere T ...
Dewey, Thomas Emmett 512,
De Young, Charles
Diamond Springs 13V, 169,
Dick, L. F
Dick, LeKoy
Dick, William
Dicker.-^on. .J. T
Dickerson, J. B
Dickinson, Daniel S
Dickinson, David
Dickinson county 453, 456,
— claimed by the Kaws as their hunting-
grounds
Dickson, Sergt. Alonzo, of Seventh Kansas,
death of
—gallant act
Dickson, C. H
Dickson, G. M
Dickson, Henry D
Dickson, Wallace E
Diesem, I. L .535, 538,
Diggs, Mrs. Annie L
Dillard, William Peake 529,
Dillenbeck, F. E
Dillman, H. M
Dinsmore, T. H., Jr. . .
Directors of the State Historical Society . .
District attorneys
Dixon, Adam
Dixon, Thomas
Doak, William H., register Fort Scott land-
office
Dobyns, J. B
Doc, Billy, Sioux chief
Dodds, John F
Dodge. David 345,
— secretary Big Springs convention.. —
Dodge, Gen. G. M 360,
Dodge, Sylvester Hollister
— register of Concordia land-oflSce
Dodge City land-office 11,
Dog dance, manner of its performance by
the Kaws
Dolan, P. H
Dole, George W
Dole, William P 100,101,
Donaldson, son of I. B. Donaldson
Donaldson, Israel B., 120, 229, 332, 383, 402,
Donaldson, John
Doniphan, Col. Alex. W.. 8,
— portrait of
Doniphan, Col. John
Doniphan, Samuel Collins, killed by Pat-
rick McLaughlin at
Doniplian
Doniphan land-office
Doniphan county, history 2, 226,
Doniphan county in the Seventh Kansas..
Doniphan county military companies, 1861,
Doolittle, Samuel R
Doolittle farm, Chase county
Dorn, Andrew J
Dorn county 450,
Dorsev, E. W
Doster, Frank 512, 514, 517,
Doudna, Capt. Willoughby 62,
Dougherty, Al
Dougherty, Maj. John, Indian agent.. 260,
—owner of Co w island
Dougherty, Rev. J. G
Dougherty, Col. Lewis B 260,
Do\iglas, Cornelius 252,
Douglas, John C
Douglas, Phoebe N
540
508
492
123
521
485
96
536
380
277
380
537
80
207
539
196
196
513
545
367
524
458
209
45
34
203
528
525
24
541
524
536
533
521
516
iii
515
517
230
530
354
456
372
372
361
526
10
12
210
520
3U4
104
232
545
508
142
120
185
307
7
450
18
16
24
70
451
453
534
539
65
538
424
442
126
442
260
508
252
Douglas, Stephen A. vii, 2, 367
—anxiety about Democratic party in
Kansas.. 374
Douglas, candidate for capital of Kansas
territory 3, 338
Douglas county 133, 450, 453
—home guard, 1863 169
—jail, 1858 145
— John Brown and his men go to the pro-
tection of southern part of, in May 1856, 281
— Sac and Fox encampment in, on the
Wakarusa, 1846 130
—Santa Fe trail in ]68
Douglass, Frederick 217
Douglass, Geo. L 511, 540
Dow, Charles W., killed by Franklin N.
Coleman 185
Dowlin, P 372
Dowling, W. R 535
Downer, .James P., receiver at Ogden land-
office 9
Downing, Andrew 21
Downs, Mrs. Cora M 532
Downs, Fred 127
Doy, Dr. John 215, 226
Doy rescue party, by Jas. B. Abbott 215
Doyle, Drury 181, 279, 280
Doyle, MissEstella 167
Doyle, James P 178, 181, 279, 280
Doyle, William.. 181, 279, 280
Doyle creek, Marion county 70
Dragoon creek 258
Dragoons, United States 485
Dragoons, Second United States, service of
Kansas men in 405
Drake, C. F 540
Drake, M. L. 527
Drake, Robert S 527
Drake, Samuel A 5!7
Draper, L. C .434
Drenniag, Frank H 517, 524
Drew, C. J 540
Drew, George J 128
Drew, Josiah 128
Drew, Robert H 521
Drew, Wm. J 128
Drew, W. Y.. ; 356
Driggs, S. W 508
Drought of 1860-'61 278
Drury, R. B 527
D'Shane, Joseph 252, 260
Dudley, Guilford 516
Duff, James K 127
DuLac, Perin 438
Dull Knife, Cheyenne chief, held as host-
age for Mrs. Morgan and Miss White.. 117
Duncan, W 372, 527
Duncan, Wesley H 368, 371
Duplicate rooms of Historical Society 120
Durkee, J. H 536
Durkee, Samuel T 520
Dutch Henry. (Henry Sherman,) 276, 279
Dutch Henry's crossing of Pottawatomie
creek 177, 178, 214
Dutro, James 530
Dutton, Abial T 128
Dutton, Hartwin Rush 510
Dutton, M. R 527
Dutton, W. P 347
Duvall. F. M 535
Duvall, Claude 533
Duvall, Mrs. Sarah 128
Dyer,Geo.H 61
Dyer, James L., receiver at Wichita land-
office 10
Dyer. Samuel D 243
Dyer's ferry over the Big Blue, 1855 243
Dykes, Dr. Henry A 523
Dykes, J.B 533, 535
E.
Eager, Peter 527
Earheart, David 518, 521
Earle, Pliny 421
Earle, Lucien 514
Early, W. H 518
GENERAL INDEX.
559
Eastland, W. G
Eastman, B. D
Eastman, S., map of Nebraska and Kansas,
showing the location of the Indian re-
serves, 1854
Easton, Leavenworth county
Eaton, R. M
Eaton, Capt. Wm. W., Second Iowa cav-
alry
Eberhart, conductor Fremont company
Iowa City to Kansas, 1856
Eckert, T. VV 128,
Eckles. J. G
Eddy, George A
Eden, Mrs. Elizabeth Clousing
Edgar, Miss Jane
Edie, J. J
Editorial Association, Kansas
Edmunds, Matt
Edsin, Harry, alias for Chalkley T. Lipsey,
Education, State Board
Edwards, John H., register at Hays City
land-office
Edwards, John N., his " Noted Guerrillas,
or Warfare of the Border"
Edwards, Wm.C 510, 533,
Edwards' Atlas of Osage county
Edwards county 462, 464, 465, 469,
Eggers, Luther F
— rpgister at Hays City land-office
Eighth Kansas volunteer infantry, battle
of Chickamauga 15, 16,
Eighteenth Kansas regiment
Eiler, Jacob
Eiler, Nora M
Einstein, Henrietta
Ekin,John
Elder, Noble G
Elder, Peter F 451, 5C9, 511,
— biography
—letter to General Blunt, May 17, 1863,
loyalty of the Osages, refers to the
massacre of the squad of confederates
by them on the 15th
El Dorado supposed to have been surveyed
by A. D. Searl
Eldridge, Ed. S
Eldridge, James M
Eldridge, James \V., of Boston, interested
in the rescue of Stevens and Hazlett ..
Eldridge, Col. tjhaler W 2ii2, 304,
—biography.
— hotel at Kansas City
— organizer of party of emigrants, which
came into Kansas through Iowa and
Nebraska in October 1856
—and five others' letter to Governor
Geary, October 14, 1856, relative to the
party of emigrants through Iowa
Eldridge, Thomas B
Eldridge House, I. S. Kallock, proprie-
tor of
— illustration of
—indicted by grand jury of Douglas
county
Election of legislature, March 30, 1855. . 183,
277, 334.
— on the Pottawatomie
— October 5, 1857 201, 342.
— U. S. troops stationed at polls.
Elections under the Topeka constitution..
Election, October 18.55
Electricity as a power
Eleventh Kansas regiment at Platte bridge,
by S. H. Fairfield
Elk county. 463,
EUenberger, I. S
EUett. Ed. C 527.
Elliott, C.E
Elliott, Chas. S 273, 517,
Elliott, Maj. Joel H
—death, and burial at Ft. Arbuckle . . 115,
Elliott, John T
Elliott, L. R 162,
Elliott, Russell
514
524
76
487
513
33
309
527
530
526
129
48
528
317
535
327
521
324
541
85
470
529
11
273
387
436
436
276
532
128
519
64
64
119
305
305
213
375
304
228
305
306
305
80
303
186
366
178
363
501
185
277
146
352
465
61
539
533
529
114
116
518
542
536
EUiott, R. G , iv. v, 147, 184, 371, 372, 519, 532
— paper, the Big .Springs convention,
Sep. 5, 1855 362
— secretary Big Springs convention 372
Ellis, Abram H 512, 540, 541
Ellis, C.W 514
Ellis, F. W iv, 126
Ellis, Mrs. Rebecca Desha 545
Ellis county Ill, 456, 458
Ellsworth county 456, 458
— claimed by the Kaws as their hunting-
grounds 2C9
Elmira reformatory 420
Elmore, John A 435
Elmore, Judge Rush 98, 148, 229, 332
333, 336, .509
— biographical sketch by John Martin, vi, 435
—charged with speculating in Indian
lands 76
Elston, Charles, rescues Mrs. Eubanks and
daughter from Indian captors 355
El wood 216
Emerson, J. D 5i9
Emerson, Ralph Waldo 417
— to participate in memorial service to
John Brown, in Concord 214
Emery, Fred, leader of proslavery com-
pany 184
Emery, Lieut. Fred W., Seventh Kansas, 26, 27
Emery, James M 534
Emery, Jas.S 184, 345, 351, 371, 372, 523
531. 532, 537, 538, 540, 542
—biography 332
— chairman committee on resolutions.
Big Springs convention 372
—past president of the Historical So-
ciety ii
Emery, Philip A 520
Emery, R. M 514
Emery, Maj. Wm. H 485
Emigration agents 521
Emigration to Kansas in 1856; address by
Robert Morrow before Old Settlers'
Association, 1902 v, 302, 4C6
— largely encouraged by the State Board
of Agriculture 188
Emigration of the eastern and southern
Indian tribes to Kansas and the In-
dian Territory 72
Emmert, David B., receiver at Humboldt
land-office 9
Emmons, L. W., letter relating to relief of
Eleventh Kansas at Platte bridge ... 360
Emory, Fred, register at Junction City
land -office 9
Empie, Mrs. Levi 128
Employment agency, free 521
Emporia 133
—built on Wyandotte float 86
—candidate for state capital 347
—laid out by P. B. Plumb 306
Endicot, G. J., report to Governor Craw-
ford of his effort to ascertain the
bounds of the Osage and Cherokee res-
ervations 77
Engel, Mr. 168
Engineers-in-chief of Kansas militia 517
Engle, Carl iv
English Christmas cheer on the Osage
ceded lands 195
Ennis & Walker, druggists, Goodland 59
Epps, Frank 533
Erbacher, August 540
Ericson, A 61
Eskridge, Col. C. V 147, 509, 5i:5
Establishment of counties in Kansas, pa-
per by Helen G.Gill 449
Estelle, , capture of 140
Etzold, L. A. 541
Eubanks, Mrs. Joseph, captured by Chey-
ennes on Little Blue 354
Eustis, P. S 50
Eustis, Sherman county, fight for county
seat 55-60
—laid out by Lincoln Land Company 50
560
KANSAS STATE HISTORICAL SOCIETY.
EvaiK. Charles C, receiver at Colby land-
ottice 12
Evans, David J 522
Evans, George H 350, 351
Evans, O. A 536
Evans, \V. B 266
Everett, H. S 537
Everhart, C.S 167
Ev.-rs. A. L 167
E\viDg,C.T 540
Ewiujf. Gen. Thomas, jr 148, 511, 517
—portrait of 120
Excelsior, rival of Lawrence 368
Exchanges made by society ... ...... ... 120
Explorations, report on, by W. J. GriflBng,
V, 133
Expositions, 1867-1904 521, 522, 534, 535
Express business, 1861 146
F.
F. X. Aubrey, Missouri river steamboat,
1854 227
Fagan, W. E 530
Fagersburg, O 535
Failver, (leo. H 516, 537
Fairchild, E. T 519
Fairchild,Geo. T 519, 524
Fairchild, William 528, 532
Fairfield, S. H iv, v
—biography 352
—the Eleventh Kansas regiment at Platte
Bridge, Wyo 352
Falen, E. L 167
Fall Leaf 490, 492, 499
—Delaware chief 490, 492, 496, 499
—Delaware chief in Cheyenne battle on
the Solomon, 1857 496
Famous old crossing on the Santa Fe trail,
by Geo. P. Morehouse v, 137
Farmers' Alliance 131
Farmers' National Congress, Savannah,
Ga.,lS93 535
—Atlanta, 1895 535
—Boston, 1899 535
—Colorado Springs, 1900 535
-Sioux Falls, S. D., 1901 535
—Niagara Falls, 1901 535
Farnstrom, G. P 167
Farnsworth, Loring 345
Farragut-Thomas post No. 8, Kansas City,
Mo 379
Fat Bear, Cheyenne chief, held as hostage
for release of Mrs. Morgan and Miss
White.. 117
Faulkner, C.E 520, 530, 537, 539
Faxon. Frank A 143
Fay, William J 59
Fechto, Capt. Joseph 437
Fee, John 372
Fee. S 522
Feeble-minded Youth, state school, Win-
field, officers of 522
Feighan, J. W 517
Fellows, A. M . 536
Felt. Andrew J 509, 526
Fenlon, Thomas P 515
Fenn, Dr. E. B 128
F(!rgason, Isaac M 61
Fern, Francis 536
Ferry, L. S iv
Fidelli, Jerome 351
Fields, Joseph 438
Fife, J. O iv
Fifth Kansas cavalry 14, 16
Fike, James Nelson 529, 541
—register at Colby land-office 12
File, W. F 533
Find lay, George 421
Findlay. Geo. W 525
Findlay, Rob 538
Findlay, R. W 518
Fiulaw, Dr. Wm 408
Fiuney, David W 509, 529, 541
—receiver at Topeka land-office 10
Finney county 463, 467, 469, 470, 471
— Indian burial mound in 159
Firmin, Erail 522
First Kansas infantry refases to salate
General Grant 32
First Kansas regiment 14
First white children born in Kansas 260
Fischer, E. L 515
Fish, E 372
Fish, John. 254, 255
Fish, Paschal. 254, 255, 259
Fishback, W. H. M 517, 520
Fisher, Lieut. — , of Long's expedition . .. 440
fisher, Charlie, rescue of from slavery by
Col. D. R. Anthony and other Leaven-
worth free-state men 221
Fisher, George W., register at Topeka land-
office 10
Fisher, Dr. Hugh D iv, 532, 546
— director iii
Fisher,J.W iv
Fisher, John J., register at Topeka land-
office 10
Fisheries, commissioners of 522
Fisk, Rev. D. M 126, 537, 539
Fisk,E 372
Fitch, T. G 541
Fitzgerald, C. J 535
Fitzgerald, W.J 538
Fitzpatrick, Frank A 532
Fitzpatrick, T. D iv
Fitzpatrick, William H 528
Fitzpatrick, W. H., register at Topeka
land-office 10
Flannelly, T. J 514
Flat Rock creek 77
Fleaharty, H. B 540
Fleming, G. Alec 127
Fleming, James I., register at Topeka
land-office 10
Fleming, Patrick 412
Flenniken, B. F 517, 529
Flenniken, Robert P 334
Flint implements, with illustrations, 134, 135
Flood in the Kansas valley, 1844, 1903, 123, 472
Flood of 1826 on the Neosho, destruction
of improvements at Hopefleld mission
among the Osages 480
Flood of 1844 80, 442, 472
Flood of 1785, 1811, 1826, 1844, and 1881, on
the Missouri river 436, 479, 480
Flood of 1903 at Council Grove 137
Florence, Kaw trail near 70
Flour City Ornamental Iron Company 351
Floyd, Sergt. Charles 438
Folks, JohnH 518
Fontaine qui Bouelle, Colorado 491
Food on the Kansas frontier 192, 194
Fool Chief, jr., biographical notes and
portrait. 213, 432, 439
Fool Chief, sr., biographical notes.. .. 426, 432
439
-death of 427
— village of , 1830 425. 483
Foote, Andrew Hull ... 451
Foote, C. E 526, 539
Foote, Capt. Rensselaer W 500
— conveys wounded from Cheyenne bat-
tlefield on the Solomon to Fort Kear-
ney, 1857 505
Foote county 457, 461, 463
Foraging in Texas 407
Forbes, John 521
Forbridger, Robert 528
Ford, George 145
Ford, James H 149
Ford county 456, 458, 461, 462, 463, 467
469, 470
Forestry and irrigation commissioner 522
Forman, John 534
Forman, John W 347
Forney, J. W 532
Forrest, Gen. Nathan B 24, 39, 41
Forsha, Sam 538
GENERAL INDEX.
561
Forsythe, A. P 535
Forsjthe, Maj. George A., to scout in north-
western Kansas for hostile Indians ... 113
Fort, old Indian, in Wilson county, near
Neodesha 136
Fort Arbuckle 116
Fort Atkinson 441, 489
Fort Bent 491
Fort Cobb, I. T 175
Fort Cobb, council with Kiowas, Arapa-
hoes, and Apaches, 1869 116
Fort Dodge 114
Fort Downer 123
Fort Halleck 355
FortHarker Ill, 115
— hospital 386
— Kanapolis built on site of 113
Fort Hays 113, 114, 115
Fort Havs, Black Kettle's band visits Ill
Fort Kearney 46, 487, 493
Fort Lancaster, South Platte. . 493
Fort Laramie 355, 493
Fort Leaven werth Agency 476
Fort Leavenworth, establishment of 87
Fort Leavenworth, first capital of Kansas
territory 331
Fort Leavenworth in 1857 .. 484
Fort Liza , near Council Bluiis 439
Fort Lupton, South Platte 493
Fort Lyon. 491
Fort Macky, on the Arkansas 490
Fort Mann, on the Arkansas 490
Fort Mitchell, North Platte 355
Fort Phil Kearny 110
Fort Riley 30, 115, 240. 335, 439, 501, 502
Fort Riley, military maneuvers at 120
—military reservation, surveys of 230
Fort St. Vrain, on the South Platte 493
Fort Saunders, Washington creek, pro-
slavery camp on 314
Fort Scott, Goodlander's " Early Days " of, 9
—in Price's raid 413
—police commissioners 528
Fort Scott land-offlce 7
Fort Scott to Baxter Springs, state road.. 531
Fort Sill 176
Fort Smith, Ark 414
FortTitus "283
—pro-slavery military camp 340
Fort Tvler, Tex 405
Fort Wallace 113, 115
Fort Wayne, battle of 406
Fort Wichita 175
Fort Wise 487, 491
Forter, Emma E iy
Fossil creek, Russell county 384
Fossil Station, on Union Pacific, Indian
raid in 1868 384
Foster, C. F 531
Foster, Cassius G 97, 542
Foster, Chas. A 372, 374
Foster, Charles Marsh '298
Foster, R. C. 347
Fourth Kansas Militia in the Price raid,
by W. T. McClure v, 149
Fourth Kansas volunteers 14, 16
Fourth of July celebration at Isle au
Vache, 1804 437
Foust, Oscar 515
Fouts, Capt. Wm. D., Seventh Iowa 355
Fowler, E.B 512
Fowler, Uncle Dave 192
Fox, Charles G 128
Fox, Mrs. Lydia Sailor 129
Fox, Col. Simeon M v, 28, 273, 517
—biography 13
—Story of the Seventh Kansas, address
before twenty-seventh annual meeting
of Historical Society, December 2, 1902, 13
Fox Indians, Sac and 82, 85
Frakes, Abraham, register at Wa Keeney
land-office 11
Francis, John iv, 510, 520, 523, 531, 533
—director iii
—past president of the Historical Soci-
ety ii
—36
Francis, Ben 171
Francis. William 128
Frank, Thos 533
Franke, Martha 275
Franklin, J. H ,525
Franklin, battle of, 1356 283,303
Franklin, Douglas county 339, 340
Franklin county 117,450
—Chippewa Indian lands in 82
— federal reserve in 75
—Ottawa Indian reservation in 104
— proslavery men driven out of 182
—Sac and Fox lands in 100, 131
Eraser, Gen. John 511, 516, 531
Fraser, Rev. M. E 130, 168
Fraser, T. C 541
Fredenhagen, E. A 537, 539
Fredenhagen, Mrs. E. A 537
Frederick vs. Gray 9k
Free-state and pro-slavery men, skirmishes
between during the summer and fall of
1856 283
Free-state convention, Buffalo, 1856 . 303
Free-state emigrants through Iowa in 1856
arrested at the Kansas line by Colonel
Cooke, released by Governor Geary at
Topeka 3O6
Free-state emigration, 1857 342
Free-state hotel, Lawrence, order for its
destruction 394
Free Slate ne-wspa-per, Lawrence 186
Free-state meeting, Lawrence, Julji 4, 1855, 365
Free-state military companies 277,278
Free-state movement in Big Springs con-
vention 362
Free-state prisoners at Lecompton 204, 340
—release of, September, 1856 341
Freeborn, J. W .520
Freeling.P.J 528
Freeman, 4ls
Freeman, , and Lawrence town site
controversy 368
Freeman, Geo. 8 521
Freeman. Winfield iv, 114
Freeman's Champion, Prairie City 278
Freitas, Padre 162
Friederich, Robert A 517
Fremont, Gen. John Charles 69, 451
—presidential canvass of 299
Fremont Independent Company, 1856.. 309, 311
Fremont's orchard on the Salt Lake road, 504
French, C 0 513
French, Thomas and Esther, principals
Friends' Shawnee mission 2.52
French traders, parents of Kaw half-
breeds 76
French trading-post on Cow island 438
French trailsmen 68
Friends' Establishment Among the Shaw-
nees in Kansas; paper by Dr. Wilson
Hobbs.. V, 255
Friends' Indiana yearly meeting, minutes
of ; 266
Friends' mission among the Shawnees in
Ohio, near the Wapakoneta reserve.. ..
■261, 267
Friends' monthly meetings and settle-
ments in Kansas 269, 270
Friends of London yearly meeting 262
Friends' policy not to make Quakers of
Indians 260
Friezell, Ed 538
Frizzell, Ed 540
Frontier life in southern Kansas 192
Frontier store. Council Grove 139
Frost, Daniel M 524, 537, 538
—register at Garden City land-office 12
Frost, John E .522, 537, 538, .541
Fuller, Albert 445
Fruits of early Kansas 194
Fry, B. D 167
Fry, Frank, guerrilla killed at Baxter
Springs massacre, 1863 119
Fry, George A 536
Fugit, , Judge Lecompte's statement
regarding trial of 396
502
KANSAS STATE HISTORICAL SOCIETY.
480
517
198
419
101
533
518
32
541
119
320
405
528
Fuller, , farmer to the Osages, 1826
Fuller, A. M
Fuller, Miss Ada
Fuller, Albert
Fuller, Perry,
Fuller, W. H
Fulliuwider. J. H
Fulton, E. R :,-,--vJ
FuurierberRer. guerrilla leader ;;••■■••
Fuustou, Edward H 511, 51b,
Funston, Geu. Frederick, portrait of, given
the Society
Furley, Dr. C. C
Furness, Henry B
Furniss, Joseph
G.
Qaliord,J,C 5|1
(iago, G. G -WS
Gaines, Henry N i-.o" ^£i
Gale, Elbridge al». 523
Qalo block, Topeka •5*8
Gale's and Seaton's Register 74
Galesburg, 111. -.■■ink' JJ:
Gallagher, A. C 4. 525, 536
Gallego, Capt. Juan, of Coronado s expe-
dition, sword of 159
Gandy, Sherman county 50
Gannett, liieut. Isaac 19
Garden City ; ; • -^,0
Garden City land-otfice 11, 1^
Gardener, L. D i'^^
Gardner, Judge , assists in destruc-
tion of indictments of Leavenworth
grand jury against Fisher rescuers — 221
Gardner, Joseph, participation in Stevens-
Hazlett rescue 215, 220, 223, 225
Gardner, Penelope '^''0
Gardner, Robert 536
Gardner, William 270
Garenson, John 168
Garfield, James Abram 451
Garfield county 469, 470
Garmire, Miss Hetty 483
Qarmire, Miss Margaret 483
Garrett, W. M 534
Garrett, Samuel B., register at Junction
City land-oiBce 9
Garrison, Oliver 536
Garrison , Wm. L 418
"Garry Owen" 115
Garver, Clair J 517
Garver, Theodore Franklin 512, 539
Gast, Catherine i581
Gates, Mrs. , of Lawrence, assists
Secretary Stanton in his speech 201
Gates, A. G 539
Gates, Alvin 163
Gause, C. 0 524
Gause, H. E iv
Gautier, Marie Anne. 172
Geary, Gov. John White 305, 307, 341, 338
406, 451, 469, 508
—disbands the pro-slavery militia 283
—and the bailing of Hays 393
—releases, at Topeka, the free-state emi-
grants from Iowa, arrested at the Ne-
braska line 306
— requires statement of official acts of
justices of supreme court 390
Geary county 230, 415, 469. 470
— pioneer experiences in 242
Geiger, A. C. T 514
Gentzor, Art 61
Geological survey, state.. 522
Geological survey. University 522
Georgia, efforts to secure the removal of
tiie Indian tribes frorn.. 73
Georgia military companies in Kansas — 340
Georgians, band of, located on Miami
lands in Miami county 255
Gephart, Marshal 515
Geronimo, Apache chief 110
Qerow, Theodore B.. 521
Getty, James P., gift of certificates of
Wyandotte Town Company 119
Gholson, Gen. 8. J 38, 39
Gilford, Chas. E 518
Gifford,J. B 519
Gifts to the Historical Society 118, 119
Gihon, Dr. John H 306, 338
Gilbert, Eli, receiver at Larned land-office, 11
Gilbert, John H 20
Gilbert, Mrs. Nathan S 246
Gilbert, Samuel L 520
—receiver at Wichita land-office 10
Gilbert, W. D 512
Gilchrist, C. K 513, 515*
Gile, W. S 522
Giles, Fry W 168, 345, 532
Gilkerson, A. D 512
Gill, Miss Helen G vi, viii, ix
—biographical sketch 449
—paper on the establishment of counties
in Kansas 449
Gill, George B. 444
Gill, Dr. Henry Z 523
Gill, John, bugler Seventh Kansas 18
Gill, William H 449
Gillett, Almerin 529
Gillett, H. W 527
Gillett, P. B. 514
Gillpatrick, J. H 512
Gillpatrick, Dr. R 372
Gilman, Prof. Daniel C 419
Gilmore, John S 13, 527
Gilmour. Robert 536
Gish, A. 8 533
Gist, George 451
Gist, JohnC 530
Glass, Mr. 217
Glass, JohnD 539
Glass, Q. A 540
Glass, William S 514
Glasse, W. B 513
Gleason, F ...529
Gleason, Fortunatus, lieutenant Marion
township, Douglas county home
guards 169
Gleason, H. W 535
Gleed, Charles S iv , 147 . 203 , 532
—director iii
Glenn, Flavius J 127
Glick, Geo. W 48, 295, 296, 509, 511
519, 522, 533, 535, 541
—biography •• 296
Glidden, Sarah C 149
Glimpse, Mrs. Joseph 129
Globe Democrat, St. Louis, on the opening
of Kansas to settlement vii
Glotfelter, J. H 526
Glover, Dr. , settles Doctor Cusick's
claim against the Ottawas 106
Glover, Thomas 534
Gluck, , mayor of Dodge City 538
Gnadenhutteu massacre • 86
Godard, Aretas A 510, 532, 533
Godf roy county 450, 453
Going, W.H. 525
Gold discovered in Pike's Peak region by
Missourians, 1857 492
Gold supply, increase of affecting values.. 147
Goldsmith, M 521
Gomess, George 91
Good roads convention, delegates to na-
tional convention 537
Goodellfamily 131
Goodell, John, interpreter for Sac and Fox
Indians I'^S
Goodell, Julia l'^9
Goodhouse, Guy E 538
Goodin, Joel K 334, 345, 371, 520
Goodin, John 108
Goodin, John R 96, 108, 513, 516
— biography 108
Goodland, Sherman county 58, 59
Goodlander, Charles W 540
— ' • Early Day s of Fort Scott " 9
Goodlander, Frank 541
Goodnow, Rev. Isaac T 349, 511, 531
Goodrich, Miss J. Augusta 134
Goodyear, C. E 518
GENERAL INDEX.
563
Gookin, Maj. Milo 174
Gordon, Charles E 24
Gordon, David 519
Gordon, G F 232
Gordon, Hiuton 528
Gordon, Hugh Douglas 195, 198
Gordon, W. L 348
Goss, George, bugler Seventh Kansas 18
Goss, Nathaniel S., register Humboldt
land-office 8
—ornithological collection of 522
Goss, William 525
Gould, W. O 526
Gove county 456, 459, 463, 465, 466, 469
Governors, state, list of 509
— territorial, list of 508
Gower, MaryC 94
Graff, Miss Caroline 352
Graham, George 510, 529
Graham, Capt. Geo. W Ill
Graham, J. T 540
Graham, R. St. Clair 512
Graham, Robert 347
Graham. Robert G 128
Graham, William 345
Graham county _ 456, 458
Grain-inspection commission 522
Grand luries, border-ruffian 221
Grand Saline 502
Granger, Gen. Gordon 32
Granger, Thomas 534
Grant, George 180
Grant, John T 180
Grant, Joseph G 128
Grant, M. S 517
Grant. Gen. U. S.. refusal of First Kansas
infantry to salute 32
Grant county 457, 461, 463, 469, 470
Grantville. 508
Grasshopper creek ., 90, 487
Grasshopper Falls, free-state convention,
August 26, 18.57 363
Graves, Calvin N 62
Graves, Charles B 513
Graves, Geo. C 517
Graves, W. W 168
Gray, Alfred 518, 519, 522
Gray,E. M 540
Gray, Col. W. F 521
Gray county 463, 466; 469
Graybiil, James M 526
Great Bend 503
Great bend of the Arkansas 157, 489, 490
Great Sealof Kansas, paper, by Robert Hay, 289
Greef. A. H 522
Greeley, Horace 4, 187
Greelev county 457, 461, 469
Green, A. H 517
Green, Charles R iv, v
-biography 100, 126
— historial work in Osage county 126
Green, George S 512
Green, Nehemiah 509. 511, 518
Green, Wm 539
Green, Wm. H 127
Green. Capt. W. W 149
Greene, Adrian L 512
Greene, Albert Robinson iv, 529, 543
—biography of .1
—director ill
—United States land-offices in Kansas,
address before twenty-seventh annual
meeting. December 2, 1902 . . 1
Greene, Elisha Harris 1
Greene, Henry M 522
Greene, L. M 545
Greene, Lucy Stacy 1
Greenlee, J.F 439, 540, 541
Greenwood, A. W. . 540
Greenwood, Alfred B 98
Greenwood county 450, 453, 456, 457, 459
Greenwood Sac and Fox agency on the
Marais des Cygnes river 131
Greer, Capt. J. E 356
Greer, John P 347, 517
Greer, Samuel W'iley 508
Gregg, Eli H 330
Gregg, Maria 152
Gregg, Thomas 152
Gregory, Charles H., major Seventh Kan-
sas 21,28,34, 44
Gregory, H. S B37
Gregory, J. W 537, 54(.i
Gregory, Wm 127
Greenlup, M 61
Gress, W. S.. 528
Grierson, Gen. BeDjamih Henry.. .. 38, 39, 42
Griffin, A.J.. 536
Griffin, Burrell 534
Griffin, Ross 38U
Griffing, Rev. James Sayre 134
Griffing,William J iv, v, 136, 167
— biography 133
—director iii
—report of committee on explorations.. 133
Griffith, Wm. R 345, 347, 511
Grigsby, C. E 5:39
Grimes, Frank E 510,533
Grimes, Gov. James W., of Iowa, 1856 305
Grimes, W. H 524
Grimm, Henry, biography 352, 357, 359
Grimsley , Prof. George P 516
Grinnell, J. B 107
Grinstead, V. H 515, 535
Grisham, T. H 530
Grooms, A. . 372
Grosser, Emil 531, 533
Grovenor, G. iv
Grover,O.J :. 518, 527
Guess, George 451
Gunn, Charles H 379
Gunn, Fred C 379
Gunn, Otis B.. 517
— in memoriam v, 378
Guthrie, Abelard 252, 372
Guthrie, James 332
Guthrie, John iv, 511, 513
—director. iii
— portrait, by Worrall, given the Society, 119
Guthrie, Warren William 510, 527, 538
Gypsum creek, Indian relics found on 135
H.
Haas, William 127
Hackbusch, H. C. F iv
Hacker, M. L 528
Hackett, Ansel B 128
Hadley, Ira 269
Hadley, John 266
Hadley, T.J 129
Hageman county 456, 458
Hagerstown, Md 218
Haggerty, John, clerk, Lecompton land-
office 6
Hahn, Miss Tamsel 524
Haines, Henry M 511
Hairgrove, Asa 510
Halderman, Gen. John A iv, 229, 307, 532
— biography 331,333
— letter relating to Governor Reader's
selection of territorial capital 332
Hale, Lieut. J. H, Ill
Hale, Samuel 1 530
Hall, Mrs. Benjamin G 127
Hall, John 529, 538
Hallenback, Geo. W 541
Haller, James 525
Hallett, Samuel 204
Halloway, H. W.. 540
Hallowell, James R 96, 518, 542
Hamer, Robert W., quartermaster Seventh
Kansas .... 18, 28
Hamill, Col. S. R 110
Hamilton, Alvin 128
Hamilton, A. L. L 514
Hamilton, Clad j.v
—director iii
Hamilton, E. M 3l2
Hamilton, James 5S6
Hamilton, James W 510, 524, 536
Hamilton, John 250, 37*2
Hamilton, John R — 514
564
KANSAS STATE HISTORICAL SOCIETY.
Hamilton, Capt. Louis M., killed US, 116
Hamilton, O. P., account of flood in Kan-
sas valley 478
Hamilton county., 457, 461, 463, 467. 469, 470
Hamlin, AuRust. 535
Hamlin pulilic schools 324
HarHmat, Abram 512
Hammond, H. C 520
Hammond, John 550, 531
Hammond, William A 232
Hammond revival, Lawrence 80, 317
Hampton, L. J ,• 508
Hampton, Mrs. R. L 537
Hamuli, J. M 5:i5
Hanback, Mrs. Hester A 524
Hanback, Lewis 516
—receiver at Salina land-ofEce 9
Hanby, William N 528
Hancock, T. N 530
Hancock, W. S 530
Hancock, Capt. Winfield Scott 486
Hanes, George W 129
Haney, F. A 3»2
Haney , J. G 538
Hankammer, Sergt. Adolph.. 357
Hankins, — , conductor Illinois company,
18.56 309
Hanlon, Frank 411
Hanna. Benj. J. P 518
—register at Hays City and Wa Keeney
land-otfices 11
Hanna, David J 509
Hanna, James T 160, 167
Hannibal & St. Joseph railroad officials
give aid to John Brown's friends.. 217, 218
Hannon, John 520, 537
Hanway, James 180, 223. 282, 347, 524
—interested in the rescue of .John Brown
from jail at Charlestown 214
" Happv Land of Canaan," new version. . . 36
Hard Chief's village, 1830 425, 432, 434
Harding, Benjamin 372
Harding, Eva 537, 539
Harding, J. M 478
Harmony mission among the Osages.. 73, 479
Harnaday, Ellen 252
Harnaday , William H 2.52
Harper county 456, 458
Harrington, N 535
Harris's stage station on the Santa Fe
road 238
Harris, Mrs. — , of Franklin county 181
Harris, Amos . 514
Harris, Amos J., receiver at Kirwin land-
office 11
Harris, Edward P iv, 314
—biography 312
—director iii
Harris, Frank 534
Harris, Hart S 62
Harris, Merlin C 129
Harris, Ransom L 324
Harris, W. T 420
Harris, Wm. A 515. 516, 524, 534
-expenses as United States senator 321
Harris. William D 237
Harrisburg, £'a .. 214
Harrison, Captain — confederate soldier
killed on the Verdigris by Osage In-
dians in May, 1863 66
Harrison, President Benjamin 317
Harrisfin, Richard 535
Harrison, Col. Thomas W 535
Hart, J. M 530
Hart, James H 314
Hart.M.P 314
Hart,01iverA 90
Harvey, Alexander Miller 509
Harvey, Elizabeth, superintendent Friends'
Shawnee mission 252, 268
Harvey, Henry 478
— history of the .Shawnees ; 78
Harvey, Henry and Ann, superintendents
Friends' Shawnee mission 252
Harvey, Gov. James M 351. 509, 515
517, 533
Harvey, Isaac 261
Harvey, Jesse, superintendent Friend.-^'
Shawnee mission 268
Harvey, Sarah T 252, 268
Harvey, Simon D 252
Harvey, Thomas B . 268
Harvey, Col. Thos. H., superintendent In-
dian affairs 76, 479
Harvey, W. H 379, 252, 26H
Harvey county 457, 461, 462
Harwi, A. J 541
Haskell, Dudley C 1, 511, 516
— biography 96
Haskell, Franklin 96
Haskell, Capt. John G... iv, 518, 523, 531, .537
-architect of State-house 350, 351
— director iii
—past president of Historical Society. . . i i
Haskell & Wood 531
Haskell, Mrs. John G 123
Haskell, W. H 527, 528, 539
Haskell, W. W 522
Haskell county 469,470
Haskell Indian School, Lawrence 282
Hatch, Gen Edward 24. 45
Hatch's division, Seventh Kansas, assigned
to 44
Hatfield, F.P 525, .533
Hatfield, Rudolph 526
Hatfield, Dr. T. 1 521
Hathaway, G. E .539
Hauck, Ellen 417
Haughey, John W 522
Hauserman, J. W .528
Hawkins, Richard 533
Haworth, Prof. Erasmus.... 472, 522, 524, 536
Hay.John 187
Hay, Robert v, 516, 522. 537
Hay, Robert, paper on the great seal of
Kansas 289
Hayes, F. L. iv
Hayes, Rev. Francis L 126
Hayes, Col. Josiah E 407, 510
Hayes, Robert 25
Hayes, Robert R., receiver at Kirwin land-
oflice 11
Hayes, Pres. Rutherford B 42U
Hayes, Col. Dptou, capture of his camp by
Seventh Kansas 29
Haynes, Mrs. C. H .534
Hays, United States marshall 288
Hays, Charles, Judge Lecompte's state-
ment in regard to bailing of 393
Hay*, Seth M., trader among the Kaws at
Council Grove 139, 234, 258, 425
—pioneer store at Council Grove, illus-
tration 142
Hays City land-office 1 1
Hayward, Col. ., general superintend-
ent H. & St. J. rid 217, 226
Hazen, Judge Z. T 51:!
Hazlett, Albert, attempt to rescue him
from jail at Charlestown, Va 213-226
Hazlett, R. H • . .536
Heally, P. V 535
Health, members of State Board 522
Heap of Bears, Arapahoe chief 175
Heath, H. A 535,537
Heatou, Monroe W 127
Heberling, Mrs. Hiram H 128
Heberling, S. L 12H
Hebron, W. S 517
Hedges, J. N 536
Hedges, J. W 61
Hedges, John 127
Heed. Albert 334
Heerv, Michael 351, .531
Heflebower, David H 510, 535. 539
Heg. Col. Hans C. killed at the battle of
Chickamauga 273
Heilbruu, Benjamin 535
Heiskoll, Gen. William. A 178, 288
Heisler, E. F 539, 540, .541
Heitman's register of the United States
army 438
Heizer, David N .529
GENERAL INDEX.
565
Heizer, Judge Robert C 515, 128, 129
Heller, David 523
Helm, Thomas M., register at Kirwin land-
office 11
Helman, W. A 535
Henderlider, Van '. 196
Henderson, Ben 539
Henderson, Frank E 520
Henderson, M. D. . , 528, 229
Henderson, Capt. Robert 167, 245
—escape from Camp Ford, Texas, paper
bv Geo. W. Martin v, 404
Hend'ricks, Thomas A 2, 3, 204
Hengstler, Herman 61
Henley, A 536, 537
Henrv, Patrick 185
Henry, T. C 518, 522
Henry, W. F 'i»0
Henry, William 21, 35
Henshaw, Nathan and Lydia, at Friends'
Shawnee mission in Kansas 267
Henshall. Thos 518
Hensley, E 527
Hentig, e.G 521
Henton, James J 127
Henton, John R. 127
Heren, Cyrus 514
Herald, Leavenworth 184
Herald of Freedom, office indicted by
federal grand jury 367
Herbert, Ewiag 534
Hermit living in the neighborhood of
Council Grove, 1855 233
Herrick.J.T 514
Herrick,R.T iv
Herrick, Thomas P., major and colonel
Seventh Kansas, 18, 27, 28, 29, 39, 43, 47
—in command of foray of Seventh Kan-
sas into Johnson county. Mo 30, 31
Herron, of Canville creek 191
Hershfield, R. M 532
Hesper, Quantrill kills citizen of, in Au-
gust, 1863 270
Hessin,JohnE 518, 533
Hetrick, F. 0 521
Hettinger. I. H 517
Hewins.E.M 510
Hiatt, Mrs. , daughter of Augustus
Wattles, of Linn county 224
Hiatt, Curtis 269
Hiatt, Daniel B 372
Hiatt, O.S 527
Hiatt, Thaddeus. 3J4, 313
" Hiawatha" quoted by Secretary Stanton
to the people of Lawrence in 1857 200
Hibben, J. B 518
Hicklan, , slaves taken from by John
Brown 411
Hickman's mills 16
Hickory Point, Jefferson county, battle, 405
449, 487
— prisoners encamped at Lecompton.. 341
Hicks, PbilN 535
Hicks, William 345
Higgins.J.W 539
Higgins. William 510
Higginson, Col. Thomas Wentworth 418
— correspondence relative to the at-
tempted rescues of John Brown and
of his men, Stevens and Hazlett, De-
cember, 1859-February , 1860. 213-220
High, J. N 511
High waters in Kansas, from the diary of
Rev. Jotham Meeker and others. .. vi, 472
Highways, Indian 133
Higinbotham, Geo. W 518
Hildreth, George, conductor Wisconsin
Pioneer Company 309, 312
Hillyer. George Shaler 5(0
Hill, A 167
Hill,J. D 528
Hill, Prof. Joseph H iv, 541
—director iii
Hill,MaryE 264
H ill Spring post-office 2ij7
Hilliker, R. W 528
Hillis.E.L
Hills, W.C
Hillyer, George H
Hilton, R. H
Hinckley, H. V
Hindman, J. P
Hindman, John C
Hindman, Capt. W. T
Hinds, S. O
Hinkle, Sarah E
Hinman, W. A
Hinsdale ( Harrisburg, Pa.)
Hinshaw.N.M
Hinton, Mrs. Isabel B., gift of manuscripts
and photographs collected by the late
Col. Richard J. Hinton
Hinton, Col. Richard J 119, 203, 275,
330, 449, 521.
—letters collected in the preparation of
his "John Brown and his men," and
given the Society by Mrs. Hinton
—his account of the attempt to rescue
Stevens and Hazlett from the Charles-
town jail
—visits Kansas in the interest of a rescue
of John Brown or of Stevens and
Hazlett
Hippie, Samuel
Histed,T. C.
His-til-lis-sa, or Blue Eyes, Kansas Indian
chief. _■
Historical Society, Kansas
History of Kansas to be taught in the pub-
lic schools
Hitchcock, A. E
Hitchcock, Albert S
Hitchcock, C. B
Hitchcock, E. C 530,
Hitt, James J., receiver at Topeka land-
office
Hoag,Ed
Hoag, Enoch
Hoar, Judge Ebenezer
Hobbs. Walton C
Hobbs, Dr. Wilson, The Friends' Estab-
lishment iu Kansas Territory I Johnson
county '■
Hobbs, Mrs. Zelinda
Hobson. Gen. E. H
Hoch, Edward W iv, 511,
—director • ■
Hodder, Prof. Frank H iv, viii, 123,
—director... ,
Hodge, F. W., of the Bureau of Ethnology,
159, 160,
Hodge, James H ■ •- •■- •
Hodge, John M., receiver at Cawker land-
office ,
—register at Salina land-office
Hodgeman, Amos, captain company F,
Seventh Kansas •■ 22, 24,
Hodeeman, Mrs. Kitty, wife of Capt. Amos
Hodgeman ,„^
Hodgeman county.. 461, 462, 463, 467, 469,
Hodges, John ■.■•; •
Hoecken. Father Christian, missiODary to
the Pottawatomies
Hoffhines, Mr.
Hofraan, M ••••
Hoffman, C. B 518, 535, 539,
Hoffman, S. E
Hogeboom, Dr. Geo. W
Hoffue, J. M
Hohenick, J. E
Hohn, August
Hoisingtou, A. J ■.■ai
—receiver at Garden City land-office. ...
Holcomb, .A. A
Holcomb, Elihu
Holden, J. D a-;;;-
Holland, J. C, state architect... 348, 351,
Holland creek, Indian relics found on._...
Hollenbeak, George W 527,
Hollenberg, G. H.
Hollibaugh, Mrs. E. F
HoUiday, Charles K
530
351
345
538
537
513
129
129
514
198
312
214
520
119
314
524
213
219
214
347
431
523
121
537
516
540
541
10
533
105
418
260
250
252
544
541
iii
167
167
62
41
25
470
536
83
167
521
540
347
511
520
372
520
518
12
525
47
539
531
135
533
521
152
536
56«
KANSAS STATE HISTORICAL SOCIETY.
532
527
536
127
472
535
514
515
444
127
169
533
51
Holliday, Cyrus K 334, 339, 345, 348,
516, 523, 528,
—past president of the Historical So-
ciety
Holliday, frank E
Holliday, John
HoUinssworth, Nelson
Holmes, John
Holsiuser, Frank
Holt, Joel 512,
Holt, W.G
HoltoD, John Brown and his twelve slaves
overtaken near
Holyoko, Samuel H
Home cnard of Douglas county, 1863
Homeless and indigent children
Homesteaders' Protective Association
Homesteaders' Union Association of Sher-
man county
Honchin, A. M
Hood. Calvin 539, 540,
Hood, Harry E
Hood, H.P
Hood, J. M 350,
Hooeland, Edward
Hook, H. M
Hook. Wm. C
Hoover, Dr. Eli M
Hoover, Frank
Hopefield, mission among the Osages. ...
HopWins, Gov. (Hoppin, Wm. E.) of R. I...
Hopkins, Maj. Henry 527,
Hopkins, Scott iv,
—director
Hopkins, W. E t....
Hoppe, . murdered by Fugit, near
Leavenworth
Hornadav, Grant iv, 520, 537,
Horner, J. W
Horseslioe creek :
Horseshoe Lake, trading-house at, 1829...
Horse-railway, Maryland, 1828
Horse stealing by the Kansas Indians
Horse-thief, capture of at Fossil station..
Horticultural Society, State
Horton, Judge Albert H 147, 512,
532,
Horton, .James C iv, v, 528,
— biography
— business then and now ; address before
the twenty-eight annual meeting of
the Historical Society, Dec. 1, 1903.
— reminiscences of, address before the
twentv-eighth annual meeting of the
Historical Society, Dec. 1, 1903 ....
Hoss. Dr. Geo. W
Hotel accommodations in Kansas, 1854 ...
Hotel near the landing, Kansas City, built
for California emigration
Hottell, , of Sherman county
Hough, Zeri and Miriam H
Houghland, D. P
Houk, Lysander 513, 523,
House-building on the frontier
Household furnishings, 1855
Householder, M. A 520,
Houser, Samuel 178, 182,
Houston, David W 22, 147,
— captain and lieutenant-colonel com-
pany H, seventh Kansas 24, 33,
—captures forty confederates
Houston, Levi ,
Houston, Samuel D. 347. 372,
-receiver at Junction City land-ofEce. ..
—resigns his seat in territorial house,
1855
Houts, T. F
HouK, Dr. J. O
Hovey, Charles Merrill
Hovey.G.U.S
—collection of Indian implements
—director iii
Howard, A.S ,51.5
Howard, E. 15 380
Howard, Oliver Otis 451
Howard. William 77
53
521
541
525
541
531
185
372
542
523
535
480
304
529
532
396
541
525
354
425
129
432
388
523
518
542
543
143
143
199
525
228
251
61
252
iv
533
193
244
537
279
542
39
34
526
518
336
532
.521
510
iv
161
Howard, Wm. A
Howard county 457, 4.58, 459,
Howe, E. W iv,
—director
Howe, Mrs. John
Howe, Dr. Samuel G.... 308, 313,
— estimate of probable effect of the exe-
cution of John Brown
Howe, Samuel T 510,
Howell, Augustus, owner of store at Dia-
mond Springs
Howell, Henry
Howell, Matthew
Howell, W. H
Howerton. John
Howsley, William M
Hoy t, Charles E
Hoyt, George H
— attorney general of Kansas, defeats
Sturgis's attempt to secure Osage lands
for L. L. & G. railroad . ..'
—biographical sketch •
— captain company K, Seventh Kansas..
—letters to J. W. LeBarnes relative to
the rescue of John Brown from Charles-
town jail 213,
— goes to Charlestown, Va., at the in-
stance of J. W. LeBarnes, as junior
counsel for John Brown
Hoyt, G. W
Hoyt, Prof. J. G
Hubbard, David iv,
— biography
— reminiscences of the Yeager raid on
the Santa Fe trail in 1863, address be-
fore the twenty-eighth annual meet-
ing of the Historical Society, December
1. 1903
Hubbard, E.M
Hubbard, Lieut. .1. M., letter relative to
Platte river bridge massacre
— estimate and anecdotes of James H.
Lane
Hubbard, J. C
Hubbard, Jeremiah
Hubbard, P. L
Hubbard, Thos. D
Hubbard, Thos. A 519, 535,
Hudson, B
Hudson, C. L. .
Hudson, Gen. Jos. K iv, 147, 511,
518, 519,
— director
Hudson, Thomas J 516,
Huffaker, J. F
Huffaker, T. S., missionary to the Kansas
Indians, Council Grove 234,
Huffman, Andrew .J
Huffman, P. R....
Hughes, , Indian agent, 1829
Hughes, Isaac J
Hughes, J. F 167,
Hughes, Col. James W.F iv,. 517,
Hughes. John '
Hull, Charles
Hull, Charles W
Hull.P.E
Hults, Dr. M. I
Humana's expedition, 1595, probably
reached Kansas
Humboldt, candidate for state capital ..
— raided by Confederate Indians under
Standwaite
— Seventh Kansas encamped at, Feb-
ruary-March, 1862,
Humboldt land-office raided by guerrillas,
Humphrey, J. M
Humphrey, .ludge James ... 315, 513, 529,
— Samuel D. Dyer
— canvass for district judge
Humphrey, .lames R
Humphrey, Lyman U 48, 509, 533,
Humphries, Lewis
Hunt, Ashael
Hunt, F. A
Hunt, F. B
366
463
534
iii
127
418
218
529
169
127
527
530
535
523
312
510
107
107
26
218
218
534
417
V
16S
168
347
201
201
541
269
512
539
53H
528
534
513
541
518
525
425
127
535
424
21
168
534
539
524
526
525
521
162
347
62
30
S
523
532
243
140
127
541
128
508
304
529
GENERAL INDEX.
567
Hunt, F. E 528
Hunt, Harmon D, adjutant, Seventh Kan-
t;3 J 22 28
Huat,~MrV. Ida P". !'..'!!!!!'.'.!'.'.'.."!'.!." V. ... .' 5«
Hunt, Morris 345, 371, 372
Hunter, Geo. H 542
Hunter. Robert 534
Hunter, Robert Mercer Taliaferro 451
Hunter, S.J 526
Hunter, Wm .. 519
Hunter, William J., receiver at Hays City
and WaKeeney land-office .. 11
Hunter county 450, 453
Hunting, Dr. Amory 345, 372
Hupp, William 128
Hurd, H. B., secretary National Kansas
committee 304, 315
Hurd, Theodore A 512
Hurd, W.J 527, 530, 537
Huron, G. A iv
Hurrel,C.F .....: 531, 533
Hurricane creek, battle of 45
Hurst, Keenan 525
Husey, A. C 528
Huston, Mr. —, of Riley county 246
Huston, 1 62
Hutchinson, C. C 104, 105
— bioerraphy of 80
Hutchinson, David C 196
Hutchinson, Edward 514
Hutchinson, John 371, 372, 374
Hutchinson, Perry 529, 541
Hutchinson, William 305, 347
Hutchison, Wm. Easton .... 515, 338, 339, 340
Hyatt, Thaddeus 214, 240
Hyde, A. M i v
I.
latan. Mo. - 436
Ide, Henry W 512, 515
Illinois company of emigrants to Kansas,
1856 3U9, 311, 363
Immigration to Kansas from middle states,
etc 187, 363
Immigration to Kansas of Northern men a
source of irritation to Missourianq 238
Independence, Mo 326
— Price repulsed at 46
—raided by Seventh Kansas 29
Independence landing, first called Prime's
landing 425
Independence. Montgomery county, land-
office 8
Independence creek, Kan., Fourth of July
celebration on 438
IncUrni Advocate, published by Rev. Isaac
McCoy 74
Indian battles 83
Indian burial, modes of 63, 134
Indian claims, commissioners to audit,
]S69-'79 523
Indian corn found by Coronado in Kansas, 135
Indians, customs of those found in Kansas
by Coronado 154
Indian emigration law of 1830 74
Indian flints and other implements. .. 134, 135
152, 163
—illustrations 156, 160, 164
Indian floats 86
Indian alarms 70
Indian games of chance 431
Indian highway 141
Indian hostilities along overland routes,
1S65 353
Indian immigration to Kansas 72
Indians, intoxication of, to secure the rati-
fication of treaties by them 84
Indian kettles 431
Indian letters of introduction.. 2.50
Indian library of the Society 122
Indian manuscripts 251
Indian marriage ceremonies 430
Indians, methods of mutilating victims. .. 359
Indian missions, character of work done
in 268
Indian mounds and village sites, report of
W. E. Richey upon.. 135
Indian mounds, explorations of 134, 159
Indian mounds, intrusive burials in 135
Indian musical instruments 210
Indian names in Kansas 173
Indian omnibus treaty of 1868 92
Indian oratory 112
Indian pay-day among the Shawnees 259
Indian ponies 208
Indian ponies killed at capture of Black
Kettle's village 115
Indian portraits 116, 138, 208, 212
Indian pottery 134, 135, 164
Indian problem of 1865, in the West. 361
Indian raid by Black Kettle, in 1868, in
Russell, Lincoln, Mitchell, and Repub-
lic counties 112
Indian raid on Fossil Station, Russell
county, in 1868 384
ladian reservations in Kansas and the ex-
tinguishment of their title ; thesis of
Miss Anna Heloise Abel, read before
the twenty-seventh annual meeting of
the Historical Society, December 2,
1902.. V, 72, 86
Indian reservations in Kansas, areas of
each, 1854 3
Indian squaws and children killed .in cap-
ture of Black Kettle's village on the
Washita, 1868.. 115
Indian students, condition of on reaching
the mission school 253
Indian tepee in Cheyenne village on Wa-
shita, illustration . 112
Indian traders and trading post 423. 489
Indian tribes, history of the western move-
ment and migration of. paper in pre-
paration by Miss Anna H. Abel 72
Indian trust lands 7
Indian village sites, ancient Kansas 133
Indians and the civil war 173
Indians entertained by Mrs. Jas. R. Mc-
Clure 244
Indians of the plains, 1825.. .... 75
Indians of the West and Southwest, at-
tempt of confederates to incite them
to take up arms against the United
States 66
Indian annuity payment 423, 425, 431
Indiana, emigration to Kansas from '3SS
Indiana yearly meeting of Friends, min-
utes of 250, 266
Indianola, Calhoun county 481, 487
Industrial School for Girls, Beloit 524
Industrial Reformatory, Hutchinson, 523, 524
Ingalls, Rev. Frank T 532
Ingalls, John J 147, 185, 277, 278
347, 363, 515, 517
—account of Marshall Cleveland 23
— statement regarding origin of Kansas
seal "294, '296, 297
Ingersoll, Archie., ^- 127
Ingraham, Henry 127, 129
Ingraham, W. D 531
Ingram, J. R • 168
Inman, Maj. Henry 111. 275
Inman, Miss Lucy l'?!
Insane asylum, Osawatomie, list of officers, 524
Insane asylum, Topeka, list of officers — 524
Insley, Harry E. . 517
Inspectors-general of Kansas .■■.■■ ^^'
Insurance department, state commission-
ers of .■ 524
International irrigation congress, list of _
Kansas delegates 537, 538
Internatioual Live-stock Exposition, Kan-
sas City, 1903, list of delegates 534
Ion, John 152
Ion, William J 152
lonis Indians ^ 173
Iowa emigration to Kansas • 363
Iowa, free-state emigration through... 302- 308
Iowa Sac and Fox of Missouri 82, 91
Iowa trust lands ^
5f)8
KANSAS STATE HISTORICAL SOCIETY.
145
524
509
477
451
453
307
508
Iron for railroad building brouglit from
England
Irrigation survey and experiment, board of,
Irvin. J. K
Irviu, Rev. S. N
Irving, Washington 189,
Irving county
Isacks. Andrew J., United States attorney
for Kansas territory 2, 86, 229,
332, 333, 336,
Isely, Prof. Wm. H iv
— director iii
Isbam, Asa B 405
Isle an Vache, paper, by Geo. J. Remsburg,
iv, 436
Isopete, a guide of Coronado 155
Itaska, Sherman county 5)
luka, battle of 33
Ives, John Nutt 510, 540
J.
Jackson, Col. — , in command of confeder-
ate troops, battle of Corinth .33
Jackson, A. M 514, 516
Jackson, President Andrew, policy regard-
ing the removal of the Indians from
the South 74, 82
Jackson, Judge H. M 443,512, .532
.Jackson, Stonewall (Thomas Jonathan), 148
Jackson, Theodore 312
Jackson, Z 3.50, 323
Jackson county 456, 459
— Kickapoo Indian lands in 90
— Pottawatomie Indians in 103
— survey of 2
Jackson county. Mo 324
Jacobs, Geo. A 538
Jacobs.J.B 61
Jacobs, John L .528
Jacobs, L. W 524
.Jails in territorial days 145
James Brothers 280
James, Frank 325
.James, Geo. W 77
James, Jesse 325
Jansen, Henry 528
.Japanese collection of curios given the
Society by Rev. and Mrs. M. B. Mad-
den 119
Jaramillo, a captain in Coronado's expe-
dition 155
Jarrell, J.'F 540
Javins, J..F 372
Jay, Mrs. Mahala 268
"Jayhawker," name applied to the Sev-
enth Kansas volunteer cavalry 23, 48
" Jayhawkers of '49" 17
Jayhawkers' territorial free-state mili-
tary .'organization 276
Jayhawkers, origin of the term . 17
Jefferson, Thomas, suggested the removal
of eastern Indian tribes to the west of
the Mississippi 72
Jefferson, Thomas, Kansas Indian 482
"Jefferson," steamboat of Long's expe-
dition 439
Jefferson barracks 484
Jefferson City, Mo 'Z51
Jefferson county 450, 472
— Delaware trust lands in . 89
— Kansas Indian agency in 423
— survey of 2
Jenkins, Evan .Jeff 515
—receiver at the Concordia land-office. .. 10
Jenkins, Gains 186, 340, 402
Jenkins, Juuius W 380, 528
Jenkins, Louis H 520
.lenkins, R. VV 519, 527
Jenkins, Maj. William S., captain and lieu-
tenant colonel Co. C, Seventh Kansas,
20, 28
— register at Wichita land-office 10
— wounded 41
Jenkins Ferry, battle of ius
Jenks, Rebecca H 252
Jenks, W. S [ iv
Jeuness, Horace W
Jenness, Paul
Jennings, VV. L
Jennisou, Col. Charles R 15, 16,
—conduct when colonel of the Seventh
Kansas 27, 28,
Jensen, W. F
Jessee, James W
Jessee, William 369,
Jessup, Levi
Jesuit missionaries
Jewell, C. W
Jewell county 456, 457,
Jewett, .4l. V
Jewett, E. B 527,537,
Jocelyn, S. E., Wichita 528,
"John Brown Song'" sang by company K,
Seventh Kansas.
Johnson, Col. Alexander S. .. iv, 260, 333,
336, 369, 428,
— director
Johnson, Aquilla
Johnson, Chas F 515,
Johnson, Ed
Johnson, Mrs. Elizabeth A iv,
—director.
Johnson, Fielding
Johnson, F. B 533, .539,
Johnson, F. C
Johnson, G. W. 272,
Johnson, George iv,
Johnson, Geo. H T
Johnson, George Y
Johnson, Gus
Johnson, Hampton P., colonel Fifth Kan-
sas volunteers
Johnson, Henry
Johnson, James
Johnson, John
Johnson, J. A., bridge contractor 135,
Johnson, Maj. John A
Johnson, J. H 525,
Johnson, J. F
Johnson, J. W
Johnson, John B
Johnson, John B 511,
Johnson, Oliver 214,
Johnson, Rev. Thomas 252, 256, 260,
336, 428,
Johnson T. S
Johnson, Thomas L
Johnson, Rev. William, mission among the
Kansas)
Johnson, William Alexander 512,
Johnson, W.J
Johnson, William L. A 524 ,
Johnson county 450-
— Indian missions in
— Shawnee lands in
Johnson county, Mo,, raided by Seventh
Kansas
Johnston, Gen, Albert Sidney
Johnston, G. F 525.
Johnston, John, agent for the removal of
the Delawares to Missouri
Johnston, Col. Joseph E. 485,
-in Cheyenne expedition of 1857
Johnston, Saunders W 76, 229, 332,
435,
Johnston, William Agnew 510,
Johnston, W. C
Jones Brothers of Missouri
Jones, A. B
Jones, C. A
Jones, CD. 538,
Jones, C. Pj
Jones, C. H
.Jones, Charles M
Jones, D. C
Jones, David
Jones, Frank L
Jones, Geo. W
Jones, J. C
Jones, J. J 410, 414,
Jones, James R., register at Lecompton
land-office
127
101
.535
18
29
539
128
372
270
83
,531
4.58
530
539
540
26
334
520
iii
61
519
540
167
iii
508
540
539
520
168
523
5 -'3
536
15
127
372
536
160
414
535
529
525
510
515
215
333
5')9
.521
528
426
530
527
536
1.54
80
93
30
503
533
341
486
333
509
512
527
59
538
188
511
528
534
528
518
252
61
541
168
415
GENERAL INDEX.
569
Jones, John T
Jones, N . L
Jones, Ottawa
Jones, Robert
Jones, Samuel J 170, 185, 278, 338,
—and family 227 ,
— contractor territorial capitol, 1856
—residence in Lecompton
—postmaster, Westport, Mo
Jones, Samuel P
Jones, Samuel W
Jones, Theodore
Jones, W. C 527, 539,
Jones, W. M
Jordan, W. H
Jordon, Wm.
Joseph, Nez Perces chief
Journeycake (now Linwood), Leaven-
worth county
Joy, James F 106,
Judd, Charles C
Judd, Henry
Judge advocates general of Kansas
Judges of circuit court of Shawnee county.
Judges of Kansas district court
Judiciary of Kansas, territorial 389,
Judges of tlie court of common pleas
Judson, Col. William R
Julesburg, Colo
Jumper, Horace G
Junction City 240,
Junction City and John A. Anderson
Junction City land-office
Junction Station, Colo
Juniata, Riley county
Junkin, John E i v ,
— director
.Junkins, C
Junneau, H
•lustices of the supreme court, territorial
and state 509 ,
K.
178
525
180
129
395
228
382
8
229
5-::2
532
232
542
524
535
372
110
132
199
129
129
517
515
512
435
515
15
353
520
319
316
9
353
134
534
iii
372
530
Kaffer, Chas. F
Kagi, John H
Kaiser, Charles
Kahwsot, Pottawatomie Indian
Kako, Shawnee Indian
Kalloch, Isaac S., jr
Kalloch, Isaac S 104, 105,
— biography
Ka-lu-wende, Kansas squaw .
Kah-he-ga-wa-ti-an-gah, sr., 425, 426, 432,
Kah-he-ga-wa-ti-an-gah, II Fool Chief of
the Raws 206, 248, 432,
—portrait
KanavehG.W 520,
Kanopolis built on site of Fort Harker. . ..
Kansas Central Railroad (Leavenworth
narrow-gage )
Kansas City, Kan., police commissioners..
Kansas City, Mo., hotel, near landing, for
California emigration
—in 18.54, description by J. R. McClure...
-in 1857
—residents largely free-state in 1855
—site of, flooded in 1826 and 1844.. .. 479,
Kansas, county .. 457, 461, 463,
Kansas Falls, Geary county
" Kansas Farmer "
'■ Kansas Free State," Lawrence . . . 299,
Kansas half-breeds, survey of lands on the
Kansas river for
Kansas Indian agency, Jefferson county ..
— Morris county 206,
Kansas Indian burial customs. .. 134, 208,
Kansas Indian chiefs. .
Kansas Indian council. Cow Island, 1819..
half-breeds and their allotments,
481,
— —hunting-trips
marriage ceremonies
mission building at Council Grove,
illustrated
mission of Rev. William Johnson...
539
445
284
103
262
80
519
79
247.
434
544
208
537
113
319
528
251
228
484
238
480
469
410
133
368
76
260
487
429
439
439
483
425
430
206
426
Kansas Indian reservations 3, 76, 98
traders 425
trail 70
villages at Manhattan, near Menc-
ken, Topeka, and Council Grove, 206
425, 432, 483
women, modesty of 258
Kansas Indians 137, 453
account of , by Geo. P. Morehouse... 208
affected by flood of 1844 476, 478
experiences of the McClure family
of Davis county, in 1855 246, 247
first annuity, 1825 423
group illustrated 138, 208, 212
in Shawnee county after 1855, by
Miss Fannie E. Cole vi, 481
Proft Thos. Say's experiences 440
reminiscences of Frederick Chou-
teau as a trader among 423
T. S. Huffaker, missionary, Council
Grove 210, 234, 257, 258
treaty of 1825 75
Dr. Wilson Hobbs's experiences
among, in 1852 257, 258
Kansas Magazine 403
Kansas maps, showing changes in county
lines, 1854-1904 449, 471
Kansas, meaning of 173
Kansas Mission, Shawnee county 479
" Kansas National Democrat." Lecompton, 4
6, 507
Kansas National Guard, to wear sunflower
badge 301
Kansas-Nebraska bill 86
Kansas-Nebraska bill, political revolution
caused by passage of vii
Kansas Pacific Railroad, Lane redeems
his pledge to secure its running into
Lawrence and Topeka 204
Kansas river, explorations for Indian
mounds on 135
—flood of 1844 476
—in the flood of 1826 479
— navigation 3, 335
— navigation of, by keel-boats 428
— steamboating 145
Kansas territory opened to settlement vii
Kansas State Board of Agriculture 519
Kansas state publications, list of to be
published by R. R. Bowker 122
Kapp, Dr. , of New York 215
Kapp, Martin 129
Kaskaskia Indians, reservation in Kan-
sas 81, 92
Kaw trail, along the; address by Geo. P.
Morehouse at the twenty-eighth an-
nual meeting of the Historical Society,
December 1, 1903 v, 206
Kaw trail through Morris, Chase, and
Marion counties 70
Keane, Charles 442
Kearny, Gen. Stephen W 331
Kearney, Dennis 80
Kearney county 457,461,463,469, 470
Kearns, Eli 540
Kechi Indians 173, 175
Keegan, Edward 536
Keel-boat oar found in Kansas river. 428
Keel-boats on the Kansas river 424, 428
Keeler, Henry 127
Keith, Green 532
Keith, Wilson 528
Kellam, G. M.. iv
Keller, George H 527
Kellerman, H. C 518
Kellerman, Lewis, postillion on horse-
railway in Maryland in 1828 129
Kelley, Harrison, 516, 517, 518, 520, 223, .524, 527
— past president of the State Historical
Society ii
— receiver at Topeka land-office Iq
Kelley, J. M 52
Kelley, Philip 524, .53
Kelley, R. P 51
Kellogg, Josiah 51
Kellogg, Lyman Beecher 510, 525, 52
570
KANSAS STATE HISTORICAL SOCIETY.
Kellogg. Mrs. L. B
Kollogg, S. N
Kelly, D. S
Kelly, Geo. W
Kelly, Henry Bascom 350, 520, 537,
Kelly, John
Kelly, M.C
Kelly, Price, Indian trader at Council
Grove.
Kelly, Thomas T
Kelsey, Samuel H., adjutant-general, 301,
Kelsey.S.T
Kelsey, Hattie M
Ken, I P
Kendall, John
Kendrick, George W
Kennedy, , ex-soldier
Kennedy, James S
Kennedy, R. J
Kenton, Samuel
Keokuk, Chief Moses 101 ,
Keokuk, John
Keokuk, Sac and Fox chief
Kephart, Horace
Kepley, R. B 351,
Keplinger, L. W 532,540,
Kepperling, Robert L
Kern, H. H
Kernohan, D. R
Kerns, David
Kerr, R. N..
Kerr, Richard H
Kershaw, Mr.
Ketuer, James
Kibbie, James H '
Kibby, , free-state man who had killed
a pro-slavery man
Kickapoo, Leavenworth county
— candidate for territorial and state
capital 338,
Kickapoo land-olBce
Kickapoo Indians 174,
—cession of lands 3, 81,
—in Mexico
—Father Christian Hoecken, missionary
to
—in old Mexico. .. 90,
''Kickapoo Pioneer"
Kickapoo Rangers
Kicking Bird, Kiowa Indian
Kidder, Pancoast
Kiene, L. L
—biography
— the battle of the spurs, and John
Brown's exit from Kansas
Kierstead, George W
Kilbourn
Killen, Daniel, 350,
Kimball, C. H
Kimball, J. M
Kimball, Leander
Kimble, Sam 514, 534,
Kimolaniah, son of Baptiste Peoria
King, C. L
King, E. S
King, Frank W., receiver at Wa Keeney
land-office
King, Henry.
King, James L
King, Lewis P
King, Patrick
King, R. L
King. R. M
King, S. C
Kjng, S.S
Kingman, Miss Lucy D., director iii
Kingman, Judge Samuel A iv, 148,
347, 511, 512, 523, 524,
—past president
Kingman county 462,
Kingsbury, B. L
Kincaid, Hendrix 181,
Kinney, Aaron
Kinney, D. W
Kinney, John
534
536
516
521
540
519
526
425
510
517
522
96
535
24
530
424
127
541
545
131
101
130
437
531
541
535
522
535
539
530
22
167
517
128
393
363
347
7
175
90
103
83
131
185
393
453
517
vi
443
443
536
179
531
517
312
127
541
92
527
535
11
147
524
522
405
545
442
527
541
iv
185
532
ii
464
518
182
128
526
128
520.
453
544
116
454
469
470
462
521
541
524
516
523
536
11
521
345
.524
525
239
Kiowa Indians 75, 175, 177, 353,
491, 502,
— council with, 1869
Kiowa, Peketon county, 1864
Kiovc-a county 456, 458, 461, 462, 464,
— extinguished
Kiper, Julius
Kirk, L. K
Kirk, Thomas, jr
Kir kpatrick, S.S
Kirkpatrick, Dr. Thomas
Kirk wood, A. B
Kirwin land-office
Klock, J. E
Klotz, Robert 335,
Knapp, A. H..
Knapp, E. N
Knapp, Lemuel
— statement regarding boundary lines of
the Fort Riley military reservation 230
Knappenberger, M. F 526
Knaus, John 136
Knaus, Warren 168, 516
Knerr, E. B 516
Knight, J. Lee, receiver at Topeka land-
office 10
Knight, Richard 345
Knott, Ruf us 534
Knowles, Edwin 5"l9
Knox, John D 521
Knox, S. N 535
Koester, Charles F 522, 531
Kotcheque, Shawnee Indian widow 255
Krauss, John 128
Krauss, Oscar 528
Kring, Miss Annie 126
Krohn, Philip i 518, .520
Kuhn, W. D 521
L.
LaBarge, Capt. Joseph, Missouri river
steamboat captain 441, 480
Labette county 456, 458
Labette couuty, Case's History of, men-
tioned 77
Labette county, part of the Osage ceded
land 188
Labonte, Wyoming 351
Labor and Industrial Statistics Bureau,
Commissioners of 524
Labor troubles, arbitration of 322
Ladd.E.D 369
Lafayette county. Mo 183
La Fontaine, J 540
Laing, Theodore 526
Lakin, David Long 510, 520
LaLande, French Creole 141
Lamb, J 347
Lambe, A. C 522
Lambert, I. E 542
Lambkin, C. S 508
Lamond, Henry, jr 127
Lanborn, M. F 61
Lance, Apache chief 453
Land grants, Spanisii 7
Land-office, Lecompton 339
Land-offices in Kansas, paper by Albert R.
Greene 1 ,
Lands, Indian reservations in Kansas
Lands, internal improvement, agent for
sale of . ..
Landis, Chas. F
Landis, Harry S 520, 527,
Landis, John
Lane, Chester
Lane, James H 16, 96, 184, 309, 324,
345, 348. 371, 372. 373, 448, 486,
— and negro exclusion
— arrival of in Kansas ..
— chairman platform committee. Big
Springs convention
—disappointment at not being allowed
to come into Kansas with the "Army of
the North," in October 1856. .. 306, 308.
543
72
524
538
539
345
312
340
515
373
242
372
GENERAL INDEX.
571
Xiane, James H., given authority to raise
troops in Kansas 14
—member of sand-bank convention 369
— Jenkins murder case, Judge Lecompte
upliolds his right to a fair hearing in . 402
—letter to Governor Robinson and other
free-state prisoners at Lecompton, of-
fering to assist in their release with
his free-state boys 203
— photo taken by I. H. Bonsall 125
—sketch of, by J. M. Hubbard 201
—style of oratory 199, 202
—the liberation and enlistment of slaves
suggested by 373
—formation of state government for Kan-
sas suggested by, in J855 367
—threatens an attack on Lecompton,
September 5, 1S56 340
—'• Lane's brigade" 15, 16
Liane, Vincent J iv, 147, 523
—contractor U. P. railroad, 1867 387
—director iii
—past president of the Historical So-
ciety ii
—portrait of given the Society 119
Lane 457, 461
Lane county 457, 461, 463, 465, 466, 469
Lane University, Lecompton 33S, 382
Langeu, Patrick 528
Langham, Maj. Angus L., survey of half-
breed Kaw lands on the Kansas river.. 76
Langston, Charles ■. 526
Langvardt. L. H 168
Lansing, James VV., hospital steward Sev-
enth Kansas 18
Lanter, John T 519, 524
Lautz, D. E 516
Lanyon, E. V 536
Lappin, Samuel 510, 518
LaPrelle creek, Wyoming 358
Lara bee, F. S 526
Larimer, William .* 519, 530
Larned 510
Larned land-office 11
LaRue.W.W 58, 61
La Rue, — , slaves taken from by John
Brown 444
Larzelere, A - - - 509
Lash , Dr. George 127
LaSert, .\dele 482
LaSert, Clement, sr 434, 482
LaSert, Clement, jr 434, 482
La Soupe, Kansas Indian chief 431, 482
Lathrop, James H 535, 539
Latta, S. N 345
Law, Alvin 538
Lawhead, Joseph H 511
Lawrence, Amos A 418
Lawrence, C. D 525
Lawrence, Charles 527
Lawrence, Dr. F. P. 521
Lawrence, George H 520
Lawrence , James. 514
Lawrence, Dr. William 418
Lawrence, Judge William, counsel for the
settlers in Osage ceded land case, 108, 191
Lawrence, William Henry Wirt. 5U9
Lawrence Association townsite dispute... 368
—Bank, granted charter by the territor-
ial legislature 143
— candidate for territorial capital. . 332, 338
342
—election of March 30, 1855 183, 370
Fourth of .July demonstration at. 1855, 365
— free-state hotel, indicted by fedefal
grand jury 367
— hotel accommodations, December,1854, 228
—invasion of the 2700, Sep. 14, 1856 283
— leadership of, in free-state councils. . . . 367
—Plymouth church 96
--Pottawatomie creek settlers go to the
defense of 182
—sacking of 186, 277, 303, 340
— Seventh Kansas encamped at, iu Apr.
1862 30
Lawrence, surrounded by 1500 Missourians,
Dec. 1865
— surveyed by A. D. Searl
— and North Lawrence built on Indian
floats
Laughlin, P
Laurenson, R. E
Laurey, H. C. .. .'.
Lava beds
Lavy, Albert
Laybourn, Joseph W
Lay bourn, M. L
Leach, Jesse
Leamer, Clara E
Leamer, Coates W —
Leamer, Ed Brook 381,
Leamer, Henry G 381,
Leamer, Kate K
Leamer, Levi G
Leamer, William, paper by Geo. W. Martin,
a Kansas pioneer merchant vi,
—letter to Secretary Adams, location of
capitol and other public buildings at
Lecompton
Leamer, Wm. A
Lean Bear, Cheyenne Indian
Learnard, Oscar E 147, 513,
— biography
— statement as to the importance of the
skirmishes between the free-state and
pro-slavery men during the summer and
fall of 1856
Learnard, William..
Learned, Homer C
Lease, Mrs. Mary E 140, 520,
— address before the Farmers' Alliance
at Lyndon, in 1890, mentioned
Leavenworth, Gen. Henry
— reinterment of remains of
Leavenworth, Col. J. H -.
Leavenworth 2, 221,
-candidate for territorial capital.. 332,
—military companies, 1861
—police commissioners
— pro-slavery atrocities in
—pro-slavery vigilance committee, April
30, 1855
—raid, 1856
—town company
— under border-ruffian control, August,
1856
—constitution 343,
—constitutional convention
Leavenworth county
— Delaware trust lands in
— Kickapoo Indian lands in
— survey of
Leavenworth, Lawrence & Galveston Rail-
road Company 80, 104, 107,
and the Osage ceded lands
Leavenworth narrow-gauge railroad, John
A. Anderson's opposition to
Leavenworth, Pawnee & Western Railway
Company 89,
Lea vitt,
Leavitr, Louisa A
Leavitt, Thomas
LeBarnes, John W., concerned in the at-
tempted rescues of John Brown and of
his men, Stevens and Hazlett 213,
Legislative session, December, 1857
Lecompte, J. T
Lecompte, Judge Samuel Dexter 179,
V 229. 333, 367,
— a defense, published in Troy Chief
February 4, 1875 vi,
— biography
— opinion upon the right of the territo-
rial legislature to adjourn to Shawnee
M ission
Lecompton 363,
—a pioneer merchant of, by Geo. W.
Martin
—made capital of Kansas territory, Au-
gust, 1855 338,
— constitution hall, erection of
185
119
372
405
527
110
521
526
127
535
381
381
383
383
381
381
380
339
331
456
534
282
283
282
527
537
131
436
441
177
508
338
16
528
183
183
283
125
304
347
333
450
89
90
108
190
319
102
415
419
416
226
342
389
221
508
389
389
336
508
380
382
3
572
KANSAS STATE HISTORICAL SOCIETY.
Lecompton, free-state prisoners at. May,
1S56
— free-state prisoners, letter and speech
of Lane relative to securing the release
of 202,
— land-office at 3,
— location of capitol and other public
buildings in
— selected as capital of Kansas terri-
tory
— surveyor-general's office removed to in
1^57
— the territorial capital
Lecompton constitution 307, 339,
— John Calhoun in favor of submitting
the entire constitution to a vote of the
people
—constitutional convention
Lee, Albert L 216,226,512,
— brigadier-general . .. 18,27,28,31,33,
— recommended by General Grant for
promotion
— recruits Co. I, Seventh Kansas
Lee, C. P
Lee, H. B
Lee, John J., register at Dodge City land-
office
Lee, Luis
Lee, S. W
Lee, Lieut. Stephen D
Leedy, Gov. John W 509,
Leeper, Mrs. S. V
Legate, James F 205,
Legislative appropriations for the So-
ciety
Leijislative election October 5, 1857... 201,
Legislature, 1855
—denunciation of its acts, by A. H.
Reeder
Legislature, territorial, 1855, certificates
given members by Governor Reeder. . ..
Leidy, Fremont
Leigh, Wm. H
Leis, George iv,
—director
Leland, C. A 514,
Leland, Cyrus iv,
— director
Lemmon, Allen B 511,
Leonard, Thomas.
Le Roy, candidate for state capital
Lescher. T. H 351 ,
Leslie, Robert
Leslie, 8. W
Leslie, W. F ..'.'..'.
Lessert ( La Sert ) , Clement
Lester, H. M
Lewelling, Gov. Lorenzo D... 509, 521, 529,
Lewis, A. W
Lewis, Ellis ......
Lewis, H. W
Lewis, James
Lewis, Capt. Merriwether
Lewis, O. F 525,
Lewis, Ward S
Lewis and Clark expedition 75,
Leverton, Geo. W., leases Kickapoo lands
in Kansas
Levy, M. W
Libby, C. W... .'..'.'.['.'.'.]'.'.'.'
Libby prison
Librarians, state, list of
Lichtonhan, Hartman
Lichty, J
Lieutenant-governors, state, list of
Life members of the Historical Society . : .
Liggett, J. D
Lillie, George H 347,
Limbockor, J. M 518,
Lincoln, Pres. Abraham
—election made sure by the passage of
the Kansas-Nebraska act
—employed by John Calhoun, surveyor
of Sangamon county, Illinois
Lincoln county 456, 457,
—Black Kettle's raid in 1868
340
203
4
339
3
8
338
341
2
435
517
37
37
25
524
541
534
492
541
524
395
120
342
336
375
365
530
533
540
518
389
iii
518
61
347
531
528
515
529
434
537
541
225
128
528
521
75
533
508
436
91
54 1
529
410
524
405
535
509
iv
.531
515
539
301
2
458
112
Lincoln Land Company, Sherman county,
50,
Lincoln, Luke P
Lincoln ville, Marion county
Lind, Miss Alma
Lindsborg, Indian remains found near
Lindsey, David D
Lines, Charles Burrell 509,
—receiver at Lecompton and Topeka
land-offices
Lingenfelter, William J
Linley , Charles
Linn county 450,
—in Price's raid
Linsey, H. C
Linton, L. M
Linwood
Lippincott, J. A
Lipsey, Chalkley T
Little, Edward C
Little, John Thomas
Little, T
Little Arkansas river, Neshusta Shinka . . .
Little Blue, engagements on, in Price's
raid 46 ,
Little Horn, battle of
Little Robe, Cheyenne chief, raid into
Morris county, 1868 70,
Little Rock's daughter Mo-na-se-tah
Little Stranger, Leavenwortli county
Live Stock Sanitary Commissioners.. 524,
Lobdell, Charles E 511, 515, 5H8,
Locke, Dr. Geo. E 523,
Lockard, Francis M
Lockwood, Geo. C
Logan, George
Logan, Mrs. John A
Logan, Gen. John A., encounter with
Seventh Kansas
Logan, Joseph
Logan county 469,
Logan Grove, Geary county
Lohues, Thomas H., second lieutenant Co.
A, Seventh Kansas 18,
Lone Jack on Santa Fe trail
Long, Lieutenant
Long, Chester 1 515, 516,
Long, D. B 5'22,
Long, Lieut. Eli
Long, Maj. Stephen H
Long's expedition, fleet of
Longfellow, J. W
Longstreet, Maj. James
Longtail baud of Shawnees
Loomis, A. L. ! .
Loomis, Nelson H
Looney, Col. Robt. F. (?)
Lord, Wm. H
Lord, W. K
Louisiana Purchase Centennial Exposi-
tion, St. Louis, 1904, commissioners. ..
5'22,
Louisville, candidate for state capital ..
Love, Alexander 350, 351,
Love, Alphas A
Love, .Archibald
Love, Caroline V
Love, Garland A
Love, J. M
Love, James T
Love, William T
Loveland, Geo. R
Lovell, Mansfield, command of Confed-
erate troops, battle of Corinth
Lovell, Mrs. Elizabeth
Lovejoy, Charles H., chaplain Seventh
Kansas
Lovejoy , Owen
Love well. Prof. Jos. T
Low, A
Low, Ashael, register Doniphan land-office,
Lowe, , of Hickory Point, Jefferson
county ;
Lowe, David P 95, 513, 515, 517,
Lowe, Joseph G 513,
Lowe, Percival G iv, 5'23,
57
372
206
167
135
196
532
10
523
528
543
413
541
538
132
531
324
534
510
541
175
413
110
208
116
487
.525
539
533
.520
520
128
415
31
530
470
406
19
257
230
53X
535
486
438
439
528
501
93
167
517
40
128
357
.535
347
531
149
149
149
149
541
149
149
312
33
381
28
1
516
527
7
487
518
529
528.
GENEEAL INDEX.
573
Lowe, Percival G., director iii
— past president of thie Historical So-
ciety : ii
—wagon-master Cheyenne expedition of
1^-57 493, 494, 500
Lower, Frank 538
Lowman, Alvah 167
Lowman, E. S 338
Lowman, E. W 167
Lowman, Hovey E 147
Lowry, Dr. Charles 523, 532
Lowry, G. P 372
—executive clerk of Governor Keeder. . . . 332
Lowry, W. D 528
Loy, .John 525
Loyal Indians driven out of the Indian
territory 175
Loyd.IraL 538
Luddington, R. W iv
Ludlum, S. S 527
Luling, Charles H 522, 524
L'ilu,Joe 424,425
" Luminary," Parkville, Mo 183
Lupfer, A. H 530
Lusher, John 521
Lusk, H. H 541
Lutz, Andrew 324
Lutz. Rev. John .J iv, v
—biography. 324
—paper on Quantrill and the Morgan-
Walker tragedy 324
Lutz and Musser 324
Lykins, Dr.— 433
Ly kins, David 451
Lykins county 450, 453
Lyraan, Theodore 417
Lvnch, J. B 527, 539
Lynch, John 385, 386
Lynch, private — , of M. Co., killed in
Cheyenne expedition of 1857 498
Lynching at Council Grove 137
Lynde, Edward 509
Lyndon, Annals of by C. R. Green 132
Lyndon, founded by L. D. Bailey 133
Lyon, Gen. Nathaniel 18, 230, 232
— Sixth Kansas cavalry originated un-
der authority of . 16
Lyon county 469, 470
—settlement of Friends in — 269
Lyon creek, Geary county, named by Jas.
R. McClure 231
Lyons, F. A 528
Mc.
McAfee, Rev. Josiah B 516
McAfee, H. W 5:j8
McAllister, D. O 520
McArthur, Daniel 168
McBratney, Robert 517
—register at Junction City land-oflSce.. . 9
McBride, Henry 94
McBride, W. H 524, 527
McBride, W. T 514
McBrien, J. D 539
McCabe, Edward P 510
McCabe, Rev. Francis S 528
McCalion, .James 338
McCain, WiUiamD 149
McCall, J. A 533
McCall, Peter. . 536
McCambridge, Charles P. 628
McCarter, Mrs. Margaret H i v
—director. .. iii
McCarthy, Timothy 510, 517
McCartney, 168
McCarty, Hugh D 511, 526
McCasey, J. H 524
McCasky, Ma j. William S 273
McClallan, Dr. S 533
McClaughrey, R. W 537
McCleary.T.F 540
McClell an, Capt. Geo. B 485
McClelland, C. B 347
McClenahan, John 350, 518
McClintock, W. S 61
McClure, Mrs. Hester Pattison, biography, 244
McClure, James R v, 334, 544
— employed by Pawnee Association 232
— portrait of, given the Society. 119
— register at .Junction City land-ofBce. .. 9
-paper, taking the census, and other
incidents in 1855 .■ 227
McClure, Mary Josephine 231
McClure, W. P 34
McClure, William 243
McClure, William T v, 149
—the Fourth Kansas militia in the Price
raid, address before the twenty-eighth
annual meeting of the Historical So-
ciety, December 1, 1903 149
McComas, .4.dy 191
McComas, Charlie 191
McComas. Hamilton C 108, 191, 543
—biography 191
McComas, Mary 191
McCormick, A. H 540
McCormick, Alex.. 381
McCormick, Anna Mary 381
McCormick, Eliza Jane. . 383
McCormick, N. B 516, 541
McCoy, , settler on Lyon creek, 1855.. .. 245
McCoy, Rev. Isaac 251
—biography 73
—explorations for the settlement of In-
dians in Kansas 74
McCoy, John C 250, 433
McCoy, James G 538
—register at Wichita land-oflBce 10
McCray, D. 0 530
McCrea, Cole, free-state, killing of Mal-
colm Clark by 183
—Judge Lecompte's statement regard-
ing 392, 402
McCrum, Charles 517
McCue, J. D 513
McCue, Pat 536
McCulloch, Gen. Benjamin 43
McCulloch, Hugh 101
McCulough W 347
McCullough, George 128
McCune, A. D 347
McDaniels, J. N 55, 61
McDivitt, C. .J 518
McDonald, Andrew 337
McDonald, Ben 536
McDonald Brothers, of Louisville, Ky.,
plans adopted for main building of
state-liouse 350
McDonald, J. F 526
MacDonald, John iv
— director iii
McDonald, Kenneth 531
McDonald, Norman 530
MacDonald, S. D ... 511, 519
McDougal, George, chief of the Shawnees, 259
McDowell, J. L 542
McDowell, J. S 519,523, 527
McDowell, Jack, horse-thief, lynched on
old bridge at Council Grove 137
McDowell, John H 294
McDowell, William C 348, 512
McEckron, Boyd H... 511, 526
—register of Concordia land-office 10
McElroy, Samuel W 512
McFarland, E. A .527
McFarland, E. S 405
McFarland, Noah C 532
McGahey , A 528
McGee, Capt. , at Cow island in 1818. .. 439
McGee, Widow, farm in Jackson county.
Mo 149
McGee, A. H 534
McGee, Miss America 237
McGee, Fry P., at "110" 232, 235, 237, 4S1
McGee, Jake 329
McGee, James 235. 236, 371, 372
McGee, Mabillion W 451
— makes complaint of the taking of the
census in the Eighth district, 18.55 238
McGee, Milton 239
McGee, Miss Sophia 237
574
KANSAS STATE HISTORICAL SOCIETY.
McGee, W. J 173
McQee county 450
McGee tavern, near Westport, Mo 29
McGee's saw-mills 252
McGonifjal, J. B 530
McQonigal, James B.. receiver at Obcrlin
and Colby land-oOices 12
McGraff, Geo. T 525
McGratL.J.S 526
McGreKor, Thomas B 129
McGrow, James 509, 511
McGuire, Mrs. Clara 123
McGuire, Thomas 528
Mcintosh, Lieut. James 282, 341, 485
McIntOi^h, Capt. James, U. S. A 341, 485
Mclntyre, Lieut. James B 486
Mack, J. C, director iii, iv
McKay, D. C 518
McKay. «. W 514
McKay; William 338
McKeefer, Alex 385, 386
McKeeghan.Ed 525
McKeever, Edwin D. 511
McKeighan, John Elmore 108, 191
— biography 543
McKellar, Duncan 535
McKenzie. A. E 522
McKenzie, Sergt. William L., gives the
Historical Society a pistol with which
he killed two guerrillas at the Baxter
Springs raid, October 6, 1863 119
McKesson, J. C 61
Mackey, H. D 527
Mackey, W. H., jr 542
Mackie, David 536
McKiney, Mack ... 61
McKinley, Prest. William 187
McKinney ranch, Ford county 161
McKinnon, M. M 526
McKnight, G. W iv
■ —biography 231
McKuight,J.H 541
Macky , , fur-trader 490
McLaughlin, Patrick, kills Samuel Col-
lins 185
Mac Lean, L. A 2
McManus, John. 101
McManus, Thomas 536
McMeekin, H. D., deputy marshal of
Leavenworth county 389
McMeekin, H. D 337
McMillan, George 127
McMillan, Harry iv
— director iii
McMillan, Robert 517
McNair, Daniel D., Indian agent, 1829 425
McNall, Webb 524
—register at Kirwin land-office 11
McNeal, Thomas A 523, 530, 540
McNeill, C. A 520
McNeil's brigade 45
McPherson county 456, 457, 458, 461, 462
— claimed by the Kaws as their hunting-
grounds 206, 209
— Kaw trail in 206
McPike, W. C 540
McQuay, J. C .530
McVicar, Dr. Peter 511, 526, 531
— death of 126
McWhinney, — , captain Palmyra
guards 278, 285
McWilliams, Doc 534
M.
Madden, Dennis 513
Madden, Ed. F 58
Madden, John... iv, v, 167, 526, 530, 534, 541
—along the trail, address before the
twenty-seventh annual meeting of the
Historical Society, December 2, 1902. .. 67
— director iii
Madden, Rev. M. B., gift of Japanese rel-
ics to the Society 119
Madden, Mrs. Maude Whitmore, gift of
Japanese relics to the Society 119
Madison, Ed. H 515, 538,
Madison, James
Madison county 450,
Madison creek, Geary county
Mahau, John H.
Mahaska, Washington county, northwest
corner first Kansas survey, 18o4-'56
Mahiu, F. W
Mahon, W. H
Ma-hun-gah, Margaret, Kansas Indian wo-
man, portrait
Mah-wis-sa, sister of Black Kettle
"Mail and Breeze," Topeka
Majors, — , near Kansas City, Mo
Majors, Alexander
Majors-general of Kansas
Malone, Francis M., lieutenant-colonel
Seventh Kansas 22, 28, 33,
Maloney, Michael
Maloy, John, account of Dick Yeager's
raid into Morris county
— hishistory of Morris county mentioned,
Manace, Poindexter
Manchester, Geo
Manhattan, built on Wyandotte float
—candidate for state capital 345,
Mann, — , Indian trader
Mann, A. W
Mann, M. J
Manning, E. C iv,
Manypenny, George W., treats with the In-
dians for the purpose of removing them
from Kansas 87,
Map of Coronado's march
Map of Kansas in 1856 ;
Map of Kansas in 1846, showing location of
Indian reservations ;..
Mapleton, candidate for state capital
Mapleton land-offico
Maps and illustrations
Maps showing changes in county lines, 449-
Marais des Cygnes river in the flood of
1844 474-
— explorations for Indian remains upon,
Marcon, Stephen G
Marion, Douglas county
Marion county, Kaw trail through 70,
Markham, Osman G
Markhart, F. G
Marmaduke, Gen. John S 407,
Marmaton crossing. Price repulsed at.. 46,
Marshall, E. E
Marshall, Mary
Marshall, S. A
Marshall, Sam
Marshall county 450, 469,
Martin, Alex 55,
Martin, C. D
Martin, Charles S 128,
—receiver at Topeka land-office
Martin, David 167,
Martin, F. H
Martin, F. L
Martin, Frank
Martin, FrankH
Martin, Geo. W iv, v, vi, ix. 111, 147,
448, 507, 511, 523,
— annual report as secretary of the His-
torical Society, 1903
—a Kansas pioneer merchant, paper, Oc-
tober, 1903.
—a Kansas soldier's escape from Camp
Ford, Texas
—director
—John A. Anderson, character sketch of,
— register at Junction City land-office . . .
Martin, H. L
Martin, Maj. H. W
Martin, James
Martin, Judge John iv, vi, 140, 199,
513. 515, 523,
—biographical sketch of Judge Rush El-
more
— director
— president of the Historical Society
— large gift to the Historical Society
541
4.=)!
4.^3
134
512
.521
536
138
116
331
29
394
517
41
520
lfi9
332
179
541
f-6
347
490
523
531
518
93
152
3
88
347
8,
vi
•471
476
135
521
168
206
521
528-
413
413
539
524
535
128
471
56
536
168
10
512
518
513
533
533
313
541
380
405
iii
315
9
2
101
520
512
534
435
118
GENERAL INDEX.
0(0
Martiu, Gov. John Alexander 48, 147, 273
274, 293, 509, 517, 522, 523
—past president of the Historical So-
ciety ii
Martin, Maj. Joseph S., surgeon Seventh
Kansas IS, 28
Martin, Melkes, J., made first homestead
entry at Fort Scott land-olBce 9
Martin, W. M 533
Martin, William W 531
Martin, W. W., register Independence land-
office 8
Martin, Capt. Wyly 438
Martindale, William 527
Martinsburg 218
Marvin, James 531
Maryhugh, Russell W 21
Marysville 501
Mason's fugitive-slave law 418
Mason, B.C 536
Mason, Col. C. B 106
Mason, Frank M 535
Mason, Henry F 512, 540, 541
Mason, J. B 522, 535
Mason, L. C 521
Mason, P. B iv
Mason and Dixon line 73
Masonic fraternity, lays corner-stone of
state capitol, Topeka, 1866 349
Massachusetts company of emigrants to
Kansas in 1856 309
Massacre of squad of confederate soldiers
by Osages 62
Massacre, Pottawatomie 177
Massard Prairie, Ark 409, 414
Massey, J. W iv
Massey, W. M 521
Masters, Isaac B 128
Matchett, Benjamin 511
Mathews, Rodolph 521
Mathias, W. Q '. 337, 509
Mathonet, Hugo 521
MatignoD, Louis 536
Matthewson, William 528
Mavity, Wesley, A.J 127
Maxhan, , conductor of Davenport
company to Kansas 309
Maxson, Perry B 529, 535
— register of Independence land-office. . . 8
Maxson, J. B 539
May, Caleb 345
Mayhew, T. A 535
Mead, Gen. Ebenezer 171
Mead, Rev. Enoch 171
Mead, J. M iv
Mead, James R iv, v, 123, 167, 171, 516, 543
— address, the Wichita Indians in Kan-
sas, before the twenty-eighth annual
meeting of the Historical Society, De-
cember 1, 1903 171
— director iii
Mead's ranch 174
Meade county 457,461,463,467, 468
Medary, Gov. Samuel 293, 343, 507, 508
—attempt to arrest Captain Brown and
his twelve slaves 444
Medill, James. 529
Meeker, Emiline 476
Meeker, Miss Grace 123
Meeker, Rev. Jotham vi, 74, 472
—biography of 80
Meeker, S. F 61
Mefford, Maj. David 409
Mehl, Henry William 527
Melan arch bridge, Topeka 428
Members of the Historical Society, annual, iv
Mendenhall, D. W 372
Mendenhall, Jonathan 270
Mendenhall, Richard 268, 372
— letter to Augustus Wattles ; raid on
Friends' mission among the Shawnees
by border ruffians 254, 269
Mendenhall, Sarah Ann 2^
Meuoken, site of old Kansas Indian vil-
lage, near 483
Mercantile business in Kansas, 1861 146
Mercer, Mrs. Isabella Rambe 128
Merchant pioneer of Kansas, paper by
Geo. W. Martin 380
Merchant's National Bank, Kansas City. .. 231
Merriam, Clark S., captain and major,
company D, Seventh Kansas... 21, 28, 30
Merriam, E. D 540
Merriam, Francis J., one of John- Brown's
men 214
Merrick, John L., captain company I, Sev-
enth Kansas 25
Merrill, George, receiver at Topeka land-
office 10
Merritt, A. C 522
Merritt, James S 83
Mesquaka band of Sac and Fox, removal
to Iowa from Kansas 131
Metate or grinding stone 165
Metcalf , Gen. Wilder S., 273
—portrait of, given the Society 119
Meteorological record, St. Louis, 1826-'31.. 75
Methodist church, Kansas missionary cir-
cuits of 1854 '. .. . 134
Methodist church, organization of Kansas
and Nebraska conference, Lawrence,
1856 134
Methodist Episcopal Church, South, mis-
sion among the Shawnees 256
Methodist Episcopal Indian mission among
tlie Shawnees 333, 336
Methodist mission among the Kansas In-
dians 234, 257, 258
Metz, Charles. . •^•S
Metzler, Mrs. Geo. W 128
Metzler, P. C 536
Mexican government, superintends sale of
absentee Pottawatomie's lands in Kan-
sas 103
Mexican war, temporary break in Santa
Fe commerce caused by 87
— Council Grove a resting-place for troops
of 142
— Kaw depredations on Santa Fe trail
during..... 431, 432
—troops rendezvous at Leavenworth,
1846 331
Mewhinuey, Samuel !. 345, 372
Meyer, Eugene L 522
Miami county 275, 453
— band of Georgians encamped in, during
summer of 1856 255
—history of, by E. W. Robinson, men-
tioned 85, 92
Miami Indian reservation, Miami county,
73, 85, 91
Miami Indians cede their Kansas lands, 91
—removal from Kansas in 1871 92
Miami trust lands, area of, 1854 3
Mickey, J. M ,^30
Middle Creek, Marion county 206
Middleton, J. A 347
Middleton,Sergt John ("Doc" Middleton), 20
Middleton, Josiah 129
Miles, C. K 537
Miles, Gen. Nelson A 110, 387
Milford, Geary county 134
Milhoan, Thomas E 520
Military companies of Kansas, 1861 16
Military recollections of Kansas before the
war 484
Military surgeons of the United States, as-
sociation of • 533
Miller, Capt. ■ . Southern guerrilla 413
Miller, , of Cincinnati, sends relief to
Ottawa Indians, in 1844 476
Miller, Maj. A. B., Indian agent. Bent's
Fort, 1857 502
Miller, A. J 372
Miller, Alexander 192
Miller, Archibald iv
Miller, B. W 372
Miller, Bryce 371
Miller, C. W 521, 538, 541
Miller, Chas. H 542
Miller, E. T. . 540
Miller, Earl J iv
r* n /•
KANSAS STATE HISTORICAL SOCIETY.
Miller, Edwiu
Miller, Ephraim
Miller, Dr. G. W
Miller, Geowe
Miller, Geo. H
Miller, J.J
Miller,J.M 167, 516,
Miller, James N
Miller, Judge Josiah... 145, 147, 168, 186,
—biography
— suggests motto for Kansas seal
Miller, Mrs. Josiah
Miller, Orrin L 515,
Miller, S. E
Miller, Sol 147, 167, 351, 389,
—portrait of
Miller, W. W
Milliken. Henry F., register at Dodge City
land-ofBce
Milliken, John D iv, 123, 532, 537,
—director
Mills, Theodore
Milton, B. F
Milton, C. A
Milwaukee company of emigrants to Kan-
sas in 1856.. . .. 309,
Mine inspectors, list of
Minick, Dr. John M 523,
Mining Congress, International, Boise,
Idaho, 1901
—Butte, Mont., 1902
— Deadvvood, S. D., 1903
—Milwaukee, Wis.. 1900
-Salt Lake City, Utah, 1898
Minneola, Attorney General Black's opin-
ion on the removal of the territorial
capital to
Minney, J. E.
Miranda, Guadalupe
Mirror, Tonganoxie
Mission creek, Chouteau trading house
on, 1830
Missionaries at Friends' mission to the
Shawnees
Missions among the Kansas 258, 428,
Missions among the Osages
Missouri
— meaning of
—antipathy of citizens to northern men,
— emigration from, to Kansas
-militia of 87, 285,
—statutes of, adopted by Kansas legis-
lature of 1855
— compromise vii, 74,
Missouri Fur Company, records of
Missouri Indians, 1825
—cede their Kansas lands 87,
— decimated by smallpox
— take refuge with the Otoes
Missouri, Kansas & Texas Railway Com-
pany and Osage ceded lands..
Missouri Pacific Railroad and the Dela
ware lands
Missouri river channel, effect of flood of
1881 on
Missouri river, flood of 1785, 1811, 1826,
1844 479
Missouri river, wreck of keel-boat loaded
with fur on, in 1829
Mitchell, Lieut.
Mitchell, A. C iv,
Mitchell, A. J
Mitchell, C. A 534,
Mitchell, C.R 520,
Mitchell, D. M
Mitchell, D, P
Mitchell, E. A
Mitchell , E. J
Mitchell, George W
Mitchell, Gen. Robert B., 14, 30, 353,
516,
Mitchell, W.H
Mitchell, Wm
Mitchell, William M
Mitchell county 456, 457,
Mite, T.J
25
516
127
127
519
523
531
511
531
299
299
299
516
160
531
120
520
12
539
iii
348
512
533
310
525
533
536
536
536
536
536
343
533
7
132
425
252
487
73
75
173
228
363
305
337
183
75
75
88
87
87
99, 190
90
437
•480
424
407
532
517
540
532
519
532
518
531
528
508
517
.534
517
529
458
521
Mix, E. Towasend, architect state capitol,
Topeka
Mock, John F
Modman, E. E
Moffit, J. V
Mohler, Martin 519, 535, 537,
Mokohoko, Sac and Fox chief, story of. . ..
Mokoquawa, Pottawatomie woman
Moline, 111., emigrant company, 1856
Mo-na-se-tah, daughter of Little Rock
Moneka
Monroe, Ed., of Lawrence
Monroe, Judge Lee
—register at Wa Keeney land-oflBce
Monroe, Miss Naomi.. —
Montgomery, John, official survey of Kan-
sas Indian reservation in Morris
county. 76,
Montgomery, A. B 58, 61, 539, 540,
Montgomery, Mrs. Clarinda ( Mrs. James
M.)
Montgomery, Frank C iv, .534,
— director
Montgomery, Col. James 15, 326, 486.
— concerned in the attempted rescues of
John Brown and of his men, Stevens
and Hazlett 213,
— intimidates the court of Judge Pettit,
— and southern Kansas troubles, 1857
Montgomery, Mary Victoria
Montgomery, W. P
Montgomery, Col. William
Montgomery county 4.56,
— part of the Osage ceded land
Monument station, Indian outrages at
Moody, Joel.
Moon, Joseph ...
Moonlight, Col. Thomas, 353, 509, 516, 526,
— biography
— commander Eleventh Kansas
— hangs Sioux chiefs for abuse of Mrs.
Eubanks
Moore brothers at the battle of Black Jack,
Moore, Rev. , a free-state prisoner in
Pate's camp at battle of Black Jack . . .
Moore, Dr. David B
Moore, E
Moore, Col. Ely, biography of. .
— register Lecompton land-office 3,
Moore, George A
Moore, H. Miles iv,
—director
Moore, Col. Horace L iv, 516,
—director
Moore, J. McCabe
Moore, J. W
Moore, Jas
Moore, John T
Moore, John W
Moore, June
Moore, L. C
Moore, Capt. Moses
Moore, O. L 513,
Moore, T. J
Moore, T. P
Moore, W
Moore, W. V
Mooros, Dr. J. H
Moorhouse, William S 19,
Morehouse, Geo. P v ,
— A famous old crossing on the Santa Fe
Trail ; a paper read before the twenty-
eighth annual meeting of the Histor-
ical Society, December 1, 1903
—Along the Kaw trail ; address before
the twenty-eighth annual meeting of
the Historical Society, December 1,
1903
—author of law making sunflower state
flower.. - . .'.
— biography
—letter relative to identity of Fool Chief,
father and son
Morehouse, Horace
Morgan, Major — , of rifle regiment, 1819 ..
349
62
.534
533
541
101
131
103
309
116
543
203
514
11
10.H
99
,542
224
541
544
226
221
.507
in
111
230
45.S
18«
387
532
269
529
353
353
354
286
286
129
317
4
10
532
526
515
.525
517
527
22
53:h
55
4
532
536
518
372
61
113
516
167
206
300
137
432
137
439
GENERAL INDEX.
577
Morgan, Rev. J. K 168
Morgan, Mrs. Minnie D 534
Morgan, Th' nas 534
Morgan, Vs ce .533
Morgan, W Jiam Y 511, 540
Morgan, C i. Willoughby 441
Morin, Jesse, register Fort Scott land-
office 8
Mormon endowment house grip 55
Mormon trail through Kansas ... 87, 236, 335
Mormons said to supply hostile Indians
with arms and ammunition in 1865 353
Morrill, Gov. Edmund N iv, 21, 351, 509
516, 537, 540, 541
—biography 271
—director iii
—past president of the Historical So-
ciety ii
Morris, Chas. Archibald 516
—register at Lamed land-office ' 11
Morris, F. M 372
Morris, Capt. G. W 127
Morris, James 245
Morris, Richard B 524
Morris, Thomas, 232
Morris, W. L 167
Morris, Warren W 127
Morris, William H 510
Morris county 206, 453
— Kansas Indian reservation in 76, 99
— Kaw trail through 70, 206
—threatened incursion of Cheyenne In-
dians 70
Morrison, Edwin S 324
Morrison, John R 536
Morrison, John T 536
Morrison, T.S 517
Morrow, J. C 522
Morrow, O. S 533, 537
Morrow, Robert v, 406
—biography 302
—emigration to Kansas in 1856; address
before Old Settlers' association, Law-
rence, September, 1902 302
Morrow house, Lawrence, built winter of
1856-57 148, 307
Morse, C. G 525
Morse, J. CO 529, 539
Morse. J. F 538
Morse, J. H 530
Morse, O.E v. 530
— biography 543
—an attempted rescue of John Brown
from Charlestown jail, address before
the Historical Society, Dec. 1, 1903 213
Morton, Edwin 417
Morton, John T 412, 513, 542
Morton, Max 129
Morton, R. J 533
Morton county 46, 469, 470
Moses, E. R 534. .537, 538, 541
Moshier, Thomas 62
Mosquito branch of the Pottawatomie, 178, 276
Mosser, Benjamin 324
Motto of Kansas seal 297
Mound City, candidate for state capital .. 347
— in Price's raid 413
—to Cherokee, state road 531
Mounds and deserted villages, report on,
by W. E. Richey •.... v, 135
Mount, Joseph 521
Mount Muncie cemetery, Leavenworth ... 86
Mounted Rifles, United States 485
Mudge, Prof. Benjamin F 516, 522
Mulley, A. R 195
Mulrane,0. H 61
Mulvane, Joab 540
Mulvane, John R iv
Munger, Geo. M 518,535,538, 540
Munsee Indian reservation in Kansas, 83, 86
99
— in flood of 1844 478
Murdock brothers 147
Murdock, M. M.. . 147, iii, iv, 350, 525, 533, 542
Murdock, Victor iv, 123, 516
—director iii
—37
Murdock, William 536
Murie, J. R ]6S
Murphy, E. F 5;^6
Murphy, James 536
Museum, additions to 119
Muskrat skins 424
Musser, Joseph 324
Myatt, A. J 530
Myer, Alfred 517
Myers, D. N , 168
Myers, Jacob 5
Myers, L. A 512
Myers, Murray 517
Myers, S. R 538
Myton, H. P., register at Garden City land-
office 12
N.
Nace, Wm. M., contract for temporary
capitol building at Lecompton 338
Nadarko Indians 173
Na-he-daba, Kaw Indian brave 212
Napton, Judge W. B 43s
Nation, Mrs. Carrie, portrait of, given the
Society 119
National Democratic convention, Law-
rence, June 27, 1855 184
— Tecumseh, (September, 1855 369
National Guard of Kansas to wear sun-
flower badge 301
National Irrigation Congress, Kansas dele-
gates to 538
National Kansas Committee, Chicago,
1856 303, 314
National Live-stock Association, Kansas
delegates to 538
National Park Commission, Chickamauga
and Chattanooga 271, 520
National Prison Association, Kansas dele-
gates to 539
National Sanitary Commission, Kansas
delegates to 321
National Tribune, Washington 544
Naugle, Lyman 533
Navert, J. W 61
Navigation of the Kansas river 14.5
Naylor, W. W 527
Neal, Charles 534
Nebraska City 309
Ne-ca-que-ba-na, Kansas Indian, Pawnee
fighter 429
Ne-co-he-bra, Kansas Indian, medicine
man 430
Nedeau, Mrs. Fannie Whistler )30
Needham, B 177
Neely, ShawF .542
Nees, S. M 530
Negro exclusion 373
Negro troops killed in Texas 407
Negus, Albert 325
Nehring, Sebastian, killed at the Platte
river bridge massacre 357, 3.^9
Nellis, De Witt C 514
Nelson, Edward 168
Nelson, Frank M 128, 167, 511, .530
Nemaha county, survey of 2, 450
Neodesha, Indian fort found in the vicin-
ity of 136
Neosho county 77, 453, 457, 460
—part of the Osage ceded land 188
Neosho river crossing of the Santa Fe trail
at Council Grove 139
—flood of 1826 479
Neosho valley 190
Ne-ru-ga-nin-ga, Kansas Indian chief .. 429, 431
Nesbit, I. H 345
Neshusta Shinka, Little Arkansas river. .. 175
Ness county 456, 458, 461, 462
Nessell, .Joseph H 24
Newby, Capt. E.W. B., U.S.A... 341, 485, 508
Newlon, Dr. C. S 522
Newman, A. A 527
Newman, H. L 526
Newman, Julius G., first preemption entry
in Kansas made by 8
578
KANSAS STATE HISTORICAL SOCIETY.
Newspaper clipping by the Historical So-
ciety. .• 124
Newspapers, annual accessions to the li-
brary 118
Newspapers iu Kansas 147
Newtouia 46
New England Emigrant Aid Company, 228, 335
New England friends of Kansas 418
New Georgia, captured by free-state men. . 279
New York Independent 419
New York Indians 83, 85
—area of lauds in Kansas, 1854 3
— purchase lands in Wisconsin 84
New York Tribune 2;il
Niccolls, E. S 519
Nichols, Dr. Edward L 516
Nichols, Prof. Ernest R 519, 533
Nichols, E. S., receiver at Independence
land-oliice 9
Nichols, Wni. G 372
Nicholson, M. B 513, 523, 534, 539
Nicholson's revised statutes of Tennessee, 337
Nicholson, William, M. D 270
Nicolay, John G 101, 187
Nicolay, John W 127
Nihizer, Mrs. Ellen Leavery 127
Niles, C. F. M., register at Garden City
laud-olEce 12
Nimocks, G. W 514
Nineteenth Kansas cavalry 14, 113, 384
Ninth Kansas cavalry 15, 62
Nisbet, E 532
No Man's Land 79
Noble, E. St. G 536
Noble, Peter S., adjutant-general 516
Noble, Dr. S. S 521
Noe, C. R 518
Nof tzger, Thomas A iv
—director iii
Nolan, Geracio 7
Noll,J.P ■ 168
Nordyke, B. R 521
Normal School, State, Concordia 526
— Emporia 133, 525
— Leavenworth 526
— Quindaro 526
Norris, Edward ■. 127
Norris, Ira, register at Junction City land-
office 9
Norris, Zachariah 22
North, Amos J 522
North, L 531
North American Review 419
North Topeka 478
—pulpit Bible of the Congregational
church, given the Historical Society
as a relic of the flood of 1903.. 123
— situated on section 4 of Kaw half-breed
lands ... 76
Northern emigration through Iowa, Octo-
ber 1856 306
Northrup, B. J 522
Northrup, L. L 536
Norton, George N 168
Norton, J. D iv
Norton, Sarah B 305
Norton county 456, 457, 458
— changed to Billings 461, 462
Noteware, James H 508
Now-quah-ge-zhick, Pottawatomie brave . . 83
Noyes, John, jr 21
Numan, Virgil 62
Nurseries, state inspector of 526
Nusbaum, C. S 539
O.
O. K. crook. Missouri 29
Oak Mills, Atchison county 436
Oar of keel-boat found in Kansas river 428
Oberlin 50
— land-office 11, 12
O'Briou, E. W 540
O'Brien, Dr. Michael 523
O'Donald, Frank 528
O'Donnell, Dan 536
O'Donnell, Henry 518, 538
O'Fallon, Col. John, at Cow island, 1818. .. 439
Ogden, Riley county 135
—land-office 7, 9, 406
—land company 83
Ohio & Mobile railroad. 30
Ohio City crossing of the Little Osage river, 104
Ohio company emigrants to Kansas, 1856, 309
363
Oil inspectors, list of 526
Olathe, candidate for state capital 347
—in Price's raid 413
Olcott, Elisha,jr 127
Olden, G.D 530
Oldham, Frank 51
Olin, Arvin S, 521
Oliver, Maj. Wm. S., Seventh Missouri in-
fantry 30
Oliver, R. W 531
" Omega," Missouri river steamboat 480
Onate's expedition to Quivira, 1601 162
One hundred and ten, candidate for terri-
torial capital 338
fraudulent election, November, 1854, 232
234, 235
" One hundred and ten " creek 257
O'Neal, Thomas 540
Oneida Indian reservation in Kansas *3
O'Neil, Thos. J 523,540
Onondaga Indian reservation in Kansas... 83
Orcutt, Rev, Samuel, History of Torring-
ton,Conn 222, 421
Oregon trail 87
Orner, Geo. D 511, 514, 525
Orphans and destitute children of soldiers, 526
Orphans' Home, Soldiers', Atchison. .. 530
Orr, James A 525, 536
Orr, J. W 536
Osage ceded lands 107
— address of C. E. Corey before the
twenty-eighth annual meeting of the
Historical Society, Dec. 1, 1903 v, 187
— eastern boundary of 199
Osage county 456, 459
—Edwards' Atlas of 85
—historical work in, by C. R. Green., v, 126
— Rogers' history of, mentioned 85
—Sac and Fox reservation in 100, 130
Osage diminished reserve 107, 190
Osage Indians 482
— the loyal tribes driven out of the terri-
tory during the civil war, befriended by, 175
-Big Hill village of 63
—description and history, by C. E. Corey, 1^9
-flood of 1826 4»0
— guides in the Indian expedition of
1868 115, 116
—lands 76. 107, 45^
—massacre of Confederates by, address
by W. L. Bartles before the twenty-
seventh annual meeting of the Histor-
ical Society, Dec. 2, 1902 V, 62
-missions of the Presbyterians among.. 62
190, 480
—mourning their dead 63
—P. P. Elder, agent of 64
— present at Kansas council, Cow island,
1819 439
— treaty of 1825, at Council Grove 75. 141
190
—trust lands 107
Osawatomie 5(9
—convention, May, 1859 64
— supposed to have been surveyed by A.
D. Searl 119
—rifles 278
Osborn, James 372
Osborn, Robert 528
Osborn, Stephen J 511, 5i4
Osborn, Gov. Thomas A 147, 216, 226, 321
509, 523, 533, 542
— past president of the Historical So-
ciety ii
Osborne, Russell S 510, 539
Osborne county 456, 457, 4.58
Oscar, King of Sweden 167
GENERAL INDEX.
579
Osgood, William O., battalion adjutant
Seventh Kansas 2S, 34
Oshant, Henry W , 586
O'Sbawnessy, estate of 295
Oswego 74
Otey, Charles W., clerk Lecompton land-
office 5
Otis, A. G 512, 532
Otis, Lieut. Elmer 486
Otis, John Grant 516, 517, 539
Otoe county 453
Otoe Indians, 1825 75
—cede lands in Kansas 87
Ottawa Indians of Blanchard's fork 79
—disposal of their Kansas lands. 104
— educated at Friends' establishment
among the Bhawnees 263
— Jotham Meeker missionary to 80
—losses of in flood of 1844 474- 477
— mission 73
— reservation in Kansas 3, 79
Ottawa, Franklin county, located by C. C.
Hutchinson 80, 104
Ottawa University, endowment of, by the
Ottawa Indians 105
Otter skins 424
Overfields 545
Overland routes menaced by hostile In-
dians, 1865. 3.53
" Overland Stage," by Frank A. Root 354
Overland Stage Company Ill
Overmyer, David 97, 539, 541
Overstreet, R. M 525
Owaha, chief of the Wichitas 174, 176
Owen, Thomas M 122
Owens, John, Shawnee squaw-man — 256, 2.')9
Oxford, Miss., attacked by Seventh Kansas, 36
Oxley boys of Sherman county 61
Ozawkie, Jeiferson county 345, 487
— sale of Delaware trust lands at 89
P.
" Pacific Courier," California 133
Packard, 'Cyrus 445
PackRr,E. B 525, 533
Packing business 146
Paddock, Geo. W 532
Padilla, Father, first Kansas martyr, mem-
ber of Coronado's expedition 168
Paduca Indians 172
Pagan, W. D ....• 61
Paine, Albert Bigelow, poem on the wild
sunflower 301
Paine, Robert Treat. 417
Palermo, Doniphan county, candidate for
state capital 347
—election, 1857-'.58 507
Palmer, Mrs. Anna Todd 128
Palmer, George 535
^ Palmer, L. R 347
Palmer, Smith M., register at Salina land-
office 9
Palmyra, Kan 278
— raid on by pro-slavery men, May 31,
1856 286
Palmyra guards. Captain McWhinney. _ 278
Pamphlets, annual accessions to the li-
brary . . 118
Pan-American convention, St. Louis, Oct.
3,1893.. 539
Pan-American exposition, Buffalo, 1901 . .. 531
Paola, candidate for state capital 347
— in Price's raid 413
Papan Brothers' ferry on the Kansas, near
Topeka ... . 425, 482
—washed away in the flood of 1844 478
Paradise creek, near Russell. 386
Pardee, Horace, captain company H, Sev-
enth Kansas 24
Pardee, Atchison county 324
Pardons, board of 526
Paris Industrial Exposition, 1889 522
Paris Universal Exposition, 1867 521
— 1878 . 522
Park, D. F 372
Park, Geo. S 183
Park, H.Clay iv
— director jii
Park, J. G 5Z0
Park College 272
Parke, Prof. L. A 127
Parkenson, William L 522
Parker, Elisha 264
Parker, H 522
Parker, J. W. .520
Parker, Prof. John D 516, 519
Parker, L. G 51M
Parker, M. F. 410, 414, 415
Parker, Rev. Roswell D 518
Parker, Solomon . — 61
Parker, Solomon &, of Lawrence 217
Parker, Theodore 418, 421
Parkhurst, , of Eustis 43
Parkinson, W. L 528
Parks, Frank 6 1
Parks, John S 511
Parks, Joseph, Shawnee chief ... 2.52,253, 251
— experiences as a Kansas slave-owner, 254
Parks, P. S 347
Parks, Samuel C. . '. 526
Parks, Thomas, contractor on Union Pac-
ific railroad, killed by Indians in 1867, 387
Parks, William 253,255. 427
" Parkville Luminary" 183
Parmelee, Gpo. F 521
Parmeuter, Charles S. 521
Parrott, Marcus J 345, 369, 372, 375, 5(9
Parsons, Luke F iv
Parsons, W. H 5)7
Parsons district school. Saline county 72
Partch,B. F 539
Partridge, G. W 179, 182, 372
Patchen, A, L., register at Oberlin land-
office 12
Pate, H. Clay 182,278,289
—fight with Capt. John Brown at Black
Jack 285
— in command of company of territorial
militia 281
Patrick, S. L 517
Pattee, E. L 518
Pattee, H. D 539
Patterson, Torvine 532
Patterson, Findlay, receiver Junction City
land-office 9
— contractor on territorial capitol 382
Patterson, Robert 5:^9
Patterson, Robert F 127
Pattison, Mr. ,of Indiana ., 246
Pattison, Mo ' 46
Paul, sermons on, by John A. Anderson .. 318
Pawhuska, Okla. 6i
Pawnee Bill, freighter on the Santa Fe
Trail 138
Pawnee, Riley county 375
-buildings at 239
—capital 230, 231, 335
— selected by Governor Reeder for terri-
torial capital 332
Pawnee county 455, 457, 458, 461-464
Pawnee Indians. . 75, 483, 499
— burial mounds in Kansas. .... 134
—guides of Cheyenne expedition, 1857. .. 494
—commit depredations upon the Potta-
watomies 83
—eighteen killed by one Kansas Indian, 429
—robbery of Professor Say's party by 441
Pay-day among the Indian tribes 259
Paymasters-general of Kansas 517
Payne. John 127
Peabody, Miss Elizabeth . 420
Peacock, A. S., suggests the marking of
the Denver trail 123
Pearce, J. A., of Maryland 389
Pearson, Moses 268
Pease, William A., sergeant-major Seventh
Kansas ... 18, 22
Peck, George R 98, 108, 147, 532, 542
Peck, Rebecca Desha 545
Peck, Robert M iv
580
KANSAS STATE HISTORICAL SOCIETY.
Peck, Robert M., biography. — 545
—recollections of early times in Kansas
territory, the Cheyenne expedition of
1857 484
Peck, Rev. S 474
Peck, William 545
Peery, Rev. J. T., missionary to the Kaws, 426
Peffer. Wm. A 515, 541
Peketon county. 452, 453, 454
Peltries, traders' price for, 1825 424
Pember,8.T 167
Penalosa's hoax 162
Penitentiary, commissioners and directors,
508, 527
—wardens 508, .527
Pennock, J. C 372
Pennock, Wm 372
Pensineau, Paschal, Kickapoo Indian in-
terpreter 438
Pentecost, Rev. Geo. F 507
— bioeraphy 6
—contest clerk Lecompton land-office.. . 6
Peoria, Baptiste 92
Peoria Indians, disposal of their Kansas
lauds 92
— reservation in Kansas 81
—and Kaskaskia trust lands, 1854 3
Pepoon, Lieut. Silas 114
Pepperell, W. H. L 527
Pepys, Baniuel 187
Perdue, Miss Rosa M viii, ix
Perkins, Squire 416
Perkins, Mr. , smith for the Shaw-
nees, 1850 256
Perkins, Bishop W 513, 515, 516
Perkins, Fred 538
Perkins, .Joseph 416
Perkins, L. H 537
Perrill, George W 128
Perrill, N. A 128
Perry, Albert 527
Perry, C. D 535
Perry, George 534
Perry, J. A 186
Perry, John 306
Perry, John D 204
Perry, Mrs. Julia B 524
Perrv, Leslie J 147
Perry, VV. C 96, 542
Persimmon jam 194
Pestana, H. L 533
Peters, M. S 516, 539
Peters, Samuel R 513, 516, 523, 540
Peters, Mrs. Samuel R 534
Peterson, Pete 127
Peterson, Soren 127
Petillon, W. T 542
Petrikin, Hardman, clerk Lecompton land-
office 6
Pettit, Judge John 508
—his court at Leavenworth intimidated
by James Montgomery and his men — 221
Pettyjohn, Lewis J., receiver at Dodge City
land-office 12
Peyton, E. B 513
Peyton, J. Q. A., receiver at Topeka land-
office 10
Pharmacy, Board of 527
Phfrlan, R. H 372
Philbrick, J. L 527
Philippines, messengers to 530
Phillips, Colonel, Ninth Illinois infantry, 41
Phillips, O. R 50, 57
Phillips, Wendell 418
Phillips, William 183, 184
—Judge Lecompte's effort to save from
pro-slavery outrage 402
Phillips, Col. William A 14, 147, 162
389, 515, 523
—past president of Historical Society ... ii
Phillips, W. W iv
—death of 126
Phillips county 456, 458
Phipps, Wm. H 518
Piankeshaw Indians, disposal of their
lands in Kansas 92
Piankeshaw Indians, reservation in Kan-
sas 81, 85
—and Wea trust lands, area in 1854 3
Pickering, L. M 538
Pickler, Judge R. M 514
Pierce, A. C i v
—director iii
Pierce, C. B 526
Pierce, Elijah 372
Pierce, Prest. Franklin 4, 87, 367, 394
—approval of acts of pro-slavery party
in Kansas 341
Pierce, Jefferson 534
Pierce, S. W iv
Pierpont, John 148
Pierson, John 530
Pike, J. A., participation in attempted
rescue of John Brown... 215, 216, 220, 223
—letters to O. E. Morse, 1887 and 1903, re-
lative to attempted rescue of John
Brown 225
Pike's Pawnee village site. Republic
county 167
Pike's Peak 491
—candidate for state capital 347
Pilcher, Dr. F. Hoyt 522, 537
Pilkenton, W. H 519
—receiver at WaKeeney land-office 11
Pilot bread 46
PilotKnob 46
Pioneer, Kickapoo 185
Pioneer hardships 227
Pioneer life in southern Kansas 192
Pioneer narratives, method of recording.. 130
Pioneer settlements, difficulties of 70, 241
Pioneer types 69
Pipher, John 518
Pirogues, description of 428
Pitts, Aaron M 18, 21
Plains Indians, 1825 75
Planter's house, Leavenworth 221
Plass, Dr. Norman iv
— director iii
Platte Bridge. Wyoming, battle of, by S.
H. Fairfield 3.52
— illustration of 3.54
Platte county, Mo., Argus 183
Pleas, William M., proprietor of the
Planter's house, Leavenworth 221
Pleasant, Robert D 127
Pleasanton's cavalry 45
Plowing, various methods. 192
Plowman, Thomas, receiver at Cawker
City land-office 11
Plum buttes on the Arkansas 488
Plumb, Preston B 147, 306, 353, 511
512, 515, 526
Plumer, Gov. 416
Plymouth, Brown cotinty 314
Poepges, Wm 372
Poff, S 55
Poindexter, J. S 533
Poison Springs 406
" Polar Star," Missouri river steamboat... 276
Police commissioners 527
Polk, President James K 4
Polk, Oliver H.P 103
Pollard, William 138
Pollock, .John C 512, 542
Pomeroy, C. R 525
Pomeroy, Samuel C 99, 278, 304, 305
228, 348, 515
— biography. 278
— portrait of mentioned 120
Pomona, Franklin county 131
—founded by J. H. Whetstone 100
Pond, Maj. James B 285
Pond creek 176
Pontotoc . . 43
Poor Bear, Apache chief 453
Pope, Maj. -gen. John 361
Popenoe, Prof. E. A 516, 526
Porter, Geo. W 517
Porter, R.J 347
Porter, Silas 534
Post, E. C 527
GENERAL INDEX.
581
83
177
Postal telegraph 322
Postlethwaite, J. C 530, 542
Pottawatomie county 243, 452
Pottawatomie Indians 73, 102, 481
—depredations of Pawnees upon 83
—disposal of a portion of their lands in
Kansas 102
— in Mexico 102
— Jotham Meeker, missionary among. ... 80
—reservations in Kansas 3, 82,
Pottawatomie massacre, address of S. J.
Shively before the twenty-iughth an-
nual meeting of the Historical Society,
December 1, 1903 v,
Pottawatomie rifles, John Brown, jr., cap-
tain 277, 284
—occasion of its organization 179
— under command of H. H. Williams 277
Potter.F.W 511
Potter, Thomas M 519, 532, 535, 538, 539
Pottery, Indian 164
Potts, G. D 61
Powell, John 178
Powell, Lemuel W 129
Power, Frank M 529
Powers, George, interpreter for the Sacs
and Foxes 101
Pow-eshick, Fox Indian, death of, in
Osage county 131
Pracht, Mrs. 167
Prairie chicken 194
Prairie City 238, 277, 289
—candidate for state capital 345
—church at, attended by Captain Brown
and his men just before the battle of
Blackjack. 286
Prairie City Guards,' Capt".'^^' Shore,' 278', 287
Prairie D'Ane 407
Prairie Grove. 406
Prairie schooners in Santa Fe trade 142
Prather, Van B 510
Pratt, C. H 521
Pratt, Calebs 508
Pratt, Cyrus N 521
Pratt, George L 528
Pratt, I. V 517
Pratt, Rev. John G 74, 477
Pratt, Louis K 514
Pratt, Mrs. Mary Hoover 12S
Pratt, W. H 514
Pratt, W. H. H 61
Pratt county 456, 458, 461, 462, 465
Pray, William 528
Preemption entry by Julius G. Newman, of
Atchison, the first in Kansas 8
Preface, by Geo. W. Martin, secretary vii
Prehistoric mounds, explorations of. . 133, 135
Prehistoric route, Santa Fe 161
Prentis, Noble L 147, 544
—address Agricultural College, men-
tioned 317
—at Hammond revival., 317
— portra it of, given the Society 119
—suggests the sunflower as the state em-
blem. 544
Prentis, Mrs. Caroline iii, iv, 123, 534
Prentiss, Dr. S. B. 508
Presbyterian church, Junction City 316
Presbyterian missions among the Osages,
73, 190, 479
Prescott, J. H 514
Presidents of the conncil and senate 509
Preston, H. D 347
Price, Francis C 515
Price, Capt. George F 355
Price, John 129
Price, John L., register at Topeka land-
office 10
Price, John M 511
Price, John T 239
Price, Nathan 512
Price, Gen. Sterling 15, 142. 353, 407, 451
— move on Lexington 28
—portrait of, mentioned 120
— raid in Kansas 45, 46, 412
Price, Thomas L 90
Price, Thomas B., examiner LecomptOB
land-office 6
Price raid, Seneca military company in.. . 134
—the Fourth Kansas militia in ; address
of W. T. McClure before the twenty-
eighth annual meeting of the Histor-
ical Society, December 1, 1903 149
Price raid claims, committee to audit 528
Prime's ferry on the Missouri 424, 425
Primmer, Abram 127
Prince, Maj. , portion of Sixth Kansas
cavalry organized by order of 16
Pringle. James T 511
Printers, state 278, 313
— territorial 508
Printing press. Rev. Jotham Meeker brings
the first to Kansas, in 1833 80
— used at Sumner, Kan., in 1857, given
the Society by J. D. Quillen 119
Prisoners escape from rebel prisons 405
Pritchard, Geo. C 525
Pro-slavery and free-state men, battles and
skirmishes between, during the sum-
mer and fall of 1856 283
—atrocities in Kansas, 1854-'56.. 183, 186, 279
— camp on Washington creek, known as
Fort Saunders 314
—convention, Leavenworth, October 31,
1855 185
—notice delivered to free-state settlers
on Pottawatomie creek > 180
— recruits from the Southern states 340
— secret societies 183
— settlements , 179
— view of the opening of Kansas to set-
tlement vii
Prouty, Salmons 143, 147,278, 306
511. 525
Pryor, Sarah 62
Public records, care of ix
Public works, board of 531
Pueblo, Colo., 1857 491
Purcell,E. B 518, 540
Purcell, Isaac T 538
— register Wa Keeney land-office 11
Pure food and drug<;ongress 539
Purifoy, Capt. J. H.,C. S. k 407
Putnam, architect Santa Fe railroad 351
Putnam, Gen. Israel 171
Pyne, W. A 539
Q.
Quakers* interested in underground rail-
road 324
Quaker, see Friends
Quamopia, Shawnee Indian 255
Quantrill, William C 124, 137, 299, 324, 379
—bones of in the possession of Historical
Society 124
—death of 544
—letter of, mentioned 330
— portrait of 120
— raids on Gardner, Olathe, and Shaw-
nee 169
—the Morgan-Walker tragedy, paper by
Rev. John J. Lutz 324
— Missouri Union refugee at Hesper in
August, 1863, killed by 270
Quantrill raid claims .^. . . - 529
Quapaw reservation in Kansas 77, 81,82
Quartermasters-general of Kansas 517
Que-ba-co-mo-no. Kansas Indian 430
Quillen, J. D.. gift of early printing press
to the Society H9
Quindaro 307
Quinton, A. B iv
Quivira, location of near Junction City ... 68
R.
Raccoon skins 324
Rader, Bill, killed at Baxter Springs mas-
sacre by Sergt. W. L. McKenzie 119
Radford,J.W 522
Rafety, James L., captain company H,
Seventh Kansas 24
582
KANSAS STATE HISTORICAL SOCIETY.
Raiean, Jacob, near Wostport, Mo., 1854.... 228
Railroad assessor.?, list of 529
Railroad bond voting 145
Railroad Commissioners, Board of 529
Railroad congress, delegates to 539
Railroad grading among the Indians,
|)aper by A Roenigk vi, 384
Railroad iron brought from England 145
Railroad land grants 322
Raines, Gen. GabrielJ 427
Raines, Dr. Taylor K 523.525
Ralston, Clate M., register Independence
land-office 8
Ranisev, G. F 540
Randall, D. Bradley 129
Randolph, Asa Maxon Fitz 510, 512
Randolph, J 527
Randolph, Leslie Fitz iv, 534
— director iii
Randolph, William A 513
Range lands 51
Rankin, John C 129
Rankin, Maj. John K 273, 517
Rankin, John M 525
Ransom, Epaphroditus, receiver at Fort
Scott land-office 9
Random, J. R 532
Rash, F. W 523
Rastall, John E., biography 310
Rath, Charles. 456
Rauser, Henry, entry clerk at Lecompton
land-office 5
Rawlins county 457,461, 463
Ray, Francis M 20
Ray. James A 514
Read, alias of Richard J. Hinton 213
Read , J. A iv
Read, W. F.. 538
Reader, Samuel J iv
Reading, J. A 127
Reading, Pa., railroad strike 322
Realf , Richard 306
Reaser, J. G 518, 532
Reasoner, Calvin 519
teasoner, M 526
ebul prisoners, rations of 406
Rebellion, war of, the Indian question one
of the causes of 72
Rebi)k, Horace M 131
Recollections of early times in Kansas
from the standpoint of a regular cav-
alryman, by Robert M. Peck vi, 484
Recorder and Period, Westmoreland 83
Records, public, care of ^ ix
Red Cloud, Indian chief 110
Red Legs, secret union military society. .. 326
Red, Shawnee Indian 255
Redden. Judge A. L 350, 514, 518
Redden, Dr. J. W 523
Redfleld, Josiah C. receiver at Humboldt
land-office 9
— receiver at Wichita land-office! 10
Redpath, .James 352
— concerned in attempt to rescue Stevens
and Hazlett from Charlestown jail 214
— first newspaper "interviewer" 285
—"Life of John Brown," mentioned 220
Reece, G. A 167
Reed, C 514
Reed, Noah 534
Reed, Lieut. William I Ill
Reeder, Gov. Andrew H... 4, 304, 331, 341, 435
,508, 509
—assaulted by B. F. Stringfellow 307
—author of bloody-issue resolutions and
speech. Big Springs convention, Sep
tflmber 5, 1855
—charged with speculating in Indian
lauds ...
—designs seal of Kansas territory
—escape of
— grants certificates to members of ter-
ritorial legislature in 18,55 365
- portrait of, mentioned 120
Reeder, James H , 514
Reoder, William A 'sie, 538
517
. 375
76
293
186
Rees, Dewey
Rees, R. R
Reform school, Leavenworth ...
Reform school, Topeka
Regan, James R
Reg-e-kosh-ee, Kansas chief
Reid, W. E
Relief agent, S. C. Pomeroy
Remington, Maj. J. B iv,
—director
Remsburg, George J
— bi( graphy
—history of Isle au Vache
Remsburg, John E
Renedikt, Max
Reno county 80, 456, 458, 461,
Republic county 453,
Republican, Lawrence
Republican, Miami 91,
Republican, Paola
Republican party, created by the passage
of the Kansas-Nebraska act
— organization of, in Kansas
— organization of, in Jackson county,
1859
Republican river, explorations for Indian
relics on
Requa, William C, missionary to the
Osages, 1826
Resolutions by FarragutXhomas Post No.
8, G. A. R
Resources of Kansas, Hutchinson's
Reynolds, Adrian
Reynolds, Chas
Reynolds, Lewis A
Reynolds. Milton Wellington ("Kicking
Bird"), 80, 147,
— receiver at Independence land-office . . .
Reynolds, Simpson S 538, 539,
—receiver at WaKeeney land-office
Rhodes, T. F
Rhodes. W. H
Rhue, Garrett
Rice, A. L
Rice, Benjamin 2l5, 220,
Rice, C. R
Rice, H
Rice, H. V
Rice, Harvey D., death of
— director
Rice, John H 538,
Rice, Mary
Rice, William M 525,
Rice county 456, 458, 469,
—claimed by the Kaws as their hunting-
grounds
— Kaw trail in
Rich, Hiram, sutler at Fort Leavenworth,
Richards, Black well S
Richards, Francis Marion
Richards, W. S
Richardson, Col. Robert V
Richardson, , settler at "110" in the
'40s
Richardson, Rev. A. M
Richardson, Cy
Richardson, Eleanor D
Richardson, George
Richardson, James M
Richardson, John.
Richardson, John S., register at Topeka
land-office
Richardson, Mrs. M. W
Richardson, Gen. William P., 281, 312, 337,
— portrait of, mentioned
Richardson county
Richardson post-office
Richey, William E iv, v, 68,
—director
— Early Spanish Explorations and In-
dian Implements in Kansas, address
before twenty-eighth annual meeting
of the Historical Society, December 1,
1903
—report of committee on mounds and
village sites
536
515
530
530
534
247
526
278
541
436
436
436
521
462
463
80
92
356
135
480
. 380
80
520
518
127
532
9
542
11
520
524
170
61
223
525
238
527
125
iii
541
333
527
470
209
206
332
528
127
475
40
237
129
534
80
536
108
534
10
127
451
120
4.50
238
543
152
135
GENERAL INDEX.
583
Richland, Shawnee connty
Kiclimond company, Indiana emigrants,
]>S56
Richter, Lieut.-gov. Harry E 509,
Riddle, Lieut.-gov. Alexander P.,
iv, 198, 350, 509, 518, 524, 534,
—biography
— director
Riddle, R
Riddle, Taylor
Ridenour ct Baker, of Lawrence
Ridgely,E. R 516,
Ridge way, J. C
Riggs, John B,
Riggs, John D. S
Riggs, S. B
Riggs, Samuel A 329, 513, '515, 539,
Riggs, Wm. H
Kiley, Tapt. , at Cow island, in 1818 ...
Riley, Riley county 134, 439, 450, 457.
461, 463,
—buffalo herd in, 1855
— camp of Kansas Indians in, 1855 246-
Rio Don Carlos land grant
Rio Las Animas land grant
Ripley, Mrs. Sarah
Rippey, W. B
Ritchie, Col. John 345, 347,
448, 508,
Ritchie, J. H
Ritchie block, Topeka
Ritter, John N . .
River Improvement Congress, Kansas dele-
gates to
Rivers, B. F
Rivers as boundaries
Rizer, Henry C
Roads, Indian
Roads, state
Robb, Silas C
Robertaile, Robert, Wyandot Indian
Roberts, Judge , of Big Springs
Roberts, George R. T
Roberts, H. S
Roberts, J. N 516,
Roberts, John W
Roberts, Dr. Reuben L., agent for the
Shawnees
Roberts, T. T
Roberts. Wm. Y 345,369,
Robertson, , prisoner at Lecompton..
Robinson, B. J
Robinson, Gov. Charles 182, 184, 285,
303, 340, 345, 370, 389, 509, 523, 531,
— address, Lawrence, July 4, 1855, men-
tioned
—arrested by pro-slavery officers
— controversy with Senator Lane regard-
ing the organization of Kansas troops,
14
— letter of secretary of war directing him
to raise three Kansas regiments
—letter to James H. Lane, d. Camp
Sacket, August 11, 1856, himself and
friends hope to obtain their release
from detention at Lecompton through
some legal process . .
— past president of the Historical So-
ciety
—protected by Judge Lecompte
Robinson, David
Robinson, E. F
Robinson, E. W. history of Miami county,
mentioned 85,
Robinson, Fannie B
Robinson, Geo. T
Robinson, James W
Robinson, John W 143, 295, 509,
Robinson, Joseph
Robinson, L. W
Robinson, Mrs. Margaret E
Robinson, Mrs. Sara T. D 203, 256,
Robinson, W. C 540,
Robinson, W. D.
Eoby, , Indian agent who conducted
the Otta was to Kansas
309
527
541
19S
iii
372
525
329
540
372
59
521
.525
542
410
439
460
465
246
-250
7
7
419
533
444
527
526
347
513
540
534
442
529
133
531
522
86
369
540
518
517
525
94
61
372
403
539
294
533
365
186
203
402
55
526
92
143
517
61
515
535
538
534
531
541
536
80
Roby, Dr. Henry W 525, 533
Roche de Boeuf band of Ottawas 104
Rochester, Shawnee county 481
Rock, William 127
Rock Saline 77
Rock Springs, on Santa Fe road 169
Rockwell, Capt. Bertrand iv, 145
— director iii
Rockwell, George 145
Rockwell, Porter 320
Roddey, Col. Philip D 38
RoHgers, L 61
Rodrigue, Dr. i^ristides, contractor on
capitol, Lecompton 338, 381
Roenigk, Adolph vi
— biography 384
—railroad grading among the Indians... 384
Roenigk, Gotlob 384
Roenigk, Maria 384
Rogers, Ezekiel 127
Rogers, Geo. C 520
Rogers, J. W 520
Rogers, John 149
Rogers, James 12S, 518, 525
—history of Osage county, mentioned.. . . 85
Rogers, William 532
Rolston, Joseph iv
Roman Nose, Cheyenne chief 110, 113
Rood, A. D 521
Rooks county 456, 457, 458
Roosevelt, Theodore 187
Root, Frank A., author of "Overland
Stage " 354
Root, George A 168
Root, Lieut.-gov. Joseph Pomeroy. . .. 509, 518
521
—commissions Chas. W. Blair colonel of
Seventh Kansas 27
Ropes, George, architect state-house, 1879,
1889 350, 351, 531
Rose, Mr. 170
Rose, Elizabeth Barnard 123
Rose Bud battle-field 110
Rosecrans, Gen. Wm. S., commands 7th
Kansas at battle of luka 33
Ross, E. A 526
Ross, Edmund G 99, 147, 309, 347, 515
—conductor Milwaukee Company 309
Ross, Finlay 540
Ross, William W 508
Rossington, W. H 96
Roster of Kansas for fifty years, vi, ix, 508-542
Rousseau, Lieut. David Q 112
Rowell, Capt. , stationed at Council
Grove 169
Rowena hotel, Lecompton 339, 382
Rowley's drug-store, Topeka 348
Roy, A. J 128
Royce, Mrs. Olive I !▼
—director .. iii
Royce, John Q 534
Royce, Charles C, Indian land cessions. .. 131
Rubow, Charles 128
Ruggles, Qon. Daniel 38
Ruggles, R. M 513, 536
Ruggles, Mrs. S. L 537
Ruggs, Chas. W 128
Rumbold, William, architect Lecompton
capitol 338
Ruppenthal, J. C iv
— director iii
Rush county 456,458,462, 464
Rush, H. D 540
Russell and Majors 394
Russell, Call 61
Russell, Edward 223, 517, 523, 524, 529
— assists the party on the way to rescue
John Brown's men 216
— his account of the attempt to rescue
John Brown from Charlestown jail,
218, 225
— past president of the Historical So-
ciety ii
— portrait of, mentioned 120
Russell,G. R 304
Russell, W.G 538
584
KANSAS STATE HISTORICAL SOCIETY.
Russell, W, H 304
Russell, Wm. H 403
Russell, Indian raid upon in 1868 384
Russell county 456, 457, 458
Rutherford, Dr. , of Harrisburg, Pa.,
interested in escape of Stevens and
Hazlett 213,215, 255
Rutledge, Silas 535
Ryan, J 536
Ryan, Thomas 516
Ryan, W. H 533
Rynerson, John 128
S.
Sabin, George N 170
Sacs and Foxes, areas of lands in Kansas,
1854 3
Sac and Fox Indians of the Mississippi, 85, 129
— date of removal to Kansas 130
— disposal of their Kansas lands 100
—history as residents of Osage and
Franklin counties 130, 237
— stone houses built for, by Robert S.
Stevens 100
— Chippewa, Munsee and Ottawa In-
dians, C. C. Hutchinson, agent of 80
Sacs and Foxes of Missouri 91
— cede their Kansas lands 87
— councils on Cow Island 439
-flood ofl844 477, 478
— reservation in Kansas 82, 131
Sacket, Capt. Delos B 341, 485
Sadler, Otis E 522
Safford, 148
Safiford, Judge Jacob 512, 513
Sage, Ralph. 167
Saginaw band of Chippewas 82
St. Bernard, candidate for territorial cap-
ital 338
St. Clair, James F 531
St. John, Gov. John P., 48, 295, 350, 451, 509, 533
541
— biography of 295
St. John, Mrs. Susan J 518
St. John county 463, 466
— changed to Logan 469
St. Louis, meteorological record and diary
of William Clark, 1826-'31 75
St. Mary's Mission, Pottawatomie county, 83
St. Paul, Neosho county 77
St. Paul, Osage Mission started at in 1847, 190
St. Regis, Indian reservation in Kansas. . . 83
St. Vrain, Cerain 7
Salina, in flood of 1844 478
Salina land-ofRce 9
Saline county claimed by the Kaws as
their hunting-grounds 209
Salsbury, James 372
Salt, cost and expense of transportation
during the '50s 146
Salt Lake crossing of the Platte 505
Salt Lake City 320
Salt spring lands, appraisers of 526
Salter, David N 198
Salter, Melville J 196,197,509, 518
— biography 198
— register Independence land-office 8
Salter, Peter 198
" Sam Gaty," transport on Missouri 30
Sam Houston, Wichita Indian 176
Sample, M. K 169
Sampson, Mason D 522, 541
Sampson, Turner 371,372, 529
Sams, James P 532
Sanborn, Aaron 416
Sanborn, Benjamin 415
Sanborn, Charles 417
Sanborn, Francis B 419
Sanborn, Frank B 213, 219, 222, 275
— autobiography vi, 415
—letter to J. W. LeBarnes, d. Nov. 29,
1859, fears the attempt to rescue John
Brown from Charlestown jail will be
futile 213
Sanborn, Lydia 416
Sanborn, Rachel 416
Sanborn, Thomas Parker 419
— biography 422
Sanborn, Victor C 419
Sand-bank convention, Lawrence, July 17,
1855 368
Sand-creek massacre, Colorado 353-4
Sanders, Lieut. Bazil C 19, 39, 48
Sanderson, A. M 128
Sanford, Maj. R.A 40
Sangre de Christo land-grant 7
Sankey, R.A 535
Sans Oreills, Kansas Indian 429, 431, 432
Santa Fe crossing at Council Grove, on
the Neosho, illustration i:^
Santa Fe trade 87, 335
—and Kansas City 228
Santa Fe trail 207, 369, 487
—a famous old crossing on ; paper by
Geo. P. Morehouse, read at the 28th
annual meeting of the Historical So-
ciety. Dec. 1, 19U3 137
—a prehistoric route 161
—at "110" 236
—map of survey made in 1825-27 secured
by the Society 123
—marking of by D. A. R 122
— trip to Council Grove on, in 1852 257
— Yeager raid on, in 1863 168
Santa Fe traders 141
Sapp, W. F 536
Sapp, E. E 536
Satank, Kiowa chief 544
Satanta, Kiowa chief 175
Satterthwaite, J. M 519
Saum, William E., receiver at WaKeeney
land-office 11
Saunders, Ed 533
Saunders, W. R 511
Savage, Joseph 329, 516
Savage, W. R 540
Sa wlog creek 490
Sawyer,H.H 519
Say, Prof. Thomas 440
Sayle, James L 345
Sayre, L. E 516
Scales, Anderson 534
Scales, Wm 444
Scalp-dance among the Kaws 210
Scammon, E. A 525
Scammon,J.Y 304
Scandinavian Lutheran Synod of North
America 167
Scates, Wra. A., register at Dodge City
land-office 12
Schermerhorn, A. M 536
Schermerhorn, Thomas B 312
Schermerhorn, V. E., Indian relics found
on farm of. 134
Schiller, Charles, Indian relics found on
the farm of 134
Schilling, Francis, death of 37
Schilling, Jno. 541
Schlyer, John, receiver at Wa Keeney
land-office 11
Schmidt, C. B 521
Schoenmacher, Father John 190
Schofield, J. G 521
School lands, commission to select and
locate indemnity 530
School sections in Osage ceded lands 109
School Text-book commission 530
Schoolhouses used for various public
gatherings 193
Schoonover, Manford 512, 541
Schrimpcher vs. Stockton 98
Schuyler,P.C 345, 372
Scott, Charles F iv, 516, 53'2
—director iij
Scott, E. G 372
Scott, E.J 538
Scott, Henry W., register at Lamed land-
office II
Scott. JohnB 517
Scott, John W 509, 511, 532
Scott, L 540
GENERAL INDEX.
585
Scott, Lyman
Scott, S. M 351,
Scott, Samuel
Scott, Thomas A
Scott, Tally 523, 535, 538,
— receiver at Oberlin land-ofiBce
Scott, W. W 124,
Scott, Gen. Winfield, removal of the Chero-
kee Indians from Georgia to the Indian
Territory
Scottcounty 457, 461,
Scoville, C. K
Scranton
Scudder, Maj. Thos. W
Scurvy in the army, 1857
Seal of Kansas
—paper by Robert Hay
—illustration
Seal of Kansas Territory
Seals, of the Old World
Seaman, Benjamin 215,
Seaman, G. M., letter to Geo. W. Martin,
relating to " Battle of the Spurs,"
Seaman, H. C, and Stevens-Hazlett rescue,
215, 220.
Searl, A. D. . surveyor of Lawrence and
Topeka
Searl, Oscar F., receiver at Salina land-
office ...
Searl, Mrs. Susie J., gift of instruments
with which her husband, A. D. Searl,
surveyed the townsites of Lawrence
and Topeka
Sears, Theodore C 527,
Sears, W. H
Seaton. John 351, 531,
Secession precipitated by the passage of
the Kansas-Nebraska act
Secrest, Ed
Second Kansas cavalry, organization of. ..
14.
Second Kansas volunteer infantry, organi-
zation of 14,
—camp on McGee's farm in Missouri,
1861
Secretaries of state, list of .
Secretaries, territorial, list of
Secretary's annual report for 1903
Sedgwick, Maj. John, U. S. A,... 340, 341,
458, 485, 488,
—biography
Sedewick county
—history 171-
Seed wheat
Seeley, George
Seever, Wm. H
Seller, W. A
Selig, August L 409 ,
Selig, Henry W , killed at Shreveport
Sellers. A
Sells, W. A
Semi-centennial of the opening of Kansas
to settlement. May 29, 1904
Seminole Indians, Shawnees employed to
fight
Semple. R. H
Seneca Indians educated at Friends' Shaw-
nee mission
—P. P. Elder agent of .
— reservation in Kansas 77,
Senecamilitary company called out against
the Cheyennes who had raided along
the Platte .. .
Sennott, George, John Brown's counselor
at Charlestown
Sensor, C . A
Senter, James M
Sequoyah county 457, 461,
Sessions, Charles H
Settlers on the frontier of southern Kansas,
Settlers' Prutective Association of the
Osage ceded lands 191 ,
Setton, F. W
Seven Mile creek, Riley county
Seventh Kansas, arming of
— cavalry, story of, by S. M. Fox v,
519
531
188
90
539
12
326
82
469
541
236
447
504
544
289
290
293
290
223
418
223
119
9
119
532
517
536
vii
518
239
509
508
118
456
502
486
457
177
530
385
128
533
.541
409
525
528
125
255
351
263
64
83
218
536
529
463
535
192
195
351
134
29
13
Severance, John
Seward, Wm. H
Seward county 453, 456, 457, 458,
463, 467, 469,
Shaddona, Caddo chief
Shambaugh, D. K
Shane, B. Frank
Shane, Charles
Shannon, William A ..
—receiver at Augusta land-ofRce
Shannon, Gov. Wilson 103, 108, 185,
303, 33S, 340,
— leaves the territory
Sharman, William
Sharp, Isaac
Sharpe, Amasa T
Sharpe. E R., notary public Kearny Co. ..
Sharp-*' rifles
Sharritt, Geo. F
Shaw, Archibald 520,
Shaw, Jesse.
Shaw, Lemuel, chief justice of Massachu-
setts
Shaw, Nettie A
Shaw, Thomas A 129,
Shaw, Neosho county
Shawnee Baptist mission
Shawnee county. .. 83, 450, 456, 457, 459,
-in the flood of 1844 476,
— Indian reservations in
— Kansas Indians in
—Rev. James S. Griffing, county superin-
tendent of
— superiotendent of public schools
— wolves in 1855
Shawnee Indian treaty of 1854
mission in Ohio, at Wapakoneta.. ..
pay-day
woman said to be 125 years old.. ■_..
Shawnee Indians ... 174,
consolidated with the Cherokees ....
disposal of their Kansas lands
Friends' establishment among
Harvey's liistory of mentioned
history of Friends' mission among,
in Johnson county, by Dr. Wilson
Hobbs 250
reservations in Kansas 3, 77,
traders among
work of Friends among, by Nathan
and Lydia Henshaw _. -.
work of Indiana yearly meeting
among
Shawnee Manual Labor School, 252, 256,
333, 336,
Shawnee mission capital 229,
Shawnee prophet
Shearer, James
Shearman, T. J
She-ga-in-ka, Kansas Indian, portrait of..
Shelby, Gen. Joseph Orville 407,
She I by, Robert
Shelby, R. M.
Shepard, Sanders Rufus
Shepardson. E. A
Shepherd, Henry D
Shepherd, Mrs. H. D
Sheldon, Charles M
Sheldon, H. F. 530, 534,
Sheldon, Miss Laura
Sheldon, W. H
Shellenbarger, Martin
Shelton. D
Sheridan, Daniel, harbors John Brown
and his slaves.
Sheridan, Col. Philip H 32, 113,
Sheridan county 457,461, 463, 465,
— Cheyenne fight in 185'(
Sherman, Esq
Sherman, Andrew J
Sherman, Henry (Dutch Henry), 178,276,
279,
Sherman, John 303,
Sherman, Porter
Sherman, William 178,181, 279.
Sherman Center 50, 55, 56, 57, 58,
523
382
461
470
174
61
520
168
520
10
191
508
305
521
525
520
159
365
542
527
iv
418
iv
475
190
80
472
478
83
481
134
260
243
263
267
259
254
175
94
93
250
78
-263
78
425
267
261
260
508
333
253
535
528
138
451
534
533
509
521
128
128
539
540
123
513
543
537
443
114
46»
506
526
537
280
366
533
280
60
586
KANSAS STATE HISTORICAL SOCIETY.
ShermaQ county 457, 461,
— aud the H. U. A., address by E. E.
Blackmau before the Historical Soci-
ety, Dec. 1, 1903 V,
— Sheriff William Walker
Slierniaaville
t^herrard, Wm. T 340,394,402,451,
Sherriff, W. E
Slierry, Judge Byron, of Leavenworth
county 401,
Sliield, Mrs. Ella Glenn 537,
Shiloh creek
Shindler, Henry
Shinn, A.
Sliinu, A. C
Shinn. n. W
Shinn, T. O
Sliirk, D. F
Shirley, Dr. W. M
Shirley county 453,
Shively, Henry 177,
Shively, S. J iv,
—biography
— Pottawatomie massacre; address be-
fore the 28th annual meeting of the
State Historical Society, Dec. 1, 1903..
Shoemaker, Mrs. Sarah E
Shoemaker, Thomas C, receiver at Le-
coraptoa land-office 31,
Shombre, Capt. Henry J., conductor Rich-
mond, Ind., company to Kansas in
1856
—wounded at Fort Titus >
Slinn, Enos
Shon-ga-ne-gah, Kaw Indian brave. .. 212,
Shore, Samuel T., captain Prairie City
guards 180, 278, 285, 287, 288,
Short, Henry
Shults, J. W
Sibley, Maj. George C, Santa Fe trail com-
missioner
Sibley, H. H., U. 8. A
Signor, J. A
Silk-cuiture commissioners
Silver convention, delegates to
Silvers, D. J. and son
Sime, Wm.
Simmerwell, Rev. Robert 102,
Simmons, J. S 537,
Simon, Julius
Simons, Assist. Surg. James, member
Pawnee association
Simons, R. T
Simons, Walter S
Simpson, Benjamin F 147, 294, 347,
511, 512, 517,
Simpson, James M v, 350,
Simpson, Jerry 516,
Simpson, Math. P.. 513, 532,
Simpson, Dr. O. H
Simpson, W. A
Simpson, William M
Simpson's bank, Lawrence
Sims, William iv, 510, 519, 535,
— director
Sioux Indian chiefs. Two Face and Black
Foot
—hostile in 1865
Sitting Bull, Sioux chief
Six Nations
Sixth Kansas cavalry 15,
— service in Texas
Skeleton creek, Indian Territory
Skeleton ranch
Skiddy, Morris county, Indian relics found
near
Sk idmore, A. H
Slaughter, T. S., agent for the Shawnees
in the Black Bob controversy
Slave in Colorado in 1857 '
—Charlie Fisher rescued from his master
at Leavenworth
—owned by C. Columbia, blacksmith for
the Kansas Indians
—at Shawnee Manual Labor School
—in Jackson county, Mo
469
50
59
179
544
527
517
539
46
530
.529
540
514
514
530
521
456
181
V
177
177
128
10
309
340
372
439
289
540
522
141
341
347
530
540
349
519
260
539
521
230
522
513
510
542
529
539
545
521
528
542
144
537
iii
354
353
110
84
16
405
176
176
135
513
95
492
221
234
256
251
Slave in the eighth census district, 1855....
—owned by Jos, Parks, Shawnee chief...
—rescued by John E. Stewart, of Doug-
las county
Slaves, Ex-, Home, national convention,
St. Joseph, Mo. 1898
Slawsou. W. B
Slight, Henry B
Slough, John P
Sluss, H. C
Slyfert, McMannus & Co
Smallpox in Friends' Shawnee mission
school in 1864
— in Kansas Indian camp in Riley county,
—decimates Missouri Indians
Smallwood, William Hillary
Smart, C. A 100, 513,
Smart, James
Smell, Jacob
Smith, Gen. A. J 42, 44,
Smith, AbramW 511, 519, 522, 535,
Smith, Alexander
Smith, Lieut. Algernon E •
Smith, Asa
Smith, Asher
Smith, Austin
Smith, C. B
Smith, Chas.W iv, 515, 527,
—director
Smith, Clark A
Smith, Daniel
Smith, Ed. R 529,
Smith, Edwin R
Smith, Elder
Smith, Fred Dumont iv, 530, 5:U,
537, 538,
— director
Smith, Mrs. F. D
Smith, George
Smith, George P
Smith, Judge Geo. W 186, 340,
369, 372,
Smith, Gerritt
Smith, H. E...
Smith, Lieut. H. Walworth
Smith, Hamilton
Smith, Capt. Harry A
Smith, Henry
Smith, Henry D
Smith, Ira H., receiver Doniphan land-
office
—register at Topeka land-office
Smith, James 28, 128. 510,
—biographical sketch
Smith, Capt. James, company C Seventh
Kansas 20,
— action at Crowley's Ridge
Smith, James Hurd
Smith, John 48,
Smith, John H 351, 518, 519, 527,
Smith, Gen. Kirby
Smith, L. T
Smith, Lafayette F., register at Kirwin
land-office
Smith, Matthew
Smith, O. H 58,
Smith, Oscar Z '. 521,
Smith, Gen. Percifer F
Smith, Robert
Smith, Robert, jr
Smith, Reuben :
Smith, S. N
Smith, Samuel C
Smith, Sarah Wray
Smith, Gen. Thomas A., in command of
western military department, 1815
Smith, Dr. Thomas B
Smith, W. A 538,
Smith, W. J
Smith, William H iv, 48, 108, 523,
—director
—past president of the Historical So-
ciety
Smith, Judge William Redwood
Smith county 456, 457,
234
254
217
534
519
62
347
514
101
264
249
87
.509
539
194
128
406
541
168
112
534
129
538
96
532
iii
514
48
531
523
48
533
541
iii
123
48
510
345
511
304
526
112
372
517
48
533
10
518
48
35
46
128
128
531
66
90
11
48
61
537
313
48
48
524
518
147
48
438
196
539
61
529
512
458
GENERAL INDEX.
587
Smoky Hill river
—explorations for Indian relics on .
Smyth, Bernard B 516,
Suake ludiaus
Snider, S. H
Snnddy, James D 20,
Sooddy, JoliuT 18, 28,
Snow, E S
Snow, Edwin H .'
Snow, Dr. Francis H 516,
Snow, Fred. A
Snow, L H
Suowden, E. C
Snyder. Ebenezer
Snyder, Edwin 520, 535,
Snyder, H. C
Snyder, Mary McKinney
Social bands, pro-slavery military society.
Sogard, J.T
Soffard, Thyge
Soldier creek
Soldier's escape from Camp Ford, Tex, by
G.W.Martin
Soldiers' Home, Dodge City
Soldiers' Home, Leavenworth, situated on
Munsee lands
Soldiers in Kansas regiments, many joined
from other states
Spldiers' Orphans' Home, Atchison... 438,
Soley, , mentioned by Higginson in let-
ter to Hinton, December 22, 1859, as go-
ing to Kansas soon to see Montgomery,
Soley, A. C.
Solomon & Parker, of Lawrence
Solomon Fork, sod hospital, left by Chey-
enne expedition of 1857
Solomon river, flood of 1844
Solomon, South Fork
Sonner, H
Sons of Liberty, free-state society
Sons of the South
Sorensou, Charles C
Soule, Amasa
Soule, Silas S 224,
— ( possibly an error )
— concerned in the attempted rescues of
John Brown and of his men, Stevens
and Hazlett 213
—letter to Thayer, Eldridge, Hinton,
etc., dated Coal creek, K. T., May 9,
1860, has returned from attempted res-
cue of Stevens and Hazlett
— visits Stevens and Hazlett in Charles-
town jail
South Carolina Interstate and West In-
dian exposition, Charleston, 1901
South Carolina military companies in
Kansas
Southerland, M. R
Southern Methodist Mission among the
Kaws .
South wick, Albert
—biographical notes
—narrative of the Quantrill and Morgan-
— Walker tragedy
Southern Historical Association
Southeastern Kansas plundered by Cap-
tain Cook and his company of bor-
der-ruiKans from Bates county, Mo.,
1856 280,
Southern Kansas troubles
Southern politicians interested in Indian
colonization west of the Mississippi . . .
Spangler, Wm. C. 531,
Spanish armor found on the Canadian.. ..
Spanish explorations and Indian imple-
ments in Kansas by W. E. Richey... v,
Spanish flag cut on stone on Big creek
branch of Smoky Hill
Spanish land grants
Spanish sword found in Finney county in
188*5
Spanish trailsmen
Spaulding, Azel
Spaulding. Charles, receiver at Topeka
land-office
240
135
522
358
524
511
517
538
511
531
527
530
526
28
537
517
381
183
539
535
487
vi
530
86
16
530
501
478
113
61
326
183
167
217
225
214
-226
216
219
534
340
539
428
324
330
328
122
284
507
73
532
161
152
162
7
158
68
518
10
Speakers of the House of Representa-
tives 509,
Spear-heads 134,
Speck, Fred
Speculations in Indian lands 76, 79,
Speer, John.... iv, 147, 184, 203, 204, 288,
334, 367, 369, 370, 511,
—director..
— past president of the Historical Society,
—report of the Big Springs convention..
Speer, Henry C
Speer, Joseph
Speiner, Charles
Spellbinders
Spencer, Charles F
Spencer, George K
Spencer, H. E
Spencer, Joab
Spencer, Martha P 524,
Spencer, S. O
Spencer repeating carbine
Spilman, R. B
Spillman creek, Lincoln county. Black
Kettle's raid on, in 1868
Spindler, J. W
Spirit of Kansas, Lawrence
Sponsler, A. L
Sprague, E. F
Spriggs, William 349, 531, 510,
Spring, Prof. Leverett W 362,
Springer, James H
Springfield Republican.
Squatter sovereign, Atchison
Squatter sovereignty
Squaws killed in capture of Black Kettle's
village on the Washita
Staats-Zeitung, New York
Stadden, Isaac
Stafford county 456, 458, 461,
Stage-coaches. 1861
Stahm, , of Sherman county
Stairwalt, J
Stalker, Robert
Standwaite, Cherokee Indian, raid on
Humboldt
Stanford, W. A
Stanley, Lieut. David 486,
Stanley, Edmund 511,
" Stanley F.," alias of F. B. Sanborn
Stanley, James 263, 268,
Stanley, Mary W
Stanley, Rachel Hall
Stanley, Thomas
Stanley, Thomas H 268,
Stanley, V. K ; 1
Stanley, W. H
Stanley, Gov. William E 48, 351, 509,
Stanley, Mrs. William E
Stanton, Edwin M
Stanton, Mrs. Elizabeth Cady
Stanton, Sec. Frederick P.. . 307, 341, 507,
—appointed United States senator by
Governor Robinson
—extract from his speech at Lawrence
in 1857
—tribute of J. C. Horton
Stanton, James
Stanton, John F,, state-house architect,
351,
Stanton, candidate for state capital
Stanton, Minnesota
Stanton county 457, 461 ,
Stark, Andrew 306,
Starns, Charles
Starnes, J. F
Starnes, J. W
Starr, , and Lawrence townsite contro-
versy
Starr, J. C 530,
Starr, Orlando S
Starrett, William A
State Agents
State Flower v, 137 ,
— bill declaring the sunflower the
State house, Topeka, commissioners of. ..
State-house drives
511
135
519
84
289
523
iii
ii
362
51t
369
414
140
528
528
61
233
537
526
114
514
112
530
80
540
517
513
373
61
419
184
vii
115
218
517
465
146
51
347
528
527
496
530
213
269
268
269
252
269
526
304
528
123
361
140
508
16
20O
201
252
531
347
324
469
512
508
272
520
368
538
128
532
531
544
300
531
351
583
KANSAS STATE HISTORICAL SOCIETY.
State-house grounds, improvement of
State-house, Topeka, history, by Franklin
G.Adams 344-
State and territorial oflBcers, 1861-1904,
roster of 509-
State movement decided upon in the Big
Springs convention, September 6, 6,
1855
State printer
State publications, printed list of
State roads
State veterinary surgeons
Statutes, Kansas territory, 1855-'59 337-
Stauifer, A. K
Stavely, William
Steamboat arrivals at St. Louis, Mo., kept
by William Clark
Steamboating on the Kansas
Steamboating on the Missouri.. ..145, 251,
— searched for free-state passengers
Stearns, Charles
Stearns, Clark, settler upon Lawrence
townsite
Stearns, Geo. L
Steele, Gen. Frederick 406,
Steele, Rev. John A
Steele, John M
Stenton, Mary H
Stephens,. N. T
Stephenson, R. E
Sterne, Wm. E
Sternberg, L
Sternberg, Thomas J., receiver of the Con-
cordia land-office
Sterrett, Rev. Alexander
Stevens, Aaron D 345,
—attempted rescue of from jail at
Charlestown, Va 213,
Stevens, Alexander H
Stevens, Hiram
Stevens, J. A
Stevens, J. D
Stevens, Robert S 100,
Stevens, Lieut. S. H
Stevens county 457, 461, 463, 469,
Stevenson, Samuel, Atchison police com-
missioner
Stevenson, Jim 60,
Stevenson, M
Stevenson, Robert B
Steward, John ,.
Stewart, , of Martin Stowell's party
from Worcester, Mass
Stewart, Col. , commandant of Camp
Tyler, Texas
Stewart, A. A 520,
Stewart, C.W 345,
Stewart, Capt. Geo. H
Stewart, J. H 530,
Stewart, J.J
Stewart, J. T
Stewart, John E 223,
—incident of his work on the under-
ground railroad
Stewart, Dr. Josephus P
Stewart, Milton.
Stewart, Owen C, superintendent Capitol
building, Lecompton
Stewart, Dr. Samuel G
Stewart, S.J 518,
Stewart, W. C
Stewart, Watson, register Humboldt land-
office
Stich, A. C
Still, Dr. Abraham 371,
Still, Mrs. Amanda
Stillwell.L 13,
Stiue, Mrs. Inez M
Stine, L. C
Stinson, Samuel A 347,
Stockades for protection against Indians . .
Stocks, Fred. A
Stockbridge Indian 253,
—reservation in Kansas
Stockton, Cal., John A. Anderson, pastor
of church in
531
351
542
374
511
122
531
525
338
538
120
75
145
440
185
217
368
418
408
532
529
268
513
523
542
518
10
521
445
226
187
513
529
519
382
110
470
528
61
534
526
252
314
411
539
372
485
540
528
525
225
217
523
525
338
iv
538
513
540
372
128
513
534
iv
510
354
541
263
83
319
Stockton
Stokes, Mr. — , of Chase county
Stokes, Ed
Stone, — , and Lawrence townsite contro-
versy
Stone, Eliza M
Stone, J. D
Stone, J. E
Stone, Mrs. Lucy
Stone, William B iv, 523,
— director
— past president of the Historical Soci-
ety
Stone hotel, Gardner
Stone used in erecting the state-house
Stonebr^ker, Mrs. Julia
Storch, George .
Stores on the frontier 139,
Stormont, Dr. David W., receiver at To-
peka land-office
Storrs, Augustus, Santa Fe trader
Stotler. Jacob 147, 511, 520,
Stout, H.J
Stover, Elias Sleeper 509, 520,
Stover, Solomon G
Stowell, Martin.
—conductor Worcester, Mass., company,
Strain , James
Strang, Jeremiah C 512,
Stranger creek, Atchison county
Stranger, station on the Union Pac, rid. ..
Stratford, E. D
Strawn, Enos
Streams as boundaries
Street, Ithiel
Street, William D 511, 518,
Streeter, C. A
Streeter, James, and Strickler, S. M,, Junc-
tion City
Streeter, Mrs. Josephine
Streeter's Mill, Geary county
Strickland, F. P
Strickler, Hiram J 281, 508, 509, 518,
Strickler, Samuel 511,
—and Streeter, Jas., Junction City
Strickler, W. H
Strike, railroad and anthracite, of 1887-'88,
Stringfellow, Benjamin F... vii, 184, 314,
— attack on Governor Boeder
Stringfellow, Dr. John
—portrait of, given the Society
Strong, Dr. Frank iv,
— director
Strong, Horace E
Strong, Elder John
Strong, Lavinia F
Strong, N.Z
Strong, Mrs. Nellie Norton
Stryker, William 511, 521,
Stuart, Lieut. James E. B
—wounded in Cheyenne expedition of
1857 499,
Stuart, John
Stuart, William I
Stubbs, A. W
Stubbs, Lawrence military company
—goes to relief of Captain Brown at the
battle of Black Jack
Stump, Isaac . ...
Sturges, Judge F. W 514,
Sturgis, Capt. Sam. D 485, 487,
— in command of troops and wagon train
during buffalo stampede, near Great
Bend, in 1857
Sturgis, William, president L. L. & G. rail-
road, effort to secure Osage lands for
his road
Styles, Rachel
Styles, Robert
Sugar convention, Chicago, 1893, dele-
gates to
Sugar creek, Linn county
Sugar creek, Miami county
Sully, Gen. Alfred
Summers v. Spy brick
Sumner, Charles
510
169
347
368
iv
61
530
140
536
170
349
128
528
235
10
141
525
372
525
510
313
309
526
514
438
132
518
372
442
128
520
134
383
534
134
536
519
517
383
518
323
509
307
vii
119
531
iii
128
137
137
511
128
530
505
252
514
537
308
285
128
526
488
107
252
252
540
85
85
114
98
183
GENERAL INDEX.
)89
Sumner, Col. Edwin Vose .. . 120, 123, 281, 341
444, 485
— address to his men at close of the
Cheyenne expedition 503
—and the Cheyenne expedition of 1857...
484-507
—biography ;-i46
Sumner, Atchison county .-••••; 307
Sumner, printing-press used in, given the
Society by J. D. Quillen 119
Sumner county 456, 457, 458
Sunflower, bill declaring it the state flower, 300
— poem of A. B. Paine 301
— Prentis suggests that it be made the
state emblem 544
Sunflowers, native 70, 137
Superintendents of schools, territorial 508
Superior, candidate for state capital 347
—county-seat of Osage 130
Superior court of Shawnee county 515
Supreme court, clerks of 512
—commissioners, list of 512
— reporters, list of 512,
Surgeons-general of Kansas 518
Surveys of Indian lands in Kansas, 74, 76, 251
Survey of Kansas lands 1
Survey of Lawrence and Topeka by A. D.
Searl 119
Sutton, C.E 535
Sutton, William B 524, 537, 540
Swallow, Frank 523
Swallow, Geo. C 522
Swallow, John R 349, 510, 531
Swan, A... 55, 61
Swan, Dr. William B 523, 533
Swan Creek Chippewas 82
Swarts, C. L 514
SwensoD , John P 529
Swensson, Dr. Carl A 161
—biography of 167
Swensson, Rev. Jonas J 167
Swingle, C. G 530
Swisher, W. B 61
Swister, Dr. — , of Sherman county 61
Switzler's crossing of the Santa Fe trail. . . 236
Sword, Spanish, found in Finney county in
1886 158
Swoyer, Fred, captain company B, Seventh
Kansas 19, 36
Sylvester, Charles 385
Sylvester, Douglas 51, 52
Sylvester, V 61
T.
Talcott, Henry W 513, 529
Tallahatchie river, engagement at 44
Tallman, James F 523
Tanner, John A 20, 22
Tanner, William 523
Tappan, Samuel F 185
Tarkington. W. E 541
Tarver, Edmund 128
Tatum, John 326
Tax laws, commission to revise 531
Taxable property of Kansas in 1861 and
1903 143
Taylor, Col. Nathaniel G., United States
commissioner of Indian affairs 107
Taylor.A.L 325
Taylor, Dr. Albert R., 525, 534
TaylorB 57, 58
Taylor, C. A 518
Taylor, C. W 535
Taylor, Lieut. Dewitt C 19, 42
Taylor, Edwin 519, 523, 530
— director iii
Taylor, George 385
Taylor, H. L 526, 528
— register at Wichita land-oflBce 10
Taylor, James Ira 527
Taylor, Jesse, receiver at Garden City
land-office 12
Taylor, Lieut. Joseph H 486
Taylor, L. R 540
Taylor, L.V.B 518
Taylor, O. B 540
Taylor, Richard B 147
Taylor, T.J 528
Taylor, T.T 517, 519
Teagarden, E. S 61
Teas, Edward 252
Tebbs,W.H 337, 509
Tecumseh, Shawnee chief 254
Tecumseh, Shawnee county. .. 3, 134, 345, 508
— ISoa 242
—candidate for territorial capital.. 332, 338
Temperance crusade at Big Spring.s 369
Temperance work of Drusilla Wilson 271
Tennessee exposition, Nashville, 1897 534
Tenney, Dr. A. P.. 524
Tenney, William C 532
Tenth Kansas volunteer infantry 15
Territorial capitols, by Franklin Q.
Adams 331, 382
Territorial election, Oct. 5, 6, 1857 501
Territorial officers, 1854-1861, roster of. .. . 508
Territorial Reporter, Leavenworth, de-
stroyed by pro-slavery mob . . : 185
Terry, Judge David S 4.50
Tesson, Joseph 91
Tewksbury, state almshouse. Mass 420
Texas cattle-drivers, use of the Chisholm
trail by 176
Texas HistQrical Society 167
Texan raid anticipated in southwest Kan-
sas in 1864 453
Thacher, Geo 541
Tbacher, Solon O .. 347, 513, 523, 532, 535
—past president of Historical Societv ii
Thacher, T. Dwight 80, 147, 313, 508
511, 523, 531, 532
—past president of Historical Society. .. ii
Thanhauser, Samuel 525
—receiver at Garden City land-office. ... 12
Thayer, Dr. David 219
Thayer, Davis W 252
Thayer, Elizabeth M 252
Thayer, J. G 527
Thayer, Gen. John M 407
Thayer, W. W., interested in the rescue of
Stevens and Hazlett 213-215
Third Kansas volunteers 14, 16
Tholen, Charles 521
Tholen, William 510
Thoman, Alois 510
Thomas, A. A., register at Cawker City
land-office 11
Thomas, A. S 542
Thomas, Clark 536
Thomas, Gen. Geo. H 110
Thomas, Mayo 527
Thomas, W. K 129
Thomas county 457, 461, 463, 465, 466
— high school 72
Thomas mission among the Ottawas 73
Thompkins, Christopher C 22
Thompson, A. F 541
Thompson, Dr. Alton H iv, 516
— director iii
Thompson, Charles L 19
Thompson, Mrs. Fannie G 122, 534
—death of 126, 537
Thompson, Henry 177, 180, 278, 281
—shot through the lungs at the battle of
Black Jack 287
Thompson, J. F 514
Thompson, J. G. 345
Thompson, Jacob, secretary of interior ... 36
Thompson, Lieut. .John A 486, 507
Thompson, L. H 539
Thompson, R. F 515
Thompson, Waddy 4
Thompson, William 515
Thompson's Bank Note Reporter 144
Thoreau, Henry D 421
—to participate in memorial services to
John Brown 214
Thorndyke, Henry and Anne M., mission-
aries among the Shawnees 264
Thornton, Edward, captain company G,
seventh Kansas 22
590
KANSAS STATE HISTORICAL SOCIETY.
Thornton, Edward, experience with buclf-
skin breeches
Thorp, Clarence
Thorp, E. R
Thorp, Simeon M 511 ,
Thorpe, E. R 159,
Thralls,J. M 540.
Thrasher, L. A
Thrashing-machine canyon
Thurston, Joel, receiver at Topeka land-
office
Thurston, Orlin, register Humboldt land-
office
Tibbetts, Miss Sidney
Tidd, Charles Plummer, assists in plans
for rescue of Stevens and Hazlett from
jail at Charlestown
Tilleux, Eugene
Tilton, Dr. Peter
Tiltou, W. S
Timbered streams in Kansas
Times, St. Marys
Tisne, Claude Charles du.
Titus, Charles H., register at Topeka land-
office
Titus, Col. H. T
— in command of company of territorial
militia
— ordt-red by Governor Geary to rearrest
Hays
Titus, Robert G
Toby, Miss Caroline
Todd, James
Todd, John F 524,
Todd, N
Todd, VV.G 519,
Tolbot, Gov. Thos
Tomblin, M. B 524, 538,
Tomlinson, J. B 527,
Tomlinson, Wm. P
Tool, Corporal Thomas
Toothacker, W. H 519,
Topeka
Topeka Association
Topeka built on Wyandot float
Topeka, capital under Topeka, Leaven-
vcorth and Wyandot constitutions
344,
— Commercial club
— Congregational church, used by house
of representatives, 1861
— D. A. R. offer prize to students of local
high school for two best essays on
Santa Fe trail, in honor of Mrs. Fannie
G. Thompson
— land-office
— men assist John Brown in concealing
his Missouri slaves
—Methodist church used by house of
representatives, 1863
— police commissioners
— surveyed by A. D. Searl .
—constitution, election under
—constitutional convention
—legislature dispersed by Colonel Sum-
ner, July 4, 18.56
— Library Association given right to
erect building on state-house square,
1881
— state government, 1855
—plan first suggested by Jas. H. Lane...
Topping, Dr. Eber
Torrance, E. S
Torriugton, Conn
Tougli.Wm. S iv,
Towakoni, Jim, Indian chief 173,
Towakonis Indians
Tower, Silas B
Town companies, speculating
Townsend, P. H
Townsond, W. B
Townsley, James 180,181, 279,
Tracy, Frank M
Trading houses on the Kansas river. ..425,
Trading post at Council Grove
Train, George Francis
45
61
538
531
543
541
530
123
62
214
538
416
517
490
83
172
10
340
281
394
9
305
372
540
541
537
420
540
539
539
414
540
508
348
86
343
346
447
348
123
7
444
348
528
119
185
344
346
350
363
367
128
514
•^22
542
176
173
128
52
347
534
281
529
431
139
140
Trans-Mississippi and International ex-
position, Omaha, 1898
Trans-Mississippi Congress..
Transportation difficulties in 1857 8,
Transportation on the plains menaced by
hostile Indians, 1865
Treason prisoners at Lecompton
Treasurers, territorial and state, list of,
508,
Trego county 456, 458,
Tremont Temple, Boston
Tribune, Lawrence
"Tribune," New York, proscribed by pro-
slavery men 179,
Trimble, R. A
Troup, Gov. Geo. M., of Georgia, and the
Indian question
Troup, M.G
Troutman, James A
Trovinger, P. V
Troy, candidate for state capital
True, F. W., curator national museum,
Washington
True, J. F
Tuberculosis congress
Tucker, Edwin
Tudhope, John
Tudor, H.O
Tula. Shawnee Indian, 1850 255,
Tulley, Mark 527,
Tupelo, Miss
Turkey creek, Oklahoma
Turkey creek, Kansas, Indian relics found
on .
Turkington, W. E
Turner, A. H
Turner, Ed. M
Turner, Erastus J 516,
Turner, J. E
Turner, L. L ...
Turner, Robert W 529,
Turton, H. A
Tuscarora Indian reservation in Kansas..
Tuton, J. M 345,
Tuttle, Maj. , agent H. & St. Jo. rail-
road at St. Joseph 217,
Tweedale. William 350,
Tweedy, J. H
Twentieth Kansas volunteers 14,
Twenty-secnad Kansas volunteers
Twin Mound post-office
Two Face, Sioux chief
Tyler, Mrs. P. M
U.
Uber, David. . .
Udden , Prof. Johan A
Uhls, L. L
Umbarger, M. D
Underground railroad workin Kansas, 324,
Underbill, Daniel
Underwood, Jesse
Uniform Legislation for American Bar
Association, commission for
" Union ", Alma
" Union ", Junction City
Union hotel, Kansas City
Union military scrip
Union mission among the Osages
Union Pacific railroad, eastern division,
Indian outrages on, in 1868
Union Pacific train robbery near Hugo,
Colo
United States cavalry
— congressmen
—dragoons
— district court
— land-offices in Kansas
— Mounted rifles
—senators, Kansas
—expenses of
— troops at Lecompton
—use of in quieting disturbances in
Kansas
—used at Kansas elections, 1857 504-
522
540
138
353
340
510
463
79
369
^21
518
74
514
509
296
347
158
535
533
525
129
534
2,59
539
43
176
135
536
526
525
529
380
529
534
520
S3
372
226
531
304
541
14
1
354
128
128
135
524
167
443
524
128
532
352
310
228
529
479
384
59
485
515
485
542
v,l
485
515
321
341
405
-507
GENERAL INDEX.
591
University lands 531
University, State 531
—located at Lawrence by Topeka legis-
lature of 1857 346
Updegraff, O. P 537
Updegraff, W. W 509, 511, 519
Uplinger, Jacob 535
Urie. Judge John Q 128
Ury, I. N 533, 541
Usher, John P 100
Usher, S. C 517
Utah expedition of 1857-58 503
Utt, Levi H., First. Lieut. Co. A. and ma-
jor Seventh Kansas 18. 28, 30, 38
Utter, Rev. David 275, 28U, 288
V.
Vache, Isle au, account of by Geo. J. Rems-
bnrg 436
Vail, Rt. Rev. Thomas H 532
Vail, Rev. Wm. F., superintendent of mis-
sion among the Osages, account of the
flood of 1826 479
Vail, Wm. R 372
Valentine, Delbert A iv, 512, 532
—director iii
Valentine, Daniel Mulford 512, 513
Vallier, Samuel G 81
Van Brunt, 351
Vandegrift, Frederick L 534
— director iii, iv
Vandivert, Samuel W 514, 542
Van Doom, A. R 534
Van Dorp, Louis 351
Van Fossen, Dr. Charles L 521
Van Natta, Jacob 129
Van Ness, C. A 528
VanVorhis.L 530
Van Zandt, Geo. C, survey of the Osage
and Cherokee reservations 77, 78
Varner, Mrs. Rachel 128
Vasquez, Barnett. Indian agent of Kansas
Indians, 1825-'28 423
Vasquez, Mrs. Barnett, letter relating to
loss of her property in a keel-boat on
the Missouri 424
Vaughan, Cliampion 147, 508
— assists in destruction of indictments
of Leavenworth grand jury against
Fisher rescuers 221
Vaughan, John C 147, 226
Vaughn, Corp. Edwin M., death of 39
Veale, Col. Geo. W iv, 511
—director iii
Veale, Mrs. Geo. W ... 414
Verdigris river, explorations for Indian
romains upon 135, 136
Verdigris valley 190
Vernon, Harrison 534
Versailles 238
Ve.stal, Eli 265, 270
Vestal, Jemima 270
Vickers, Andrew J., receiver at Hays City
land-office. 11
Vienna Academic Legion 276
Vienna Exposition, 1873 521
Vieux, Lewis, half-breed Pottawatomie.. 481
Village sites of aborigines 133, 135, 483
Villepigue, Gen. John B.,C. S. A 39
Vincent, Frank 536
Vincent, J. B 525
Vincent, R. ■- 520, .537
Vincent, Wm.D 516, 529, 541
Virgil , Cornelio 7
Vivian, Miss , of Cross Hollows, Miss.. 66
Voltaire, candidate for county seat of
Sherman county 50, 57, 60
Von Langen, Herman, register at Topeka
laud-office 10
Voorhis, A. L 526
Voss, M. V 350, 513
Vrooman, Carl 519
W.
Wabaunsee, candidate for state capital. .. 345
Wabaunsee colony 352
Wabaunsee county 352, 457, 460
Waco, Kan 175
Waco Indians 173
Waddle, Matthew M 128
Wade, A. B 368
Waggener, Bailie P jv
Waggener, William P 522
Wagstaff, Daniel R., receiver at Salina
land-office. 9
Wagstaff, William R 513
Wa-ha-che-ra, Kansas Indian chief 4.S9
Waho-ba-ke, Kansas Indian brave 426
Wah-ti-an-gah, Kansas chief 2(i6
Wait, Walter S 520, 537
Wakarusa river 83
— settlement of Shawnee Indians 259
— township, Weller county, Kansas 1
—war, Lawrence, 1856 283, 302, 339
Wa Keeney land-office 11
Wakefield, Judge John A.. .. 334, 345 369, 372
—eccentricities of 199, 200, 205
— home of 229
Wakefield, W. H. T 533
Walburn.A. W 528
Walcott, Harlan P., register at Larned
and Garden City land-offices 11
Walker, .Andrew D 529
Walker Andrew J 326
Walker, Andrew P., clerk Lecompton land-
office , 6
Walker, Miss Ariana S 417
Walker, George 419
Walker, George W 531
Walker, J. L 380
Walker, Joel 86
Walker, Morgan 324
Walker, Richard L 542
— register at Wichita land-office, 10
Walker, Gov. Robert J 200, 308, 331
341, 507, 5118
—tribute of .J. C. Horton 201
Walker, S. T 520, 537
Walker, Col. Samuel 203, 307, 340, 361
372, 485. 517
—conductor of Ohio company to Kansas
in 1856 309, 312
Walker, Gov. William, Wyandot Indian, 97
Walker, William, jr., biography 59
Wall, Charles L., captain company H,
Seventh Kansas 24
Wall.T. B 514, 5H2
Wallace, Thomas M 128
Wallace county 456, 459, 463, 466
Walls. John C .527
Walruff, John 529
Walsh, Sec. Hugh Sleight 507, 508
Walter, James 178
Walters, , proprietor of stage stand at
Rock Springs 169
Walton, George T 196
Walton, John, of Douglas county 306
Walton, Tell W 5-'6
Wampler, J. W 522
Wa-mun-kah-wa-sha, Kansas Indian 138
Wapakoneta reserve of the Shawnee In-
dians, Ohio 261,267
Ward, Allen T., assistant superintendent
Shawnee Manual Labor School 334
Ward, Anthony, wagon-maker, Shawnee
Manual Labor school 334
Ward, Eber D 304
Ward, Ed 540
Ward, Dr. Milo B 523
Ward, Prof. Milan L 5l9
Ward, R. B 537
Ward, Maj. R. G 407
Ward. William E., register of Colby land-
office 12
Wardens' Association, delegates to na-
tional, 1894 541
Ware, Eugene F.... iv, 106, 167, 191, 318, 523
—director iii
592
KANSAS STATE HISTORICAL SOCIETY.
Ware. Eugene F., past president of the
Historical Society
Ware, H. K
Ware, Juniata Maria
Ware, Minerva
Warner, Alexander
Warner, Edgar W
Warner, Lemuel F
Warr.W
Warren, Eitz Henry
Warren, Q. F..
Warrington, J. K
Washburn College 126, 299,
Washer, Solomon R 272,
Washington, Osage county
Washington county 453,
Washington creek, pro-slavery camp on,
called Fort Saunders 314,
Washita, battle of
Washita, Cheyenne village on, illustra-
tion
Wasser, E. A
Wasson, Dr. L. C
Waterbury, Ed. S
Waters, Henry
Waters, Henry W., receiver at Independ-
ence land-office
Waters, John S
Wa-ti-an-gah, Kavp chief, portrait
Watkins, James M
Watrous, Jno. E 517 ,
Watson, Geo. W 538,
—receiver at Topeka land-office
Watson, John H 513,
Watt, Capt. Robert D
Watterson, Thos. W
Wattles, Augustus } —
—and the rescue of John Brown from
jail at Charlestown 214-
Wattles, Emma.
Waugh, Col. G. M
Waugh, Mrs. Harriet L
Wea Indians, disposal of lands in Kansas,
— reservation in Kansas 81,
Wear, Frank
Weaver, G. J
Weaver, George I
Webb, A. H
Webb, George
Webb, Henry G
Webb, W. D.
Webb, Judge William C 512, 513, 515,
Webb, William E
Webb scrap-books
Webber, Ada
Webber, Dr. Augustus
Weber, George
Webster, J. D
Weed, , conductor Bloomington com-
pany of emigrants to Kansas, 1856
Weed, George W
Weed, T. J
Weer, William, colonel Fourth Kansas
volunteers 15,
Wehe, L. E. , photographer
Weilep, E. C 511,
Weiner, Theodore 180, 181,278,
280, 281,
Weinshonk, Frank, 521,
Weisbach, Jacob
Weise, Frank
Welch, Orrin T
Welch, Rudolph B
—receiver at Topeka land-oflBce
Weld, Louis L., assists in the destruction
of indictments of Leavenworth grand
jury against Fisher rescuers
Welin, Prof. J. E
Wellborn, W. C
Weller, John B
Weller county 1, 130,
Wellhouse, Fred iv, 523,
—director
Wellman, M. M
Wells, Abijah
Wells, Hannah, Friends' Shawnee mission,
191
191
191
534
526
129
5:i7
304
372
61
35i
520
238
340
110
110
536
521
539
169
9
527
208
128
541
540
10
532
128
334
254
226
543
170
170
92
85
536
528
527
540
61
513
513
524
544
128
304
309
iv
528
508
168
536
279
284
525
529
536
524
525
10
221
IGl
61
451
450
541
iii
61
512
252
Wolls. James 128
Wells, M. W 5V7
Wells, Newton. t2
Wells, Seth Grant 348, 510
Wells, Thomas, superintendent Friends'
Shawnee mission 252, 260, 268
Wells, Welcome 5i9
Welsh, James B 52S
Welsh, Stephen . 5a4
Welsh translation of Coronado's expedi-
tion 1.52
Wentworth, L. E 537
Wentworth, Lowell F 524
Wesleyan Female Institute of Cincinnati, 24 l
Wessels, Col. Henry W ] 5
West, G. C 530
West, Judson S 513, 5J6
West. T. Bailey 524
Westerfield, Herman 410
Westfall, Dr. , of Douglas county .. 285, 287
" Western Engineer," description of steam-
boat of Loug's expedition 439, 440
Western Home Journal, Ottawa 80
Western states conference convention, 1895,
delegates to. 541
Western University, Quindaro 53i
Westmoreland Recorder and Period 81
Weston, William 25, 521
Westport, Mo 4H1
—battle of. Price's raid 413
—citizens largely pro-slavery 238
Westport Landing 476
Wetmore, C. H 524
Wetzel, George C 129
We ver. Ma j. Surg. Joseph L 28, 520, 526
Wever,J.S 532
Wharton, E. V 5i6
Wharton's Criminal Law, used by -Judge
Lecompte 398
Wheat, L.B 106
Wheaten, Lieut. Frank 486
Wheatley , George W 529
Wheeler, E. D 522
Wheeler, J. H 61
Wheeler, Joshua 518, 519, 535
Wheeler, S. C 520
Wheeler, Sheila V 324
Wheelwright, Henry B 419
Wherrell, John 516, 526
Whetstone, J. H., founder of Pomona,
Franklin county Ill
Whig party killed by the passage of the
Kansas-Nebraska bill vii
Whinrey, J. Milt 128
Whinrey , Leivonia Pryer 128
Whipple, Captain 354
White Mound, Finney county, Indian
burial ground 159
Whistler, Mrs. Sarah A 129
Whistler, William 129
Whistler genealogy 129, 130
White, Mrs. , released from captivity
among the Cheyenues by Gen. Custer, 117
White, Dr. Andrew D 421
White,F.H. 537
White, Hays B 541
White, J. H 527
White, Jerry .534
White, John T ' 524. 538
White, S. B 235
White, W. S 532
White, Wm. A 533
White Clay Creek, Atchison County 438
White Eagle, Kansas chief 43i
White Hair, George, Osage Indian . . 78
White Hair's village on the Neosho. .. 74, 480
— location of the two villages 77
Whitehead, Mrs. H. C 379
Whitehead, John M., hospital steward
Seventh Kansas :•■•;• ^^
White Head, candidate for territorial
capital 338
White Plume, Kansas Indian 440
-death of 432
— description of, by John T. Irving 434
Whites, first settlement of, in Kansas 42
GENERAL INDEX.
593
Whitfield, John W 232, 334, 509
— register Doniphan land-office 7
Whitfield, Shawnee county 481
Whiting, A. B iv, 126, 528
— director iii
Whitinff, Chas. T 542
Whitlock, M. F 540
Whitman, Horace 128
Whitman, Prof. J. S 128
Whitman, Marcus, at Council Grove 142
Whitman, Walt 217
Whitney, Maj. H. C 108
Whitney, Lucius, commissary sergeant.
Seventh Kansas 18, 28
Whittaker, David 516, 528
Whittemore, Prof. Luther D iv
—director iii
Whittington, Granville N 13
Wichaell, Shaler 304
Wichita Indian Agency 176
Wichita Indians in Kansas; address by
Jas. R. Mead before the twenty-eighth
annual meeting of the Historical So-
ciety, December 1, 1903 V, 171
—grass houses of 174
Wichita, Sedgwick county 171
— land-olBce. 10
-police commissioners 528
— Wichita Indians occupy the site of in
1863 173
Wichita county 457, 461, 469
Wiggans, Henry 129
Wipgington, George 128
Wilber, president Wesleyan Female Insti-
tute of Cincinnati 244
Wilcox. Wm. P 517
Wild Cat creek, Riley county, a favorite
camping place of the aborigines 133
Wilden, George M 128
Willcockson, Kleber E 520
—register Colby land-office 12
Wilder, Daniel W .... 4, 13, 145, 147, 222, 294
510, 515, 523, 524, 544
—director iii
— concerned in the attempt to rescue
John Brown's men 216
—motto on Kansas seal 298
— past president of the Historical Soci-
ety. ii
Wildey, .John H 20, 35
Wiles, Dr. C. K 522
Wiley, Dr. Albert 101
— agent of Sacs and Foxes 130
Wilev, Geo. W 522
Wilhite, E. S 334
Wilkinson, , killed on the Pottawa-
tomie 276
279 280
Wilkinson' "Aiienrcharacterof.'. '.".".'.'.'.' 178,' 181
Wilkinson, J. M... 525
Will, Prof. Thos. E 519
Willans, John, register at Junction land-
ofHce 9
Willard, A. W 61
Willard, J. T 516
Williams, Arch. L 96, 542
Williams, Chas. D 540
Williams, D. B...., 539
Williams, Foster 534
Williams, G. C 326
Williams, Geo. W 535
Williams, H.H.... 181, 186, 340, 350, 529, 531
—biography 277
—commander of Pottawatomie rifles 277
William, J. F 525
Williams, J. L 529
Williams. J. R 533
Williams, Col. James M 407
Williams, Joe S 62
Williams, Joseph 509
Williams, Lapier 519
Williams, Mrs. Maria 152
Williams, O. C 128
Williams, P. J 526
Williams, R. L .347
Williams, Thomas 129
—38
Williamson, Dr. Charles 530
Williamson, Theodore 62
Willis, S. J., and Stevens-Hazlett rescue.. 215
220-225
Williston, Prof. Samuel W., 516, 522, 525, 533
Willits, Jacob 444
Willits, John F 526
Willoughby, S. A 526
Willow Springs, Douglas couaty 257
Wilmarth, L. C 517
Wilmoth, Alvin L 532
Wilson, A. M 532
Wilson, Andrew S 513
Wilson, Mrs. Augustus 540
Wilson, Drusilla 271
Wilson, Eleanor Jane Ill
Wilson, Esther Mary ill
Wilson, George 179, 181
Wilson, Henry 536
Wilson, Hill P iv, v
—biography 110
—Black Kettle's last raid, 1868 110
— director iii
— receiver at Wa Keeney land-office 11
Wilson, HillP., jr HI
Wilson, J. C 519, 542
Wilson, J. 0 532
Wilson, James 372, 534
Wilson, James P 372
Wilson, John 527
Wilson, Jonathan 271
Wilson, Levi 526
Wilson, Lewis T 128
Wilson, Robert 230
Wilson, V. P 532
Wilson, W. J 535
Wilson county 450, 453, 454, 456, 457, 459
— part of the Osage ceded land 188
— remains of Indian fort near N'eodesha, 136
Wilson creek, battle of 15, 230
Wimsatt, Richard M iv
Winans, , hauled goods for the Brown
boys from Westport to the Pottawa-
tomie 177
Winans, Geo. W 511
Winans, Jacob S 526
Winans, N. T 518
Winchell, Elisha 304
Winchell, James M 147,302, 305
Wines, Dr. E. C 4i9
Wines, F. H 419
Winfield 508
Winslow, — , assisted in the capture of In-
dependence, Mo 46
Winter, A. E 536
Winthrop. Robert C 420
Wisconsin, eilort to secure the reservation
of, as an Indian territory 73
Wisconsin pioneer company of emigrants
to Kansas, 1856 309, 311
Wise, Gov. Henry A 213, 451
Wise county 4.50
Witt, S. R 312
Wolf, John 541
Wolf, John, Shawnee Indian preacher 269
Wolf, O. 0 534
Wolf skins 424
Wollard, Isaac 372
Wollard, S. C 182
Wolverston.T 372
Wolverton, O. G 533
Wolves, Jas. R. McClure chased by, 1855.. ..243
Woman's experience as a pioneer in Riley
county 241
Wom-pa-wa-ra, or White Plume, Kansas
Indian chief 440
Wood, 531
Wood, Geo. W 525
Wood, Dr. John P., deputy marshal Kan-
sas Territory 369, 448
— biographical sketch 446
Wood, Joseph J., receiver at Independence
land-office . . 9
Wood, Joshua G iv, 372
-receiver at Topeka land-office 10
Wood, L. M 3.50
594
KANSAS STATE. HISTORICAL SOCIETY.
Wood, Samuel N... 144. 184, 185, 229,
453, 456, 511, 513,
—address Fourth of July celebration,
Lawrence, 1855
—counsel for Kibby —
Wood, Stephen M '.. 518, 519,
Wood.Thomas, farmer of Clay county. Mo.,
Wood, Capt. Thos. J 341,
Wood used in locomotives on the Union
Pacific in 1868
Woodard, Levi 265, 524,
Woodburn, Lieut. Thomas J., killed at
Coflfeyville 26,
Woods, J. J
Woodson, Daniel .. 229, 281, 293, 335, 405,
—receiver Doniphan land-office
—secretary of territory
Woodson, Elizabeth
Woodson county 450, 4.53, 454, 457,
Woodward, B. W 143, 531, 532,
Woodward , Charles.
Woodward, O. S
Woodworth, C. A
Woodworth, W. F
World's Agricultural Congress, delegates
to
World's Columbian Exposition, Chicago,
1893, commissioners of
Worrall, Henry, portrait of, mentioned....
Worthing, Ed
Wounded Knee, battle of
Wren, W. A
Wright, Charles
Wright, J
Wright, J. J
Wright, John
Wright, Jonathan
Wright, John K iv, 530, 537,
—director
Wright, John W
Wright, Robert M iv, 123, 522,
— director
Wright, R. W 519, 522,
Wright, T. S
Wright, Gen. W. W., U. P. surveying party,
Wrigley, B
Wrong, Thomas, receiver at Concordia
land-office.
Wyandotte 2, 307,
—in Price's raid
—surveyor general's office removed from,
to Lecompton
—town company, certificates given the
Society
Wyandotte county, " Biographical and
Historical Memoirs" of
369
517
365
393
529
228
485
387
528
37
532
508
7
333
251
459
539
128
531
530
518
541
522
120
540
110
541
372
347
525
372
261
540
iii
304
544
iii
529
347
132
347
10
508
413
119
91
Wyandotte county, Indian lauds in 97
military companies of 16
—survey of 2
Wyandotte constitutional convention, 293, 363
Wyandot Indians' floats 86
—disposal of their Kansas lands 97
—educated at Friends' Shawnee mission, 263
—purchase lands of the Delawares 85
— reservation in Kansas 3, 85
Wyckoff. Geo. L 520
Wykes. William 351, 531
Wykoff.A. P 372
Wyman, George 524
Wynkoop, Edward W., clerk Lecompton
land-office 6
Wynne, Mrs. Nancy E 128
Wynne, Robert H 128
Wyoming, Platte river bridge massacre. . . 354
Y.
Yancey, William L 435
Yates, G. W. W iv
Yates, William M 368, 371, 372
Yeager, Dick 168
Yeager, George I., captain company E,
Seventh Kansas 21
Yeager Raid on the Santa Fe Road ; ad-
dress of David Hubbard before the
twenty-eighth annual meeting of the
Historical Society, December 1, 1903, v, 168
Yearout, James 128
Yellow Banks, on the Missouri 423
Yoe, Charles 520
Yoe,W.T 519, 520, 537
York, A. M 278
Young, Brigham 320
Youne, Henry A., register at Kirwin land-
office 11
Young, Isaac 521
Young, Samuel A. 148
Younge, Henry Wilson, 'receiver at Inde-
pendence land-office 9
Young, J. A..,., 521
Young, William H. H 530
Younger Brothers 280
Younger, Henry 178
Yount, L. T 528
Youstler, Jacob 77
Z.
Zabette, Frank 424
Zacharias. F. R 524
Zebequa. 102
Zeisberger, Rev. David 81
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