Collections of the Maine historical society

COLLECTIONS

PROCEEDINGS

MAINE HISTORICAL SOCIETY

SECOND SERIES, VOL. II

PORTLAND

PUBLISHED BY THE SOCIETY

1891

t3

CONTENTS

i'AUf

Capture of the Margaretta. By George F. Talbot, . . . i

John Johnston Carruthers, d.d. By Rev. Ephraim C. Cuninilngs, ly
The Voice of Maine as heard in tlie Genesis ol' our XatiimaliLy.

By George F. Emery, . . . . . . 51

Proceedings, May 25, 1883, .83

Description of the Society's Seal, ..... 83
Testimonials to Hon. Israel Wasliburu, . . . .86

Letters of Joseph Wheaton, one of the Heroes of the Margaretta, 109

Historical Review of Literature in Maine. By Joseph Williamson, 113

Brunsvsrick Convention of 1816. By William Allen, . I^y

Captain Bartholomew Gosnold's Voyage, .... 143
Letters from General Peleg Wadsworth to William D. Williamson,

1812, ... . . . 1.53

James Loring Child. By James ^Y. Bradbury, . . . 163

Proceedings. 1883, 1884, 1885, . . . . . . 167

Persons taxed in North Parish of Kittery. 1783, . . . . 213

Resident Members, . . . . . . . 215

Captain Herrick's Journal. 1757, ..... 219

Waymouth's Voyage to the Coast of Maine, 1005. By Henry S.

Burrage, d.d. . . . . . . . 225

Traces of the Northmen. By Joseph Williamson, . . 251

The Beginnings of Maine. By James P. Baxter, . . . 273

Memoir of Judge David Sewall. By Edward P. Burnham, . 301

The Sewall Family of New England. By Rufus K. Sewall, . 306
Biographical Data and Letters of the Hon. David Sewall of York.

By Frank Sewall, . . . . . . . 30y

The Division of the 12,000 Acres among the Pattentees at Aganien-

ticus. By William M. Sargent, ..... 319

Proceedings. 1885, 1886, ...... 328

An Interesting Historical Document, ..... 332

A Moravian Colony in Maine, ..... 333

Biographical Data of David Sewall. By Rufus K. Sewall, . . 334

John Appleton. By George F. Emery, . . . • 337

A Lost Manuscript. By James P. Baxter, .... 345

William Allen. By Charles F. Allen, d.d., ... 377
Bibliographic Memorandum of the Laws of Maine. By Josiali H.

Drummond, ....".. 391
Sir John Moore at Castine during the Revolution. By Joseph

Williamson, ....... 403

IV CONTENTS.

Extracts from the Letters of the Jesuit Missionary in Maine,
Father P. Biard, 1612-162(). Translated by Professor Fred.
M. Warren. Introduction by John Marshall Brown, . 411

Proceedings. 1886, . . . . . . . .429

Order given at Fort Charles at Pemaquid. 1618, . . 434

The Frye Family. Communicated by William B. Lai)ham, . 435

Commissioners Proceedings at Mount Desert, 1808. Communi-
cated by William B. Lapham, ..... 439

ILLUSTRATION

John Johnston Carruthers, D.D.

PAGE

1

CAPTURE OF THE MARGARETTA

JOHN JOHNSTON CARRUTHER3. D. D,

FROM A PHOTOGRAPH BY M. F. KING.

THE CAPTURE OF THE MARGARETTA

THE FIRST NAVAL BATTLE OF THE REVOLUTION.

Read before the Maine Historical Society^ June 10^ 1887.

BY GEOKGE F. TALBOT.

The British attempt to apply military coercion to
the American colonies aronsed a feeling of resistance
at Machias, just as it did at Lexington, Concord and
Bunker Hill. The people of Machias of 1775, were
Yankees of the Yankees. They belonged to Massa-
chusetts and believed in Massachusetts politics and
Massachusetts religion, just as they have till today.
They entered enthusiastically and unanimously into
the quarrel of their native state, and if Massachusetts
was going to war with George III, they were going to
war with him without one thought of. the chances and
without waiting to know whether another colony or
another man was likely to back them.

When the American revolution broke out about
eighty families made their home in the old town
of Machias. With them the first consideration had
been, not that proximity so convenient for schools, for
social visiting and the easy communication which roads
and sidewalks afford, but a good site and plenty of
land, which should give a homestead for themselves
and their posterity. So with their two hundred and
fifty acre first division lots they occupied both banks
of the river, from the sea and its branches, East, West

Vol. II. 2

2 MAINE HISTORICAL SOCIETY.

and Middle rivers. The sixteen seven-acre lots of the
first mill-owners made the nucleus of the village.

A lumbering community Avork energetically at
stated seasons, but have many hours and days of idle-
ness. We can fancy these first settlers, following a
habit tlieir children have never lost, gathered along
the mill brow on the north bank of the river and sit-
ting upon the great prostrate pines that here and there
skirted it, talking over the affairs of the nation. Two
coasters have lately got in from Boston. Captain Icha-
bod Jones, the prosperous merchant, who owns the
vessels and a store, is too busy, perhaps too proud a
man, to spend much time with the loafers who are
whittling in their shirt sleeves. But the captain of
the Polly, Jones' second trading sloop, is too full of
intelligence to lose the opportunity of opening his
budget before a crowd of excited listeners. It is dif-
ficult to exaggerate the importance of the captain of
a coaster in those days. He was the newspaper, the
mail and the telegraph, all combined. He brought to
the people the news, the fashions and the opinions, as
well as the hats and shoes they wore, and the bread,
pork, fish, and beans they subsisted upon. His advent
to the settlement, only a few times a year, must have
been an event important enough to draw together
from their scattered lots all the men of the colony.
They came to trade for goods, for which they were
always waiting, and to hear how the Boston people
were getting along in their quarrel with the king.
Getting along badly enough, they learned from the
sloop's captain. From resisting the Stamp Act and

THE CAPTURE OF THE MAEGARETTA. 6

throwing overboard the taxed tea it had come to actual
war. A thousand men had been marched into the
interior as far as Concord, when the farmers of the
back towns gathered at the bridge and began to fire
upon them. The regulars retreated, and militiamen,
coming up from all the country round, chased them all
da}^ to Charlestown, killing and wounding hundreds of
them. Perhaps the Polly's captain was at Charles-
town, and saw the bleeding, haggard and dusty red-
coats straggling in under shelter of the ships. Per-
haps he was in Boston the next day and saw the
wounded and stark corpses of the slain taken out of
the boats. It was great news to hear and great news
to tell ; let us believe he told it well.

It has been too much taken for granted by the local
historians that Captain Jones sided with the Tories in
the struggle for independence. If he did, it is difficult
to understand why Judge Jones, his nephew, who was
admitted into all his counsels, was such a zealous pa-
triot and republican. Captain Joaes probably felt as
merchants generally do when war, that interrupts all
their commerce and threatens destruction to all their
fortunes, impends. The difficulties with the home gov-
ernment he believed and hoped would be settled. Be-
side, he was in the enemy's power and had to make
the best terms he could. He wanted to extricate his
family and household effects, as well as his vessels,
from Boston, then in possession of the king's forces
under strict military law, and he could only do so by
agreeing to take back in his vessels cargoes of lumber
to be used in constructing barracks for the English

4 MAINE HISTORICAL SOCIETY.

troops, for which he was to be fully paid. That he
stood well with the promoters of the revolution is ev-
ident from the fact tliat the selectmen of Boston fur-
nished him with a petition to the people of Machias,
desiring them not to hinder him in his enterprise. He
seems to have proceeded with the prudence character-
istic of his calling ; for before opening his hatches and
offering his goods for sale he exacted from the people
a stipulation that they, on their part, would not molest
him. He tried to get an obligation generally signed
by the citizens by which they were to bind themselves
to allow him to carry lumber to Boston and protect
him and his property. But this many of the people
refused to sign, and then, at his desire, a town meet-
ing was called, Avhich must have been somewhat stormy.
At last a vote, not unanimous, was obtained to permit
the vessels to load and sail, and Jones began to open
his hatches and retail his goods to his old customers.
But it is said he made a discrimination, refusing credit
to those who had been prominent in obstructing his
wishes, so that on the whole there was more exaspera-
tion of feeling than hearty accord produced by the
vote of the town extorted under such circumstances.
But it is probable that the permission granted in the
vote would have been carried out in good faith had
not the captain of the Margaretta unnecessarily pro-
voked a quarrel with the inhabitants.

The Machias people had received notice in some
way through the proclamation of the Provincial Con-
gress that hostilities had commenced by an invasion into
the very heart of Massachusetts and by the slaughter

THE CAPTURE OF THE MARGARETTA. 5

of its citizensjwlio had resisted the evident attempt of the
British government to deprive them of the liberty and
right of self-government they had enjoyed ever since
their colonial charters. The Machias settlers re-
sponded to this proclamation with zeal and unan-
imity, and raised a liberty pole to stand as a
symbol of their patriotism. Captain Moor, of the
Margaretta, when he learned that the liberty pole
had been erected and what it signified, ordered
it to be taken down, under the threat of firing upon
the town. A town meeting was held and voted with
great spirit that the liberty pole should stand, but even
then Jones induced Captain Moor to withhold hostili-
ties until a fuller and larger town meeting, which he
promised should be held on the fourteenth of June, and
which should take final action in the matter. In the
meantime the leading patriots, knowing that the town
would never yield the point, looked round to see what
means they had for defense and resistance.

There was then living at East River a sort of patri-
arch of the settlement, Benjamin Foster, the father of
a numerous family, and a man, through his long life,
of great consideration in both state and church affairs.
The sixteen settlers of 1763 had brought his brother,
Wooden Foster, with them to be their blacksmith —
an artisan indispensable in an isolated lumbering com-
munity. He himself came in 1765, and, being a man
of substance and enterprise, took up a lot at East River
and built the first sawmill there. At the time of the
event I am now reciting he was about fifty years of
age, and having been present as a soldier at the first cap-

6 MAIXE HISTORICAL SOCIETY.

tiirc of Louisburg in 1745, and having served under Gen-
eral Abercrombie in the French and Indian war ten
years later, he was probably the man of the largest
military experience in the whole settlement. As such
he was made lieutenant of the first militia company in
1769, Judge Jones being its captain. Foster was the
most prominent man in planning and organizing the
expedition that led to the capture of the Margaretta.
The sons of Morris O'Brien, six in number — one of
them. Colonel Jeremiah, the leader — won the re-
nown of the actual capture.

Their counsels were divided. Foster was in favor
of taking possession of the now partlj^ laden sloops
of Captain Jones and making prisoners of the officers
and men of the Margaretta, their convoy. More
timid men must have urged that the town had
voted to let the sloops be loaded and depart, and it
was only on that condition that they had procured
their supplies, and it was only by performing their
promise that they could expect to be kept from star-
vation thereafter. But the coolness of Foster and the
impetuosity of the O'Briens overwhelmed all calcu-
lations of prudence. Foster, weary of the debate,
crossed a brook near which they were standing and
called out to all who favored the capture of the Mar-
garetta and the two sloops to follow him, and ulti-
mately every man stood by his side. This was Sundaj^,
the eleventh of June, 1775. Foster was a devout man,
but no doubt he believed himself to be engaged in the
Lord's business on that day.

A plan of attack was immediately agreed upon. The

THE CAPTURE OF THE MARGARETTA. 7

English officers would be at meeting that morning. A
rude building, twenty-five by forty feet, had been built
on the site of the present town hall and used for
public worship. It had benches arranged on each
side of a central aisle. It was decided to at-
tempt to surround the church and seize the officers
during service. Part of the company remained
under Foster to do this at the proper conjuncture, and
the rest dispersed, attending church as worshipers,
though perhaps giving less heed than usual to the ser-
vices. They had brought their guns and secreted them
outside the building. John O'Brien says he hid his
gun under a board and took his seat on a bench behind
Captain Moor, ready to seize him at the first alarm.
The day was warm and fine and the windows of the
little tabernacle were wide open. A singular accident
disclosed the danger of overlooking the negro element.
In our late great war we suffered everywhere delay,
disaster, and defeat by not taking the negro into our
counsels. Just so it happened to the Machias patriots.
I have no doubt Parson Lyon was fully possessed of
the plot his flock was engaged in. The able, highly
educated and eccentric Parson Lyon was called as the
first settled minister at Machias, from Nova Scotia, and
like many other people of that province who after-
ward fled to the States, was a zealous Whig. There
were warlike sentiments in the old familiar psalms he
might have selected that morning without exciting the
suspicion of the English officers in their gay uniforms
and decorous demeanor. But London Atus, the ances-
tor of all the Atuses, the colored servant of Mr. Lyon,

8 MAINE HISTORICAL SOCIETY.

had not been taken into the confidence of the military
leaders. In some perch of a negro pew, with a better
outdoor view than the body of the congregation, he
got sight of armed men — Foster's band — crossing a foot
bridge that connected two islands on the falls, and giv-
ing an outcry, leaped out of the window. The Eng-
lish officers followed his example, and by the time
Foster's force had reached the meeting-house they had
reached their vessel and Jones, who was to have been
made a prisoner, had fled and secreted himself in the
woods. Captain Moor weighed anchor at once and
proceeded down the river. The excited public fol-
lowed on each bank of the river, keeping up a harass-
ing musketry fire but at too long range to be danger-
ous, and shots were fired from the cutter. Foster
and O'Brien then determined to seize Jones' sloops
and pursue the cutter. One of these — the Polly —
could not have been in a condition to be available.
Perhaps she was already too heavily laden, but the
O'Brien's took possession of the Unity, Jones' other
sloop, and during the rest of Sunday mustered a
crew of volunteers, numbering in all about forty
men, and Foster went to the East River to get a
schooner there and a volunteer crew to join in the
enterprise.

Early the next morning they proceeded down the
river from both villages. The East River vessel got
a-ground and had no share in the battle. Of the party
on board the Unity only half had muskets and for
these there were only three rounds of ammunition-
The rest had armed themselves with pitchforks and nar-

THE CAPTURE OF THE MARGARETTA. * 9

row axes. So sudden and impulsive had been the expedi-
tion that up to this time it had been an unorganized
mob. But as, with a favoring wind, they sailed down
the river they had leisure to complete their plans.
Jeremiah O'Brien, the oldest of the brothers, was made
captain, and Edmund Stevens, lieutenant, and know-
ing they had no powder to waste in long shots they
determined to bear down on the enemy's ship, board
her and decide the contest at once upon her deck.

Nothing can be more beautiful than the aspects in
summer time of the trebly branching river and of the
estuary inclosed between sheltering islands and steep
and rocky cliffs that make its port. How much more
beautiful it must have been before the ax had thinned
the forest, and fires had bared the shores and islands,
not only of the ancient forest, but of the soil that
supported it, and left the blanched, bleak rock to be
reflected upon the quiet surface of the sea, where the
inverted woods once spread their margin of green !
Little eye had those stalwart youths for all that beauty ;
the splendor of their heroism has fairly outshone it alb
beautiful as it may have been.

Where was the East River schooner and its brave
commander ? These daring volunteers did not know ;
they did not wait for her. Forty undisciplined men
are in chase of a vessel armed with sixteen swivels
and four four-pounders, with a complement of men,
without any thought of the peril of their adventure.
The bravery at Lexington and Concord, where several
hundred militiamen fired upon retreating regulars
from behind trees, fences, and stone walls, or on Bunk-

10 MAINE HISTORICAL SOCIETY.

er Hill, where, mainly behind earthworks sheltered
from shot, well-armed men resisted three successive
assaults of a line of battle, was certainly not greater
than that. I do not know of any feat in all the war,
or of any war, that for daring and desperate courage
can be compared with it.

As the sloop opened out into the broad river below
Machiasport village the enemy they were in pursuit of
came in sight and soon within hailing distance. Moor
hailed the sloop and told her to keep oE or he would
fire. O'Brien shouted back a demand for surrender,
and Stevens an emphatic defiance. Moor withheld his
fire, and the breeze strengthening set all his sails and
tried to escape. It is easy to see that Captain Moor
owed the loss of his vessel and his life to his own hes-
itation — I cannot think to his cowardice.

When he stood out to sea again the sloop was close
upon him and a collision had become unavoidable. So
he opened fire and killed one man on board the sloop.
The sloop answered with a volley of shot, and soon
afterward the vessels came together and John O'Brien
leaped on board the cutter. Then the vessels swung
apart, leaving O'Brien alone on the quarter-deck of
the enemy. lie says seven muskets were fired at him
without effect, and when the English marines charged
upon him with bayonets he jumped over the rail and
swam to the sloop. Captain O'Brien next ran the
bowsprit of the sloop through the mainsail of the cut-
ter, and twenty of his men armed with pitchforks
rushed upon her deck. While in contact or at very
close range musket shots had been exchanged, the

THE CAPTURE OF THE MARGAEETTA. 11

assailants using all their ammunition. One man was
killed, one mortally and one seriously wounded upon
the sloop. Five were killed or mortally wounded on
board the Margaretta — Captain Moor, who was shot
through by two musket balls early in the action ;
the man at the helm; Captain Robert Avery, and two
sailors or marines. When the man at the helm fell,
the cutter broached to and was thus run into. Captain
Robert Avery was the skipper of an American coas-
ter lying in Holmes Bay and had been forcibly seized
by Captain Moor and taken on board the cutter to act
as pilot out of the river. The number wounded is not
known. John O'Brien* says the American vessel had
four killed and eight or nine wounded, and the British
ten killed and ten wound 3d. But he says himself that
he does not remember the number, but gives it upon
the authority of a letter of Captain Joseph Wheaton,
written to O'Brien, in which he claims to have been
present as one of the sloop's crew. Mr. Smith in his
history, gives the name of John Wheaton as one of
the heroes, mistaking the christian name which should
have been Joseph. I have followed Mr. Smith's state-
ment of the number of killed and wounded as more
probably correct and more nearly agreeing with local
tradition.

* John O'Brien, who lived in Brunswick, Maine, the third
brother in rank of age in this famous familj^, in May, 1831, Avhen
he was eighty-one years old, gave a detailed account of the taking
of the Margaretta and of the exploits of the O'Briens in the Rev-
olutionary war. This account was taken down in writing and is
published in Yol. 11 of the Maine Historical Society's collections,
page 242.

12 MAINE HISTORICAL SOCIETY.

The error by wliicli Ciiptain Moor forfeited his
vessel and his Hfe was in not using his heavy guns
while the sloop was at long range and had no effective
means of returning the fire. . When the vessels were
in contact his superior armament had become unavail-
able. The firinii: of the Americans had been close and
murderous, and when Moor fell, the midshipman Still-
ingfleet, next in command was panic-stricken and fled
below and gave up the ship. The English officers did
not know that the ammunition of their enemy had
been exhausted, and the assault was too fierce and hot
for the reloading of empty muskets. In a hand-to-
hand contest a pitchfork — not the slender and elastic
implement our factories now turn out, but such a stout
and rude double spear as Wooden Foster would forge
upon his anvil, set in a long ash pole — was a formid-
able weapon in the hands of a man who Knew tiow to
use it. The very novelty of the weapon, against
which their tactics and drill had taught them no effec-
tive guard, may have dismayed the marines. At any
rate the boarding of the cutter seems to have been the
end of the strife, and there was nothing else to do but
take care of the wounded, secure their prize, and
return to the settlement to electrify their friends with
the news of their success. They had purchased their
victory by the death of two men — Coolbroth and
McNeil. John Berry received a severe wound in his
head, for which he afterward received a pension, and
Isaac Taft and Joseph Cole were slightly wounded.
John O'Brien relates that as soon as his brother Jere-
miah was elected captain he gave leave to all who

THE CAPTURE OF THE MARGARETTA . 13

were afraid to join in the attack to leave <mcl offered
them a boat, and that three men availed themselves of
his offer. He also says that the whole six of the
O'Brien brothers — Jeremiah, Gideon, John, William,
Dennis, and Joseph — participated in the action, and
that Morris O'Brien his father was only prevented
from accompanying them by the remonstrances of his
sons.

Beside these, let ns carefully recapitulate among
the heroes every name that tradition has preserved.
There was Edmund Stevens of Addison, who shouted
back defiance when Moor threatened to fire ; Samuel
Watts, ancestor, I think, of the Englishman's Eiver
Wattses ; Jonathan Knight, one of the first settlers of
Calais, and who has descendants there ; Steele and
Merritt from Pleasant River (the name is still preserved
in that region) ; Josiah Weston, forefather of the
Jonesboro Westons ; John Berry, Isaac Taft and James
Cole, who were wounded ; Nathaniel Crediforth, Josiah
Libby, Joseph Wheaton, William Fenderson, Ezekiel
Foster, son or grandson of Isaiah, brother of Benjamin
called the colonel) Simeon Brown, Samuel Whiting,
Elias Hoyt and Joseph Getchell, ancestor of those
well-esteemed people who have chiefly made their
home at Marshfield (he always claimed to have stepped
on the Margaretta's deck foot to foot with John
0 Brien), and, last of all, Richard Earle, colored ser-
vant of Colonel Jeremiah O'Brien, making good by
his courasre the indiscretion of his race that had
defeated the bloodless enterprise of the day before.

Great must have been the exultation at Machias

14 MAINE HISTORICAL SOCIETY.

when the Unity and her prize came up with the
returning tide to West Falls, sobered somewhat by
grief for the slain and the general respect and regret,
whicli was felt for the untimely death of the young
English captain. As a part of the preparations of
Sunday a messenger had been dispatched to Chandler's
River to procure powder and ball, and as the men of
that settlement were all absent at Machias — many of
them, as we have seen in the expedition — two women,
Hannah and Rebecca Weston, nineteen and seventeen
years old, procured thirty or forty pounds of powder
and balls and brought them to Machias through the
woods, following a line of blazed trees, and arriving
at the settlement at two o'clock in the afternoon after
the capture of the Margaretta.

A committee of safety was elected, who had
the control of the military and civil affairs dur-
ing the remainder of the war. The armament
of the Margaretta was transferred to the sloop
Unity, whicli was fitted up with bulwarks and
named the Machias Libert}^, and Jeremiah O'Brien,
her commander, cruised for three weeks off the coast
trying to capture the Diligence, a British coast survey
vessel. The Diligence came into the lower harbor che
middle of July, with an armed tender. The officers
and part of the crew landed at Buck's Harbor as they
said, to learn the fate of the Margaretta, and were sur-
prised and captured by Captain Smith, grandfather of
Bartlett Smith, the lamented historian of Machias, and
the next day O'Brien in the Liberty and Foster in the
Falmouth packet boarded and captured, without resis-

THE CAPTURE OF THE MARGAEETTA. 15

tance, both the Diligence and her tender. On the
twenty-sixth of June the Provincial Congress passed a
vote of thanks to Captain Jeremiah O'Brien and Cap-
tain Benjamin Foster and the brave men under their
command, for these heroic exploits, and placed at their
disposal the two sloops and the Margaretta, which they
had taken.

The enemy's wounded, as well as those of the expe-
dition, seemed to have been as well cared for as was
possible. A hospital was improvised out of a shop,
and most of the wounded were placed in it and treated
as well as they could be in a town, where was neither
surgeon nor physician. Captain Moor, who was still
alive when the prize was brought up river to the vil-
lage, was received in the house of Judge Jones, nephew
of Captain Ichabod Jones. A messenger was dis-
patched at once to Nova Scotia for a surgeon, but
Captain Moor could not profit by his long delayed
arrival. His death occurred the day after the battle.

There is this pathetic relation of the unkindly fate
of this young officer, who seems to have been a brave
man, intent upon his duties, and who, as he must have
believed, in a time of peace, did not consid^ ' that it
would be actually necessary to turn his heavy guns
upon a nearly unarmed party of fellow British sub-
jects. It is asserted, that on his voyage to Machias,
he brought as passengers from Boston two estimable
young ladies, relatives of Captain Jones, to one of
whom he was affianced, and that his service at Machias
performed, and the two sloops at sea for Boston, he
expected to sail to Halifax and there be married.

16 MAINE HISTORICAL SOCIETY.

The expedition to Nova Scotia for a surgeon brought
back Doctor William Chaloner, another Nova Scotia
Whig, who continued to be a citizen of Machias, and
was of eminent service and has left there a large and
very respectable progenj^

This unique naval battle fought with such intrepid
courage was the first naval contest of the revolution-
ary war. Its date is June 12, 1775. Only the Lex-
ington and Concord fight had preceded it in that great
struggle and the battle of Bunker Hill was not fought
till several days later.

In briefly reviewing the event, our surprise and ad-
miration pass alternately from the rash audacity of the
project to the impetuous bravery of its accomplish-
ment. There was a completely isolated lumbering
community that did not raise its bread or vegetables,
not even potatoes, and brought hay for the teams that
were used in logging over sea from far away Nova
Scotia, that was fed from hand to mouth, by supplies
of'iorovisions brought from Boston and exchanged for
pine boards. Their only market and source of supplies
was held by the whole British army in America. The
cutter they seized was the convoy that had protected
the sloops ;rom whose cargoes they had just been fed,
and that were to carry back the lumber with which
they had paid\for them, under a written permit ob-
tained from the\selectmen of Boston, who were of the
patriot party. Inv flying at and seizing this vessel and
her convoy they se\?med to be arresting this trade and
driving themselves aitd their families not only to inva-
sion, burning, and pilhWe but to immediate starvation.

THE CAPTURE OF THE MARGARETTA. 17

But we forget the grandeur of this sacrifice in our
later admiration of the daring with which they accom-
plished their scheme. A trading craft without bul-
warks or armed marines, or even sailors is pressed into
service driven bows on to an armed cutter with forty
trained men on board thoroughly armed and provided
with heavy guns and ammunition, and commanded by
a brave officer of the royal navy. Of the party of
forty perhaps not a man was ever in battle, not more
than twenty of them had muskets with only powder
enousrh for them to be discharo-ed thrice ; and with this
equipment they crowd all sail, rush at their prey, storm
across her deck with no effective weapons but pitch-
forks and axes, for their ammunition had been spent.
The captain of the assailed vessel is slain, the men
borne down in the impetuous rush take shelter below,
and the panic stricken officer who succeeds to the com-
mand surrenders his vessel to the assailants. Surely
there is nothing like this in our early or recent history.

Vol. II.

JOHN JOHNSTON CAREUTHERS, D.D. 19

JOHN JOHNSTON CARRUTHERS, D.D.

Bead before the Maine Historical Svciety, Nov. 20, 1890.

BY EPHRAIM CHAMBEELAI^^^ GUMMING S.

On the night of August 5 last, there passed away from among
us a venerable man whose years were numbered with those of the
century. They would have been ninety, had he lived to see his
next birthday, the seventeenth of September. This one dimension
of his life is impressive ; and becomes more so in connection with
an equally striking range of experience and activity in the world.
He was of both hemisphei'es. Starting from the most renowned
center of modern enlightenment and civilization he moved eastward
to the mouths of the Volga, coming near to those nurseries of
mankind that have supplied so many successive streams to the
population of Western Europe, then back to his native Britain,
where he took for years a man's part in educational and relig-
ious activities, and finally across the Atlantic to this Western
Continent and to this happy coast, where he finished his course.
He awoke betimes, was early in the field, and when the evening
shadows gathered about him and his work was done, he was
peacefully looking for another country, even an heavenly.

In the near approach to this mysterious migration old age be-
comes sacred and prophetic. Something of this character must
have belonged, I think, to an interview which took place, when
our indefatigable local historian and biographer, the late Hon.
William Goold, called on Dr. Carruthers, and obtained from him
a brief and accurate outline of his career in chronological order.
I am told that the Doctor was uncommonly alert and full of rec-
ollection on that occasion, while Mr. Goold in much weakness of
body, but diligent to the last, made his notes with the patient ex-
actness which belonged to his intellectual constitution. In a
very few days Mr. Goold was gone ; and a few days later Dr.
Carruthers followed. Mr. Goold's sketch appeared in the " Daily
Press " of August 6.

The Rev. William Carruthers, my classmate and friend, and Miss

20 MAINE HISTORICAL SOCIETY.

Carruthers, have kindly put into my hands some data for a more
extended memorial of their honored father, Avith the desire that I
should bring into Mr. Goold's perspective something of the move-
ment and color of the life. Of this pastor and teacher, who has been
so long time with us — can we tell whence became? Can we
group him with any masters or learners with whom he had his
schooling? Can we depict some conditions of the service that
took him far a field and brought him back to more hopeful minis-
tries ? Can we appreciate in any measure that old woi'ld culture
and experience, Avhicli he brought into our society and history,
during a formative and most critical period of our national life?

John Johnston Carruthers was of Ecclcfechan, Scotland, known
with us chiefly as the birthplace of Thomas Carlj'le. Mr. Fronde
describes it as " a small market town on the east side of Annan-
dale, six miles inland from the Solway, and about sixteen on the
great North road from Carlisle. It consists of a single street,
down one side of which, at that time, ran an open brook. The
aspect, like that of most Scotch towns, is cold, but clean and
orderly Avith an air of thrifty comfort."

But Ecclefechan was a notable place in other respects ; and
Thomas Carlyle has celebrated in his own manner the life that
was there nourished. The people had their meeting-house
thatched with heath ; and for their minister a certain John Johns-
ton,^ " the priestliest man," says Carlyle, " I ever under any
ecclesiastical guise was privileged to look upon." —

This peasant union, this little heath-thatched house, this simple evan-
gelist, together constituted properly the church of that district;
they were the blessing and the saving of many ; on me too their pious
heaven-sent influences still rest and live. There was in those days a
teacher of the people. He sleeps not far from my father who built his
monument in the Ecclefechan churchyard, the teacher and the taught.
Blessed, I again say, are the dead that die in the Lord.

" The Sunday services in Mr. Johnston's meeting-house," Mr.
Froude tells us a little fuither on, " were the events of the week.
The congregation were Dissenters, of a marked type, some of

'For an affectionate and beautiful memorial of this good man, styled "The Patriarch
of Aniiandale," fee a scries of articles beginning- Aug. 6, 1808, contributed by Dr. Car-
ruthers to The Christian Mirror— "Life in Other Lauds,"

JOHN JOHNSTON CARRUTHERS, D.D. 21

them coming from as far as Carlisle." Then follow quotations
from what Mr. Carlyle wrote in 1866: —

A man who in those clays awoke to the belief that he actually had a
soul to he saved or lost was apt to be found among the dissenting people,
and to have given up attendance at the kirk. All dissent is merely
stricter adherence to the church of the Keformation. . . . The poor
temple of my childhood is more sacred to me than the biggest cathedral
then extant could have been; rude, rustic, bare, no temple in the world
more so ; but tliere were sacred lambencies, tongues of authentic flame
which kindled what was best in one, what has not yet gone out.

The Rev. John Johnston was the maternal grandfather and in
fact the foster-father of John Johnston Carruthers. His parents,
the Rev. James, and Rohina Johnston, Carruthers, came to
America about the year 1813. Their bodies rest in our Eastern
cemetery. I may say in passing that the Rev. James Carruthers
was a man fervent in spirit with a powerful native eloquence ; and
well known in his day from one end of our state to the other for
the fresh religious interest which his ministrations were sure to
awaken. When he left Scotland, however, his son, whose boy-
hood at Ecclefechan is our present concern, was just entering upon
his studies at the university of St. Andrews.

This lad, living with his grandfather the minister, was between
four and five years younger than Thomas Carlyle, the mason's
son ; but in that one open street, and in that small meeting-house,
they could not have escaped each other's notice. They were to
be brought nearer together. A bright boy soon got too far for the
common schooling of the Ecclefechan neighborhood, and Carlyle
says of his beginning Latin : —

But the schoolmaster himself did not know Latin. I gradually got
altogether swamped and bewildered under him. The Eev. Mr. Johnston,
or rather first his son, home from college, and already teaching a nephew
or cousin, had to take me in hand, and once pulled afloat I made rapid
and sure way.

So here we have the two boys given in charge to Mr. Johnston's
son, home from college probably at the end of his course, and
afterward taken in hand by the venerable minister himself. It
seems likely that John Johnston, the uncle, found means to con-

22 MAINE HISTORICAL SOCIETY.

tinue his course for several seasons more before his nephew was
quite ready for Latin. But they look time by the forelock in
those days. Chalmers was eleven years old when he entered the
St. Andrews university.

According to Carlyle " Old David Hope " was a great iBgure in
the Ecelefechan meeting-house ; and William Hope, it may be,
was a prosperous scion of David's house, who, remembering Mr.
Johnston's ministry in spiritual things, was thankful to do him a
good turn in money affairs.

I am tempted to throw around our studious group at the minis-
ter's house the rather threatening atmosphere of the day, as indi-
cated in a short fragment of a letter in the hand of the elder John
Johnston, but without addi-ess or signature. Its date is 22d No-
vember, 1803.

The Clergy are the most forward to learn the military tacticks, and strut
in the uniform with a red coat, a cap and feather. An enormous metar
morphosis both of their dress and armour,

I m more afraid of the abpunding Atheism, Infidelity and wickedness of
Britain than of Bonaparte and all his armed legions.

We hear that you have entered the volunteer corps. If they are of the
same cast of those in this country, they will be disagreeable companions
and a poor defense against an invading enemy, should Providence per-
mit them to enter oiu* borders.

The household school, howevei*, was soon dissolved — not by
Bonaparte. The grandfather died in 1812. The uncle became
a minister, as I infer, and we shall meet him again in Glasgow.
Thomas Carlyle went up to Edinburgh University, for the No-
vember term, 1809, when he would be fourteen years old on the
fourth of the next December. And at the age of thirteen years
John Johnston Carruthers found his way to the university of
St. Andrews. After leaving Ecelefechan these scholars met I
should think but seldom, if ever. But I have the best assurance
that one of the two never gave up the kindness of their j^outhful
days, and held on to the hope that his old comrade would yet own
allegiance, thougli at the eleventh hour, to that Christianity of
confession and covenant, in whidi thej' both had been trained, and
to which he most steadfastly adhered.

JOHN JOHNSTON CAREUTHERS, D.D. 23

After two years at the university of St. Andrews, Mr. Car-
ruthers completed his studies in the university of Edinburgh. I
have looked over with interest certificates of propriety of con-
duct, and diligence and proficiency in study, which he received
from the professors of Latin, Greek, Mathematics and Logic, in
the universities of St. Andrews and of Edinburgh. From his
preserved tickets of admission it appears that he attended, also,
Thomas Brown's course of lectures on moral philosophy, and Mr.
Jameson's lectures on natural history. 'J'hese probably went along
with theological studies under Dr. Lawson, mentioned by Dr.
John Brown as among his father's most intimate friends, a teacher,
for whom Dr. Carruthers had a special regard, and whose instruc-
tions would imply a professional aim, and mature responsibility
on the part of the student, such as would be more conspicuous
by the absence of professorial certificates.

Of two cards giving him the freedom of the university library
the latest is from twelfth October, 1817, to twelfth October,
1818 ; the last date being six months before his marriage.

One might wish one's whole life to be written in mementoes of
opportunity and of conduct comparable with these. And one
cannot help being struck with the simplicity and solidity of the
university discipline. No distraction of mind, no frittering away
of energy ; but a career for the education of the man. As if to
develop and strengthen his original endowment were the best
security for good service in any line of effort, to which a man
might be called. To appreciate the instruments of thought,
namely, the classical types of speech, and the use of symbols in
mathematical investigation ; to appreciate the laws of thought —
the logical, metaphysical and moral outcome of man's exj^erience
and meditation through many ages — is not this a purpose broad
and high enough to justify Mr. Fronde's eulogium — that, "as a
training in self-dependence no better education could be found in
these islands." And in connection with such an education who
can measure the importance of those ancient monuments that en-
vironed the privileged youths and wrought in their ever active
fancies the miracles of poetic creation from their earliest days ?
Ecclefechan, church of Fechanus, is much more than a name —

24 MAINE HISTORICAL SOCIETY.

a history of Celtic Christianity reaching far back to the seventh
century ; — while the region around is beset with vestiges of
Roman camps and forts that tell of old border warfare. The little
St. Andrews was once great, a metropolitan See, reflecting the
sovereignty of Rome herself. The castle, the ruined cathedral at
one end of the city, the massive antique portal at the other, the
tower of St. Rule, the ancient houses, the university dating from
early in the fifteenth century, the oldest foundation of the kind
in Scotland, — these objects make up a monumental record, ilium-,
inated by libraries of religious, historic, poetic and romantic lit-
erature,— from the fourth century down. In a metaphorical sense

they are

Storied windows riclily diglit,
Casting a dim religious light,

through which the inquiring spirit may look into vistas of time,
till he feels that he is heir of all ages, and owes a debt to all
climes. But had past generations died and made no sign, how
should not the genius of a Shakspeare or of a Walter Scott have
slum^ ered on for lack of outward motive and material ? What
but the tears or smiles of things can make men weep or laugh?

In whatever way the work was wrought a very serious purpose
of missionary service was the result of these years of schooling
in the mind of Mr. Carruthers ; — and he found in Dumfries a
kindred nature, — one who after counting the cost was ready to
share his arduous undertaking.

He was married to Eliza Sloane of Dumfries, on the thirteenth of
April, 1819 ; and not far either way from the same date his oi'di-
nation took place in Edinburgh.^ In the course of two or three
months they left Scotland for Russia under the auspices of the
Scottish Missionary Society.

For the whole picture of this Russian episode I am indebted
to a private journal kept by Mrs. Carruthers, and now the price-

' In a valuable series of articles in The Christiaii Mirror — " Reminiscences of Distin-
guished Men," Dr. Carruthers referring to Dr. Chalmers' ordination before the comple-
tion of his nineteenth year, mentions an old statute of the church of Scotland which
ordained that " none be admitted to the ministry before they be twenty-five years of age,
except such as for rare and singular qualities shall be judged by the General and Provin-
cial Assembly to be meet and worthy thereof."

JOHN JOHNSTON CARRUTHERS, D.D. 25

less treasure of her surviving children. This sacred record they
have kindly permitted me to examine ; and I have read it with
the deepest interest. In its expressions of religious devotion, its rec-
ognition of the divine will in the order of events, it is not unlike
the " Confessions of St. Augustine," while its simple truthfulness
to the experience of the hour, and its keen sense of all the cir-
cumstances that made up their situation, as strangers in a strange
land, and as teachers of what was of necessity to the people
around them a foreign faith, are such as to command unquestion-
ing confidence and to call forth unstinted admiration.

The journal makes no record of the stay in St. Petersburg
except in connection with the long voyage down the Volga to
Astrakhan and still later by incidental alhisions during their resi-
dence in the Crimea.

My inference is that the year in St. Petersburg was a very full
and happy one. There was a British colony to which Mr.
Carruthers acted as chaplain, and which afforded, no doubt, plenty
of agreeable society. There was a magnificent capital, the crown
of Russian civilization, palaces, churches, art, with the endless
spectacle of animated movement and military pageantry in the
streets. Petersburg was Russia ; and Russia was what they had
to study, and needed to understand. Moreover there was at that
time, 1820, much to give them stimulus and hope with respect to
their future. Alexander I, then emperor, was a devout man.
Of this fact Dr. Carruthers retained a cordial remembrance to his
latest years. I vividly recall the impressive manner with which
he once told me of his visiting the Winter Palace, coming into an
apartment where the books attracted his attention, — and how the
usher filled with awe, and under his breath, remarked : — " It's
his prayer-room." How full of significance to the young mission-
ary must have been the least circumstance that betokened the
spirit and tendency of the imperial government, and if there was
one dignitary of the Russian church of enlarged views and good
learning, the possible possessor of a great library, he would be
the man to gain access to, if possible, with reference to such sup-
port or toleration as might be secured from a time-honored yet
bigoted hierarchy.

20 MAINE HISTORICAL SOCIETY.

Rather encouraging than otherwise were the signs at this time.
It was only the previous year, 1819, that Stephen Grellet, a
Frenchman of rank, who came to America in the revohitionary
troubles, was successful in mercantile pursuits, and had become
withal a leading light in the society of Friends, being on one of
his repeated religious visits in Europe, passed six months in
Russia. Through prince Galitzin, the minister of rehgion in the
imperial government, this good man was allowed many inter-
views with the emperor ; interviews in which the etiquette of the
court was dispensed with, while the majesty of God and the
brotherhood of man governed all their conversation. In the life
of Stephen Grollet, by William Guest, there are extracts from
his journal and letters, whirh throw light upon what was doing
in a religious way at this time. Stephen Grellet visited the poor
and the prisoners, spoke wnth confidence on behalf of the op-
pressed to the emperor, who on his part manifested the deepest
interest in the reformation of abuses and the advancement of the
people in knowledge and virtue.

Stephen Grellet went to see Michael the metropolitan of the
Greek church ; and thence to visit Philaret, an archbishop and
A icar of the metropolitan, both inhabiting the monastery called
Alexander Nevsky, and had much brotherly and edifying talk
with them, explaining at length the peculiar views of the Friends
with respect to the church and sacraments. Of Philaret our
Friend says : —

He is a man of learning, acquainted with most of tlie ancient and mod-
ern oriental lan<;uases; but he bears the marks of great humility, and is
considered a man of piety and spiritual mindedness.

I have heard Dr. Carruthers say very much the same thing of
one whom he did not name. Philaret said : —

All these forms, ceremonies, and ordinances, that have been introduced
into the churches, though they be performed with ever so much sincer-
ity and devotion, can only be as the law was to the Jews, a school-master
to bring us to Christ.

But perhaps the most noteworthy example of an efficacious
Christian ministry mentioned by Stephen Grellet w'as that of
Paniel Wheeler, an English Friend, who, with a great feeling for

JOHN JOHNSTON CAREUTHERS, D.D. 27

the welfare of Russia, yet without any call to be a teacher of
doctrine, was only too glad to come over and drain the extensive
marshes near the city; since it appeared that the Russian con-
tractors knew little of their business and were only intent upon
making money.

It was not, said the Emperor, the cultivation of morasses, nor any out-
ward object that led me to wish to have some of your Friends come and
settle here, but a desire that by their genuine piety and upi-ightness in
life and conversation, an example might be set before my people for
them to imitate ; and your friend Wheeler sets such an example.

A benevolent imperial control, a wise ecclesiastical moderation,
such as Stephen Grellet found some assurance of at the summit
of society in Russia, was needed as a protection to any spiritual
initiative on behalf of the semi-barbarous populations of that vast
realm. We know now that the reactionary movement had al-
ready set in, and that Alexander was haunted with rumors of rev-
olution and terrors of assassination, which continued to aggravate
his personal anxieties and to confuse his more liberal purposes up
to the hour of his death in 1825. But much of what we know/^
now was then hidden, and men stood ready to enter into fields
that seemed at least open to effort, if not very promising as to re-
sults. The Scottish Missionary Society had a brief history ; and
so had the missions of the United Brethren. The Scottish society,
however, was the more important and privileged agency. Their
first mission was established in Karsass, Asiatic Russia, in 1802.
They obtained a large grant of land, fourteen thousand acres,
and larger liberties than were accorded to their Moravian breth-
ren. Their converts were allowed to " embrace the religion of
the colony, and become members of it." They had the privilege
of giving passports to members of their congregation to settle in
other parts of the empire. Scotch missionaries redeemed native
youths from slavery, schooled them in the Turkish and English
languages, taught them the principles of Christianity, and trained
them in useful arts. In 1805 a printing press was sent out. The
New Testament was printed in Turkish, and tracts in the Tar-
tar language. In 1814 they extended their operations to Astra-
khan and Orenberg. At Astrakhan a press was set up, which

28 MAINE HISTORICAL SOCIETY.

printed the Tartar New Testament and other books. These books
were carried into Persia by merchants trading between that coun-
try and liussia. And in 1817 four thousand tracts and five
thousand Testaments were issued, which found their way by
means of Mohammedan merchants and pilgrims, with some help
of Brahmins and Jews, to Bagdad, Persia, Bokhara, and even
China.^ Even so late as 1822 this Scottish enterprise was thought
worthy of being reinforced by German missionaries sent out from
an Institution at Basle. And if we reflect that here was a work
of tried methods, honorable record, and definite programme, sus-
tained by the best minds and hearts at home, we shall not be dis-
posed to tax our devoted young pair with an ill-considered en-
thusiasm in embarking their lives in so benevolent an effort.

The year in St. Petersburg was of course, so much strenuous
preparation for coming trials. It gained them a comfortable
familiarity with the Russian language. Dr. Carruthers in reply
to an inquiry I once made of him, said that he did not regard this
language as a difiicult one ; which would infer that he must have
acquired it with unusual facility. They got their initiation into
the operations of the Bible House, and learned what they had to
look for from St. Petersburg as a center of intelligence and base
of supplies. They gained friends, and the courage that comes of
friendship. It was equally a part of their mission, however, be-
fore reaching their contemplated field of permanent labor, to
visit the missionary headquarters in Astrakhan. What might
they not learn there of the people whom they were to teach, and
of the social and religious prejudices they would encounter, of dif-
ferent dialects to be grappled with, or ethnical peculiarities to be
conciliated, of climate and means of living, of plain laws of health
and healing ?

Their way to the Crimea, therefore, was by canals from the
Neva to the Volga, and so down to that great delta opening out
into the Caspian sea, Avhere on an island the city of Astrakhan is
situated : — a voyage of between two and three thousand versts —
the verst is two-thirds of a mile — which occupied seventy-four
days, with no lack of moving accidents by flood and field. Often

»See Newcomb's "Cyclopedia of Missions:"— Scottish Mis. Soc.

JOHN JOHNSTON CARRUTHERS, D.D. 29

they were in perils of water, in perils of robbers ; — and they
suffered much from the cold. But they reached their haven at
last, and in the missionary house they once more found safety and
comfort.

The departure from St. Petersburg was on the eleventh of
August, 1820. It would take too long to tell how their boat be-
gan to leak and they were compelled to pass a night under the
stars on shore ; how great rocks and deep gulfs threatened their
destruction in one place, and in another the water spread out into
shallows that were hardly enough to keep them afloat; what
difficulties they had with the boat's captain on account of his
drunkenness and his debts, till they were compelled to advance
money and take possession of the craft, and by and by to have
the captain arrested and replaced by another. But it is much to
our purpose to know that they had great delight in the eagerness
with which their tracts and Testaments were purchased by those
who could read, and in the wondering attention given by others
to what was read out to them. The voyage itself was a mission-
ary journey. At places where they were detained their boat was
crowded with all classes of people eager for Bibles, Testaments
and tracts. Their progress was enlivened with delightful and mem-
orable scenes of this sort. At Tikhvin, the head-man of the
town sent them a present of a large can of milk on their arrival.
The boy who brought it was given a tract; and very soon re-
turned requesting the loan of a Bible for his parents to read. A
captain in the army wanted to buy a Bible and a Testament, and
was told that they had but one Bible left, which they were keep-
ing for an emergency. " Ah," said he, " where will you find an
object that has more need of it than I?"

Such Avork as this and much beside would be ready to the
hand of a new missionary at Astrakhan. There would be a fresh
and eloquent voice to awaken all the associations of Scottish
Christianity in the minds of those who had lived long at this
frontier station ; and, what was of the most j^ressing urgency,
there was the study of the Tartar language. Six months of pre-
liminary work at this old city, where Hindoos and Persians
mingled with Tartars and oriental Christians, where strange

30 MAINE HISTORICAL SOCIETY.

tribes and tongues carried on their barbaric barter of speech or
merchandise, and our missionary family were ready for another
stage of their Russian experience.

They left Astrakhan Tuesday the sixteenth of April, 1821, and
in three weeks reached Baktchiserai, a Tartar town in the Crimea,
which appears to have been their destination from the first.

The journey was upon the whole delightful. The country was
flat, wonderfully green and fertile ; herds of cattle, the riches of
the Cossacks, abounded ; towns were well-built and cleanly ; the
houses often large and commodious ; the Cossacks of the Don they
found, contrary to their expectation, to be of pleasing address
and hospitable disposition; there were walls, burial-places,
triumphal arches, that told of other times ; and, what was of
special importance to them, there was a well-regulated system of
post-stations, so that having proceeded a certain distance they
were sure of finding relays of horses, and pursuing their journey
without delay. The winds were sharp enough to drive away
the mosquitoes, M'liile the manners and costumes of the people
afforded a dailj^ study. They did not omit to cultivate the ac-
quaintance of those who came to see them. When their carriage,
which I take to have answered the purpose not only of transpor-
tation but of a small house as well, was surrounded by curious
visitors, they were asked, "can you read?" If they answered yes,
out came a tract, and the missionary would possibly excite their
attention by reading to them, and make a distribution from his store
if the interest was such as to warrant it. One man, who kept the
horses at a station, wanted to know " If there was not a book, in
which God revealed himself to us." Mr. Carruthers went one
afternoon to visit some Tartars. He was well received and drank
tea with them. They said " We know you give away books, and
we suppose you are going to the Crimea to convert the Tartars
there."

At Sarepta on the Volga, just where it comes very near to the
Don, our travelers became the guests of the United Brethren.
Here they passed a Sunday. Mr. and Mrs. Rahm, their good
friends, had them to dinner with the bishop of the place and sev-
eral of the brethren. Their intercourse was most edifying. The

JOHN JOHNSTON CARRUTHERS, D.D. 31

welfare of the heathen was what they chiefly talked about ; and
they did not take leave of their friends till the following Wed-
nesday. Dr. Carruthers gave at least two lectures in Portland
on the Don Cossacks, the matter of which he laid up in this jour-
ney.

Not only was the valley of the Don fertile, and beautiful in its
vegetation, but the overflow of the river at the time gave aspects
of peculiar picturesqueness, — large expanses of water, in which
islands of flowers and shrubbery with here and there a cottage,
seemed to float as in a summer sea. The Cossack capital,
Tcherkask, excited special admiration. It was situated upon an
eminence, the apjiroach to which was through a double row of
trees skirted with water ; they passed a fine triumphal arch, and
on reaching the top of the hill beheld a most beautiful town : —
houses all good, many elegant, the interiors which they saw quite
in keeping with what met the eye upon the street — not even an
English house could surpass them for cleanliness and neatness.
The people were frank, open and obliging ; partly it was thought
because they had their own laws, and paid no taxes to the impe-
rial government, unless it might be in the way of military service.
Similar descriptions, however, are frequent. The journey pro-
ceeds throvigh a country remarkably well-inhabited, abounding in
all the tokens of civilized society and happy household life. And
what is perhaps quite as noteworthy, I cannot recall the mention
of a single town or village of emphatically repulsive character.
The inhabitants, no matter of what race, at that time did not
re23resent an " empire of the discontented."

It was an exciting moment when they found themselves at
Perekop. Here two seas almost meet, and a wall across the nar-
row isthmus marks what no longer ago than 1774 was the bound-
ary between Russia and a Turkish province, the ancient Tauric
Peninsula, once inhabited by the Cimmerians, from whom the
name Crimea is a distinct legacy to our modern world.

Early one morning, before breakfast, our missionary invaders
went out to examine this wall and gateway, through which
they peacefully passed a little later, and traveled southward over
the dreary steppe, with nothing more interesting than an Arme-

32 MAINE HISTORICAL SOCIETY.

nian bazaar or Tartar village for about a hundred versts. But
soon there was a change. Setting off once more at daybreak,
they saw to the left a range of beautiful mountains, — one of
great height, and flat at the top. Tliis, of course, was what the
Greeks called "Table Mountain," and the Tartars call "Tent
Mountain." At the base of the mountain there was a fertile
plain adorned with luxuriant trees, and dotted over with Tartar
cottages, almost hidden beneath the foliage that surrounded them.
They crossed the river Selghir, then dried up to a i-ivulet, and
the countr}'^ became more and more interesting as they went on.
Mountains on mountains rose before them to the left, and to the
right Avere Tartar villages and jjatches of cultivated ground.
Simferopol was reached, a town in excellent order, well built,
in a chai-ming valley surrounded by hills. Much popular interest
and inquiry greeted the strangers. " Where were they going?
Was Mr. Carruthers an officer? " At length they neared Baktchis-
erai. Passing through a pleasant plain, with a few poplars grow-
ing upon it, and some poor cottages, they suddenly turned to the
left, and all at once the town was presented to their view. In a
deep vale, and climbing the side of a steep hill, almost every
house having a small garden, — in the gardens poplars and
other trees, — here was their future home. This was the end of
their journey. Here the}'^ set to work, first to know the place
and to find a house. In a few days they were estabUshed in a
pleasant part of the city, with room enough for their two friends,
Dr. Ross and Mr. Glen, whom they were looking for to share
their labors, -at least for a while.

The name Baktchiserai is made up of two wp rds, and signifies
"garden-palace" This gardcn-i)alace, so-called, situated in a
narrow, rocky, but romantic valley, was the residence of the for-
mer Khans of the Crimea, and adjoining it was the large Tartar
town bearing its name. It is tAventy miles southwesterly from
Simferepol, and about the same distance northeasterly from
Sevastopol. The inhabitants of the Crimea are for the most
part Tartars, with considerable numbers, hoAvever, of Russians,
Germans, Armenians, GA^psies, and Jews. The climate is one of
extremes and caprices, with a good share of delightful weather.

JOHN JOHNSTON CAERUTHERS, D.D. 33

The soil is productive, though the Tartars prefer grazing to agri-
culture. The hill country abounds in striking scenery, and is
rich in vegetation and wild animals. The Tartars of the hills
pique themselves on their undiluted descent from the Mongols
who took possession of the country under Genghis Khan about
the year 1237. In 1441 the Crimea came into possession of a
race of Khans of the family of Genghis. But these were sub-
jected by the Ottoman Turks, and so continued till they regained
their independence nominally through the intervention of Cath-
erine II of Russia, in 1774, only to be swallowed up in that
empire ten years afterward. The Tartars are all Mohammedans.

A missionary in the Crimea would touch upon many historic
problems, and find time to examine monuments of great archaeo-
logical significance. A monastery, an old fortress, relics of Ve-
netian and Genoese commercial enterprise, and the like, — these
are writings which he who runs may read, and which strangers
studying a country and its people would by no means neglect.

The Tartar character was well spoken of for sobriety, chastity,
cleanliness and hospitality. Yet their intelligence was narrow,
and not easily accessible to new ideas ; their religion most oppug-
nant to change. But it is in human nature slowly and secretly
to assimilate larger notions of life ; and might not some even of
the Tartars be roused to a sudden energy of conviction, and con-
Btitute the nucleus of a church, that should give a new meaning
and lustre to the Christian name ? Might not this be the day of
their visitation — not by the word only, but by the power and
liberty of the Christian faith ?

Mr. Carruthers had begun to preach to the Tartars in Astrakhan;
and must have made very considerable progress in the language.
In May, 1821, he was in the Crimea. Some early tours of inves-
tigation were enlivened by the assistance of Dr. Ross and Mr.
Glen from Astrakhan, as well as of Dr. Peterson and Dr. Hen-
derson from St. Petersburg. But these pleasant preliminaries
were soon over, and our missionary household was left alone.
They became the church in the wilderness. Their house was the
sanctuary of reformed Christianity. There the German or the
Moravian missionary on his journey found a home. The British

Vol. II. 4

34 MAINE HISTORICAL SOCIETY.

traveler was received with a welcome of no ordinary hospitality.
The kingdom of heaven came with children that were born to
them ; — one of whom, a son, was given a place of burial in the
venerable monastery of Si. Mary.

No vicissitudes of personal experience could withdraw them
from the great purpose of their apostleship. Their excursions of
pleasure, their hours of rest or intentional recreation, their worship
on the Lord's Day, according to the doctrine and rite of their
fathers, — all were composed to the unity of their high service.

Some medical knowledge, especially the use of Peruvian bark in
the fever season, helped the missionary's credit with the suffering
people. Even the plan of bringing young men into a household
relation with the teacher, the characteristic feature of Bishop
Patteson's efforts in the Melanesian mission, was not untried.

The main reliance, however, was at first upon perpetual
personal contact and conversation with all sorts and conditions of
men, together with the distribution of the Scriptures, and tracts
intended to illustrate the Scriptures. Week after week and month
after month the missionary journeyed over mountains and
through valleys, visiting all the Tartar villages, and seeking to
bring his message to every mind. From each jom-ney he came
back at length, usually on a Saturday evening, sometimes very
late and very weary, to the home and holy rest — type of their
eternal felicity. Then anxieties were allayed, cares dismissed,
there was solemn and sweet discourse, with the celebration of
eacred ordinances. Afterward another departure to j)reach the
Gospel in other villages also, since for that purpose he was come.

Mrs. Carruthers was no whit behind her husband in missionary
zeal ; though her efforts were more Umited by household pre-
occupations. She studied persistently, and at length she spoke
both Russian and Turkish fluently. She was devoted to her Tar-
tar women, ministered to them in their sickness with all her re-
sources of domestic medicine ; taught them to sew, and had store
of thimbles and needles to distribute among them ; and was most
happy, when she so far prevailed against the jealousy of the hus-
bands as to be allowed to teach the children in a Tartar house,
since they were not permitted to come to her own. She had two

JOHN JOHNSTON CARRUTHERS, D.D. 35

scholars the first day, three the second, and the third five ; but was
always in fear lest her privilege should be revoked. In that semi-
barbarous society the prying curiosity of the women was often
annoying ; and their ceremonious hospitalities were apt to be pro-
fuse in proportion to their hope of gifts in return. Once in their
carriage Mrs. Carruthers was writing in her notebook, when the
women who came to see her went into a sad panic iinder the im-
pression that she was reporting something about them, which
obhged her to desist. This is very like Mr. Hare's quite recent
complaint that lie could not make sketches for the illustration of
his book of travels, even in the more civilized parts of Russia,
without constant liability to interruption from the police.

The obstructions they met were at first not generally rude,
but were such as to allow them no rest. They were forever on a
skirmish line with very little assurance of support. Once, for
example, without warning, Mr. Carruthers was refused the cus-
tomary permit or passport, which enabled him to obtain trans-
portation and entertainment in his journeyings. But on visiting
the governor of the province, and stating his case, the passport
was civilly accorded. Again, the Testaments he had distributed
in a village were all packed, sealed and sent to the police with
the statement that they were not wanted. But soon came a
counter statement to the effect that the books were taken away
from their owners by the chief men of the village, and that they
were wanted. Then the books were returned.

Their heaviest griefs were due to disappointment in persons of
whom they had the best expectations. Their disciples could not
endure the relentless ostracism which threatened all their pros-
pects in life ; and did not make a bold stand against more or less
malicious misrepresentations that were calculated to alienate the
people, and to raise suspicion in the authorities. The journal
makes early and repeated references to a certain " Sultan and
Sultana," so-called, of whom high hopes were entertained, only to
be disappointed. But who and what were the " Sultan and Sul-
tana," the journal had no occasion to sstj. The history of the
Scottish mission, however, given in Newcomb's Cyclopaedia, sup-
plies the missing knowledge : — namely, that " a Tartar prince of

36 MAINE HISTORICAL SOCIETY.

the Crimea called the Sultan of Kataglierry," had been among
the first fruits of the Scottish missionary labor. It was Ms
defection, doubtless, and that of his wife, which was a great blow
to our missionaries on their very arrival. They saw much of
these persons in the Crimea, but found them entirely alienated
from their Christian profession.

Similarly in 1825, when the reactionary movement had gath-
ered force in St. Petersburg, and all the missionaries were in the
deepest discouragement, it is noted that " the government has
ordered Kazem Bey to enter the service." But hoAV much this
meant may be gathered from the not improbable su})position that
Kazem Bey, or Alexander Kazem Bey as he is called in another
place, is a new, i.e. a Christian name for Mirza Mohammed Ali,
Avho in 1828, was employed by the missionaries in Astrakhan as a
teacher. He was the son of a Mohammedan judge; but in con-
sequence of his discussions with the missionaries came to prefer
Christianity to Mohammedism. Notwithstanding the opposition
of his friends he obtained from the emjDeror Alexander, through
prince Galitzin, permission to be baptized by those who had been
instrumental in his conversion, — instead of by the Greek arch-
bishop, according to law. He was afterward treated with great
harshness by the Russian government of the Caucasus ; especially
was compelled in 1825 to enter the Russian service, and ordered
to refrain from co-operating in any way with the missionaries.
This in fact signified the end of missionary operations.

But to the last, Mr. Carruthers continued his journeying and
preaching in the villages with unabated diligence. In October, 1822,
news came from the Moravians at Sarepta, that the government
had forbidden them to baptize, or even to exj^lain the Scriptures,
which they were i>ermitted to distribute. Baptism and instruc-
tion were for the holy Synod, The article on missions in the
"Encyclopedia Americana," noticing these interferences with the
Moravians goes on to say that still " the missionary Carruthers
exerted himself with great zeal for the conversion of the Tartars
in the Crimea." In fact there was then a moment of apparent
promise before the crisis came. The missionary Carruthers act-
ually received from the emperor permission to baptize. Embold-

JOHN JOHNSTON CAREUTHEES, D.D. 37

ened by sucli autiiority a number professed their new faith, and
were baptized. To one the missionary was able to give a paj^er
which made him a free man. Such success drew audience and
attention from Greeks and Tartars. At length it seemed to our
pioneers perhaps that they might organize their movement with-
out shunning observation; that even the jealous dignitaries, who
looked on not unmoved by the elevated spirit and eloquent speech
of the foreign preacher, might be drawn into respectful sympathy
with his aims. But no. From that moment it was open war.
The church spoke, and the f)eople obeyed, whether Christians or
Moslems. Hospitable attentions, civil discussions, modest refer-
ences to teachers and scriptures that were good enough for them,
liberal hopes for the welfare of all men who were faithful to what
was giv^en them, deferential indifference and compliments to the
missionary's learning, — all these polite forms began to give
place to quite other expressions. Doors closed, children avoided
the teacher they had been delighted to meet, one woman ran to
warn anothei- of danger if she was seen talking too freely with
the enemy, countenances were averted and men nodded or shrug-
ged their shoulders in a sinister way when the missionary aj)-
peared. A truculent non-intercourse was more and more de-
clared not without threats of violence and hints of prosecution,
while converts were tempted to make their peace with society in
general by gratuitous zeal in decrying what they had but just now
promised to support. In a word, the solid, impenetrable, popular
will held on its accustomed way with the slow, resistless move-
ment of a glacier.

The fatal year was 1825. Alexander died. Prince Galitzin
resigned his place as minister of religion, in consequence of the
powerful opposition raised against the Bible Society. The sec-
retary of this society was put upon liis trial in the criminal court,
for allowing a book to be published in which were some reflec-
tions deemed unfavorable to the doctrine of the Greek church,
with reference to the Virgin Mary. At Astrakhan the printing
of a new and correct edition of Henry Martyn's Persian New
Testament was arrested. The Tartar version of the Old Testa-
ment, nearly completed, was requu'ed to be submitted to three

38 MAINE HrSTOEICAL SOCIETT.

archbishops of the Greek church, witli small hope of their con-
senting to its publication. Those facts, together with the grow-
ing indifference or opposition of the native tribes, determined
not only the Moravians, but the Scottish society also, to with-
draw their forces. And this was done, so far as I can judge, with
the perfect concurrence of both missionaries in Russia and direc-
tors at home.

I have sketched the general features of this missionary episode
with a free hand, not piecing together solid extracts from the
record, and have studied sobriety rather than intensity of color-
ing. This plan seemed best not only by reason of the necessary
hmits which I was bound to observe, but also as affording the
needed security against taking any liberty with those sacred
privacies of the closet and the home, that are naturally inter-
woven with elements that belong to history in a journal like the
one from which I have drawn.

Back again over the steppe they took their way. In a little
while it began to blow .a hurricane. The dust and smoke ob-
scured the sun. They could with difficulty avoid collision with
the numerous carts that met them. But at last they came again to
the gate of the Crimea, showed their passports, passed over the
bridge, and ])ade adieu to the ancient peninsula forever, with
this retrospective review taken from Mrs. Carruthers' journal : —

It is but little more than four years since we entered it, but with very
different feelings from wliat we have today. Then they were sanguine;
now they are cast down. I well remember when we entered it my
spirits were quite elevated, when Mr. Carruthers remarked, "Well, if I
do my duty here I expect much sorrow," — and in reality these words
have been I'ealized.

Their course was through the magnificent valley of the Dnieper
for a considerable distance; and many were the thriving and
well-built towns they passed. The storm and stress of the heated
weather, with casualties incident to bad roads they had to reckon
with; yet the journey was one of great interest, and on the sixth
of July they entered Moscow, thankful that two-thirds of the way
to St. Petersburg had been achieved in perfect safety. A few
words without date note their arrival at St. Petersburg, and their
welcome at the Bible house from Dr. Peterson and other friends.

JOHN JOHNSTON CARRUTHERS, D.D. 39

Nothing of the voyage to England ; but under date of May,
1826, there is a conchiding record ofa journey from Edinburgh to
Glasgow, of a visit in Glasgow to Mr, Johnston, an uncle — the
same no doubt who a few years before was tutor to his nephew
and the boy Carlyle ; of a short passage to Liverpool by steam
packet ending in joyful reunion with kindred and friends.

Great as may have been the disappointment at the result of
the Crimean mission, the missionaries were far from representing it
a failure. They returned with corrected judgments, proved prin-
ciples, tried abilities, exalted motives, in short with characters
disciplined and demonstrated by faithfulness to the demands of
a difficult and dangerous service. They had suffered in health,
they knew the cost of learning strange languages, they had to
care for the future of children ; and though the Scottish society
was desirous of sending them to a more promising missionary
field, they upon the whole concluded to give their permanent
efforts to their English-speaking brethren. Their journeying
years had been an added schooling for home work, and to this
they addressed themselves

Between the return to England in 1825 and the settlement in
Gosport 1827, I place the stay in Selkirk or elsewhere while the
future way was preparing. The call to Gosport was one of entire
unanimity and great cordiality, signed not merely by a committee
and the deacons, but by hundreds of members of the church and
parish. There was a grave sense of responsibility in this Gos-
port society at that time, which caused Mr. Thomas Hoskins to
address a letter of inquiry to several ministers in Scotland, as
to the character and conduct of Mr. Carruthers, which brought
back responses highly commendatory from Dr. Chalmers, Dr.
John Brown, father of Dr. John Brown, author of "Rab and
His Friends," Mr. David Dickson and Mr. Andrew Lothian.

How well the favorable opinions, so early and adventurously
won, were afterward justified in this community need not
be told. In 1832, Mr. Carruthers became minister of the Tox-
teth Park Chapel, Liverpool, and in 1841 he came to Montreal.
Each of these removals gave the people occasion to signify their
deep sense of his spiritual service, their earnest desire for its con-

40 MAINE HISTORICAL SOCIETY.

tinnance, together with their grateful and affectionate personal
attacliment. In October, 1842, while Mr. CaiTuthers was in Mon-
treal, Dr. Henr}^ Wilkes of that city joined his influence with
many others, in favor of placing our lamented friend in the chair
of logic and rhetoric in McGill college, and wrote a letter warmly
commendatory of his scholarship.

No appointment to the chair in question was made at tliat
time ; and Mr. Carruthers continued, so far as I know, in the
same pastoral and professorial work up to the time of his call to
Portland. Meanwhile, the University of Vermont, under the
presidency of Dr. John Wheeler, did itself the honor of bestow-
ing upon Mr. Carruthers the degree of doctor of divinity in 1843.

Dr. Carruthers' call to Portland was regarded with an interest
by no means confined to a single congregation. The sentiments
and votes of the Second church and parish are so accurately
analyzed and judiciously summed up in a letter of Dr. J. W.
Mighels, which accompanied the official communications, that the
entire document deserves to appear, not only as a memento of an
esteemed physician, worthy citizen, and cultivated man, but as a
chapter of parochial history, creditable to all concerned. It is
hojsed, however, that the last paragraph may serve the purpose.

Finally, we are now anxiously awaiting your decision, hoping and
praying that our overture may not be rejected. The question is often
asked with much anxiety, "Will he come?" "I hope he will come
soon," and with all my heart I say Amen; and so say all. I have the
honor to be, my dear sir,

Your very humble servant,

J. W. MIGHELS.
Rev. J. J. Cakrutheks. Portland, June 11, 1846.

The coming of Dr. Carruthers opened a period of peculiar
interest in the history not only of the church to which he min-
istered, but of the city and state. He was in the maturity of
manhood, a person of unmistakable distinction, having a counte-
nance radiant with spiritual emotion, a deportment of winning
cordiality, a voice of remarkable depth and richness, an elocution
of dignity, harmony and power — the spontaneous utterance of
thoughts that bore upon their breath the odors of that S2)iritual

JOHN JOHNSTON CAERUTHEES, D.D. 41

communion and varied experience in which his faculties had
ripened — and, above all, not only a deep sense of the sanctity
and solemnity of his calling, but a most serious and conscientious
predilection for the work he had in hand. How many of the
young men and women of that day must remember, as I do, the
grave yet animating appeals in which he called his hearers to
the high motives and efforts of the Christian hfe.

Certainly, also, this final settlement, as it proved to be, marks
a most important ejaoch in the Doctor's life.

In Dr. John Brown's memorable letter to John Cairns, d.d., in
*' Spare Hours," under the title of " My Father's Memoir," he
says : —

My mother's death was the second epoch in my father's life; it
marked a change at once and for life; and for a man so self-reliant, so
poised upon a center of his own, it was wonderful the extent of change
it made.

Especially it changed the character of his preaching.

He took as it were to subsoil ploughing; he got a new and adamantine
point to the instrument with which he bored, and wuth a fresh power,
with his whole might, he sunk it right down into the living rock, and to
the virgin gold.

In illustration he notes that his father when young had been
preaching at Galashiels,

and one wife said to her neebor, " Jean, what think ye o'the lad?" "It's
maist o't tinsel wark," said Jean, neither relishing nor appreciating his
fine sentiments and figures. After my mother's death, he preached in
the same place, and Jean running to her friend, took the first word,
"It's agowd noo."

If Dr. Carruthers ever had a time of " tinsel wark," I
cannot say ; he had reached the golden period before
coming to Portland ; and, through a crisis identical with
that which so changed liis friend of the Scottish Mission-
ary Society. The brave and devoted wife, who had helped
his toil and cheered his solitude in the Crimea, was no
longer at his side. She had died in Montreal in 184-4. Under
the shadow of that affliction his conversation could hardly be
elsewhere than in heaven ; and his preaching had a fervor and

42 MAINE HISTORICAL SOCIETY.

pathos, which told as no words could tell of detachment from the
world. Here again were "sacred lambencies, tongues of au-
thentic flame which kindled what was best in one ; " and doubt-
less many a soul that did not hold stoutly by the Doctor's theo-
logical system, could now say, " on me too their pious heaven-
sent influences still rest and live."

But the cares of ordinary citizenship were taken up. He by
and by contracted a second marriage. His certificate of natur-
alization dated May 20, 1856, is signed by George F. Emery,
clerk of the U. S. circuit court for the district of Maine ; and
approved by the board of aldermen of the city of Portland, Sep-
tember 6, 1856, as certified by Rufus E. Wood, chairman. In short
he became one of ourselves, sharing in all national, state and munic-
ipal vicissitudes. He was quite deliberate in coming to this full
poUtical communion ; and to a critic who thought to serve a pur-
pose by setting the native above the adoptive citizen, he j^leas-
antly replied : — I am an American by choice. You probably by
the necessity of the case. There may be some virtue in volition —
there can be none in accident." In fact his patriotism was that of
one who had tried the world and found his country at last. It gave
him an international function. He kept up a diligent correspon-
dence, not only with friends in various parts of the British empire,
but with the British public through the press. He promoted the
mutual understanding of religious bodies. He was on terms of
hospitality with many excellent ministers in the neighboring
provinces, so that their voices were not unfrequently heard in our
pulpits.

But when the dark years of the civil war came on his service
was constant and most important. He wrought upon that intel-
ligent and conscientious popular conviction in England, which di-
plomacy could not reach ; while at home his eloquent advocacy
was never wanting when the national spirit needed to be roused
to new courage and zeal for the national duty. "I am here," he
humorously declared, when he had been, so to speak, pulled out
of his sick-bed to address a war-meeting, " not of constraint ;
it is my choice to be here." His personal will was to be counted
always. His conduct was never forced upon him.

JOHN JOHNSTON CARRUTHERS, D.D. 43

Of what may be designated as his " war correspondence " I
have seen but little ; but that little is of great significance. His
chief organ was the British Standard, London, edited by Dr.
Campbell. The editorial remarks accompanying some of Dr.
Carruthers' communications furnish as good an illustration as I
have ever met of the change from an early ignorance and despair
of our republic, to a hearty acceptance of the war and its results —
on the part of multitudes of the best minds and hearts in Gi'eat
Britain. Here is an examj^le. In a letter of January 28, 1862,
touching among other things the "Trent affair," Dr. Campbell
remarks : —

A letter will be found in another column from our much valued friend
and correspondent, Dr. Carruthers, which, although brief, is full of facts
of a highly interesting character. Some of his statements, however, fill
us with astonishment. While the Doctor was in England he occupied a
foi'emost place amongst our ablest men, as large in view, quick in per-
ception, and fluent in expression; a thorough, downright, upright, prac-
tical Englishman, How changed by his long residence in America! He
is now become a thorough Yankee, as blind and as sanguine as any of
them. That such a man should have been so carried away is not a little
remarkable. How a man so judicious could express himself as follows,
we cannot divine : —

"The rebellion will soon be put down. Slavery will soon cease to be!
Englishmen long most intensely for both, but utterly despair of either! "

Never were appearances more against any si;ch anticipation. The men
of the northern states seem resolutely to close their eyes to all that is
passing around them. Their life is a dream; and terrible will be the
awakening! Glad, most glad, however, shall we be, should Dr. Carruth-
ers turn out a true prophet. We will hasten to acknowledge our error,
proclaim his triumi^h, and humble ourselves in the dust as long as we
live.

In the following April Dr. Carruthers had other signs of
promise to communicate, though the logic of events was yet far
from its conclusion. Meanwhile Dr. Campbell's judgment had
been somewhat humbled, and his hopes corresjjondingly exalted
This is how he introduced his correspondent's letter : —

The letter of our noble-hearted friend will be read with extreme de-
light in all parts of the country. He is, we think, still a little "san-
guine;" but he is such a prophet of good, that, eschewing criticism, we

44 MAINE HISTORICAL SOCIETY.

listen with beating hearts, and are filled with intense delight. His
epistle is crammed with glorious facts; bnt we wish he had in his own
masterly way expanded it to twice the length. The longer the better.

Indeed, Dr. Carruthers, though bUnd, was not prophesying to
the deaf. lie was really authorized to say, as he did say in his
Thanksgiving sermon of this same year, " the voice of the Brit-
ish public is for peace — not with rebellion — not with slavery —
but with the free United States of America," The work of con-
version so well begun could not stop short of its consummation.
The voice of the British public responded at length in one great
chorus to the keynote, which he, and others like-minded, had
been persistently sounding.

But if this good patriot and citizen of the world was expecting
the return of peace to bring him an honored repose for dechning
years, he was signally disappointed. The national crisis was
closely followed in Portland by a municipal and pai'ochial disas-
ter, which laid upon him, as upon many others, a burden to con-
stitute the crowning trial rather than the natural reward of life-
long service.

The conflagration of 1SG6, that abolished so many old records
and opened so many new tables, marks a memorable epoch in the
history of the Second church and parish. Old things had passed
away. All things were to be made new. Dr. Carruthers be-
came at once the preacher, the prophet, and the chronicler, of a
renascent church and parish history. From 1866 onward, he
kept a careful and voluminous journal with special reference to
ecclesiastical matters, but with interesting personal notices, to
August 2, 1888, when the record ends in the handwriting of
age with these pathetic words : —

The members of the church who visit us are very kind, and I desire to
be thankful. Though weak, I am mercifully spared any pain.

Hardly had the embers of the old meeting-house grown cold,
when the Doctor began to receive numerous letters from old
friends, near and remote, tendering small sums of money to aid in
the work of rebuilding. In this way Avas opened an extensive
correspondence, which became part of his new calling. But,

JOHN JOHNSTON CAREUTHERS, D.D. 45

more than this, he was in request to present the demands of the
situation to other churches. The memorable history and distin-
guished ministrjr of the Second Parish church, its frontier position
and im23ortant influence, were made the ground of an appeal for
prompt aid by Dr. Kirk in the Boston Evening Traveller, Sep-
tember 3, 1866; and after due consideration Dr. Carruthers him-
self sent to the editors of the Boston Recorder and the Congre-
gation alist respectively his own programme : —

In undertaking the solemn mission committed to his trust the under-
signed is anxious it should be understood,

1. That he has neither strength, nor heart, nor time, for individual
solicitation. Independently, besides, of the irksomeness, not to say
oft'ensiveness, of such a method of raising funds^or religious purposes,
he cannot be indifferent nor insensible to its re-active influence on those
who have given themselves to prayer and to the ministry of the word.

2. That this appeal is to all of like precious faith, who sympathize
with us in the day of our calamity. Pastors of churches beloved and
trusted by their people will most efficiently plead a cause like this; and,
if thus presented, the practical response will prove that Christian faith
and love are fully adequate to such emergencies.

3. That if his personal presence and presentation of the object be
deemed expedient, he is open to such calls, and will gratefully embrace
the opportunities thus afforded of asking the aid of fellow disciples
towards the erection of the Payson Memorial church.

J. J. CARRUTHERS.

5 Cambridge St., Boston,
September 4, 18G6.

Agreeably to this announcement the doctor visited the chief
cities of New Engbmd, the Middle States, and Canada,* with the
enterprising zeal of his earliest mission. Despite the moral and
financial agitations resulting from tbe war, he was successful to a
remarkable degree in gaining both spiritual encouragement and
material aid.

Nor was this all. Dr. Carruthers was of the ojDinion that two
parishes, the second and third, whose situation and wants were
much the same, should unite their resources, both in building a
house of worship and in prosecuting their common work for a

1 See " Tbe Dominion." " Notes of a Recent Tour." Christian Mirror, 1S68.

46 MAINE HISTORICAL SOCIETY.

particular portion of tlie city's population. But as the choice of
a minister to preside over this union was one in which the third
parish, as well as his own, would be entitled to a voice, he pro-
posed, and with a pressing persistency of purpose, to retire from
his pastorate, under advice of a council, rather than stand in the
way of a consummation, which he had so much at heart. This
involved a deliberate sacrifice of personal feeling, of which not
even lie could measure the cost. But in his view cost was not to
be counted after the way of duty was made clear.

When, however, the matter was referred to an ecclesiastical
council, June 19, 1867, there was no such evidence of the prac-
ticability of uniting the two parishes on any terms, as to make
the proposed retirement appear an advisable step. Things went
on in their wonted way, and the Doctor's numerous friends, who
had strongly protested against his leaving them, enjoyed his
ministry for ten years more.

Meanwhile the work of rebuilding Avent on apace in the devas-
tated streets ; and, not to be left altogether out of sight by the
general activity, on the fourth of July, 1868, Dr. Carruthers laid
the corner-stone of the Paj^son Memorial church, Aj^ril 15, 1869,
the day of the annual fast, was signalized by the dedication of
the vestry. Dr. Carruthers j)reached, and offered the dedicatory
prayer; and on July 4, 1875, the whole solid and comely
structure was duly dedicated ; and again Dr, Carruthers, as was
most meet and right, preached and offered the dedicatory prayer.
" Now lettest thou thj^ servant depart in peace," must have been
in his thoughts, if not on his lips, at the accomplishment of this
final service. Accordingly, in the affectionate tribute paid to the
memory of his venerated friend by the Rev, A, H. Wright, on
the funeral day, that law of history, which makes it impossible
to limit a public monument to the honor of a single name, was
referred to with the eloquence of judgment and of feeling : —

One crowning result of Dr. Carruthers' prolonged and able ministry in
our city, was the erection of this massive church edifice, which stands as
a worthy memorial of the great Dr. Payson. So let it ever stand ; hut
there are many who will likewise look ui)on it as a monument to the
energy and efficiency of Dr. Carruthers Maiiy there were to

JOHN JOHNSTON CARRUTHEES, D.D. 47

rise up and build, but Dr. Carruthers was their Nehemiah, to lead the
way aud urge them on. Let the generation of youthful worshii^ers,
who pass in and out of this house of God with pride and joy, think rev-
erently of the man who rose up in the residue of his strength and de-
voted the years of his old age to the preparation of a sanctuary for them
and for their children, which in ages to come will be the ornament and
the defence of our city.

In a long ministry, as in a long life, there is likely to be a more
or less marked beginning of the end. Dr. Carruthers' journal
for the year 1877, after the entry of January first, has nothing
more till the seventeenth of July, when a concluding cha^^ter
seems to open as follows : —

How much has passed since last insertion ! On the twenty-fourth of
February, my dear wife, after a long and very painful illness, fell asleep
in Jesus,

His touching reflections on this event belong to the inner his-
toiy, which those who can may read without the additional lines.
Successive attacks of pneumonia and other troubles had brought
him also down almost to death. He adds : —

I am still very weak, and as yet entirely unfit for any pastoral work.
After much deliberation and earnest prayer, I have come to the conclu-
sion that my office must be resigned. This, D. V., will be done on the
first or second Sabbath of August.

On Sunday, the twelfth of August, accordingly, the Doctor
preached, and at the close of the sermon read his resignation ; —
reflecting with devout gratitude on the results of his lengthened
service, testifying the warmest personal affection for his people,
and the satisfaction he had in their work of faith and labor of
love, together with his pastoral solicitude for the future, especi-
ally for those who had, as he feared, received the grace of God
in vain, — and hoping still to embrace any opportunities of use-
fulness among them that might be afforded him.

He was "wonderfully strengthened" for this effort, his jour-
nal adds ; and his act implied its proper sequel. This however,
did not take place till fifteen months afterward, when church,
parish and council vied with each other in testimonies of regret,
love, and reverence, such as the sober practice of centuries has
made appropriate to a ministry of marked excellence and unmis-

48 MAESTE HISTORICAL SOCIETY.

takable integrity, wlien the time-honored servant of God and
man has passed beyond the sphere of parochial or professional
criticism. Nor Averc these testimonies of an altogether convention-
al type. The church hoped that the bonds of spiritual affinity
might be made dearer and stronger through the preservatit^n of
his valuable life in the freshness and serenity of advancing age ;
and that he might realize in this Christian community " the de-
lightful close of the ministry of tlie beloved disciple in the
church of Ephesus." There was a resolution of thanks on the
part of the parish for the generous relinquishment of his salary,
pending final action on his resignation, which enabled the
society to supply the pulpit without extraordinary expense. The
council, gratefully recalling his uniform urbanity and kindness,
expressed the hope that he might long be spared, " by his pres-
ence and occasional ministrations to strengthen and cheer the
church of God."

Thus on the fourth of December, 1878, the official connection
with church and parish, sustained for thirty-two j^ears, was
dissolved. In proposing this dissolution he had said in effect : —

" My way of life
Is fallen into the sere, tlie yellow leaf ; " —
And that which should accompany old age,
As honor, love, obedience, troojis of friends,

he might surely look to have, now that the dissolution had been

declared.

His journal gives this record for December 6 : —

My good and noble friend. Dr. Shailer, called, and expressed his per-
fect satisfaction with my course.

Dr. Carruthers not only enjoyed the honors and friendships of old
age, he rejoiced in its opportunities and tasks. The series of
judicious and interesting articles entitled " Reminiscences of Dis-
tinguished Men," was prepared for the Christian Mirror, in 1879.
Occasionally, the great passion of his soul was gratified with a
call to preach the gospel. And if any appalling event or critical
situation of public affairs made men think — " more things are
wrought by prayer than this world dreams of," — then the aged
man of God interpreted the common burden, and gave voice to
the common desire.

JOHN JOHNSTON CARRUTHEES, D.D. 49

Perhaps there is no vantage ground in this world like " the
chamber where the good man meets his fate." Musing upon
what should take place in that sacred seclusion, — what calm
contemplation of nature and life and what deep communion with
the Infinite Spirit through the Word of God might strengthen
the self-possessed and waiting soul, I am reminded of the deeply-
personal cast of Dr. Carruthers' religion. He agreed with his
old friend Dr. John Brown of Edinburgh, the sometime secre-
tary of the Scottish Missionary Society, who said : —

A personal Deity is tlie soul of natural religion; a j^ersonal Savior —
the real living Christ — is the soul of revealed religion.

In this faith Dr. Carruthers bade us farewell ; and leaving him
to that unknown blessedness, which by the law of Christian
thought is ampler than the best human anticipations, I would
enshrine his memory in words I once heard him deliver with
great impressiveness, — from, as he said, " the excellent and
admirable Cowper : " —

All joy to the believer! he can speak —
Trembling yet happy, confident yet meek.
Since the dear hour that brought me to thy foot
And cut up all my follies by the root,
I never trusted in an arm but thine,
Hor hoped, but in thy righteousness divine:
My prayers and alms, imperfect and defiled,
Were but the feeble efforts of a child ;
Howe'er performed, it was their brightest part,
That they proceeded from a grateful heart:
Cleansed in thine own all-purifying blood,
Forgive their evil and accept their good;
I cast them at thy feet — my only plea
Is what it was, dependence upon thee ;
While struggling in the vale of tears below,
That never failed, nor shall it fail me now.

Vol. II.

THE VOICE OF MAINE. 51

THE VOICE OF MAINE

AS HEARD IN THE GENESIS OF OUR NATIONALITY.
Head before the Maine Historical Society^ January 8, 1885.
BY GEORGE F. EMERY.

No man who has ever resided in Massachusetts can
have failed to observe the extraordinary care with
which the services and fame of her eminent citizens
have been perpetuated either in song or history, and
with what jealous watchfuhiess everything pertaining
to matters of public moment is there preserved for
future generations.

Though much has been done by members of this
Society and by other praiseworthy persons, to immor-
talize the names and deeds of Maine men, there still
remains here a wide field to be explored by loyal sons,
and a fruitage to be garnered for future use, as well
in the interest of truth and justice, as from gratitude
to a wise and patriotic ancestry. This sentiment it
was that led to the preparation of the paper which I
read, relating to a period of our national history, sec-
ond in interest to no other, and with which, our people
ought accordingly to be reasonably well informed.

I invite my friends on this occasion to accompany
me to Boston, to look in upon the Massachusetts con-
vention assembled to act on the adoption or the re-
jection of the federal constitution. Our chief purpose
is to observe the action of the delegates therein from
the District of Maine, whose constituents have already,

52 MAIXE HISTORICAL SOCIETY.

to a considerable extent, begun to sigh for independ-
ence, and for a statehood more congenial than that to
which they then owed allegiance. But before entering
the body, it may be well to take a brief survey of the
situation and surrounding circumstances, lest we fail to
appreciate the interest with which the scene is invest-
ed, and underestimate the magnitude of the results to
flow from it.

The confederacy of " free and sovereign states " has
confessedly proved inadequate for " the exigencies of
government and the preservation of the union." The
holding of a convention at Philadelphia in 1787, pur-
suant to a resolve of Congress, after twelve years of
declared independence, to revise the articles of confed-
eration in which twelve of the thirteen states are rep-
resented, is proof enough of its necessity, and we need
not tarry longer at this point. At that convention,
however, it was impossible to secure unanimity either
in council or result. Of the Massachusetts delegation,
consisting of Nathaniel Gorham, Rufus King, Elb ridge
Gerry and Caleb Strong, the two latter declined to
sign the proposed constitution, hence the new instru-
ment comes before this convention with only one-half
an indorsement of men deemed among the best and
wisest of her eminent citizens. Moreover, as it re-
quires the approval of nine of the thirteen states to
make it obligatory, only five have yet ratified it,
nameh', Delaware, Pennsylvania, New Jersey, Georgia
and Connecticut ; consequently the eye of the entire
country is directed to the scene of our visit to learn
what Massachusetts will decide for herself, and how

THE VOICE OF MAINE. 53

lead the way for Maryland, South Carolina, New
Hampshire, Virginia, New York, North Carolina and
Rhode Island, who are yet to follow. It is well known
also, that the popular feeling in Massachusetts is ad-
verse to the new constitution, and that men of com-
manding influence have publicly declared against it.
Samuel Adams, the great central figure of revolution-
ary times, in a letter to Richard Henry Lee, of De-
cember 3, 1787, has said : —

I stumble at the threshold. I meet with a national govern-
ment instead of a federal union of sovereign states. ... If the
several states are to become one entire nation, under one legisla-
ture, its powers to extend to all legislation and its laws to be su-
preme, and control the whole, the idea of sovereignty in these
states must be lost.

Governor Hancock and his friends in general, classed
as republicans in contradistinction from federalists, are
known to be opposed to the new scheme as presented.
In the district of Maine the popular feeling is very
strong and dominant against it. In short, as we take
our seats, January 9, 1788, in the meeting-house on
Brattle street, to see and hear what Massachusetts is
about to do, we are almost oppressed with the feeling,
that upon the action of this convention hinges the life
and destiny of the new republic. Williamson justly
styles this as a period of extreme anxiety.

But we now enter and first scan the crowd of
delegates, three hundred and fifty-five in number, to
see who are there to discharge the unusual trust, and
acquit themselves of the high responsibility. His
Excellency Governor Hancock has been chosen to
preside over the convention, but, by reason of ill

54 MAINE HISTORICAL SOCIETY.

health and the cares of state, he is unable to be present
until a late day in its dehberations. The chair is occu-
pied by WilUain Gushing, the vice-president, whose
learning and standing as a jurist naturally suggest
that soon he will be elevated to the bench of the
supreme court should the proposed constitution go
into effect. The eye then runs over the convention
to see Samuel Adams, Theophilus Parsons, Governor
Bowdoin, Rufus King, Fisher Ames, George Cabot,
Nathaniel Gorham, Caleb Strong, Francis Dana, Chris-
topher Gore, Samuel West, Benjamin Lincoln, Theo-
dore Sedge wick, Samuel Stillman, and a large number
of other celebrities of Massachusetts proper, whose
names are familiar as household words. But what is of
more interest to us is a view of our Maine delegation.
To gratify our curiosity more perfectly, and see and
hear more understandingly, we have taken the precau-
tion to procure from the secretary, George Richards
Minott, a list of our representatives which reads as
follows.

County of York : — York, Captain Esaias Preble,
Nathaniel Barrell, Esq. Kittery, Mr. Mark Adams,
Mr. James Neal. Wells, Rev. Dr. Moses Hem-
enway, Hon. Nathaniel Wells, Esq. Berwick, Dr.
Nathaniel Low, Mr. Richard Foxwell Cutts, Mr. EUjah
Hayes. Pepperelboro, Thomas Cutts, Esq. Lebanon,
Mr. Thomas M. Wentworth. Sanford, Major Samuel
Nasson. Buxton, Jacob Bradbury, Esq. Fryeburg,
Mr. Moses Ames. Coxhall, Captain John Low. Shap-
leigh, Mr. Jeremiah Emery. Waterboro, Rev. Pela-
tiah Tingley.

THE VOICE OF MAINE. 55

County of Cumberland : — Falmouth, Daniel Hsley,
Esq., John K. Smith, Esq. Portland, Mr. John Fox,
Captain Joseph McLellan. North Yarmouth, David
Mitchell, Esq. Samuel Merrill, Esq. Scarboro, Wil-
liam Thompson, Esq. Brunswick, Captain John Dun-
lap. Harpswell, Captain Isaac Snow. Cape Elizabeth,
Mr. Joshua Dyer. Gorham, Mr. S. Longfellow, jr.
New Gloucester, Mr. W. Widgery. Gray, Rev. Samuel
Perley.

County of Lincoln : — Pownalboro, Thomas Rice,
Esq., Mr. David Sylvester. Georgetown, Mr. Nathan-
iel Wyman. Newcastle, Captain David Murray. Wool-
wich, Mr. David Gilmore. Topsham, Hon. S. Thomp-
son, Esq. Winslow, Mr. Jonah Crosby. Bowdoinham,
Mr. Zacheus Beal. Boothbay, William McCobb, Esq.
Bristol, William Jones, Esq. Vassalboro, Captain
Samuel Grant. Edgecomb, Moses Davis, Esq. Hallo-
well, Captain James Carr. Thomaston, David Fales,
Esq. Bath, Dummer Sewall, Esq. Winthrop, Mr.
Joshua Bean.

In the organization, the post of honor, as respects
the Maine delegates, appears to have been assigned to
Mr. Widgery by placing him on the committee on rules
and orders. We have already learned that he was
born in Philadelphia in 1753, that after receiving a
public school education he followed the seas and during
the revolutionary war was lieutenant of a privateer.
His force of character, enterprising spirit, combined
with unusual intelligence and patriotic purpose, have
naturally led us to anticipate for him an influential
and honorable career. As great events are said to

56 MAINE HISTORICAL SOCIETY.

cast their shadows before, it may safely be predicted,
that New Gloucester will be too small to hold him,
that he will soon be found among the solid men of
Portland, become prominent in the councils of state
and nation, five years a member of the Massachusetts
house of representatives, two in the executive council,
a judge of the court of common pleas, and two a mem-
ber of the national house of representatives. Party
spirit being likely to rage fiercely, and he being bold
find atTfiCressive in maintainino; his convictions, it is not
unreasonable to anticipate that he will excite violent
animosity in the ranks of his opponents, even to the
extent of hooting and mobbing him on his way home-
ward from Congress at Newbury port, where Rufus
King and Theophilus Parsons reside, though not with
their approbation. Being, also, a man of wealth, and
having an attractive daughter, it would not be surpris-
ing if some estimable gentleman like Elias Thomas
should invade his domestic circle and rob Mr. Widgery
of the object of his love, for the purpose of founding
a family of distinction in the growing town of Portland.
There is another Maine man whom we are specially
anxious to see, that is General Samuel Thompson of
Topsham, or as he is styled in the record " Honorable
S. Thompson, Esq." His fame has already extended
far beyond Massachusetts for his boldness and intre-
pidit}^ in the dawn of the revolution. He it was, you
remember, who marched to Portland at the head of
fifty men, w4th a pine bough as their banner and green
sprigs in their hats, for the special purpose of destroy-
ing Mowatt's ship then in harbor threatening the town ;

THE VOICE OF MAINE. , 57

who captured the royal captain, his surgeon and Rev.
Mr. Wiswell, found airing themselves on Munjoy's hill,
refused to release them on parole until two leading
citizens (General Preble and Colonel Freeman) became
sureties for their appearance on the next day ; who, on
breach of their parole confined their hostages and, in
connection with the militia which had rushed in from
the country, refused to release them until assured that
the soldiers should be furnished with refreshments at
their expense, including a barrel of rum for each
company ; and who, amidst angry protests of promi-
nent inhabitants fearing a bombardment, persistently
justified his conduct on the ground that war already
existed, and that it was both right and politic to make
such seizure of prisoners wdiom Providence had thrown
in his w^ay. Moreover, the impetuous General has
been a prominent member of the legislature and has
just been elected to that body for a second term.

One other preliminary has not escaped our notice,
showing that if the opponents of the constitution were
likely to be overpowered by their antagonists in point
of talent and experience, they were not to be caught
napping, namely, voting in Elbridge Gerry as a con-
sulting member of the convention to which he had not
been elected.

Our ears are now open to hear the discussions, and
especially what the down-easters and backwoodsmen
have to say in the presence of the assembled brains
and best blood of old Massachusetts.

The first important debate is on the question between
annual and biennial elections of representatives to con-

58 MAINE HISTORICAL SOCIETY.

gress. Mr. Strong, in response to Mr. Adams, explains
why the biennial plan was adopted by stating in sub-
stance, that the East preferred annual elections, the
South a congressional membership for more than two
years, and that the result reached was a compromise.
Fisher Ames, a wise counselor and the most finished
orator in the federal ranks, proceeds to make an
elaborate speech in favor of the biennial feature.
His argument is based (1) on the extent of the country
to be governed, (2) the objects of legislation, and (3)
the more perfect security of liberty. On the last point
he is very emphatic. Faction and enthusiasm he deems
to be the prime dangers to which popular governments
are exposed. The following words especially ring in
our ears : —

A democracy is a volcano, which conceals the fiery materials of
its own destruction — these will produce an eru2)tion and carry
desolation in their way. The people always mean right, and if
time is allowed for reflection and information, they will do right.
Biennial elections afford security that the sober second thought of
the people shall become law.

He is followed by Messrs. Bowdoin, Heath, Turner,

Dawes and Brooks. General Thompson then takes the

floor and speaks as follows : —

Sir, gentlemen have said a great deal about the history of old
times. I confess I am not acquainted with such history. But,
sir, I am acquainted with the history of my own country. I had
the honor to be in the general court last year, and am in it this
year. I think, sir, that had the last administration continued one
year longer, our liberties would have been lost, and the country
involved in blood. Not so much, sir, from their bad conduct but
from the susjjicions of the ])eople of them. But, sir, a change
took place ; from this change pardons have been granted to the

THE VOICE OF MAINE. 59

people, and peace is restored. This, sir, I say is in favor of fre-
quent elections.

These bold utterances and severe reflections on Gov-
Bowdoin's administration, having special reference to
his vigorous policy in dealing with the insurgents in
"Shay's Rebellion," raise a storm. The General is
declared "out of order," and so violent is the manifes-
tation, that an adjournment is had to allow it to sub-
side. On reassembling he is requested to proceed, and
closes thus."

Sir, however just, however good, and however upright the
administration may be, there is still a great necessity for annual
elections. Do the members of congress displease us ? We call
them home, and they obey. Now where is the difference of their
having been elected for one or two years ? It is said that the
members cannot learn sufficiently in that time. Sir, I hojie we
shall never send men who are not learned. Let these members
know their dependence on the people. I say, it will be a check
on them, even if they are not good men.

Here he breaks out in the following pathetic apos-
trophe : —

O, my country, never give up your annual elections. Young
men, never give up your jewels.

He then draws a comparison between the judges,
etc., of this country dependent on Great Britain for
their salaries, and those officials who looked to the
continent for their compensation, and concludes by
expressing a hope that these representatives will be
elected every year, so as to feel a greater dependence
on the people.

Mr. Gore follows in a speech deducing lessons from
past history, and favors biennial elections. Then

60 MAINE HISTORICAL SOCIETY.

comes to the front Rufus King, a native of Scarboro,
but who, in eminence, abiUty and accomplishments,
gives promise of reaching lionors and fame hardly
inferior to any man of his times. He refrains from
any exordium, thinks history can throw little light on
the subject, but that the convention must determine
the question upon its own principles.

It seems proper, he says, that the representatives should be in
office time enough to acquire that information which is necessary
to form a right judgment ; but that the time shouhl not be so long
as to remove from his mind the powerful cheek i;pon his conduct,
that arises from the frequency of elections, whereby the people
are enabled to remove an unfaithful representative, or to continue
a faithful one.

He favors an election for two years.

The discussion soon drifts to a consideration of the
section concerning the manner of holding congressional
elections, and the relation of congress thereto. After
listening somewhat impatiently, Mr. Widgery rises and
insists we have a right to be jealous of our rulers, who
ought never to have a power which they can abuse,
and claims that there should be a check on congress.

It is in vain, he says, to say that rulers are not subject to pas-
sions and prejudices. In the last general court, of which I was a
member, I would Anllingly have deprived the three western coun-
ties from sending delegates to this hou^e, as I then thought it
necessary. But, sir, what would have been the consequence ? A
large part of the state would have been deprived of their dearest
rights. I mention this, sir, to show the force of passion and
prejudice.

This strikes us as a rare specimen of argument ad
hominem, for statesmen do not ordinarily plead their
own imperfections to promote the public good. Mr.

THE VOICE OF MAINE. 61

Widgery, however, is exceedingly jealous of popular
rights, and instances the following case : —

Suppose, sir, Congress should order an election to be in Boston
in January, and from the scarcity of money, etc., not a fourth part
could attend, would not three-fourths of the jseojile be deprived
of their right ? "

Rev. Mr. West then defends the fourth section with
vigor, arguing against the probabilities of danger by
conferring power on Congress, closiny* with the
in quiry : —

May we not rationally conclude that the persons we shall
choose to administer the constitution will be in general good
men?

This draws a fire from the battery of the stalwart
Thompson which is discharged thus : —

Mr. President, I have frequently heard of the abilities and
fame of the learned and reverend gentleman last speaking, and
now I am witness to them. But, sir, one thing surj^rises me — it
is to hear the worthy gentleman insinuate that our federal rulers
will undoubtedly be good men, and that therefore we have little
to fear from their being intrusted with all power. This, sir, is
quite contrary to the common language of the clergy, who are
continually representing mankind as reprobate and deceitful, and
that we really grow worse and worse every day. I rea lly believe
we do, sir, and I make no doubt to prove it, before I sit down,
from the Old Testament — when I consider the man that slew
the lion and the bear, and that he was a man after God's own
heart — when I consider his son, blest with all wisdom — and the
errors they fell into, I extremely doubt the infallibility of human
nature. Sir, I suspect my own heart, and I shall suspect our
rulers.

This brings to the front the old weather-beaten
shipmaster and builder. Captain Snow of Harpswell,
who delivers himself thus : —

62 MAINE HISTORICAL SOCIETY.

It has been said, Mr. President, that there is too much power
delegated to Congress by the section nnder consideration. I
doubt it. I tliink power the hinge on which the constitution
turns. Gentlemen have talked about Congress moving the jjlace
of elections from Georgia to the Mohawk river, but I can never
believe it. I venture to conjecture that we shall have some
honest men in Congress. We read that there were two who
brought a good report, Caleb and Joshua. Now if there are but
two in Congress who are honest men, and Congress should attempt
to do what gentlemen say they will (which will be high treason),
they will bring a good report of it — and I stand ready to leave
my wife and family, sling my knapsack, travel westward, to cut
their heads off. I, sir, since the war, have had commerce with
six different nations of the globe, and I have inquired in what
estimation America is held, and if I may believe good, honest,
credible men, I find this country held in the same light by foreign
nations, as a well behaved negro is in a gentleman's family.

Suppose, Mr. President, I had a chance to make a good voy-
age, but I tie my captain up to such strict orders, that he can go
to no other island to sell my vessel, although there is a certainty
of his doing well ; the consequence is, he returns, but makes a
bad voyage, because he had not power enough to act his own
judgment — for honest men do right. Thus, sir, Congress can-
not save us from destruction because we tie their hands and give
them no power. I think people have lost their privileges by not
improving them. I like this power being vested in Congress as
well as any paragraph in the constitution, for as the man is
accountable for his conduct, I think there is no danger.

Further discussion follows, but the old Brattle street
meeting-house being found unsatisfactory as respects
accommodations, an adjournment is made to that in
Long Lane prepared for the purpose. On our way
thither we drop in at the Green Dragon and moisten
our throats with a mug of flip. But it is unsafe to
tarry long, for the demand for seats is daily increasing.

THE VOICE OF MAINE. 63

So we push through the crowd and find the quahfica-
tions of membership the topic of debate.

The irrepressible Thompson demands that a property
quaUfication shall be annexed to a representative, for,
says he, " When men have nothing to lose they have
nothing to fear." Mr. Sedgwick thereupon slyly gives
him a thrust by expressing surprise that gentlemen
who appear to advocate popular rights so strenuously
should wish to exclude a good man because he was
not a rich one. Mr. King also uses his keen blade
with effect by saying : —

We never knew that property was an index to abilities. We
often see men who, though destitute of property, are superior in
knowledge and rectitude. The men who have most injured the
country have most commonly been rich men. Such a qualifi-
cation was proposed at Philadelphia, but was resisted by the
delegates from Massachusetts.

The convention now passes to consider the provision
relating to the basis of representation and taxation.
Mr. Widgery inquires if a boy six years old is to be
considered as a free person ? Mr. King replies, "All
persons born free are to be considered as freemen ; "
and, to make the idea of taxation by numbers more
patent, adds, " Five negro children of North Carolina
are to pay as much tax as three New England govern-
ors." This calls out another Maine man. Major
Nasson of Sanford, who says : —

The honorable gentleman should have gone further and shown
the other side. It is a good rule that works both ways. The
gentleman should have told us that three of our infants in the
cradle are to be rated as high as five of the working negroes of
Virginia. We hope, while we are making a new government,

64 MAINE HISTORICAL SOCIETY.

we shall make it better than the old one; if we made a bad
bargain before, as has been hinted, it is reason enough for making
a better one now.

The subject is destined to elicit a wide and long
debate among the ruffle-shirted dignitaries of Massa-
chusetts, and we now spend a brief season in visiting
the old State-house, King street, the scene of the
Boston massacre, the Common, Copp's hill. Bunker
hill, and various other spots of special historic interest.
On our return we find Mr. Widgery again on his feet
replying to Judge Dana thus : —

I hope, sir, the honorable gentleman will not think hard of it
if we ignorant men cannot see as clear as he can. The strong
must bear the intirmities of the weak; and it must be a weak
mind indeed that could throw 'Such illiberal reflections against
gentlemen of education as the honorable gentleman complains of.

This was in reply to Judge Dana's expression of
pain at the suggestion, that the gentlemen who have
had the superior advantages of education are enemies
to the rights of their countrymen.

Mr. Widgery throws an additional weight into the
scale by affirming, " If Congress has this power of
taxing directly, it can assess a poll tax and thereby
compel the poor to pay as much as the rich,"

But Saturday having arrived we will now retire
and take another look about Boston, attend church at
the Old South on Sunday, then resume our seats all
the better prepared to accomplish the purpose of our
visit. On resuming our places, Monday, Januarj^ 21,
just as Mr. King has closed a speech on the taxation
and apportionment question, we are startled by the
following episode, A gentleman, whose name we

THE VOICE OF MAINE. 65

do not hear, rises with indignation and offers the
following : —

Resolved as follows : —

Whereas, There is a publication in " The Boston Gazette " and
the " Country Journal " of this day, viz. :

" Bribery and Corruption ! !

The most diabolical plan is on foot to corrupt the members of
this convention, who oppose the adoption of the new constitution.
Large sums of money have been brought from a neighboring state
for that purpose, contributed by the wealthy — if so, is it not
probable there may be collections for the same accursed jjurpose
nearer home ? Ceisttinel."

Thereupon it is voted to inquire into the subject,
and the printers of the " Gazette " are required to
appear and give information thereon. An adjournment
is then had. In the afternoon the order is responded to
by a report from the messenger that one of the printers
will attend the convention, and a letter is read from
them, Edes & Son, on the same matter which is referred
to a committee of five, of which Theophilus Parsons
is chairman, and on which are placed Messrs. Nasson
and Widgery of the Maine delegation.

The discussion is again resumed. The paragraph
concerning keeping a journal of congressional proceed-
ings and publication thereof from time to time is intro-
duced. Mr. Widgery calls attention to the clause,
" except such parts as may require secrecy," and
declares that " under this pretense Congress can with-
hold everything, and thereby keep the people in utter
ignorance of its doings." Mr. Gorham replies. This
calls out another Maine delegate. Rev. Mr. Perley of
Gray, who describes the alarms and anxiety of the

Vol. II. 6

66 MAINE HISTORICAL SOCIETY.

public at the commencement of the war. wlien the
whole country cried with one voice, " Why don't Gen-
eral Washington march into Boston and drive out the
tvranti

But, says he. Heaven gave iis a commander who knew better
than to do this. I am acquainted with the Roman history, and
the Grecian, too, .and I believe there never was, since the creation
of the world, a greater general than "Washington, except, indeed,
Joshna, who was inspired by the Lord of Hosts, the God of the
armies of Israel. Would it, I ask, have been prudent for that
excellent man, General Washington, previous to the American
army's taking possession of Dorchester Heights, to have published
to the world his intention of so doing ? Xo, sir ; it would not.

To such orthodoxy we unanimously respond "Amen."
But the principal bone of contention continues to be
as to the powers of Congress. Mr. King speaks at
length in support of the provision, and is followed by
others. The tide appears to be setting in favor of the
federal leaders. This arouses the valiant Thompson
to a new effort

Mr. President, he says, I totally abhor this paragraph. Massa-
chusetts has ever been a leading s'tate ; now let her give good
advice to her sister states. Suppose nine states adopt this con-
stitution, who shall touch the other four? Some cry out, force
them. I say draw them. We love liberty. Britain never tried
to enslave us until she told us we had too much liberty ; we
cannot have too much liberty.* The confederation wants
amendments — shall we not amend if? The convention was
sent to Philadelphia to amend this Confederation, but they
made a new creature, and the very setting out of it is uncon-
stitutional. (A strict construction friend whispers in my ear,

• A forcible reminder, this, of the language of Burke to England,
one hundred years ago: — "The greater the freedom of Ireland, the
greater must be your advantage.''

TEZ VOICE OF 3CArVE. ^7

^ The General has them on the hip this time, f :-r the •:-•:• mjnis-
aon from Alassaclmsetts to her delegates recite? the pQT^<se of
the FfailadelpMa conrentkm to be for the seie purpose d reviang
the articles of ConlederasioiLp) In the eonroitkra, ihe General
adiia, PennsTivania had moare manheis than all Xev Engjand,
and two of onr d^egates caiy were porsnaded to sign die coo^i-
tntion. Massachosetts once ^int iq> the harbors jgainst the
British. True. I confess, I was taken in. Dcm^ let ns be in a
hurry again. J jet ns wait to see what ovr aster states will do.
What shall we siSer if we adjoam the eonadezatioii ci it for
five or dx months? It is better to do this than adopt it so ha^iK-.
Take care we don't disunite the state& Br nnitii^ we stand, br
dividing we falL

This elicits several able replies, but these onlv have
the e5ect to stimulate General Thompson's opposition,
and renew hi* appeal for adjonmment to a fntnre day

"We are able to stand oar own groond against a fmneign
power.*" savs he. "Thev cann<?t starve ns out; ther cannot
iHing their ships on the Ian«i. We are a nation of heahhy,
str<:>Dg men ; our land is fertile, and we are ino^iang in nnmbas.
It is said we owe money — no matter if we do — oar sa&ty fiea
in not paying it. Pay only the interest. I>:«i"t let us go too fist.

Gentlemen sav this section is clear as the son, and that

all power is r^ained which is not given. Bat whae is the l«il of
rights which i^iall dieck the power of this Congress, which ^lall
say thus far shaU ye come and no farther ? The safety oi the
people depends on a biD of rights. If we bmld on a sandy
foundation is it likely we shall stand? I aofieal to the fe^ii^
of this convention. There are some parts of this constitutioa
which I cannot «iigest ; an<l, sir, shall we swallow a large bone
for the sake of a little meat "? Some say, swallow the whirfe now
and pick oat the bone afterward. Bat I say, let as pick off the
meat and throw the bone away."

He proceeds at some length in this line, and spe-
cially points out the danger that may accrue from a
standing army.

$8 MAINE HISTORICAL SOCIETY.

Bowcloin, Parsons and others follow with elaborate
arguments in support of the proposed powers of
Congress. Their ability, coupled with superior skill
as parliamentarians, lead three of the Maine men,
probably by concert, to insist on reconsidering the
mode of debating the constitution by paragraphs so
that the entire instrument can be open to discussion.
These three are Nasson, Widgery and Thompson.
The latter complains because the towns have had no
opportunity to be heard. " Ilis own," he said, " had
considered the proposed constitution seven hours, and
after this there was not one in favor of it." But the
motion to reconsider fails, Adams having thrown his
influence against it. Mr. Widgery then raises his
voice against congressional power, nor can he see
"why we need swnllow a great bone for the sake of a
little meat, which if it should happen to stick in our
throats, can never be got out."

The next serious topic is that relating to the slave
trade. Mr. Neal of Kittery specially protests against
its continuance for twenty years. " My profession,"
he says, '' compels me to bear witness against any-
thing that shall favor the making merchandise of the
bodies of men." This is a pregnant suggestion to
General Thompson which he is quick to seize, and he
lifts up his voice thus : —

Mr. President, shall it be said, that after we have established
our own independence and freedom, we make slaves of others?
Ah, Washington ; what a name has he had ! How he has immor-
talized himself ! But he holds those in slavery who have as good
right to be free as he has. He is still for self, and in my opinion
his character has sunk fifty per cent.

THE VOICE OF MAINE. 69

But on the other hand it is urged with adroitness,
that the step toward abohtion is one of the beauties
of the constitution as distinguished from the Confed-
eration, the hitter containing no provision whatever
on the subject. Messrs. Nasson and Neal, however,
cannot be satisfied in this way. Both pathetically
lament a proposed license to continue the slave trade
for twenty years. Judge Dana, Mr. Adams and others,
on the contrary, " rejoice that a door is now to be
opened for the annihilation of this odious traffic in a
certain time."

Soon the clause providing against suspension of the
habeas corpus is read. Again breaks upon the ear an
impatient cry from a familiar voice, the gentleman
from Topsham : " Please proceed, Mr. President. We
have read the book often enough. It is a consistent
piece of inconsistencies."

" Order, order," is heard from federal lips from
every part of the House, and the General subsides.

But while we have been listening to the discussions
there has been going on outside the convention some
very careful caucussing among the wisest heads, to
prepare a plan of conciliation, without which rejection
of the constitution is almost certain. The main objec-
tion to the instrument, in the minds of Sam. Adams,
Hancock, and their Massachusetts friends is that it
swallows up the states and deprives them of powers
deemed vital to self-government and popular liberty.
Unless this can be removed Parsons and King, espec-
ially, see that with the potential influence of such men
against them, defeat awaits them. Accordingly,

70 MAINE HISTORICAL SOCIETY.

unknown to the mass of delegates, these gentlemen
quietly conceive and perfect a series of proposed
amendments to be engrafted into the contemplated
vote of ratification, the chief of which is " that it be
explicitly declared that all powers not expressly dele-
gated to the aforesaid constitution, are reserved to the
several states to be by them exercised." Adams is
luidoubtedly in the secret, and probably found in con-
ference* with Parsons and King, to help shape the
conciliatory propositions in such manner as to divest
opposition of its principal force. These having been
carefully matured, it is arranged that to carry addi-
tional force in the convention the conciliatory propo-
sitions shall be offered, not by their authors (the orig-
inal draft was in the handwriting of Parsons), but by
President Hancock, as of his own motion, and as evinc-
ing his superior wisdom and patriotism to meet a mo-
mentous crisis. We stop not to inquire into current
rumors about the vanity and ambition of Hancock,
said to have been artfully appealed to by his opponents
to bring him into the arrangement, but resume our
places in the convention. The debate by paragraphs
being ended, Mr. Parsons moves " that the convention
do assent to and ratify this constitution." Mr. Neal
again interposes his objection, and says that unless the
article respecting the African is removed he must vote
in the negative. Others follow.

♦Joseph Viiial called at Hancock's house while the convention was
in session and found hini and Adams in conference. Several gentlemen
came in, appearing to be a committee. Adams was asked to state his
objections. This he does at length; suggests amendments. Hancock
says if these are prepared he will go down and olTer tliem in person.
Agi'eed to, at great delight of the committee. — Life of Samuel Adams.

THE VOICE OF MAINE. 71

Finally, January 31, his Excellency, Governor
Hancock, for the first time, makes his appearance. He
is borne up the broad aisle in men's arms, his gouty
limbs wrapped up in flannels to protect him from the
cold, is gently landed near the chair which Vice-
president Gushing gracefully yields to him, the scene
creating an intense sensation, and its new occupant
being now the center of attraction. All eyes and ears
are strained to the utmost tension, and the more so
because it has leaked out that the Governor is to bring
forward a proposition for a compromise. The house
being in breathless silence the president slowly rises
and proceeds to address his hearers as follows : —

Gentlemen of the convention, I am conscious of the impro-
priety, situated as I have been, of entering into the deUberations
of this body. Unfortunately, through painful indisposition of
body, I have been prevented from giving attendance in my place,
but from the information I have received, and from the papers,
there appears to me to be a great dissimilarity of sentiments in
the convention. To remove the objections of some gentlemen, 1
have felt myself induced to hazard a proposition, which, with your
permission, I will offer in the afternoon.

This announcement, and the demonstration accom-
panying it, have wrought up curiosity to its highest
pitch. We dare not leave our seats, even for a lunch,
though we can hardly help wishing there was some
short mode of access to the Governor's pipe of old
Madeira, annually placed in his cellar for refreshing
his numerous guests!

(Remember this is January, 1788.) The entire
town is on the qui vive to know what is coming, and it
is with great difficulty that his Excellency is borne

72 MAINE HISTORICAL SOCIETY.

through the crowd as before, to resume the duties
at the afternoon session. But in due time order is
secured, when he rises, breaks silence by referring to
his morning announcement and adds, as if an apparent
change of front might excite some suspicion of his
purity : —

My motive arises from my earnest desire in behalf of this con-
vention, my fellow citizens, and the public at large, that such a
form of government may be adopted as shall extend its good influ-
ence to every part of the United States, and advance the pros-
perity of the whole world.

In this style he orates at considerable length, and
closes by submitting a proposed series of amendments
with the expression of a sincere wish that the measure
may have a tendency to promote a spirit of union.
Our friend Thompson's head is seen to drop, and his
face to become elongated by a depression of his lower
jaw. Mr. Adams, not heretofore very conspicuous on
the floor, but the great commoner relied on to bring
in his associates to the support of the new amendment,
rises to express himself happy in contemplating the
idea that many benefits will result from " his Excellen-
cy's conciliatory proposition" to the commonwealth
and to the United States, and advocates immediate
action thereon, and prior to voting on the anterior
motion of Mr. Parsons. After enlarging on the gen-
eral subject, and fully indorsing the constitution thus
supplemented by the scheme of amendments,* his
motion is seconded and carried. But the Maine dele-
gates in opposition, — some of them, at least, — could

*The nine amendments covered the objections stated by Adams
in the interview above referred to.

THE VOICE OF MAINE. 73

not be led from their original position. The gallant
Major Nasson, especially, feels the double pressure of
his own convictions and the force of a determined con-
stituency behind him. This constrains him to make an
extended and spirited speech, which, though compli-
mentary to President Hancock, is strongly adverse to
ratification. Among other things, he says : —

Great Britain, sir, first attempted to enslave us by declaring
her laws siipreme, and that she had a right to bind us in all cases
whatever. What, sir, roused the Americans to shake off the yoke
preparing for them ? It was this measure, the power to do which
we are now about giving to Congress. And here, sir, I beg the
indulgence of this honorable body to permit me to make a short
apostrophe to liberty. O, Liberty, thou greatest good, thou fair-
est property ; with thee I wish to live, with thee I wish to die !
Pardon me if I drop a tear on the j^eril to which she is exposed.
I cannot, sir, see this brightest of jewels tarnished, a jewel worth
ten thousand worlds. And shall we part with it so soon ?

He then points out the objectionable features of
the proposed constitution. One position is that the
confederation is a sacred instrument, a league of
sovereign and independent states — if that is to be
destroyed there will be no ground of trust for the
future. "We, the people," go to an annihilation of
the state governments, and to a perfect consolidation
of the whole union.

We are under oath ; we have sworn that Massachusetts is a
sovereign and independent state. How, then, can we vote for
this constitution that destroys that sovereignty ? I demand a bill
of rights. I am opposed to biennial elections. I protest against
the plan of representation and taxation whereby the poor can be
taxed equally with the rich, and five slaves shall be rated no more
than three children. The plan for the Senate is unequal because

74 MAINE HISTOKICAL SOCIETY.

the smallest are placed on a level with the largest states, taxing
Massachusetts four times as much as New Hampshire to support
the dignity of the union. The senatorial term of six years is also
too long, and a grievance — too long to trust any body of men
with power. We have, in fact, overridden the ])rinciple of three
years' rule prescribed for British rulers. The fourth section is
specially obnoxious, for Congress can if it pleases order the elec-
tion of Massachusetts representatives to be made at Great Bar-
rington or Machias.

In discussing the army powers he waxes still

warmer : —

A standing army ! Was it not with this that Caesar passed the
Rubicon, and laid jjrostrate the liberties of his country ? By this
has seven-eighths of the once free nations of the globe been

brought into bondage Britain attempted to enforce her

arbitrary measures by a standing army. But, sir, we had j^atriots
then who alarmed us of our danger; who shewed us the serpent

and bid us beware of it We had an Hancock, an Adams

and a Warren. Our sister states, too, produced a Randoljih, a
Washington, a Greene and a Montgomery, who led us in our
way. Some of these have given up their lives in defence of the
liberties of their country, and my prayer to God is, that when
this race of illustrious patriots shall have bid adieu to the world,
from their dust, as from the sacred ashes of the Phenix, another
race may arise who shall take oiir posterity by the hand and lead
them to tramp' e on the necks of those who shall dare to infringe
on their liberties. Sir, had I a voice like Jove, I would proclaim
it throughout the world, and had I an arm like Jove I would hurl
from the globe those villains that would dai-e to establish in our
country a standing army. I wish, sir, that the gentlemen from
Boston would bring to their minds the fatal evening of the fifth
of March, 1770.

The habeas corpus clause, too, he declaims against
as dangerous to liberty, since the limitations of sus-
pension, " as long as rebellion or invasion shall con-
tinue," is too indefinite.

THE VOICE OF MAINE. 75

The apt but practical gentleman from New Glouces-
ter (Widgery), also very naturally interposes the
objection that the convention is here to ratify or
reject the constitution, not to propose amendments,
and concludes with the inquiry if it is reasonable to
expect that the states which have already accepted it
will submit to amendments. It being evident the
vote will not be reached at this session we retire to
our lodgings, and as we need a little relaxation not
to be found in Maine, following the instinct of many
sober people when away from home, we conclude the
day by visiting the theater.

On our return the next morning Mr. Strong appears
to be discussing the entire subject at large, and closes
with a confident expression of his belief that the
proposed amendments will be generally adopted by
the states and the people.

Our plucky friend from Topsham is burning with
indignation at the new prospect, for, beside being
determined to stand by his own guns to the last, he
has smelt out what he regards treason in the republi-
can ranks. Accordingly he boisterously exclaims : —

We have no right to make amendments ; it is not the business
we were sent here for. But I am glad gentlemen are now con-
vinced it is not a perfect system, and that it wants amendments.
The present is very different language from that used at first.
Nevertheless, as to the amendments I can't say amen to them.
But they may be voted for by some men. I do not say Judases,
looking daggers at the chair and in the direction of Mr. Adams.

Another sensation follows, but no harm comes of it,
and the next move is, after many speeches, to refer
the amendments to a large committee to report there-

76 MAINE HISTORICAL SOCIETY.

on. From Maine the following gentlemen are placed
upon it : Rev. Dr. Hemenway of Wells, Nathaniel
Barrel! of York, John Fox of Portland, Stephen
Longfellow of Gorham, Dummer Sewall of Bath and
David Sylvester of Pownalboro. On the coming in of
the report of the twenty-four members, fifteen agree
thereto, seven are opposed, one is absent, and one
declines giving his opinion. Further speeches follow,
those of clergymen being specially noticeable as the
rear guard relied on to strengthen the feeble knees
and nerve the faint-hearted.

The last Maine man to speak prior to taking the
question is the plain husbandman, as he styles himself,
from York, who is evidently quite embarrassed, but
feels compelled to plunge in, and make the best effort
of his life. He thus commences : —

Awed in the presence of this august assembly, conscious of my
inability to express my mind fully on this important occasion, and
sensible how little I must appear in the eyes of those giants in
rhetoric who have exhibited such a pompous display of declama-
tion ; without any of those talents calculated to draw attention,
without the pleasing eloquence of Cicero, or the blaze of Demos-
thenian oratory, I rise, sir, to discharge my duty to my constitu-
ents, who I know expect something more from me than merely a
silent vote.

Proceeding still further in this style he then points
out seriatim, the following objectionable features of
the constitution : —

It confers too great power on congress, "more
extensive than ever Great Britain exercised over us ;
too great to be intrusted in the hands of any men."
He says : —

THE VOICE OF MAINE. 77

History tells us Rome was made happy under Augustus, though
wi'etched under Nero, who could have no greater power than
Augustus. And yet, this same Nero, when young in government,
could shed tears on signing a death warrant, though afterward
became so callous to the tender feelings of humanity as to behold
with pleasure Rome in flames.

Because six years is too long a term for any set of
men to be at the head of the government.

Because of the uncertainty of being able to support
the additional expense of such a government.

Because a continental collector will not be so likely
to do justice as collectors of our own.

Because a frame of government on which all laws
are founded should be so simple and explicit that the
most illiterate may understand it, whereas this appears
to be so obscure and ambiguous that the most capa-
cious mind cannot fully understand it.

Because the duties of excise and impost, and to be
taxed beside, appears too great a sacrifice.

Because this will not furnish the efficient govern-
ment we are in pursuit of.

Because salaried officers are to determine their own
compensation without any control.

Because such a government may be disagreeable to
men with the high notions of liberty we Americans
entertain.

He also deprecates the Jehu-like haste with which
the constitution has been pushed in some parts of the
country, and without adequate consideration. He
therefore favors an adjournment; but, if that cannot
be had, he says he is " almost tempted to risk the dis-
pleasure of his constituents, and adopt the measure
without their consent."

78 MAINE HISTORICAL SOCIETY.

A motion is now made to adjourn to a future day,
but fails, one hundred and fifteen of three hundred
and twenty-nine only voting for it.

Although our principal purpose is to see and hear
Maine men, we are particularly impressed with a
speech from Rev. Dr. Stillman of Boston, a Baptist
clergyman, which is one of the most able, patriotic and
felicitous that has fallen from any lip. After taking a
broad and comprehensive view, and giving an analysis
of the new system of government proposed, he spec-
ially urges its adoption as being in the interest of peace.

But after all, he says, if this constitution were as perfect as the
sacred volume itself, it will not secure the liberties of the people
unless they watch their own liberties. Nothing written on paper
will do that. It is, therefore, necessary that the people should
keep a watchful, not overjealous eye on their rulers, and that
they should give all due encouragement to our colleges, schools
of learning, etc., that so, knowledge may be diffused through every
part of the country. Ignorance and slavery, knowledge and free-
dom, are inseparably connected. While Americans remain in
their present enlightened condition, and warmly attached to the
cause of liberty, they cannot be enslaved. Should the general gov-
ernment become so lost to all sense of honor and the freedom of
the peoi:)le, as to attempt to enslave them, they who are the
descendants of a race of men who have dethroned kings, will
make an American Congress tremble, strip them of their public
honors and reduce them to the lowest state of degredation.

On February 6, the time has arrived for taking the
question, which is called for from every quarter.
President Hancock rises and proceeds to deliver a
closing and well-considered address. After again
referring with pleasure to his restoration to health, he
tells the convention it would be one of the most dis-
tressing misfortunes of his life to be deprived of giving

THE VOICE OF MAINE. 79

his aid cand support to a system which, if amended
according to his proposition, as he feels assured it will
be, cannot fail to give to the people of the United
States a greater degree of political freedom, and event-
ually as much national dignity as falls to the lot of any
nation on earth. He compliments both sides for the
ability and learning evoked by the discussions ; admits
there are still defects to be remedied, but these can be
trusted to time and a patriotic people. He gives
strong assurance that the proposed amendments will
be accepted ; and be the result of the pending question
what it may, it will give no occasion for triumph or
chagrin to either side. He also reminds them that
common interests are at stake ; is confident if the pro-
posed form of government shall be rejected another
zealous attempt will follow, but should ratification now
take place it will be followed by quiet acquiescence.
He concludes, with great dignity and solemnity, by
saying : —

Gentlemen of the Convention, the question before you is
such as no nation on earth, without the limits of America, has
ever had the privilege of deciding upon. As the Supreme Ruler
of the universe has seen fit to bestow on us this glorious privi-
lege, let us decide it, appealing to Him for the rectitude of our
intentions, and in humble confidence that He will continue to
bless and save our country.

The vote is then taken, and every ear is open to
catch the yea or nay as it is distinctly announced. On
summing up, ratification is declared to have been car-
ried by a majority of nineteen. Our tally of the
vote of the Maine delegates shows that in York county
there are six yeas and eleven nays j in Cumberland,

80 MAINE HISTORICAL SOCIETY.

ten yeas, three nays, which are Daniel Ilsley, William
Widgery and Stephen Longfellow ; in Lincoln, nine
yeas and seven nays ; totals, twenty-five yeas and
twenty-one nays.

Thereupon several of the opponents give in their
adhesion, and among them Mr. Widgery, who says he
shall return to his constituents and inform them that
he has oj)posed the adoption of this constitution, but
that he has been overruled, and that it has been car-
ried by a majority of wise and understanding men ;
that he shall endeavor to sow the seeds of union and
peace among the people he represents, and that he
hopes and believes that no person will wish for or sug-
gest the measure of a protest ; for, sajs he, we must
consider that this body is as full a representation of
the people as can be convened. After expressing his
thanks for the civility which the inhabitants of Boston
have shown to the convention, and declaring that in
his opinion they have not in the least influenced the
decision, he adds that he shall support, as in him lies,
the constitution, and believes, as this state has adopted
it, not only nine, but the whole thirteen, will come
into the measure.

We retire from the scene grateful for the privilege
of having attended one of the most remarkable bodies
ever assembled, and which has been dealing with a
problem fraught with momentous consequences to
America and mankind. Many conflicting emotions
have been kindled, each striving for mastery. Among
the best defined reflections which we bear away with
us as we turn homeward to the East may be noted the
following : —

THE VOICE OF MAINE. 81

The conveDtion had before it a work of extraordi-
nary difficulty and responsibihty ; its action on the
whole has been wise and patriotic ; and, borne along
in the enthusiasm of the occasion, we participate in
the hopes of the majority that the plan adopted will be
approved by the sister states and a united people.

The opposition to it, commercial localities pos-
sibly excepted, was natural and not unreasonable.
Having emerged from a crucial ordeal to throw off a
British yoke for the express piirjjose of securing a
system of self-government, it is not strange to find
strong apprehensions entertained, lest in escaping from
that another may be imposed, chafing to the necks of
the people, and one even more difficult to remove.
We cannot, therefore, but accord to those of our Maine
delegation who opposed the plan any but honorable
motives, and must always cherish high respect for
their bold adherence to convictions of duty, and for
the fidelity and ability with which they have repre-
sented their constituents.

We have been strongly impressed with the skill and
ability of the federal leaders who, at first, were in a
decided minority. We have learned that numbers
are no match for brains and experience. We have
also been reimpressed with the conviction, that neither
in state or nation can we safely ignore this fact in the
choice of men to conduct public affairs. We have
also seen how slender the chord, apparently, on which
is suspended the destiny of government and people.
We likewise are inspired with new gratitude to the
sovereign Head of all nations, who not only gave

Vol. II. 7

82 MAINE HISTORICAL SOCIETY.

victory to our arms, but has guided the councils of
the fathers in laying the foundations of a system that
will challenge imiversal admiration. In the discus-
sions and action of the convention there has also been
developed to observation germs which, in the nature
of men and things, will constitute bases for party dis-
tinctions for all time, should the new system be per-
petuated, under whatever name they may take shape,
or whatever pretences or leadership may crystallize
about them. But this fact, resulting from honest
differences, and being consonant with patriotic intent,
excludes boasting in any, and includes charity, and I
may add, courtesy toward all.

So, friends on all si<les, whatever opinion
May in state or in church assert its dominion,
Though conflict and strife may seemingly be
Precursors of danger o'er life's troubled sea,
Remember that friction, as of flint with the steel,
Bright sparkles unknown to observers reveal.
Though during the process some badly are burned,
Truth only thereby her conquests has earned.
But not 't enlarge — disagree as men may.
And think as they please, or whatever say,
" Fraternity "* cordial shall crown all our strife,
And be our broad aegis for the battle of life.

* This allusion is to tlie Portland Fraternity Club before which this
paper was read.

PROCEEDINGS AT MAY MEETING, 1883. 83

PROCEEDINGS OF THE MAINE HISTOR-
ICAL SOCIETY.

May 25, 1883, a meeting was held at the Societ3^'s
library in City Building, Portland, called to order at
2.30 P.M. by the President, Hon. James W. Bradbury.
The librarian and cabinet keeper, Mr. H. W. Bryant,
presented his quarterly report of the accessions to the
library and cabinet.

Mr. R. K. Sewall, on the part of the committee
having the matter in charge, reported that a device
for the Society's seal had been agreed upon and was
accordingly presented for the Society's consideration.
It was voted that the same be adopted. The follow-
ing is a description of the seal : —

The first quartering of the shield is from the aiTas of the Gorges
family. A chevron on the lozengy. This device appears as a
quartering on the shield of Sir Ferdinando and was used as a
seal by Thomas Gorges, his nephew.

The second quaiteiing bears the arms of the Popham family.
Two stags' heads cabossed.

The third quartering bears the arms of France, in memory of
her early claim to the soil of Maine and of the discoveries of
Chaniplain and De Monts.

The fourth quartering bears the cross potent used as a seal by
our first governor, Edward Godfrey. This device was borne also
by the kings of Jerusalem and was probably adopted by Godfrey
in memory of the great Godfi-ey of Bouillon.

Above the shield is a scroll bearing the dates a.d. 1605, 1649,
1678, 1820. The first is the date of the famous voyage of Captain
Weymouth. In 1649, the people elected Edward Godfrey as
their governor, the first governor of Maine chosen by the people.

84 MAINE HISTORICAL SOCIETY.

In 1678, the lieirs of Sir Ferdiiiaiido Gorges sold their right and
title to this territory to the Colonj^ of Massachusetts, and in 1820
Maine became an independent state. The scroll with the pens
supporting it signifies also that the work of the historian is not
completed. In the circle surrounding the shield is the legend :

"MAINE HISTORICAL SOCIETY

Imtituted A.D. MDCGCXXIIP

Doctor William B. Lapham of Augusta, in behalf of
the sons of the late Doctor James Cochrane of Mon-
month, presented a fine collection of Indian imple-
ments. A vote of thanks was passed for the same.

Mr. Janus G. Elder of Lewiston read the original
report of a surveying party that made the ascent of
Mt. Katahdin in 1820. The manuscript was found
among the papers of the late General H. A. S. Dear-
born. Mr. Elder was requested to prepare the same
for publication.

General John Marshall Brown of Portland exhibited
a photograph of the map of the world, by Sebastian
Cabot, made in 1544. This map was discovered in 1843,
and though printed, is the only copy known. It is now
in the Imperial library at Paris. It shows that Cabot's
first discovery of the American coast was made in
1494 instead of 1497, as has been supposed. Twenty-
five photographic copies have been made and are all
in this country. The map is the size of the original,
about five feet by six, and General Brown proposes
to leave it in the library of the Society for a time for
study by historical students. Doctor Kohl gives a
description of the map in the first volume of the
documentary series issued by the Maine Historical
Society.

PROCEEDINGS AT MAY MEETING, 1883. 85

Edward H. Elwell read a paper, prepared by Doctor
Charles E. Banks, giving a sketch of the Bonython
family who were early settlers of Saco. They were
an ancient Cornwall family. The paper was very
interestino; and a vote of thanks was returned to
Doctor Banks.

James Phinney Baxter, Esq., read a paper on
the seal of the Council for New England. An impres-
sion of this seal in brown wax, formerly attached to
the Old Colony patent procured by Allerton, is pre-
served in the recorder's office at Plymouth, Massa-
chusetts, but so marred that antiquarians have given
up all hopes of deciphering it, and have generally
adopted Mr. Charles Deane's conjecture that the arms
printed on the reverse of the title page of Captain
Smith's Advertisements for Unexperienced Planters,
published in 1631, were probably those of the seal of
the Council for New England. Mr. Baxter, however,
has found on the patent granted to Robert Trelaw-
ney and Moses Goodyear in 1631, some fragments of
a seal which he has compared with the Plymouth im-
pression, and has been able to establish their identity
and to partially reconstruct what is undoubtedly the
seal of the Council for New England. A ship w^as
figured below a shield supported by an Indian on the
left and a European on the right. The device on the
shield and the motto are still indecipherable.

Edward P. Burnham, Esq., of Saco, read a paper on
David Sewall of York, the first judge of the district
court and one of the founders of the Historical
Society.

SG MAINE HISTOEICAL SOCIETY.

A communication was received from the city gov-
ernment, inviting the Society to take part in the cele-
bration of the fourth of July and the location of a
monument to George Cleeves, the first white settler of
the peninsula now occupied by the city of Portland.
Messrs. E. 11. Elwell and John M. Brown were appointed
a committee to represent the Society.

Hon. Joseph Williamson of Belfast, read a paper on
the Capital Trials in Maine before the Separation.

Votes of thanks were passed for the papers read,
and copies requested for the archives. Adjourned
until evening.

EVENING SESSION.

In the evening the library hall was well filled with
members of the Society and their friends, called to-
gether to testify their appreciation of the life and
labors of the late Israel Washburn, jr., for many years
a prominent member of the Society.

On taking the chair, the President, Hon. James W.
Bradbur}^ of Augusta, said : —

We sadly miss, this evening, the presence of one whom we have
long been accustomed to meet on occasions like the present. We
miss the cheering words, the animated voice and wise counsel of
him, who was always ready to aid in oiu- deliberations, and to add
interest to our proceedings. By the death of Governor Wash-
burn, our Society has suffered a great and an almost irrej)arable
loss.

I saw him shortly before my departure for the South, and
although his health had become impaired, he manifested his usual
animation and interest in the events of the day, and in the affairs
of our Society, and I hoped for his restoration to health at no dis-
tant period. On my way toward the North, I was shocked to

PROCEEDINGS AT MAY MEETING, 1883. 87

learn of his lamented death. I did not know, however, of the
contemplated action of our Society in respect to his memory until
I reached this city last evening.

To do justice to the memory of so excellent a man as Governor
Washburn, who possessed such untiring perseverance in the hon-
orable pursuits of life, such aptitude for the successful perform-
ance of the duties of every situation he attained, and such consci-
entious fidelity in their discharge — whose character was so
marked and decided, and whose career was so varied and honor-
able, requires more than the hm-ried suggestions of the moment,
and this can also be better done by his able and accomplished
townsmen whom I see present, and with whom he had long been
associated in friendly and intimate relations. With the brief
testimony that our Society has lost an active and efficient mem-
ber, the community a public-spirited, benevolent citizen, the state
a valued and faithful public servant, and his family a kind and
affectionate husband and father, I shall call upon others to do
justice to his memory.

James P. Baxter, Esq., said : —

Mr. President, it is certainly with feelings too deep to brook
set phrases of rhetoric, that I speak of our beloved associate to
night. He was a man of such admirable qualities, that he en-
deared himself to us all in an unusual degree. We all remember
him as a wise counselor, a sturdy friend and genial companion ;
but in my view, the most remarkable trait of character which he
possessed, was his interest in the public weal, which, quickened
by an unquenchable enthusiasm, never waned and never failed to
enkindle in those about him a kindred interest. In many men
who possess the public spirit, one ever detects a dissonance born
of selfishness ; but with our friend there was no such sound ; no
jar of self marred the clear ring of his heart, and the recognition
of this by others gave a potency to his influence which no inge-
nuity of argument nor brilliancy of oratory could give.

This complete abnegation of self impressed itself upon me at
my last interview with liim. He met me in his usual breezy man-
ner, with a hearty hand-grasp and " How goes everything ? " and,

88 MAINE HISTORICAL SOCIETY.

after discussing the work of the Historical Society, said, "Well,
one of these days we must have a house of our own," and then, a
little more slowly, " How fine that will be for us when we go
down town, to have a cozy place, where we can meet and talk over
matters ; it Avill be fine ; it will be fine." There was a pathos in
all this which appealed to me forcibly. He was looking down to
the future and pLmning for others. He well knew that the con-
summation he wished Avas afar off, and that he could not
expect to enjoy it. By we he meant the Society — those living
after him, and he enjoyed the prospect as a selfish man could not
enjoy. My friends, I know that it has been well said that

Praisinji vvliat is lost
Makes the reraembrauce dear,

yet I have no heart to add to the many eulogies which will be
cast like wreaths of fragrant flowers upon the bier of our beloved
associate. I will only say in the words of his favorite poet : —

Know then, O stranger to the fame
Of this much-loved, mnch-honored name!
(For none that knew liim need be told)
A warmer heart Death ne'er made cold.

And now, Mr. President, allow rae to oifer the following reso-
lutions of respect to the memory of our deceased associate : —

Eesolved, That the Maine Historical Society, grieving at the loss of its
beloved associate, Israel Washbui-n, jr., desires to express its respect for
the man who has honored it by his life and labors.

Resolved, That while death has removed him from our fellowship it
has not removed him from our memories, and that as a Society, whose
office it is to cherish the memory of the men of Maine who have honored
the state b}'^ lives of usefulness to it, we will endeavor to j)erpetuate his
memory.

Reftolved, That the Society tender, through its secretary, to the family
of our honored brother, now deceased, a copy of these resolutions, with
our heartfelt sympathy for their great loss.

Hon. George F. Talbot said : —

I have sometimes wondered if an experience of my own is
repeated in the thoughts of other men, when for days after the

PROCEEDINGS AT MAY MEETING, 1883. 89

final departure from eartli of a cherished friend all the hours
seem consecrated to him, as to some new saint in the worship
and affection of the heart. His spirit, in our sleeping and waking,
seems to hover around us, breathing last farewells and invoking
benedictions. Surely the consideration ought to take from our
apprehension some of the bitterness of death, tliat there will be
a time — perhaps a very brief time — when in the lai ge or small
circle of those who have known us, all our serious faults will be
forgiven, our limited gifts and virtues will be generously exag-
gerated, and our poor half-efforts to be or to do something useful
or good will be looked upon with an affectionate admiration and
overkind appreciation.

Ever since the, to me, sudden demise of our late esteemed and
distinguished associate, Israel Washburn, jr., I have been passing
again through this now sadly frequent experience. Among those
slim hopes — sinking under our tread — which we put together,
as it were, into a raft, bound together by our instincts and our
desires, and upon them try to ferry across the dark, all-surround-
ing ocean of death to the solid continents of an eternal life, I
know of none more valid than this distinct consciousness at the
same time in the minds of many friends of the presence of our
dead friend, with whom we seem to be interchanging speechless
confidences, with a frankness and affection which the formalities,
the levities and the jealousies of our actual intercourse had made
impossible.

O hearts that never cease to yearn !

O brimming tears that ne'er are dried!
Tlie dead, though they depart, return

As tliougli they had not died.

In this interval, consecrated to the memory of a newly emanci-
pated soul, I have found it almost impossible to connect him with
the idea of death. Thinking of this impulsive, fresh-hearted
man, like John Pierpont, lifting the coftin lid to look at the " fair,
sunshiny head " of his dead boy, " I cannot make him dead." He
took life with such a strong hand, he coerced other men and the
adverse circumstance with such a vigorous will, that he seemed
able to make his own terms with fate, and bid age and death

90 MAINE HISTORICAL SOCIETY.

themselves succumb to his sti'ong purj^ose to live and labor.
Nothing could overcome the cheerfulness of his hope. Ilis latest
auguries of liealth uttered nothing but confidence of recovery;
and the fatal and complicated maladies, to which his physical
strength at last succumbed, never saddened his spirit or damped
the ardor of his courage.

Who of us, who were honored by his friendship, can ever
forget the cordiality of his greeting, the warmth of his apprecia-
tion, the uprightness and downrightness of his assent and dissent,
the invigoration as of sunshine and west winds which he brought
into every enterprise, to which he gave his efficient support. His
strength of \vill, his persistence of purpose, his contempt of all
opposition and obstacle seemed to fit him for a leader of men in
those early ages when self-made kings carved their fortunes with
the sword, — qualities superfluous in the competitions of a com-
plicated civilization, wherein so much is effected by intrigue, by
diplomacy and by shrewd waiting upon opportunities.

His active and inventive spirit will be long missed in the
maintenance and useful work of the Maine Historical Society, of
which he was an enthusiastic and efficient member. The impulse
which our late associate, John Alfred Poor — a man in some
respects of a kindx-ed energy of character — for several years had
given this Society in the study and publication of the early his-
tory of our state. Governor Washburn quite kept up by the dili-
gence of his researches, and the copiousness and value of his
literary contributions.

He had the will and faculty to work himself, and he knew just
what historical and biographical work ought to be done, and who
inside or outside of the Historical Society could best do it ; so
that he not only kept himself assiduously employed, but he
stimulated others to kindred labors, suggesting themes and
furnishing materials for investigation. Let us hope that his
departure from our membership will not cripple the Society in
the prosecution of its historical work, but that an ambition has
been kindled in some younger mind by his example, to jjrosecute
his uncompleted task.

In retiring from political life, as he did, crowned with the highest

PROCEEDINGS AT MAY MEETING, 1883. 91

honors his state could confer, Governor Washburn devoted
his leisure to literary and historical pursuits. His "sdgorous,
mainly self-educated mind, the large experience he had in public
affairs, his intimate acquaintance with the leading statesmen of
our own land and with political and literary celebrities in our
own and other countries, gave him the very qualifications needed
for the successful writing of history. lie had a mind capacious
of facts and details, and he knew how to appraise and classify
facts, and what of them constitute the substance of permanent
history, and what — by far the greater volume — are to be thrown
away as rubbish. Kindred to this art of the true historian, he
had an accurate discrimination and could weigh and catalogue
in their proper order the public characters who had made up the
personnel of modern history, though perhaps his judgment was
sometimes affected by the ardor of his sympathies or the strength
of his convictions.

The paper in our published collection, which Governor Wash-
burn prepared, upon the northeastern boundary question and its
settlement, gathered from a careful study and an intimate knowl-
edge, is a most valuable, if not a most honorable and satisfactory
contribution to the diplomatic history of our country. His bio-
graphical sketch of George Evans, completed after the infirmities
of illness had weakened his physical but left unabated the
strength of his mental powers, is a just and worthy tribute to
one of the great orators, jurists and statesmen of our young
state. Written in an iraj^ressive, and at times eloquent style, its
early publication will be as fine a tribute to the genius of the
biographer, as to the fame of the character it so gracefully por-
trays. It is to be regretted that the ancestral longevity, from
which we hoped a green and prolonged old age, did not hold out
to enable our industrious and well-equipped member to develop,
as he would have done, the history of the times in which he was
himself a conspicuous actor, and to delineate the characters of
popular leaders whose intimacy he l^ad enjoyed.

I have not attempted, nor is this the fitting place or occasion,
to give any account of Mr. Washburn's public services, or of his
character as a statesman. We see already, and posterity will

92 MAINE HISTORICAL SOCIETY.

more distinctly see, that the great question of the middle of the
nineteenth century in America was the slavery question ; and its
summary and complete solution by the processes of a great war
and a great pacification were the great events of the same epoch.
Mr. Washburn in Congress, and afterward at the beginning of
the civil war in the executive chair of this state, was in positions
to do nnich to shape and direct public opinion, and to hold the
people to the stern duties and terrible sacrifices which the great
crisis demanded. In him, above most of his contemporaries and
associates, the ethical and religious element was the dominant
influence which fixed his opinions and determined his conduct.
Not political expediency, not what is popular, what will carry the
impending election, but what is duty, what is right, what is the
command of God, were the questions he asked himself ; and when
he found an answer, no sophistries, no excuses, no 2:)alliations
could shake his resolution or break the force of his personal con-
viction. It was a time when everything depended uj)on the
strength of the moral principle in the hearts of the people.
Will they bear the expense of a prolonged war? Will they peril
their lives and sacrifice the children of their pride and affection
only to do a just deed, to deliver from slavery a degraded and
repulsive race ? Mr. Washburn, in the strength of his own relig-
ious faith, believed that they would, and did not a little, by his
fervor and steadfastness, to nerve them to the sacrifice. But I
cannot here enter even upon the glorious and sublime history
of which every American heart is proud. History, that never
forgets what is heroic and noble, will remember and perpetuate
the story of it, and among the brave and right-thinking men,
whose courage and clear moral perceptions saved this great nation
from an unworthy compromise with a false and dangerous form
of civilization, that offered us peace and union with dishonor,
will crown with honor and gratitude our own faithful and eflicient
patriot and wai' governor.

Hon. Sidney Perliam said : —

In the death of Israel Washburn, jr., the Maine Historical
Society has suffered a great loss, and, as individuals, we are called

PROCEEDINGS AT MAY MEETING, 1883. 93

to mourn the absence of one of our most distinguished and useful
members. It is therefore fitting that, in this public manner, we
place on record the tribute of our respect for his memory.

It was my good fortune to have some acquaintance with the
father and mother of Mr. Washburn. They were eminently
worthy to be the parents of a family so distinguished as theirs has
been. The father was a gentleman of the old school, possessing
good common sense, strict integrity and an unusual fund of gen-
eral information. The mother represented the best type of the
New England woman. She possessed energy, determination and
courage that would not waver in the presence of any obstacle,
however formidable. These qualities she transmitted to her sons ;
and with the practical common sense and solid merits inherited
from the father, we find, in part, at least, the secret of their
remarkable success.

I recall, with pleasure, a few hours spent with Mr. and Mrs.
Washburn, at the old family mansion in Livermore, when three
of the sons were members of Congress. In answer to my inquiry
as to whether she had any methods, unknown to other mothers, by
which she had sent her sons out into the world with the possibil-
ities of such remarkable success, Mrs. Washburn indulged in some
exceedingly interesting reminiscences of their early struggles
against what she called very limited means, to feed, clothe and
educate their children, and her constant endeavor to impress upon
their minds such moral and religious principles as she deemed
essential to any success worth achieving.

Israel, whose life and character we commemorate tonight, was
the eldest of the family, and his early opportunities for education
were limited. But what he lacked in this respect was m'sre than
made up by his intense love for learning, and the enthusiasm with
which he improved every opportunity for mental development,
so that he became one of the best educated men among us, and a
consjDicuous example to all young men who are obliged to struggle
against adverse circumstances.

As a lawyer, Mr. Washburn took high rank; as a member of
Congress and as governor of the state in its most trying emergency,

94 MAESTE HISTORICAL SOCIETY.

as an officer for many years in an important executive department
of the national government, he stood in the front rank among his
peers, having few, if any, superiors.

In tliis Society, in tlie management of the Maine General Hos-
pital, in the business, educational, moral and religious institutions
with which he Avas connected, he held a position no less conspic-
uous. Through his speech and pen, the liberal contribution of his
means and his earnest devotion to these interests, he won the
hearts of all with whom he was associated, and his death has left
many vacancies which will be difficult to fill.

He Avas a man of broad views. One of his eulogists has truly
said, " His whole nature was run in a large mould." He was not
content with a superficial examination of a subject, but cx2:)lored
its length and breadth and depth. Plis convictions were deep and
strong, and he followed them with a faith and enthusiasm that
never faltered. To these qualities he added extensive reading
and liberal culture. He had great tact and ability in marshaling
facts and arguments in support of his vicAvs. His public addresses
were characterized by intense enthusiasm and great power. He
was a brilliant conversationalist, and was always the life of any
party of friends he chanced to meet.

His faith in God as the loving Father, solicitous for the welfare
of his children, and in the final triumph of good over evil, always
unwavering, seemed to strengthen with his years; and no one
could listen to his earnest Avords, in his public efforts or private
conversation, as he expressed the deep conviction of his soul on
these and kindred subjects, Avithout feeling himself raised to a
higher plane of spiritual existence.

To enjoy the acquaintance and share the friendship of such a
man has been the rare privilege of many, and Avill be remembered
A\'ith pleasure.

To him there is no death in the common acceptation of that term.
It is but the unfolding of a spirit, already far advanced, into the
more congenial activities and greater glories of the higher life,
while his example and achievements remain as an ever-living
inspiration to those Avho are left behind.

PROCEEDINGS AT MAY MEETING, 1883. 95

Hon. Joseph Williamson said : —

It is not my j^urpose, after the eloquent remarks which have
been made by my associates, to indulge in any eulogy upon
Governor Washburn. It is simply my province to call the atten-
tion of the Society to some memorials which he erected during
his useful and honored life, and with this in view I will read to
the Society a list of the published works of Governor Wash-
burn : —

1849.

Charles Lamb. Universalist Quarterly Review, vol. VI, p. 90, Janu-
ary, 1849.

Walter Savage Landor. Universalist Quarterly Review, vol. VI, p. 238,
July, 1849.

1852.

Plan for Shortening the Transit between New York and London-
Speech delivered in the House of Representatives, Washington, March
10, 1852.

Compromise as a National Party Test.. A speech delivered in the
House of Representatives, Washington, May 24, 1852.

1854.

The Sandwich Islands. A speech delivered in the House of Repre-
sentatives, Washington, January 4, 1854. 8vo. pp. 7.

Speech on the Bill to organize Territorial Governments in Nebraska
and Kansas. Delivered in the House of Representatives, April 7, 1854.
Washington, 1854. 8vo. pp. 16.

1855.

Speech on the President's Message, vetoing the French Spoliation Bill.
Delivered in the House of Representatives, February 20, 1855. 8vo. pp. 8.

1856.

Kansas Contested Election. Speech delivered in the House of Repre-
sentatives, Washington, March 14, 1856.

Politics of the Country. Speech delivered in the House of Representa-
tives, Washington, June 21, 1856.

The Slavery Question. Speech delivered in the House of Representa-
tives, Washington, December 10, 1856.

1858.

Modern Civilization. Universalist Quarterly Review. Vol. XIV, p. 5,
January, isoS.

Kansas and the Lecompton Constitution. Speech delivered in the House
of Representatives, Washington, January 7, 1858. Washington, 1858.
8vo. pp. 8.

96 MAINE HISTORICAL SOCIETY.

1859.
The Eepiibli(>an Party. Speech delivered in the House of Representa-
tives, Washington, January 10, 1859.

1860.
The Dred Scott Decision. Speech delivered in the House of Repre-
sentatives, Washington, May 19, 18G0.

1801.
Address to the Legislature of the State of Maine, January .3, 1861.
Address to the Legislature and Executive Council of the State of
Maine, February 22, 1S61.
Address to the Legislature of the State of Maine, April 22, 1861.

1862.
Address to the Legislature of the State of Maine, January 2, 1862.

1864.

Logic and End of the Rebellion. Universalist Quarterly Review, vol.
XXI (vol. 1, new series), p. .5, January, 1864.

1868.
Dr. Gamaliel Bailey. Universalist Quartei'ly Review, vol. XXV (vol.
V, new series), p. 298, July, 1868.

1SG9.
Power and Duty of Congress in respect to Suffrage. Universalist
Quarterly Reviev,', vol. XXVI (vol VI, new series), p. 4?>, January, 1869.
Published in separate form, Boston, 1869. 8vo. pp. 21.

1878.
From the Xorthwest to the Sea. Remarks before the Board of Trade,
MinneaiJolis, Minnesota, April 7, 1873. 8vo. pp. 11.

1874.

Address at the Dedication of the Soldiers' Monument, at Cherryfield,
July 4, 1874. Portland, 1874. 8vo. pp. 43.

Notes, Historical, Descriptive and Personal, of Livermore, in Andros-
coggin (formerly in Oxford) county, Maine. Portland, 1874. 8vo. pp. 169.

Address at the Centennial Celebration at Oldtown, Maine, 1874. Port-
land, 1874. Svo. pp. 168.

1876.

The Proprietors of the Sudbury-Canada Grant, 1741. New England
Historical and Genealogical Register, vol. XXX, p. 192, April, 1876.

1877.
Education — Secular and Compulsory; with some reference to recent
English legislation and opinion. Universalist Quarterly Review, vol.
XXXIV (vol. XIV, new series), p. 59, January, 1877.

PROCEEDINGS AT MAY MEETING, 1883. 97

1878.

Memoir of Ether Shepley, ll.d. Read before the Maine Historical
Society at Portland, March 14, 1878, Published in collections, vol. YIII,
p. 409, 1881.

1879.

The Northeastern Boundary. Eead before the Maine Historical
Society at Portland, May 15, 1879. Published in collections, vol. VIII,
p. 1, 1881.

The same. Reprinted from Collections of the Maine Historical So-
ciety, Portland, 1881. 8vo. pp. 106.

UNPUBLISHED.

Address at Bangor, July 4, 1843.
Address at Oldtown, July 4, 1858.
Address at Portland, July 4, 1862.
Address at Portland, July 4, 1865.
Address on Peace, at Portland, 1874.
Address on Laws of Success, at Orono, 1875.
Address on Walter Savage Landor, 1877.
Address on Robert Burns, 1877.

Rev. H. S, Burrao-e said : —

One remark in Mr. Talbot's excellent address recalls an even-
ing which I spent with Governor Washburn about a year ago. I
refer to the regret expressed by Mr. Talbot, that our late hon-
ored associate did not live to sketch the scenes in which he was a
conspicuous actor, and the chai-acter of popular leaders whose
intimacy he had enjoyed. As an illustration of this remark may
I say that in the course of our conversation, during the evening
to which I have referred, Governor Washburn gave me one of
these sketches.

Let me state a few facts : In September, 1862, the governors
of all the New England states had a conference in Providence,
R. I. Ostensibly they were there to be j^resent at the Com-
mencement of Brown University, which occurred that year,
Sejjtember 3. I remember well — having entered the service
in a Massachusetts regiment — that my regiment, the Thirty-sixth
Massachusetts Volunteers, left the state without receiving, as was
the custom, the benediction of its Governor. We left Worcester
Sejitember 2, in the afternoon, went by cars to Boston, and em-

VoL. XL 8

98 MAINE HISTORICAL SOCIETY.

barking on the steamer Merrimac, where we found the Twentieth
Maine, we sailed that night for Wasliington. We lost Governor
Andrew's parting words on account of this conference at Provi-
dence. When I came, at the close of the rebellion, to prepare
the " History of Brown University in the Civil War," it occurred
to me that it would be fitting to have an opening chapter on the
relation of the University to the rebellion. In preparing that
chapter, I referred to this conference of the Governors of New
England in connection vsdth the Commencement in 1862.

In this way this conference became fixed in my mind, and at
the interview with Governor Washburn, to which I have called
attention, I asked him in reference to it. You can well imagine
how vividly and graphically he at once sketched the scene. It
was at the suggestion of President Lincoln, he said, that the
governors met in Providence, and they selected that occasion in
order that the conference might not excite i^ublic attention.
Then he gave a report of the conference. As I listened to Mr.
Talbot's words this evening, and recalled that report, I wished
that we had on paper, for our collections, what Governor Wash-
burn so graphically sketched for me in that memorable conversa-
tion. It would be an interesting contribution to the already
voluminous history of the civil war.

It was my fortune to go to Governor Washburn's house, and to
have a half-hour's conversation with him on the morning of the
day before he left for Philadelphia. I did not know when I
called that it was his purpose to take this journey ; but he met
me in the same cordial, cheery manner as ever, and what was
characteristic of him, not a word dropped from his lips that the
occasion of this joui"ney was his own state of health ; but he
gave me to understand that other considerations called him to
Philadelphia, so that I went out from his presence little thinking
that it was for the last time. Tidings soon came of his weakened
condition, and then the sudden announcement that he had finished
his course and entered into rest. Brethren of the Historical
Society, we do well to honor his memory here to-niglit, and we
shall be happy if, in this review of his useful life and eminent
services, we can catch somewhat of his noble, generous spirit.

PROCEEDINGS AT MAY MEETING, 1883. 99

Mr. Edward H. El well said : —

Mr. President, ladies and gentlemen, I had no expectation of
speaking here to-night. Others are appointed to that duty, who
are better able to j^erform it than myself. I ha\'e made no prep-
aration to speak, but, sir, no preparation is necessar}'- for one who
knew him to pay a tribute of resi^ect, and love and admiration
to the character of Israel Washburn, jr. I cannot speak of a
long acquaintance with him as many gentlemen here can, but I
haA'e watched his course from an early period in his life. I have
watched his course through Congress, and admired the manner in
which he stood up for the great principles he advocated. I
remember particularly on one occasion, in one of those great
crises, when all eyes were turned to the action of Congress, and
especially to the action of our own delegation, that when they
came home to us at the close of their labors, the delegation came
in a body to this city. A meeting of the citizens was held to
hear some account of their doings, and we all flocked to Lancas-
ter Hall to listen to them. The whole delegation was there, but
he was the leader among them, and his speech was the great and
soul-stirring speech of that occasion.

I need not refer to his services as chief magistrate of this
state ; these are known to all. My acquaintance with Governor
Washburn extends over a period of about ten years. During the
last five years of his life I was accustomed to meet him socially,
and occasionally upon some matters of business, and I early
learned to note certain points of character which were very
strongly marked in him, and one was the intense earnestness and
vitality which gave him very great force. Whenever he had
occasion to speak for the right or to denounce a wrong, he did it
with a power and vehemence and aggressiveness which carried
everything before him. That was a strong point in his charac-
ter, and yet there was no bitterness in him.

Another salient trait of his character was his geniality, his
lieartiness, his whole souledness, his readiness to meet every man.
It did not require a long acquaintance to become acqiiainted with
him. He met every man more than half-way, greeting him with his

100 MAINE HISTORICAL SOCIETY.

"whole soul, and every man felt acquainted with him at once, and
always. He was a man to love and to cling to in every emer-
gency.

Another indication of unusual mental power was the grasp of
his mind, the rapidity of decisions, and his readiness for action.
I remember on one occasion of hearing him, after he had paid a
visit to the great Northwest, and spent a little time there, becom-
ing acquainted with its resources in the region of the Red river
and the great city of Winnipeg, sit down and speak for an hour
"without a note or a scratch, giving details of history, statistics of
production and industry, and with minute details a complete
description of that great country, its progress, its opportunity, and
also how in the future time it was to be developed. I have always
admired his enthusiasm for certain literary celebrities, such as
Walter Scott, Walter Savage Landor, and Charles Lamb. Of
all these characters in literature he was always ready to speak
"with great enthusiasm and intelligent appreciation.

I shall never forget my last interview with him. He was
stricken on Thanksgiving day. I saw him on that day a few
minutes before he was attacked by the disease from which he
never recovered. He was ill all the winter. There were certain
matters which he had in charge in the interest of this Society,
concerning which it was necessary that there should be com-
munication with liim, and I called upon him for that purpose,
and although his malady had begun to impair his physical powers,
he met me with the old breeziness and vitality, which seemed
almost to lift him out of it, and with a sanguine, cheerful hope-
fulness which would not believe that anything had befallen
him which his strong will could not overcome. This went on
for one or two interviews, but at the last interview, just before
he left for Philadelphia, I said to him : — " Well, (rovernor, how
goes it?" He rei)lied : — "It goes slowly, and I am getting tired
of it." There was no loss of hopefulness and geniality, and he
went on talking of the future and of the work he could not do
now, but which he would do when he returned from Philadelphia.
But a shadow had fallen upon him ; the brightness had gone.
The great shadow had overspread his countenance ; the hand of

PEOCEEDINGS AT MAY MEETING, 1883. 101

death was upon him ; it has taken him away from us, to our
irreparable loss.

The following communication from Hon. Albert "VV.
Paine of Bangor, was received and read by the Sec-
retary : —

Bangor, May 21, 1883.
To the Maine Historical Society : —

I notice in the papers that at the coming meeting of the Society
it is proposed that the evening be devoted to tributes to the mem-
ory of the late Hon. Israel Washburn. As an early and life-long
intimate friend and acquaintance of the deceased, I desire to add
my tribute to those of others on that occasion.

He was of my age, a fellow-student with me in the law, and
came within a few weeks of myself to join the Penobscot Bar,
at which we both practiced until he went to Portland. The
intimacy, thus commenced, continued till death has parted us, so
that I feel that I can speak with assurance of his character and
history.

As a lawyer,. our deceased brother had all the qualities fitted to
make him eminent in his profession. Of unexceptionable habits,
industrious and attentive to business, he was peculiarly fitted for
his work, in whatever line he happened to select. Of sound judg-
ment and discriminating mind, he was well equipped for the pro-
fession he early chose for his life's support, as well as for his literary
work. Orderly and exact in his method and system of activity,
he added largely to his other qualifications for the same position.
He was beside a diligent student, a great reader, and had a reten-
tive memory, which qualified him to undertake successfully his-
torical and literary work. Endowed with hereditary and acquired
virtues, he soon took a high stand in his chosen profession, and
would undoubtedly have arisen to great eminence in it had not
his attention been diverted by the pubUc duties to which he was
early called.

When chosen to the ofiice of Representative to Congress, he at
once exhibited all those traits of character of which I have already

102 MAINE HISTORICAL SOCIETY.

spoken. His knowledge of the law, then already acquired, gave
him at the beginning, an advanced position in the House, and
helped him on largely to the post to which he soon attained, as a
valuable member and recognized power in its deliberations. At
the same time he was not forgetful or unmindful of his constitu-
ency at home. Any of their number whom he happened to meet
at the capitol, was sure of his attentions there, and nothing gave
him greater pleasure than to serve their wishes and administer to
their curiosity and desire for information. Business committed
to his care was most sure of his attention, and every member of
his constituency felt that matters in his hands were safe. At the
same time he was a Representative, not only of his own district
and state, but also of the Union, and all these equally received
his attention and able support. The several Congresses in which
he served covered the perilous years of the nation's existence,
previous to the war, and always found him firm and able in tlie
the defence and support of those great priiicii)les which lie at the
foundation of our government. Few more able and ready sup-
porters of the cause of true freedom were found in those years of
danger on the floor of the House. But yet, modest and unassum-
ing as he was, he made little effort to signalize himself, and he
consequently attracted little attention beyond what his meritori-
ous acts secured.

So signally were the qualities, noAV mentioned, recognized by
the people, as the dangers began to thicken about the general
government and threaten its existence, the convention called to
nominate a governor, at Norombega Hall, in Bangor, in 1860,
without apparently any previous concert, at once concurred in
unanimously selecting him as their candidate. The nomination
was who'ly unsought by him and entirely unexjDected, as he then
held a seat in the House, which was not , to be vacated until the
fourth of March then next, at the end of President Buchanan's ad-
ministration. I can well recollect his expressions of feeling on
the occasion, as made privately to me at my office on the day of
the nomination. He was, as it were, overwhelmed with the
thought, and, as he expressed it to me, he could hardly conceive

PROCEEDINGS AT MAY MEETING, 1883. 103

of the idea of his being governor. He had not then had time, so
to speak, to "accept the situation" in which the nomination
pLaced him, and robe himself with the armor of a candidate, know-
ing, as he did, that a nomination by his party, in those days, was
equivalent to an election. His ti'iumphant election, by a majority
of almost twenty thousand votes, only showed his great popularity
and the confidence the people had in his patriotism and his
ability.

It is unnecessary for me to speak of the conduct of his adminis-
tration, and how satisfactorily and promptly he met the exigen-
cies which continually presented themselves, during the course of
the war and while he occupied the executive chair. A single inci-
dent, coming under my own personal observation at the very begin-
ning of the war, may not be inappropriate, as showing how quickly
and how energetically he acted when occasion offered or demanded.
It is already a matter of history that, immediately after the call
for seventy thousand troops on the 15th of April, 1861, as soon as
the news reached Bangor, two of our citizens at once drew up a
paper for volunteers, and that within the week a company of such
had been gathered and organized ready for duty. As yet, however,
no provision had been made for their accommodation or " encamp-
ment." The City Council was called together to consult as to the
best course to be pursued and the whole subject was submitted to
a committee. On consultation, it was decided to place the matter
before the State Executive. A telegraphic dispatch was accordingly
at once sent to the Governor, briefly detailing the facts and ask-
ing for instructions. As quickly as the electric current could con-
vey the message to the executive rooms at the state capitol and
bring back a reply, thei-e came back the short, sharp order : —
" Rendezvous the troops and the state will pay." Barracks were
at once secured and the company went "into camp." As being
probably the first ofiicial act of the Governor in his military ca-
pacity in the war, the incident is regarded worthy of being pre-
served, as showing his promptness and efticiency under any im-
pending necessity. In all his ofiicial stations he was seldom, if
ever, accused of mistake, never of a want of fideUty or prompt-
ness.

104 MAINE HISTORICAL SOCIETY.

Mr. Washliurn "was a student of no ordinary rank. As such,
however, I always felt that he labored under a peculiar difficulty,
one which is ever hard to overcome, the want of a good college
education. For this scholastic discipline there is hardly any sub-
stitute, and this, I have always thought, Bro. Washburn keenly
felt. By diligent study in his manhood he in a great measure
overcame the defect of his early education, but never his regret
for Avhat he had missed. Few, however, accomplish so much in
purely intellectual work as he did, but it Avas the result of study
and unremitting toil. His perseverance and native powers of
thought won for him the way to distinction, as a scholar of no
ordinary rank and merit.

It was a matter of especial joy with me, that in the last rites
Avhich man could jiay to him on earth, the interment of his re-
mains, I was able to be present as a Avitness to the ceremony.
Seldom, — indeed never, — have I before been privileged to mt-
ness so inspiring a scene. The day was lovely, almost beyond
comparison ; a company was in attendance that could but joy his
soul if he could have seen it. The place was the highest point,
nearest Heaven in significance, on top of Mount Hope, and there
his grave had been i^repared and screened by a profusion of
evergreens and flowers. At the foot of the grave, before his
familiar and intelligent countenance, exposed in the open casket,
the funeral exercises were performed by the joint service of two
clergymen, usually representing opj)Osing and antagonizing sects,
Orthodox and Universalist, but here harmonizing in edifying
sentiments and tender sympathies.

For one in death to be able to effect such perfect unanimity
of feeling and good- will as was here exhibited by preachers and
2ieoi)le in attendance, is something to be thankful for, and from
which only good can result. As the officiating clergyroan
repeated with emphasis the words, " Oh, Grave ! Avhere is thy
victory — oh. Death! where is thy sting?" the impressive answer
seemed spontaneously to come to every mind, silencing and sub-
duing every grief and doubt.

Albert W. Paine.

PROCEEDINGS AT MAY MEETING, 1883. 105

The following communication was received from Mr.
W. H. Smith of Portland : —

I heartily concur in all that has been so well said about this
eminent citizen. I wish to add my testimony as a small tribute
from one who knew him well and admired his noble character.

He was honest and earnest ; his earnestness was based upon
his sincerity.

The following extract from a letter written March 16, 1858,
will give the reader a correct idea of this man : —

In my opinion, the Lecompton Bill ought to be killed. It is right that
it should be, and, therefore, in my philosophy it is expedient. As it
ought to be killed, there is no weapon, cimeter or handspike that we
should not use.

That was the man. He first tried the act by the square of
truth and justice ; and because it did not stand the test, he used
all honorable means to defeat it. His enthusiasm was contagious.
All who came in contact with him felt moved by it, for they
knew he believed that he was right and he had the courage of his
convictions.

With him " nothing was settled that was wrong." Like Owen
Love joy, he loved to look from the platform right into the eyes
of the people, because he loved and believed in them. He loved
our nation, state and city. Reared amid rural scenes, he never
forgot the lessons learned by the arm-chair of his mother, the
precepts of his honored father, or what he gathered in the coun-
try schoolhouse. Training like this has produced men that have
made the name of our state o-lorious. /

One of them, in these lines, has fully expressed the views of
our lamented friend : —

Had I this tough old world to rule,

My cannon, sword and mallet
Should be the dear old district school,

God's Bible and the ballot.

He loved nature. Raised among the hills of "Old Oxford"
her "sweeping vales and foaming floods" were dear to him.

106 MAINE HISTORICAL SOCIETY.

The daisies, violets and roses, the rocks, rills and groves, caused
him to have an intense love of freedom and its handmaid, poetry.
Hence he delighted in Burns, who was the poet of nature and the
people. IIoAv earnestly he would chat with one who loved this
wonderful genius. " The Cotter's Saturday Night," " The Jolly
Beggars," " Twa Dogs," " Tam O'Shanter," « Scots, Wha Hae
Wi' Wallace Bled," "Holy Willie's Prayer," "Is There for
Honest Poverty," and " To Mary in Heaven," stirred his heart in
the same way the victories won by our boys in blue did during
the war. The " Big ha' Bible ance his Father's Pride," was rev-
erently adored by him. In it was revealed to him a God of love
and pity. " To him mercy and truth had met together ; righteous-
ness and peace had kissed each other." He abhorred infidelity,
whether disguised in the robes of sanctity or the coarser garb of
blasphemy.

His views upon religion are expressed by Burns in the follow-
ing lines : —

The great Ci'eator to revere,

Must sure become the creature,
But still the preaching cant forbear,

And even the rigid feature.
Yet ne'er with wits profane to range

Be complaisance extended,
An atheist's laugh 's a poor exchange

For Deity offended.

He took an interest in all the movements for good, and every
public improvement found in him a warm defender. Everything
that was good was loved by him. He believed the newspaper to
be a great educator, and stored his mind from its columns.

Could your Society come into possession of his scraj) books,
you would find rare treasui-es that he collected daily. Such a
man must be missed. We never fully estimated his ability and
force of character.

The reaper came suddenly to him. He laid aside the work
that his active brain and busy hands had found to do, and left us
in the days of spring, when the green carpet of earth was spread
and the flowers were opening their mouths in praise of their

PROCEEDINGS AT MAY MEETING, 1883. 107

Divine author. To him the flora of paradise was revealed in all
of its glorious beauty, and he became re-united with those he
loved and mourned on earth. That his sphere of usefulness has
been enlarged by the change is to me a precious belief. We
mourn his loss, but his influence will remain, for among all her
sons Maine had none worthier.

I cannot close my tribute to this man of " worth" without
giving expiession to my feelings by using these words from a
favorite poem that he loved : —

Mourn, little harebells o'er the lea,
Ye stately foxgloves fair to see,
Te woodbines hanging bonnilie

In scented bowers,
Ye roses on your thorny tree,

The first of flowers.
Movirn, Spring, thou darling of the year,
Ilk cowslip cup shall kej) a tear.
Thou Simmer, while each corny spear

Shoots up its head.
Thy gay, green flowery tresses shear

For him that's dead.

LETTERS OF JOSEPH WHEATON. 109

LETTERS OF JOSEPH WHEATON.

Hon. George Walker whose wife is a daughter of
Jeremiah O'Brien, for six years a member of Congress
from Maine, and a grand-daughter of Gideon O'Brien,
one of the heroes of the Margaretta capture, has pre-
sented to the Maine Historical Society two letters of
Joseph Wheaton, who lived for many years in Wash-
ington, D. C, where he held a government office, giving
his account of the Machias sea fight in which he par-
ticipated.

The first is addressed to Gideon O'Brien, written in
1818, and is as follows: —

Washington City, April 23, 1818.

With respect to the affair of taking the Margaretta schooner,
so far as my recollection serves, was thus, and I beg you to cor-
rect, add to, strike out, as your recollection may serve you, for I
can only state from memory, viz : —

Before the battle of Concord, April 19, 1775, the Margaretta
schooner, Captain Moore, sailed from Boston and came to Machias,
to convoy two sloops owned by Ichabod Jones ^vith lumber for
Boston, and for the use of the British Government. While those
vessels were loading, there came to Machias a vessel and brought
the news of the battle of Concord, and communicated it to the
people on a Saturday evening ; the next morning (Sunday) it was
proposed to take the officers, when at public worship and thereby
obtain the vessel in retaliation for Concord and Lexington. In at-
tempting this, the officers. Captain Moore and others, escaped, and
got on board the schooner and fell down to Scott's wharf, when
they were fired upon by a party who had come there, headed by
Mr. Foster from the East river. But as it fell dark, the Marga-
retta fell down the river near where my family then Uved ; on

110 MAINE HISTORICAL SOCIETY.

Monday morning the people got together at Scott's, the schooner
in view. Your brother Dennis and myself were standing on the
wharf by ourselves, Avhen I said to him, Dennis, let us go and take
that schooner. How will you do it, said Dennis ; I said we can
take Job Harris' sloop, get the people on board her, the sloop will
outsail the Mai-garetta, we can board her, and take her; with all
my heart, said Dennis. We then call to our aid two youths, and
renewed the proposition, to which they agreed. We four immedi-
ately stepped into a boat, and went on board of the .Job Harris
sloop, and demanded him to take the sloop to Scott's wharf, which
with some little opposition was effected. So soon as we stepped
on shore and gained the bank before Scott's house, we four took
off our hats and gave three cheers, when your brother Jeremiah
stepped forward, yourself and brother John, and called upon the
people to undertake the enterprise, to which all consented, who
witli one impulse collected the arms, three rounds of loose
powder and ball, a number of axes, several hayforks, took on
board one barrel of water, a small bag of bread, and a few pieces
of pork, and made ready to pursue the Mai'garetta. While the
people were thus employed the captain of the Margaretta, ob-
serving the movements of our people, going to and from the
sloop, by his spyglass, got his schooner under way and proceeded
down the river, and on passing the high point of land, some per-
* son fired at the schooner, which occasioned her to fire, and by
which she carried away her boom, and wlien she had reached
Holmes' bay met with a sloop commanded by Robert Avery,
from her the captain took the boom, and as soon as it was rigged
our sloop came in sight of the Margaretta, when she made sail
and stood to sea for Boston with Captain Avery on board and his
boat in tow. Our crew in chase chose with one voice Jeremiah
O'Brien commander, who arranged our men in ranks across the
deck, from the windlass aft, and thus formed and posted, stood
ready for action ; in a short time the Margaretta began to cut
away her boats, and finding we gained upon her, they cut away all
or three boats and commenced a heavy fire in quick succession.
A man named INIcNeal took our wall piece, the only one we had,
while resting it on the bitts of the windlass to take aim, received

LETTERS OF JOSEPH WHEATON. Ill

a swivel ball in his forehead and fell. A man named Knight,
took up the wall piece as it fell from the hand of McNeal, and
fired it, and wounded the man at the helm of the Margaretta, at
which time she broached to, while our gallant little helmsman
still was steering our sloop for the broadside of the schooner,
and at which moment our men made a fair fire of musketry on the
Margaretta, and as we made- the second fire, our bowsprits took
the shrouds of the schooner running through her mainsail, when
Captain Moore put a hand grenade among us. But the moment
our sloop's bow struck the schooner's side, I believe you led the
boarders, for I am sure I was near you, the captain, Moore, was
shot down with two balls in his breast, the second officer slightly
wounded, or much frightened, Robert Avery killed. When all
was quiet and order restored, I ran up the shrouds and cut the
pennant halyards from the crosstrees and brought them down.
Your brother Jeremiah took down the ensign. The boats were
regained which had been cut away from the Margaretta, the rig-
ging overhauled and put in order, when a southerly breeze sprang
up, and we returned to Scott's wharf about sunset. As soon as
the Margaretta was got up to Machias, a hospital "provided for
the wounded, the dead deposited. Captain O'Brien with the
advice of the j^eople, took possession of Ichabod Jones' larger
sloop, named her the Liberty, mounted the canons and swivels
on her, and took the Diligence and Tapnagouche with which two
vessels sailed to St. John and took the garrison and such mer-
chants, English vessels that were in that port.

Any circumstances corresponding with those affairs I shall most
thankfully receive etc.

I am very dear sir, your obedient servant,

Joseph Wheaton.
Gideon O'Brien, Esq.

The second is a letter from the same Mr. Wheaton,
in 1823, to John O'Brien then living in Brunswick,
Maine, another of the fio;htin<i: brothers.

The post-office in Brunswick having become vacant,
an application was made to the Postmaster General, to

112 MAINE HISTORICAL SOCIETY.

confer the appointment of local postmaster upon Cap-
tain John O'Brien, and his services in the Margaretta
affair were urged as entitling him to some public rec-
ognition. Mr. Wheaton had presented the Captain's
papers to ihe committee on the post-office, and reports
as follows : —

I represented to him (Mr. Harris of the House of Representa-
tives) your ai-dent zeal for tlie country in your youth, your manly
conduct in the affair you touched upon, relating to the Marga-
retta schooner, and called to his recollection that in that action
we become pirates, traitors and rebels, according to the laws
of England at that time ; that our success (established) the neces-
sity of manly resistance everywhere or the consequence would
have been more distressing than death — it would have been i;niver-
sal slavery to all the people ; that Captain Moore was the first
naval officer that fell in the revolution ; that your services had
been uniform and of the highest manly character, and that you
were now advanced in years and it would be most grateful to
your feelings to receive some token that you were not refused a
small favor.

REVIEW OF LITEEATURE IN MAINE. 113

HISTORICAL REVIEW OF LITERATURE
IN MAINE.

Head before the Maine Historical Society/, May 22, 1884.
BY JOSEPH WILLIAMSON-

In the year 1700, Samuel Moody, a graduate of
Harvard College and a man eminent for learning,
piety and benevolence, was ordained as minister at
York, which since the charter to Gorges had been
the principal town in the province. No worldly
influences could have attracted him to the position.
Maine was just recovering from a protracted Indian
war that had reduced her population to less than six
thousand, and had obliterated a majority of her
settlements. York had not escaped the general
devastation. Only eight years before it had been
surprised by a party of French and Indians, which,
coming from Canada on snow-shoes, in the dead of
winter, burned most of the houses, killed seventy-five
of the inhabitants, and carried as many more into
captivity. The Rev. Shubael Dummer, who preceded
Mr. Moody, was shot dead near his own door, and his
wife taken prisoner. The whole country was impover-
ished and without resources. There were no mills,
no inclosures, no roads ; but, on the contrary, dilapi-
dated habitations, wide-wasted fields, and melancholy
ruins. Under such discouraging circumstances the
young minister entered upon a service which con-

VoL. II. 9

114 MAINE HISTORICAL SOCIETY.

tinued for nearly half a century, and which termi-
nated only with his death. Not only is he remembered
in connection with obstacles overcome, with dangers
nobly braved, and with sufferings borne unshrinkingly
in the cause of rehgion ; but as the pioneer of litera-
ture in Maine, the author of the earliest publications
written within our limits.

As would be naturally inferred from the spirit of
the age in which Mr. Moody lived, as well- as from his
vocation, these publications were of a religious char-
acter. They were, in fact, sermons. At this lapse of
time few copies of them exist.

The first was delivered during the second year of
his ministry, and is entitled " The Vain Youth Sum-
moned to Appear at Christ's Bar. A Lecture-Sermon,
June 26, 1701, at York, in Main." It contains sixty-
four duodecimo pages. This was followed in 1710 by
a discourse upon " The Doleful State of the Damned,
especially of such as go to Hell from under the Gos-
pel," and in 1714, by "Judas the Traitor hung up in
Chains, to Give Warning to Professors, That they
beware of Worldlymindedness, and Hypocricy ; a Dis-
course concluding with a Dialogue ; Preach'd at York,
in New England." The latter comprises ninety-six
pages. All were printed at Boston, where from 1674
printing-offices had been maintained ; the first one in
the country having commenced at Cambridge thirty-
five years before. Printers were held under strict
surveillance until 1719, and not permitted to give
anything to the public unless approved by the gov-
ernment.

EEVIEW OF LITERATURE IN MAINE. 115

Mr. Moody's name also appears as the author of
an "Election Sermon," delivered in 1721; of a
" Summary Account of the Life and Death of Joseph
Quasson, Executed for Murder at York, June 29,
1726 ; " of " The Confession, Declaration, Dying
Warning and Advice of Patience Sampson," who was
executed in 1737, and of "An Attempt to point out
the fatal and pernicious consequences of Joseph Bel-
lamy's Doctrines respecting Mond Evil," printed in
1759. The Prince Collection contains an anonym.ous
pamphlet of eight pages, printed in 1737, entitled
"A Faithful Narrative of God's Gracious Dealino-g

o

witli a Person lately recovered from the Errors of
Arminius." This, a manuscript note by Mr. Prince
says, was " Sent from the Rev. Mr. Moody of York."
It was probably written by him.

These quaint pamphlets are devoid of interest, and
except as curiosities possess no value. The ability and
expense wasted upon them cannot but be regretted.
In their stead, what a valuable contribution to history
might have been given; what a graphic picture might
the learned author have drawn of manners, customs
and events ; of the characteristics of his little flock ;
of that diminishing race then contending with the
whites for supremacy, and of the hardships and
cruelties experienced by the latter in the desperate
struggle. How many materials for song and legend,
for poetry and romance might he have rescued !

Beside the publications of Mr. Moody, little is to be
found relating to Maine, which was printed up to the
close of the Revolution. Some pamphlets concerning

116 MAINE HISTORICAL SOCIETY.

the conflicting claims of the Pl3''moiith and Pejepscot
Companies, public documents giving an account of
conferences with the Eastern Indians, General Waldo's
Defense of Leverett's title to the Muscongus Patent,
Doctor Calf's "Siege of Penobscot," two religious
works by Rev. Dr. Hemmenway, and twenty-seven
sermons, comprise about the whole of our local litera-
ture during that period.

Upon the return of peace the district entered upon
an era of great prosperity. During the next seven
years her population nearly doubled, and commercial
business built thriving towns along the line of the
whole coast. A dismemberment from Massachusetts
was agitated. In the interest of the movement, on
the first of January, 1785, the Falmouth Gazette,
being the first newspaper in Maine, was issued. The
centennial observance of the establishment of print-
ing in our State should therefore take place next
January. In 1788, a college was demanded, and the
Legislature made an appropriation for the purpose.
Some time, however, elapsed before the project Avas
effected. In 1790, the district contained forty-six
ministers and fifteen lawyers.

Next to the Gazette, the earliest issue from any
press in Maine is believed to have been an almanac,
w^hich Daniel George of Falmouth caused to be
printed in 1785.

In 1789, General Benjamin Lincoln of Massa-
chusetts, who was an extensive landowner, published
a small quarto pamphlet entitled " Observations on
the Climate, Soil and Value of the Eastern Town-

REVIEW OF LITERATURE IN MAINE. 117

ships in Maine." Following it, in order of time, came
**The New England Farmer, or Georgical Dictionary,"
an octavo volume of three hundred and thirty-two
pages, from the pen of the Rev. Samuel Deane of
Portland, in 1790. An anonymous tract of great
value appeared in 1793 called "A Description of the
Situation, Soil, Climate and Productions of Certain
Lands in Maine." It was written, or caused to be
written, by Hon. William Bingham, the owner of the
*' Bingham Purchase." A theological treatise, by Rev.
Dr. Hemmenway of Wells, bearing the prolix title of
"Remarks on Rev. Mr. Emmon's Dissertation on the
Scriptural Qualifications for Admission and Access to
the Christian Sacraments; and on Strictures on a
Discourse concerning the Church," was given to the
public in 1794. The most important work with ref-
erence to Maine, which appeared before the close of
the century, was Judge Sullivan's History, containing
four hundred and twenty-one pages, and a new map.
Various pamphlets devoted to separation were issued
in 1797, among them "The Seventeenth Jewel of
the United States of America, shining in its Meridian
Splendor, in the Latitude and Longitude of the In-
tended State of Maine." All these were printed out of
the district.

Before the present century commenced, printing
presses had found their way to Hallowell, Augusta,
Fryeburg, Wiscasset and Castine, from which sermons,
addresses and other pamphlets were occasionally
issued. The earliest bound book printed and pub-
lished in Maine before 1800, as nearly as can be

118 MAINE HISTORICAL SOCIETY.

ascertained, was a thin duodecimo volume entitled
"l^emale Friendships" from the Hallowell press in
1797. The next v/as probably a reprint of " Aken-
side's Pleasures of the Imagination " at Portland, in
1805. The first musical wcrk was " The Harmony of
Music, by S. Belcher of Farmington," published in
1797. The first trial was that of Jeremiah Hill,
before the church at Biddeford, in 1792, for heresy.
An address upon Washington, at Machias, in 1794, by
Joliii Cooper, is supposed to have been the earliest
publication of the kind within our limits; it was
printed, however, in Boston.

William Symmes, at Portland, in 1796, delivered
the first Masonic address in Maine which was pub-
lished. The earliest printed Fourth of July oration
was by the Rev. Dr. Deane at Portland, in 1793.
Other Fourth of July orations before 1800, which
appeared in print, were those of Rev. Elijah Kellogg
at Portland, in 1795; of Daniel Davis at Portland,
and of Isaac Parker at Castine, in 1796 ; of Samuel S.
Wilde at Thomaston, and of William Symmes at Portr
land, in 1797; of Dr. Samuel Emerson at Kennebunk,
Thomas S. Sparhawk at Buckstown, Thurston Whit-
ing at Hallowell, and of Rev. Caleb P. Fessenden at
Conway, N. H., in 1798; and of Silas Lee at Wiscas-
set. Dr. Jacob Fisher at Kennebunk, Samuel S. Wilde
at Pownalboro, and Amos Stoddard at Portland, in
1799. A Masonic address delivered by the latter the
same year, appeared in type, as also the commemora-
tion sermon at Fryeburg, by Rev. Thomas Symmes.
" The Town Officer," by Samuel Freeman of Portland,

REVIEW OF LITERATURE IN MAINE. 119

and the elaborate speech made in the Legislature by
John Gardiner of Pownalboro, upon repealing laws
against theaters, were published in 1792, but printed
away.

With the addition of thirty-seven sermons and
religious tracts, the foregoing list comprises about all
that was published in Maine, or written by Maine
men, up to 1800. It includes nothing in art, science,
or education. There is no work of fiction or of the
imagination. The only attempt at poetry, during the
period, was by Rev. Dr. Deane, whose "Pitchw^ood
Hill," of one hundred and forty lines, first appeared
in the Cumberland Gazette, in 1795, but did not reach
a more permanent form until several years later. All
the rest is either practical, political or theological.

In response to a recommendation by Congress,
eulogies upon Washington were pronounced through-
out the country on the anniversary of his birthday, in
1800. Those by Rev. Alden Bradford at Wiscasset,
Rev. Rosswell Messenger at York, Dr. Ammi R.
Mitchell at North Yarmouth, Rev. Silas Moody at
Arundel, Isaac Parker at Portland, Rev. Jonathan
Huse at Warren, William Wetmore at Castine, Rev.
Benjamin Whitwell at Augusta, and a poem by Rev.
Jonathan Ellis at Topsham, were printed.

Maine rapidly increased in population during the
decade of years which succeeded 1800. Of course
the diffusion of intelligence by means of the jJi'ess
was proportionately great. But the printing of books
was very limited. Publishers sent forth works of a
high character, but not those of native writers, for at

120 MAINE HISTORICAL SOCIETY.

that time American literature had no claims to recog-
nition. In politics and divinity we had indeed acquired
some distinction ; but in history, biography and belles-
lettres there was nothing upon which to base a national
reputation. Trumbull's " McFingal," Dr. Dwight's
" Conquest of Canaan," and the ponderous " Colum-
biad " constituted our principal stock of poetry ; works
which now can scarcely be found save in the dusty
alcove of some large library. In prose works of the
imagination we were still more deficient. Beside
Irving's "Sketch-Book," which was not fully published
in England the same year that the sarcastic Edinburgh
reviewer had disposed of our literature in a single
sentence, we had given nothing to the world worth
reading. Our literature was hardly born before 1820.
We were obliged to content ourselves with foreign
authors; and volumes of Akenside, Blair, Blackstone,
Dr. Brown, Chitty, Pope, Rogers and Thomson, bear-
ino- the imprint of Portland or Hallowell, may still be
met with. Mr. Everett remarks that at this period
" Books we got by importation, even the classics of
our language were not republished on this side of
the Atlantic." Toward contemporary English literature
there was the same indifference. Boswell's "Johnson,"
of which Lord Macaulay says that " it is read beyond
the Mississippi and under the Southern cross, and is
likely to be read as long as the English exists, either
as a living or a dead language " — the most deUghtful
of books by the most despicable of writers — a work
which would be republished at the present day in this
country before the sheets were dry from the English

REVIEW OF LITERATURE IN MAINE. 121

press, appeared in England in 1791, and was not
reproduced in America till 1809. As late as 1815,
George Ticknor presented Byron, as an illustration of
American progress, with a copy of his poems in two
very shabby volumes, printed at Philadelphia and
bound in boards. In 1810, the library at Bowdoin
College hardly numbered a thousand volumes, while
the only private collections of books of any magni-
tude in the district were those made by Dr. Benjamin
Vaughan and General Knox.

Between 1810 and 1820 the most important books
originating or published in Maine were Professor Cleave-
land's "Treatise on Mineralogy," Moses Greenleaf's
" Statistical View of Maine," "A History of Acadia,"
by Joseph Whipple, portions of which first appeared
in the Bangor Register, and the Rev. Daniel Merrill's
" Letters to Baptists." In 1816 was published the first
regular work in verse. It was a poem of more than
two thousand lines, in heroic measure, by Enoch
Lincoln, afterward governor of the state. The title
is " The Village," being descriptive of Fryeburg, the
village where he resided.

When the separation from Massachusetts took place
it was found that we numbered nearly three hundred
thousand inhabitants, two-thirds of whom had been
acquired since 1790. With this unprecedented increase
of population, came also an increase of agricultural,
manufacturing and commercial wealth. All the insti-
tutions of education, religion, philanthropy and general
culture rapidly multiplied. New vitality was infused
into literary pursuits. The number of students in our

122 MAINE HISTORICAL SOCIETY.

seminaries of learning in 1820 was double what it was
ten years before. There was a demand for libraries,
for teachers, for schools. Comparatively but few books
were published between 1820 and 1830, for as has
been said, our literature was just beginning to crys-
tallize.

The appearance of our first volume of Collections,
in 1831, prefaced by an essay from the classic pen of
Judge Ware, gave an increased interest in historical
^tud}^, already aroused by the accurate and learned
works of Willis and Folsom. What attainments have
been since made in this department of literature are
attested by the subsequent volumes of both series; by
thirty tov/n histories, many of Avhich are elaborate and
exhaustive; by biographies and genealogies, and by
anniversary addresses, memorial discourses and pro-
ceedings of centennial celebrations, which are almost
without number. So long as we take pleasure in call-
ing to grateful recollection the labors and characters
of our ancestors, so long will the contributions of
Edward Ballard, Edward E. Bourne, Nehemiah Cleave-
land, Charles Deane, John Ward Dean, Cyrus Eaton,
George Folsom, Robert H. Gardiner, John E. Godfrey,
William F. Goodwin, William Goold, Jonathan and
Moses Greenleaf, John Johnston, William B. Lapham,
Alpheus S. Packard, Asher Parsons, John A. Poor,
Joseph W. Porter, George H. Preble, John H. Shep-
pard, John L. Sibley, James Sullivan, Rufus K. Sewall,
J. Wingate Thornton, Charles W. Tuttle, Israel Wash-
burn jr., William D. Williamson, William Willis, Cyrus
Woodman and Leonard Woods, be remembered and
appreciated.

REVIEW OF LITERATURE IN MAINE. 123

In other branches, also, during the last sixty years
Maine has been equally fortunate, not only by the
productions of our own citizens, but of those whom
we proudly claim as natives.

During the last century Maine acquired an honor-
able reputation in theology from the controversial
works of Rev. Moses Hemmenway of Wells, who
maintained the liberal side of Orthodoxy with learn-
ing and candor. Since his day the literature of the
different denominations has been enriched by varied
and enlightened contributions from William Allen,
Jesse Appleton, Cyrus A. Bartol, Amory Battles,
Bishop Burgess, Asa Cummings, William T. Dwight,
Eliphalet Gillett, Samuel Harris, Frederick H. Hedge,
John B. Herrick, Roswell D. Hitchcock, George T.
Ladd, Daniel Merrill, Ichabod Nichols, Edward Payson,
Enoch Pond, George W. Quimby, George Shepard,
Henry B. Smith, Egbert C. and Newman Smyth,
Thomas T. Stone, Benjamin Tappan, Jason Whitman,
Adam Wilson and many others. Of these the Rev.
Dr. Pond was the most voluminous writer, having
published fifty distinct volumes, seventy-seven articles
in periodicals, and twenty sermons.

Many essayists and reviewers, of high and deserved
reputation, are natives of or have resided in Maine.
Allusion can only be made to a few : to Charles S.
Davies, whose smooth diction resembles his own silver
accents; to Robert H. Gardiner, one of the earliest
writers for the North American ; tc George S. Hillard,
" whose exquisite and flowing sentences seem allied to
music;" to Leonard Woods, the influence of whose

124 MAINE HISTORICAL SOCIETY.

words, whether written or spoken, was like that which
comes from an organ ; to George Shepard, massive
and forcible in style; to Professor Everett, polished
and refined; to William L. Symonds, "of original
thought and brilliant fancy ; " to James Brooks, John
Neal, Benjamin B. Thatcher, Joseph H. Allen, William
Ladd, Daniel R. Goodwin, and Thomas C. TIpham.

In fiction perhaps John Neal holds the highest rank
of any native of Maine. A most versatile writer, his
novels, plays, poems and criticisms bear witness to
his indefatigable industry, varied talent and vivacity
of style. The powers of the Rev. Sylvester Judd,
when matured by age and culture, would have placed
him in the front rank of novelists. James Russell
Lowell pronounced his "Margaret" as the most
emphatically American book ever written. Jacob and
John S. C. Abbott, Edmund Flagg, Elijah Kellogg,
Noah Brooks, Joseph E. Smith, Edward H. Elwell
and Arlo Bates have made pleasing additions to this
branch of letters.

As Longfellow is ours by birth and education, it
would seem superfluous to claim any further distinc-
tion in poetr}^, for who is there that should come after
a king ? Still Maine has produced several minor poets
of sweetness, and often of strength.

The prose and poetical works of N. P. Willis are
alike distinguished for exquisite finish and melody,
yet it is upon the last kind of writing that his fame
depends. Professor Upham's earliest volume of poetry
was published while he resided in New Hampshire.
His "American Cottage Life " has passed through
several editions.

EEVIEW or LITERATURE IN MAINE. 125

Fifty years since, when good poetry, especially of
American origin, was rare, the verses of Grenville
Mellen were kindly received. William Cutter, Wil-
liam B. Glazier, Isaac McLellan, Benjamin B. Thatcher
and David Barker have all been public favorites.
Lately, however, most of our native poetry has
appeared in magazines, its authors hesitating from
the prominence of a separate volume.

A belief in the general intellectual inferiority of
woman which Dr. Johnson stubbornly adhered to,
although compelled to make an exception for Fanny
Burney and Mrs. Thrale, has passed away since we
became a state. Her influence and position in letters
is now recognized and firmly established. Two gen-
erations ago hardly a single American female author
was known ; today nearly sixty can be named from
Maine alone, some of whom have justly acquired
wealth, and several fame from their pens. Of those
who are prominent in poetry may be mentioned Mrs.
Elizabeth Oakes Smith, whose works contain much
beauty ; Mrs. Elizabeth Akers Allen, better known as
"Florence Percy;" and Mrs. Frances L. Mace, whose
verses display pure sentiments and felicitous thoughts.
In fiction we have Mrs. Sally S. Wood, Mrs. Laura
Curtis Bullard, Mrs. Elizabeth Payson Prentiss, Miss
Sara 0. Jewett, Mrs. Margaret J. M. Sweat, who is
well known in other departments of literature ; Mrs.
Mary H. Pike, whose works given to the world under
the nom de plume of " Ida May " have attained a
popularity equalled by that of few writers in our
country ; Mrs. Harriet Prescott Spofford, " of large

126 MAINE HISTORICAL SOCIETY.

knowledge, cultivated taste, and high creative genius;"
Mrs. Sarah Payson Wills Parton, whose books have
reached editions of over one hundred thousand in
number; Miss Blanche W. Howard, who enjoys a
transatlantic reputation, and Miss Mary A. Tincker,
a novelist rapidly coming into notice ; while in a
higher and different rank Mrs. Abba Goold Woolsoii
and Miss Laura A. Poor are favorably known, and as
writers for the young, Mrs. Frances A. Pike, Mrs.
Clara Barnes Martin and Miss Rebecca S. Clarke have
produced several creditable volumes.

In law it is pleasing to remember that a portion, at
least, of the fame of Simon Greenleaf belongs to
Maine. Here for many years was his home, and the
earliest volumes of our judicial reports which he
edited are of acknowledged merit. The work upon
evidence by Chief Justice Appleton, which com-
pletely reformed an important branch of jurispru-
dence, has gained the distinguished author great credit
abroad, and the gratitude of the profession in this
country. The decisions of Mr. Justice Clifford and of
Judge Ware command signal respect.

In science and in text-books the works of Professors
Cleaveland, Upham, Packard, Champlin, Newman,
Smyth, Keely, Hamlin, Morse and others have a
national reputation.

It has been remarked that the public speeches and
legal arguments of a nation are among the highest
exhibitions of its intellect. The most of such in
Maine have perished with the occasion that inspired
them. George Evans, who is regarded as one of the

REVIEW OF LITERATURE IN MAINE. 127

most forcible and ready debaters of his time, is said
never to have written out a single word of any
speech; and the same is substantially true of William
Lithgow, Daniel Davis, Benjamin Orr, Samuel Fessen-
den, John Holmes, William J. Farley, Jonathan P.
Rogers, and other eloquent advocates, whose forensic
efforts, if preserved, would form a valuable addition
to our local literature.

According to careful investigation, commencing with
the humble work of Mr. Moody, in 1701, the whole
number of books and pamphlets since published in,
or relating to Maine, her citizens, natives, or institu-
tions, or which were written by residents of Maine,
but printed elsewhere, exclusive of legislative, munici-
pal, corporate and legal documents, exceeds three
thousand.

BRUNSWICK CONVENTION OF 1816. 129

BRUNSWICK CONVENTION OF 1816.

MINUTES OF THE BRUNSWICK CONVENTION OF 1816, TAKEN AND PRE-

SEEVED BY THE LATE WILLIAM ALLEN OF NOBRIDGEWOCK, A

MEMBER OP THE SAJNIE.

On the petition of William King and others, the
General Court of Massachusetts at the May session in
1816 passed an act authorizing the quahfied voters in
the District of Maine to meet in their respective
towns on the first Monday in September of that year,
and give in their votes for or against the separation
of Maine from Massachusetts, and authorizing all the
towns in Maine entitled to representatives to elect
delegates to meet at Brunswick, to examine the re-
turns of the votes ; and if the number of votes was
found to be as five is to four in favor of separation
the delegates were to prepare a constitution for the
new state to be submitted to the people for their
approval.

The political lines of parties in Maine v/ere well
defined ; one-third of the voters were known as Feder-
alists and two-thirds were Democrats.

The canvass durino; the summer was conducted with
much spirit and the meetings in the several towns and
plantations were holden as directed, and a full vote
given in and delegates elected who with few excep-
tions met at the time and place of meeting designated,
at Brunswick on the last Monday of September of that
year.

Having been a member of that convention and

witnessed the proceedings, and having taken and
Vol. II. 10

130 MAINE HISTORICAL SOCIETY.

preserved some minutes thereof, and having been
requested by a worthy member of the Maine His-
torical Society (recently deceased) to furnish a sketch
thereof for the benefit of that Society, I submit the
same and rely on the candor of my friends to excuse
all imperfections, as I am far advanced in life and am
not able to do justice to the case.*

Monday, September 29. The convention met at the
meetinsr-house at ten o'clock. The leadinpr members
delayed organizing, and opportunity was given for the
two parties to ascertain their strength and to make
arrangements for the occasion. Lists of the votes
had been published in the public papers, and the
names of delegates and their character, and it was
generally conceded that the required number of votes
in favor of separation had not been obtained. Demo-
crats were generally in favor of separation ; some
twelve or fifteen delegates were opposed to it, as were
the Federalists generally, excepting six or seven.

Those opposed met at Eastman's hall and chose
Colonel Lewis of Gorham as chairman of their caucus,
who presided at all their party meetings with ability
during the session of the convention.

* NORRIDGEWOCK, MARCH, 1870.

Eev. Edward Ballard, Secretary of Maine Historical Society
Rev. Sir: — On .seeing notice of the death of Hon. William Willis, a
worthy patron of said Society, recently, I was reminded of a request
made by him for me to furnish him with an account of the proceedings
of the Brunswick convention of 1816 from the minutes I took at the
time, and papers in my possession for the Society,

I therefore send the same to you in the package herewith, to be dis-
posed of as you see fit or desti-oyed.

Very respectfully yours.

William Allen.

BRUXSWICK COXVENTIOX OF 1816. 131

A committee was appointed to ascertain the relative
standing of the parties, who reported that as near as
could be ascertained two hundred delegates had been
elected; that a majority of twelve at least were for
separation.

On returning to the meeting-house Judge Widgery
of Portland was designated to call the convention to
order, but he did not seem to know how to do it. All
seemed to be at a loss and discussion ensued and
nothing was done during the forenoon. Dinner being
announced the convention adjourned till two o'clock

P.M.

In the afternoon many fears were expressed by the
leaders of the Democrats that persons not entitled to
vote might intrude themselves improperly, as a noted
Federal lawyer (B. Orr) was in the house taking
notes, as Burns says, " and he may print them."

After some debate a committee of nine, Preble,
Cobb, Thompson, Herbert, Parris, Allen, Kinsley,
Cooper and Davis, were appointed to prepare a Hst of
delegates. Questions were then started about in-
structions to the committee. It was generally urged
that they need not be bound to observe any special
form of certificate of election.

Judge Widgery suggested that some certificates
might not be signed by the town clerk, what then ?

Captain Tolman replied, " Those would be like the
old woman's tub that had no bottom, who said ' it was
no tub at all.' "

After an hour's idle debate the committee were
allowed to retire, but seven of the nine declined act-

132 MAINE HISTORICAL SOCIETY.

ing until abstruse questions were debated and certain
rules adopted.

Mr. Parris remarked that the question proposed was
of no consequence. Allen concurred and stated that
the discussion was an idle waste of time, that he and
Mr. Parris had nearly completed a list of delegates
for these counties which required no discussion. But
when he observed Mr. Cobb, an executive councilor,
among the disputants, he was somewhat abashed. In
a short time we were notified that the House had
adjourned. I was satisfied that delay was the only
object.

Tuesday, September 30. The absent members
nearly all came in and light broke in and General
King was chosen president forthwith, and a secretary
chosen. Returns of votes were called for by counties
and the result in each town announced by the chair.
Mr. Preble and other Democratic members took it
upon them to collect and hand in the returns in favor
of separation, as they had a right to do for their
friends. AVhen the returns from Somerset were called
for I collected all, both for and against, and among
others the returns from Phillips and Avon, nearly
unanimous for separation, were handed to me by a
friend who had been entrusted with them, being
known as in favor of separation. I was not known
by Preble, and he, being on the watch, immediately
inquired of my friend as to the completion of the
returns he had delivered to me and what my views
were. On being informed that the returns were for
separation, but that I was opposed to it, Preble repri-

BRUNSWICK CONVENTION OF 1816. 133

manded my good friend with severity for what he had
done, saying that "those returns would be withheld
or destroyed."

In the course of the day all the returns were
accounted for except for five or six towns, among
them the town of Lyman, in which six only were in
favor and one hundred and seventy-nine votes against
separation. The return was traced into two or three
hands and lost in the fog. Preble was challenged and
denied that he had it. I thought he equivocated, and
as he had suggested that I ought not to be trusted, I
thought of the motto attached to the sign of the Order
of the Garter, "Evil to him who evil thinks." When a
committee was appointed the next day to make search
for returns that were missing, I kept my eye on him
until I saw him pass that from Lyman to a respectable
clergyman, a member from the county of York, be-
hind the corner of the meeting-house as we were
coming in at the afternoon session, and whisper a
verbal message to him. I followed the bearer in and
saw him lay the return on the secretary's table with-
out any ceremony. AVhen the convention was called
to order the secretary passed the document to the
president and said he found it on his table, and did
not know how it came there. The contents were
announced and the return passed to the committee;
but this was not the end of it. It was rejected by
the committee — a committee of Hill, Davis and Wood-
man to inquire about missing returns.

The returns from Eliot and Frankfort were traced
to A, and from A to B, and B to C, and were probably
tried by fire and lost.

134 MAINE HISTORICAL SOCIETT.

A committee of nine was appointed on Wednesday,
October 1, as stated in the printed sheet annexed, and
but little was done during the remainder of the week.
The convention waited impatiently for the report of
the committee on the returns, adjourning from day to
day till Saturday noon and then adjourned to eleven
o'clock A.M., on Monday, when the committee came
in with a long report, as per manuscript annexed,
and thereon a debate ensued on Tuesday, opened by
Joisah Mitchell in opposition to the report as fol-
lows : —

I am opposed to the acceptance of this report. I can see no
ambiguity in the act authorizing the people of Maine to vote on
the question of separation ; that from a clear and fair consti'uction
of this act the vote for separation lias not been obtained.

He proceeded at length in opposition to the report.

Judge Weston said he was in favor of accepting the
report of the committee ; that their construction of
the act was plausible and specious if not correct, but
did not manifest entire confidence in it.

Mr. Emery of Portland was in favor of separation,
but could not vote for this report. "If," said he, " we
adopt the resolution in the report which states that a
majority of five to four is obtained, we assert an un-
truth. It is a palpable falsehood. In regard to an
adjournment of the convention I see no reason why
we should not, but I object to the manner in which
the recourse is to be had to Massachusetts.

" Is it not possible that a better course may be
devised ? For my part I think we should be much
more likely to obtain our object respectfully to ask

BRUNSWICK CONVENTION OF 1816. 135

for an amendment of the act, than to demand it, say-
ing if you don't grant our request Ave will put our
own construction on it. I appeal to those whose sacred
duty it is to inculcate the word of truth. I appeal to
the judges whose duty it is to expound the law. I
appeal to the sober, honest part of this assembly, w^ho
are not infatuated with ambitious projects, to say
whether by adopting this report they will not adopt a
deliberate lie."

John Davis : " If the gentleman last up would
recur to the report, I think he would discover a mis-
take and that the words ' the majority of ' are not
surplusage."

Mr. Adams was opposed to the report.

Mr. Parris argued in favor it.

Mr. Holmes : " I assure the gentleman from Port-
land that the aspersions thrown on the committee by
him are gross and malignant, and whoever charges
me with uttering a deliberate lie, I shall be far from
treating with the most profound respect."

Judge Perham avowed the correctness of his motives.

Mr. Abbott, although a member of the committee,
was not in favor of the report ; thought the returns gen-
erally contain sufficient matter for forming an opinion
as to the number of votes given in each town.

Mr. Kinsley and Judge Perham sustained the report.

Colonel Thatcher opposed it sarcastically.

Judge Whitman, although in favor of sepHration, was
opposed to the report.

John Low of Lyman : " I object to the acceptance
of the report, as it respects the votes from Lyman,

136 MAINE HISTORICAL SOCIETY.

and move that the yeas and nays may be recorded
when the question is taken."

October 7. Colonel Lewis moved that the report
be amended by adding the Lyman votes to the list.

Mr. Moody objected that the motion was not in order.

The president decided that the motion of Colonel
Lewis was in order.

Mr. Lewis' motion to add the Lyman votes to the
list was decided in the negative and the House ad-
journed.

Tuesday, October 8. Kinsley inquired if the report
had not been accepted, and whether the motion was in
order.

Holmes thought it was strictly in order, it being an
amendment of the report.

Chandler inquired whether the gentleman by this
vote was to establish the return to be correct, or only
to place it on the list with the others ?

Colonel Lewis only wished to place the list on a
footing with the others, without regard to the for-
mality of the return, which may hereafter be inquired
into.

Judge Widgery was decidedly opposed to the votes
being restored, and was sure it would make no differ-
ence in the result; thought that the proceedings of the
town of Lyman were an outrage on common decency,
and the depositions show it, and called for reading of
them.

Captain Ladd objected as they are ex-parte, and
expressed his contempt of the course pursued.

BRUNSWICK CONVENTION OF 1816. 137

Holmes explained that the committee decided from
other evidence.

Moody called for reading the remonstrance of John
Low jr., and others.

J. Low called for reading the statement of the select-
men of Lyman.

Judge Stebbins called for the evidence on which
these votes were rejected. This convention had a
right to the evidence, and ought not to proceed with-
out it.

Mr. Holmes said the evidence was contained in two
depositions and statements of the members from
Lyman. "Every honorable member," he said, " ought to
be satisfied with the evidence given. As we are about
forming a new state, one of the first things ought to
be to resist encroachments on the freedom of elections.
I am confident the statements of the memorialists are
not false, but substantially correct."

Judge Whitman remarked that " although some irreg-
ularity existed at the opening of the meeting, nothing
appears to have been incorrect when the votes were
given in, and that they ought not to be rejected. If
the town officers have been guilty of any crime let
them be punished, and not punish the innocent inhabit-
ants by depriving them of their votes on this import-
ant occasion."

Colonel Thatcher called the attention of the con-
vention to the authority by which they were deliber-
ating. That the power is not given them to judge of
the conduct of individuals. " We are authorized to
ascertain the number of votes returned according to

138 MAINE HISTORICAL SOCIETY.

the provisions of the act, and not to investigate the
organization of towns or corporations, or the manner
in which town meetings are usually conducted. He
had heard much said about voting and votes written
on birch bark ; about blue paper and white paper ; all
this is nothing to the purpose. If the return is
properly made no reason has been offered why the
votes should not be received."

The vote was then taken on the question. Yeas,
eighty-one ; nays, ninety-seven, and adjourned.

Wednesday, October 9. Mr. Holmes moved to
amend the report by striking out the words " might
admit." We should adopt such measures as " might be
proper and expedient."

Davis moved to restore the votes of Lyman.

Holmes moved that it be laid on the table, and
referred to the adjourned meeting of the convention.

Wallingford asked for information, etc.

Herbert hoped it would not be postponed.

Parris had no inclination to call up the question
which had been once satisfactorily decided, but was
willing the same should be referred.

Davis' motion laid on the table.

In regard to the amendment proposed by Mr.
Holmes, Judge Whitman remarked that he was happy
to see what he termed a project to correct sentiments;
but called the gentleman to order in regard to numbers,
and also to the substance of his amendment which
goes to alter a material part.

Amendment ordered.

BRUNSWICK CONVENTION OF 1816. 139

On motion,

Ordered^ That the bhink in the resolution concerning adjourn-
ment of the convention be filled with the third Tuesday of De-
cember next.

On motion of Mr. Whitman

Ordered^ That the secretary of this convention be directed to
forward to the secretary of this commonwealth an attested copy
of the proceedings of said convention.

Ordered^ That the committee for reporting a constitution con-
sist of twenty-five, and Messrs. Holmes, Dunn, Bodwell, Hobbs,
Widgery, Foxcroft, Ingalls, Spring, Dawes, Thompson (Lisbon),
Neal, Burley, Chandler (Monmouth), Davis, Cushman, Bond,
Weston, Prescott, Hooper, Turner, Steel, Moore, W. Allen,
Merriam, Kinsley and Leavitt were appointed.

Messrs. Holmes, Chandler and King were appointed
a committee to make applications to Congress.

Messrs. Davis (Augusta), Chandler and Preble, a
committee to address the Legislature.

The committee appointed to inquire about the Eliot
votes and those of other towns missing made a report.

On motion of Mr. Whitman the report was indefi-
nitely postponed.

Judge Stebbins presented and read a protest signed
by the minority against the proceedings of this con-
vention, and moved that it be entered on the journals.
After some opposition it was voted that it be inserted.

The business of the convention having been accom-
plished, a motion was made to adjourn, and the con-
vention was adjourned to the third Tuesday of De-
cember next, then to meet at this place at two o'clock

P.M.

140 MAINE HISTORICAL SOCIETY.

The committee on return of votes, appointed on the
second day of the session, consisted of Messrs. Hohnes,
Preble, Widgery, Foxcroft, Sewall, Barnard, Abbott,
Perry, Parris, Rice and J. Davis, Chandler of Monmouth,
and Waugh, who reported October 9, and the report
was assigned to be taken up the next morning at nine
o'clock, and the same was taken up accordingly, and
after a warm discussion protracted to a late hour in
the evening, when the question of acceptance was
taken by yeas and nays and decided in the affirmative.
Yeas, one hundred and three ; nays, eiglity-four ; ab-
sent, six.

For accepting the report, yeas : Widgery and Hall
of Portland, Ingalls of Bridgton, Page of Brunswick,
Higgius of Cape Elizabeth, Sanborn of Falmouth,
Whitney of Gray, Foxcroft of New Gloucester, Twitch-
ell of Poland, Cushman of Pownal, Swett of Raymond,
Larrabee and Fogg of Scarboro, Spring and Hasty of
Standish, Stermons and Estes of Westbrook, Porter of
Baldwin, Holmes of Alfred, Prime and Cutts of Ber-
wick, Boothby, Woodman and Wentworth of Buxton,
Dunn of Cornish, Smith and Locke of Hollis, Dennett
and Chase of Kittery, Boyd of Limington, Buzzell of
Parsonsfield, Allen of Sanford, Moody, Pike and Preble
of Saco, Bodvvell, Wood and Emery of Shapleigh,
Sever of South Berwick, Hobbs of Waterboro, Brad-
bury, Mclntire and Bragdon of York, W. King,
Eaton of Bowdoin, Lewis of Georgetown, Noel and
Burr of Litchfield, Thompson and Small of Lisbon,
Davis of Montville, Rand of Nobleboro, Burley of
Palermo, Miller of St. George, Bailey of Whitefield,

BEUNSWICK CONVENTION OF 1816. 141

Kichardson of Gushing, Rowell of Jefferson, Weston
and Davis of Augusta, Chandler of Belgrade, "Well-
ington of Fairfax, Prescott of Farmington, Fisk of
Fayette, Robbins of Greene, Frances of Leeds, Cheever
of Hallowell, Chandler and Morrill of Monmouth, Mc-
Gaffey of Mt. Vernon, Hilton of Malta, Dyer of New
Sharon, D. Neal, John Hubbard, R. Burnham, A.
Getchell, M. Wing, J. Cushman, J. Randall, M. Weeks,
B. Foster, J. Merriam, B. Stevens, B. Bartlett, J. Steel,
L. Swallow, E. Berry, J. Ricker, A. K. Parris, J.
Hooper, J. Turner, J. Starr, S. Barrett, B. Bradford,
W. H. Britton, J. Moore, W. Tuttle, J. Walker, J.
Lawrence, J. Leavitt, D. Perham, M. Kinsley, John
Wilkins — one hundred and three.

Nays : E. Whitman, N. Emery, J. Adams, M. Cobb,
R. D. Dunning, J. McKean, J. Burnham, L. Lewis, D.
Harding, S. Stephenson, J. W. Mitchell, B. Sylvester,
S. Eaton, G Grosvener, Wm. Ladd, N. Gould, M. Little,
A. R. Mitchell, A. Richardson, E. Russell, W. Barrows
jr., S. Blake, A. R. Giddings, E. Perkins, J. Mitchell,
W. Hobbs, D. Cleaves, J. Hill, J. Burnham, J. Low, J.
Waterhouse, G. E. Smith, J. Daniel, G. W. Walling-
ford, N. Morrill, J. Gilman, J. Fisher, J. Stebbins, D.
Sewall, J. Hyde, C. Lilly, J. McKown, J. McCobb, W.
Chamberlain, T. B. Lewis, J. Thompson, E. Farley, P.
Drummond, B. Hasey, W. Dawes, J. Barnard, R.
Foster, B. Brown, J. Head, J. G. Read, S. Thatcher,
Jere Bailey, D. Quinam, P. Tolman, J. Fairbanks, F.
Allen, E. Clark, A. Howard, A. Wood, J. Metcalf, A.
Johnson, E. Upton, S. M. Pond, Jos. Lee, W. Abbott,
P. Spofford, Geo. Herbert, T. Hill jr., S. A. Whitney,

142 MAINE HISTOEICAL SOCIETY.

John Watson, N. Kidder, L. Smith, J. Simpson, Thos.
Burridge, S. A. Bradley, W. Barrows, Levi Whitman,
P. C. Virgin, E. Rice, B. McLeHan, Wm. Allen, James
Wangh, John Cooper — eighty-four.

The report, as first accepted, was copied at the time
and sent to my friends and is herewith forwarded, also
some memoranda, showing the names of the delegates
and state of the votes as they w^ere announced.

William Allen.

NORRIDGEWOCK, MaRCH, 1870.

CAPTAIN BARTHOLOMEW GOSNOLD'S VOYAGE. 143

CAPTAIN BARTHOLOMEW GOSNOLD'S
VOYAGE.*

After a large amoimt of fruitless expenditure in
attempting to colonize America, and after tlie great
and untiring efforts of Sir Walter Raleigh in several
unsuccessful attempts to introduce colonies into what
is now called Virginia, and after having used up a
large amount of treasure in an unsuccessful search of
a colony w^hich was lost, there followed a suspension,
a lull in the matter of colonization and naval enter-
prise, which continued to the end of the sixteenth
century.

In the meanwhile there were men of character and
influence, who felt the great importance of the subject
to the prosperity of England, and of English com-
merce in giving their country a commanding rank and
influence among the nations of Europe.

We may place first and foremost among these
the Rev. Richard Hakluyt, — then prebendary of St.
Augustine's church in Bristol, — the most active and
useful, the most indefatigable and eminent man in
England, in promoting geographical, naval and com-
mercial knowledge, in setting on foot great plans
of national enterprise for discovery and colonization.
He published in 1598 his " Collection of English Voy-

* Note. The above paper was found in the archives of the Maine
Historical Society, without date or signature, and the name of the writer
and date when read, are alike unknown to the Publishing Committee. It
was thought to be worth preserving.

144 MAINE HISTORICAL SOCIETY.

ages and Travels," and also a great variety of infor-
mation upon naval and geographical subjects relating
to America and its discoveries.* He was acquainted
with many seagoing men, and collected from them
such oral information upon voyages and travels as had
never been published. The whole bent of his mind
was directed to enlighten and inform the public, and
to diffuse among them the spirit of enterprise in
commerce and colonization.

The results of his labors were soon manifest in the
improvement of public opinion, in the diffusion of
intelligence upon colonization, and in a disposition to
engage in whatever might promote the general inter-
est of the country. The spirit of the times brought
into public notice that bold, skillful, active and in-
trepid mariner, Bartholomew Gosnold, who had been
formerly in the service of Sir Walter Raleigh in his
voyage to Virginia. He first conceived the idea that
instead of going down south and around by the West
Indies to Virginia, and so to New England or North
Virginia, it would be practicable to sail directly across
the Atlantic on a westerly course and thereby save
one-third of the distance to the more notherly parts
of America. The project was entertained and its feasi-
bility approved by Henry, Earl of Southampton, who
immediately became enlisted in the enterprise, and
went into it with his characteristic energy. He pur-
chased a vessel suited to the undertaking, which was

* Kicliarcl Ilakluyt died in 161G, liis papers which were numerous,
came into the hands of Samuel Purchase who made use of them in
writing his Purchase's " Pilgrims."

CAPTAIN BARTHOLOMEW GOSNOLD's VOYAGE. 145

designated by the name of Concord. She was fitted
for the voyage and Captain Gosnold was selected
as commander, that he might demonstrate his own
views and faciUtate the intercourse between tlie two
countries, if the plans proved to be successful.

Bartholomew Gilbert was appointed the second in
command. He, too, was a man distinguished for his
nautical information; was well acquainted with naval
tactics and the business of colonization, and could well
appreciate the advantage the voyage, if successful,
would be to England.

The whole number on board were thirty-two.
Twenty were to remain in such a place as should
be found suitable for a colony. There were six or
eight of the crew, and several gentlemen accom-
panied the expedition, some as journalists, others as
friends and patrons of the enterprise. It is supposed
that Hakluyt had something to do in making out the
directions for the voyage. It is not to be supposed
that they were going to a coast entirely unknown ;
they had received directions where they were to go,
and were apprised of some of the landmarks which
they might meet with, that they might know their
position. There had been various sources of informa-
tion whereby they might become, in some good meas-
ure, acquainted with the coast of New England.
Verrazzano had visited the Hudson and the Narrasjan-
sett in 1594. Henry iv of France, in his patent to
Sieur De Mont in 1603, states that the whole country
had been visited by traders, peddlers and priests,
and that De Mont himself knew from personal

Vol. II. U

146 MAINE HISTORICAL SOCIETY.

observation the whole country as far as Malabar ;
Cape Cod, Massachusetts Bay, had been repeatedly
visited by a few of the many fishermen who came
to Newfoundland for fish ; these had extended their
voyage as far to the southwest as fish were to be
taken, and some of them had landed upon the shores
of Massachusetts Bay ; and also other fortuitous visit-
ors had landed upon these shores. Many oral tradi-
tions concerning these visitors had been collected and
preserved.

That Gosnold received such directions as were sug-
gested by Hakluyt is very probable, for he was a
prominent man, and was continually engaged in pro-
moting the cause of discoveries, and was an intimate
friend of Henry, Earl of Northampton. Hakluyt un-
doubtedly knew much about Massachusetts Bay, and
probably directed Gosnold to follow the course of 43°
north latitude which would have carried him into the
neighborhood of Cape Ann. Although the course was
north latitude 43°, it is probable that he was some-
times at variance with his course in consequence of
the currents and the different courses of the winds.
The account of the voyage is collected from Gosnold's
letter to his father, and from the journals of Gabriel
Archer and John M. Brereton, two of the gentlemen
on board the bark.

These three accounts are published entire in the
"Massachusetts Historical Collections," series 3, vol.
8. There is no disagreement in the three if rightly
understood. William Strachey, who was cotemporary
with them, wrote another account of the voyage with

CAPTAIN BARTHOLOMEW GOSNOLD'S VOYAGE. 147

Brereton before him, and added some particulars
which he had orally received.

We will now give a collation of these accounts
which we have carefully made, and although it may
give in some respects a different result from any
reached before, we believe it to be just and suscepti-
ble of proof.

The bark Concord, Captain Gosnold, sailed from
Falmouth, England, on the twenty-sixth of March,
old style, 1602, and on the fourteenth of April had
sight of the island of St. Mary, one of the Azores.
On the twenty-third of April they were in north lati-
tude 37°. On the seventh of May they first saw
birds of various kinds, an indication that they were
approaching the land. On the ninth of May they
were near latitude 43° north. On the twelfth of
May they had the " smell of land," by which it was
believed they were not far from it. But on the four-
teenth, being in north latitude 43°, pursuing their
course westerly, at six o'clock in the morning they
discovered land which lay directly north from the ship,
and which Strachey says was " land about Sagada-
liock." Pursuing their course westerly they observed
the land full of fair trees and somewhat low, certain
hummocks or hills lying into the land, the shores full
of white sand, but very stony or rocky. They had not
proceeded far when they discovered land ahead over
the starboard bow. This point of land called by the
natives Semiamis, and by the English Cape Eliza-
beth, after the name of the reigning queen. Finding
this land not what was expected, being short of their

148 MAINE HISTORICAL SOCIETY.

proposed place, they named it North Land and pur-
sued their course. From Cape EUzaboth they veered
a little south, and now commenced estimating their
distances. They continued their course a fair distance
from the land till they came opposite an out point of
wooded land, the trees tall and straight. The distance
from Cape EHzabeth they estimated at five leagues.
This point is now called on our maps Fletcher's Point.
It is situated near Saco, and the estimated distance
from the cape is very nearly correct.

From this point they shaped their course west,
southwest, and sailed seven leagues to a great rock in
the land, where they came to anchor. This rock they
called Savage Rock, and it is now named on our maps
York Nubble.

This likewise corresponds to the course and distance
as now estimated on the maps. I am indebted for
the two last suggestions to a communication in the
Temperance Journal, printed in Portland, of January,
1859, Avhich was over the signature of " Rockport."

To this place, the great rock [in the land] the
Concord arrived at twelve o'clock at noon, having
sailed from six o'clock in the morning from the first
point discovered, bearing north of this place about
forty-eight miles. This rock was called Savage Rock
because as they were approaching it, a Biscay shallop
came from it with eight savages on board. The
account says : " They called to us and Ave gave them
answer. We at first supposed it was some distressed
Christians who might have been cast upon these
shores. After making signs of peace, and after a long

CAPTAIN BARTHOLOMEW GOSNOLD's VOYAGE. 149

speech from one of the Indians they came boldly on
board. Most of them were nearly without clothing,
saving loose deerskins about their shoulders, and near
their waists seal skins were tied fast like Irish demi-
trousers. One of them who seemed to be their chief
wore a waistcoat, breeches, cloth stockings, shoes and
hat; one or two others had something about them of
European fabric. They were disposed to be very
friendly and communicative, explained the lay of the
land and the coast as far east as Placentia, and that
particularly near to them, and no doubt also the coast
of Cape Cod. This they did by drawing diagrams
upon the deck of the vessel with chalk. They spake
divers Christian words."

From sources like this, no doubt, a knowledge of
the coast could have been divined and published as we
have before named. The roadstead where the Con-
cord had anchored being exposed to winds and storms,
at three o'clock, after having been there three hours,
taking leave of the savages, they weighed anchor,
set sail, clearing the coast on a course southerly, pass-
ing at the distance of one or two leagues to the
eastward a small island, now Boon ; also another
farther to the west which may have been the Isle of
Shoals. The ship continued its course southerly with
a brisk wind all the afternoon and all night. The
next morning at nine o'clock they found themselves
embayed by a mighty headland which had been pre-
viously called Malabar by the French. From the
great abundance of cod fish which was found there, it
was named by Captain Gosnold, Cape Cod. This
name it still retains.

150 MAINE HISTORICAL SOCIETY.

Dr. Belknap tuid all other historians who have
written upon this voyage have supposed this landfall
of the bark Concord to be Cape Ann, and Savage
Rock to be in Massachusetts Bay. This correction is
made from the suggestion found in the caption of
the sixth chapter of Strachey's " Travels in Virginia,"
although it is not mentioned in the chapter itself.
The idea that it might have been added by another
hand is precluded by the fact that it was in the
author's own handwriting, and expressed in his own
characteristic style It is further evident that we are
right in placing this landfall about the Kennebec
from the fact that Gosnold could liave been nowhere
else to discover land bearing north than Avhere we
have placed him. If it had been about Cape Ann,
" north of it " would be too far into the land, and to
have sailed as far as Gosnold did would have carried
him ashore and into the country a long way. The
truth was Gosnold was mistaken in the latitude which
he gave, because from it he could not have been near
enough to discover any land about the Sagadahock,
or any part of what he called Northland, for he was
very near latitude 43°, 42'. The error was discovered
by Captain George Weymouth three years after as
will appear from Rosier's " Relation " of the voyage,
published in the "Massachusetts Collection," eighth
volume.

In coming to the coast of America in May, 1605,
he became imperiled among the shoals of Nantucket,
and when extricated from them, being out of wood
and water, he stood north for the nearest land, where

CAPTAIN BARTHOLOMEW GOSNOLD's VOYAGE. 151

the wind favored, and greatly marveled that he did
not find it, whereupon he found the chart very false
"putting land where none is." This chart is believed
to have been that of Gosnold,* and this the error, and
where it was first discovered and revealed.

This, in addition, to the exactness of his latitude of
Nantucket shoals, is decided evidence of his thorough
seamanship, and of the reputation which he had of
being thoroughly acquainted with the theory and
practice of navigation. It is said by the readers of
Hosier's account of Captain Weymouth's voyage, that
the observations giving the latitude of places about the
Kennebec were as near to it as he could come at that
early period, with such imperfect instruments as he
had. The presumption is that he was as correct there
as at Nantucket shoals, and in detecting so small an
error as he did on Gosnold's chart. Rosier acknowl-
edges that he did not give the latitudes as he received
them, from considerations which he mentions in his
preface to the " Relation."

Strachey, on the forty-second page of his " History
of Travel in Virginia," giving an account of the
country and of the right of the English by discovery,
states that the coast all along had been discovered,
" even to the river Sagadahock," and that Captain
Argall in 1610 made good what Captain Bartholomew
Gosnold and Captain Weymouth wanted in their dis-
coveries. This seems to imply that Weymouth and
Gosnold discovered all from the Narragansett to the
Sagadahock, meaning, it may be supposed, as far as

* Palfrey asserts this fact.

152 MAINE HISTORICAL SOCIETT.

Pemaquid. He is explicit about the time, for he says
it was when he parted with Captain George Somers,
the twenty-eighth of July, 1610, while looking for
Bermuda. During a storm they got separated. Not
finding Somers, Captain Argall steered for Cape Cod
and coasted southerly near the shore to what has since
been called the Hudson river, and thence to Delaware
Bay, and thence to Virginia. This makes Argall the
discoverer of this coast in July, 1610, or rather as
confirming the right acquired by Hudson, and this is
provided that Gosnold had not discovered the Sagada-
liock before.

LETTER FROM PELEG WADSWORTH. 153

Letter froim
GENERAL PELEG WADSWORTH

TO WILLIAM D. WILLIAMSON.

CONTRIBUTED BY JOHX S. H. FOGG, M.D , OF SOUTH BOSTON.

Hiram, 1 Jany, 1828.

Dear Sir: — In a P. S. to your Circular of 11th ult.
you have requested me to give You some particulars
respecting sundry Persons relative to the unsuccessful
Penobscot Expedition of 1779; which I would gladly
do were it in my power. But it is so long time since
these things were transacted, & old Age has made such
attacks on my memory, that I hardly dare to assert
anything as fact relative thereto — a general impres-
sion of my mind is all I can pretend to.

In the first place the want of a sufficient land force
was a probable cause of failure. We had less than
1000 Men, where 1500 were ordered by the State
authority ; whose fault this was I know not; but so it
was. This was just about the Number of the Enemy;
but they were disciplined Troops & fortified with a
simple redoubt, which was good however against a
simple assault. Our Troops were entirely undisciplined,
having never been paraded but once, on their passage
down, being put in to a harbour by head Wind; I
think at Townsend, nor had these Men ever had the
chance for discipline that our western Militia had ;
however they were generally brave & spirited Men.
Each in his own opinion willing to encounter two of
the Enemy, could he have met them in the bush ; and

154 MAINE rilSTOKICAL SOCIETY.

would our numbers have justified an Attack, I have
no doubt but that they would have given the Enemy
a brave Assault. Although our numbers were small
our Fleet had an imposing Appearance. I think the
Enemy must have reckoned upon at least 3000 men
from the appearance of our Transports.

The same Morning of our Landing a Council was
called of officers both land & naval. Some of the
land Officers were for summoning the fort to surren-
der, giving them honorable Terms, whilst others dis-
suaded from the Measure alledging that in case of a
non complyance We should be in a bad predicament;
the Commodore and the naval Officers were generally
against the Measure; as his Officers were chiefly com-
manders of Privatiers bound on a Cruize as soon as
the siege was over. The Commodore also refused to
lend any more of his Marines in case of Assault & was
about to recall the 200 Marines which he had lent on
our first landing. They had suffered great Loss in the
landing. This seemed to put the Question of Storm-
ing the Fort out of the Question. The next Question was,
what then shall be done ? & it was concluded to send
off two Whale Boats to the Govr & Couucil with the
intelligence of our situation & request a reinforcement
while we kept our possession in the face of the Enemy
& trust to the event of a reinforcement to the Enemy
& of ourselves. Li the meantime we reduced their out
Posts & Batteries, destroyed a considerable Quantity
of Guns, spiked their cannon in all their out works
& gave them fair Opportunity of Sallying if they
chose it.

LETTER FEOM PELEG WADSWOETH. 155

In the meantime we were employed daily, or rather
Nightly in advancing upon their Fort by Zigzag in-
trenchments till within a fair gunshot of their Fort so
that a man seldom shew his Head above their Works.
Whilst thus lying upon our Arms It was urged upon
Genl Lovell to erect some Place of resort up the River
at the Narrows, in Case of Retreat so that the Troops
might have a place of resort in case of necessity &
also to have some place of Opposition to the Enemy
should tie push us thus far — but the Genl would hear
to nothing of the kind; alledging that it would dis-
hearten our Army & shew them that we did not ex-
pect to succeed — & forgetting the good old Maxim
" to keep open a good Retreat."

Had the Genl and Commodore kept upon a good
understanding with each other & had they co-operated
with each other they had probably stormed and car-
ried the Enemy's Post; & been off before there was
any danger of the arrival of the Enemy's reinforce-
ments. Here we may see the policy of securing a
place of Retreat. The Fleet might have been saved,
the Army kept together & marched in a body where-
ever wanted, instead of scattering, starving &c.

Here we had been laying upon our Arms almost
inactive 14 days, when our Spy Vessels bro't the news
of a Large Fleet approaching, which might be expected
the next day, if the South wind should prevail. Genl.
Lovell was now on board the Warren, Commodore's
Frigate & sent his Orders to me to retreat with all
possible dispatch, which was effected without leaving
a cannon or a pick axe behind, the Enemy's Fleet in

156 MAINE HISTORICAL SOCIETY.

full view standing up with full sail & much snperior to
ours in Appearance. As soon as the Troops, the Can-
non & all our implements of War, with the the
Hospital, were on board, the Transports stood up the
River — 0 then how we wished for a place of Ren-
dezvous, the Transports might have been saved — the
Fleet might have been saved. Our Fleet soon pursued
the Course of the transports, but soon out went theirs,
forcing their way through the Narrows against a strong
tide with Oars & Studen sails all sett, whilst part of
our Transports had run on Shore just at the foot of
the Narrows. The troops landed, the flames bursting
forth from the midst of them, set by their own Crews.
The Enemy pursuing to within Cannon Shot, but
unable to pursue farther against a strong tide, left
those that would be persuaded to enter the Transports
& rescue a small Quantity of provisions for the retreat
& to collect and embody themselves for their own
safety. Three or four Companies were thus kept to-
gether with which I marched the next morning for
Camden, where they arrived the second day & made a
stand. The rest of the* Troops went up the River in
the Vessels of War & transports landing as they saw
fit, & then Genl Lovell under the Guidance & Assist-
ance of the Indians made his way from the head of
the Tide in the Penobscot over to the Kennebec ; &
in about a fortnite arrived at Townsend where was the
first that I had seen or heard from him since Ordering
the Retreat. That part of the Fleet that got up the
River ahead of the Enemy were either burnt or de-
fitroyed by their own crews making their way thro'

LETTER FROM PELEG WADSWORTH. 157

the Woods for the Kennebec in a starving condition.
— Had Genl Lovell been furnished with the Number
of MiUtia which was at first proposed, or had He been
appointed to the sole command of both Army & Nav}^,
I think it highly probable that He would have reduced
the Enemy for He was a Man of Courage, & proper
Spirit, a true old Roman Character, who never would
flmch from Danger; but He had not been accustomed
to the Command of an Expedition in actual service.
The Commodore did not feel himself so much engaged
in the Cause. Not that he was, in my opinion, a
Coward, but willful & unaccommodating, having an
unyielding will of his own. — Genl Lovell was a very
personable Man, I should judge about 50, of good
repute in the Militia as well as Senate, a Farmer by
profession & I believe liked in .Weymouth. Commo-
dore Saltonstall about the same age, of New Haven
Ct. Report said that he fought a very good battle after-
ward in a large Privatier which shew him to be a Man
of Courage. The command of a Fleet did not set
easy upon his shoulders, tho' he could fight a very
good Battle in a single Ship.

Here it may be not improper to mention that the
Action at our landing on Bagaduce might have been
called brilliant, had the event of the Enterprise been
fortunate. But let military Men not talk of glory
who lack success. It was on the dawning of the third
day after our arrival (the second was prevented by the
surf occasioned by a brisk south Avind. The morning
was quite still but somewhat Foggy. The Vessels of
War were drawn up in a Line just out of reach of

158 MAINE HISTORICAL SOCIETY.

Musket Shot & 400 Men (viz. 200 of Militia & 200
Marines) were in Boats along side ready to push for
the Shore on signal. The highest Clift was preferred
by the commander of the Party, knowing that his men
would make the best shift in rough ground. The fire
of the Enemy opened upon us from the top of the
Bank or Chft, just as the boats reached the Shore.
We step'd out & the Boats immediately sent back.
There was now a stream of fire over our heads from
the Fleet, & a shower of Musketry in our faces from
the Top of the Clift. We soon found the Clift un-
surmountable even without Opponents. The party,
therefore, was divided into three parts, one sent to the
right, another to the left till they should find the Clift
practicable, & the Center keeping up their fire to
amuse the Enemy. Both parties succeeded & gained
the Height, but closing in upon the Enemy in the
Rear rather too soon, gave them opportunity to escape,
which they did, leaving about 30 kilFd wounded &
prisoners. The conflict was short, but sharp, for we
left 100, out of 400, on the shore & Bank. The
marines suffer'd most, by forcing their way up a foot
Path leading up the Clift. This Action lasted but 20
Minutes & would have been highly spoken of, had
success finally crowned our Enterprize.

A Committee was appointed by the Genl Court to
enquire into the Cause of the Failure of the Expedi-
tion, & the result is to be fouml in the inclosed News
paper.

Genl Lovell was a man of good repute in the Sen-
ate & Counsell, & of high standing in the Militia, but

LETTER FROM PELEG WADSWORTH. 159

unused to command a Military expedition; of good
natural Talents, more so than of acquired, of Manly
appearance, a Farmer by profession & a valuable Citi-
zen. He lived, I believe in Weymoutli Mass. I should
think not related to the Indian Killer.

Commodore Saltonstall, I believe, lived at New
Haven Ct. a man of personal firmness, but not polished
in his Manners, unyielding & unaccomodating. Genl
Lincoln was in High repute in Maine & I think it
probable that the County of Lincoln was named for
Him.

Genl Litho-ow & Govr Sumner stood well with Maiwe
— Col. McCobb I think took the command of the
Coast after Genl Lovell left it, for the remainder of
the year.

The year following 1779 P. W. was appointed by
the Govr & Council to superintend the Coast from
Piscaqua Piiver to the St. Croix. But a small Number
of Men were ordered for the Service (about oOO) but
the Genl had power to Call U23on the Militia for any
number wanted. Power was also given him to declare
& execute Martial Law within certain limmits in case
it should be necessary. An Awful Power this, unless
exercised with wisdom & Discretion. The Tories from
the western part of the State of Massachusetts had
flocked into the District of Maine in order to be near
the Enemy, & were encouraging the Inhabitants to keep
up an Intercourse with them, by Supplies, Allegiance,
&c, that the Genl soon found it necessary to draw a
Line of Demarcation between Friend & Foe, & to cut
off all Communication by Land & water hy proclama-

160 MAINE HISTORICAL SOCIETY.

tion. However terror by proclamation soon began to
loose effect, & small parties finding aid and encourage-
ment from the Tories, soon began to be less cautious
& the Tories really seemed to gain courage from indul-
gence & to be less secret in harbouring these Parties of
the Enemy till at last it began to be more unsafe for
a Whig than a Tory; & a small party of the Enemy
made an Assault upon a zealous Whig, early of a
Morning, whose Name was Soul, whilst in Bed, shot
him dead & badly \vounded his Wile. this was done
at Broadbay, as then called, since Thomaston. This
Act produced another Proclamation in which was prom-
ised the next Transaction of secreting or giving Aid
to the Enemy upon Conviction with Military Execu-
tion. Not long after a Man by the Name of Baum
was complained of for harbouring & giving Aid to
a party of the Enemy, was apprehended, try'd, con-
demned & executed at Thomaston. This Act of
verity tho' painfull in the highest degree proved salu-
tary, for there was not found another Instance of this
kind, & People began to realize the sentiment that
Lenity to an Enemy was cruelty to Friend. The great
object of the Enemy for this season was to gain Alle-
giance & Avould easily have gained the unprotected
Sea Coast of Maine, tho' as good Citizens as in any
other place, in the same Circumstances.

In the Autumn the time of service of the Troops
being out, they were dismissed & a few of the neigh-
boring Militia were called in daily to serve as a Guard
against surprise at Thomaston, the Head Quarters.
On the Night of the 18th Feby 1780, the Snow 3 feet

LETTER FROM PELEG WADSWORTH. 161

deep, without a Guard, except two or three domes-
ticks, I was suddenly attack'd, & after a short conflict,
wounded & taken prisoner, carried to a Tory's house
at West-South-Gig, 4 Miles — Ship'd on board a small
privatier & carried to Bagaduce where I did not want
to go— The Result perhaps you know. After 4 Months
imprisonment T with Col Burton made our escape.
Soon after, the Morning of our Independence dawning.
I had no more to do with the Military.

I was born at Duxbury in the County of Plymouth
on the 6th day of May in the year 1748 & lived there
till seventeen Years old; when I entered Harvard Col-
lege & went thro' the usual Course of 4 years study,
when I received the usual honors of the Institution.
I then kept a private School in the old Town of
Plymouth & fitted a number of Schollars for College
& some for the Army — as I mixed the military as well
as the Civil. At the end of my School I had one of
the prettiest companies of Boys, perhaps that there
was existing. From my School, I set out to trade in
a Country Town; at that time the Young Men of the
Country were forming into minute Companies, pre-
vious to the Revolution. I commanded a Company,
with which I marched to join the Army at Roxbury;
was appointed an Engineer by Genl Thomas for the
erection of the Lines in Dorchester & Roxbury & was
on that Duty the chief of that season.

The second Year I was appointed Aide de Camp to
Majr Genl Ward & was his Aide at the taking posses-
sion of Dorchester Hights which started the Enemy
from Boston, & I remained with Genl Ward till Indis-

VoL. 11. 12

162 MAINE HISTORICAL SOCIETY.

position forced him out of the Army. Then being
out of the Line of the Continental Army, I was
appointed Adjutant Genl of the MiUtia of Massachu-
setts. I was in Sulh van's Expedition on Rhode Island
& commanded a Regt of Essex Militia in the Action
on that Island when the arrival of the English Fleet
caused a retreat.

Genl Lovell's Expedition next took my attention,
which ended as it did. The next Year I was on the
eastern Shore after which was wounded & taken Pris-
oner. After my escape the peace of Independence
dawning I was not in any military employment. The
Revolutionary "War ending I removed to Falmouth,
now Portland, where I was in Trade for several Years,
& finally I was chosen a Member of Congress where I
remained 14 years in succession, since when I removed
to the mountains of Hiram where I have been busily
employed in County Business.

In Confidence — If from these broken & unconnected
Hints you can glean any thing of use for your purpose
I shall be happy to have furnished them.
Your very humble servt

Peleg Wadswoeth.

Will: D. Williamson Esq:

[Superscription.]
William D. Williamson Esquire/ Bangor./ Me.

JAMES LORING CHILD. 163

JAMES LORING CHILD.

Mead before the Maine Historical Society, Dec. 18, 1890.
CONTRIBUTED BY HON. JAMES W. BRADBUET.

Me. Child was born in Augusta, May 31, 1792. He
was descended from Moses Child, an officer of the old
French war and a confidential adviser of General
Washington, who sent him into the provinces during
the Revolution to sound the people about rebellion.

His father, M,y. James Child, settled in Augusta,
then an almost unbroken wilderness, in 1786, and
filled many offices of trust and responsibility, and died
March 23, 1840. He was a man noted for his honesty,
his inflexible uprightness and benevolence.

James L. Child was born with a feeble constitution,
increased at the age of fourteen by a blow from an ax,
on his left leg, which confined him for many months
to the house, and the effects of which followed him to
the grave. On the seventh of December, 1807, he
entered as law student with Whitwell & Fuller at
Augusta, and in the meantime he also acquired a
knowledge of land surveying. By a change of part-
ners in the law firm, he concluded to enter the office
of Bridge & Williams in May, 1812. December 16,
1812, he was admitted to the bar and entered into
copartnership with Thomas Rice of Winslow. Janu-
ary, 1814, the copartnership was dissolved and Mr.
Child continued alone. June 27, 1814, he was chosen
captain of the company of militia at Winslow, and

164 MAINE HISTORICAL SOCIETY.

marched with them to Wiscasset to assist in the
defense of that place against the British. December
21, 1814, he was admitted to Kennebec Lodge in Ilal-
lowell, and during his life held the highest positions in
Masonry.

April 15, 1816, Mr. Child sailed from Wilming-
ton, N. C, as supercargo of the armed brig "Lady
Mary Pelham," bound to Gibraltar; from there to
Malaga, thence to Rio de Janeiro, thence to Buenos
Ayres, thence to Baltimore, arriving in 1817. He then
went to Charleston, S. C, and formed a copartnership
in commission business with Robert Witherspoon of
Scotland, September 1, 1817, but after many months
of prosperous business they were compelled by the
failure of their consignee in Liverpool to suspend, he
having failed by being largely interested in French
securities, which had become worthless by a change in
the government. October 11, 1819, Mr. Child was
chosen assistant secretary of a convention which met
at Portland for the formation of a constitution which
he afterward engrossed. At this time he was prac-
ticing law in Augusta, from whence, in 1822, he
removed to Alna and took the office and practice of
Hon. Edward Smith. Mr. Child was clerk of the first
and of twelve subsequent sessions of the Legislature.
In 1830 he was on the commission to make a new
valuation of the state of Maine. In 1820 Mr. Child
became a member of the Orthodox church in
Augusta. In 1821 he was appointed clerk of the
board of commissioners under act of separation,
to divide the property between Massachusetts and

JAMES LORING CHILD. 165

Maine. This commission continued seven years, and
usually met in Boston.

November 10, 1822, Mr. Child was married to Jane
Hale of Alna. On the second of May, 1823, he was
appointed division inspector by Governor Parris, with
rank of lieutenant-colonel. In February of the same
year he was admitted a counselor of the United States
District Court of Maine, and was afterward admitted
to the United States Circuit Court. In 1824 he was
elected Grand King of Grand Royal Arch Chapter of
Maine. September 24, he was elected to the Legisla-
ture of Maine, but declined it, preferring the clerk-
ship. March, 1824, he was appointed corresponding
secretary of Grand Lodge of Maine.

January 14, 1825, he was appointed by the Grand
Lodge with others to receive General Lafayette. He
was for many years commissioner from nearly all
the states to take depositions. He was one of the
originators of " Forest Grove Cemetery," established
in 1834, and took a deep interest in establishing the
Augusta high school.

Mr. Child was first secretary to the Kennebec and
Portland railroad corporation previous to its organiza-
tion as a company. In December, 1846, he was ap-
pointed acting military store keeper in the United
States army, and continued in the office two years.

In October, 1832, Mr. Child removed to Augusta
and opened a law office. He retired from an active
practice of the law, owing to infirm health, more than
fifteen years before his decease. He died August 16,
1862, at the advanced age of seventy years, two
months and sixteen days.

PEOCEEDINGS AT ANNUAL MEETING, 1883. 167

PROCEEDINGS.

Annual Meeting, July 13, 1883.

The annual meeting of the Maine Historical Society
was held at Brunswick, Hon. James W. Bradbury of
Augusta, presiding.

The annual reports were first in order. The libra-
rian's report shows a gain of several hundred bound
volumes and over a thousand pamphlets.

Officers were elected for the ensuing year, as fol-
lows : —

President, Hon. Jataes W. Bradbury of Augusta.

Vice-president, Hon, William G. Barrows of Brunswick.

Treasurer, Lewis Pierce, Esq,, of Portland.

Corresponding Secretary, Hon. William Goold of Windham.

Secretary and Librarian, Mr. H. W. Bryant of Portland.

Standing Committee, R. K. Sewall of Wiscasset, Joseph Wil-
liamson of Belfast, Edward H. Elwell of Deering, William Goold
of Windham, William B. Lapham of Augusta, Stephen J. Young
of Brunswick, James P. Baxter of Portland.

Four vacancies were reported in the roll of resident
members, and were filled by the election of Charles E.
Nash of Augusta, Charles W. Goddard of Portland,
H. K. Morrell of Gardiner, and Edward Johnson of
Belfast.

The following corresponding members were chosen : —

G. D. Scull, Oxford, England.
Edward Stanwood, Boston, Massachusetts.
Hon. John D, Long, Boston, Massachusetts.
Prof. F. W. Putnam, Cambridge, Massachusetts.

168 MAINE HISTORICAL SOCIETY.

Noah Brooks, Newark, New Jersey.

Frank W. liackett, Portsmouth, New Hampshire.

Daniel S. Durrie, Madison, Wisconsin.

Robert N. Gourdin, Charlef:ton, South Carolina.

Charles Francis Adams, jr., Boston, Massachusetts.

The annual field day of the Society was referred to
a committee of three, with authority to appoint time
and place. Georgetown was suggested by the Rev. S.
F. Dike of Bath, and Bangor by President Bradbury.
The committee are: —

E. B. Nealley of Bangor.
J. P. Baxter of Portland.
S. F. Dike of Bath,

The unfinished business was the amendment of the
by-laws, as proposed at the last annual meeting.

The annual meeting will be held, as heretofore, at
Brunswick, during commencement week, and special
meetings when and where the standing committee may
direct.

At the suggestion of the standing committee the
office of biographer was created for the collection of
statistics relating to members of the Society, and
Joseph Williamson of Belfast, was appointed to this
duty.

December Meeting, 1883.

December 21, 1883, a meeting was held at the So-
ciety's library in the city building, Portland. Called
to order at 2.30 p.m., President Bradbury in the chair.
The Librarian, Mr. H. W. Bryant, read his quarterly
report of accessions to the library and cabinet.

PROCEEDINGS AT MAY MEETING, 1884. 169

The following papers were read at the afternoon
session : —

On the British Occupation of the Penobscot, during the Revo-
lution. By Joseph Williamson.

A Biogra})hical Sketch of Edward Godfrey, Maine's first Gov-
ernor. Contributed by Dr. Charles E. Banks.

A History of the Banks and the Early Bankers of Portland
was read by WilUam Edward Gould.

At the evening session : —

An Account of the Rev. William Screven of Kittery. By Henry
S. Burrage, d.d.

A Biographical Sketch of the Rev. Eugene Vetromile. By
Hubbard W. Bryant.

Col. Alexander Rigby, m.p. Contributed by John E. Bailey of
Stretford, England.

The Plough Patent and the Province of Ligonia. Contributed
by Dr. Charles E. Banks.

The customary votes of thanks were passed and
copies of the papers requested for the archives of the
Society.

May Meeting, 1884.

May 22, 1884, a meeting was held at the Society's
library, in the city building, in Portland. President
Bradbury called the meeting to order at 3 p.m. Mr.
Bryant, the Librarian, read his report.

The following papers were read : —

An Historical Review of the Literature of Maine. By Joseph
Williamson.

The Speech of Wywurna, the Indian Chieftain, at the Treaty
at Georgetown, in August, 1717. By Rufus K. Sewall of Wis-
casset.

170 MAINE HISTORICAL SOCIETY.

At the evening session, Hon. Joseph W. Porter of
Bangor, read biographical sketches of Col. Jonathan
Eddy and Gen. David Cobb, heroes of the Revolution,
and prominently identified with the history of Eastern
Maine.

Votes of thanks were passed to Messrs. Williamson,
Sewall and Porter, for their papers, and copies re-
quested for the archives.

Annual Meeting, 1884.

The annual meeting was held at Brunswick, July 11,
1884, and was called to order at nine a.m., by the Pres-
ident, Hon. James W. Bradbury. The records of the
preceding year were read and approved. The reports
of the Librarian and Cabinet-keeper, H. V/. Bryant,
were read and accepted. The report of the Treasurer,
Lewis Pierce, Esq., was read and accepted; also the
reports of the Corresponding Secretary, William Goold,
and of the Biographer, Joseph Williamson, were pre-
sented and accepted.

W. G. Barrows reported a new draft of by-laws, with
some slight changes in phraseology, but not changing
the substance. They were adopted, and will soon be
printed with the Act of incorporation and a list of res-
ident members.

The President reported that he had received a letter
from Mr. Francis Bennoch of London, chairman of the
committee who placed a bust of Longfellow in West-
minister Abbey, saying that having a sufficient surplus
they had procured two plaster casts of it, one of which

PROCEEDINGS AT SEPTEMBER MEETING, 1884. 171

would be given to the library of Harvard College, and
one to the Maine Historical Society. He had answered
thanking him on behalf of the Society and accepting it.
The following officers for the ensuing year were
elected: —

President. James W. Bradbury, Augusta.

Vice-president, William G. Barrows, Brunswick.

Corresponding Secretary, William Goold, Windham.

Treasurer, Lewis Pierce, Portland.

Biographer, Joseph Williamson, Belfast.

Recording Secretary, Librarian and Cabinet Keeper, H. W.
Bryant, Portland.

Standing Committee, Rufus K. Sewall, Wiscasset; William B.
Lapham, Augusta; William Goold, Windham; Edward H.
Elwell, Portland; Joseph Williamson, Belfast; James P. Baxter,
Portland ; J. L. Chamberlain, Brunswick.

The following resident members were elected : —

George F. Emery, Portland.

John F. Sprague, Monson.

Alden F. Chase, Bucksport.

Charles F. Libby, Portland.

Charles F. Allen, Readfield.

Corresponding Members, Col. Charles C. Jones, Augusta, Ga. ;
John E. Bailey, Stretford, England ; Rev. Robert Jamblin, Dart-
ford, England ; Charles C. G. Thornton, Madison, Wisconsin ;
Francis Bennoch, London, England.

Honorary Members, James G. Blaine, Augusta.

James P. Baxter was appointed a committee on field
day with power to make the necessary arrangements.

Field Day at Richmond Island, Sept. 12, 1884.

The steamer Cadet was chartered for the day, and
members of the Society, with friends, embarked for
the island at 10 a.m., and arrived soon after 11.00.

172 MAINE HISTORICAL SOCIETr.

The steamer went around the island into the shel-
tered harbor made by the breakwater, and disembarked
the party in small boats upon the beach. A long pro-
cession of people with baskets and wraps, presently
streamed up to the farm house, and finally took pos-
session of the barn, where President Bradbury called
the company to order, and prayer was offered by Bishop
Neely.

President Bradbury then made a short address, say-
ing that they were assembled on historic ground, and
eulogized the early settlers. He then presented the
orator of the day, Mr. James P. Baxter, who gave an
account of the early settlement of the island, which is
believed to be the Isle de Bacchus, alluded to by
Samuel Champlain, probably from the abundance of
the wild grape formerly found there : —

Dim and uncertain are the glimpses we get of the period from
1605 to 1625. We have the names of several men who were liv-
ing " in the house at Casko," in 1630, and for a brief moment the
shadowy curtain of the past is lifted, revealing to us one George
Richmond of Bandon bridge, in Irelaml, the cradle of Puritanism
in that unfortunate land ; but he suddenly disappears, leaving us
perplexed and disappointed. Certain, however, is it, that George
Richmond was at the head of some enterprise which employed
men ; which required the building of a vessel and the possession
of a considerable stock of merchandise, and there seems to be
reason to believe that he gave his name to this island, which was
soon to become an important station for trade, and a goal to
which ships coming upon the coast, directed their course.

Among the English merchants who sent ships to trade with the
new world, were Robert Trelawny and Abraham Jennings of
Plymouth.

The death of the senior Trelawny took place near the close of
1627, and he was succeeded by his son, Robert, who, in company

PROCEEDINGS AT SEPTEMBER MEETING, 1884. 173

with Moses Goodyear, the son-in-law of Jennings, inherited the
spirit and tradition, as well as the business of the two pioneers in
the New England trade. John Winter, probably a son of the
early navigator of that name, was in the employ of Trelawny and
Goodyear, and was familiar with Richmond Island and Casco
Bay. The new partnei-s were well fitted to continue the enter-
prise of their predecessors ; especially Robert Trelawny, who had
inherited the ability and ambition of his father, a man not only
successful as a merchant, but of considerable political prominence
before his death.

Until the death of John Winter, the agent of Robert Trelawny,
which took place in 1645, this island was a noted station for fish-
ing and trade. Ships coming to New England dropped anchor
in its harbor, which was often crowded with vessels, some being
from England on private fishing enterprises ; some on voyages for
trade with the settlers and Indians along the coast, and others
from Spain and the West Indies, with liquors and wines to be
exchanged for fish. Some of these ships which bore fire water to
work ruin among the red men and the hardy toilers of the sea,
scattered along the coast bore striking names, as the ship Holy
Ghost, the Angel Gabriel, the White Angel of Bristol, and others
of similar nomenclature, for this was an age when pious phrases
were more common than practical piety.

The shores of this island are now unpeopled. The memorials
of those who lived here have perished. The dust of John Winter
and of his associates is beneath our feet, and the waves sing the
same incomprehensible song which they sang when De Monts
landed here, or when the treacherous Indian pulled his birchen
canoe upon the beach, intent upon the murder of Bagnall. Yet
here came Richard Mather, fleeing from oppression; William
Wood, the quaint author of "New England's Prospect ; " Tom
Morton, who wi'ote the " New English Canaan ; " Thomas Josse-
lyn, Gent, made immortal by his " Two Voyages ; " the old knight,
his father; Richard Vines, the trusted friend of Gorges and the
founder of Biddeford ; Richard Gibson, the first clergyman of the
Church of England, who established himself on the soil of Maine ;
Robert Jordan, his successor, who began preaching here in 1641 ;

174 MAINE HISTORICAL SOCIETY.

and many others as well known. Here, nearly two and a half
centuries ago, Robert Jordan, the ancestor of thousands of Jor-
dans in this country, preached to Winter's little colony.

At the close of Mr. Baxter's address, Dr. Charles E.
Banks read a sketch of the life of Walter Bagnall, the
first known inhabitant of Richmond Island, and who
built there a trading post. Here he dickered with the
uncommercial savages for the valuable furs of the
beaver, otter and marten, giving them in return
"stronge drinke," which he had taught them to imbibe.
But a day of reckoning soon came for Bagnall, and he
was killed by the Indians. The pot of gold and silver
coins ploughed up on the island in 1855 may have
been a part of Bagnall's ill-gotten treasure.

Votes of thanks were passed to Messrs. Baxter and
Banks for their interesting papers; also a vote of
thanks to Mr. and Mrs. Hugh J. Chisholm for their
kind reception and attention to the party on the island.

January Meeting, 1885.

The January meeting, at the Society's library,
city building, Portland, was called to order by Presi-
dent Bradbury, at 2.30 p.m. Mr. Bryant, the librarian,
read his report and at its conclusion stated that at the
annual meeting last July the president had an-
nounced that a copy of the bust of Longfellow, which
had been recently placed in the " Poets' Corner,"
Westminster Abbey, had been offered to the Society
by the Longfellow Memorial Committee of England.
Acting on this offer Mr. Bryant had been in corres-

PROCEEDINGS AT JANUARY MEETING, 1885. 175

pondence with Francis Bennoch, the treasurer of the
English Society, and he had now to announce that the
bust had been sent on to Liverpool and would there be
taken in charge by the management of the Allan Line
of steamships, who had volunteered to bring it to Port-
land free of charge. Messrs. Baxter, Barrage and Bry-
ant were appointed a committee to receive the bust,
and on motion of James P. Baxter,

Voted, That the thanks of the Maine Historical Society be
extended to Francis Bennoch, Esq., of London, and the committee
which he represents, for the valuable bust of the poet, Longfellow,
which they have so kindly presented to the Society, and which
will be preserved and cherished by us not only as a memorial of
our beloved townsman, but also as a fraternal token from our
kinsmen across the Atlantic ; also.

Voted, That this Society extend its thanks to Messrs H. & A.
Allan for generously transporting to this country, free of expense,
the bust of Longfellow presented to us by the kindness of our
English brethren.

The following papers were read : —

The Aborigines of Maine. By Edward H. Elwell, Esq., of
Peering.

The Voyage of George Weymouth in 1602, in Search of a
Northwest Passage to India. By Rev. H. S. Burrage, d.d., of
Portland.

Biographical Sketch of John G. Deane of Portland, and brief
mention of his services in connection with the northeast boundary
of Maine. By Llewellyn Deane, Esq., of Washington, D. C,
read by Gen, John Marshall Brown.

President Bradbury then spoke as follows : —

At our annual meeting in Brunswick, on the eleventh of July
last. Professor Packard was with us in his usual good health.
Two days afterward he was numbered with the dead.

176 MAINE HISTORICAL SOCIETY.

The first meeting of our Society after that sad event, was our
field-day meeting on Richmond Island, on the eleventh of Sep-
tember, at which a committee was appointed, consisting of Judge
Barrows, Dr. Lapham and myself, to prepare and report for the
action of the Society some appropriate resolutions expressive of
our appreciation of his character and respect for his memory, to
be placed upon the records of the Society. I am instructed by
your committee to make such report from the pen of Judge
Barrows.

You will pardon me for detaining you a few moments before
offering it for your consideration.

Professor Packard has been so long with us, and his agreeable
presence has been so uniformly enjoyed at our meetings, that it
almost seems as if he was a necessary part of our assemblage. He
was one of the earliest elected members after the organization of
the corporation, and was associated with its founders. The act of
incorporation was approved February 19, 1822. It embraced
forty-nine corjaorators. The Society was organized April 11,
1822. Albion K. Parris was chosen president; Chief Justice
Mellen, treasurer, and Rev. Dr. Payson, librarian. Only twenty-
five merabei's were added prior to 1828, at which time Professor
Packard was elected a member.

The corporators numbered 49

There were elected prior to 1846 117

Making 166

Of this number, Professor Packard, before his death, was the
sole survivor. In 1846 there were sixty-nine members elected,
swelling the list to two hundred and thirty-five ; and of this num-
ber, I think there remains but two names against which the
fatal * must not be placed : CuUen Sawtelle * of New York, and
his who now addresses you. It is a remarkable fact, to which I
have heretofore alluded, that the average life of the forty-nine
corporators was more than seventy-two, and nearly seventy-three
years.

From the time of Professor Packard's election, in 1828, up to
the day of his decease, — a period of fifty-six years, — he was an

* Since deceased.

PKOCEEDINGS AT JANUARY MEETING, 1885. 177

active, interested and useful member. He became librarian and
cabinet-keeper in 1836, as the successor of Henry W. Longfellow ;
and by annual re-elections he continued to hold and discharge the
responsible duties of that position until 1881, when the library
was removed to Portland, at which time he declined a re-election.
While the death of this good man, this Christian gentleman,
always so courteous, so delicately respectful of the feelings of
others, without losing his own self-respect, calls forth the sym-
pathy of the whole community, we who have enjoyed the privi-
lege of so intimate an association in fraternal relations, are
oppi'essed with a deeper sorrow.

He lives in our memory. We recall the incidents of the meet-
ing held in this hall on the twenty- third of December, 1882, in
commemoration of his eighty-fourth birthday. The proceedings of
that meeting are fresh in our recollection. The graceful manner
in which he received the congratulations of his friends, the erect
figure, the undimmed eye, the elastic step with which he came
forward, and the delicate taste of his classic response to our
greetings, made a scene so beautiful and impressive that it cannot
be effaced from the memory of those who witnessed it.

During the last year of his life he filled the important position
of acting president of Bowdoin College. Three days before his
death he performed the arduous duties of president at Commence-
ment. He presided during all the Commencement exercises, and
the conferring of the degrees ; and he closed the service by a
prayer, so appropriate, devout and touching, it almost seemed an
inspiration. He then presided at the Commencement dinner, and
when the hour for post jyrandial speeches arrived, in a most
graceful and happy manner he introduced the different speakers
who were called upon for remarks : The Governor, Mr. Hale of
Boston, Mr, Blaine, Mr. Frye and others. In the evening, with-
out apparent fatigue, he and his graceful partner gave a presiden-
tial reception at their residence, at which the members of the
college boards, the students and strangers, were most hospitably
received.

In the full possession of his mental and bodily powers, and in
the enjoyment of the affections of the hosts of students he had
Vol. II. 13

178 MAINE HISTORICAL SOCIETY.

taught, and of tlie community in which ho lived, he passed with-
out sickness or debility, at a bound, from this to a brighter life.

I have the honor to j^resent, for your consideration, the mem-
orial from the pen of Judge Barrows : —

" RESOLUTIONS ON THE LATE DR. PACKARD.

" In view of the recent death of their senior member, the Maine
Historical Society, desiring to place upon their records some token
of the love and esteem in which they held him, and of tlieir sense
of his worth and their loss, adopt the following minute : —

"Alpheus Spring Packard, eldest son of Kev. Dr. Hezekiah
Packai-d, was born in Chelmsford, Massachusetts, December 23,
1798 ; entered Bowdoin College from Wiscasset, whither his
father had removed, and graduated in regular course with the
class of 1816; became connected with the college as an instructor
in 1819, and so remained, exercising various functions throughout
his long and useful life, which closed on Sunday, July 13, 1884,
while he was the acting president of the institution, to the service
of which that life was mainly devoted for sixty-five years. He
became a member of our Society in 1828, and for forty-five years
prior to 1881, he served assiduously as our librarian and cabinet-
keeper, and for the last ten years of that term as secretary, also ;
faithfully performing the duties thus devolving on him until the
removal of the library and cabinet to Portland made a change
necessary.

" We cannot appropriately express the feelings with which we
have long regarded him in the wonted phrases of inflated or com-
mon-place panegyric ; and we feel that they would be distasteful
to him who filled, as few ever can, the character of a poUshed,
modest yet self-respecting, Christian gentleman.

" Most noteworthy among the traits of his truly venerable
character, were his nice sense of honor and probity, his honest
hostility to all shams and pretenses, and his ready and faithful
response to the sternest requirements of duty as he understood it.
His life exemplified his faith in the maxim,

Puras Deus^ non plenas, adspicit manus.

" He was one of that corps of instructors in Bowdoin College
whose names are so pleasantly familiar to the generation of schol-

PKOCEEDINGS AT JANUARY MEETING, 1885. 179

ars in Maine and New England that is now fast passing aAvay —
that single minded and unselfish body of men who, in the midst
of a people rapidly growing more greedy of gain and less scrup-
nlons of honor, devoted their lives and energies to making a
reputation for their college by diligent and methodical work in
their several departments, with results far surpassing in practical
utility any that could have been obtained from a richer endow-
ment less worthily manned.

" It was to him as the sole suiwivor of that honored band that
Longfellow in the Morituri Salutamus addressed the eloquent and
graceful tribute commencing with the Jines : —

" Honor and reverence and the good repute
That follows faithful service as its fruit,
Be unto him, whom, living, we salute.

" Vainly should we strive to add anything to such sweet praise
so fittingly bestowed. We chronicle now only the sense of loss
we experience in his departure. He was with us at our annual
meeting on Friday, July 11, and 'his face was as the face of an
angel.' Two days later he received from the Master whom he
reverently served the only plaudit that he ever with set purpose
sought, — ' Well done ! good and faithful servant.' "

The meeting then adjourned until evening at 7.30.

Evening Session.

There was a good attendance at the evening session.
Mr. George F. Emery read a paper on the Voice of
Maine, as heard in the formation of the Federal Gov-
ernment.

Next followed a paper by Mr. Rufus K. Sewall of
Wiscasset on the extent of the Spanish Occupancy of
Maine.

Mr. E. H. Elwell followed with a paper on the origin
and Growth of the Newspaper Press in Maine. He
began with a brief description of newspaper history

180 MAINE HISTORICAL SOCIETY.

down to the time of publishing the Portland Ga-
zette in 1785, just one hundred years ago. Portland
was then a village of about two thousand people. In
1786 the name of the paper was changed to the Cum-
berland Gazette. In 1790 the Gazette of Maine' was
first issued. In 1831 the first daily paper was started.
The Eastern Argus was issued in 1803 and became a
daily in 1835. From this time papers increased rap-
idly in number.

Votes of thanks were passed for the papers read at
both sessions and copies of the same requested for the
archives.

LONGFELLOW BIKTHDAT. 181

LONGFELLOW BIRTHDAY.

The committee appointed at the January meeting
made arrangements for a meeting at the City Hall,
Portland, on the evening of the seventy-eighth anni-
versary of the Poet's birthday, February 27, 1885, and
sent out the following invitation to the members of
the Society, and to friends in other States : —

INVITATION.

1807. 1885.

The Maine Historical Society
Will unveil the Replica of the Westminster Abbey-
Bust of the Poet

LONGFELLOW,

at the City Hall, Portland, Me., Fridaj^ evening, 27 February,
1885, with brief addresses by prominent speakers, and music by
the Haydn Association, for the benefit of the

LONGFELLOW STATUE ASSOCIATION OF PORTLAND.

James P. Baxter, ^

Henry S. Burrage, >- Committee.

H. W. Bryant, )

In response to this invitation poems and letters were
received, and the following programme was arranged :

182 MAINE HISTORICAL SOCIETY.

MAINE HISTORICAL SOCIETY.

Unveiling of the Replica of the Westminster Abbey Bust of
Longfellow, City Hall, Portland, Me., F'riday evening, 27 Feb-
ruary, 1885, for the benefit of the Longfellow Statue Association
of Portland.

Order of Exercises.

opening address and unveiling of the bust
By James P. Baxter, Chairman.

A WELCOME HOME TO LONGFELLOW,

Poem by Mrs. Frances L. Mace, of Bangor.

Choral — to god on high, Mendelssohn.

Haydn Association.

letters from invited GUESTS.
poets' corner, WESTMINSTER abbey,

Address by Hon. Joseph W. Symonds.

EXCELSIOR

By Messrs. Coyle and Pennell, and Chorus by the Haydn Association,
Arranged by H. Kotzschmar.

AMERICAN LITERATURE IN ENGLAND,

Address by Professor Henry L. Chapman, of Bowdoin College.

Chorus — THE HEAVENS ARE TELLING, Haydn.

Haydn Association.

THE DEBT OF PORTLAND TO THE MEMORY OF LONGFELLOW,
Address by George F. Talbot, Esq,

Address by Hon. Charles F. Libby, President Longfellow Statue
Association.

Hallelujah Chorus — from the mount op olives.

Beethoven.
Haydn Association.

LONGFELLOW BIRTHDAY. 183

UNVEILING OF THE BUST.

On the evening of the twenty-seventh of February,
the city hall was filled with a large and attentive as-
sembly. At the front of the platform was a pedestal
six feet in height, draped with maroon colored felt, on
which was placed the bust, veiled by the American flag.
On the platform were seated the Portland Haydn
Association, one hundred in number, under the leader-
ship of Mr. Hermann Kotzschmar, the speakers of the
evening, and several other members of the Historical
Society. Mr. Harvey S. Murray was the pianist, and
Miss Belle Bartlett, Mr. Albert E. Pennell, and Mr.
John B. Coyle, jr., were the soloists.

The music was of the high class for which the Asso-
ciation is noted. The sino-ino; of "Excelsior " created
an enthusiastic encore, which was denied only on
account of the length of the programme, until later in
the evenino;.

OPENING ADDRESS.

BY JAMES PHINNEY BAXTER, PORTLAND.

Members of the 3faine Historical Society, Ladies and Gentle-
men: —

It is my privilege and pleasure to unveil before you, on the
anniversary of his nativity, a bust of Portland's most honored son,
honored not only in America, but in our Fatherland, as no other
American has hitherto been.

The honor conferred upon the memory of our Poet, by placing
his bust in the Poets' Corner of that temple of magnificent memo-
ries, "Westminster Abbey, and a presentation of a copy of that
bust to the Poet's native city, has more than a passing signifi-
cance. It signifies that the bonds of sympathy and affection be-
tween us and our kinsfolk on the other side of the Atlantic are

184 MAINE HISTORICAL SOCIETY.

still strong, and while this bust exists it will be between us and
them a token of fraternity and good-will.

As all may not know how the Maine Historical Society came
into possession of this bust, it is proper that I should inform you*

When the news of the death of our Poet reached the other side
of the Atlantic, a common impulse seemed to direct the mitids of
Englishmen to one thought, which was to adopt Longfellow as
one of their own native poets, and domicile him, by symbol, in
the Poets' Corner of Westminster Abbey. This thought drew
into active association a large number of persons eminent in liter-
ature, art, science and religion, and this association is known as
the Longfellow Memorial Committee, the chairman of which is
the Prince of Wales. Among its members are the Earl of Derby,
Earl of Granville, Baroness Burdett Coutts, Rev. Dr. Bickersteth,
Professor John Stuart Blackie, Sir Thomas and Lady Bi-assey,
Wilkie Collins, Moncure D. Conway, Thomas Faed, Sir John
Gilbert, Jean Ingelow, John Everett Millais, Max Miiller, Lyon
Playfair, Sir Frederick Leighton, Alfred Tennyson, and others of
equal note ; in fact, the Memorial Committee is a large one,
numbering over four hundred persons. After the organization of
the committee, the necessary funds were speedily subscribed, and
the choice of an artist was assigned to Sir Frederick Leighton,
the President of the Royal Academy, who selected Thomas
Brock, an associate member of the Academy, to make the bust
for the Abbey. Mr. Brock is well known by many important
works, among which we may recall Hereward of the Wake, the
Nymph of the Fountain, A Moment of Peril, also portrait statues
of Robert Raikes, Rowland Tlill, and others of like merit. Hav-
ing secured a bust for the Abbey, which was the admiration of
all, the committee conceived the hai)py idea of presenting a copy
of it to the Poet's native city, as well as to the town where he
died. This note, which I now read, will explain the rest : —

London, 1st December^ 18S4.

To the President and Council of the Historical Society of Maine: —

Gentlemen. — The Executive Committee of the Longfellow Memorial
Fund have much pleasure in presenting to the President and Council of
the Historical Society of Maine, a copy of the bust of Henry Wadsworth

LONGFELLOW BIRTHPAT. 185

Longfellow, executed by Thoraus Brock, a.r.a., and recently placed
amongst the memorials of British worthies, in Poets' Corner, Westmin-
ster Abbey.

They trust that a prominent place may be assigned to it, in connection
with your Society, under its guai'dianship, and in the Poet's native city
of Portland, where the memorial bust will testify to future generations
the aifectionate and fraternal regard which binds in closest amity the
kindred people who speak the same language on both sides of the
Atlantic ocean.

Albert EdwAUD P., Chairman of Committee.

W. C. Bennett, Hon. Secretary.

F. Bennoch, Treasurer.

Having given you these simple particulars, I now withdraw the
veil from the counterfeit presentment of one who is to be here-
after numbered among those

Olympian bards who sung

Divine ideas below.
Which always find us young

And always keep us so.

As the speaker concluded, he drew the drapery from
the replica, disclosing the familiar face of the Poet,
chiseled with such skill that it seemed as though the
man himself were present, the artist having impressed
upon his work the dignity and sweetness which were
the Poet's especial characteristics.

At the request of the chairman, the secretary then
read extracts from the replies that had been received
to the committee's circular of invitation.

Fkom Hon. James W. Bradbury, op Augusta, President of
Maine Historical Society.

Augusta., 20th February, 1885.
I regret that the state of my health will not allow me to be
with you on the twenty-seventh, as the occasion is one in which
I feel an especial interest.

It is to do honor to the memory of him who has conferred

186 MAINE HISTORICAL SOCIETY.

signal honor not only upon our Society, of whicli ho was a mem-
bei', but also upon his native city and his native land.

He has made " Longfellow " a historic name in the Republic of
Letters, in the old world as well as the new, so that represent-
atives of the learning, the culture, and the rank of the great
nation, whose language he adorned, have assigned his bust a
place in Westminster Abbey, by the side of those of its own
most illustrious names, an honor for the first time conferred
upon an American citizen. These distinguished gentlemen
have done us the honor to present to the Maine Historical
Society a replica of the bust, to be preserved here in the city of
his birth, the beautiful commercial metropolis of the State, in
close proximity to the home in which he was reared, in the midst
of his own kindred and fellow citizens, to be a perpetual
reminder, not only of our beloved Poet, but also of the friendly
spirit of those distinguished representatives who have contrib-
uted this new bond of friendship between our land and that of
our ancestors.

Very truly yours,

James W. Bradbury.

From Hon. Geo. Baxcropt.

1G23 H. St., N. W., Washington, D. C.,)
25th February, 1885. j

My Dear Sirs, — T rejoice in what you have done in securing
a copy of the bust of Longfellow, which has been placed in
"Westminster Abbey, and still more applaud your plan of erect-
ing a statue to his name in the state of his birth. The best
statue of a poet that I have ever seen is that made by Thor-
waldsen, and preserved in the Library of Trinity Hall in Cam-
bridge, England. It is an exquisite work of art, in pure white
marble, and was by ThorAvaldsen a labor of love, given to the
college where Bj'^ron had been a student. The plan of a bronze
statue, out of doors, on the public highway, near the headquar-
ters of Washington at Cambridge, did not seem to me to be
adequate. The statue of our Poet should be of marble, and find

LONGFELLOW BIRTHDAY. 187

its place in your State library, or in the library of the University
in which Longfellow was educated, or in the rooms of your own
Society. Wishing you perfect success in yoijr endeavor,

I am most sincerely yours,

Geo. Bancroft.

From John G. Whittiee.

Oak Knoll, Danvees, Mass., ">
2d Mo., 15, 1885. }

Dear Friend : — I am sorry it is not in my power to accept
the invitation of the committee to be present at the unveiling of
the bust of Longfellow, on the twenty-seventh inst., or to write
anything worthy of the occasion in metrical form.

The gift of the Westminster Abbey committee cannot fail to
add another strong tie of sympathy between two great English
sj^eaking peoples. And never was gift more fitly bestowed. The
city of Portland, the Poet's birthplace, " beautiful for situation,"
looking from its hills on the scenery he loved so well, Deering
Oaks, the many-islanded bay, and far inland mountains delectable
in sunset, needed this sculptured representation of her illustrious
son, and may well testify her joy and gratitude at its reception,
and repeat in so doing the words of the Hebrew prophet : — " O
man, greatly beloved ! — Thou shalt stand in thy place."
I am very truly thy friend,

John G. Whittier.

From Oliver Wendell Holmes.

Boston, February 24, 1885.

Mt Dear Sir : — I thank you and your associates for your
kind invitation to be present at the unveiling of the bust of Long-
fellow. I regret that I shall be unable to be with you on that
very interesting occasion.

Of all the marbles that fill Westminster Abbey with the glory
of great memories, not one bears one speaking a language so
eloquent as that which is faithfully reproduced in the bust before

188 MAINE HISTORICAL SOCIETY.

US, for it announces itself as a pledge of brotherhood recorded iu
the most sacred shrine of a great nation with which we have
sometimes been at variance, but to whose home and race our
affections must ever cling so long as blood is thicker than water.

The seemingly feeble link of a sentiment is often stronger than
the adamantine chain of a treaty. It is the province of literature,
and especially of poetry, which deals Avith the sentiments common
to humanity, to obliterate the geographical and jjolitical bound-
aries of nations, and make them one in feeling. The beautiful
tribute of Englishmen to an American poet, giving him a place in
their jjroudest mausoleum, by the side of their bravest, best,
noblest, greatest, is a proof of friendship and esteem so genuine
that it overlaps all the barriers of nationality. How much we
owe to the memory of tlie Poet who has won for his birthplace,
for his country, for American literature, the honors sparingly
granted to the children of the land which holds his monumental
effigy.

Yours very truly,

Oliver Wejs^dell Holmes.

Fkom John Ward Dean of Boston.

Boston, 20th February, 1885.

I regret that I cannot meet with j^ou on such an interesting
occasion.

I remember Professor Longfellow when I lived in Portland,
which I left in 1835. I remember his courteous manners and his
line appearance. His father, Hon. Stephen Longfellow, and his
father-in-law, Hon. Barrett Potter, resided in Portland, and he,
then a professor in i3owdoin College, often visited them. I was
an admirer of his poetry. His Outr^ Mer^ which was published
about that time, led me to an appreciation of him as a prose
writer.

It is with pride that I remember that I am a native of the state
which gave the world the genius of Longfellow.

Your friend,

John Ward Dean.

LONGFELLOW BIRTHDAY. 189

From Mrs. Elizabeth Akers Allen (Florence Percy),
Inclosing a contribution to the Longfellow Statue Association.

WOODBRIDGE, N. J., \

February 24, 1885. j
I very much regret that I am unable to accept the invitation
of the Society to be present at the unveiling of the bust of
Longfellow. Nothing would give me more pleasure than to
testify thus my appreciation of the late Poet. I admire his
genius, and marvel at his achievements. I respect and revere
him for his gentle courtesy and kindliness, and I love him for the
utter blamelessness and purity of his life, which proved that it is
not necessary for genius to be accompanied by what are kindly
called « eccentricities," but that a great man may be also a good
man. No sweeter memory than his can be perpetuated; no
better example can be placed before American youth. Being
dead, he yet speaketh, and will continue to speak so long as his
coimtrymen and countrywomen have ears to be charmed and
hearts to be touched.

Respectfully yours,

Elizabeth Akers Allen.

From George William Curtis.

West New Brighton, Staten Island, )
February 23, 1885. |

I regret sincerely that I am unable to accept your kind
invitation.

I do not wonder that the citizens of his native state should
wish to do honor to the memory of the Poet, whose serene and
gracious genius has endeared his name to his country and to the
English speaking worid, and whose hfe was as pure and beauti-
ful as his song.

Very truly yours,

George William Curtis.

190 MAINE HISTORICAL SOCIETY.

FitoM Edmund C. Stedman.

New York, February 20, 1885.
It is with regret that I find mj-self unable to be present at
the unveiling of the bust of Longfellow, on the 27th, inst.

Among all the associations which the name of your city brings
to mind, there is no other so lasting and so full of honor as, that
it was the birthplace of Longfellow, for that exquisite Poet,
more than any other American, awoke in his countrymen a sense
of the beautiful, interpreted for them the beauty of the old
world, and stimulated them by his example to create and develop
new forms of beauty in the world that is their own.

Very truly yours,

Edaiund C. Stedman.

From Prop. Charles F. Richardson, of Dartmouth College.

Hanover, N. H., |
February 20, 1885. )

I hope I am not obli\'ious to the claims of our other chief

poets, but, all in all, I do not see how the fii'st place among

American poets can be assigned to another than Longfellow,

when we think of his inner purpose, outward expression, breadth

of range, and character at once national and catholic.

Yours faithfully,

Charles F. Richardson.

From John Boyle O'Reilly.

Boston, February, 20, 1885.
I regret that my engagements will not allow me to be present.
Next in human value to the Poet's own teaching is the people's
love and jserception. These two constitute the symbol of a
poem.

Yours very truly,

John Boyle O'Reilly.

LONGFELLOW BIRTHDAY. 191

UNVEIL THE BUST.

BY CALEB DAVIS BEADLEE, BOSTON.

Unveil the Bust ; reveal the face

So full of light, so full of grace !

Where soul doth speak and heart doth glow,

And all, the Poet's worth can know !

Give honor to the one so good,
Who fed each day on angels' food,
Whose words, like music, charmed us all,
And seem e'en now on us to fall !

Unveil the Bust ; recall the man ;

Do all you may, and all you can

To make alive the one so grand.

Whose works are known throughout the land !

He still doth live, thanks be to God !

His feet through earth and heaven have trod !

We love him here, he's loved above.

For all his life was filled with love !

HE IS NOT DEAD,

BY CAROLINE DANA HOWE, PORTLAND.

He is not dead ? Behold him here,
Still living in this semblance clear,
Though silent to our pleading eyes.
As stars that gleam thi'ough misty skies.

He is not dead ! His anthems grand
Of flowing sweetness or command,
Find answering hearts, divinely thrilled,
That vibrate as his song has willed.

192 MAINE HISTORICAL SOCIETY.

To pure emotion kindled warm,
His poet-soul gave life and form,
Enfolding all ideal thought
In royal vestment, love enwrought.

With native sovereignty of mind.
Life's higher forces he combined ;
For he who greatness would achieve
Must comprehend it and believe.

If separated from its God,
The soul leaves noblest ways untrod;
This truth upon his heart he bore
A sacred shield for evermore.

So voiced he with unsullied lips,
Broad Nature's 'lumined manuscripts,
Until old ocean's organ-tones
Rehearsed his songs in far-off zones.

O Bard ! whose life can never end,
Thy greatness will all rank transcend ;
For virtue here thy fame outran
And stamped thee clear, a noble man.

A WELCOME HOME TO LONGFELLOW.

BY MRS. FRANCES L. MACE, BAXGOR.

Face of our Bard Belov(^d ! Clothed upon
With an immortal beauty, welcome home !

Bringing the crown in Song's dominion won,
To the dear city of thy boyhood, come !

Though now no more the wind from off the sea

Shall bring the " long, long thoughts of Youth " to thee.

LONGFELLOW BIRTHDAY. 193

Loyal and fond thy heai't to us was turned

From proudei^seats of honor and renown.
Through shadowing years, thy memory still discerned

The haunts and faces of the seaside town.
And we, — though round the world thy songs had flown,
Rejoiced to know the minstrel was our own.

From yonder waves that moan along the hay,
From yonder woods that whisper of thy fame,

Awoke the themes of many a soaring lay

Whose wings, unfurled, were dij^ped in sunrise flame.

Here Nature taught thee her serenest truth,

And gave thy soul to drink of deathless youth.

Sovereign of hearts ! It was thy heritage

A rare and happy realm to have and hold.
Magician ! bringing forth from every age

Treasures time-worn, and changing them to gold ; —
Priest ! at the altar of the world's delight.
With garments beautiful and always white.

Far shone abroad thy fair and full orbed life

With the still radiance of a morning star,
And fell thy songs on days of cloud and strife

Like bells of peace, rung clearly from afar,
The latest cadence wafted on the air.
Thy life's Amen, — " 'Tis daybreak everywhere ! "

O well may generous England give a place

To thee among her sons of song sublime !
No purer life that haunted shrine shall grace.

No sweeter voice ring down the aisles of time.
Yet we, with tender worship, lift above
Thy laurels the undying rose of love.

Vol. IL 14

194 MAINE HISTORICAL SOCIETY.

LONGFELLOW AS THE AUTHOR OF ETANGELINE.

BY JOSEPH WILLIAMSON, BELFAST.

When Pope was asked to furnisli an inscription for Shakes-
peare's monument in Westminster Abbey, he replied, " No ! I
cannot write it. Let us have some of his own lines. No other
man is worthy to record his fame. Let us say nothing ; we can-
not praise Shakespeare." And so the tablet bears only a few
immortal worJs uttered by Prosjiero, in the play of Temi>est.

A similar feeling influences us this evening. It seems like
gilding refined gold, or painting the lily, to attempt any pane-
gyric of Longfellow, and that our fittest eulogy would be a
recital of some of his own poems, that give resignation in sorrow,
or make still brighter the bright moments of life, or which, in
these winter days, recall " the breath of the pines, the odor of
the sea, the fragrance of the summer fields, the voices of the
brooks and of the ocean, the glories of the heavens, the serene
light of the evening sky, the pensive beauty of the firmament
blossoming with stars," — subjects of which he has so frequently
sung, and wliich are so deeply associated with him in our memory.

It is a pleasant thought that places upon which the light of
genius has been shed, partake of human sympathy when that
light is withdrawn. Hawthorne, by his mystic romances of early
New England life, has given a permanent attraction to the homes
of the Puritans ; while the glowing topical descriptions of Cooper
have invested the regions of the west with an imperishable
charm. But however graceful and enduring are the works of
our native prose writers in imjjarting a deep and vivid interest to
American localities and traditions, Longfellow has produced the
first purely indigenous American poem which will have more
than a brief existence. Before Evangeline appeared, Campbell
was the only author of reputation who had attempted to portray
objects and events of the new world in verse, but his story of
Gertrude of Wyoming is too abruptly told, and its images are
drawn with too little regard for the truth of scenery or manners
ever to make the valley of the Susquehanna classic ground.
Such deficiencies are absent from Longfellow's beautiful pastoral.

LONGFELLOW BIRTHDAY. 195

" Painting with Homeric simplicity " the plain features of life in
Acadie, he has rendered the inhospitable shores of that country-
more familiar to the general reader than any otiier portion of our
coast. He has clothed scenes, before regarded as barren and
desolate, with life and matter, with interest and passion. His
wand of genius has struck the desert rock, and it flows with the
tide of fancy. It has converted Nova Scotia into holy land,
toward which the feet of literary pilgrims will ever tend.
" Upon the publication of Marmion," remarks Lockhart, "post-
horse duty rose to an extraordinary degree in Scotland, from the
eagerness of travelers to examine the places described," Every
year now sees an increase of visitors to the former home of the
unfortunate French exiles, drawn there solely by that tale of love
and sadness which has so indelibly inscribed the author's name
upon every hill and forest of that region. So accurately has he
described natural objects, that Blomidon, Gaspereau, and the
Basin of Minas are identified as if one was directed by a golden
bough, although they were never seen by Longfellow. In a let-
ter written during his last illness to Father Beaudry of Montreal,
he regretted that he had never been at Grand Pre. He added,
that Evangeline was historical only as founded on the dispersion
of the Acadians, and that its story was a legend or tradition.
The origin of the poem was found in his own hand- writing, as
follows : —

" Hawthorne dined one day with L. (Longfellow), and brought
with him a friend from Salem. After dinner the friend said :
'I have been trying to persuade Hawthorne to write a story
based upon a legend of Acadie, and still current there, the legend
of a girl who, in the dispersion of the Acadians, was separated
from her lover, and passed her life in waiting and seeking fcr
him, and only found him dying in a hosjjital when both were old.'
L. wondered that this legend did not strike the fancy of Haw-
thorne, and said to him : ' If you have really made up your
mind not to use it for a story, will you give it to me for a poem ? '
To this Hawthorne assented, and moreover promised not to treat
the subject in prose, till L. had seen what he could do with it iu
verse."

196 MAINE HISTORICAL SOCIETY.

Although the recent researches of Parkraan have somewhat
detracted from the sympathy formerly felt for the Acadians, and
have shown that their removal was not merciless persecution, but
only necessary banishment, ihe -poetic version of the event will
always be received to the exclusion of prosaic history. The
words of old Fletcher, " If a man were permitted to make all the
ballads, he need not care who should make the laws of a nation,"
is as true at the present day as when written two centuries ago ;
and the brilliant imagery of Longfellow, in delineating a peaceful
retreat rendered desolate by a relentless foe, has secui'ed a po)>u-
lar verdict which dry facts cannot reverse. "You can never
weed these household songs and stories out of Scotland," said
Sir Walter Scott. " It is not so much that the people believe in
them, as that they delight in them." Tradition and legend are
})reserved in the song of the minstrel, rather than on the page of
the chronicler.

Evangeline caused a recognition of Longfellow's merits in
England more than any of his previous works had done. Her
growing esteem for American writers is manifested by the posi-
tion which she has assigned him in the great re2>ublic of letters.
Milton observed that " the Italians were not forward to bestow
encomiums on men of this side the Alps." Until recently, a
similar remark would apply to the English concerning men on
this side of the Atlantic. It is fitting that their departure from
this exclusiveness should l)e shown by giving a place to Long-
fellow among the memorials of Chaucer and of Spencer ; of
Shakespeare and of Milton; of Addison, Dryden, Gray, G-old-
smith, and others of the great and revered in Poets' Corner.
And it is right and becoming that the city which gave him birth,
where his youth was spent, and toward which his affections
always leaned, together with the Society, of wlaich he was an
early and valued member, should be the guai'dians of the ex-
quisite copy of the protoplast which adorns that consecrated
spot. Long may this bust, typifying as it does the purity of his
character and works, be faithfully protected, that future genera-
tions may gaze u]ion it, and be inspired to noble thoughts, and
hisfh levels of action !

LONGFELLOW BIRTHDAY. 197

POETS' CORNER, WESTMINSTER ABBEY.

BY JOSEPH W. SYMOXDS, PORTLAXD.

One of our New England authors, after describing the first
meeting-house of its early forest-settlers, — "a small structure,
low-roofed, without a spire, and built of rough timber, newly-
hewn, with the sap still in the logs, and here and there a strip of
bark adhering to them — a meaner temple was never consecrated
to the worship of the Deity," — pauses to wonder how they could
have dispensed with the carved altar- work, the pictured windows,
transfiguring the light of common day, the lofty roof hallowed by
the prayers which had gone upward for centuries, the solemn
organ pealing through the dim arches ot" vast cathedr;ils, or along
the aisles of the old ivy-covered churches of rural England.

" They needed nothing of all this," he adds. " Their house of
worship, like their ceremonial, was naked, simple and severe.
But the zeal of a recovered faith burned like a lamp in their
hearts, enriching everything around them with its radiance,
making of these new walls and this narrow compass its own
cathedral."

Their own exi^erience, too, had heightened this love of sim-
plicity of life and worshij). Bitter memories of the strife and
suffering which had driven them over the sea, made their hearts
cold to the native land which had found no place for them in its
stately order of church and state, and for a while, perhaps, exile
from it all seemed sweet to them.

But neither men nor nations can cut themselves off from the
past. They who were of the English race, consciously or uncon-
sciously, planted in the wilderness the seeds of the English civil-
ization, to flourish in new vigor and beauty on the new soil, under
the strange sky. English traditions ruled the little settlements
on the sea-board, or in the edge of the forests, till at length they
shaped themselves into laws and institutions that were only an-
other growth upon the old stock.

And when the fury of sects and factions had burned and ex-
pired, when the old feuds were ended and time had softened or
effaced the enmities of generations, it was natural that we should

198 MAINE HISTORICAL SOCIETY.

turn more and more to England again, to claim, as a rightful
inheritance, our share in the glories of her history and literature,
in the monuments of her greatness and renown, in the historical
interest and charm of those ages which jjreceded the time when
our history divided from hers.

Who ever loitered in Westminster Abbey, with a mind and
heart more open to the lesson and influence of the place, than
Washington Irving? As Edmund Burke said : — " The moment
I entered Westminster Abbey, I felt a kind of awe pervade my
mind which I cannot describe ; the very silence seemed sacred,"
so Irving said, " On entering, the magnitude of the building
breaks fully upon the mind. The eye gazes with wonder at the
clustered columns of gigantic dimensions, with arches springing
from them to such an amazing height. It seems as if the awful
nature of the place presses down upon the soul, and hushes the
beholder into noiseless reverence."

When the shouts of the Westminster schoolboys break in
upon his revery and upon the monastic stillness about him, he
escapes into the deeper solitudes of the pile, following the verger
through " the portal rich with the crumbling sculpture of former
ages," into the library, and there holds his fanciful colloquy with
the talkative quarto volume of Shakespeare's time upon the
mutability of literature.

The courts of the Alhambra, to Irving, even, could never have
been so thronged with memories as were the old gray cloisters of
Westminster Abbey.

The place itself, consecrated as the site of a Christian church
from an immemorial date, almost from the time when the last
Roman legion left Britain ; over which successive waves of inva-
sion have swept, and the wars and revolutions of English history
have rolled ; where Saxon, Dane and Norman kings have reigned,
and the long succession of English sovereigns have been crowned;
the abbey, on which the shadows of the middle ages still seem to
rest ; itself a mosaic of English history, of the taste, judgment and
resources of different epochs ; a mormment and memorial of ages
more picturesque than our own, of the ages of myth, miracle,
romance and mystery, in which it was founded ; eloquent at once

LONGFELLOW BIRTHDAY. 199

of all that the beautiful and grand in architecture can teach, and
of the moral and meaning of change and decay ; which has sur-
vived sudden and violent, and gradual and silent changes in the
church and faith which reared it ; this immemorial resting-place
of the illustrious dead; "this great temple of silence and recon-
ciliat'on, where the enmities of twenty generations lie buried ; " —
in what a revery or rapture may memory and the imagination,
hand in hand, wander here at will, while the silent influences of
the place steal in upon the haunted mind.

I believe Goldsmith is said to have first applied the name
Poets' Corner to the southern end of the south transept of
Westminster Abbey. Here, about the simple memorials of the
poets, visitors at the abbey are most likely to liiiger. " A kinder
and fonder feeling takes the place of that cold cuiiosity or vague
admiration with which they gaze on the splendid monuments of
the great and heroic. They linger about these as about the tombs
of friends and companions."

Many a name commemorated here is already forgotten. Many
a famous and brilliant name in English literr':;ar3 is without mem-
orial. Chaucer, Spencer, Shakespeare and Sen Jonson, Milton,
Drydea, Gray and Goldsmith, these are among the names in the
brilliant lineage of English genius which are read upon the mem-
orials in Poets' Corner.

But Westminster Abbey and its monuments to the great of
past ages and of our own times, are too familiar to you all for me
to hope to excite a moment's interest by any words of description.

The event we celebrate tonight is the reception hj our Maine
Historical Society, from the munificence of the English committee,
of a copy of the bust which has been placed in Poets' Corner, in
memory of Henry Wadsworth Longfellow. The admission of an
American name, however illustrious, to the honor of commemora-
tion in Westminster Abbey, is an event that has excited the
interest and touched the hearts of all our countrymen.

The reception, by our State Historical Society, of this admirable
bust is an event that may well be celebrated with peculiar pride
here in our city, where Longfellow was born, where his boyhood
and early youth were passed, with which his family has been

200 MAINE HISTORICAL SOCIETY.

identified from an early period, and where his family name was
an honored one before his life and works had given to it the
luster of his genius and fame.

At the close of his address, Mr. Symonds, at the
request of the Secretary, read the last stanza of Long-
fellow's poem on Robert Burns, from the original man-
uscript presented to the Maine Historical Society by
Rev. Samuel Longfellow of Cambridge.

Then came the musical feature of the evening.
Excelsior, given by Messrs. A. E. Pennell and John B.
Coyle jr., and chorus by the Haydn Association,
arranged by Prof. Kotzschmar. The fine tenor of Mr.
Pennell and the grand bass of Mr. Coyle charmed
every one, while the chorus was in no whit deficient.
Seldom has more delightful singing been heard in City
Hall. Mr. Murray's accompaniment was also worthy
of high praise.

AMERICAN LITERATURE IN ENGLAND.

BY PROFESSOR HENRY L. CHAPMAN OF BOWDOIN COLLEGE.

There are some interesting points of resemblance between
nations and individuals. Those who go forth from an ancestral
home that is enriched with the traditions of a proud family life,
and filled with the refinements and luxuries that have been added
through successive generations, — those who go forth from such a
home, and build for themselves a lodge in the wilderness,]' — are
no sooner established in their new dwelling, with its w^ealth of
discomforts and its poverty of associations, than they begin to be
solicitous about their standing with those who are left in posses-
sion of the inherited traditions and privileges of the family home.
And especially is this true if the separation has not been a kindly

LONGFELLOW BIRTHDAY. 201

one, if there has been harshness on the one side, and indepen-
dence on the other ; if hard thoughts have been cherished, and
ungenerous words exchanged. The feeling of alienation does
not so much stifle as stimulate the pride of the exile to appear
well, at least in the eyes of those from whom he has voluntarily
separated himself. He has the suspicion, — not without some
good grounds, — that they will hold themselves superior to him
in manners, if not in morals. And about the old hearthstone
the sentiment probably prevails that there must be deterioration
in the transplanted stock ; that it must, of necessity, lose the
graces that cluster under the old roof-tree, and must take on
something of the rudeness of its present surroundings. And so
with a feeling of calm superiority on the one hand, and of acute
sensitiveness on the other, there is an absence or an awkwardness
of family intercourse, which is apt to degenerate into the more
unkindly forms of mutual criticism. It is not until the new home
has acquired a stability and refinement of its own, and the in-
dissoluble ties of blood have reasserted their power in spite of
distance and difference, that the relations of equality and kinship
are renewed, and there is unrestrained intercourse, accompanied
by a friendly and cordial recognition of each other's merits as
well as defects. The superficial differences of experience and
expression and habit are of slight import to those who trace their
descent from the same honored ancestx'y, who bear the same
family name, who speak the same language, who cherish the
same faith.

It is every day becoming clearer that English and American
are two names for one people. The stress of intellectual conflict
upon religious themes first separated them ; the stress of actual
war widened the breach, and diversities in their forms of gov-
ernment seemed to make permanent the unhappy division. But
the family tie has never been broken. It has been lost to sight,
and therefore unreraembered, at times, not unlike the cable
that runs, slight and silent, beneath the disuniting sea, and
through it have flashed the unspoken messages of sympathy and
kinship, which begin to be felt in their significance and power
only when the waves of conflict are at rest.

202 MAINE HISTORICAL SOCIETY.

With enlarged culture and multiplied comforts and increasing
leisure here in our western home, we feel a growing self-respect
that " casteth out fear," and we receive also from our English
cousins a respect tliat makes them appreciative of our good qual-
ities, and tolerant of our defects. This puts lis on terms of easy
intercourse with them, as brethren of the same household.

It is not an objection to this view, but rather a confirmation of
it, that we both alike claim and exercise the family privilege of
expressing irritation and impatience toward each other. Indeed,
we should begin to distrust the love of England for us if it did
not sometimes utter itself in a growl ; and we might even doubt
our fondness for her if it always took the form of endearing
epithets. The serene assurance of mutual respect enables us to
bear with equanimity these lapses from diplomatic courtesy.
There was a time, and it was not so very long ago, when the
sneering question, " Who reads an American book? " set us all in
a quiver of excitement and indignation. But it could have no
such effect now ; for not only do we know that all intelligent
Englishmen read American books, but we are also besfinninrr to
appreciate the fact that American books are not essentially dif-
ferent from English books. The literature which is American
because it has its birth on these shores, is at the same time Eng-
lish because it embodies the purity of thought, and the love of
liberty and of justice which are a priceless inheiitance from our
Saxon ancestry. The literature which is conditioned by the
narrow limits, and venerable culture, and traditional customs of
the mother-island, will have a gait and bearing different in some
measure from that which represents the generous expanses, and
practical life, and forming customs of the continent which is
proud to be the " beautiful daughter of a more beautiful mother,"
— but they are animated by the same spirit, and it is the spirit
that giveth life.

In these later years, indeed, we have sometimes allowed our
spirits to be unnecessarily ruttled by the cordial disposition
exhibited across the water to claim the best literature we have
produced, as English, as in these remarks by Mr. Edward
Dowden : —

LONGFELLOW BIRTHDAY. 203

" Longfellow's was a sweet and characteristic note, but, except
in a heightened enjoyment of the antique, — a ruined Rhine
castle, a goblet from which dead knights had drunk, a suit of
armor, or anything frankly medieval, — except in this, Long-
fellow is one of ourselves, an European.

" ' Evangeline' is an European idyl of American life

'Hiawatha' might have been dreamed in Kensington by a Lon-
don man of letters, who possessed a graceful idealizing turn of
imagination, and who had studied with clear-minded and gracious
sympathy the better side of Indian character and manners.

" Longfellow's fellow-countryman, Irving, might have walked
arm-in-arm with Addison, and Addison would have run no risk
of being discomposed by a transatlantic twang in his compan-
ion's accent. Irving, if he betrays his origin at all, betrays it in
somewhat the same way as Longfellow, by his tender, satisfied
repose in the venerable, chiefly the venerable in English society
and manners, by his quiet delight in the implicit tradition of
English civility, the scarcely-felt, yet everywhere influential pres-
ence of a beautiful and grave past, and the company of unseen
beneficent associations.

" In Bryant, .... prairie and immemorial forest occupy the
broad spaces of his canvas, but he feels pleasure in these mainly
because he is not native to their influences. The mountains are
not his sponsors ; there are not the unconscious ties between him
and them which indicate kinship, nor the silences which prove
entire communion.

" The works of Lowell, taken as a whole, do not mirror the
life, the thoughts, and passions of the nation. They are works,
as it were, of an English poet who has become a naturalized
citizen of the United States, who admires the institutions, and
has faith in the ideas of America, but who cannot throw off his
allegiance to the old country and its traditions."

Although these words of Mr. Dowden were not written with
any view to the purpose for which they are here cited, but rather
as part of an argument to prove that Mr. Walt Whitman is the
nearest approach we have yet seen to a poet of democracy, yet
they are none the less valuable as the undesigned testimony of a

204 MAINE HISTORICAL SOCIETY.

competent critic to the essential unity of English and American
literature.

It is not as a stranger and an alien that our revered Poet has
been admitted to that sacred corner of Westminster Abbey. He
is there as an American, and we are })roud that it is so ; and we
may, tonight, take some just pride in the fact that our beloved
Commonwealth, which held within its borders the ancient settle-
ment of Pemaquid, is the first of American Commonwealths to be
welcomed to the ancestral privilege of representation in that
venerable mausoleum of the family. But he is there also as one
in whose veins ran English blood, and in whose words spoke out
the old English spirit. The chaste symbol of his personality may
hold silent and brotherly communion with the neighbor dust of
him who five hundred years ago told the story of the Canterbury
pilgrimage with a scorn of baseness, and a'love of the beautiful
and the true, which re-appear undimmed in the winsome " Tales
of a Wayside Inn."

A like experience of suffering, and a common nobility of pur-
pose, make him brother in sympathy and speech to him who, amid
the discords of unhappy Ireland, sang in the undying harmony of
his own verse the glories of the Faery Queen, and dedicated the
song to "Ehzabeth, by the Grace of God Queen of England,
France and Ireland, and of Virginia."

Not more by his lineage than by the inspiration of a common
faith, his name is forever linked with those of the noble singers
who have made the English tongue chief among the Pentecostal
tongues of earth, which, through the ages, are joining, ever more
melodiously, with the heavens in telling the glory of God.

THE DEBT OF PORTLAND TO THE MEMORY OF
LONGFELLOW.

BY GEORGE F. TALHOT, POKTLAXD.

A CITY is justly more proud of its eminent men than of its
■wealth, its natural beauty, or its military renown. We take to

LONGFELLOW BIRTHDAY. 205

ourselves the credit of genius, and say, this soil and sky produce
this kind ; he is but a specimen nugget of the gold that permeates
this vein, and every miner has but to dig to provide himself with
others equally valuable. We reckon confidently that the crop of
great minds shall be as regular and bountiful as the crops of fruit
and corn. But this is an overweening presumption, for, as Em-
erson says : — " Rotation is the law of nature. When nature
removes a great man, people explo)-e the horizon for a successor,
but none comes, and none will. His class is extinguished with
him."

Two Ionian cities. Cyme and Smyrna, contended with each
other as to which was the birthplace of Homer, so great was the
distinction esteemed of reckoning among its citizens the master
and father of song. The Homeric age was quite too unconscious
to note such an event as the birth of a great poet. That was a
time when great actions were performed, but the effort spent itself
in the doing, and not in the telling. Our modern times are in-
tensely self-conscious. The reporter interviews all our privacy,
and the daily newspaper chronicles our gossip, and makes into
history our whims and our resentments. It is an age when no
man liveth to himself, and no man dieth to himself. If the con-
fidences of our friendships, the satisfactions of our affections, our
aspirations, our regrets, our erroi's, and our offenses, have in them
aught to point a moral or adorn a tale, anything to feed the every-
where stimulated hunger for news, they must be surrendered to
the interviewer for the edification or amusement of the public.
The difficulty with the historian of the future will be the abund-
ance of his materials ; his task will be —

From the table of his memory,
To wipe away all trivial, fond records.
All saws of books, all forms, all pressures past,
That youth and observation copied there.

We know exactly in what city or town our Homers were born,
nay, the very street and house and room, so that no city will con-
tend with us for our natal honors.

Mr. Longfellow, in recognition of the fact that every country
has its local muse, and that the poetry of each people takes on.

206 MAINE HISTORICAL SOCIETY.

from mountain, shore and sky, a quality of its own, as the wines
of each region give to the delicate taste a flavor of its own soil,
has collected with great industry and intelligence his volumes of
the Poems of Places. Strains like these you may catch in the
misty vales and on the bare hillsides of Scotland ; in the silence
of the upper Alps, after the thunder of the avalanche. Magic tones
like these ravish the listening ear of the traveler ; these rude
sounds harmonize with the dash of the cataract in the forests of
America, and these with the time-worn monuments of ancient art
that make Greece and Italy classic.

Longfellow is himself our local poetry. The memory of his
placid life, the artistic charm of his faultless verse, give a pic-
turesqueness and beauty to the fair peninsula thrust among the
green islands of Casco bay ; and when the tourist rambles through
our closely-built streets, or looks out from the Eastern or West-
ern promenade upon the beauties of sea and land, it is his pres-
ence that seems to brood over, and make hallowed the whole
picture. Just as in Genoa all memories of its commercial renown
center around the statue of the great navigator and discoverer,
Columbus ; as in Florence we seem to be walking in the company
of Dante, Michael Angelo and Savonarola ; as Burns and Walter
Scott are more to us in Edinburgh than the whole population of
its thrifty and shrewd merchants and artisans ; as Rubens,
though two centuries dead, still dominates Antwerp, and Hans
Sach, the cobbler poet, is more alive in Nuremburg than whole
streets full of money-making and wealthy Jews ; so Longfellow is
the local genius of our city, of whose subtle presence and power
every educated traveler becomes aware.

The black wharves and the slips
And the sea-tides tossing free,

"the bulwarks by the shore and the fort on the hill," and " the
breezy dome of groves, the shadows of Deering oaks," the islands
that were the Hesperides of all his boyish dreams, everything in
the scenery of "the beautiful town that is seated by the sea,"
owes its i)rincipal charm to the fact that it has been set in the
transparent amber of his verse.

LONGFELLOAV BIRTHDAY. 207

Beside tliis local gift, which the memory and affection of our
Poet have bequeathed to the place of his birth, the whole country,
whose legends he has transformed, whose scenery he has described,
the heroic action of whose brave men he has celebrated, owes him
a like debt.

Every sensitive person has felt the incompleteness, the discord,
which afflicts the Urst dweller in a new house or new room. No
matter how symmetrical may be its form and proportions, how
tasteful its ornamentation and furniture, how commodious and
serviceable all its appointments, there is a bleak rawness about it
that affects and depresses. It has never been lived in, it is empty
of all associations, and so of all poetry. It has no record of the
joys and sorrows of human lives. Our whole country, not long
ago, had the same raw aspect of novelty. It had no history behind
it ; it was a mere lair of savage beasts and scarce less savage
men, in whose fates and fortunes we had little sympathy. Our
forests of gigantic trees, our wide stretch of prairies, our lakes and
rivers, that dwarf the proportions of those of the old world, beau-
tiful and grand as they were in themselves, had no human inter-
ests. They were divorced from the fates and fortunes of our
fellowmen, or if they had any connection with them, there was
no poet or historian to tell the story.

As our new world grows older, it becomes more interesting,
the colonial settlements, the terrors of savage massacres, the
marches across it of armies of sturdy patriots fighting for inde-
pendence, even the quiet domestic lives full of pathos, as all
human Hves are, have consecrated and illuminated the dull soil
and made it beautiful. And it is poetry which has perceived and
expressed the new meaning wlii:,"h the memorable places of our
land have gained from human experiences and historic actions.
That which consecrates Westminster Abbey, and makes every
English-speaking man tread its aisles vtdth awe and reverence, is
not the grandeur of its lofty arches, nor the artistic perfection of
its architecture, but it is the heroic English history that has
progressed through it, and left enduring records upon its walls,
in the monuments and statues of its kingly rulers, its statesmen,
its orators and poets. All England would wear today the trivial

208 MAINE HISTORICAL SOCIETY.

aspect of a Dutch landscape or the thrifty smartness of a rapidly
growing western city, had not the charm of Shakespeare's verse
blazoned it with the glamour of romance. With wdiat fascination
for every schoolboy has the descriptive poetry of Walter Scott
clothed the bare hillsides and the leaden skies that brood over the
mist}' lochs of Scotland ! Mr. Longfellow, in the Song of Hia-
watha, has given language to the whispering of the pines, the
twinkle of mountain streams, the orchestra of forest birds, the
loves and hates and superstitious fears of races of wild men, Avho
lived in closer relations with nature than we ever understood. In
the story of Evangeline he has embodied the most pathetic legend
that the long colonial struggle between two people of different
language and different faith had created, while his poems of
slavery and of the great war in which it was overthrown have
carried over the world the history which makes this century
memorable.

Everything that makes country and fatherland more dear and
venerable to the loyalty of the citizen should be strengthened and
diffused. Men live by the nobility of their ideals. It is the office
of the poet so to inspii-e the hearts of men with noble sentiments,
that when a great crisis or great peril comes upon a generation,
as it did upon ours, and as it did upon our forefathers, they shall
gladly sacrifice matei'ial advantages for spiritual, nay, throw life
itself into the venture at the summons of patriotic duty.

ADDRESS

BY HOX. C. F. LIBBY, PRESIDENT OF THE LONGFELLOW
STATUE ASSOCIATION.

It is a proof of the permanent basis of moral distinctions, and
of the clear apprehension by our race of its best line of develop-
ment, that the highest tribute of our admiration is paid to moral
worth rather than to material success. There is danger in a
country like ours, where the struggle for wealth is so fierce and
persistent, that the value of lives devoted only to literary pur-

LONGFELLOW BIRTHDAY. 209

suits, and taking no part in the great political and commercial
movements of the day, shall be underrated, and that the debt
which the community owes to these men, as the exemplars and
advocates of a higher life, shall be ignored.

The recognition which the world accords to the great actors ia
its drama is far different. For its eminent statesmen, its great
military leaders, its brave and daring explorers, it has always
ready the chaplet of laurel ; and yet the debt which the world
owes to them, considered with reference to the permanent value
of their lives and work, is far less, perhaps, than that it owes to
its great poets and philosophers, who are identified only with its
intellectual and moral growth. He who brings home to a people
a realizing sense of the true elements of human worth and char-
acter, and by his inspiring song or eloquence Ufts them up to a
higher ideal of excellence, is certainly'- doing as much for his race
as he who fights their battles or makes their laws and treaties.

The desire to perpetuate, in some enduring material, the form
and lineaments of those whom the world would not willingly let
die, has found expression in the best work of the sculptor's hand,
since the earliest days of antiquity. As we gaze upon the marble
forms of the heroes and sages of Greece and Rome, they seem to
live again for us, and to speak with all the charms of jjersonal
presence. They are no longer dim ghosts flitting through the
perspective of historic jjage, but grand and noble figures instinct
with life and thought.

It is but natural that the place of a man's birth should be the
spot about which his warmest affections cluster, and that what-
ever of fame and honor he attains should be the peculiar heritage
of its people. Our city claims the honor of being the birthplace
of one who, as an American jjoet and man of letters, has won a
world-wide fame, and yet, great as is his fame, the man himself
was greater ; his poems were but the expression of his life, and
his life was incomparably the greatest of his poems. In him the
poet was but "the flower and fruit of the man." It has been
said of him that: — "Those who knew only the poems that he
wrote could form but a faint notion of the harmony, the sweet-
ness, the manliness and the tenderness of that which he lived."
Vol. II. 15

210 MAINE HISTORICAL SOCIETY.

In Henry Waclsworth Longfellow our city recognizes her most
illustrious son, and would fain do honor to his memory. She
desires to perpetuate by the sculptor's art, his noble form and
presence, that he vaay stand in our midst as the re])resentative of
the highest and purest manhood. Slie would have her children
learn from him the lessons of hope and faith and love and cour-
age, which his life teaches, and catch some of the inspiration
which flows from his broad and deep-hearted humanity. Thus
may the influence of his gracious nature be perpetuated as a ben-
diction to the generations yet unborn.

Other nations may do him honor, as worthy to stand among the
Avise and great in their Valhalla. But we will cherish his memory
as one of our own sons, dear to us by the associations of his birth,
and by the rich memories of his long and fruitful life.

As we unveil this bust and gaze upon his face — a face that
Charles Kingsley said was " the most beautiful human face he had
ever seen" — we cannot but rejoice that Henry VVadsworth
Longfellow lived his life, and that our city can claim him as her
son.

Immediately after his death steps were taken to organize the
Longfellow Statue Association, for the j^^i'pose of erecting a
bronze statue of the Poet in some public place in the city. It
seemed wise to place the matter on such a footing that the small-
est subscriptions might be made available, and that participation
in the project should be general. As Longfellow is essentially
the poet of the whole people — the one Avhose genial spirit per-
vades every home — all have been invited to subscribe. The
school children of our city and state have subscribed their mites,
others have contributed of their means more abundantly. At a
meeting of the Association held February 27, it was an-
nounced that a larger part of the amount required had already
been raised. The remainder, we believe, will soon be obtained;
and Portland will then have among its earliest public monuments
a statue of the most honored and loved of American poets, our
own Longfellow.

PROCEEDINGS AT MAY MEETING, 1885. 211

May 28, 1885.

A MEETING of the Society was held at the library
in the City Building, Portland. Called to order at
2.30 P.M. by the President, Mr. Bradbury, who made
some remarks reviewing the work of the Society, and
describing acts of the State Legislature which had
enabled the Society to accumulate a fund.

Mr. Biyant the Librarian then read his quarterly
report on the Library and Cabinet.

Especial attention was called to the handsome port-
folio containing the various state and government
commissions issued to the late Associate Justice
Nathan Clifford and presented by his family. Also to
the collection of Indian implements from Arizona and
New Mexico, the gift of Lieut. William C. Manning,
U. S. A.

Mr. Joseph W. Williamson read a paper giving an
account of the visit of President John Adams to
Pownalboro in 1765.

In the absence of Mr. Albert W. Paine of Bangor,
by whom the article had been prepared, Mr. William-
son read a tribute to the late John E. Godfrey of
Bangor, and also presented a paper containing a col-
lection of facts incident to the part taken by Maine in
the war of 1812. This MS. was found among the
papers of the late William D. Williamson, the his-
torian.

Mr. Edward H. El well then read two broadsides
concerning the news of the treaty of peace, received
in Portland, February li, 1815. It took thirty-two

212 MAINE HISTORICAL SOCIETY.

hours to get the dispatch from New York to Boston
at a cost of $225, and thirteen hours from Boston to
Portland at the cost of $50.

Mr. WilUam Gould described the receipt of the
news of peace at his home in Windham.

Adjourned until 7.30 p.m.

Mr. Fritz H. Jordan presented a photograph of the
brig Boxer and read a paper giving full descriptions
of both the vessels Enterprise and Boxer.

A sketch of the life of Louis Annance, the Indian
of Mooseheed lake, was contributed by John F.
Sprague of Monson and read by E. H. Elwell.

The pro])lem of Hammond's Fort, Richard Ham-
mond, his home and death was read by Rev. Henry
A. Thayer of Woolwich.

Votes of thanks were passed for the papers read at
both sessions, and copies requested for the archives.

Adjourned.

PEK80NS TAXED IN KITTERY, 1783.

213

PERSONS TAXED IN NORTH PARISH OF
KITTERY, 1783.

COMMUNICATED BY W. B. LAPHAM.

Thb following i^ersoiis were taxed in the northerly parish of
Kittery in bills committed to Captain William Raitt, November
1, 1783, by Joseph Hubbard, Thomas Hanscom and Nathaniel
Rogers, assessors : —

John Heard Bartlett,
Jeremiah Bartlett,
James Bai'tlett,
Sarah Bartlett,
^ Henry Black,
Nathaniel Barrell,
Amos Chick,
Ebenezer Clark,
Nathaniel Clark jr.
Wid. Sarah Frost's estate,
Thomas Clark,
Col. Sparhawk's estate,
Cotton Cotton,
John Davis,
Daniel Emery & Sons,
Daniel Emery jr.,
Noah Emery,
Wid. Anne Emery,
Japhet Emery,
Caleb Emery,
Zachariah Emery,
James Emery,
Simeon Emery jr.,
Isaac Emery,
Stephen Emery & Son,
Stephen Emery jr.,
Simon Emery,

William Emery,
Wid. Patience Ferguson,
Reuben Ferguson,
Daniel Ferguson,
Dennis Ferguson,
Stephen Ferguson,
Timothy Ferguson,
William Ferguson,
Elizabeth Ferguson,
Capt. William Ferguson,
Wid. Abigail Foster,
Joseph Furbish & Son,
David Furbish,
James Furbish,
Capt. Charles Frost & Son,
Wid. Sarah Frost,
Simeon Frost,
Madam Mary Frost,
John Frost Esq.,
Hannah Frost,
Samuel Fernald,
Noah Fernald,
Benjamin Gould,
Alex. Gould,
Daniel Gould jr.,
Madam Lois Gowen,
Capt. John Cole,

214

MAINE HISTORICAL SOCIETT.

Samuel Gowen,
Lady Mary IV-pperell,
John Goodwin lioirs,
Sparhawk estate,
Daniel Good,
Joseph Gould,
Joseph Gould jr.,
John Gould,
Joshua Hubbard,
Benjamin Hill,
John Hill,
Andrew Hill,
Ebenezer Hear],
Capt. Philip Hubbard,
Thomas Hodsdon,
Benjamin Hodsdon,
Wid. Sarah Hodsdon,
Jonathan Hamilton,
Samuel Hammond,
Tobias Hanscom,
Joseph Johnson,
Capt. John Mclntire,
Joseph Mclntire,
Samuel Jenkins,
Noah Johnson,
Samuel Jones,
John Kingsbury,
Joseph Kingsbury,
Paul Lord,
Mark Lord,
Simon Lord,
Daniel Lord,
Simeon Lord jr.,
Capt. Nathan Lord,
Jeremiah Lord,
John Lord,

Maj. Samuel Leighton,
Samuel Linscott,
Robert Morrill,
Joel Morrill,

Nicholas Morrill,
Andrew Morse,
Azariah Nason,
Jacob Nutter,
Daniel Odiorne,
Moses Paul,
Joseph Pillsberry,
Wid. Miriam Raitt,
Capt. William Kaitt,
John Rogers jr.,
Plenry Sherburne,
Nathaniel Sparhawk, heirs,
Samuel Roberts,
Capt. Elisha Shapleigh,
Jacob Shorey,
Joseph Shore}^,
Elder Richard Shackley,
James Smith,
William Smith,
liicabod Stacey,
Mehitable Stacey,
James Hill,
John Stacey,
Capt. Eben Simpson,
Capt. Joshua Simpson,
Zebediah Simpson,
William Stacey,
William Stacej^ jr.,
Wid. Jane Tucker,
Joseph Thompson,
Robert Tidey,
William Tctherly 3d,
Stephen Tucker,
James Waldron,
Dr. Pelatiah Warren,
Timothy Waymouth.
Andrew Wittum,
Jonathan Wittum,
Jacob Brewer,
Joshua Young.

RESIDENT MEMBERS.

215

RESIDENT MEMBERS

OF THE Maine Historical Society, April 1, 1891.

Allen, Charles Edwin, Cedar Grove.

Allen, Charles Frederic, Kent's Hill.

Bailey, Samuel Donnell, Bath.

Banks, Charles Edward, Portland.

Barrett, Franklin Ripley, Portland.

Baker, Orville Dewey, Augusta.

Barrows, George Bradley, Frj^eburg.

Baxter, James Phinney, Portland.

Berry, Stephen, Portland.

Boardman, Samuel Lane, Augusta.

Bonney, Percival, Portland.

Bourne, Edward Kmerson, Kennebunk.

Bradbury, James Ware, Augusta.

Briggs, Herbert Gerry, Portland.

Brown, John Marshall, Portland.

Brown, Philip Henry, Portland.

Bryant, Hubbard VVinslow, Poi-tland.

BuRBANK, Horace Harmon, Saco.

Burgess, George Canning, Portland.

Burnham, Edward Payson, Saco.

BuRRAGE, Henry Sweetser, Portland.

Butler Francis Gould, Farmington.

Chamberlain, Joshua Lawrence, Brunswick,

Chapman, Henry Leland, Brunswick.

Chapman Leonard Bond, Deering.

Chase, Alden Fitzroy, Bucksport.

CiLLEY, Jonathan Prince, Rockland,

CoE, Thomas Upham, Bangor.

CoNxVNT, Frederic Odell, Portland.

Connor, Selden, Portland.

Cummings, Ephraim Chamberlain, Portland.

Crosby, Josiah, Dexter.

Cochrane, Henry Hayman, Monmouth.

216

MAINE HISTORICAL SOCIETY.

CoRxisii, Leslie Colby,
Dalton, Asa,
Daveis, Edward Henry,
Deahorx, Jeremiah Wadleigh,
Deerixg, Hexry,
Dexter, Frank Henry,
Dike, Samuel Fuller,
Douglas, Joshua Lufkin,
Drew, Franklin Mellen,
Drummond, Josiah Hayden,
DuREN, Elnathan Freeman,
Elder, Janus Granville,
Emerson, Luther Dorr,
Emery, George Freeman,
Emery, Lucilius Alonzo,
Fernald, Merritt Caldwell,
Fessenden, Francis,
FisKE, John Orr,
GiLMAN, Charles Jaryis,
Goodenow, Henry Clay,
Haskell, Thomas Hawes,
Hathaway, Joshua Warren,
Heath, Herbert Milton,
HiGHT, Horatio,
Hill, John Fremont,
Hill, Winfield Scott,
Holway, Oscar,
Humphrey, Samuel Fishek,
Hyde, William DeWitt,
Ingalls, Henry,

Jackson, George Edwin Bartol,
Jordan, Fritz Herman,
Johnson, Edward,
Johnson, Henry,
King, Marquis Fayette,
Lapiiam, William Berry,
Lee, Leslie Alexander,

Augusta.

Portland.

Portland.

Parsonsfield.

Portland.

Springvale.

Bath.

Bath.

Lewiston.

Portland.

Bangor.

Lewiston.

Oakland.

Portland.

Ellsworth.

Orono.

Portland.

Bath.

Brunswick.

Bangor.

Portland.

Norridgewock.

Augusta.

Portland.

Augusta.

Augusta.

Augusta.

Bangor.

Brunswick.

Wiscasset.

Portland.

Portland.

Belfast.

Brunswick.

Portland.

Augusta.

Brunswick.

EESIDENT MEMBEKS.

217

Levensaler, Henry Coombs, Thomaston.

LiBBY, Charles Freeman, Portland.

LiBBY, Charles Thornton, Portland.

Little, George Thomas, Brunswick.

Locke, John Staples, Saco.

Longfellow, Alexander Wadsworth, Portland.

Manning, Prentice Cheney, Portland.

Marble, Sebastian Streeter, Waldoboro.

Morrell, Hiram Kelley, Gardiner.

Moses, Galen Clapp, Bath.

Nash, Charles Elventon, Augusta.

Nealley, Edward Bowdoin, Bangor.

Neely, Henry Adams, Portland.

O'Brien, Michael Charles, Bangor.

Paine, Albert Ware, Bangor.

Perham, Sidney, Paris.

Peters, John Andrew, Bangor.

Phelps, Albert Irving, Damariscotta.

Philbrook, Luther Groves, Castine.

Pierce, Lewis, Portland.

Porter, Joseph Whitcomb, Bangor.

Putnam, William Le Baron, Portland.

Reed, Thomas Brackett, Portland.

Reed, Parker McCobb, Bath.

Richardson, Albert Francis, Castine.

Roberts, Charles Wentworth, Bangor.

RocKwooD, Hiram Fuller, Augusta.

Rowell, George Smith, Portland.

Safford, Moses Atwood, Kittery.

Sargent, William Mitchell, Portland.

Sew all, Frederic Dummer, Bath.

Sewall, John Smith, Bangor.

Sewall, Rufus King, Wiscasset.

SiMONTON, Thaddeus Roberts, Camden.

Small, Albion Woodbury, Waterville.

Smith, Howard Daniel, Norway.

Smith, William Robinson, Augusta.

218

MAINE HISTORICAL SOCIETY.

Spalding, Jajies Alfred,
Sprague, Joiix Francis,
Stewart, David Dintsmore,
Symoxds, Josrph White,
Talbot, George Foster,
Tenney, Albert Goriiam,
Thayer, Hexry Otis,
Thomas, Willi vm Widgery, Jr.
Thurstox, Brown,
Torsey, Henry Pierson,
Waterman, John Anderson,
Wilson, Franklin Augustus,
Wheeler, George Augustus,
Williams, Joseph Hartwell,
Williamson, Joseph,
WiTHERLE, George Henry,
Witherle, William Howe,
Wood, William,
Wood, Joseph,
Woods, Noah,
youNG, Stephen Jewktt,

Portland.

Monson.

St. Albans.

Portland.

Portland.

Brunswick.

Liniington.

Portland.

Portland.

lleadfield.

Gorham.

Bangor.

Castine.

Augusta.

Belfast.

Castine.

Castine.

Portland.

Bar Harbor.

Bangor.

Brunswick.

CAPT. herrick's journal, 1757. 219

CAPT. HERRICK'S JOURNAL, 1757.

SCO.UTIlSrG PARTY BETWEEN THE ANDROSCOGGIN AND
KENNEBEC RIVERS.

Thursday Mat yk 12 1757.
I marclit from Boxford to Bradford to Joyn my Lieut With a
party of men from Bradford and Andover.
Friday May ye 13.
I left Bradford and proceeded on my March for the Eastward
With My Lieut and Thirty Plight men the Other two I Left to
Com by Warter With our Baggage Who are since Arrived.

Saturday May ye 21.
I Arrived at Brunswick after Meeting With Much Difficulty.

Sunday May ye 22.
I Marched as far as Topsham Xear Brunswick Falls from
thence To the Mills that stand on Cathance River.

Monday ye 23.
In the Morning Pearly I Proceeded on My March a North East
Course by Compass and Arrived at Abagadasset River A Bout two
of the Clock from thence to Old Richmond from thence In the
Evening to Frankfort.

Tuesday May ye 24.
this Morning Lieut Foster Went With a party of ten Men
A Bout four Miles up ye River Kennebeck But Made No Discov-
ery of ye Enemy.

Wednesday May ye 25.
I Marchd With Lieut Foster and Thirty one Men Back as far
as Abagadasset Mills.

Thursday May ye 26.
I Marchd from sd Mills With ye Same party to Ammarscog-
gin River.

Friday May ye 27.
Lieut Foster and Twenty Men Marchd as far as Mairpiut and
Returned the Same Day.

220 MAINE HISTORICAL SOCIETY.

Saturday ye 28.
A Sarjeant and ten Men Mai'cht as far as Catliance and Re-
turned In tlie Evening the Same Day Eight Men Marcht five
Miles up Araraarscoggin River and Returned Without Any Dis-
covery of ye Enemy.

Sunday May ye 29.
I Marcht from Ammarscoggin to Cathance Mills With Lieut
Foster and tliirty three Men.

Monday May ye 30.
I Marcht With the Same party to Abagadasset.

Tuesday May ye 31.
I Marcht from Abagadasset River to Frankfort.

Wednesday June ye 1.
Lieut. Foster With ten Men Marcht About Eight Miles up
Kennebeek River Made No Discovery of the Enemy.

Thursday June ye 2.
Lieut. Foster Marcht With Twenty Men from Frankfort to
Abagadasset.

Friday June ye 3.
he Marcht With ye same Party to Cathance.

Saturday June ye 4.
the Lieut. Marcht With the Same party to Abagadasset.

Monday June ye 6.
Lieut Foster With Thirty four Men Marcht from Ammarscog-
gin River to Cathance Mills from thence an Eastwardly Cours
Into ye Woods About Eight Miles and There Camped.

Tuesday June ye 7.
he Marcht to Abagadasset from thence to Frankfort.

Wednesday June ye 8.
The Lieut. Leaving ten Men Behind to Scout up Kennebeek
River marcht With Twenty four men to Abagadasset Mills.

Thursday June ye 9.
he Marcht from Abagadasset to Cathance Mills Where I met
him and Marcht to Ammarcoggin.

CAPT. heerick's journal, 1757. 221

Friday June ye 10.
One Sarjeut With ten Men Marcht as far as Cathance and Re-
turned the Same Night But made no Discovery of the Enemy.

Saturday June ye 11.
I Marcht With Twenty three Men as far as Cathance Mills.

Sunday June ye 12.
I Marcht With the same party from Cathance Mills on a North
East Course by Comj^ass and arrived at Abagadasset Mills in ye
Evening.

Monday June ye 13.
I marcht with the Same pai'ty to Old Richmond and from
thence to frankfort,

Wednesday June ye 15.
there Being Some talk of Indians in them parts I Left Six
Men Behind and Marcht with Seventeen men as far as Abaga-
dasset Mills.

Thirsday June ye 16.
I Marcht With ye Same pai-ty to Ammarscoggin.

Friday June ye 17.
by Reason of a Fals alarm I marcht Some way up Ammarscog-
gin But Made No Discovery of ye Enemy and Returned the
Same Day. I Sent a Corp. with ten men up to Cathance who
Returned In ye Evening.

Saturday June ye 18.
One Sargent and ten men marcht up to Cathance River about
five Miles Returned in ye Evening.

Sunday June ye 19,
this Day Being Sunday Garded the Inhabitanse to Meeting.

Monday June ye 20.
Lieut. Foster With 23 men marcht as far as the faUs upon Ca-
thance River.

Tuesday June ye 21.
he Marcht to Abadagasset River.

Wednesday June ye 22.
he Marcht to Frankfort Where I mett him and his Party.

222 MAINE HISTORICAL SOCIETY.

Thursday June ye '23.

I Conlcl here Nothing from the General Court of the times Ree-
ing Longer Continued for our Stoping at the Eastward and tlie
Com])any all But one Man belonged to the VV^estward thay ware
Mutch Set upon Returning home tlie Second of Jul}^ Except
thear time was further Continvard By Order of ye General Court
According to thear Inlistment But upon Considering the Diffi-
culty that Might Arise if the Company had Been Discharged —
and ye Court had (-Jiven further Orders for thear Continuance ;
upon which Consideration I Set out for Falmouth In order to
Gain Some Intillagance from the Court; the Same Day Lieut
Foster Set out for Ammarscoggin River with 24 Men and Arived
at Abagadasset River,

Friday June ye 24.

ye Lieut. Marcht to Brunswick falls.

Saturday June ye 25.
the Lieut. Sent One Sarjent and 10 Men to Cathance River
himself and a Scout Marcht to Merryraeeting Bay.

Sunday June ye 26.
A Sarjent & ten Men Marcht to Mequaite Who Returned in ye
Evening.

Monday June ye 27.
the Lieut With a Scout Marcht to Muddey River and Returned
to the fails In ye Evening.

Tuesday June ye 28.
one Sarjent and Eight men Marcht to Cathance and Returned
In ye Evening.

Wednesday June ye 29.
the Lieut Marcht with 25 Men from Brunswick falls to Ca-
thance Mills and from thence to Abagadasset Mills.
Thursday June ye 30.
the Lieut Arrived at Frankfort Whear I Met him on My Ar-
rival from Falmouth Whear I Saw Mr. Waldo Who Informed
Me that ye Court had Continued the Scouting Companys untill
the Last Day of September.

Friday .July ye 1.
I sent Some Men up With Capt Fitches Sarjent In ye Whail
Boat to P^ort westuen In Order to Bring Down Frovition for the
Company.

Saturday July ye 2.
A Sarjent and ten Men Marcht on the Back of Richman
A bout Eight Miles Returned In ye Euining.
Sunday July ye 3.
I Marcht With Lieut Foster & 27 Men from Frankfort to the
Westward at Night Campt in ye woods.

CAPT. IIERRICK'S JOURNAL, 1757. 223

Monday July ye 4.
this IMorning Set out on our March & Arrived at Brunswick
falls in the Evening.

Tuesday July ye 5.
Rainey Weather.

"Wednesday July ye 6.
One Sarjent Witli Thirteen Men Marcht to Cathance Mills and
from thence to ye Mouth of Cathance Kiver A Bout Nine Miles.
I took Thui'teen Men with Me and Marcht to Merry meeting bay
and Met ye other Party at Abagadasset.

TriUKSDAY .July ye 7.
Marcht from Abagadasset to Frankfort.
FiiiDAY July ye 8.
Shuory and Rain.

Saturday July ye 9.
Waited at Frankfort for Stears.

Sunday July ye 10.
Capt. Sanders Arrived hear A Bout 6 O. Clock in the afternoon.

Monday July ye 11.
Took Allowance.

Tuesday July ye 12.
Set out from frankfoi't with the Lieut and 27 Men, by Reason
of Rain Lodged at Richmond that Night.

Wednesday July ye 13.
Marcht With 23 Men to the Mouth of Abagadasset River.

Thursday July ye 14.
Marcht from the Mouth of Abagadasset Hiver by Merrymeet-
ing bay to the Month of Cathance from thence up the River
A Bout hue Miles to the Mills Crost the River to the Northwest
by sd Mill Marcht up sd River one mile upon Discovery then
Crost the Riuer to ye Southward from thence Shapt a Coarse to
Brunswick falls VVhear we Arrived In ye Evening.
Friday July ye 15.
Sent 2 Sai-jents and 10 Men to Mc-quaite, one of them to Gard
A Teem one Returned at Night.

Saturday July ye 16.
this Day ye Other Sarjent Rsturned from Me-quaite with his
Party Clowday & Rain for ye Most part of the Day.

Sunday July ye 17.
this Day Clowday and Rain.

Monday July ye 18.
this Day we Went up to Cathance Riuer A Bout four Miles
from the Month and then as far as Abagadasset.

Tuesday July ye 19.
I Marcht from Abaga lasset to Frankfort with Twenty two
Men.

224 MAINE HISTORICAL SOCIETY.

Wensday July ye 20.

this Day Being plesent Wither and the Inhabitance"] intended
for to go to thear Medows the Next Week I thought Best to
Rang the Woods further to ye North vvard then I used to Do
that if 1 Could find any Signs of the Enemy the Peapol Might
Bee More upon thear Gard.

Thursday July ye 21.

I Left Frankfort A i3out 8 O Clock in the Morning With Lieut
Foster and Twenty Eight Non Comraisitaion Oiercers and Pri-
vets Marcht by Richmond on a W. N. W Cours to a Large body
of Medow Six Miles Distance from Frankfort from sd Medows
on a West Cours live Miles Whear we found Good water and
Campt that Night.

Friday July ye 22.

this Day we Steared N. W. A Bout Eight Miles in our Cours
Crost five Brandies Cabbasaconti and two of Cathance A Bout
three O Clock in the afternoon Ave Came to a Large Branch of
Sabbattesses Riuer Whear we Made a Raft to tranceport our
Selves ouer sd River from Whence we Steared a S. W. Cours A
Bout one Mile and Campt.

Saturday July ye 23.

Steared S. W. B. S. Cours a Bout fine Miles and Struck Am-
marscoggin Riuer a Bout three Miles a Boue the Great falls
Marcht Down to the Falls Where Arrived A Bout twelve o Clock
A Bout four Left sd Falls Marcht that Night A Bout Six Miles
Down the Riuer and Campt.

Sunday July ye 24.

Set out Early this Morning A Bout ten oclock Crost Sabattas-
ses Riuer at the Mouth. Sarcht J]very Brook and Gulley But
Discoured No Signs of ye Enemy Arrived at Brunswick Falls in
the Evening.

Monday July ye 25.

I Sent Corperl and a Small Party A Bout four Miles up ye
Westarn Branch of Cathance who Returned in the Afternoon.
Tuesday July ye 26.

this Day I took fore Men with Mee In the Whail Boat to go to
Cathance for Provition Divided the Remainder of my Company
as foUoweth one Sarjent with his Party to Gard the Inhabintance
that Ware Moying on Abagadasset A Nother With his Party
to Gard at Cathance A nother With A Party to Gard at Muddy
River Left Lieut Foster to Give Orders as Should be Propper.
Saturday July ye 30.

I Returned from Frankfort to Topsham Whear the a Boue sd
Sarjeants Meet Mee With there Parties and Made Return that
thay had faithfully Discharged There Duty in Garding ye Lihab-
itance at thei-e Several Stations. Israel IIerbick.

Attest.

WAYMOUTH'S voyage to coast of MAINE, 1605. 225

WAYMOUTH'S VOYAGE TO THE COAST
OF MAINE IN 1605.

Bead before the Maine Historical Society, Nov. 16, 18S1; re-written, 1891,
BY HENEY S. BUKRAGE, D.D.

The opening to colonization of the new world dis-
covered bj Columbus was long delayed, and success
at last was achieved only at a great cost of life and
treasure. The efforts of Spain to seize and hold the
Carribean coasts and Florida, and of France to found
a new empire in Acadia and along the St. Lawrence,
were attended with disaster and failure. England at
length turned her eyes toward these western shores,
and in the latter part of the sixteenth century several
unsuccessful attempts were made to plant English col-
onies in North America. The first of these was under-
taken by Sir Humphrey Gilbert, who, in 1578, having
obtained an extensive land grant from Queen Eliza-
beth, sailed from England with his half-brother. Sir
Walter Raleigh. But misfortunes overtook the expe-
dition, and Gilbert ere long returned to England with-
out having even set foot upon the shores of the new
world.

Four years later, with five ships and two hundred
and sixty men, Gilbert again left England, and suc-
ceeded in reaching Newfoundland ; but on the return
voyage his little vessel of ten tons foundered, Septem-
ber 9, 1583, and Gilbert and all on board perished.

In 1584, Sir Walter Raleigh, who after Gilbert's
Vol. II. 16

226 MAINE HISTORICAL SOCIETY.

death had been made lord proprietor of a large tract
of country in North America, sent thither two vessels
under the command of Philip Amidas and Arthur Bar-
low. On reaching the American coast they explored
Pamlico and Albemarle sounds, and on their return to
England Queen Elizabeth was so deeply interested in
their reports of the recently discovered territory that
she gave to it the name Virginia. .

Another and larger expedition was sent out by
Raleigh in 1585, but the settlers were soon discour-
aged, and the colony was abandoned. A site farther
north, on the shores of Chesapeake bay, was selected
in 1587, and a large body of emigrants were sent
thither under command of John White. But the col-
onists landed at Roanoke island, the site of the former
settlement, where, overtaken by a fateful and "un-
tymely destiny," they soon miserably perished. Hav-
ins: now exhausted all his means, Raleicrh made no
further effort to colonize his North American j^osses-
sions, and when the seventeenth century opened not a
single Englishman was to be found at any point on the
American coast, from Florida to Newfoundland.

But notwithstanding the failure of these various
enterprises there were those in England to whom the
colonization of some part of North America was still
a fondly cherished dream. Other adventurers were
ready to cross the seas. March 25, 1602, Captain Bar-
tholomew Gosnold sailed from Falmouth, England, in
a small vessel called " The Concord." The point he
aimed to reach was "the north part of Virginia," and
making land north of Massachusetts bay, he sailed

WATMOUTH'S voyage to coast of MAINE, 1605. 227

southward along the coast, and passing Cape Cod,
which received its name from Gosnold because of the
"great store of codfish" he there secured, he at
length came to Martha's Vineyard and EUzabeth's
Isle, now Cuttyhunk. Here he made preparations for
a settlement, and erected a storehouse and a small
fort ; but some of the company who had "vowed to
stay " refused to do so, and Gosnold, June 18, reluct-
antly abandoned the enterprise and sailed homeward.

A narrative of this expedition was published in
England, and the glowing language of the "Relation"
awakened added interest in the new world. " Sundry
of the chief est merchants of Bristol," to whom Master
Richard Hakluyt, Prebendary of St. Augustine's Ca-
thedral church in that city, presented " many profit-
able and reasonable inducements," resolved to under-
take further discoveries, and two vessels, the Speedwell
and the Discoverer, with Martin Pring as " Master and
Chief e Commander," sailed from Milford Haven, April
10, 1603. Pring took a direct oourse for the "north
coast of Virginia," which he sighted in latitude °43^,
on an unknown day in June, and passing westward
along the coast of Maine, probably from Penobscot
bay, he at length " bore into that greate gulf [Massa-
chusetts bay] which Captaine Gosnold ower-shot the
yeare before," and landed "in a certaine bay," which
he called Whitson bay, probably Plymouth harbor.
Here he loaded his vessel with sassafras and returned
to England. This safe return, and the reports which
he brought of the beauty and fertility of the country,
and the prospect of a remunerative trade with the

228 MAINE HISTORICAL SOCIETY.

Indians, confirmed, tlie report of Gosnold, and increased
the interest that had already been awakened in the
new world.

Among those who had aided in fitting out Gosnold's
expedition was Henry Wriothesley, Earl of Southamp-
ton. He was connected with Essex in the conspiracy
to seize the person of Queen Elizabeth ; and though at
his trial he protested that he had never entertained a
thought against the queen, he was stripped of his
titles and estates, and thrown into prison. In the first
year of James i, however, he was released from con-
finement, and his titles and estates were restored to
him by a new patent, July 21, 1603. Shortly after
occurred the return of Pring, and in his ardor for new
enterprises, where could he find so inviting a field for
noble endeavor as in the land concerning which Gos-
nold and Pring had brought such favorable reports.
Associated with the Earl of Southampton was his son-
in-law, Thomas Arundel, afterward Baron of Wardour,
and Sir Ferdinando Gorges, whose name from that time
onward is so prominent in the history of the coloniza-
tion of northern Virginia. Gorges was a cousin of
Sir Walter Raleigh, and doubtless because of this rela-
tionship early became interested in the new world
beyond the seas. Indeed, it is altogether probable
that the interest of the Earl of Southampton, and
other prominent Englishmen of the period, in this
new-world movement was secured through the inde-
fatigable efforts of Sir Ferdinando Gorges.

The command of this new expedition was given to
Captain George Waymouth of Cockington, Devon-

waymouth's voyage to coast of maeste, 1605. 229

shire. His sea service, he tells us, commenced in his
boyhood, and he passed through all grades of the
service from the lowest to the highest. He seems to
have had unusual advantages for study, and not only
secured a good English education, but acquired a
knowledge of the higher mathematics, and became an
accomplished draughtsman. He extended his studies
so far as to make himself famiUar with ship building
and the art of fortification.^

This was not Waymouth's first command. In 1593,^
at the joint expense of the Russia and Turkey mer-
chants of London, Waymouth with two ships had
made a voyage in search of a northwest passage to the
Indies, the record of which, however, has not been pre-
served. In 1602, also, under the patronage of the "Wor-
shipful Fellowship of the Merchants of London trading
into the East Indies," he had made another voyage iu
search of a northwest passage, sailing from the
Thames, May 2, with two vessels, the Discovery and
the Godspeed, and bearing a letter from Queen Eliza-
beth to the Emperor of Cathay. But the voyage
brought only dissapointment to all concerned, and

ila 1885, in tlie King's Library in the British Museum, London, James P. Baxter,
Esq., of Portland, Maine, found a manuscript volume of three hundred and twenty
pages prepared hy Captain George Waymouth, entitled "the Jewell of Artes," and
dedicated to King James. It is a -work on navigation, ship building, etc., and
contains about two hundred pages of drawings, skillfully executed, many of them
being exceedingly elaborate and in several colors. The volume bears no date, but
as James became King of England March 24, 1603, and as iu this volume Waymouth
refers to his sea service, but is silent with regard to the voyage of 1605, it may be
inferred that the manuscript was placed in the King's hands during the latter part
of 1603 or in 1604. It could not but have made a favorable impression on the King,
and it is possible that among those to whom the King exhibited its beautiful and
elaborate "Demonstrations" was the Earl of Southampton, and that these had
Bomc influence in securing Waymouth's appointment as commander of the vessel
In which he visited the coast of Maine in 1605.

* Calendar of State Papers, p. sxxl.

230 MAINE HISTORICAL SOCIETY.

Waymouth arrived in Dartmouth Haven, Aug. 5,
1602, a few days after Gosnold's return. Waymouth
cleared himself of all blame on account of the failure
of the expedition, and it was at first decided by those
who were interested in it to place him in command of
another expedition. But the proposed expedition was
at length abandoned, apparently from pecuniary con-
siderations, and Waymouth's connection with the
Fellowship came to an end.

We next hear of him in connection with this voy-
age to the coast of Maine, in 1605. An account of the
voyage, entitled "A Trve Relation of the most prosper-
ous voyage made this present yeere 1605, by Captaine
George Waymouth, in the Discouery of the land of
Virginia: Where he discouered 60 miles vp a most
excellent Riuer; together with a most fertile land,"
was published by *'James Rosier, a Gentleman em-
ployed in the voyage." Happily this "Relation" has
been preserved,^ and in Rosier's pages we have a
graphic account of the results of Waymouth's expedi-
tion. It has been said that Rosier wrote obscurely so
that enterprising navigators in other countries might
not profit by Waymouth's discoveries. This is true
so far as locality is concerned. . There were those in
Spain and other lands who, as Rosier says in his pre-
fatory note to the reader, " hoped hereby to gaine some
knowledge of the place." And he adds: "This is the
cause that I haue neither written of the latitude or

>Tho John Carter Brown Library in Providence, R. I., haa a superb copy of this
"Belution." Quaritch, the well known Lonilon bookseller, secured at an auction
sale a few years ago a copy for which he paid £275, and for which he asked £325.
At the S. L. M. Barlow library sale in New York, in February, 1890, a copy of the
"Eelation" was sold for $1,825.

WAYMOUTH'S voyage to coast of MAINE, 1605. 231

variation most exactly obserued by our Captaine with
sundrie instruments, which together with his perfect
Geographicall Map of the countrey, he entendeth here-
after to set forth." He Ukewise omitted a collection
of many Indian words, reserving them " to be made
knowen for the benefit of those that shal goe in the
next Voyage." But this was all that was withheld.
" Our particular proceedings in the whole Discouerie,"
says Rosier, " the commodious situation of the Riuer,
the fertilitie of the land, with the profits there to be
had, and here reported, I refer to be uerified by the
whole Company, as being eye-witnesses of my words."
Rosier could hardly have used stronger language in
insisting upon the absolute accuracy and trustworthi-
ness of his narrative.

The prominent facts in connection with Waymouth's
voyage as thus recorded, are these : — In a vessel
whose name has not been preserved, his whole com-
pany numbering twenty-nine persons, Waymouth left
the Thames, March 5, 1605, and Dartmouth Haven,
March 31. May 14, land was descried, " a whitish
sandy cliff e," probably Sankaty Head, on the eastern
extremity of Nantucket ; for as he approached. Way-
mouth found himself in such dangerous shoals as
abound at the eastward of this island. Standing
northward he anchored, May 18, on the north side of
an island, " some six miles in compasse," unmistaka-
bly Monhegan, the most prominent landmark in ap-
proaching the coast of Maine. On the following day
Waymouth anchored his vessel in a harbor formed by
islands, which he called Pentecost harbor, and not

232 MAINE HISTORICAL SOCIETY.

long after, in his shallop, he discovered "a great
riuer." Some traffic was had with the Indians, five of
whom were captured with their bows and arrows and
two canoes. The return voyage commenced on the
sixteenth of June, and on the afternoon of July 18,
AVaymouth brought his vessel into Dartmouth Haven.

Gorges says that this voyage of Waymouth was
" the means under God of putting on foot and giving
life " to all efforts for English colonization in the new
world. Rosier' s " True Relation" of the voyage was
published before the close of the year, probably
shortly after Waymouth' s return, and its glowing de-
scription of the country must have been read with
eager interest, and have awakened in many a heart
the hope of English dominion upon these western
shores. It is not my purpose in this paper, however,
to trace the influence of Waymouth' s discovery upon
English colonization, but to throw added light, if pos-
sible, upon the discovery itself.

William Strachey, in his "Historic of Travaile into
Virginia Britannia" (chap, vii, Maine Hist. Soc. Coll.,
vol. 3, page 287), writing it is believed in 1618, sug-
gested that the river Waymouth discovered was the
Kennebec.^ Gorges, in his " Briefe Narration," (London,
1658, Maine Hist. Soc. Coll., vol. 2, page 17,) writing
late in life, says Waymouth happened "into a river on
the coast of America, called Pemaquid." Rev.
William Hubbard, Avho died in 1704, the next to refer
to Waymouth's voyage, says in his "General History
of New England (Cambridge ed. 1815, page 12) that

>Strachey, however, was never on the coast of Maine, although he came to
Virginia in 1609 and was for a time secretary of the colony.

WAYMOUTH's voyage to coast of MAINE, 1605. 233

Waymouth discovered a great river "supposed to be
Kennebecke neere unto Pemaquid." Oldmixon, in his
"British Empire in America," published in London in
1702, says (ed. of 1761, vol. 1, page 354) with a
singular disregard of the requirements of Hosier's
"Relation" that Waymouth entered the Powhatan, now
known as the James river; while Beverly, in his
"History of Virginia" (2d ed. London, 1722), contain-
ing Oldmixon, affirmed in one part of his work (the
preface) that Waymouth entered the Hudson river,
and in another part (page 11) that he entered the
Connecticut river. Rev. William Stith, in his "His-
tory of Virginia," published in 1747, added his guess
(Sabine's Reprint, pages 33, 34) that it was the Narra-
gansett or the Connecticut. In 1797, Jeremy Bel-
knap, D.D., who was about to prepare an article on
Waymouth for his "American Biography, "requested
Captain John Foster Williams, of the United States
Revenue service, to examine the coast of Maine with
reference to Waymouth's discovery. This he did, and
came to the conclusion that the Pentecost harbor in
which Waymouth anchored his vessel was St. George's
harbor, and that the Penobscot was the river Waymouth
discovered and ascended. This view was subsequently
adopted by Williamson in his "History of the State of
Maine" (vol. 1, pages 192, 193) and later writers
down to the middle of the present century. In 1857,
John McKeen, Esq., in a paper read before the Maine
Historical Society, rejecting the Penobscot theory as
untenable, advocated the view that Boothbay harbor
was the Pentecost harbor of Rosier's "Relation," and

234 MAINE HISTORICAL SOCIETY.

that the river Waymouth discovered was the Kenne-
bec, from which he passed into the Androscoggin.
Captain George Prince, in a paper read before the
Maine Historical Society in 1859, presented objections
to the theory advocated by Mr. McKeen, and sug-
gested that Pentecost harbor was the present St.
George's harbor, and that the river Waymouth dis-
covered was the St. George's river. Prince's view
was accepted by Rev. David Cushman and others, also
by officers of the United States Coast Survey, who at
the request of Hon. George Bancroft, examined the
various localities mentioned in that discussion, and Mr.
Bancroft, who in the earlier editions of his "History
of the United States" had adopted the Penobscot
theory, accepted the St. George's theory and changed
his narrative to conform with it. Up to the present
time the Kennebec theory has retained a few earnest
advocates, but nothing is more evident than that the
St. George's theory has for quite a number of years been
regarded by a large and constantly increasing num-
ber of members of the Maine Historical Society, as
meeting far more satisfactorily the requirements of
Hosier's "Relation."

The reason for this is to be found in the fact that
the " Relation" cannot be brought into harmony with
any other theory. It is conceded by all parties in this
discussion that Waymouth, in his approach to our
coast, first anchored between Monhegan and the main-
land. Hosier's language is as follows : —

"Friday the 17 of May, about sixe a clocke at night we de-
scried the land, which bare from vs North-North-East; but because

WAYMOUTH'S voyage to coast of MAINE, 1605. 235

it blew a great gale of winde, the sea very high and neere night,
not fit to come vpon an vnknowen coast, we stood off till two a
clocke in the morning, being Saturday : then standing in with it
againe, we descried it by eight a clocke in the morning, baring
North-East from vs. It appeared a meane high land, as we after
found it, being but an Hand of some six miles in compasse, but I
hope the most fortunate euer discoured. About twelve a clocke
that day, we came to an anker on the North side of this Hand,
about a league from the shore.

Waymoutli at once landed upon this island, to which
he gave the name St. George.

From hence [adds Rosier, referring possibly to the island or
possibly to the vessel at her anchorage] we might discerne the
maine land from the West- South- West to the East-North-East,
and a great way (as it then seemed, and as we after found it) vp
into the maine we might discerne very high mountaines, though
the maine seemed but low land; which gaue vs a hope it would
please God to direct vs to the discouerie of some good ; although
wee were driuen by winds farre from that place, whither (both by
our direction and desire) we euer intended to shape the course of
our voyage.

Those who hold the Kennebec theory maintain that
the " very high mountaines " here referred to were
the White mountains. But the White mountains can
be seen from Monhegan only in the clearest weather,
and therefore only occasionally. According to a rec-
ord kept from September 1, 1885, to January 1, 1886,
by the lighthouse keeper at Monhegan, the White
mountains were seen during that time only once all
day from Monhegan, and only three times from the
shore of the island, while in the entire four months
they were seen only twenty-one times. In 1885 I
spent several days on Monhegan without obtaining a

236 MAINE HISTORICAL SOCIETY.

glimpse of Mount Washington until the Last morning
of my visit, which was exceptionally clear, with a brisk
north wind. Indeed, the day was so clear that the
observer at the government station on Mount Wash-
ington sent a telegram to the Associated Press in
these words : — " This has been a perfect day. Ships
on the ocean off Portland have been easily distin-
guished." Yet while the Camden and Union moun-
tains were clearly and sharply defined against the hori-
zon, apparently "a great way vp into the maine," I
could not see Mount Washington until its precise loca-
tion was indicated by the light-keeper, and then I dis-
covered a faint blue mountain summit on the north-
western horizon. I left Monhegan for Boothbay soon
after, taking the same course over which McKeen and
others think Waymouth sailed, but Mount Washington
was not visible during the entire passage, while the
Union and Camden mountains were in full view for
some time after leaving Monhegan, a most notable
feature of the " maine," and such as no mariner ap-
proaching the coast could possibly fail to notice.

In Purchas his Pilgrims, vol. IV., page 1660, the
words, "north-north-east" are added in this passage
from Rosier's " Relation," so that it reads, " and north-
north-east from vs a great way .... we might dis-
cerne very high mountaines," etc. On what author-
ity Purchas added these words we do not know ; but
it is a fact of no slight importance that twenty-one
years after Waymouth' s return to England, and before
any discussion had arisen in reference to the harbor
and river which he visited, just these words were in-

watmouth's voyage to coast or malne, 1605. 237

serted in this passage, not as an editorial emendation
but as a part of the narrative. The Union and Cam-
den mountains are in the direction indicated in this
passage in Purchas.

But Rosier has other testimony bearing upon this
point. He says : —

The next clay being Whit-Sunday ; because we rode too much
open to the sea and windes, we weyed anker about twelue a clocke,
and came along to the other Hands more adjoyning to the maine,
and in the rode directly with the mountaines, about three leagues
from the first Hand where we had ankered.

By " the other Hands more adjoyning to the maine"
it is natural to understand the islands between the
place of anchorage a league north of Monhegan and
the mainland. The St. George's islands, sixteen in
number, answer to this description. Moreover, they
are "in the rode directly with" the Union and Cam-
den mountains. Williamson ("' Hist, of Maine, vol. 1,
page 61) says, Monhegan lies nine miles southerly of
the St. George's islands. The southern end of Allen's
island, the outermost of the group, is five and a half
miles from Monhegan. The distance given by Rosier
was only an estimate, and is somewhat excessive as
are most of Rosier's estimates in the "Relation." But
the difficulty — if one finds a difficulty here — is not
removed if by " the other islands " are meant the
Damiscove islands, a group of islands olf Boothbay,
the nearest of which must be fourteen miles from
Monhegan. Besides, no one on a vessel a league
north of Monhegan could possibly speak of the Dam-
iscove islands as " more adjoyning to the maine," and

238 MAINE HISTORICAL SOCIETT.

they are certainly not " in the rode directly with " the
White mountains or with any mountains.

Continuing his narrative, and referring to the islands
toward which Waymouth sailed on leaving his anchor-
age off Monhegan, Rosier says: —

When we came neere vnto them (sounding all along in a
good depth) our Captaine manned his ship-boat and sent her
before with Thomas Cam one of his Mates, whom he knew to be
of good experience, to sound a search betweene the Hands for a
place safe for our shippe to ride in; in the meane while we kept
aloofe at sea, hauing giuen them in the boat a token to weffe in
the ship, if he found a counenient Harbour ; which it pleased God
to send vs, farre beyond our expectation, in a most safe birth de-
fended from all windes, in an excellent depth of water for ships of
any burthen, in six, seuen, eight, nine and ten fathoms vpon a
clay oaze very tough.

This harbor they called Pentecost harbor in recogni-
tion of the day of their arrival in it.

The depth of water in the harbor as here stated
corresponds with the figures given in the Coast Survey
chart of St. George's harbor. The lowest depth given
near the shore is four fathoms; but in the harbor
proper there are six, seven, eight and a half, nine, ten
and eleven fathoms, and the bottom is marked "hard."

Having anchored his vessel in this harbor, Way-
mouth and six of his men landed upon one of the
islands " to seeke fresh watering and a conuenient
place to set together a pinnesse," they had brought in
pieces from England. If they were in St. George's
harbor they would naturally land upon Allen's island
close to the shore. Rosier speaks of '^a little Hand
adjoyning." Such a little island is Benner's island,

WAYMOUTH'S voyage to coast of MAINE, 1605. 239

which is separated from Allen's island by a narrow
but deep channel.

One day, says Rosier, "we marched about and
thorow part of two of the Hands, the bigger of which
we judged to be foure or fine miles in compasse, and a
mile broad." This may have been Burnt island,
which is about " a mile broad " and " foure or five miles
in compasse," but Allen's island, though not so broad,
is really " the bigger."

While Waymouth was at Pentecost harbor he

"diligently searched the mouth of the Harbour and about the
rocks which shew thernselues at all times, and are excellent
breach of the water, so as no Sea can come in to offend the Har-
bour. This he did to instruct himselfe and thereby able to direct
others that shall happen to come to this place. For euery where
both neere the rocks & in all soundings about the Hands, we
neuer found lesse than foure and fiue fathoms, which was seldome .
but seuen, eight, nine and ten fathoms is the continuall sounding
by the shore. In some places much deeper vpon clay oaze or
soft sand, so that if any bound for this place should be either
driuen or scanted with winds, he shall be able (with his direc-
tions) to recouer safely his harbour most securely in water enough
by foure seuerall passages, more than which I thinke no man of
judgement will desire as necessarie."

Important points, capable of identification it would
seem, are mentioned in this paragraph. In the first
place there were rocks which showed themselves at
all times at the seaward mouth of Pentecost harbor, —
rocks which broke the force of the sea, and so ren-
dered the harbor more quiet. Such rocks are the
Dry Ledges between Allen's and Burnt islands, and the
depth of water around them corresponds with the
figures given by Rosier.

240 MAINE HISTORICAL SOCIETY.

Then, too, there were "^foure several! passages" by
which the harbor could be entered. St. George's har-
bor has four entrances. First, there is the passage
between Allen's island and Burnt island, in which the
Dry Ledges are found. Second, there is the passage
between Allen's island and Benner's island. A third
passage is that which lies between Benner's island and
Davis' island. The fourth passage and the Avidest is
that between Davis' island and Burnt island. In all
of these passages there is water enough to enter
safely.

Moreover the position of the harbor in relation to
the river subsequently discovered by Waymouth is in
harmony with the view that St. George's harbor is the
Pentecost harbor of Hosier's "Relation." Referring
to Friday, May 31, Rosier says : —

About 10 a clocke this day we descried our Shallop returning
toward vs, which so soone as we espied, we certainly conjectured
our Captaine had found some vnexpected harbour, further vp to-
wards the maine to bring the ship into, or some riuer.

"Further vp towards the maine" — certainly no one
could describe more accurately the direction of the St.
George's river from St. George's harbor. Rosier sub-
sequently says that after Waymouth had sailed up the
river in his vessel he returned to the mouth of the
river and anchored. "The next day," adds Rosier,
"being Saturday, we wayed anker, and with a briese
from the land, we sailed vp^ to our watering place"

' The phrase " sailed vp to our watering place" is not accurate, for Rosier had
already said that when Waymouth discovered the river he went in his shallop " vp
towards the maine." If the shallop went up, the vessel came doivn the river and
down to Pentecost harbor.

WAYMOUTH's voyage to coast of MAINE, 1605. 241

[i.e., to Pentecost harbor]. It is intimated here that
the breeze was a favorable one, and a land breeze
could easily bring a vessel from the mouth of the St.
George's river to St. George's harbor.

It will be seen, therefore, that Hosier's references
to Way mouth's approach to Pentecost harbor, both
from the sea and from the river, and also his ref-
erences to the harbor itself, furnish points of identifi-
cation to which the facts concerning St. George's har-
bor fully answer. I know of no other harbor on the
coast of Maine of which this can be said. The attempt
I as been made to identify Boothbay harbor with Pen-
tecost harbor. But first of all, to proceed from Way-
mouth's anchorage, three miles north of Monhegan,
"to the other Hands more adjoyning to the maine,"
suggests a movement in toward the main land, while
if Waymouth and his fellow voyagers made their way
to Boothbay harbor, they sailed along the coast.
Again, as they sailed "in the rode directly with the
mountaines," even if it were true that Boothbay is in
a line drawn from Monhegan to Mt. Washington, they
could not have seen Mt. Washington from the vessel's
deck, while the narrative indicates that the mountains
Waymouth saw were in full view from his ship. Be-
sides, Boothbay harbor is not a harbor formed by islands
only as was Pentecost harbor. Nor can the harbor at
Fisherman's island, which some have identified as Pen-
tecost harbor, be made to answer to Hosier's description.
Like Boothbay harbor it is not in the right direction
from Waymouth's anchorage north of Monhegan, while
the distance from that position is much too great
Vol. II. 17

242 MAINE HISTORICAL SOCIETY.

From Monhegan to Fisherman's island is from four-
teen to fifteen statute miles and from twelve to thir-
teen nautical miles. Again, Fisherman's island har-
bor has not four entrances, has no rocks always visible
at its entrance from the sea, and has too great a depth
of water, the Coast Survey chart indicating a depth
of from fourteen and three quarters to seventeen feet.
Moreover, no one would think of describing it as "a
most safe birth defended from all windes."

I now proceed to notice those points of identifica-
tion which Rosier's "Relation" presents in reference
to the river which Waymouth discovered and ascended.
On Thursday, May 30, about ten o'clock in the fore-
noon, according to the " Relation," Waymouth, with
thirteen of his men, leaving his vessel in Pentecost
harbor, proceeded in his shallop " further vp towards
the maine." They returned at ten o'clock the next
forenoon. Referring to their return Rosier says : —
" Our Captaine had in this small time discouered vp a
great riuer, trending alongst into the maine about
forty miles." The return was for the purpose of flank-
ing the shallop against arrows, " least it might hap-
pen," says Rosier, " that the further part of the riuer
should be narrow, and by that meanes subject to the
volley of Saluages on either side out of the woods."
Ten days more were passed at Pentecost harbor and
among the adjoining islands. Then, as Rosier contin-
ues, on "Tuesday, the 11 of June we passed vp
into the riuer with our ship about six and twenty
miles." Describing the river he says : —

The Riuer it selfe as it runneth vp into the main very nigh forty
miles towards the great mountaines, beareth in bredth a mile, some-

WAYHIOUTH'S voyage to coast of MAINE, 1605. 243

time three quarters, and halfe a mile is the narrowest, where you
shall neuer haue vnder 4 and 5 fathoms water hard by the shore,
but 6, 7, 8, 9 and ten fathoms all along, and on both sides euery
halfe mile very gallant Coues, some able to conteine almost a hun-
dred saile, where the ground is excellent soft oaze with a tough
clay vnder for anker hold, and where ships may ly without either
Cable or Anker, only moored to the shore with a Hauser.

It floweth by their judgement eighteen or twenty foot at high
water.

Heere are made by nature most excellent places, as Docks to
graue or Carine ships of all burthens ; secured from all windes,
which is such a necessary incomparable benefit, that in few places
in England, or in any parts of Christendome, art, with great
charges, can make the like.

Besides, the bordering land is a most rich neighbour trending
all along on both sides, in an equall plaine, neither mountainous
nor rocky, but verged with a greene bordure of grasse, doth
make tender vnto the beholder of hir pleasant fertility, if by
clensing away the woods she were conuerted into meadow.

As we passed with a gentle winde vp with our ship in this
Riuer, any man may conceiue with what admiration we all con-
sented in joy. Many of our company who had beene trauellers in
sundry countries, and in the most famous Riuers, yet affirmed
them not comparable to this they now beheld. Some that were
with Sir Walter Ralegh in his voyage to Guiana, in the discou-
ery of the Riuer Orenoque, which echoed fame to the worlds
eares, gaue reasons why it was not to be compared with this,
which wanteth the dangers of many Shoal es, and broken ground,
wherewith that was incombred. Others before that notable Riuer
in the West Indies called Rio Grande ; some before the Riuer of
Loyer, the Riuer Seine, and of Burdeaux in France, which,
although they be great and goodly Riuers, yet it is no detraction
from them to be accounted inferiour to this, which not only
yeeldeth all the foresaid pleasant profits, but also appeared infalli-
bly to vs free from all inconueniences.

I will not prefer it before our riuer of Thames, because it is

244 MAINE HISTORICAL SOCIETY.

England's richest treasure ; but we all did wish those excellent
Harbours, good deeps in a continuall conuenient breadth and
small tide gates, to be as well therein for our countries good, as
we found the hero (beyond our hopes) in certaine, for those
to whom it shall please God to grant this land for habitation ;
which if it had, with the other inseparable adherent commodities
here to be found ; then I would boldly aflirrae it to be the most
rich, beautifuU, large and secure harbouring riuer that the world
affoordeth.

Rosier's statements with reference to the breadth
and depth of the river, also with reference to the char-
acter of its bottom and the boldness of its shores,
answer to the St. George's river. Then, too, on either
hand, as one sails up this river, are the " very gallant
Coues " of which Rosier writes. Many of these have
names on the coast survey chart such as Deep cove.
Gay cove, Turkey cove, Maple Juice cove, Otis cove,
Watt's cove, Cutler's cove. Broad cove, and Hyler's
cove. Furthermore, the direction of the river as it
" runneth vp into the main " is, as Rosier says, " to-
wards the great mountaines." All the way upthe St.
George's river to Thomaston one has before him the
Union and Camden mountains.

Rosier proceeds : —

Wednesday, the twelfth of June, our Captaine manned his
light-horseman with 17 men, and raune vp from the ship I'iding
in the riuer vp to the codde thereof, where we landed, leauing six
to keepe the light-horseman till our returne. Ten of vs with our
shot, and some armed, with a boy to cany powder and match,
marched vp into the countrey towards the mountaines, which we
descried at our first falling with the land. Vnto some of them
the riuer brought vs so neere, as we judged ourselues when we
landed to haue beene within a league of them ; but we marched
vp about foure miles in the mains, and passed ouer three hilles ;

WAYMOUTH's voyage to coast of MAINE, 1605. 245

and because the weather was parching hot, and our men in their
armour not able to trauel farre and returne that night to our ship,
we resolued not to passe any further, being all very weary of so
tedious and laboursom a trauell. . . . We were no sooner come
aboord our light-horseman, returning towards our ship, but we
espied a Canoa coming from the further part of the Cod of the
riuer eastward, which hasted to vs.

Waymouth seems to have anchored his vessel near
the present rums of Fort St. George. The "codde"^
of the river was the bay at the bend of the river at
Thomaston, and to the eastward, as indicated in the
"Relation." The account of the march made by
Waymouth and his men toward the mountains they
saw at their first arrival on the coast, answers fully to
the geographical features of the country back of
Thomaston. On the other hand the White moun-
tains cannot be seen from the landing at Bath, or at
any landing on the Kennebec, and if they could no
one would think of making a journey to them on foot
and returning the same day.

The next day Waymouth, in his shallop, ascended
" that part of the riuer which trended westward into
the.maine." At Thomaston the St. George's river
takes the direction that is here indicated. Making; a
right angle the course is westerly about two miles and
then northward. "By estimation" Waymouth pro-
ceeded twenty miles. Describing the river in this
part of its course Rosier says : —

The bredth and depth is such, that any ship drawing 17 or 18
foot water, might haue passed as farre as we went with our light

•Capt. John Foster Williams, who in 1797 examined the coast of Maine witll
reference to Waymouth's discoveries in 1605, says : "The word ' codde ' is not com-
mon, but I liave often heard it, as ' vp in the codde of the bay,' meaning the bottom
of the bay. I suppose what he calls ' the codde of the river ' is a bay in the river."

246 MAINE HISTORICAL SOCIETY.

horseman, and by all our mens judgement much further, because
we left it in so good depth and bredth, which is so much the more
to be esteemed of greater woorth by how much it trendeth further
vp into the maine : for from the ^^lace of our ships riding in the
Harbour at the entrance into the sound, to the furthest part we
were in this riuer, by our estimation was not much lesse than
three-score miles.

The St. George's river above Thomaston is by no
means the magnificent river which Hosier's language
indicates ; yet ships of twelve hmidred tons have been
built as far up as Warren.

The following points, therefore, are in favor of the
St. George's river, viz., the direction from Pentecost
harbor, the general description of the river as far as
"the codde thereof," its breadth, depth, character of
its bottom, boldness of its shores, its many gallant
coves, its being in the direction of the great mountains
up in the main, the " codde " of the river, the appear-
ance of the mountains as seen from Thomaston, the
trend of the river westward at that point — indeed
everything but the flow . of the tide and the distance
explored as given by Rosier. But these last are too
great upon any other theory that has been advanced.
Evidently Rosier shared the enthusiasm of his fellow
voyagers, and his estimates were as excessive as the
estimates of travelers in an unknown country are
likely to be.

On the other hand, if with McKeen^ and Ballard"^
we hold that the river discovered by Waymouth was
the Kennebec, then instead of going " further vp to-
wards the maine " when he made this discovery, Way-

1 Maine Hist. Soc. CoH., vol. 5. page 317.
'Popliam Memorial volume, pagea 304, 305.

WAYMOUTH'S voyage to coast of MAINE, 1605. 247

mouth followed the coast until he came to the mouth
of the Kennebec. Furthermore Hosier's discription of
the river does not answer to the Kennebec. Its
course is not in the direction indicated, that is of high
mountains, and we do not find on either hand the
" very gallant Cones " which were so notable a feature
of the river Rosier describes.

If we adopt the theory advocated by R. K. Sewall,
Eqs.,^ that Waymouth followed the " inland passage
north westerly across or up the waters of the Sheepscot
and the Bay of Hockomock, through to the Sagadahoc,
opposite Bath," where he discovered "'a great river'
which he imagined ran ' far up into the land, by the
breadth, depth and strong flood ' and following the
broad reach of the mouth of the Androscoggin, which
trends west into the main and flows from the White
mountains, he explored that river or a part of the
Sagadahoc," we have no less difficulty in bringing this
theory into harmony with the description in Rosier' s
"Relation." For according to this theory Waymouth
did not reach the "great river" until he entered the
Kennebec opposite Bath, and Rosier has passed over
in silence the passage of the vessel through Townsend
gut, across Sheepscot bay and along the manifold in-
tricacies of the Sasanoa river. Is this probable?
Moreover Waymouth descended the river by a single
tide with "little helpe of the winde," and anchored at
the mouth of the river. The "' Relation" indicates that
Waymouth returned to Pentecost harbor by the same
waters upon which he made his way up into the main.

> Ancient Dominions of Maine, page 76.

248 MAIXE HISTORICAL SOCIETY.

If he did, he certainly could not have entered the Ken-
nebec by the inland passage from Boothbay harbor.

In closing this paper it only remains for me to
notice an argmnent which the advocates of the St.
George's theory have not been able satisfactorily to
meet until recently, viz., that on John Smith's map of
1G14 and on the so-called "Figurative map," of the
same year, — the earliest maps of the New England
coast that had come down to us, — the St. George's river
has no place whatever, while on Champlain's large
map of 1632, it hardly attracts attention. But the
force of this argument is broken by the recent dis-
covery in the archives at Simancas, Spain, of a copy
of a map^ which was prepared in 1610 by a surveyor
whom King James i, of England sent to Virginia that
year for this purpose. The map, doubtless, was not
made from original surveys except in part. The un-
known surveyor^ evidently made use of the maps of
Gosnold, Pring, Waymouth and other voyagers. Cer-
tainly it is a map surprisingly accurate for that early

1 Alexander Brown's " Genesis of the United States," vol. 1, page 157.

• Mr. Alexander Brown, in his note concerning this map, says "I am inclined to
think that the map was compiled and drawn either by Robert Tyndall or by Cap-
tain Powell. However I cannot be certain." And he adds (Genesis of the United
States, vol. 1, page 438), " I think the map evidently embodies [besides the surveys
of Champlain and other foreigners], the English surveys of White, Gosnold,
Waymouth, Pring, Hudson, Argall, Tyndall, and possibly others. Strachey,
referring to Argall's voyage of June to August, 1010, says he 'made good from
44 degrees, what Captayne Bartho' Gosnold and Captayne Waymouth wanted in
their <iiscoveries, observing all along the coast anil drawing the plotts thereof, as he
steered homewardes unto our bay.' Purchas (vol. iii, page .590), in a side note to
the narrative of Hud.son's voyage along our coast in August, 1609, says, ' This agreeth
•with Robert Tyndall.' Tyndall made a plan of James river for the Prince of
Wales in 1607, which is now probably lost. He made a chai-t of James and York

river in 1608 The North Carolina coast, on this map, was evidently taken

chiefly from Captain John White's survey and drawings. . . . The coast from Cape
Charles to about 41° north latitude and up the Hudson river to a little beyond the
entrance of the Mohawk, contains only one or two names, and I think was drawn
from the recent surveys of Hudson (1609) and Argall (1610)."

WAYMOUTH's voyage to coast of MAINE, 1605. 249

period in its delineation of tlie coast of southern and
northern Virginia. On the coast of Maine familiar
names greet us, such as Cape Porpus, Sagadahock,
Cinebaque (Kennebec), Pemerogat (Pentegoet, Penob-
scot), lies de Mountes Deserts, Isle Haute, etc. Monhe-
gan, called St. George, is correctly located, and the
multitudious islands along the coast are largely repre-
ented, considering the scale upon which the map is drawn.
Such marked features of the landfall as the Camden
and Union mountains are indicated, and a single moun-
tain west of the Kennebec may be intended to repre-
sent Mount Washington as seen from Small point. As
to the general trend of the coast line the superiority of
this Simancas map of 1610 appears when compared
with the other maps of the same period.

But what is especially noteworthy in connection
with this paper is the fact that upon this map, which
antedates the maps with which the cartography of New
England in the seventeenth century has hitherto been
supposed to begin,^ the St. George's river under the
Indian name Tahanock, now for the first time made
known, is delineated with singular accuracy. It has
already been noted that the St. George's river has this
marked peculiarity that on either side are large coves,
by which here and there the breadth of the river is
greatly extended. These " very gallant Coues " as
Rosier described them in the " Relation," are distinctly
marked on the Simancas map, although of course not
with the minuteness of accuracy exhibited in our own
present careful surveys. The " codde " of the river,

1 Narrative and Critical History of America. Vol. 3. p. 381. Kote.

250 MAINE HISTORICAL SOCIETY.

also, appears exactly where from Hosier's description
we should expect to find it. Moreover, Rosier tells us
that Wajmouth, when he ascended the river the sec-
ond time, took with him " a Crosse " to erect at that
point where the river trends westward. It is a remark-
able fact that on the Simancas map of 1610, where
the St. George's river trends in the direction indicated,
there is the mark of a cross. What is this cross, but
the cross to which Rosier refers, and which Waymouth
erected as a token of English discovery ? Its indica-
tion on this map is very strong evidence that this part
of the Simancas map was taken by King James' sur-
veyor from what Rosier calls Waymouth's " perfect
Geographicall Map."

The evidence, therefore, may now be regarded as in
every way conclusive that St. George's harbor is the
Pentecost harbor of Rosier' s " Relation," and that the
river which Waymouth discovered was the Tanahock
or St. George's river.

TRACES OF THE NORTHMEN. 251

TRACES OF THE NORTHMEN.

Read before the Maine Historical Society, February 9, 1888.

BY JOSEPH WILLIAMSON.

In the whole of the territory lying between the
Alleghany and Rocky mountains; in the valleys of the
South, and on the prairies of the West, are found the
most wonderful vestiges of an extinct civilization. Far
removed from the jDathways of ordinary travel — buried
for the most part in the depths of an unbroken wilder-
ness, or hidden beneath the growth of centuries, are
mysterious monumental remains of a people who have
faded from the earth without leaving more than these
vestiges behind. Alike objects of wonder to the ad-
venturous Spaniard and to the intrepid French and
English pioneer, they stood in solitary ruin ; and there
they still stand, hoary chronicles of ages long past,
almost perplexing the imagination as it wanders in
search of their history. Who were they that erected
them ? Whence came, and whither went that race ?
When were those monuments built? — how con-
structed?— for what purpose designed? These are
questions which have been long asked, but never sat-
isfactorily answered. The red man, who for centuries
had held undisputed sway over the plains and solitudes
of America, could give no explanation of these mys-
terious relics, and the researches of Stephens and of
Catherwood have alike failed to deduce their origin.

Nor are the remains of antiquity confined to more
remote portions of our continent. Vestiges exist in

252 MAINE HISTORICAL SOCIETY.

New England, which, although not resembling in mag-
nitude the mounds of the Mississippi valley, nor indi-
cating the civilization of Yucatan, still constitute
unmistakable evidence of a people upon which con-
jecture in part alone can throw light. Not only in
Rhode Island, in southern Massachusetts, and in New
Hampshire have they been found, but our own state
exhibits pre-historic monuments, which have attracted
the attention of foreign archaeologists, and engaged
the speculations of local historians.

That America was visited from the north of Europe
before the voyage of Columbus, has been frequently
regarded as a vague tradition, like the Egyptian legend
narrated by Plato, concerning the island of Atlantis.
The general import of the tradition as given by early
historical writers, is that about the beginning of the
eleventh century, some portion of our coast was dis-
covered by Norwegian navigators sailing from Green-
land; that they finally made a settlement here, calling
the place Vinland or Wineland, from the abundance of
grapes which it produced ; that subsequently, a mis-
sionary enterprise was undertaken from Greenland to
America, for the purpose of converting the natives to
Christianity ; and that after an intercourse had been
maintained with our continent for three centuries, the
colonial establishments either became amalgamated
with the native population, or from other causes dis-
appeared, till the existence of Vinland was forgotten.
Recent researches and discoveries, if they have not
converted this tradition into a fact, have at least ex-
cluded every other theory which has been offered.

%

TRACES OF THE NORTHMEN. 253

Until within comparatively a few years the inclination
of the popular mind has been averse to adopting a
proposition which would in the least detract from the
glory of Columbus, and its advocates, like many re-
formers, have been obliged to combat an obstinate
conservatism. The gradual extension of the idea
forms a curiosity of our historical literature. Dr.
Belknap, the distinguished author of American
Biography, was among the first to venture upon this
almost forbidden ground, unnoticed as it had been by
the earliest historians of Maine and Massachusetts.
Writing in 1794, he says: "Though we can come to
no positive conclusion on a question of such remote
antiquity, yet there are many circumstances to con-
firm, and none to disprove these ancient voyages."
Irving expresses himself with great distrust on the sub-
ject, while admitting that there is no great improbabil-
ity "that such enterprising and roving voyagers as the
Scandinavians may have wandered to the northern
shores of America, about the coast of Labrador, or
the island of Newfoundland." On the other hand,
Bancroft, whose first volume of the history of the
United States appeared in 1834, disposes of the matter
in a few lines. "The story of the colonization of
America by the Northmen," he says, "rests on nar-
ratives, mythological in form, and obscure in meaning ;
ancient, yet not contemporary." In a ballad entitled
"The Skeleton in Armor," suggested by the disinter-
ment of human remains at Fall River, wrapped in
sheets of copper, the sweet muse of Longfellow con-
nected its subject with the stone tower at Newport,

254

MAINE HISTORICAL SOCIETY.

then claimed as the work of the Danes, prior to the
thirteenth century. Subsequent investigations proved
that the structure was erected by early English set-
tlers, for a windmill. So jealously guarded, however,
was the fame of Columbus, that after Mr. Bancroft's
summary rejection of the Northmen theory, the poet
found a public apology necessary, and in a note, ad-
mitted that his point had been destroyed. "It is," he
added, "perhaps sufficiently established for the pur-
pose of a ballad; though doubtless many an honest
citizen of Newport, who has passed his days within
sight of the"Round Tower, will be ready to exclaim
with Sancho; 'God help^e ! did I not warn you to
have a care of what you were doing, for that it was
nothing but a windmill ; and nobody could mistake it,
but one who had the like in his head!' "

Edward Everett, then regarded as one of the most
accomplished of American scholars, differed from
Bancroft, and in 1838, gave his matured conclusion
" that there is no sufficient reason for doubting that
these traditions of the discoveries of the Northmen
are founded on fact, and that our continent was visited
by them in the eleventh century." Humboldt, the
great critic of geographical history, at about the same
time affirmed that " the Scandinavian Northmen were
the true, original discoverers of the new world," and
Harry Wheaton, whose life for many years at the court
of Denmark, was devoted to the study of northern
literature, and to the society of the learned men of
the Danish capital, in his elaborate work entitled "The
History of the Northmen," adopted a similar view.

TRACES OF THE NORTHMEN. 255

Emboldened by such high authority, we find Dr. Pal-
frey's elaborate history of New England, published
twenty-four years later than Bancroft's, conceding,
with some apparent reluctance, that " it is no wise
unlikely that eight or nine hundred years ago the
Norwegian navigators extended their voyages as far
as the American continent." The author remarks: —
Possessing the best nautical skill of their age, they
put to sea in substantial ships, having decks, and well con-
trived rigging. Iceland they had undoubtedly reached and
colonized ; and from Iceland, Greenland. From Cape Farewell,
the southern extremity of Greenland, to the nearest point on the
American continent in Labrador, the distance is no greater than
the distance to Iceland from the point of departure in Norway.
It is altogether credible, that the rovers who explored every sea
from the Baltic to the ^gean should, by stress of bad weather
or by favor of good, have been conveyed a distance of only three
or four days' sail from land. When they had often prosperously
made the passage from their homes to Iceland, they might well
have had confidence for another like adventure, which would
have brought them from Greenland to Labrador. And from
Labrador, the exploration of as much more of the coast of
North America as they might be disposed to visit would require
only a coasting voyage.

Professors of Icelandic literature in the English Un-
iversities now accept the Icelandic chronicles, which
tell of the Northmen's colonies in America, as veri-
table history. One of them. Professor Magnusson of
Cambridge, says in a recent letter: "There is no
learned body in Europe that even breathes a doubt
about the question of the settlement of Vinland by
the Northmen." Thus we see the development of a
new spirit in scholarship, which has the courage of

256 MAINE HISTORICAL SOCIETY.

modern science, " dropping hard and fast dividing
lines, doubting many statements which have hitherto
accounted for the world's history, and trusting rather
to everyday and natural operations, through longer
periods, to accomplish results;" a spirit, which only
a few months since, in the city of Boston, with im-
posing ceremonies, sanctioned by the highest state
and municipal authority, culminated in the dedication
of a statue of the typical Northman, inscribed in both
Runic and English characters : —

"Leif, the Discoverer, Son' of Erfc, who Sailed from
Iceland, and Landed on this Continent, a. d. 1000."

The inquiry is at once suggested : '' Who were the
Northmen?" They were the descendants of the
Scandinavians, who it is thought sprung from the
Thracians mentioned by Homer ; a nation now extinct.
Passing from Asia into Germany and Denmark, they
spread from thence into Sweden and Norway, beside
furnishing at a later period, large additions to the
population of England. In the year 860, the remote
island of Iceland became definitely known to them,
and soon after immigration there commenced. It
continued without interruption until the tenth century,
when the population numbered over sixty thousand.
A large portion of the colonists came from Gei'man}'-;
many, also, were from Denmark ; while others sailed
from the British Isles. The Danes, the Swedes, the
Norwegians and the Icelanders, therefore, are all em-
braced under the name of the Northmen, or Norse-
men. Mr. Everett remarks: —

Something of the reluctance to admit their discovery of Amer-
ica unquestionably springs from a superficial notion of the im-

TEACES OF THE NORTHMEN. 257

probability that a people locked up, as we almost think them,
within the icebergs of the north, should have preceded the
Genoese, the Venetians, the Spaniards, and Portuguese in cross-
ing the Atlantic. It happens, however, that at the very period
when this discovery is alleged to have been made by the North-
men, they were, of all the tribes of men, precisely the people to
make it. Out of a little speck of a barbarous horde, not impoi-tant
enough to be named by Tacitus in his account of the Germans,
there had sj^rung up, in the course of a few years, that bold,
enterprising, warlike race, who, under a strange political organiza-
tion in which feudalism, traffic, knight-errantry and piracy bore
equal parts, covered the ocean with their commercial and their
naval marine, discovered, or colonized, or both, the archipelago of
the North, Iceland, and Greenland, the Orkneys, the Shetland
Islands, Ireland, and the main of England; all littoral Germany,
the LoAV Countries, and the northern coast of France; ravaged
the shores of the Mediterranean; sacked the cities of Tuscany;
wrested Apulia from the Greek emperors ; made successful war
with the Pope ; over-ran Greece, and carried terror to the walls of
Constantinople. Naval skill, experience, and power, were the
foundation of this ubiquitous dominion.

Their situation near the sea, and the advantage
which that element possessed over the resources of a
rough soil and a cold climate, led them at an early
period to the science and practice of navigation. That
their vessels were constructed in a manner to defy the
storms of the northern ocean is apparent from the
Viking ship of the eleventh century recently exhumed
in Norway, of which a recent number of Scrib-
ner's magazine contains an account. This vessel was
seventy-eight feet long by sixteen feet wide ; built of
oak, with planks laid over the timbers in lap-streak
style, and with caulked seams. Sir Walter Scott, in
Vol. II. 18

258 MAINE HISTORICAL SOCIETY.

his Lay of the Last Minstrel, referring to the West-
ern isles, thus speaks of this remarkable people : —

Thither came, in times afar,

Stern Lochlin's sons of roving war ;

The Northmen, trained to spoil and blood,

Skilled to prepare the raven's food ;

Kinsrs of the main — their leaders brave —

Their barks, the dragons of the wave.

The Northmen were by no means illiterate, and at an
early period their language had a written form com-
prised of rough characters called Runic, or Runes.
No manuscript employing these characters exists, and
our knowledge of them is derived from a multitude of
inscriptions on stones which are scattered through
Norway, Sweden and Scotland. It is doubtful if
either history or literature has derived much value
from the Runic letters, which at the present day the
most learned scholars find difficulty in deciphering.
After the conversion of the Danes and Norwegians to
Christianity, they adopted the Roman alphabet. In
Iceland there were educated men called skalds, de-
noting "^smoothers or polishers of language," or bards;
and sagamen, who recited in prose, with greater de-
tail, what the skalds had given in verse. By these,
the real and traditionary annals of the country were
transmitted to posterity. With a third generation
from the discovery of America, a series of national
writers of reputation commences, whose works are
preserved and form a satisfactory basis of authentic
history. Until a comparatively recent date, many of
these writings, untranslated and inaccessible, existed

TRACES OF THE NORTHIMEN. 259

only in the Danish libraries. Their historic purport
deduced from compositions of some eighteen credible
authors as contained in a volume published at Copen-
hagen, entitled "American Antiquities, or Northern
Writino;s of Things in America before the Time of
Columbus," is substantially as follows: —

About a hundred years before the Norman conquest
of England, an Icelander named Biarne sailed from
Iceland for Greenland, in search of his father, who
had gone thither. Overtaken by fogs, he lost his
reckoning. When the weather became clear, he found
himself sailing in a northeasterly direction, with low
and wooded land on the port side. He continued on
the same course for nine days, and at the end of them
arrived in Greenland, reaching it in an opposite direc-
tion to that with which the voyage had been begun.

The subject had been pondered several years, when
in 1000, one Leif, with a single vessel and a crew of
thirty-five men, sailed from Greenland in search of the
land reported to have been seen by Biarne. He found
it, went on shore, and called the place Helluland, from
a word signifying slate in the Icelandic tongue. Em-
barking again and proceeding southwardly along the
coast, he came to a country well wooded and level,
except as it was broken along the sea by a succession
of bluffs of white sand. This he called Markland, in
allusion to its wood. Sailing two days more with a
northeasterly wind, out of sight of land, he reached
an island, and passed westward along its northern side.
He disembarked, built huts, and wintered on the main-
land, which he named Vinland or Wineland, in conse"

260 MAINE HISTORICAL SOCIETY.

quence of a report from one of his crew, a German,
that, wandering in the woods, he had seen abundance
of grapes such as wine was made from in his native
country.

On returning to Greenland, Leif gave his vessel to
his brother Thorwald, who set sail on an expedition to
explore the new county further toward the south.
He passed a winter in Vinland, and during the fol-
lowinii: summer found several uninhabited islands.
After another winter, he sailed to the eastward, and
then to the north. Doubling a cape, which he called
Kialarnes, or keel-cape, and coasting along the shore
of the bay within, he received a mortal wound from
some natives by a woody promontory, which was
called Krossanes, from a cross set up at the head of
his grave. His companions passed a third winter in
Vinland, and then returned to Greenland.

The next expedition was planned on a larger scale.
Thorfinn, a person of rank and wealth, with a hundred
and sixty men in three vessels, sailed from Greenland
for Vinland for the purpose of establishing a colony.
They touched at Helluland and Markland, saw Cape
Kialarnes as they steered south, and, passing by a long
beach of sand, came to a bay extending up into the
country with an island at its entrance. Southwesterly
from this island, they entered the mouth of a river,
and passed up into a lake, upon whose banks wheat
and vines grew wild. The natives, who came about
them in canoes, were of a sallov/ complexion, with
large, ill-formed faces and shaggy hair. There was no
snow, and the live stock which had been brought

TRACES OF THE NORTHIMEN. 261

wintered in the woods. After some conflicts with the
savages, Thorfinn relinquished his project of coloniza-
tion and returned to Greenland. Accounts of two
naore voyages to Vinland within the next three or
four years make the last of these circumstantial nar-
ratives ; but the communication between the countries
is represented as having been not entirely discontinued
before the middle of the fourteenth century.

The name Helluland may have been given to what
we call Labrador, or Newfoundland; Markland may
answer to Nova Scotia ; and it has been asserted that
Yinland applied to Maine, Massachusetts, and Rhode
Island. Dr. J. G. Kohl, an eminent German author
and traveler, in his " History of the Discovery of
Maine," published in 1869, supposes that our coast was
repeatedly visited by the Northmen, who probably
included it under the name of Vinland; though it
may, perhaps, sometimes have been considered as a
part of Markland. He thinks that both Biarne and
Leif crossed the Gulf of Maine, that Thorwald, in
1004, landed here, and that the cape where he was
buried was not far from our southern boundary. But
the materials for identifying any of these localities are
insufficient; the strongest argument in behalf of
Maine consists in the discovery of certain stone works,
rock inscriptions, and articles composed of metal,
which point unmistakably to a race existing here
before the Indians.

A century and a half ago, the earliest settlers on
Kennebec river found near Waterville remains of a
blacksmith's forge with moldered and decayed bricks.

262 MAINE HISTORICAL SOCIETY.

Shortly after, at the head of Merrymeeting bay, the
outlines of thirteen hearths were brought to light, in
the midst of trees whose concentric rings indicated an
age of over six hundred years. Similar structures,
composed of round boulders, arranged in parallel
rows, together with charred wood, have been ex-
humed from beneath a peat bed in Massachusetts.
Archoeologists agree that they were not the work of
the savages, for if the custom of hearths had been once
adopted by them, the whole continent would have
abounded in like remains, occurring under deposits
progressively thinner up to the surface. In Scandina-
via, such hearthstones are frequently uncovered.

The mining and working of copper have never been
attributed to the red man ; yet these Kennebec hearths
disclosed several implements composed of that sub-
stance. So also have ancient burial places in different
places of our State. Among human remains found in
the town of Union, were copper rods about a foot
long, of the diameter of a pipe-stem, and also a quan-
tity of small copper balls. In 1860, the exhumation
of skeletons at Harpswell disclosed several hundred
copper tubes, probably forming a belt or breastplate.
The tubes were of different lengths, accurately rolled
into shape, and preserving uniformitj^ in their resj^ec-
tive rows. Several sheets of flat thin copper were
also embedded, but so corroded and broken as to leave
no indication of their use. Two years since, a chain
twenty feet long, composed of copper beads, was
found among human bones at Front's Neck, near Port-
land. Native copper seems to have been a favorite

TRACES or THE NORTHMEN. 263

material among the momid-builders of the West. The
metal was probably taken directly from the Lake
Superior deposits, as they exhibit abundant evidence
of ancient mining operations.

Stone inscriptions, like those existing in the north
of Europe, have been found along our coast. That
on Menanas, a small island near Monhegan, has at-
tracted attention from both the scientific and the
curious. It is engraved with a sharp instrument upon
the vertical face of a ledge, in a ravine which extends
some distance across the island, where glacial action
could not operate, to leave as it has done, all over the
rocks of Maine, unquestioned scratches. It covers a
space of about four feet long by six inches wide. The
characters are composed of straight lines, resembling
the Runic letters N.W.L.V. and X. Although regard-
ed by many as of Scandinavian origin, the learned
societies of Denmark have never recognized it as such,
perhaps for the reason suggested by Professor Halde-
man at a meeting of the American Scientific Associa-
tion in 1856, where a cast was exhibited, that there
were not three men in Copenhagen who understood
the Runic symbols.

It will be remembered that Leif, after sailing two days
and nights from Markland or Nova Scotia, reached an
island. This may be supposed to have been Monhe-
gan from the following circumstances : — On the hori-
zon, mountains blue with distance were seen. Such
the Camden hills appear to the observer at Monhegan.
"The island lay east of the main land," says the ac-
count. This is the position of Monhegan. From the

264 MAINE HISTORICAL SOCIETY.

island, the Northmen entered a neighboring river,
through which they were carried into a lake filled with
salmon. Near by, their houses were erected, and they
passed the winter. The river is well represented by
the Kennebec, which joins the ocean near Monhegan,
and Merrymeeting bay corresponds to the lake. Near
the latter were found the stone hearths that have
been described. It does not require much aid from
the imagination to connect the inscription with the
latter, as the work of the Northmen;, the one rude-
ly intended to commemorate their discovery, or to
mark the resting-place of a companion; and the other
as the ruins of their winter settlement, the relics of
seven centuries. The advanced position of Monhegan
presents the earliest view of land to an approaching
mariner, and it is not improbable that it attracted the
attention of the bold Vikings. We find difficulty in
reconciling the description of the temperate climate
with modern experience. But the cold winters of
New England, compared with those of Greenland, to
which the Northmen were accustomed, must have
resembled the mildness of spring; and beside, the
seasons may have changed. Because grapes are not
now indigenous to our soil, we cannot say that they
may not have been so in the days of Leif. Early
French settlers found grapes in such abundance in
Canada that the Island of Orleans, near Quebec, was
named by them the Isle of Bacchus. The letter of
Popham to King James, in 1607, from the mouth of
the Kennebec, affirming that nutmegs, mace, and cin-
namon, besides pitch, cochineal and Brazil wood were

TEACES OF THE NORTHMEN. 265

produced there, is more inconsistent than that grapes
grew in Newfoundland or Maine.

On Damiscove islands are said to be inscriptions re-
sembling the Monhegan one. A granite tablet, four-
teen feet by two, of compact texture, is covered with
figures and characters of various sizes and lengths, some
cut with gouge-like instruments, and others by sharp-
pointed tools. At Machiasport is shown a picture, or
perhaps a map, engraved upon a rock just below the
high-tide margin. The ledge into which it is cut, is
a green stone trap, of a flat, tabular form, and sloping
to the sea at an angle of about ten degrees. A space
about sixty feet long, measuring at right angles to the
shore, is quite closely covered with figures of men and
animals, together Avith lines apparently indicating
streams and ponds. Stinson's neck, near Deer Isle,
contains a causeway connecting the two islands, com-
posed of worn, rounded boulders. It is about thirty
feet wide, regular on its sides, and a quarter of a mile
long from shore to shore. Its origin is unaccounted
for.

In this connection, may be given an interesting fact
noted by the Rev. Jacob Bailey, an Episcopal minister
at Pownalboro, now Dresden, before the Revolution: —

On the western side of the Kennebec river, about thirty-two
miles from its mouth, there is a round hill, nearly of a circular
form, with a base whose area may occupy half an acre, which
rises above the surrounding level, nearly fifty feet perpendicular.
This hill is one entire pile of stones, covered with herbage and
several stately oaks, which make a fine appearance from the
water. There is some probability that it was erected by art,
and what serves to confirm this opinion is that not a single stoue

266 MAINE HISTORICAL SOCIETY.

can be found on the adjacent plains. Two hills of a similar
aspect, and the same materials, may be seen in Gardinerstown,
about three miles distant. It is conjectured that these were
raised by the natives in former ages, or else were designed to
cover the bodies of some mighty heroes.

Outlines of what is thought by some to have been
a prehistoric road, exist in Northport, near the bluff.
The wonderful shell heaps at Newcastle, measuring
three hundred and fifty feet by one hundred and
twenty-five, with an average depth of twelve feet,
were long supposed to have been the work of the
Indians, who dwelt during successive seasons on the
coast, for the same purpose that the natives in Ore-
gon now annually visit the Pacific cojist — to dry fish
for winter use. Recent investigations by scientific men
however, prove that they are at least six hundred
years old, and that while the Indians are probably re-
sponsible for some of the upper deposits, the presence
of bones of extinct animals, and other evidences in
the lower strata, show their connection with an earlier
race. Some of the implements are almost identical
with those found in European mounds. Archaeologists
who have explored similar heaps in Denmark, are of
opinion that they constitute the refuse of prehistoric
feasts. It may be that history is now repeating itself,
and that the Newcastle shells point to mammoth clam-
bakes of the western mound builders, whose course is
marked by fragments of pottery, copper tools, and
other indestructible articles, just as at the present day
tin cans, sardine boxes, and broken glass indicate the
line of summer excursionists along our coast.

TRACES OF THE NORTHMEN. 267

Upon a consideration of the subject of the North-
men, many perplexing questions naturally arise. Why
is our knowledge of their occupancy continued as it
was for over three hundred years, so limited and un-
satisfactory ? Why do so few proofs of their coloniza-
tion remain ? What became of them ? Why did not
some traditionary account of the race reach us through
the Indians ? Mr. Everett remarks : —

That such a discovery should have been made, so vast, so in-
teresting; that expeditions to explore, to settle, and to evange-
lize the countiy should have been undertaken ; and that a com-
munication between America on the one hand, and Greenland
and Iceland on the other, should have been kept up for three
centuries and a half ; that written accounts of these very impor-
tant events should be in existence; and that the discovery should
have been j^ushed to no greater consequences ; nay, that all ef-
fective knowledge of it after a time, should have perished ; are,
it must be admitted, circumstances somewhat difficult to explain.
If it be hard to find a continent, one would think it must be
harder to lose one. When America was said to be discovered by
Columbus, the intelUgence rung through Europe. The old world
seemed to pour itself out upon the new. The discovery by the
Northmen appeared to produce no sensation in the world. It
had no effect upon the mind of Europe at large. It led to no
vigorous efforts at colonization ; awoke no spirit of adventure ;
occasioned none of those mighty revolutions which were caused
by the discovery of Columbus, and was before long forgotten.
These are difficulties which must be looked in the face.

Are they sufficiently accounted for by the want of the
art of printing; by the comparative barbarism of the
eleventh and twelfth centuries, as contrasted with the
kindling intelligence of the beginning of the sixteenth ?
Was the attention of men called forth in other quarters;

268 MAINE HISTORICAL SOCIETY.

to the revolutions that were advancing under Norman
banners in Apulia and Scicily ; to the magnificent con-
quest of England by a Norman prince; and, above all,
to the great movement of the crusades, which shook
Europe to its center? Again, the Spanish discoverers,
on the first islands, and first portions of the continent
which they visited, found the precious metals in abun-
dance. This discovery urged the passion for advent-
ure to madness. Gold and silver were found in heaps.
The tale went home of rivers, that flowed over beds
of golden sands; of temples, whose walls blazed with
the precious ore; of captive princes, purchasing their
ransom by halls full of piled ingots. It turned the
heads of men in the old country. They grew frantic
to attain this gold; and it soon became necessary, in
order to avoid the depopulation of Spain, that severe
restrictions should be laid on emigration. But avarice
was not the only master-passion which was enkindled.
The Spanish adventurers encountered at the outset a
delicious tropical climate, a region inhabited by races,
which, compared with themselves, were un warlike and
timid, — whose civilization had furnished many of the
arts of luxury and gaudy display but few of those
of defense, at least against a mounted, iron-clad enemy,
who fought with thunderbolts. Ambition was fired at
the thought of achieving the conquest of vast realms,
by a trilling expense of the resources of European
warfare. The career of Cortez and Pizarro was enough
to ruin a generation of young men, — to corrupt the
imaginations and unsettle the judgments of men for
a century. Far otherwise the case with the Northmen.

TRACES OF THE NORTIEMEN. 269

They landed, at best, on an unhospitable coast ; inhab-
ited by a warlike race of savages; they themselves
had no firearms; and the country, and those who oc-
cupied it, offered little to awaken ambition or avarice.
At a much later period, we witness the effect of this
diversity in the character of the two portions of the
continent upon the conduct both of governments and
individuals. Newfoundland, we know certainly, was
discovered by Cabot for England, a few years after
the West Indies were discovered by Columbus for
Spain. And yet, though the example of Spain, in
turning her almost undivided attention to her new
American acquisitions, was before the eyes of England,
she neglected hers for three-quarters of a century,
and, at last, did little more than extend a parsimonious
countenance to the feeble attempts of private com-
panies to colonize the continent.

It must be remembered, also, that the event took
place during the middle ages, when the light of science
in southern Europe was wholly extinguished, and only
a faint glimmering of learning, confined to the cells
of the monks, was visible. At a time when the very
existence of such cities as Pompeii and Herculaneum
was forgotten; and when forests concealed the splen-
did structures of Poestum and Petra, it is not strange
that all recollection of our western region should have
faded away. Besides, the discoverers of Vinland did
not consider it as a new world. They regarded it as
a continuation of the old — as a part of their Scandina-
vian home. Their settlement produced no lasting or
important results for civilization.

270 MAINE HISTORICAL SOCIETY.

Why no Indian tradition bears testimony to the last
colony, does not seem strange, if we consider the lim-
ited mental capacity of that race. Remarks one
writer : —

The proceedings of the second generation before his own, were
as unknown to the North American native, as the events of the
ancient world. In ballads, songs, or other rhythmical form of
legend, most communities inherit some kindling association with
the past. But he had nothing of the kind, nor of any other
poetry. He possessed no chronicles, no memorials.

His connection with other races has been fondly
attempted by fanciful historians, in referring to his
hope of felicity in fields beyond the gates of death,
where he should meet his ancestors, and be happy in
a state of immortality. Judge Sullivan, however, who
wrote an account of the tribes which occupied Maine,
and who had studied their origin and character, says
that : —

From any conversation had with the Indians here, or from any-
thing which can be gathered from those who have been most
with them, there is no reason to believe that the Northern sav-
ages ever had any ideas of that nature.

Upon a careful review of all the evidence in the
case, I think that the conclusion must be reached that
the coast of Maine was at least temporarily occupied
by the Northmen. Had their stay been of any dura-
tion, some architectural monuments would exist, as in
Greenland and in Iceland, where ruins of their stone
churches and other buildings are still to be seen. But
nothing definite, of a permanent, lasting nature has
been found. Why settlements were continued in the

TRACES OF THE NORTHMEN. 271

dreary latitude of those countries, and abandoned
here ; whether the race disappeared under some sudden
or overwhelming irruption of hostile nations; were
swept away by devastating pestilence, like those which
Mexican tradition records ; or migrated elsewhere im-
der the inducement of powerful neighbors or the seduc-
tions of a more genial climate, are questions of deep
interest, but to which as yet, no satisfactory answer
can be given.

THE BEGINNINGS OF MAINE. 273

THE BEGINNINGS OF MAINE.

Read before the Maine Historical Society, December 21, 1889.

BY JAMES P. BAXTER.

The history of the colonization of Maine begins not
long after that of her sister state, Virginia; but the
first settlements in the latter were more continuous
than the former, hence we have more complete and
satisfactory records of the early history of Virginia
than of Maine. Owing to the fragmentary and often
obscure character of the beginnings of Maine history,
her historians have been perplexed and even, in some
instances, misled by imperfect records of events, simple
enough in themselves, but troublesomely complex when
taken into view with other associated events. With
respect to the obscurity of some of these early records,
we may cite in illustration the building of the first
vessel in the English colonies, known as the Virginia,
built by the Popham colonists at the mouth of the
Sagadahoc, in the autumn and early winter of the
year 1607.

So obscure was the record of the building of the
Virginia, that an able Massachusetts writer some time
ago ridiculed the idea, and denied in an article of con-
siderable force, that such a vessel had been built by
the colonists; yet we now possess ample evidence that
the Virginia was not only built, as we had been vague-
ly informed she had been ; but that she returned to
England ^ and performed at least one successful voyage

1 Vide History of the Virginia Compauy of London, by Edward D. Neill, Albany,
1869. Pages 29 ei seg'.

Vol. II. 19

274 MAINE HISTORICAL SOCIETY.

to southern Virt^inia in the fleet of Sir George Som-
ers, having outridden a storm, which caused disaster
to other vessels of the fleet built in the well equipped
dockyards of England. We may, therefore, still just-
ly claim that Maine built the first vessel in the English
colonies, and in this respect, as in so many others, is
entitled to bear her ambitious motto, Dirigo.

Having experienced in common with other students
of early Maine history the difficulty of obtaining a
clear view of events connected with the first attempts
at colonization on our coast, owing to the paucity of
material at command, I spent several months while
in England in an endeavor to add to that material. In
pursuance of this object, I searched in public and
private archives for manuscripts of the 17th century,
relating in any way to America, especially to that
portion known as New England.

Perhaps the most valuable discovery was made at
Hatfield House, whose invaluable treasures were gen-
erously thrown open to me by the present owner.
The great muniment room of Hatfield House contains
the correspondence of Lord Burleigh, Queen Eliza-
beth's famous minister, and of his son, Sir Robert
Cecil, as well as other correspondence of a later date.
Among this correspondence I found a large number
of the letters of Sir Ferdinando Goro:es, the oriijrinal
proprietor of Maine, several of which relate to his
efforts at colonization, and which clear up points
hitherto obscure, rendered in a measure so by Sir
Ferdinando's own account of his colonial undertak-
ings, written at an advanced age, under the title of
"A Brief Narration."

THE BEGINTflNGS OF MAINE. 275

The first settlement at Sagadahoc has been a fruit-
ful theme of discussion, and has given rise to much
speculative, critical, and I may add intemperate
writing.

We will not stojo to discuss the character of the
colonists, who have been denominated " Old Baily con-
victs," "cut purses," and other opprobrious names,^
but quote what has heretofore been the popular theory
of the settlement. This is to the effect, that the ships
Mary and John, and Gift of God, bearing the colo-
nists, reached the mouth of the Sagadahoc in the sum-
mer of 1607, and, on the twentieth of August, prepara-
tions were begun for settlement. That the colonists,
erected a fort ; laid the keel of a small vessel ; built a
church and fifty houses; and, on the fifteenth of Dec-
ember, the Mary and John was dispatched for England
with supplies, bearing a letter from George Popham to
the king. That this vessel upon reaching England was
furnished with supplies for the colonists and returned
in the spring, bearing the news of the death of Chief
Justice Popham, and also of Sir John Gilbert, the
brother of Raleigh Gilbert, who was then in command
of the colony, George Popham having died during the
winter; whereupon the settlement was abandoned,
and the colonists returned to England.^ A theory has
also been advanced, that a portion of the colonists re-
mained behind, perhaps forty-five, mentioned by Har-
low, who has left us a few brief particulars of the
expedition, and that eleven of them were subsequent-

1 Vide The Popham Colony, (P.) Boston 1866. P. 9, 29, et passim.

276 MAINE HISTORICAL SOCIETY.

ly slain by the Indians.-^ This theory is based upon
the following statements of Pere Biard.

"This people [the Indians] do not appear to be wick-
ed, although they have undone the English, who wished
to live among them in the year 1608 and 1609. They
excused themselves to us for this act, and recounted to
us the outrages that they had received from the said
English, and flattered us, saying that they loved us
well, because they knew that we did not shut our
doors against the savages like the English, and that
we did not chase them from our tables with blows of a
stick, nor make our dogs bite them.

"But inasmuch as I have here made mention of the
English, perhaps some one will desire to know their for-
tune, which we learned in this place. It is then as fol-
lows: that in the year 1608, the English began to
settle in one of the mouths of the river Kini beqae,
as we have before said. They had there a leader, a
very honest man and he bore himself very well with
the natives of the country. They said nevertheless,
that the Armouchiquoise were afraid of such neighbors,
and for this reason made this aforesaid captain die.
These men use the art of killing by magic. Now the
second year, 1609 the English under another captain
changed the fashion. They drove away the savages
without any consideration; beat, bruised, and tore them
with dogs without restraint, wherefore these poor,
abused people, impatient of the present, and foreseeing
still worse things for the future, resolved as they say,

1 Vide Relations dcs Jesuites, & Canada, Lyons, 1616 ami Premit^re Mission des Jes-
uites i. Canada par Le P. Auguste Carayon, Paris, 1864, p. 70 et set/. Cf also Collec-
tiona of the Maine Historical Society, Bath, ISTO, vol. vii, pp. 291-3-22.

THE BEGINXENGS OF MAINE. 277

to kill the wolf's cub before he had stronger teeth and
claws. The opportunity came to them one day, when
three boats went away to fish, my conspirators followed
on their track, and approaching them with a fine show
of friendship (for thus they display the more carts^es
where they conceal the more treachery) they entered
[the boats] and at a given signal, each one chooses his
man and kills him with knife strokes. Thus were dis-
patched eleven Englishmen. The others, intimidated
abandoned their enterprise the same year, and have
not pursued it since, contenting themselves with com-
ing in the summer to fish at this island of Emeteric,
which we have said to be about eight leagues from the
fort, which they had begun."

Considerable stress has been laid upon the date here
given by Biard : namely, "1608 and 1609," to show
that a portion of the colony were residing at Sa-
bino, or in the vicinity, in 1609; but that Biard made
the very natural error of a year in his statement, is
evident from the fact, that he says, that the English
began the colony in 1608 and that the second year
of its existence was 1609, while we know positively,
that the first year was 1607, and second was of course
1608.

He tells us also that the successor of Popham
changed the fashion of his predecessor, who was kind
to the natives, and treated them cruelly, which caused
them to avenge themselves by killing eleven of his
men. Popham's successor was Gilbert, and we know
that he returned home in 1608. When Biard's account
is carefully read it affords no support to the theory of

278 MAINE HISTORICAL SOCIETY.

a continuance of colony after 1608; indeed, it quite
disproves it, as he expressly declares, and he is the
most valuable witness we have besides Gorges, that
"they abandoned their enterprise the same year," the
year 1608, as we have shown, "and have not pursued
it since."

Fortunately the discovery of the correspondence of
Sir Ferdinando Gorges enables us to clear up many
points in the history of the Sagadahoc expedition
hitherto obscure.

Before scanning these letters, let us review the facts
relating to the Popham expedition, many of which are
disclosed by the journal of the voyage kept on board
the Mary and John, and of which we are now fortu-
nately possessed.

On the last days of May, 1607, Sir Ferdinando
Gorges took leave of George Popham and Raleigh Gil-
bert in the harbor of Plymouth, and saw the two ships
which they respectively commanded, the Gift of God,
and the Mary and John of London, depart for the new
world in which he took a deep interest.

He had received accounts from George Waymouth
and Martin Pring of the coast of Maine, 3Iawooshen,
as we have been told it was called by the natives ; and
of the river Sagadahoc, and to this unexplored and
mysterious region, peopled by savages and with bound-
less possibilities of wealth, the expedition commanded
by George Popham, to the preparation of which he
had zealously devoted many months, was to direct its
course.

Popham had doubtless been selected to the chief
place in the enterprise, not only on account of his re-

THE BEGINNINGS OF MAINE. 279

lationship to the chief justice, but also in consideration
of his distinguished services in the West Indies, which
were well known to those interested in maratime af-
fairs, and had been emphasized by the publication of
important letters relating to Spanish discoveries, cap-
tured on one of his voyages, and published by Walter
Raleigh.

His last act before sailing was to write Sir Robert
Cecil to remind him of a former letter relatino; to mer-
cantile affairs with Spain, and to recommend a friend
to the position of collector of customs at the port of
Bridge water, which he had just vacated.^ From the
language of this letter he evidently expected to re-
turn, but he took his last look that day from the deck
of the Gift, of the green fields and blossoming hedge-
rows of his beloved Enorland.

In four weeks from their departure the expedition
reached the Azores, where they supplied themselves
with water and fuel. On the twenty-ninth of June,
having left the Azores, they fell in with two Flemish
ships, one of which hailed the Mary and John, where-
upon Gilbert invited her captain to visit his ship and
take a can of beer. This invitation was accepted, and
the Flemish captain and several of his men were enter-
tained in a friendly manner by Gilbert. In return for
the civility of the Englishmen, they were invited on
board the Flemish ship, and when there, to their great
surprise, were ill-treated, and some of them placed

» Vide Letter of George Popham, dated May 31, 1607, to Secretary Cecil, Hatfield
House. This request was granted, as will be seeu by the following : "Whereaa
Mr. George Popham his Mats Customer of the Port of Bridgewater and the mem-
bers thereof being by my good liking and consent gone in the late voyage to
Virginia," etc. appoints Rowland Jones as Deputy during his absence. End. 1607
from Copy of Letters Patent, Cecil Papers, 124, 115.

280 MAINE HISTORICAL SOCIETY.

on the bilboes. Some of the mariners on board the
Flemish ship happened to be Englishmen, and sj^mpa-
thized with their countrymen to such a degree as to
tlireaten a mutiny, whereupon the Flemish captain
tliouoht it best to look at Gilbert's commission, and to
find an excuse for his Uberation, after an imprisonment
of ten hours.

The Mary and John, in the meantime, had been fly-
ing signals of distress, which were not noticed by the
Gift, which kept on her course and was lost to sight.
On the last day of July, Gilbert reached the coast of
Maine, and had friendly intercourse with the natives,
but did not meet with the Gift until the seventh of Au-
gust. The meeting was a joyous one, and the two cap-
tains anchored their ships under the lee of Georges' Is-
land, where they found the cross erected there by George
Waymouth. From here they sailed to the mouth of
the Sagadahoc and fixed upon the peninsula of Sabino
as the site for their prospective town. On the ninth of
August possession of the territory was formally taken;
a sermon was preached by Rev. Richard Seymour in
the shade of the primeval forest ; the laws which they
had brought from England and which were to govern
them in their new home were read, and their rulers
announced. Having thus inaugurated, under all the
necessary forms of law, the first New England colony,
the colonists on the next day began breaking ground
for their fort and storehouse. The ship carpenters
also went to work cutting timber for a small vessel.^

1 Vide Harlow's IJelation in Tlie General Ilistoiy of Virginia by Captain John
Smith, Richmonil, Va., 1819, vol. ii, page 174. The History of Travel into Vir-
ginia by William Strachey, Maine Historical collection, vol iii, p. 308. The Saga-
dahoc colony, Mass. Hist. Soc. Proceedings, May, 1880.

THE BEGINNINGS OF MAINE. 281

Bv the letters of Goro-es written on the first and
third of tlie following December, we learn that within
the period of two months after the arrival of the colo-
nists at Sagadahoc, the Mary and John was dispatched
to England to carry the news of their safe arrival and
to get supplies. On the first day of December this
ship reached Plymouth, and Sir Ferdinando at once
hastened, " late at night," to inform Cecil by letter
of the fact. This letter is as follows : —

(Cecil Papers 123, 77.) •

SIR F. GORGES TO SIR R. CECIL.

Eight Honorable. This present day, here is ar-
rived one of our ships out of the parts of Virginia,
with great news of a fertile country, gallant rivers,
stately harbors, and a people tractable (so discreet
courses be taken with them), but no return, to satisfy
the expectation of the adventurers, the which may be
an occasion to blemish the reputation of the design,
although in reason it could not be otherways, both be-
cause of the shortness of their abode there (which was
but two months) as also their want of means to follow
their directions, their number being so small, and their
business so great, beside in very truth, the defect and
want of understanding of some of those employed, to
jDerform what they were directed unto, from whence,
there did not only proceed confusion, but thorough
pride and arrogancy, faction and private resolution, as
more at large your Lordship shall perceive, by my
next, with the particulars thereof; in the meantime, I
have sent this inclosed, humbly beseeching it may be
delivered to Sir Francis Popham, whom I doubt not.

282 MAINE HISTORICAL SOCIETY.

but will at large acquaint your Lordship what ho re-
ceiveth, although I believe he will not hear of all that
hath passed. For my own opinion, I am confident that
there will be divers reasons to persuade a constant res-
olution to pursue this place, as first the boldness of
the coast, the easiness of the navigation, the fertility
of the soil, and the several sorts of commodities, that
they are assured the country do yield, as namely fish
in the season, in great plenty, all the coast along mast-
ing for ships, goodly oaks and cedars, with infinite
other sorts of trees, rosin, hemp, grapes very fair and
excellent good, whereof they have already made wine,
much like to the claret wine that comes out of France,
rich furs if they can keep the Frenchmen from the
trade, as for metals, they can say nothing, but they are
confident there is in the coxmtry, if they had means to
seek for it, neither could they go so high as the alum
mines are, which the savages doth assure them there
is great plenty of. Thus much I humbly desire may
satisfy your Lordship at this present, until I be better
able to furnish your Lordship with the rest that they
can say. I have likewise sent your Lordship Mr.
Challons his letter, brought me out of Spain, whereby
it may appear unto your Honor what hopes he had at
the writing thereof; howsoever for my particular I do
infinitely think myself bound to your Lordship in their
behalf, and do yield humble thanks for your Honor's
favor, showed towards them ; their case is miserable,
and the wrongs proffered them infinite. I know not
how to help it, but humbly implore for their releases
those who are best able to do them good and to ease

THE BEGINNINGS OF MAINE. 283

their necessities in what I may, all the rest of the ad-
venturers having given them over. Even so recom-
mending your Lordship to God's protection, I humbly
take my lei'ive, resting in all service during my life
Your Lordship humbly to be commanded,

Fakd. Goeges.

I should have remembered your Lordship that the
country doth yield Sarsaparilla in great abundance and
a certain silk that doth grow in small cods, a sample
whereof I will send this night or to-morrow.

Plymouth this 1st of December, late at night, 1607.

Add : To the Right Honorable my very good Lord
the Earl of Salisbury these.

End. pri. Decemb. 1607 Sir Fardi. Gorges to my
Lord.

What a glowing description is this of the shores of
Maine, which have so often been painted as sterile and
forbidding; yet, it is not a whit more exaggerated
than the descriptions of adventurers into new lands
from that day to this. Maine, indeed, possessed gal-
lant rivers and stately harbors ; goodly oaks and cedars ;
valuable minerals and rich furs; but its grapes have
failed to produce wine to compare with the vintage of
la belle France. Strange metamorphosis! Maine
which, in 1607, was to be the pioneer in the production
of intoxicants to become the pioneer in prohibiting
their manufacture and use! And what of the alum
mines, the sarsaparilla and the silk plant?

If the colonists had not seen these alum mines, how
came they to suppose that such mines existed? The

284 MAINE HISTORICAL SOCIETY.

Indians could have known nothing of the nature of
the mineral, though it is possible that the colonists
found specimens of pyritic shales in the vicinity of
their camps, and were told by the Indians that farther
away such rocks might be found in large quantities.
It is probable that in accordance with a prevalent cus-
tom, the Popham expedition had a mineralogist at-
tached to it, and that when he found any mineral of
value he questioned the natives respecting it, in order to
learn from them if it existed anywhere in considerable
quantities. Such was Thomas Graves, subsequently
sent to New England " to exercise his scientific qualifi-
cations," and who is described as " a man experienced
in iron works, in salt works, in measuring and surveying
of lands, and in fortifications, in lead, copper and alum
mines." Be this as it may, Sir Ferdinando stated a
fact to Cecil, as large deposits of pyritic shale, or
more popularly alum stone, exist near Shagadahoc.
It occurs at the mouth of Sprague's river, near Small-
point, in Georgetown; and an extensive belt of it ex-
tends through the towns of Lisbon and Litchfield.
On Jewell's island alum has been successfully manu-
factured from pyritic shales within a recent period.
At the time when Sir Ferdinando wrote this letter,
the manufacture of alum was exciting public attention
throughout Europe, and was considered an enterprise
of great importance in England; indeed, property
bearing pyritic shales appeared to the subjects of the
English monarch almost as valuable as property bear-
ing the precious metals appears to us in this age. A
few years before, Sir Thomas Chaloner, a gentleman

THE BEGINNINGS OF MAINE. 285

of considerable scientific attainment and an extensive
traveler, had discovered pyritic shale on his estate in
Yorkshire, and was successfully manufacturing it in
spite of the anathemas of the pope, who forseeing inter-
ference with a profitable monopoly, which the Papal
States had long enjoyed, hastened to lay the enter-
prise under the ban of the church ; but pope's bulls had
ceased to terrify Englishmen, twenty-two chests of the
precious documents having been publicly burnt a short
time before in Plymouth, and the manufacture of alum
in England flourished. From this it will be seen that
Sir Ferdinando had reason to take a deep interest in
alum mines on the Sagadahoc.

He must also have been much interested in the dis-
covery of Sarsaparilla, a plant highly esteemed at this
time, throughout Europe and which, on account of the
monopoly of the trade by Spain, was of high cost. Its
virtues are said to have been discovered to the world
by a Spanish physician, Dr. Parillo; hence its name
from Zarza, a prickly shrub, and Parillo, the name of
the learned medico, equivalent to Parilld's shrub. It
belongs to the family Smilacece. The wild plant sent
home by the colonists was one of many varieties of
the Araliacece found growing from Canada as far south
as Tennessee; and while it did not possess the virtues
of the Spanish plant, became useful, especially for
flavoring beer.

The silk plant of which Sir Ferdinando speaks was
one of several varieties of Asclepiadacece all having
pods or follicles containing long silky down, which has
given to them the name of silkweed.

286 MAINE HISTORICAL SOCIETY.

The variety here alluded to, which attracted the at-
tention of our early colonists, and which their fervid
imaginations wrought into a botanical wonder which
would make England independent of Indian looms and
revolutionize the silk industry of the world, was with-
out doubt the common milkweed, whose long pods,
bursting in the golden sunshiue of autumn, disclosed
to them a wealth of silky filaments as fair to the eye
as the glossy roll evolved from Oriental cocoons, but,
alas, lacking the fiber which would render them capa-
ble of being wrought into enduring form.

In this letter is sounded the first note of warning
against the French, who were quite as anxious as the
English to monopolize this wealthy region.

Gorges doubtless slept little on that first night of
December, 1607. He was eager to gather news of the
colony at Sagadahoc, and after the interval of a day
was able to give Cecil the following information re-
specting it.^

(Cecil Papers 123, 81.)

SIR F. GORGES TO THE EARL OF SALISBURY.

Right Honorable: — It seems to be most certain,
there is no enterprise how well so ever intended,
but hath his particular impediments meeting with
many oppositions, and infinite crosses, as in this small
attempt, begun by my Lord Chief Justice out of a
noble zeal to his prince and country, amongst many

1 We can determine by th5s letter very nearly the date of the sailing of the Mary
and John. I>r. De Costa in his e<lition of the "Journal of the Voyage to the Sagada-
hoc," discoven-d by him at Laniheth Palace, appends to it the concluding portion
of Strachey's account of the expedition, and which, without doubt is a copy of the
last leaves of the journal, which have been lost from the original. The last date in
this addition to the journal is October 6, and the Mary and John must have sailed
very soon after to have reached Plymouth by December 1.

THE BEGINNINGS OF MAINE. 287

others, it is experienced for first as he was honorable
himself, so he thonght all others were, believing what
they told him, and trusting to what they promised by
w^hich means his lordship was not a little deceived of
what he expected, for neither were his provisions an-
swerable to his charge bestowed, nor the persons em-
ployed such as they ought; inasmuch as the wants of
the one was cause of inability to perform what was
hoped; and childish factions, ignorant, timorous, and
ambitious persons, for of that nature I found the
composition to be, hath bred an unstable resolution,
and a general confusion in their affairs. For first the
president himself is an honest man, but old, and of an
unwieldy body, and timorously fearful to offend, or
contest with others that will, or do oppose him, but
otherwise a discreet, careful man. Captain Gilbert is
described to me from thence to be desirous of suprem-
acy and rule, a loose life, prompt to sensuality, little
zeal in religion, humorous, headstrong, and of small
judgment and experience, otherways valiant enough,
but ho holds that the king could not give away that,
by patent, to others, which his father had an act of Par-
liament for, and that he will not be put out of it in
haste, with man}^ such like idle speeches, which (al-
though he be powerless to perform ought) were not
unfit to be taken notice of, because it were good in
my opinion that all such occasion were taken away, as
may hinder the public proceeding, and let the cause
of sedition be plucked up by the root, before it do
more harm; beside he hath sent (as I am further in-
formed) into England for divers of his friends, to come

288 MAINE HISTORICAL SOCIETY.

to him, for the strengthening of his party on all occa-
sions (as he terms it) with much more that I have
received notice of to this effect ; which I thought it
my dut}^ to advertise your Lordship in time, that some
course may be taken, to prevent mischief, which must
be done by immediate authority from thence, taking
no further notice hereof, than your wisdom shall think
good, but the better to manifest, and to bring all to
light, without calling the authors in question, your
lordship may be pleased to send down present com-
mand, to intercept all letters whatsoever, and to whom-
soever, and to cause them to be sent up, for I know
in whose possession these letters are yet, and I think I
shall find the means to keep them from being delivered
in haste. As for the rest of the persons employed,
they are either fit for their places or tolerable, but the
preacher is most to be commended, both for his pains
in his place, and his honest endeavors ; as also is Cap-
tain Robert Davis, and likewise Mr. Turner their phy-
sician, who is come over to solicit their supplies, and
to inform the state of every particular. I have said
in my last to your lordship what I think how neces-
sary it is, this business should be thoroughly followed,
but if I should tell your honor how much I am affected
unto it in my own nature, it may be that my commen-
dations thereof, would be of the less credit, but I
desire in my soul, that it would please God, his maj-
esty would take it into his own hands, unto whom (of
right) the conquest of kingdoms doth appertain and
then should I think myself happy to receive such
employment in it, as his highness should think me fit

THE BEGINNINGS OF MAINE. 289

for, and I would not doubt, but with a very little
charges, to bring to pass infinite things ; I will say no
more of it, at this present, only I make no question
but that your lordship will find it to be of greater
moment, than it can easily be believed to be ; I have
sent unto your lordship the journals that were taken
by one of the ships, as I received it from their going
out, until their return, by which the navigation will
appear to be as easy as to Newfoundland, but much
more hopeful. Even so commending your lordship
to God's holy protection, I will ever rest during life
Your lordship humbly to be commanded.

Fard. Gorges.

Plymouth 3 of December.
Add. To the Right Honorable, my good lord the Earl

of Salisbury. End. 3 December, 1607 Sir Fardi.

Gorges to my lord.

This letter introduces for the first time to the student
of history in propria 'persona, George Popham and
Ralegh Gilbert, the son of the famous Sir Humphrey
Gilbert. The Popham whom we see before us " is an
honest man, but old and of an unwieldy body, and
timorously fearful to offend, or contest with others
that will or do oppose him, but, otherwise, a discreet
careful man " ; while Ralegh Gilbert is a man, " de-
sirous of supremacy and rule " of " a loose life,
prompt to sensuality," with " little zeal for religion,
humorous, headstrong, and of small judgment and
experience, otherwise valiant enough." These are
word pictures of the men of great value to us. We
Vol. II. 20

290 MAINE HISTORICAL SOCIETY.

also learn for the first time one of the principal causes
of discontent in the colony

Ralegh Gilbert had been exploring the magnificent
coast of Maine ; had viewed with admiration some of
its " stately harbors " its " gallant rivers " and broad
bays gemmed with verdant isles, and partially realizing
their prospective value, had bethought himself of the
ample charter granted his noble father in 1578/
Although this charter had been resigned to his uncle
Walter Ralegh, he questioned in his mind the validity
of the act of the king in transferring to his uncle what
was his own rightful patrimony ; hence he declared to
his associates that he would " not be put out of it in
in haste," and he busily occupied himself in writing
letters to friends in England to join him at Sagadahoc
and aid in supporting his cause.

These letters which were on board the Mary and
John when Gorges penned this epistle to Cecil, threat-
ened the existence of the colony at Sagadahoc, and as
we see caused the writer sufficient anxiety to prompt
him to suggest that means should be taken by the
pow^erful minister to prevent them from reaching their
destination.

Gorges beheld as in a vision a great state springing
from this feeble colony at Sabino, and he believed that
it should be fostered by ro3^al power. In the magnifi-
cent scheme, the beginnings of which had taken form
in his own ardent mind, he was willing to play any

»The patent to which Sir Ferdinando refers, and upon which Ralegh Gilbert
based his hopes, is to be found in Hazard's Historical Collections, vol. I. pp, 24-28.
This patent had, however, been assigned by Sir Humphrey to Sir Thomas Gerrard
and Sir George Peckham, according to a petition to be seen in the Public Records
Office, Domestic Correspondence Elizabeth. Vol. cxlvi. no. 40, Gal. p. 695.

THE BEGINNINGS OF MAINE. 291

subordinate part which might be useful, doubting not
that he might " bring to pass infinite things."

Only one of the '* journals that were taken by one
of the ships, from their going out until their return,"
has come down to us. This journal as now existing in
the Lambeth Palace library, ends the twenty-sixth of
September, but some of the last entries are evidently
wanting and are to be found in Strachey's Narrative,
containing the history of the colony to October 6.
It is from this journal that we have quoted.

The colonists having witnessed the departure of the
Mary and John for England, an event of deep interest
to them, continued their labor on the fort upon which,
when completed, they mounted twelve guns. Having
secured a suitable defense against possible enemies,
they proceeded to erect a church and suitable habita-
tions to protect them from the inclemency of the
approaching winter. They also launched their new
vessel, which they named the Virginia in honor of
their new home, while Gilbert explored the coast from
Pemaquid to Richmond's island and noted its impor-
tant features.

On the fifteenth of December, Popham dispatched the
Gift of God to England, upon which he sent all but
forty-five of his men, and the well-known letter to
King James, bearing date of December 13. No doubt
will occur to any one who peruses this letter, that
George Popham had full faith in the feasibility of
colonizing Maine, although he realized the desperate
condition in which he was placed, on account of the
lawless character of some of his men and the scarcity of

292 MAINE HISTORICAL SOCIETY.

provisions. Had his life been spared, and had he con-
tinued to receive suitable support from home, we have
reason to believe that the colony he had planted at
Sabino would have grown to permanency.

Realizing the fact, that an enterprise like the one
under his care, which was dependent for financial sup-
port upon the hope of immediate gain, must be in con-
stant danger of failure, he was, in common with Gorges,
deeply anxious to enlist the interest of the king in its
behalf, hence he urged upon James its importance to
the realm. Doubtless he and his associates had from
the first expected to draw the government eventually
to its support, but in this they were to be disappointed.
The colonization of New England was to be effected
by a spirit of self-sacrifice and devotion to principle,
not common to kings or dependents upon royalty.

On the seventh of February, the second vessel of the
colonists arrived in the barber of Plymouth, and Gorges
at once apprised Cecil of the fact, as will be seen by
the following letter : —

(Cecil Papers 120/66.)

SIR F. GORGES TO SIR R. CECIL.

Right Hororable : Our second ship is returned out
of the parts of Virginia, but with advertisement of
nothing more than we received at the first, only the
extremity of the winter hath been great, and hath
sorely pinched our people, notwithstanding (thanks be
unto God) they have had their healths exceedingly
well, although their clothes were but thin and their
diets poor, for they have not had one sick from the

THE BEGINNINGS OF MAINE. 293

time they came thither, to the instant of their coming
away. The jDresident and his people feed us still with
hopes of wonders that will be had from thence in
time, but I fear me there must go other manner of
spirits to settle this business before it will be brought
to pass, for I find the continuance of their idle pro-
ceedings to have much prejudiced the public good,
dividing themselves into factions, each disgracing the
other, even to the savages, the one emulating the other's
reputation amongst those brutish people, whose con-
versation and familiarity they have most frequented,
which is one of the chiefest reasons we have to hope
in time to gain that which presently cannot be had.
They show themselves exceeding subtle and cunning,
concealing from us the places where they have the
commodities we seek for, and if they find any that
hath promised to bring us to it, those that came out
of England instantly carry them away, and will not
suffer them to come near us any more.

These often returns without any commodity hath
much discouraged our adventurers, in especial in these
parties, although in common reason it be not to
be looked for, that from a savage wilderness, any
great matters of moment can presently be gotten,
for it is art and industry that produceth those things,
even from the farthest places of the world, and, there-
fore, I am afraid we shall have much ado to go for-
ward as we ought, wherefore it were to be wished,
that some furtherance might be had (if it were possi-
ble) from the chief spring of our happiness, I mean
his majesty, who at the last must reap the benefit of

294 MAINE HISTORICAL SOCIETY.

all our travail, as of right it belongs unto him; be-
sides if it please your lordship to look into it with
those eyes with which you pierce the greatest and
most obscure conjectures, you will find it most neces-
sary it should be so, both for many public and pri-
vate reasons, as first the certainty of the commodities
that may be had from so fertile a soil as that is when
it shall be peopled, as well for building of shipping,
having all things rising in the place wherewith to do
it, as also many other hopes thereof to ensue as the
increase of the king's navy, the breeding of mariners,
the employment of his people, filling the world with
expectation, and satisfying his subjects with hopes,
who now are sick in despair, and in time will grow
desperate through necessity ; also he shall seize that
to himself and to his posterity, the which he shall no
sooner quit, but his neighbors will enter into and
thereby make themselves great, as he might have
done, for at this instant the French are in hand with
the natives, to practice upon us, promising them if
they will put us out of the country, and not trade
with none of ours, they will come unto them and give
them succor against their enemies, and as our people
hear, they have been this year with four ships to the
southward of them some fifty leagues ; and the truth
is, this place is so stored with excellent harbors, and
so bold a coast as it is able to invite any actively
minded, to endeavor the possessing thereof, if it were
only to keep it out of the hands of others. I could
say much more in this, but I am loath to be over-
troublesome to your lordship, and therefore I will

THE BEGINNINGS OF MAINE. 295

thus conclude under your lordship's favor, that I,
wish his highness would be pleased to adventure, but
one of his middle sort of ships, with a small pinnace,
and withall to give his letters and commission to coun-
tenance and authorize the worthy enterprise, and I
durst myself to undertake to procure them to be
victualed by the adventurers of these parts, for the
discovery of the whole coast along from the first to
the second colony, especially to spend the most part
of the time in the search of those places already pos-
sessed, and for my own part I should be proud if I
might be thought worthy to be the man commanded
to the accomplishment hereof by his highness, and
should think it a season well spent, wherein I should
have so many hopes, to serve my country, whereof
the least would be in this sleepy season, the enabling
of my own judgment and experience in these marine
causes, thereby the better hereafter on all occasion to
discharge my duty to my sovereign. All which I
humbly recommend to your honor's wisdom, to be so
handled as you shall vouchsafe to think good for the
reputation of him whom you have tied to you by
many obligations, and even so I will humbly commend
your lordship to God's holy protection, resting ever,
Your lordship's humbly to be commanded.

Feed. Gorges.
Plymouth, this 7tli of February.
Add. To the Right Honorable, my very good lord, the
Earll of Salisbury. End. February, 1607. Sir Ferd.
Gorges to my lord. 3 pp.

296 MAINE HISTORICAL SOCIETY.

This letter but confirms other accounts of the sever-
ity of the winter of 1607, in the new world ; in fact,
it was in Europe the most severe winter which had
been recorded for many years. That many of the
colonists were wholly unfit for an enterprise like the
one in which they had engaged at Sagadahoc, is all too
evident from the frank account given of them by
Gorges, and yet, he was not discouraged. True, the
Gift had returned without '' commodity," which was
certainly discouraging to those who looked for immedi-
ate pecuniary returns for their adventures ; but Gorges
saw in this no cause for despondency ; indeed, no one, he
said, should expect to gather in an unexplored and sav-
age country those fruits of success, which are only the
result of art and industry. Looking beyond immedi-
ate personal gain he saw how important the coloniza-
tion of the new country would be to England. Not
only would it tend to increase the royal navy, and to
breed mariners, but it would furnish employment to
a class of people dangerous to the common weal. Here
was an opportunity for the avaricous James to acquire
possessions of inestimable value to his posterity, which
his rival on the throne of France was plotting to
acquire. He could not doubt that the king would ven-
ture a single ship for so noble an enterprise, especially
if it were victualed by private means, and if Gorges him-
self would go in it and conduct further explorations along
the coast. But Gorges misunderstood the character of
James, a weak, vain and avaricous man, to whom the
new world was something too distant and intangible to
engage his interest for any length of time.

THE BEGINXmGS OF MAINE. 297

When Gorges wrote this letter, the remnant of the
colony at Sagadahoc was in a sad condition. George
Popham, the mainstay of the colony, had been dead
two days and the ambitions and headstrong Gilbert
was in command. But Gorges was in blissful ignor-
ance of this new calamity, which had befallen his
enterprise, and he bent all his energies towards gath-
ering supplies for the hungry colonists.

The next letter of Gorges bears date the twentieth of
March, and opens with a reference to Challons, whom
he had before dispatched on an expedition to the
shores of Maine, and who was then a prisoner in Spain.
It inclosed a letter to Cecil disclosing the effect which
that statesman's efforts in the interest of the prisoners
in Spanish dungeons had produced, and Gorges with
just indignation ventures the remark, that if the king
did not choose to sustain the rights of his subjects, he
might at least permit them " to use their best means
to right themselves of their insupportable wrongs."
provided that they violated no article of peace further
than the Spanish had already done.

But the most important information to us, contained
in this letter, is the announcement that he had victu-
aled two ships and already dispatched them from
Topsham, and would send a third of two hundred tons
burden in May. " We frame," said he, " unto our-
selves many reasons of infinite good, that is likely to
befall our country, if our means fail not to accomplish
it. But we hope before summer be past, to give such
satisfaction to the world hereof, as none that be lovers
of their nation, but will (for one cause or other) be

298 MAINE HISTORICAL SOCIETY.

willing to wish it well at the least, what crosses soever
we have received heretofore."

The two vessels, one of which was the Mary and
John, which had already departed from Topsham, bore
to the colonists the news of Chief Justice Popham's
death in the preceding June ; but George Popham
was not alive to hear the tidings of his kinsman's death.
Those of the colony who remained, doubtless the
better portion of tliose who originally formed it, the
more tarbulent men having been sent home in the
preceding December, were in good condition. They
had collected a stock of furs and had the Virginia
afloat, intending, doubtless, to employ her in explora-
tions during the summer ; but already an event had
occurred in England which was to be fatal to the
existence of the colony.

In July, 1608, Sir Ferdinando Gorges and his associ-
ciates dispatched the third ship, of which the former
had written to Cecil in March, bearing provisions and
possibly men to strengthen the colony, but while this
ship was spreading her sails to the winds which would
waft her across the Atlantic, news was carried to her
of the death of Sir John Gilbert, the elder brother
of Ralegh Gilbert, then in command at Sagadahoc.
Being the heir of Sir John, Ralegh Gilbert, when he
received the news of his brother's death, deemed it
imperative that he should return to England and take
charge of his inheritance. There seems to have been
no man in the colony of sufficient ability to take his
place ; hence it was decided to break up the settlement
and return home. Had the colony possessed a few

THE BEGINNINGS OF MAINE. 299

governing minds, it might still have proved a success ;
but having no one to assume Gilbert's place, and per-
haps, if Biard's account be true, influenced by the loss
of a number of their companions, the colonists all
took passage with Gilbert for home, and the aban-
doned settlement of Sabino became but an object of
curious regard to wandering tribes of savages, and
Christians of another race and creed, quite as hostile
to Anglo-Saxon success.

The return of the vessels to England with the colo-
nists overwhelmed Gorges with disappointment, which
years after, when writing on the subject, found expres-
sion in that graphic sentence, " All our former hopes were
frozen to death." In spite of this severe blow to his
hopes, he did not, however, despair of ultimate suc-
cess in planting colonies in the new world, and al-
though all thought of farther colonial enterprise was
"wholly given over by the body of the adventurers,"
he was firm in his determination to go forward as best
he could, "not doubting," he says, "but God would
effect that which men despaired of," and, as he could
get no help from others, he tells us that he "became
owner of a ship — fit for that employment," and
"under color of fishing and trade," sent her across the
Atlantic. Of his persistent efforts at colonization for
nearly forty years after the date of these letters
we know much, as not long before his death he em-
bodied many particulars concerning them in his little
book, " A Brief Narration." »

Written in advanced age, and so long after the
occurrence of the events which are described in it, the

300 MAINE HISTORICAL SOCIETY.

"Narration" leaves in obscurity much of which we
would know more. Yet, upon the whole, it has proved
of great value to those who have desired to know
something of the beginnings of Maine. Of the failure
of Gorges to perfect his colonial schemes we also know.
No one realized this failure better than himself, as we
may see from these words with which he closed the
recital of his life-work — words, however, which have
in them a ring of triumph : " But I end and leave all
to Him who is the only author of all goodness, and
knows best His own time to bring his will to be made
manifest, and appoints his instruments for the accomp-
lishment thereof; to whose pleasure it becomes every
one of us to submit ourselves, as to that mighty God
and great and gracious Lord, to whom all glory doth
belong."

JUDGE DAVID SEWALL. 301

MEMOIR OF
JUDGE DAVID SEWALL, LL.D.

Read before the Maine Historical Society, May 25, 1SS3.

BY EDWARD P. BUENHAM.

David Sewall, one of the original members of the
Maine Historical Society, was born in York, October 7,
1735, and was the son of Samuel and Sarah (Bachellor)
Sewall. He graduated in 1755, at Harvard College, in
the same class with President John Adams, Sir John
Wentworth, Governor of New Hampshire, United States
Senator Tristram Dalton ; and ranked ten in a class of
twenty-four. He studied law in Portsmouth with Judge
William Parker, to whose daughter, Mary, he was
married, December 30, 1762, by Rev. Dr. Samuel Lang-
don. She was born, December 23, 1730, and died. May
20, 1788.

May, 1760, he settled at York, then the shire of the
county, and was admitted as an attorney in the court of
common pleas, July, 1760. At that time there was
but one other practicing lawyer in the county, Noah
Emery of Kittery. He was appointed. May 28, 1763,
collector of excise for York county. At the June
term of the superior court, 1763, he was admitted
barrister-at-law. April 11, 1766, he was appointed
register of probate, and held the office until January
1, 1782, serving under John Hill, Jonathan Say ward,
John Bradbury and Joseph Simpson, judges.

In 1770 he was an original proprietor of Wolfboro,

302 MAINE HISTORICAL SOCIETY.

New Hampshire, owning four hundred and forty acres.
May 4, 1772, he was appointed captain of the 2d mili-
tary company of foot in York. He was delegate from
York, November 15, 1774, in a county congress held
at York " to take into consideration what measures
may be pursued tending to the peace and welfare of
the county." From May, 1776, to May, 1778, he was
a member of the executive council of Massachusetts.
There being no governor from 1775 to 1780, the
council performed the executive duties of the province.
From this council, he received, September 11, 1777,
the appointment of judge of the superior court, in place
of Judge William Gushing, promoted to be chief justice.
For nearly five years after being appointed judge, he
continued register of probate, which indicates that his
services as such were valuable to the judges of probate,
neither of whom were lawyers. While judge from 1777
to 1789, he was associated with Chief Justice AYilliam
Gushing, Nathaniel P. Sargent and Francis Dana, after-
ward chief justices, James Sullivan, Increase Sumner,
afterward governor. The attorney-general was Robert
Treat Paine, afterward judge. Few of Judge Sewall's
opinions are to be found, for there was no reporter of
decisions until Ephraim Williams was appointed, in
1804. It was his custom to travel his circuit on horse-
back, the usual manner in those days.

He was a delegate December 2, 1779, to the conven-
tion to frame a state constitution, and on the commit-
tee to report the same. Eight of the delegates were
from Maine. With six others he was appointed, No-
vember 30, 1780, to revise the laws of the Gommon-

JUDGE DAVID SEWALL. 303

wealth. Under the constitution he was reappointed
judge, February 16, 1781, the name of the court being
changed to supreme judicial court. The two Houses
called upon him, February 22, 1781, to give an opinion
in writing respecting the right of the Senate to join
with the House in fixing a valuation on taxable
property.

He was, May 4, 1780, an original member of the
American Academy of Arts and Sciences. At the first
election, 1788, of president of the United States, Judge
Sewall was an elector at large, and the only elector
from Maine. He attended to this service, January, 1879.
Among his associate electors were Chief Justice Gush-
ing and Judge Francis Dana, afterward chief justice.
As agent of Massachusetts he disposed of the lands of
royalists, confiscated by the act of 1779.

Timothy Langdon of Wiscasset was, in 1778, ap-
pointed by the provincial government judge of the
maritime court for the district of Maine. Upon the
organization of the United States government in 1789,
Judge Sewall was commissioned, September 26, 1789,
judge of the United States Court for the District of
Maine, and was qualified, December 1, 1789. The office
of justice of the supreme judicial court he resigned,
December 10, 1789. Thomas Bird and Hans Hanson
were tried before Judge Sewall June, 1790, for murder
and piracy. Bird was convicted, sentenced and exe-
cuted, June 25, 1790, being the first person executed
in the district under United States law. Skinner and
another were tried 1792, before Judge Sewall and found
guilty of fitting out a ship and importing thirteen
slaves.

304 MAINE HISTORICAL SOCIETY.

He performed the duties of judge more than twenty-
eight years, until his resignation January 9, 1818, be-
ing then more than eighty-two years of age. His
service as judge in the state and United States courts
was continuous for forty years and four months. He
was succeeded, in 1818, by Albion K. Parris, then re-
siding at Paris, and representative in Congress from
the Oxford district. In the circuit court he was asso-
ciated with Judges Gushing and Story of the supreme
court. During the same period the district attornej^s
were William Lithgow jr., Daniel Davis, Silas Lee, Wil-
liam P. Preble. General Henry Sewall of Augusta was
clerk. The marshals were General Henry Dearborn,
afterward secretary of war, John Hobby, Isaac Parker,
afterward chief justice, Thomas G. Thornton of Saco.
Judge Sewall was chosen, May, 1790, to represent
York in the general court, but the House decided
adversely to his claim because of his being United
States judge. This decision he considered arbitrary
and unconstitutional.

Judge Sewall, whose wife (Mary Parker), had de-
ceased in 1788, was married at Hampton Falls, New
Hampshire, November 21, 1790, to Elizabeth, eldest
daughter of Rev. Dr. Samuel Langdon. He was named
one of the trustees in the charter of Berwick Academy,
March 11, 1791. The Massachusetts Historical Soci-
ety, October, 1791, elected him the first resident mem-
ber after the organization of the society, and upon the
incorporating of the society, February 19, 1794, he
was named as one of the corporators.

He contributed a topographical description of York

JUDGE DAVID SEWALL. 305

to volume three of the collections of the society ; also
a transcript in his own beautiful hand of early records
of Maine, which is now in the cabinet of the society.
Late in life — in 1821 — he wrote an entertaining
narrative of a journey from Cambridge to Portsmouth
(1754) and return, by himself and Tutor Flynt, then
eighty years old, in a chair drawn by a pacing mare.
This paper was printed in the proceedings for January,
1878.

Judge Sewall was a member of the first board of over-
seers of Bowdoin college, and was the person named in
the charter to iBx the time and place of the first meeting
and give notice of the same. They met at Portland,
December 31, 1794. He was one of tbe early bene-
factors of the college, and the " Sewall prize " is annu-
ally awarded. For many years he was an overseer and
part of the time president of the board. The college
conferred upon him in 1812, the degree of doctor of
laws. His portrait is in the college library. Another
portrait is in one of the rooms attached to the United
States court room. In his religious opinions he was a
Congregationalist, and from 1803 to 1808 he was a
trustee of the funds of the First Congregational Society
in York. Other offices of trust were held by him, but
from those that have been mentioned it is supposed
that for sixty years, from 1758 to 1818, he was a
busy man. He died in York, October 22, 1825, aged
ninety years.

He was a learned and upright judge, — a man of
great benevolence, unassuming in his deportment, soci-
able and amiable in his manners, and of great purity of
Vol. II. 21

306 MAINE HISTORICAL SOCIETY.

character. Shortly before he died he remarked to a
friend that if he were to live his life over again, he did
not know that he should wish to alter it. In our
county of York have died many able men — Pepperrell,
Sullivan, Thacher, Cutts, Mellen, King, Preble, Holmes,
the Shepleys, Dane, Mclntire, Fairfield, Clifford, How-
ard, Goodenow, Bourne, Bradley, Appleton and others
— but probably no one was more entitled to respect
than David Sewall of York.

THE SEWALL FAMILY OF NEW-
ENGLAND.

With Biogkaphical Data' from the Diary of Hon.
David Sewall, ll.d.

Contributed to the Maine Historical Society.
BY RUFUS K. SEWALL.

The name is one of great antiquity in England. It
appears on the records of ancient authorities there, as
spelled, " Saswalo,' Sewald, Sewalle, Sewall," and in
many instances these different names evidently were
used to designate the same individual. The primitive
name is believed to have been " Sas-wald, or Seswald,"
and to be of Saxon origin.

Nether Eatendon, Warwickshire, was the earliest
recorded dwelling-place of the family in England ; and

»The Biographical Data, together with several original letters of Judge David
Sewall, will be found in the appendix of the present number of this magazine.

sFuUer's Workea of England, Dugdale's "Antiquities," "Warwickshire,"
« 'American Quarterly Kegister," no. lii, vol. xiii.

THE SEWALL FAMILY OF NEW ENGLAND. 307

in A.D. 1066 before the Norman conquest, the head of
this family, Saswalo (or Sewald), held in possession sev-
enteen hides of land, in the village of Warwickshire,
where he resided, each hide being what one plow could
cultivate in a year. He built and endowed a church
in the place of his residence ; and was supposed to be a
Saxon Thane.

But in the conquest of William the Conquerer, his
possessions were confiscated, and awarded to Henry de
Feriers, a Norman knight, who, however, permitted
him to retain his Nether Eatendon estate, which passed
down in the line of his male posterity, to a. d. 1730, a
period of seven hundred years. The christian name
of Henry, seems to have been the favorite, in the suc-
cession of the family, to Henry " Sewall de Eatendon,"
a knight of the third generation.

In 1607, the family seems to have held its eminence
still, in England, where Henry Sewall a linen draper
of Coventry, a "prudent man" of "great estate,"
was mayor of that city, an office which he had held
more than once.

The period of English colonial possession in New
England, now opened, had become fully and attractively
established in 1634 ; and this year, the mayor of
Coventry aforesaid, disliking the " English Hierarchy,"
sent over his eldest son, Henry Sewall, well supplied
with money, neat cattle, English servants and provis-
ions, and other things, necessary to the success of a
new plantation. He wintered at Ipswich, Massachu-
setts, but elected to settle in Newbury, where he made
his homestead in 1635, and died and was buried in

308 MAINE HISTORICAL SOCIETY.

Rowley, Massachusetts, in March a.d. 1656,' aged eighty-
seven years, and was the common ancestor of the
several branches of the New England family of Sew-
alls, who are all entitled to the ancient heraldic
symbol, in a coat of arms, sable" cheron or; between
three gad-bees volaiit.

Crest, a chaplet of roses, argent, leaved vert. A
bee volant, of the first : and traceable in the family in
England, down to the tenth and twelfth centuries.
Motto "vlvere est acjere.''

Samuel Sewall, the third son of John Sewall, son of
Henry of Newbury, settled in York, state of Maine,
was an elder of the church at York, and died there,
April 28, 1769, aged eighty-one years. He was the
father of the subject of this memoir.

During one hundred' and forty-eight years of the
judicial history of Massachusetts as a province of the
crown and as a commonwealth, eighty-four years, col-
lectively, descendants of Henry aforesaid, of the Sewall
name, have held a seat on the bench ; and three of the
name, that of chief justice' of whom the subject of
this paper was one. Having resigned his seat, on the
bench of the commonwealth, he was called to that of
district judge of the United States.

iMr. Hcnery Sewall (sent by Henery Sewall his father in the ship "Eliza and Dor-
cas," (Captain Wates commander), arrived at Boston 1034; wintered at Ipswich,
began the plantation 1635, furnishing English servants, neat cattle and provisions.
Man-ied Miss Jane Dunimer, March 25, 164t); died May 16, 1700, aged eighty-six.
The father, Henry, finally came over to his son's plantation, in New England, as
recited iu the text.

2\Villis

3American Quarterly Register, no. iii : vol. xiii, Kev. S. Sewall, Burlington, Mas-
sachusetts.

<David Sewall was not chief justice, Stephen and Samuel Sewall were chief jus-
tices. If it reads " two of the name " — then " these judges " instead of " whom."

DATA AND LETTERS OF HON. DAVID SEWALL. 309

BIOGRAPHICAL DATA* AND LETTERS OF

THE HON. DAVID SEWALL, LL.D.

OF YORK.

Contributed to the Maine Historical Society.

BY PROF. FRANK SEWALL OF THE URBANA UNIVERSITY, OHIO.

Urbana, Ohio, July 2, 1879.
Rev. Samuel F. Dike, d.d.

Dear Sir : — I beg leave to present through you to the Maine
Historical Society the accompanying biographical data and let-
ters of the Hon. David Sewall, ll.d., of York, judge of the
district court of the United States, for the District of Maine
during the administration of President Washington and his suc-
cessors down to President Munroe. I believe that these papers
are of sufficient personal and historical value to warrant their
preservation in the archives of the Maine Historical Society, and
perhaps they may be deemed worthy of a place in some forth-
coming volume of printed documents, and I have therefore had
them carefully copied from the original journal of Judge Sewall
which has been kindly placed at my temporary disposal by Cap-
tain John Fernald, the present occupant of the Sewall Mansion
in York village.

With my best wishes for the continued prosperity and progress
of the Society in its important work I remain.

Sincerely and respectfully yours,

Frank Sewall.

The following Data^ and Letters have been copied under my
direction from the mss. diary of Judge Sewall, through the
kindness of Capt. John Fernald of York, Me., and are herewith
presented to the Maine Historical Society for preservation.

Frank Sewall,

Urbana University, Urbana, Ohio, July 2, 1879.

'The Biographical Data refen-ed to, are the same as those presented to the Maine
Historical Society by cue of its members, Rufus K. Sewall, Esq., and printed in
this number of the magazine.

310 MAINE HISTORICAL SOCIETY.

[Copy of a letter to the President of the Council.]

York, Sept. 24^ 1777.^

Sir. Since ray return from Boston I am surprised
to find by a letter from the Secretary, that my dec-
laration in, and out of Council, have not availed to
prevent an appointment, which my sentiments have
uniformly deemed improper. 'Twould look like arro-
gance in me to say that the Council seemed to be
stripping the County of York of its valuable mem-
bers, unless I should add the old proverb "That in the
the kingdom of the blind, He that has one eye is a
Prince." My long experience in the Probate Office,
makes me as thorough an adept in that department,
as a dull pupil with 12 or 15 years apprenticeship,
can be supposed to have, and the present Judge of
Probate is very desirous of retaining it. Were I de-
sirous of being discharged, — should be at a loss to
nominate a successor. — I have therefore acquainted
him, that should I be persuaded to try the new office,
the Secretary writes me I am appointed unto, I will
still continue in the Probate Office, as the business in
it is small, that it may be done without injury to the
County.

Should I attempt to discharge the duties of this last
appointment,^ let it be remembered that as soon as I
knew myself in nomination I did publicly and private-
ly decline it, that my private Judgement and Inclina-
tion, are out weighed and given up to that of the

1 John Bradbury was then (1777) Judf?e of Prob.ate.

'Elected a Councilor in May 1770 from the Province of Maine under the pro-
visions of the chiu-tcr of William & Mary. The chair being vacant, the major part
of the Council perfonneU the duties of Governor, Captain-General and Com-
mander-in-Chief.

DATA AND LETTERS OF HON. DAVID SEWALL. 311

Council. — That I look upon myself in this matter
as a drafted Person, and any bad consequences, that
may ensue from my Cormorancy,^ Obscurity, want of
finances or Incapacity, after endeavoring to discharge
the duties of the office with a good conscience, and to
the best of my ability will be placed to the Council
and not to my self — my dutiful respect wait upon the
Council, and believe me to be your honours most
humble Servant,

David Sewall.
Hon. Jeremiah Powell.

[Copy of the letter declining the reelection as Councilor of
Massachusetts.]

May 25, 1778.

Sir. To discharge the duties of the important of-
fice which with great diffidence at the instance of my
County friends I have been ever persuaded to attempt,
neccessarily takes up so large a portion of time, that
I do not conceive it expedient to accept a seat in
Council the ensuing year, in case I should have the
honor of being Reelected. You are therefore re-
quested to communicate this to the general assembly;
that they may make choice of some other person
whose time and ability will give him an opportunity
to serve the State, in that department with greater
punctuality and attention than is in the power of
your humble Servant,

David Sewall.

Mr. Secretary Avery.

iSic, Ed.

312 MAINE HISTORICAL SOCIETY.

[Copy of a letter to President Washington upon being ap-
pointed Judge of the District Court of Maine.]

York, Nov. 24^ 1789.

Sir. The letters and commissions from the Presi-
dent of the United States with sundry Statutes relat-
ing to the Judical department did not find me until
some time after their date ; this was not owing to any
failure in the conveyance by Post but to my absence
on a remote Circuit of the Supreme Judicial Court.
This circumstance, it is presumed w^ill be an apology
for not earlier noticing their reception. The appoint-
ment of Judge of the District Court of Maine was on
my part unsolicited and unrequested.

I fear Sir, my abilities have by the partiality of
some of my acquaintance been overrated. For al-
thouo-h the Judicial decisions of the hifirhest law court
of Mass., have for a series of years met the general
approbation of its citizen; this may be satisfactorily
accounted for from the abilities of the worthy gentle-
men, with whom I have had the honor to be connected
in that department.

In this new appointment, the Judge is to stand
alone and unassisted in some instances in matters of
the greatest magnitude — such as relate to the life of
man. Some unhappy Persons are now under confine-
ment, within the District upon a charge of Pyracy and
Felony on the high Seas, and whose situation, will
claim an early attention in this court.

But from the laws of the U. S. hitherto enacted, it
strikes me some other provision is necessary to be
made, before a trial of this nature, can with propriety

DATA AND LETTERS OF HON. DAVID SEWALL. 313

be had; more especially in case of conviction, to have
the Judgement carried into execution. These difficultys
I shall take the liberty of stating to some Gen., in the
legislature, to the end they may be thus considered,
rather than arrest your attention from the many other
important business of the union.

Permit me now Sir to thank you, for the particular
mark of attention in this appointment and to acquaint
you, thus impressed with the Idea of the necessity
of civil government to the nation, over Which in the
course of divine providence you are called to preside,
with a considerable degree of diffidence in my own
ability. I have concluded to accept the appointment
of Judge of the district court of Maine, and shall in
a few days proceed to Portland (about fifty miles dis-
tant) to organize the same. Whether my Service in
this new department will meet the approbation of
my fellow citizens, or the reasonable expectation of
those who have placed me in the situation. Time must
determine. All I can promise on the Occasion is, that
I will endeavor to merit them by striving to discharge
the duties of the office with fidelity and impartiality
according to the best of my ability. I am Sir with
the greatest esteem and respect,

Your most Obedient humble Servant,

David Sewall.
President Washington.

[Copy of a Letter to Gov. Hancock resigning the office of a
Judge of Mass., S. J. C]

York, Dec. 10, 1789.
Your Exccellei^cy — has doubtless heard of the ap-
pointment of a judge of the District Court of Maine.

314 MAINE HISTORICAL SOCIETY.

An appointment on my part unsolicited and unex-
pected.

Upon its being announced in the newspapers I did
not conceive my self at liberty to leave the business
of the Supreme J. Court, until the duties of the year
upon the Circuit were ended.

And my Mind, I must acknowledge has been a little
agitated on the occasion.

In 1777, When I was first appointed a member of
the highest law Court of the State, it was not from
pecuniary motives, or my own inclinations, that I ac-
cepted the Trust. It was against my intention and
inclination. But from an Idea that the Government
had a right (in an especial manner in times of diffi-
culty) to the services of all its citizens.

A diffidence in my own abilities for the employ-
ment, was overruled by others in the acceptance. And
at that period I rather looked on myself (to use the
language of the day) as drafted to the service, than a
voluntier.

The general satisfaction of the citizens and Suiter
with the determination of the Court and the cordial
harmony and agreement among the members that
have composed it;^ it made the duty altho' laborious
and fatiguing, much more agreeble, than my appre-
hension had led me to expect. I think it may be
truly said in my case, amusements, or private business,
has not diverted my attention, from an endeavor faith-
fully and impartially to discharge the duties of the

1 William Cushliig, Nathan P. Sargent, David Sewall, Francis Dana, Increase
Sumner, were in office in 17S9, and for several years preceding.

DATA AND LETTERS OF HON. DAVID SEWALL. 315

office. And now Sir I heave to acquaint you that I
have accepted the appointment of Judge of the Dis-
trict Court of Maine under a commission from the
Pi:-esident of the United States, with the advice of the
Senate. Which by the constitution of Mass common-
wealth, renders it incompatible, that I should any
longer, exercise or discharge the duties appertain to
the office of a Judge of a Supreme Judicial Court
there of.i And I do hereby resign the same. It af-
fords me satisfaction to find the business pending in
the several counties, by the great Industry and appli-
cation of the Court the year past, (Which from the
first day of Feb. to the last day of November has had
collectively only about Seven Weeks intermission)
as much and more reduced than it has been for many
years preceding. That there will be time to fill the
vacancy before the Session of the Court in Febuary
next. And your Excellency will excuse my express-
ing my earnest desire that some Person may be ap-
pointed in my stead that will fill the department with
reputation, and be also agreeable to my worthy breth-
ren, and fellow laborers remaining in that important
Station.

For in addition to what is to other Citizens of hav-
ing their Person and property under the protection of
the government of Massachusetts, by an impartial
interpretation of the laws, I feel myself particularly
interested that the vacancy made by my Resignation

iJudge Gushing was in 1789 appointed an Associate Justice of the Supreme
Judicial Court of the United States, and Sargeant, was appointed chief justice,
Robt. T. Paine and Theophilus Bradbury supplied the vacant seats. Upon the
death of Sargeant, Dana became chief justice.

316 MAINE HISTORICAL SOCIETY.

should be filled, by a Gent of Integrity, Reputation,
and abilities — And of such I suppose there are several
within the Government, and who would also be agree-
able— It shall be my endeavor in addition to an Opin-
ion upon some law Question that stand continued for
advisement (Which they have a mind of claim upon
for) to afford them all the Constitutional aid in my
power. Wishing your excellency all the satisfaction
and happiness, your laborious Station of first Magis-
trate of the Commonwealth requires

I am Sir your Obedient

humble Servant
David Sewall
Gov. Hancock.

[Copy of a Letter to the Secretary of State, John Q. Adams.]

York Jan^ 9"^ 1818.
Sir. — bavins^ officiated as Judyje of the district
Court of Maine for 23 years without for once being
prevented attending its duties by any providential
event. I think my age and the distance, from the
place where the Courts are holden render it uncertain
whether I shall hereafter be able to attend I therefore
inclose my Resignation of the Said Office, which you
are desired to lay before the President to the end a
successor may be seasonably appointed. And in that
respect I take the liberty to Suggest, That Stephen
Longfellow Jun^', Nicholas Emory, Ezekiel Whitman,
Josiah Stebbius & Prentiss Mellen, are Persons of es-
tablished character, for Integrity, Morality, and re-
spectable in the knowledge of Jurisprudence, that in

DATA AND LETTERS OF HON. DAVID SEWALL. 317

my humble Opinion either of them are quaUfied to
perform the duties of that office.

I am Sir your humble Servant.

David Sewall.
Hon^^® John Q Adams

Secry of State of the U. S.

[Indorsed in the above was the following to James Munroe
President of U. S.]

York. Jan^ 9*^ 1818.

Sir. — The Judge of Maine District recollects with
satisfaction, the honour and pleasure he received by
having the first Magistrate of the Union under his
Koof. — That not with standing his powers of Body &
mind remain nearly in the same situation, yet he is
Admonished by his advanced years^ that they are
diminishing, and claim a relief from the cares of a
publick nature.

He therefore hereby resigns the office of Judge of
the District Court of Maine. District; unto which he
was commissioned in the year 1769. And he makes
this communication while Congress are in Session, that
a successor may be appointed with the least possible
inconvenience ; and he is with the greatest esteem and
respect his obedient hum^ servant

David Sewall

James Munro.

President of the United States of America.

1 M. 83.

DIVISION or THE TWELVE THOUSAND ACRES. 319

THE DIVISION OF THE 12,000 ACRES

AMONG THE PATENTEES AT

AGAMENTICUS.

Bead bofere the Maine Historical Society, January 22, 1891,

BY WILLIAM M, SARGENT.

Much that has been written of the earliest history
of Agamenticus (York) seems now very incomplete, in
view of the new material brought to light by the pub-
lications of our own and other kindred societies.

Much, however, remains yet to be found out. If
Savage would have given a pound per Hue for any
original record concerning John Harvard, of what
value would it be to us to discover the full text of any
one of the several patents of the territory now in-
cluded in the town of York ? Perhaps no one can so
well tell its value, as certainly no one of us can its
probable cost, as our own president, who has been so
lavish in his expenditure of pounds in tracing original
Gorges material.

In the paper just discovered^ your attention is in-
vited to one missing link in the chain of early titles
and history of old York that is of great value and will
afford to the coming historiographer of our first incor-
porated city great assistance that must have been
sought for and greatly missed by such local historical
writers as David Sewall and N. G. Marshall.

It is pretty generally understood that the origin of
the land titles on the north side of York river is in

i Hooke vi. Nowell, Court Files 1716-18.

320 MAINE HISTORICAL SOCIETY.

the patent by the Council for New England to certain
gentlemen therein named of twelve thousand acres ;
but how many know or have ever paid any attention
to the fact that this first patent was succeeded by a
second one, and that in its turn by a third patent?
or have given any study to the changing ownership
as disclosed by the different names in these successive
papers ?

The writers of the history of that locality have as a
rule taken as their starting-point in place of time the
borouo-h incorooration of Agramenticus in 1641, fol-
lowed eleven months later by the city incorporation
of Gorgeana by Sir Ferdinando Gorges ; yet Samuel
Maverick, who was one of the original patentees and
one of the first settlers on the land thus granted, tells
us that there was a much earlier settlement there,
with an organized form of government, which was
called Bristol, his language being, " and according to
the Patent the Government was conformable to that of
the Corporation of Bristol .... for which the first
combination was named."^

" York " it is to be remembered, had been appropri-
ated by Captain Christopher Levitt for his settlement
in Casco bay upon the tract formerly called " Quack "
by the Indians, and the name was not applied to this
locality till conferred upon the newly organized town
by the Massachusetts authorities in 1652.^

But that the forms and orders of good government
prevailed there after the return of Governor William
Gorges, and before the issuance of Gorges' royal char-

i New England Hist. Gen. Register, xxxix, 36. * York Deeds, i, 27.

DIVISION OF THE TWELVE THOUSAND ACRES. 321

ter of 1639, is shown by a recital by William Hooke,
in 1638-39, who terms himself " governor of Agamen-
ticus."^

Throughout the volumes of York Deeds, edited
under the supervision of our Society, there appear
continual references by some of the grantors, who are
known to have been either among the number of
the original owners by virtue of one or the other of
the three successive patents of Agamenticus, or else to
have been the assigns of such original owners, to the
divisions amongst themselves of the twelve thousand
acres included in those patents. The recitals in these
deeds direct attention to two distinct facts ; first, that
some of the patentees claimed under the first patent
of first (or second) December 1631, while others claimed
under another patent, which I find to have been the
third, of 23 March 1637-38 ; second, that there were
two separate and distinct divisions, one made October
30, 1641, upon petition by Roger G^rd and others in
August, 1611 ; and another made November 11, 1641,
upon a petition to the Court dated October 7, 1641.

The following are some of the recitals referred to :

York Deeds, i., part i, 9 ; "William Hooke, Samuel Maverick and
Edward Godfrey deed to John Heard, recites a Patent of 23 Mch
1637 /8 ; a petition to the Court for a division among the patent-
ees dated 7 Oct. 1614; and the division made 10 Jan'y (which is
an error for Nov. 11,) 1641.

Id. i., 118; Samuel Mavei'ick, for himself and other patentees,
deed to Roger Gard, recites the first Patent of 1°* (or 2"*^) Dec.
1631 and also the subsequent Patent of 23 March 1637/8. Id.
ii., 178 ; Edward Godfrey deed to Abraham Preble, recites the
Patent of 23 March 1637 /8 and the division made 11 Nov. 1641.

1 York Deeds, vi, 74.

Vol. II. 22

322 MAINE HISTORICAL SOCIETY.

• These recitals have engendered the hope that some
day the missing one of these divisions might be dis-
covered, and that by supplementing one another the
two would afford important geographical, historical
and title data, — a hope that has been modified by a
fear lest both might prove as incomplete and unsatis-
factory as the one preserved to us has proven, which is
so general and sketchy in its outline as to afford little
of such needed information.

This "first division," as it is called by Godfrey^ was,
as it states upon its face, only a partial division ; it is
in reality but little more than a preliminary plan for
the division that was made twelve days later as by the
newly discovered paper. It has been preserved to us
among the Massachusetts Archives^ and is printed by
Dr. Banks in his ''Life of Edward Godfrey;"^ but it
is considered desirable to rej)rint it here because of its
intimate and supplementary connection with the
other, giving as it does the sizes in rods of the lots,
which are not therein expressed, and to afford an op-
portunity to examine and compare the two.

THE FIRST DIVISION

A Cojjpy of a divission made by m'" Edw : Godfrey and others
in pte of 12000 acres of land of Agament :

In Performance of a Court order at the Peticon of Eoger Gard
&, others as by the same appeareth, August: 1641 :

The Devission of 12000 m Acres of Land amongst the Pat-
tentees of Agamenticus October 30 1641 : by us whose names are
here subscribed.

6 Miles & 4 long & 3 Miles broad makes 12000 which being

1 York Deeds, iii, 37. 2 vol. 112, p. 12. ' Maine Hist. Soc. Coll. ix.

DIVISION OF THE TWELVE THOUSAND ACRES. 323

devided into 13 parts each parte will contayne 154 m:^ which
makes }4 a Mile wanting 6 poole.

ffower of these pai-ts putt together contayning 616 poole In
breadth, and 68 lynes at Nine poole by lyne make 616 poole & 2
poole over and above.

There is already layd out towards every of the fower parts 26
Ijmes & one over and above, Soe there is more to be layd out for
every fowereth parte 42 lynes, & the salt Marsh ground to be
devided in the like maner.

A Division already of the Land below M' Gorges house on the
Lower side of the Crick.

Thomas Gorge Edw : Godfrey Roger Gard

Recorded according to the originall by me

Edw : Godfrey

(Certified as a true copy of the original by Edw : Rishworth,
Recorder, 10 Jime 1667.)

It will be noticed that no date is given of the time
of its original record. But the second or supplemental
division just discovered, after lying hidden so many
years in the moldering court files of York county, sup-
plies the probable date of the record of both and enables
the fixing approximately in point of time the date of
the loss of the original record, and with considerable
precision the place of their first recording.

THE SECOND DIVISION.

November 11 : 1641.
A devission of twelue thousand Acers of Land amongst the
Pattentees of Agamenticus | made by us Thomas Gorges
Esq'' and Edw: Godfrey Gentled Chancellers of the Por-
vince of Mayn, & Roger Gard, who are deputed In the be-
halfe of the sayd Pattentees |
Inp""^ to Fardinando Gorges Esq% all the Land from the Cricke
below the house vp to the bass cricke, & soe North East from. a.

* Query: r. for poles or rods?

324 MAINE HISTORICAL SOCIETY.

Certen Oake marked for a bound on the vpper side of the sayd
Cricke |

To Ilumfrey Hooke, & Gyles Ellbridg Esq" & Willia : Ilooke,
& Tho : Ilooke Gentlem : all the Land from the sturajje of a tree
neare Hene : Donells house, vp to a certen tree marked for a
bound, on the vpper side of Mr Edw : Godfreys fejld, & from
those bounds North East the yland at the Harbours Mouth, &
wast ground between the sea side, & the lower bound North
Eastwards, to remajn In coman amongst all the pattentees |

To Edw: Godfrey Lawrence Brinely, Willia: Pistor, & Robert
Tomsou Gentlem : All the Land from the Last bound to a certen
Oake Marked for a bound neare the path Leadeing from the
plantation to Mr Gorges house, alsoe all the Land vp from the
lower Corner of Mr Lynns fejld to the Cricke below Mr Gorges
house, & from all the s*^ bounds North East |

To Mr Samell Mavericke, Ely as Mavericke, Wilham Jefferys,
& Hugh Bursly Gentle : All the Land between those two pcells
of Land last mentioned, & alsoe all the Land aboue the bass
cricke from Mr Gorges bounds, there vp the River to a little Hil-
locke, by the River side, aboue the next poynt of Land, & from
thence North East |

To Mr Humfrey Hooke & partners, all the Land from the
afores* Hillocke to the Poynt or Cove of Marsh, next aboue the
farme house & from the head of the sayd poynt or Cove of Marsh
North East |

To Mr Samell Mavericke & ptners, all the Land from the bounds
last mentioned, vp the River side soe fare as It runnes North
Westwards, and soe oner the s"^ River North West wards to a
tree marked for a bound, & from thence North East |

To Mr Humfrey Hooke & partners, from the afores*^ bounds
North West nine Lynes In length, at 9 poole p lyne, & from
thence North-East |

To Mr Edward Godfrey & partners, that pcell of Land cora-
manly Called the Necke of Land, partly compassed about Avith
the River & to take soe fare vp as shall Contayne the like quantity,
that Mr Humfrey Hooke & partners hath on the East side |

DIVISION OF THE TWELVE THOUSAND ACRES. 325

The sault Marsh devided as followeth |

To Mr Hooke & partners all the Marsh from the first Entrance
to his farme house ; All the rest vpwards on that branch of y"
River, To Mr Mauericke & partners And that on the Western
branch of y^ River to Mr Godfrey <& partners, & to Mr Gorges
the Pattentee |

Concordat cum origine | examined & Re : Corded | July : 2 :
1646 : by mee Edw : Godfrey |

A trve Coppy of this devission aboue written taken out of the
originall & therewith Compared this 10* : d : June 1667 :

p Edw : Rishworth Re : Cor :

154 poole In breadth, soe every Pattentee w*"*^ being measured
by a lyne of 9 poole In length ammounts to 17 lynes & one
poole I

It will be observed that this was recorded July 2,
1646, by Edward Godfrey in his capacity as magis-
trate — for he was never recorder — during the time
that William Waldron filled the office of recorder, and
doubtless during his absence. Waldron did not live in
the province, but at Dover ; he came down to the
places where the court was being held and either there
recorded upon the regular books the instruments that
had accumulated for record, or copied the record of
them that had been kept upon temporary blotters into
the regular books, so that both the original record
made by Godfrey in 1646 of this division and its sec-
ond or regular record now being missing, the first pre-
sumption would be that it was lost with Waldron at
the time of his drowning, in September, 1646, in the
Kennebunk river, on his way home from attendance
at court, as it is an historical fact that some of our

326 MAINE HISTORICAL SOCIETY.

public records were lost with him ; but that presump-
tion is disproved by the fact that the oria^inal, or God-
frey record of this division was certainly in existence
June 10, 16G7, for this copy is certified by Edward
Rishworth as recorder, as of that date and as from the
original, the copy being in his unmistakable hand-
writing;. So that the conclusion is irresistible that this
division was recorded in the twenty leaves of the first
book of York Deeds that are now missing; that that
particular leaf of record, as well also as the one con-
taining the first or preliminary division given above
were both in existence September 10, 1667, when
Rishworth certified copies of both, and that those
leaves have been torn out, lost or mislaid between that
date and 1731, when Joseph Moody made his tran-
script of the first book, from which transcript these
and eighteen other leaves are unfortunately now
missing.

Some of the satisfactory results obtained from the
record of this division are : the fact thus established
that for ten years the original thirteen parts or shares
had been preserved ; the tracing down of those parts
or shares and showing to whom they had descended,
or been assigned, at the end of that period, and w^ho
held them in 1641; the additional number of new
names that can thereby be added to the previously
known list of the early landed proprietors of York,
thus increasing the number of such names to twenty-
seven.

A list of these proprietors is given for the purpose

DIVISION OF THE TWELVE THOUSAND ACRES.

127

of comparison, with references to the printed Minutes
of the Council for New England : —

In the fi rst Patent,
December 2, 1631.^
Ferdinando

Gorges, [Esq.]
"Walter Norton.
Thomas Coppyn.
Samuel Maverick.
Thomas Graves.
Ralph Glover.
William Jeffreys.
John Busley.
Joel Woolsey.
Robert Norton.
Richard Norton.
George Norton.
Robert Rainsford.

In the amended Pa- In the Division
tent, 2 March 1632.2 November 11, 1G41.

The same patentees except Ferdinando
that tliesie four were sub-
stituted for those opposite
whose names they stand.

Seth Bull.

Dixie Bull.

Matthew Bradley.
John Bull.

Gorges- [Esq.]
Edward Godfrey.
Robert Tomson.
Samuel Maverick.
Elias Maverick.
Gyles Elbridge.
William Jeffreys.
Hugh Bur sly.
Humphrey Hooke.
William Hooke.
Thomas Hooke.
Lawrence Brinely.
William Pistor.

1 Am. Antiq. Journal, Apr., 1867, p. 101. ^ jd. p. io5.

328 MAINE HISTORICAL SOCIETT.

PROCEEDINGS.

The annual meeting was held at Brunswick, June
26, 1885.

The meeting was called to order at 9 a.m., President
Bradbury in the chair. The record of the last annual
meeting was read and approved. A report on the
library and cabinets was presented by the librarian,
Mr. H. W. Bryant, and was accepted. Mr. William
Goold read his annual report as corresponding secre-
tar}^, and it was accepted. The annual report of the
treasurer, Mr. Lewis Pierce, was read by him in detail,
and it was accepted.

The following officers were then duly elected by
ballot : —

President, James W. Bradbury; Vice President, William G.
Barrows ; Corresponding Secretary, William Goold ; Treasurer,
Lewis Pierce; Biographer, Joseph Williamson ; Recording Sec-
retary, Librarian and Cabinet Keeper, Hubbard W. Bryant.

Standing Committee. — Rufus K. Sewall of Wiscasset, William
B. Lapham of Augusta, William Goold of Windham, Edward
H. Elwell of Deering, Joseph Williamson of Belfast, James P.
Baxter of Portland, Joshua L. Chamberlain of Brunswick.

Professor Charles H. Smith of Brunswick and Mr. William
H. Smith of Portland were elected resident members.

The following were elected corresponding members :

Albert B. Otis of Boston ; Robert A. Brock of Richmond, Va.;
Rev. Elias Nason of North Billerica, Mass. ; Dr. John R. Ham of
Dover, N. H. ; Llewellyn Deane, of Washington, D. C.

Hon. Hannibal Hamlin of Bangor was elected an
honorary member.
Mr. J. L. Douglas of Bath, in behalf of the Sagada-

PROCEEDINGS AT DECEMBER MEETING, 1885. 329

hoc Historical Society, extended an invitation to the
members of the Maine Historical Society and their
friends to unite with the former Society in a field day
excursion to Stage island and Fort Popham. Messrs.
Tenney and Dike made some remarks in favor of the
excursion, and it was voted to accept the invitation.

The following were appointed a committee of ar-
rangements on the part of this Society : R. K. Sewall,
Samuel F. Dike and Albert G. Tenney.

It was voted that a committee be appointed to apply
to the Legislature for an act to prohibit the voluntary
reduction of the interest paying funds of the Society
below the sum of ten thousand dollars, the act to take
effect when accepted by the Society.

After some discussion the matter was referred to a
committee of three, consisting of James W. Bradbury,
William G. Barrows and John A. Peters.

A vote of thanks was extended to Robert H. Gar-
diner, Esq. for his gift of one hundred dollars.

December 22, 1885.

The winter meeting of the Society was held at their
library in the City Building, Portland.

The afternoon session called to order at 2.30 p.m.
by President Bradbury. The librarian and cobinet
keeper, Mr. Bryant, read a report of the acquisitions
received since the annual meeting. Mr. Curtis M.
Sawyer made a written communication concerning the
vestiges of Indian camping-grounds in Maine.

Mr. George F. Talbot read a biographical sketch of
the late James Shepherd Pike.

330 MAINE HISTORICAL SOCIETY.

Rev. Henry 0. Thayer read a paper entitled Notes
on the Popham Colony.

At the evening session Mr. Edward H. Elwell read
a paper on the British view of the Ashburton treaty
and the northeastern boundary question. Mr. Brad-
bury made some remarks of interest, bearing upon the
subject, as he had represented the interests of Maine
in Washington, at the time of the treaty.

Mr. Joseph Williamson contributed a paper on the
rumored French invasion of Maine in 1798, which
was read by Mr. Stephen Berry.

At the close of the paper Mr. Bradbury explained
briefly the origin of the French spoliation claims.

Rev. Henry S. Burrage followed with a paper giving
some additional facts concerning George Waymouth
the early navigator.

Dr. Charles E. Banks contributed a paper on the
administration of William Gorges 1636-37 which was
read by Mr. Elwell.

Votes of thanks for the papers read at both sessions
were passed and copies requested for the archives.

Adjourned without day.

May 20, 1886.

The spring meeting of the Society was held May
20, 1886, at the library in the City Building. It was
called to order at 2.30 p.m., by the president. The
librarian read his quarterly report of accessions to
the library and cabinet.

Mr. J. H. Drummond read a paper contributed by

PROCEEDINGS AT MAY MEETING, 1886. 331

Mr. John F. Sprague of Monson, on James S. Holmes
the pioneer lawyer of Piscataquis county.

Mr. Rufus K. Sewall read a paper entitled A Lost
Race of New England and its Relations to European
Civilization.

Rev. Amasa Loring read a paper on the lives of the
four eminent judges of North Yarmouth, Maine.

Mr. WiUiam H. Smith followed with a paper giving
some account of the late Jonathan Morgan of the
Cumberland Bar, and presented the old straight-back
chair commonly used by Morgan, also his photograph
with autograph.

Mr. William Goold gave an extended account of
Col. Thomas Westbrook and the expedition which he
commanded against the Norridgewock Indians in 1725,
and presented to the Society as the gift of the Rev.
E. Q. S. Waldron of Pikesville, Md., the strong box or
portable desk of Father Rale, which was taken by Col.
Westbrook at this time. Mr. Bryant the keeper of
the cabinet presented as the gift of Mr. A. R. Bixby
of Skowhegan, the httle bronze crucifix lately un-
earthed in Norridgewock, and which no doubt was worn
by Father Rale, thus these two inestimable reUcs are
reunited after a separation of 161 years.

Messrs Williamson, Sewall and Emery were ap-
pointed a committee to draft resolutions on the death
of the late WiUiam G. Barrows of Brunswick.

The evening session was held in the Common Coun-
cil Chamber, Mr. Edward H. Elwell presented a brief
report of the doings of the American Historical Asso-
ciation at its recent sessions held in Washington, D. C.

332 MAINE HISTORICAL SOCIETY.

Rev. Henry S. Barrage read a paper on the military
occupation of Pemaquid during the second war with
Great Britian. At the close of the paper Mr. R. K.
Sewall spoke of the recent interesting discoveries in
the ruins of Pemaquid.

Votes of thanks were passed for the papers read at
both sessions, and copies were requested for the ar-
chives. Adjourned.

AN INTERESTING HISTORIC DOCUMENT.

Wb have been furnished with the following interesting historic
document from the original, now in the possession of Mrs.
Charles A. Milliken of Maiden, Mass. It is, as will be seen be-
low, dated November 17, 1814, during the war of 1812-15, and
is still in an excellent state of preservation : —

PROCLAIM AT lOX.

Whereas, Sir John Sherbroke did by proclamation capture all
that part ot" the District of Maine lying betwixt the Penobscot
and St. Croix rivers for and in behalf of His Majesty the King
of Great Britain, I do by all the power in me vested declare it
recaptured, excepting Castine and Eastport, for and in behalf of
the tJnited States of America, and the subjects thereof having
again become citizens are hereby ordered to conduct themselves
accordingly.

And whereas, it has been customary for British officers to de-
clare large extent of sea coast in a state of blockade without a
sufficient force to enforce such a blockade : I do by my power as
aforesaid, declare all the Ports, Harbors, Rivers, Bays, and in-
lets, from the River Penobscot to River St. Croix, that remain
in the actual ])ossession of the enemy, in a state of rigorous
blockade, having under my command a sufficient force to enforce
the same, and the officers under my command are hereby ordered
to govern themselves accordingly.

D tne on board the Schooner Fawn in Machias, this 17th day
of November, 1811:, and nailed to the flagstaff of the Fort at
Machias.

(Signed) Alexander Milliken.

Commander of the private armed Schooner Fawn.

A MORAVIAN COLONY IN MAINE. 333

A MORAVIAN COLONY IN MAINE.

It is well known that the state of Maine was settled by peo-
ple of nearly all the known Christian sects— Quakers and Shak-
ers as well as Chnrchmen, Independents, several kinds of Bap-
tists, and Methodists and Roman Catholics. It is not so well
known that we once had a colony of Moravians, and came near
havino- a growing community of those peaceable and exemplary
people as permanent elements of our population.

Broad Bay, afterward incorporated as Waldoboro, was the the-
ater of this unsuccessful attempt at colonization, which began in
1739, and lasted till 1770, when the last of the discouraged set-
tlers left our inhospitable coast, and sought homes among their
brethren in Bethabara, under the milder skies of North Carolina,
where their descendants still live.

Mr. John W. Jordan has published, among the Transactions
of the Moravian Historical Society, a paper, kindly sent to the
Maine Histoi-ical Society, giving a carefully prepared and minute
history of this early Maine Moravian settlement, and telling how
it happened to be abandoned. It seems that the colonists were
recruited in Germany, and beside Moravians included German-
Lutherans and Scotch-Irish Presbyterians, numbering about one
thousand persons. They had been induced to emigrate by the
son of Samuel Waldo, sent out as an agent, and were promised
each one hundred acres of land if they settled on the Waldo
estate. But after taking up their lands they found their titles
defective, and some had to purchase their holdings, while others
got discouraged and abandoned them. The land was poor ; they
had no ploughs, cultivating grain with hoes. The winters were
long and cold, and the children had no clothing but shirts.

Spiritually they prospered, held meetings and love-feasts, and
gained converts. Their other world affairs got on better than
their this world affairs, for although the rival Reformed Pastor
Schaiffer got ahead at first by slandering the blameless flock and
their shepherd, a story soon came to the settlement from a de-
serted wife, of an unsavory reputation of the parson, under
which his influence and power of perseciation suddenly succumbed.
Still the worldly difticulties were too serious, and in two ship-
ments the entire Moravian contingent abandoned Maine, and
found refuge in North Carolina.

334 MAINE HISTORICAL SOCIETY.

BIOGRAPHICAL DATA

or THE

PUBLIC LIFE OF JUDGE DAVID SEWALL.

Presented to tlie Maine Illstorical Society.
BY RUFUS K. SEWALL.

The following items are copied from the private minutes of
the Hon. David Sewall, of York, Maine.

David the son of Sam^ Sewall Esq' & Sarah his Wife was
Born at York Oct^ 28th 1735

Admitted Bachellor of Arts at H. Colledge July 1755

PubUshed his first Almanack for 1758 Nov"" 1757

Admitted Master of Arts a Harvard Colledge July 1758

Went to Housekeejiing at York in Company with Doc' Job
Lym;>n May 1700

Admitted & Sworn as Attorney at Law in the Inferiour Court
of Common pleas at York July 1760

Admitted Barister at Law in the Supe"" Court of the Mass^
Bay June Term at York 1763

Married by the Rev'' Samuel Langdon d.d. to Mary Parker the
Daughter of VV" Parker Esq' of Portsm Thursday DecemV SO^^
1GC2.

She was Born 23"i Decem' 1738. Obiit 28 May 1788. 2. p.m.

P"'irst Chosen by the General Court of the Mass"^ Bay Collector
of Excise for the County of York & Coraniissionated under the
Seal of the s^ Province to j" office May 28"^ 1703

Appointed by the Governour and Council under the Seal of
the Province Register of the Probate of Wills for York County
May 28 1766

Appointed a Justice of the Peace for the County of York
Nov i'^ 1767

& Sworn into the office Jan^ 6"" 1708

BIOGRAPHICAL DATA OF JUDGE DAVID SEAVALL. 335

Appointed Cap* of the 2""^ Military Com])aiiy of Fort in the
Town of York May 4 1772

Chosen one of the Delegates for the Town of York to rep-
resent them in a County Ct)ngress Nov. 7"^ 1774

Appointed a Justice of the Quoi'um for the County of York,
by the Mass^" Councill Sep"" (5"^ 1775

Chosen a Councillor for the Province of Mayne May 1776

Appointed by the Massachusetts Council a. Justice of the Sup""
Court Sep^ IV^ Mil

And first took a seat in said Court at Salem y® first Tu^ Nov'
1777

Resigned a seat in Council May 30* 1778

Appointed a Jiistice of the Quorum through the State of
Massachusetts Baj^ By Commission from y® Council Dec. 25 1778

Chosen by the Town of York a delegate for forming a Consti-
tution or frame of Government, & was also on the Committee of
Convention, for reporting the same.

Appointed by the General Court with Six others to revise the
Laws of the Commonwealth of Massachusetts Nov"" 30*^ 1780

Appointed by the Governour & Council of the Commonwealth
of Mass a Justice of the Supreme Judicial Court under the Con-
stitution Feby 1(3'** 1781

& took a seat in Court at Boston 3*^ Tuesday of Feb^ 1781

Called upon by the two Houses to give an opinion in writing
respecting The Eight of the Senate to join (in fixing a valuation
on Taxable property) with the House Feb^ 22"*^ 1780

Appointed an Elector of the President of Congress under the
Federal Consti' 1789 Jan^'y

and attended that Service Accordingly.

Appointed & Commmissioned Judge of the District Court of
Maine by the President of the U. States 26 Sep' 17S9

& Sworn in the 1-day of Decem"" following, and after having
officiated 28 years resigned the office .Tan''. 9"* 1817

The first Tuesday of June 1790, Made the P' charge to the
grand Jury at Portland. Tried two persons for murder & passed
Sentence of Death on one Thomas Bird, who was Executed ac-
cordingly the 25"" June 1790.

336 MAINE HISTORICAL SOCIETY.

Being chosen in May 1790 to Represent the Town of York in
the General Court in Jan^ 1791 I went into the House of Repre-
sentatives and claimed a Seat there but the House determined
by a great Majority (and as I tliink arbitrarily & unconstitution-
ally) that a district Judge of the U. S. was by the Constitution
of Mass' unable to have a seat in that House.

Nov. 2, 1790 Married at Hampton Falls to Miss Elizabeth
Langdon, eldest Daughter of the Rev"*. Sam^ Langdon d.d.

The above is a copy, letter for letter & stroke for stroke.

Benj. W. Pond,

York.

Inside the cover at the other end of the book is a minute as
follows :

" Samuel Sewall his children born in York of his

second wife Sarah the Daughter of John Bacheller.

David born Oct' 7, 1735"

JOHN APPLETON. 337

JOHN APPLETON.

Bead before the Maine Historical Society, December IS, 1890.
BY GEORGE F. EMERY.

The subject of this sketch was a descendant, in the
sixth generation, from Samuel, the common ancestor
of the New England family of Appleton, who emi-
grated from Waldingfield, Suffolk County, England, in
1635, and settled in Ipswich, Massachusetts. The
homestead of the immigrant is now owned and occu-
pied as his summer residence, by Daniel Fuller Apple-
ton of New York, a cousin of John. The father of
the latter was John W., who at the time of his death
had been a well-known citizen of Portland for many
years. His mother, Sophia, descended from the some-
what noted Williams family of Connecticut. His wife,
who survived him, but is now deceased, was a daughter
of Ebenezer Dodge, long a prominent merchant of
Salem, Massachusetts. Their only child, Eben D., now
resides in Washington, D. C.

John was born in Beverly, Massachusetts, February
11, 1815, but his youth was spent in Portland, where
he fitted for Bowdoin college whence he graduated in
1834. His class, in which he held an honorable rank,
was above the average in point of scholarship, and
numbered four upon whom has been conferred the
degree of ll. d. These were Peleg W. Chandler,
John C. Dodge, Cyrus Hamlin and Henry B. Smith.
Upon leaving college Mr. Appleton became thoroughly
Vol. II. 23

338 MAINE HISTORICAL SOCIETY.

equipped for practice in the legal profession, at first
under the tutelage of George W. Pierce, whose early
exit cut short a career of unusual promise, then at the
Harvard law school in the summers of 1835 and 1836,
and closino; in the office of Willis & Fessenden. He
was admitted to the Cumberland Bar June 20, 1837,
in company with the late Judge Edward Fox, with
whom he was a fellow student at the law school. He
thereupon opened an office in Portland, but did not
long pursue his profession, his attention having been
diverted from it to the more fascinating field of
politics. His ambition in that direction was stimulated,
if not encouraged, by the example of Mr. Pierce, a
brilliant leader among the younger men of the Demo-
cratic party, whose political views he imbibed, and to
which he tenaciously adhered to the end of his life.

His first introduction to the public was made under
favorable conditions, on the fourth of July, 1838, when
he delivered an oration at a party celebration in Port-
land, which was participated in by a large concourse
of people in which all sections of the state were rep-
resented. An additional stimulus was given to the
occasion by the fact that the Whigs had a celebration
on the same day at which John Neal was the orator,
before a large audience bivouacked under a canvas
tent on Munjoy Hill. The Eastern Argus, of which
Hugh W. Greene was then editor, claimed that the
Democratic procession was the largest ever before wit-
nessed in Portland on any occasion. Some idea of the
zeal and number of celebrants is suggested by the
fact, that at the dinner, beside the regular toasts of

JOHN APPLETON. 339

fourteen, one hundred and sixteen volunteers fol-
lowed, including some from ladies.^

Mr. Appleton was then but twenty-three years of
age. Of his effort the Argus spoke as follows : —

Mr. Appleton's oration was all that could have been wished.
There was no intermingling of the political slang of the day, no
attacks upon individuals of the opposition, nothing that could
offend the most refined and delicate taste in this performance ;
while the principles of democracy were enforced and defended
with an energy which evinced how deeply they were felt and
sacredly beheved by the orator. The whole was chastened and
well adapted to the great occasion, in a manner that could not
excite inharmonious or unpleasant feeling in a single individual,
of whatever political party he might be. It was impassioned,
fervid, chaste and patriotic, delivered in a beautiful, energetic
and impressive style of eloquence.

After making reasonable discount from this eulogium
on the score of personal and party friendship, the gen-
eral impression produced by Mr. Appleton's oration
is attested by the fact, that it was published by request
in pamphlet form and was widely distributed.

In the winter of 1838 Mr. Appleton was called to
take charge of the editorial department of the Eastern
Argus, and in this service he continued four or five
years. Naturally an easy and graceful writer, and
highly gifted as a popular speaker, he at once attained
prominence in the councils and leadership of his party
His first official life began as register of probate for
Cumberland County, deriving his appointment from
Governor Fairfield.

iThe following appears in the list — By a lady — " The orator of the day — If the vestal
fire of liberty burns in his bosom as brightly as it is eloquently breathed from his lips, he
more than merits the applause he this day has received."

340 MAINE HISTORICAL SOCIETY.

In 1845 George Bancroft, secretary of the navy,
invited him to accept the office of chief clerk in his
department, the duties of which he assumed, and
continued to discharge until 1848 when he became
chief clerk of the state department under James
Buchanan, then secretary of state. In March of the
year last named he was appointed by President Polk
Charge d' Affaires to Bolivia and, en route to his post,
the vessel in which he embarked was wrecked and he
narrowly escaped with his life. That country was
then almost a terra incognita^ which had to be reached
by traversing mountains on mules, and a journey to
which was one of hardship and hazard ; a country
which set at defiance all rules of diplomacy, and was by
no means inviting but to those schooled in the ranks of
bandits and hardy adventurers. On reaching his post,
finding little to employ his diplomatic pen, and time
hanging heavy on his hands, he addressed himself to
studying, as best he could, the history and con-
dition of that country, and made extended notes of
his researches and observation of which it was his
purpose to give the public the benefit, but this plan
he did not execute, owing to his brief residence there
and the incompleteness of material gathered for its
consummation. But some of the more salient points
of general interest he embodied in a popular lecture
which was delivered before lari!:e audiences in Portland
and elsewhere.

On the accession of General Taylor to the presi-
dency, he felt constrained to resign his position, and
after a little more than a year's absence he returned

JOHN APPLETON. 341

to Portland where he resumed the practice of law for
a brief period, being associated as partner with the
late Justice Clifford. But, as at first, public life had
greater attractions for him, and in 1851 he was elected
to represent the Portland district in the 32d Congress,
defeating William Pitt Fessenden, after a hard fought
contest, by a majority of forty votes in a total of
about twelve thousand. The margin was so close that
the friends of Mr. Fessenden strongly urged him to
contest the election, but this he declined to do be-
lieving, as he doubtless did, his competitor had fairly
won his honors.^

Mr. Appleton participated in congressional debate
quite freely, and at once won favor by the finished
style of his speeches, and the graceful and impressive
manner of their delivery. This is well attested by
the fact that, although a new member and one of the
youngest in Congress, he was selected among the
honored ones to make an obituary address in Decem-
ber, 1852, on the occasion of the death of Daniel
Webster. His effort on that occasion elicited wide
applause, and fully justified the honor conferred upon
him. Although widely differing with Mr. Webster in
most of his political views, he was in full sympathy
with him in his loyalty to the constitution ; and in one
of his speeches had eulogized it as, —

That admirable instrument for its structure, its simplicity, its

'In one or more biographical sketches of Mr. Fessenden it is affirmed that he was in fact
elected, but that the seat was awarded to Mr. Appleton in consequence of defective re-
turns, which if properly dealt with would have given it to the former. But the editor of
the leading Whig journal in Portland, a zealous partisan, and Mr. Willis, the partner and
bosom friend of Mr. Fessenden, made no such claim. It may be further added, that the
condition of parties, and the anti-slavery excitement, were then such that Mr. Fessenden
would have been compelled, even against his own wish, to have contested the seat had
there been good ground for so doing.

342 MAINE HISTORICAL SOCIETY.

wise adaptation of means to ends, whicli is still one of the won-
ders of political science wherever it is known.

But he felt constrained to add : —

Yet what, after all, is its great merit. Why, as it seems to me,
that it governs so little. Other systems have failed because they
have attempted too much. Ours has succeeded because it under-
took only what it could perform.

Having retired from Congress in 1855 he was ap-
pointed secretary of legation at London under Mr.
Buchanan, U. S. minister at that court, discharging
the duties of that position, says the historian of Bow-
doin college, with credit to himself and to the country.
On the retirement of Mr. Buchanan, at his request,
Mr. Appleton was appointed Charge d' Affaires ad in-
ierwi, but declined accepting the appointment and re-
turned hofne and took a prominent part in the presi-
dential election, which resulted in the elevation of Mr.
Buchanan to the presidency. Immediately following
the inauguration of Mr. Buchanan he assumed charge
of the Washington Union, the administration organ of
the administration at the capital, but by reason of ill
health, was compelled to relinquish that position after
but a few months' service therein. He was then ap-
pointed assistant secretary of state in fact, under
Lewis Cass, then at the head of the state department,
and for three year's continued to perform the duties of
that position.^ It is no violation of confidence to add,
that, during this period, most of the state papers em-

iln Mr. Buchanan's memorandum of December 15, 1860, on the resignation of Cass, it
is said " most of the important dispatches bearing his name (as secretary of state) were
■written by Mr. Appleton, Judge l$lack and myself." The onerous duties imposed on
Judge Black and the president in their own departments necessarily accredits ittr. Apple-
tou with the chief labor and responsibility in preparing those dispatches.

JOHN APPLETON. 343

anating from that department were from the pen of
Mr. Appleton, while his advice and assistance were
uniformly sought by both the president and secretary
of state on all questions of public and political im-
portance.

In 1860 he accepted the position of minister to
Russia, made vacant by the resignation of Mr. Pickens
of South Carolina, and remained at St. Petersburg un-
til the election of Abraham Lincoln, when he tendered
his resignation, and in 1861 returned to Portland.
His health, never vigorous, had been failing under the
severe pressure of exhaustive labors and exposure to
the severity of 'a Russian winter which aggravated a
tendency to consumption with which he had been threat-
ened. After a lingering illness he died at Portland,
August 22, 1864, and closed a career of rare promi-
nence in public service, for one of his age. Always a
firm friend of the union and constitution his life ter-
minated at a time when both voice and pen would
gladly have been devoted to the service of his country.
It is known to have been the fact that one of the
greatest sorrows of his closing years was the feeling
and conviction that had he remained at Washington
during the complications which surrounded President
Buchanan in the closing year of his administration,
the horrors of a civil war might have been at least de-
layed if not averted, and the nation brought through
its crisis in safety. Whether or not this conviction
was well founded, certain it seems that during that
trying ordeal, the president greatly needed the pres-
ence and counsel of the one who of aU others had

344 MAINE HISTORICAL SOCIETY.

shared his fullest confidence/ and whose cool judg-
ment and devotion to the public weal, combined with
a wise and discriminating knowledge of men and the
trend of public affairs, would have at least tended to
check, if not arrest, the drift into the vortex finally
reached.

The life of Mr. Appleton was a brief but laborious
one. He was remarkable for his industry, and pos-
sessed all the requisites for an accomplished statesman,
whether before the public eye or in the less conspic-
uous but difficult field of diplomacy. But his labors
enured largely to the benefit of others rather than
himself, and were of a nature to leave but few visible
footprints to perpetuate his memory. He was a firm
believer in the Christian religion whose consolations
smoothed his descent to the end of mortal life, and
illumed his entrance into the society of those who
have filled up their earthly career with honor and
usefulness.

'The letters published by George T. Curtis, in his elaborate memoir of Buchanan, afford
Kbundant evidence of the high esteem in which the latter held Mr. Appleton, and of the
friendly and confidential relations existing between them. Li one of them to his niece,
3Ii98 Harriet Lane, Mr. Buchanan strongly deprecates Mr. Appletou's return to the
United States anterior to his own, and adds, "he is a perfect secretary as well as an ex-
cellent friend."

A LOST MANUSCRIPT. 345

A LOST MANUSCRIPT.

Read before the Maine Historical Society, December 18, 1890,

BY JAMES p. BAXTER.

On a catalogue of books and manuscripts issued in
1843 by Rodd of London, an antiquarian bookvender,
appeared the title of a manuscript, which in time
fell under the eyes of Maine historical students, and
awakened their interest.

Inquiries went to Rodd, but he had disposed of the
manuscript, to whom it was not known, and then the
hunt began. The British Museum was ransacked ; the
Admiralty office appealed to, and collectors bored with
questions, which bore no fruit.

In 1857, Willis, in whom the mere scent of a musty
manuscript awakened inexpressible delight, was still
hunting for it, as we know from a letter received by
him from a brother antiquarian. This letter is as
follows : —

Cambridge, 27th Feb., 1857.
Mr. Willis:—

I send the Report of which I spoke to you. I have not been
able to find the reference to Mowat : but in Rodd's Catalogue of
Books and Manuscripts, published in London, 1843, page 62, is
this :—

" Mowat (Capt. Henry, R. N.) Relation of the services in
which he was engaged in America from 1759 to the close of the
American war, 1783, fol. 18 shillings."

What has become of this I know not, Rodd died long since.
It may have got into possession of John Carter Brown of Provi-
dence, or Peter Force of Washington, or Lenox of New York.

346 MAINE HISTORICAL SOCIETT.

Henry Stevens of Morley House, London, would be most likely
to know about it, though if he wei'e written to ten to one he
would not answer your letter.

Truly yours,

J. L. Sibley.

Following this letter, Willis, who indulged the hope
of finding the manuscript on some happy day, wrote
as follows : —

We trust we shall be able to procure some account of Capt.
Mowat for a future volume of our collections ; it seems he had a
long tour of duty on our coast.

He was with Governor Pownall in his expedition to the Penob-
scot in 1759.

In 1858, our associate, Mr. Williamson, inserted an
inquiry for the missing manuscript in London Notes
and Queries ; and in 1862, published a similar inquiry
in the advertising columns of the London Times ; and
again in 1853, through the London Notes and Queries,
offered a reward of five guineas for information, which
would enable him to procure a transcript of the manu-
script. All these efforts failed, and in 1883, Mr.
Williamson directed letters of inquiry to the librarians
of the Admiralty, Foreign Of&ce, Colonial and Royal
United Service Libraries of London, which elicited
only disappointing replies. But this persistent seeker
after historic treasure was not to be discouraged, and
in 1887, thirty years after Willis' first attempt to find
the manuscript, he issued the following advertisement
which he sent abroad.

Rodd's Catalogue of Books and Mss., London 1843, p. 62, has
the following title : —

**• Mowat {Capt. Henry B. JV.) Relation of the services in

A LOST MANUSCRIPT.

347

which he was engaged in America, from 1759 to close of the
American War in 1783, Fol. 18s."

I will pay five pounds for evidence of the existence of this
manuscript. Joseph Williamson,

Belfast, Maine,

August 1, 1887. U. S. America.

In spite of these persistant efforts of Mr. William-
son, the manuscript remained undiscovered and was
beheved to be irretrievably lost. When in London in
1885-86 I was also a searcher for matters relating to
Mowat as well as others, and was as desirous as were
my predecessors, dead and Hving, of finding his own
account of his services in America ; but my search
was attended with such unsatisfactory results, that I
finally almost abandoned hope of discovering anything
farther relating to him. I was therefore pleasantly sur-
prised to receive in October last a letter from my friend,
Dr. Samuel A. Green of the Massachusetts Historical
Society, informing me that Professor Justin Winsor,
then in Europe, had seen a Mowat manuscript in the pos-
session of Mr. William Brown of Edinburgh, and asking
if I did not want to procure it. Without loss of time I
wrote to Mr. Brown for the manuscript, and on Novem-
ber 20, as I was on the point of leaving my house
to attend the monthly meeting of the Maine Histori-
cal Society, I received from him a package containing
it. As soon as I had looked at the manuscript, I was
convinced that it was the one, which had been so long
sought in vain. I was not intending to call the atten-
tion of my confreres to my good fortune, until I had
found opportunity to estimate its importance; but

348 MAINE HISTORICAL SOCIETY.

during the progress of the meeting, Mr. Williamson
having read a paper upon the services of Sir John
Moore in Maine, narrated his experience in searching
for the manuscript advertised by Rodd so long ago,
which took me by surprise, as I was hitherto unaware
of my friend's efforts to find the Mowat manuscript,
and as it seemed cruel to permit him to remain longer
in suspense, I could not refrain from informing him,
that the long coveted manuscript was in my possession,
and that he should soon hold it in his hand, without
pajdng five pounds for the privilege.

Of course all who have searched for Mowat's ac-
count of his services in America, from Willis to my-
self, have expected to find a particular description of
the destruction of Falmouth by the chief actor in that
forbidding drama. In this respect the manuscript is
disappointing, as it does not even allude to that event;
a fact of great significance.

Before, however, considering the manuscript, we
may well briefly review the facts connected with the
destruction of Falmouth.

Captain Samuel Coulson had, in the spring of 1775,
completed the building of a ship of a thousand tons
burden, near the site of the present Grand Trunk
wharves, and a ship of his from Bristol, England, was
lying in the harbor, having on board the rigging, sails
and stores for the new vessel. At this time the non-
importation act was in force, and a committee of in-
spection, comprising the principal men of Falmouth,
was appointed at a public meeting of citizens to ascer-
tain Coulson's intentions, and to protest against his

A LOST MANUSCEIPT. 349

infringement of the law. After a conference with him,
the committee voted not to allow him to land his goods,
and he was directed to return them to England with-
out breaking the packages. Disregarding this order,
Coiilson proceeded to Boston and secured the assistance
of the British sloop of war Canceaux, under the com-
mand of Captain Henry Mowat, and protected by her
guns, landed his goods and fitted his vessel for sea.

While these events were taking place, the excite-
ment of the public mind was increased by the battle
of Lexington, the news of which was carried to the
remotest hamlets in Maine, and an expedition consist-
ing of fifty men was organized in Brunswick by Lieu-
tenant Colonel Samuel Thompson, a member of the
Provincial Congress, for the avowed purpose of de-
stroying Mowat's ship, then in the harbor of Falmouth.
These men, wearing sprigs of spruce in their hats, and
bearing a young spruce denuded of everything but its
tufted crown for a standard, marched to Falmouth and
encamped, on the ninth of May, in a pine grove on
the northerly slope of Munjoy. Not suspecting the
presence of these men in the vicinity, of which even
the inhabitants of the town were ignorant. Captain
Mowat with his surgeon and the Reverend Mr. Wis-
wall, the Episcopal minister, were walking on the
Eastern Promenade when they were surprised and
made prisoners. This act caused the inhabitants of
the town much disquietude, and when the officers in
charge of the Canceaux threatened to lay the town in
ashes if the prisoners were not set at liberty, the
people were thrown into a panic. Women rushed

350 MAINE HISTORICAL SOCIETY.

from their homes witli their children in their arms,
weeping and screaming with terror, and many hurried
their effects into countrymen's carts for removal be-
yond the limits of the town.

An earnest effort was made by the leading citizens
to induce Thompson to set his prisoners at liberty,
which he finally consented to do upon receiving their
parole to deliver themselves up the next day, and the
guaranty of Gen. Preble and Colonel Freeman for its
fjiithful performance. Mowat was therefore permit-
ted, during the evening of the day upon which he was
arrested, to return on board the Canceaux.

During the night, the militia from the surrounding
towns began to pour into Falmouth, and civil authority
was at an end. An uproar was raised against the more
prudent men, who had advised the release of Mowat,
and those who had been the most conspicuous, es-
pecially Preble and Freeman, were subjected to many
indignities. The town was in the possession of a semi-
military mob, maddened with liquor, which exacted
tribute from those who were suspected of entertaining
conservative views, and rifled their houses. Under
such a condition of affairs, Mowat would not keep his
parole, as he probably feared personal violence from
the mob. A drunken man fired a musket at his ship,
and one of Coulson's boats was seized and dragged by
a party of Thompson's soldiers across the town.

These acts aroused the indignation of Mowat, who
threatened to fire upon the town, but was persuaded
to desist from his purpose by the inhabitants, who as-
sured him that the country people, who occupied the

A LOST MANUSCRIPT. 351

town, were beyond their control. After several days
of rioting, the townspeople succeeded in persuading
the countrymen to return home, and Falmouth was
again quiet. The acts of " the armed body," which
they had been "unable to resist," were formally dis-
approved by the inhabitants, and when the Canceaux
sailed, all apprehension from that quarter ceased.
When, therefore, on the sixteenth of October, five
months later, the Canceaux appeared off the town, ac-
companied by four other vessels, no danger was appre-
hended, as it was supposed they were seeking cattle
and forage, of which there were considerable quanti-
ties on the islands in the bay. What, then, was the
consternation of the inhabitants when they received,
on the afternoon of the seventeeth, a missive from
Mowat, informing them that he had been sent "to
execute a just punishment upon the town of Fal-
mouth," and that but two hours would be allowed to
remove "the human specie out of the said town."

When this letter was read in the town house by The-
ophilus Bradbury, the Rev. Jacob Bailey tells us that "a
frightful consternation ran through the assembly," and
" a profound silence ensued for several moments." A
committee, consisting of some of the men who had
before befriended him, was dispatched to the Canceaux
to treat with Mowat, but they could only persuade
him to suspend the execution of the cruel orders,
which he professed to have, until he could receive an
answer to a message, wdiich he would dispatch by ex-
press to Admiral Graves, and this upon condition that
the cannons and small arms in the town should be de-

352 MAINE HISTORICAL SOCIETY.

livered to him before eight o'clock the next morning.
The small arms were sent to the Canceaux in accord-
ance with this condition ; but the four small cannons
belonging to the town were not given up.

At half past nine, "the flag," says Bailey, "was
hoisted to the top of the mast, and the cannon began
to roar with incessant and tremendous fury."

It is not necessary to describe the terrible scenes
which ensued ; the suffering of the people ; of inno-
cent women and children ; of the sick and infirm,
forced to fly from comfortable homes in the face of a
New England winter, with no prospect of shelter, but
such as the reluctant hand of charity might bestow
upon them. It is sufficient for us to say, that Henry
Mowat ruthlessly and needlessly destroyed a thriving
and well ordered town, peopled with men and women
of his own race, and scattered them abroad exposed to
suffering and death from Avant, hardship and exposure.

One would naturally suppose that when he deliber-
ately set to work to describe his services to the crown,
Mowat would particularly describe this event, the
most important in which he was engaged during his
whole career ; but he does not even allude to it, ex-
cept in the following terms : That in 1775, " he was
appointed by Admiral Samuel Graves to command the
Expedition Against the Seaports to the eastward of
Boston," and " this done, he cruised in Boston Bay to
January, 1776." His services at the seige of Penob-
scot, where he played a minor part, are made as im-
portant as possible, and upon these services he largely
bases his claims to recognition, which he bitterly com-

A LOST MANUSCRIPT. 353

plains have not been regarded ; indeed; he asserts that
junior officers, one of whom at least had been his
subordinate, had been raised above him. We may
well ask Avhy this silence respecting the destruction of
Falmouth ? and why this studious neglect of an active
officer, who was evidently not backward in pressing
his claims upon the attention of his superiors ? If he
had performed the services intrusted to him by Ad-
miral Graves with discretion, why did not that officer
support his claims, and why did Sir George Collier,
who raised the seige of Penobscot, and Lord Howe
turn their backs upon him, and leave him as he
forcibly says, " to exert himself on the theatre of
war, amidst the daily mortification for seven years of
seeing every Post Promotion, excepting three, put
over his head ? " These are pertinent questions and
one may solve the other.

In this connection, a letter in the office of the Public
Records, written by Lord George Germaine to Major
General Howe, becomes significant. In it is the fol-
lowing relating to the destruction of Falmouth : —

I am to suppose that Admiral Graves had good reasons for the
step he took to destroy the town of Falmouth, and that he did
not proceed to that extremity without an absolute refusal on the
part of the inhabitants to comply with those requisitions stated
in the orders he received from the Lords of the Admiralty tohich
however does not afppear from any account 1 have seen of that
Transaction.

May we not have here one of the keys to Mowat's
failure to secure promotion ?

At this point it may be well to ascertain what the
Vol. II. 24

354 MAINE HISTORICAL SOCIETY.

orders were which Admiral Graves received from the
Lords of the Admiralty to which Lord Germain e re-
fers. Upon receiving the Mowat manuscript, I imme-
diately wrote to London and caused a search to be
made for these orders, and yesterday received a copy
of them. It appears that they were passed September
12, and were issued September 14, 1775, in accord-
ance with a letter from Lord Dartmouth, desiring
that the Lords of the Admiralty would instruct Vice
Admiral Graves to send such transports as he could
spare under convoy of His Majesty's ships to the
several ports of the rebellious colonies, with orders to
their commanders to demand of inhabitants of mari-
time towns to furnish at reasonable prices provisions,
etc., for the use of the fleet and navy. The orders
issued to Admiral Graves were as follows : —

It having been represented that the King's Subjects in North
America in Rebellion against His Majesty's government have
found means of preventing His Majesty's Fleet and Army from
being Supplied with such Provisions and Stores as are necessary
for their Subsistence and maybe procured in Several of the Colo-
nies : You are hereby required and directed, in pursuance of His
Majesty's pleasure signified to us by the Earl of Dartmouth,
one of his principal Secretaries of State, in his Letter of the 12th
inst., to send from time to time, such of the Transports as can be
spared from other Service, to the several ports in those Colonies
in North America which are in Arms against the King, under
convoy of one or more of His Majesty's Ships as the case shall
require, with directions to the Commanders of such Ships to de-
mand of the Inhabitants of the Maritime Towns that they do
furnish at a reasonable Price, such Supplies of Provisions and
other Necessaries as may be procured there, for the use of His
Majesty's Fleet and Army, and in case of refusal to comply with

A LOST MANUSCRIPT. 355

SO just and reasonable a demand to proceed hostilely against such
Towns as are in Open Rebellion.

Vice Adm'l Graves &c. &c. Given &c 14th Sept., 1775.

No. America at Boston, Sandwich.

By &c P. S. J. Buller.

C. Spencer.

These orders certainly do not justify the burning of
Falmouth. They were issued for the single purpose
of compelling the inhabitants of maritime towns to
furnish supplies at a reasonable compensation. No
such demand was made upon the inhabitants of Fal-
mouth, indeed it is questionable how far the order to
proceed hostilely was intended to go ; not necessarily,
it is certain, to the destruction of a defenseless town.
But view the matter as we please to view it, the cruel
act which Mowat performed in the burning of Fal-
mouth, did not command the approbation of those high
in command. Whether he rashly exceeded the com-
mission given him by Admiral Graves, or whether that
officer rashly gave him orders for the execution of
which he was not willing to be responsible we may
not know. That there was reason for his non-promo-
tion, which he did not care to discuss, Mowat himself
suggests in the following paragraph : —

The representation will naturally carry the insinuation of blame,,
however those, to whom the chief part of it belongs, may have
reconciled it to themselves. It is hoped the i^icture, which may
justly excite surprise, will not be found overcharged.

This passage certainly adds significance to the view,
that the disappointment which Mowat experienced in
failing to receive promotion, was the result of his

356 MAINE HISTORICAL SOCIETY.

destruction of Falmouth, which citizens of Portland
will doubtless regard as a fitting punishment for such
an act; an act, which has been generally regarded as
inhuman ; indeed, in a French document of his time,
he is spoken of as "Capt. Mowat, that miscreant who
burnt Falmouth."

Mowat died of apoplexy at the age of 64, April 14,
1798, on board his ship, the Assistance, near Cape
Henry, and his body was carried to Hampton, Virginia,
where it was interred.

The following comprises all the manuscript which
is of historical interest : —

SERVICES OF HENRY MOWAT, R. N.

A RELATION OF THE SERVICES IN "WHICH CAPTAIN HENRY MOWAT OF
THE ROYAL NAVY ^VAS ENGAGED IN AMERICA, FROM 1759 TO THE END
OF THE AMERICAN WAR IN 1783.

The treatment of the officer, whose case is the Subject of the
following Sheets, is perhaps the most extraordinary Example of
Neglect, that is to be met with in the Annals of the British Navy,
not but there have existed at all times too many Instances of that
Nature, Which if their Merit could be equally ascertained & pub-
lickly Known, would certainly excite the patriotic feelings of the
Nation And of its guardians not only to redress the Individual,
but also to have long agoe effectually repressed the exercise of a
growing abuse destructive of the Rules, Spirit, Interest & Justice,
of the Service.

But it is the Singular Instance of an Officer, who for 28 years
has only had a vacancy of 11 months from active Service : Whose
Knowledge, Experience & Attention has attracted the Notice of
Commanders to employ them on important Occasions, received
the Most honorable Approbation of his Sovereign, & of Minis-
terial Departments with encouraging j^romises of that Boon
which is the Natural pursuit and almost Ambition of Officers,

A LOST MANUSCRIPT. 357

Under the Influence whereof, as well as of his Spirit & duty he
Continued to exert himself on the theatre of the War, Amidst
the daily Mortification for Seven Years of seing every Post-Pro-
motion, excepting three, put over his head, And in the Mean time
performed a Service, Such as has ever been followed up by the
next Step of promotion, And may be considered in every point of
view without Ostentation ( : for now the truth must be plainly
told : ) Superior to any thing done on that Station during the
Rebellion : After all, equally for years thereafter neglected as
formerly, And now reduced to the very disagreeable Necessity
of Stating fully his case & to become supplicant for being placed
in that proper Rank of the Service Which has been all along
his due.

The Representation will naturally carry the Insinuation of
blame: however those, to whom the Chief part of it belongs,
May have reconciled it to themselves, it is hoped the picture
which may justly excite Surprise, will not be found overcharged.

After serving the usual time, Captain Henry Mowat received
his first Commission in 1759, and continued employed during
the War.

In March 1764 he was appointed to Command His Majesty's
Armed Ship Canso in the Rank & Pay of Lieutenant only And
to be employed on the Survey of the Coast of North America,
Under a promise from the Earl of Egmont, then first Lord of the
Admiralty, of being soon promoted to the Rank of Master &
Commander, but his Lordship's death happening soon After he
was thus far disappointed.

In the Command of this Ship, & principally on this Service,
he continued until he was called by Admiral Montague to the
Blockade of Boston in 1774 and was employed in various Ser-
vices in, & about, Boston Bay till in the following year he was
appointed by Admiral Samuel Graves to Command the Expedi-
tion Against the Sea-ports to the eastward of Boston : This done
he cruised in Boston Bay to January 1776, when the Ship was
found unfit to continue any longer on that Service, And in Con-
sequence thereof was put under orders to proceed to England,
carrying Dispatches & Letters from the Commanders in chief

358 MAINE HISTORICAL SOCIETY.

representing Captain Mowat's Services and Usefulness on that
Coast, And at the same time a request from tliem, that he might
therefore be returned to America without loss of time in a Ship
fit to do Justice to his Experience of the Station.

On his arrival he was received with the most gracious approba-
tion of His Majesty, of the Admiralty Board & of the Secretary
of State, & had the Step of Master & Commander Conferred on
him, but it was to a Ship then at Boston.

Captain Mowat, finding the Ship was in America & considering
the time it would take him to join & to prepare her for Sea, ex-
pressed to Lord Sandwich & to Lord George Germaine a wish of
being appointed to one on the Spot & his hopes that the long
time he had Commanded the Canso & the Services performed in
her intitled him to the promotion of a Post Ship.

Lord Sandwich was pleased to observe he had every desire to
give him a frigate, but none were ready for Commissioning; &
if there were, it would require Months to Man her, urging at the
same time the desire of Admiral Shuldham & of General Howe
for his Speedy return & adding that there was no doubt on his
arrival in America he would be appointed to the first vacnnt Post
Ship on the Station, And the same encouragement was equally
given by the Secretary of State.

On this foundation he readily Sett out for America : On his
Arrival he found the evacuation of Boston had taken place &
the Ship intended for him was left there — Admiral Shuldham,
then at Halifax, having no other Ship to give but a pi-ize Mer-
chant man of about 230 tons, he had purchased into the King's
Service & Commissioned but two days before, & which was every
way to alter for carrying Guns, Captain Mowat, rather than lose
time by returning to England, accepted of her in the mean time,
but in the full Expectation of never going to Sea in her, relying
on the Influence of the protnises made to him before his depar-
ture from England.

Before she Avas ready for sea Capt. Mowat as the oldest Master
& Commander there was appointed by the Senior Officer at Hal-
ifax to command the Milford Frigate in the absence of hei- Cap-
tain at Sick Quarters, and he cruised in her on the coast of New

A LOST MANUSCRIPT. 359

England from October to the last of December of the same Year :
Captain Burr dying soon after his return to Halifax, he had
every reason to expect being Confirmed in the vacancy, when
Capt. Barclay of the Scarborough arriving from New York
claimed a Senior title to the Milford as a preferable Ship and he
was appointed to her by Sir George Collier Accordingly. Captain
Mowat was removed into the Scarborough and he continued in
her until thei month of May following, all along in the idea of
being confirmed in the vacancy by the Commander in Chief : But
to his infinite Mortification after returning from a two Months
Cruise be found Captain Barclay waiting to resume the Command
of the Scarborough. Sir William Barnaby being Sent from New
York, made Post Captain into the Milford, And Capt. Mowat
had no alternative but to return to the wret«*hed Albany.

From this time to January 1779 the Albany was destined to
guard the Harbour of Canso & other such places for the protec-
tion of the fishing Craft, a Service however well adapted for her,
yet very different from that -we had lately seen Capt. Mowat
chosen to execute in a Rank, & on principles admissable only, in
regard to the other Senior Ofiicers on the Sole Idea of his Knowl-
edge of the Coast, & equally different from the Expectations
expressed by the departments of the Admiralty & of the Secre-
tary of State in result of the approbation of the Commander in
Chief & of their earnest request for his speedy return to the
theatre of Action.

But it is now in vain to dwell on the change of System for the
reduction of the Colonies, which commenced with this period,
and ever after pervaded every circumstance relating to the Ser-
vice in that Quarter of the Empire.

Capt. Mowat continued in this situation during Lord Howes
Command, in the course of which every one, excepting three, of
the numerous promotions were all of oflScers Junior both as
Lieutenants & Masters & Commanders, to him, And among them
one of the officers even who had served under his command on
the Expedition.

The Albany at last was called to New York in the beginning
of 1779 — orders had not long before arrived from Britain for

360 MAINE niSTOmCAL SOCIETY.

taking Post in Penobscot Bay, and Capt. Mowat's Experience of
the New England Coast being well known to Sir Henry Clinton
on former occasions, he was proposed by his Excellency & ap-
proved by Admiral Gambler as the fittest to command the naval
part of the Force. The Admiral desiring to know the force
necessary for the Service, was answered it should be Superior to
any the Enemy at Boston could readily collect on such an Emer-
gency ; It was accordingly settled it should be so, and that Cap-
tain Mowat should have a ship equal to the Importance of the
object.

In the meantime the Store of Powder in the Garrison at Hali-
fax being totally exhausted Captain Mowat received on board the
Albany & proceeded with an ample Supply, the orders and Every
Equipment for the Expedition, being intended to follow : But
he had no sooner landed the Powder, than he was ordered by Sir
George Collier to the Bay of Fundy, And Sir George rei^aired
soon after to New York where he was left the Senior Officer on
the American Station.

On this change taking place. Captain Mowat, from reasons
otherwise foreign to this Narrative, Considered it Necessary to
urge what he had formerly represented to Admiral Gambier, And
he wrote to New York from the Bay of Fundy, that if the Al-
bany were to be the leading Ship, in would by no means be safe
to trust the Expedition with one of her class, unless a Sufficient
force should cruize between it & the Enemyj until the Post should
be established.

This Representation appears to have had no effect, for the
orders for the Albany alone soon after arrived at Halifax, and
were delivered by Capt. Gaylor of the Romulus to General M
Lean until the Albany should arrive.

Thus, if the Albany had happened to lead the Expedition
according to the order, the whole must have been intercepted as
we shall shortly see, & carried to Boston for a mere Novice might
have conceived at once She wag not fit to conduct it safely : The
Consequences, which must be estimated according to the view &
State of affairs at that time in America, Would have been tre-
mendous : It would have been equivalent to a Second Burgoyn-

A LOST MANUSCRIPT. 361

aile before there were time for repairing, or forgetting, the first :
an immense Encouragement for the Americans, who were tiring
of the length of the war, to exert their remaining resources, for
the Opposition to exercise their clamor, & a proportional depres-
sion of the Spirits of the Loyalists — To the Southward we had
but a slender footing in Georgia ag linst such a disaster, the rein-
forcements not arrived as yet, And the Army there inactive for
Security : To the Northward Canada was not so strong as it had
been rendered in the Succeeding Year, And Nova Scotia nt least,
lying contiguous to the territory of Penobscot, would have been
overwhelmed, for by this detachment the Garrison at Halifax had
been by the one half reduced — This disposition of the Service
must appear the more strange as we know Sir George Collier was
by no means ignorant of the rebel force in the New England
Ports.

Bat the dire Event was prevented by a mere accident & that
the most fortunate in the World ; for the Dispatch, forwarded by
General M Lean, did not reach the Bay of Fundy where Capt.
Mowat was stationed, nor did he in Consequence get round to
Halifax, until the latest moment having elapsed the General put
the order into the hands of Captain Barclay of the Blonde Frig-
ate, then Senior officer of the Navy there, who immediately put
the No'th & Nautilus Sloops of war under orders to proceed
with himself And they were on the point of sailing when the
Albany arrived: However this did not alter Captain Barclay's
Judicious Determination. They proceeded, had a long passage
As might be expected at that Season, and at last arrived at Pen-
obscot : The Rebel frigates, Boston & Providence who were
cruizing on the coast of Nova Scotia westward of Halifax, find-
ing the Convoy Superior to what they expected, did not think
proper to attack it.

In a few days after the troops were landed, the Blonde depart-
ed, leaving Captain Mowat under a copy of Sir George Collier's
original orders, with directions for the North and Nautilus & all
the transports to return to Halifax. Now soon the stores were
landed for Capt. Barclay had brought the Sloops of War there
without Sir George Collier's orders, Captain Mowat finding the

362 MAINE HISTORICAL SOCIETY.

wretched Albany was to be left thus alone, to lie in an open har-
bour distant from every Aid-and in the J;i ws of the most powerful
of the rebellious Colonies, to cooperate with about 700 troops in
a fort not yet begun to be erected, was convinced it would be for
the good of His Majesty's Service to use the utmoi*t Latitude, the
order woidd admit of, to postpone the departure of the Ships,
from the following view of the Situation of the Armament.

The Bay of the Penobscot is spacious & capable of containing
all the Navy of the World: In a corner of it about 14 Leaifues
distant from the open Sea, near, the Embrochure of Penobscot
River is the Harbour of Magebigwaduce : This Harbour is
formed on the one Side by the Mainland, and along the entire
other side of it Stretches the Peninsula of Mngebigwaduce
Cross — now Nautilus Island is at the entrance of the Harbor:
The Peninsula of Magebigwaduce is a high Ridge of land at that
time much encumbered with wood : To its summit, where the
fort was ordereil to be erected there is an ascent of more than a
quai'ter of a mile from the nearest shore of the harbour.

The Provisions, Artillery & Engineer Stores and the equipage
of the troops, being lauded on the Beach, must be carried to the
Ground of the fort chiefly by the labor of the men against the
ascent, there being only a Couple of small teams to Assist in it-
The ground & all the Avenues to it, was to be examined, cleared
from wood, and at the same time guurded — Materials were to be
collected & prepared, And the defences, as well as every conven-
ience of the foi"t, were to be reared. Let any one conversant ia
Matters of this Nature, reflect what a work it was for 700 men,
And he will also readily allow, that in the Course of it they
could not possibly, whether from fatigue, or in point of Necessary
Preparation be in Condition of repelling any powerful attack :
That, as appears also from the rebel General Lovel's letter, every-
thing depended an our Men of War being able to prevent the
Enemy from entering the Harbour, which was not liable to be
commanded or protected by the Guns of the fort : That the
Harbour once forced, a Superior Number of the Enemy might
land on the most convenient parts of the Peninsula, cut off the
communication of our Trooj^s with that considerable part of the

A LOST MANUSCEIPT. 363

Necessary Stores, which to the last Avhile the fort was erecting,
must unavoidably be left on the Beach, force them to retire
within the unfinished Breast work, where Surrounded without
cover Comfort or defence, they could have no alternative but to
yield Prisoners of War in a few days, or to risk an action against
thrice their number on ground from its Nature more favorable to
the Enemy's Mode of fighting than for theirs — It is altogether
Superfluous to comment any farther on the orders by which a
harbour, of this Importance must be left to the sde protection of
the Albany Sloop, carrying ten Six & Six four Pounders.

The Blonde Frigate had not been many days departed, when
Capt. Mowat having taken Measures for procuring the best infor-
mation from Boston, concluded that the Post would soon be
attacked, and he proposed to General M Lean to give his concur-
rence for detaining the North & Nautilus, as well as the Trans-
ports, judging the General's Consent to be eligible, because oth-
erwise he would be liable to Account for acting contrary to the
orders left with him.

The General equally confiding in the inteligence, gave his
Concurrence, and accordingly in the fifth week from the Arrival
of the Royal Armament at Penobscot, the Rebel fleet appeared
in the Bay, consisting of 18 vessels of war as j^er the margin,
beside Transports having on board all necessary Stores & between
two and three thousand Lnndforces.

At that time a great portion of the Stores had not as yet been
carried up to the Fort : Its Scite was lower by several feet, than
a piece of ground at the distance of six hundred yards. The
Parapet, fronting this higher ground was scarcely four feet high :
All the other j)arts of the Parapet, paralell to the Harbour of
Magebigwaduce and in the rear, were not three feet high. The
two Bastions to the harbour were quite open : The troops were
encamped on the area, which might be about the Space of an
Acre : there had been a Shade erected for the Provisions : The
Powder was lodged in covered holes, dug in the proposed Glacis:
There was but a Single Gun Mounted, & that a Six Pounder.

The Naval force in Magebigwaduce Harbour were the Albany,
North & Nautilus Sloops of War, Commanded by Captain Mow-
at, Selby and Farnham, and four Transports.

364 MAINE HISTORICAL SOCIETY.

In this force and State of Preparation, one may easier conceive
than describe the anxiety & hopes of all concerned on the ap-
pearance of so formidable an Armament.

The enemy came up, and paraded before the entrance of the
harbour, in perfect confidence of entering it without difficulty,
which would have been the case had the Albany been alone, And
then every thing would have been over at once : but there was
such an excellent Disposition made of the Sloops of War &
Transports in the entrance of the Harbour, as baffled every
attempt of the Enemy to force it for three days — then they pre-
pared to land their troops* on a Bluff of the Peninsula without
the Harbour, where the General could place Pickets communicat-
ing with the Main body in the fort, to watch & to oppose, the
debarkation.

These three or four days of Embarrassment on the part of the
rebels gave our troops time to do something more to the Fort, to
carry up the most necessary Stores, to mount several guns, and
in short to devote every Endeavor to the present Exigency, —
The Enemy, having failed in their attempts on the harbour,
effected at last a landing on the bluff, and by superior numbers
forced the Pickets into the Fort, took possession of the high
ground, above mentioned, within Six hundred Yards thereof &
immediately erected their Batteries and Lines.

In this Position both Parties continued firing at one another
during the whole Siege : Our Troops, tho extremely harrassed,
were daily getting into a better Situation, with the Assistance of
the Seamen, and the Requisites which the Men of War furnished,
as well as their own Stores : Secui-e on the Flanks & in the rear
while our Ships maintained the Harbour, they had only to exert
their chief attention & Efforts on the side fronting the Enemies
Lines, which effectually deterred the latter from advancing in
that direction.

They had erected Batteries on Nautilus Island, & in the rear
of the harbour, all within point blanc shot of any position, in
which the ships could be placed, but the proper choice of different
stations on every emergency eluded their utmost efforts to
enter it.

A LOST MANUSCRIPT. 365

Thus both sides were employed, ashore & afloat, for 21 Days,
in a variety of Manouveres, which are in part described in a
Journal kept by an officer on shore & published by I. C. Esq.

In the Mean time Inteligence having reached New York, that
Penobscot was attacked. Sir George Collier Sailed to its relief,
with the Raisonable Ship of the Line, Blonde, Virginia, Carmilla,
Galatea &c. They were perceived off Penobscot Bay by the
rebel look-out vessel in the Eveninof. In the course of the nio-ht
they embarked their Troops &c. and in the Morning early their
fleet was seen under Sail ; but the wind failing them to get round
the upper end of Long Island, they had no alternative but to run
up Penobscot River.

These Manouvres were a proof that the Strange Ships sailing
up the Bay were a relief and the three Sloops of War being em-
ployed from daylight in embarking the part of their Guns that
were ashore on the Batteries &c. &c. were able to join in the
center of the King's Ships : during the pursuit one of the rebel
vessels struck, after a few shot, to the Blonde & Virginia: An-
other ran ashore at the same time some distance below the mouth
of the River, and was some time after taken possession of by the
Raisonable, which brought up the rear : All the rest, with the
advantage of good pilots & of whole flood tide which happened
in the night, got such a distance up the River, as afforded time
for destroying them, And the crews made the best of their way
to New England, thro' the woods, in the utmost distress.

Thus ended the attack on Penobscot. — It was positively the
severest blow received by the American Naval force during the
War. The trade to Canada, which was intended, after the ex-
pected reduction of the Post of Penobscot, to be intercepted by
this very armament, went safe that Season : The New England
Provinces did not for the remaining period of the contest recover
the loss of Ships, and the Expence of fiting out the Expedition :
Every thought of attempting Canada, & Nova Scotia, was thence-
forth laid aside, and the trade & Transports from the Banks of
Newfoundland along the Coast of Nova Scotia &c : enjoyed unu-
sual Security.

After all was over, it was natural to be expected, that Sir

366 MAINE HISTORICAL SOCIETY.

George Collier would have been Supremely happy to have rej^re-
sented this important Service in its proper colors, and that Capt.
Mowat would, according to the Custom of the Service, have been
sent home with the Account : But in answer to the Claim, Sir
George expressed the utmost regret, that he could not spare a
Ship from the Station : assured that if he intended to send an
officer to England Ca])t. Mowat would certainly be the person :
that he only meant to transmit the Despatches by New York, in
which he pledged his word, as he held it to be no more than his
duty, that the Services of the Sloops of War would be represent-
ed in the most honorable Manner to the Admiralty.

On the next day & before there was time to attend to writing
the Official Account of the Siege, he put the Albany under orders
to proceed up Penobscot River to the Rebel Wrecks, observing
it would be-some time before he would leave the Bay — This done
he departed abruptly for New York, And had no sooner gone
out to Sea, than the Greyhounds Signal was made to part Com-
pany, And she procecied directly to England with his Account.

Her destination had been Kept a Secret from every one, Gen-
eral M Lean excepted, who in his publick Letter Acknowledges
having been privately informed. This is the Manner, in which
Captain Mowat was prevented Sending an Official Account of
the Siege, And, Notwithstanding Sir George Collier having sol-
emnly pledged himself as above, we See his account to the Ad-
miralty confined to the Mejit which we will readily allow him of
sailing from New York to the relief with a Squadron Which the
United Naval force of All America was incompetent to resist
even in a Crescent & to a description of the Disposition & de-
struction of the Rebel Ships, which however could not be dis-
cerned by any one from on board the Raisonable : The Services
of the three Sloops of War during the Siege were totally omitted
& their Captains not even named.

When Admiral Arbuthnots arrival had put an end to Sir
George Collier's Command, Captain Mowat hoped some Justice
wouhl have been done him for the Service performed at Penob-
obscot, at least so far 'as the laying a fair representation of it
before the Admiralty, but there was not the least notice taken of

A LOST MANUSCRIPT. 367

him, and he was left at Magebigwaduce under a continuation of
the distress of seeing also, that every Pi-omotion, made by this
Admiral, was without a single exception, of officers Junior to
him : Among these an Officer, who had received his first Com-
mission into the Albany when Captain Mowat was appointed to
her, was made Post Captain : It is not from any invidious Mo-
tive this Instance is given on Captain's Mowat's part : ISTone can
be more happy in the good fortune of an Officer, with whose great
Merit he has had opportunities of being well Acquainted : but it
is a Contrast to the glaring Injustice himself has Met with.

All the Promotions under Admiral Thomas Graves were in a
similar Manner of Officers Junior to him, for in fact there had
not been, for a long time, any Senior to be had on the American
Station, and probably very few Such, if any, remained in Employ-
ment on any Station whether of Europe or of the West Indies,
for who ever did not find himself on some Admiral's list for Pro-
motion, found means to get to another Station for trying his
chance & the Interest of friends & they all were generally for-
tunate enough to Succeed at last.

Capt. Mowat alone, chained down to Stations, in which he was
Supposed to be necessary & the most Calculated tor being useful,
has been all along totally neglected & in this light Shamefully
Oppressed, tho for Six Complete years the Senior Master & Com-
mander in America, tho he had for the greater part of a year
Commanded two Post Ships And tho there was nothing collec-
tively or individually done in all the fleets, we have had in Amer-
ica during the War, sufficient to justify the rule of Seniority to
be laid aside to his prejudice, or that equalled the Single Service
of the defence of Magebigwaduce.

Seeing Matters goe on in this Manner, he had, since the affair
of Penobscot And indeed ever Since the first Instance of Lord
Howe's promoting a Junior Officer over him, rested his chief
hope in the Justice of His Sovereign, & of the Board of Admi-
ralty, Considering the Rules & Spirit of the Service, and the
Promises made to him when he left England. In this confidence
he determined to serve out the whole War, & to be useful in
every point within the Compass of his Abilities, from the feelings

368 MAINE HISTORICAL SOCIETY.

of an Oflicer & of duty to his King & Country : And having
thus deserved it, to lay his case before both with a chiiin to be
placed in that Rank of the Service, which was his Right when
the first Junior Officer was promoted over his head. Accordingly
the Albany being found by Survey nnfit for service in July 1782,
the Parliament having already prohibited offencive War in Amer-
ica, and every view concentering in the prospect of Peace, he
repaired to New York to request Leave from Admiral Digby to
return to England.

Havinc: been a Stranger to the Admiral & hitherto at a distance
from him, without that interest, and Recommendations which
bowever foreign to the Service, are now a days too generally the
only road to promotion, & being warranted from his own experi-
ence to entertain the Severest Ideas of the practice in that respect
which he had so long been witness to on the American Station,
Captain Mowat had neither indulged any hopes, nor made any
Application, whatever to Admiral Digby, but for leave to goe to
Europe,

But the Admiral was pleased to assure liim, that having lately
been well informed of his Services & Situation there was on his
part the most earnest desire of doing them every possible Justice :
That he would readily give leave to return to England, but sorry
to lose the Advantage of his Experience & Service on the Coast,
wished him rather to wait until an Opportunity Should occur of
Appointing him to a proper Ship. Soothed with the Spontane-
ous Condescension Capt. Mowat Accepted the offer, more from
the Most feeling Sense of Gratitude to its Author, than from any
possibility on his part, of Considering post rank from any such
date, as Satisfaction for the time he had been deprived of it.

Under Admiral Digby's orders he Conducted the Loyalists to
Nova Scotia. But being Superceded in the La Sophie by another
Appointment from the Board of Admiralty, he returned to Eng-
land with the Admirals Consort in October 1783.

He had the Satisfaction of being received in the best Manner
by the Board of Admiralty, then directed by Admirals Lord Vis-
count Keppel & Piggot, professional men & unbiassed Judges of
Merit. They did him the honor of declaring at once their Knowl-

A LOST MANUSCRIPT. 369

edge and Approbation of His Services And Confirmed his Com-
mission into the La Sophie without any Solicitation, under Cir-
cumstances, which clearly evinced their preference of Justice to
any other Consideration And in a gracious Manner that enhanced
its value.

This Act of Justice he received from them in the same Senti-
ments, in which he had originally received it at the hands of Ad-
miral Digby, of perfect Acknowledgement & Gratitude, Satisfied
that he had the good fortune of serving all along under Such
Commanders as should at this day have had No cause of Com-
plaint.

But it is impossible for him to Acquiesce in taking Post rank
from that Period, instead of that date which was his proper
Right when Lord Howe had made the first Junior promotion over
his head, after such long & particular Services, And the prom-
ses Made to him in Consequence on his Setting out from Eng-
land in 1776. Having entered the Navy with a determined Res-
olution of doing his duty on every occasion, he has been Con-
stantly employed for 28 years, eleven months excepted — If this
Claim is not allowed he must either retire, which would be con-
trary to the favorite System of his life, or as being one of the
latest Post Captains always liable to be Commanded by those he
was Accustomed to Command, or by Officers who were not born
when he received his first Commission, & thus have the bitter
reflection of his treatment Constantly held up to his mind : His
feelings as a Man, his Spirit & honor as an Officer & his duty to
the Service, injured & Degraded, in his Rank all equally forbid it.

There may appear at the first view. Considerable difficulty in
Admitting this claim : It may occur, that promotion does not
goe regularly on in the Suborinate Ranks of Lieutenant, as well
as Master & Commander: That when a Commander in chief h.is
power given him to appoint Officers, in Ships under his Command,
in foreign parts, it is a delicate Matter and rather Unusual to
interfere with what he shall have done, or neglected in that
respect, And that to enter upon the Claim in question would
encourage and introduce a Variety of others.

To this it is answered there may be abuses in the execution of
Vol. II. 25

370 MAINE HISTORICAL SOCIETY.

Service in all Dej^artments of the State, but this only points out the
greater Necessity of correcting them on a fair and just Represen-
tation : Captain Mowat's Case is hard and singular, And as the
objections, just now proposed, can only derive their utmost weight
from a frequency of Abuse, which seem not only to have Ob-
scured, but also to have almost expunged the Justice of the Ser-
vice, it is necessary, on his part, to enter upon a full discussion of
the Principles & rules of Promotion : There will be no diffi-
culty in proving, that Seniority of Rank is essentially & neces-
sarily the general Rule : that the only exception to it which is in
the more Subordinate Commissions of Lieutenant & Master and
Commander, is only admissable when the greater good of the
Service requires it, but otherwise it is by no Means optional to
the Commander in Chief : That the only Condition on which the
Exception is Admissible, so far from operating against him, was
clearly in his favor all along : That therefore he was at least
entitled to be promoted in his turn of Seniority, but that having
been neglected is an Incident in the Service which calls aloud for
redress : That as no doubt can be entertained of His Majesty's
Power to place him in his proper Rank, which in every view was
his Right when the Junior promotions began to be made over
him. So if he shall have been graciously pleased to refer the
Consideration of it to the Boai'd of Admiralty, the Board is per-
fectly Competent, with or without Precedents, to report on what
so essentially Concerns the Justice and Honor of the Service :
That the Measure may be attended with the best Consequences,
as the Redress may in the Most delicate Manner check an Abuse
which threatens the ruin of the Service : That as there is no
difficulty in a Commander in Chief, having powers to Commission
officers on foreign Service, exercising the discretion of making
the Exception according to the strict Principles of the trust so
delegated, there is less difficulty in the Boird of Admiralty dis-
tinguishing the cases which require Animadversion : Nor can the
Admission of this claim excite the Number of other Claims, that
is ai)prehended.

If all this shall have been placed in an adequate light on Capt.
Mowats part, it is humbly hoped, the Objections to his claim

A LOST MANUSCRIPT. 371

will vanish, And that His Majesty's Known Goodness & gracious
Regard for long and faithful Services will have room to operate
accordingly.

Following this is a long and ingenious argument in
support of Mowat's claims to recognition by the Ad-
miralt}^ for his services in America, and the manuscript
concludes as follows : —

These points being demonstrated on the most obvious principles
of Government, of Military Institution & of Common Sense it
remains to apply them more iiitiraately to the facts of Capt.
Mowat's case by a final Recapitulation.

If from th? beginning of the War to the period of Lord Howe's
arrival on the American Station & during the Whole period of
his Command in Chief, as well as during the Command of the
succeeding Admiral, there were any uncommon attention to &
knowledge of, the Service, or any extraordinary Action displayed
on the part of Any Officer, sufficient to Authorise making the
Exception to the general Rule of Senioi'ity, and if these were in
Capt. Mowat's favors more, than in any others, the Exception
when it was to take place Should have been made in his favors.
If these points were not in any one's favors in a degree superior
to Capt. Mowat's, then the general Rule of Seniority should have
taken place, when it came to his turn, & no Junior officer should
have been preferred over him.

It is impossible, that on the part of any Junior pi'eferred over
his head, any Superior attention to or Knowledge of the Service
or uncommon Actions could have justly militated against him:
for they had to a very few arrived on the Station only with Lord
Howe or afterwards and none of them could even have equalled
him in Knowledge of the Coast.

In short positively nothing occured or was achieved by the
fleets collectively or by Individuals of them, during All the time
of Lord Howe's Command, or that of the others to justify the
Rule of Seniority to be sett aside in any Instance. This is noto-
rious to us all that have been all along on the other Side of the
Atlantic : Britain feels it, & it requires no farther proof.

372 MAINE HISTORICAL SOCIETY.

But in Capt. Mowats favors it is well knoAvn, that having heen
in the Service twenty-three Years prior to Lord Howes Com-
mand, he had been but Eleven Months of that time unem])lo3'ed.

From the Year 1764 he had Commanded, during the remaining
period of Peace, a Kings Ship on the Station of America, which
gave him a great degree of knowledge thereof, of the Country &
Peoi^le in general & in particular rendered him the best Pilot in
the Navy for all the Harbors, Creeks & Incidents of Navigation
from Rhode Island Northward to Quebec. On these scores he
had the Honor to be remarked by Admiral Samuel Gi-aves, a most
vigorous Commander, & to be proposed for being joined to Sir
Henry Clinton, one of the most Eminent Commanders of the
Land Forces in a projected Expedition against the Coast ToAvns
in New England. It being at the time impossible to Spare from
Boston a Sufficient Number of troops, proper for General Clinton
to Command, or adequate to the Resistance which a Landforce
would meet with Captain Mowat was detached by the Admiral
on a reduced plan for the purpose, not only in preference to all
the Officers of his Rank, but also in preference to all the Post
Captains, on the Station, Who were expressly prohibited inter-
ferring with his Command if any of them Should accidentally
fall in with him, but on the contrary to give him every assistance
he should make requisition for : And all this, as the order ex-
presses, on account of his superior knowledge of the Coast, It
is to be remarked that the very first Junior Officer, whom Lord
Howe preferred over him, had served under his orders on this
occasion. Having had the good fortune to execute this Service
to the utmost approbation of Admiral Graves, he was employed
thereafter in cruising for different purposes until the Ship was
worn out: He was then sent to Britain, received with the most
gracious Approbation of his Sovereign of the Admiralty, And
of the Secretary of State, Appointed Master and Commander,
And immediately sent out to America, at the desire of the Com-
manders in Chief there, that a Moment's time of his Service
might not be lost, to take Command of a Ship lying at Boston
recommended as extremely fit for the Service, Not without more
than an insinuation that he might be made Post Captain into her,

A LOST MANUSCRIPT. 373

and an absolute Assurance, that at any rate he would be appoint-
ed to the first vacant Post Ship in America as there was none
ready to be given him in Britain When the Departments of Gov-
ernment take notice of an Officer not on the score of i^rivate
connection, but encourage & promise to him on Account of his
utility, there arises an obligation of honor. Justice & Policy,
which it is pernicious and Shameful not to discharge : All this
happened prior to & up to the very Commencement of Lord
Howe's Command.

We have already seen the fate of the ship lying at Boston :
how he fell into the Command of the Albany & what happened
after Lord Howe's Arrival.

So that hitherto, if the Exception according to the Spirit of
the Service were to be Made to the general Rule of Seniority in
favor of any, Capt. Mowat had already proved himself to be a
fit object, if not the very fittest on that Station : and consequent.
ly, since Seniority Appears to have been no part of Lord Howe's
system of Promotion, His Lordship might very Consistently,
whether on the grounds of his own rule, or that of the Service,
have confirmed Captain Mowat Post Captain of the Millford, or
Scarborough, frigates when in Consequence of Captain Bur's
Sickness & Death, he was put into the Command of the Milford,
as the Senior Master & Commander on that part of the Station
& cruized in her, & in the Scarborough, for the greatest part of
a Year. However His Lordship having sent a Senior Master and
Commander from New York to Supercede him — Capt. Mowat
does not pretend to find fault with what was so far consonant
with the Rule of the Service.

But when His Lordship Subsequently Made every Post promo-
tion of Junior officers, commencing with the very one who as
above related, had served frequently under Captain Mowat's
orders on the Same division of the Station : & none of them all
without any reflection being due or intended, having discovered
in any respect talents superior to what Captain Mowat had all
along displayed, these must be estimated remarkable Instances &
violent and Partial, Acts of thrusting out of its rank, without

374 MAINE HISTORICAL SOCIETY.

caiise & against all order tire Complete Rule & Spirit of the
Service.

Shall we venture to pronounce Captain Mowat's Conduct on
the occasion of the Expedition to Penobscot & in the defense of
Magebigwaduce Harbour, not unworthy the highest Expectations
■we have ever been led to Conceive of. Admiral Lord Howe's
abilities for Command & Execution or of those of the other Suc-
ceeding Commanders? But what shall we say of Sir George
Collier's neglect of that Service above described? What must
we think of eveiy Post promotion for three Years of the War
there after, having been of Junior Officers & in particular of the
Officer who had received his first Commission into the Albany &
served above two Years in her under Capt. Mowat's Command.

It is needless to enlarge : The conclusion is obvious. After
such Authentic & most honorable Acknowledgement of Capt.
Mowat's superior Knowledge of the Station & of his Attention
& Services on it, as well as the Encouragement & promises of the
Departments of Government prior to the period of Lord Howe's
Arrival in America. After performing the most difficult & most
Officer like Action for Command & execution that occurred in
the Naval line on that Station, during the War, on the part of
any detached officer or even on tlie part of the whole fleet col-
lectively : A service which may be said to have saved a large
detachment of our troops and the most important Province we
now possess in America, Secured our trade in that part & deeply
affected the Resources of the Enemy for the remaining period of
the contest : a Service such as is ever followed up with the next
step of Promotion, the annals of the British Navy jDcrhaps not
being stained with a single instance to the Contrary: Capt.
Mowat's having been neglected for six Years of the War, in the
course of which all this happened, under five or six Commanders
in Chief, every one of a most profuse List of Promotion being
of Junior Officers excepting those made by Lord Howe, the first
of these Commanders : So that being now among the very latest
Post Captains on the List, he is liable to be Commanded by all
such as he has been accustomed to Command, and what is more
grievous, by many that entered Midshipmen only with the Com-

A LOST MANUSCRIPT. 375

mencement of this War, & were in their cradle after he had
served in his first Commission.

Surely all this Must appear to the Sovereign, to the Board of
Admiralty & to all impartial men, who are not interested in de-
fending at any rate the Misconduct by which he has been neg-
lected, a Most extraoi'dinary Instance of Neglect, that calls in
the loudest Manner & without alternative on the Justice, Honor,
Interest & Spirit of the Service, and of the State to redress it.

WILLIAM ALLEN. 377

WILLIAM ALLEN.

Read Before the Maine Historical Society, February 26, 1S91.

BY CHARLES F. ALLEN, D.D.

Families of the name of Allen were scattered in the
counties of Essex and Durham in England. The name
is spelled in many different ways; Allyn is the name of
some families in England and in this country, though
many whose ancestors spelled the name with y have
adopted the common spelling. Samuel with his broth-
ers, Thomas and Matthew Allyn, from which family
William Allen, President of Bowdoin College, descend-
ed, came to America from Essex County, England, in
1632, and settled first in Cambridge, Mass. Samuel
afterward removed to Connecticut. George Allen
came from Durham, England, in 16.36, to Lynn, Mass.,
and afterward removed to Sandwich on Cape Cod.
His son, George Allen, had previously emigrated to this
country and was among the first settlers in Boston, in
1630. The fact that George Allen, senior's, sons had
the names of Samuel and Matthew, and that many of
Samuel Allen's descendents were named George, indi-
cates a relationship between the families.

James Allen, grandson of George Allen, senior, with
his brother-in-law. Lieutenant Josiah Standish, son of the
renowned Puritan, Captain Miles Standish, and William
Peabody had letters patent from the Lords Proprietors
through their agent, Thomas Mayhew, governor of
Martha's Vineyard, authorizing them to purchase of the

378 MAINE HISTORICAL SOCIETY.

Indian sachems land on that island. James Allen pur-
chased the share of his associates in a large tract called
Chocame, in the manor of Tisbury and Chilmark,
settled on it in 1660, and was appointed deputy, or
first magistrate of the manor. His descendant, Captain
William Allen, the father of the subject of this sketch,
was born in Chilmark in 1756, and married Love Coffin,
who belonged to one of the first families in Nantucket.
He was a prosperous young trader at Vineyard Haven
with a good capital which was lost, when, at the close
of the revolutionary war, the vessel that contained
his goods was plundered by a British privateer. After
the war, thinking to retrieve his fortune, he borrowed
money of his father and purchased a cargo of provis-
ions to be sent to the starving loyalists in Nova Scotia,
in exchange for lumber, under charge of his relative
Dr. Tupper who afterward settled in Dresden, Maine.
The vessel was detained so long that before it arrived
at Halifax the market was supplied, and the supercargo
with difficulty traded off his provisions. On the return
voyage after a boisterous passage, the schooner arrived
at Cape Ann. The crew all went on shore, leaving
the vessel well anchored. The doctor on landing shook
his fist at the wind, exclaiming "Now blow, Mr. Devil,
the vessel is well anchored in a good harbor." Thus
defied, the prince of the power of the air manifested
his might. A violent wind arose, the cable parted and
vessel and cargo were ground to fragments on the
rocks. By this disaster Captain Allen was reduced to
bankruptcy. To support his family he shipped as a
mate on board a brig bound to Surinam and then to

WILLIAM ALLEN. 379

the Carolinas. At Wilmington he was left sick with a
fever and was not able to return home until he had
been absent two years, and had spent all his wages and
outfit. For awhile he worked as a clothier in a fulling
mill. From the glowing accounts of the fertility of
the soil, and the cheapness of farms in the Province of
Maine, he was induced to commence a farmer's life in
the frontier settlements on Sandy river.

In the spring of 1792, Captain Allen started forth to
prepare a home for his family in the wilderness. His
usual lack of success followed him in this new enter-
prise. The victim of an unscrupulous landowner, he
was induced to purchase a miserable, swampy lot, two
miles from any settler, and three miles north of the
site of Farmington village. After clearing a few
acres, planting some corn and building a rude log camp,
in the month of August he returned to Martha's Vine-
yard.

William Allen was born in Chilmark, April 16, 1780.
He was the oldest son of Captain William Allen, and
when twelve years old emigrated to Maine with his
father's family. The household consisted of the father,
mother and seven children, the youngest a babe six
weeks old. There was also John, an Indian appren-
tice, and his mother, a servant in the family. Of the
children, Truman, a lad of nine years, who came in the
spring with his father, was left with a settler in Far-
mington, and two of the children were left with their
grandparents at Chilmark. The rest of the family,
eight persons, with their stock, consisting of a horse,
cow, heifer, six sheep and a hog, and their household

380 MAINE HISTORICAL SOCIETY.

goods were embarked on board the Speedwell, a
schooner of forty tons, and set sail on the twelfth of
September for the land of promise. After battling
with equinoctial gales twelve days they arrived in Hal-
lowell, and the next day started for Farmington
through rough roads and wood paths, a distance of
forty miles. After three days' weary traveling they
arrived at Sandy River, and were kindly entertained
by Stephen Titcomb, the first settler in Farmington.

William, then a lad twelve years old, gives the fol-
lowing description of the future home of the family,
on his first visit : —

The next day we boys, with Indian John to pilot us, went to
see oui- new habitation in the woods. We found it in a rude,
forbidding, desolate looking place. The trees about the house
and opening were mostly spruce and hemlock. They had been
cut down on about five acres, a strip forty rods long and twenty
rods wide ; and were burned over the first of July. The surface
was black as coal, and the trees on the north side of the opening
were burned black to their tops. The logs and stumps on the
ground were all burned black. A small bed of English turnips,
on a mellow knoll, sown after the fire, was the only green thing
visible on the premises. A log house, forty feet long and twenty
feet wide, had been laid up on the banks of a small brook. The
walls, composed of straight spruce logs, were laid up seven feet
high, with hewed beams and a framed roof, which was covered
with wide strips of spruce bark, secured in place by long poles
that were wythed down. The gable ends were also rudely cov-
ered with l)ark. There was neither door nor windows, chimney
nor floor. A doorway had been cut out on the front side. The
building was on uneven ground, and one corner was laid on a
large log to bring the bottom logs to a level, leaving a space at
that side nearly two feet from the ground. We saw our furni-
ture deposited in a rude mass on the ground. I viewed the

WILLIAM ALLEN. 381

premises with most unpleasant feelings in regard to our lonely-
dwelling place and future prospects.

Planks were prepared of basswood logs split into slabs and
hewed down three or four inches thick. Five hundred feet of
boards were procured for doors and partition, and the next day
we took formal possession of our camp. A week afterward, my
mother and the children moved in, not to enjoy the comforts of
life, but for five years to undergo all the hardships of a most
wretched pioneer life. Our land was hard to clear and unpro-
ductive, not one-eighth part of it was fit for cultivation. Our
growing corn, planted a mile from the house was devoured by
bears. Our clothes were torn by trudging through the bushes
and worn out. Our feet were scratched, and our necks and faces
stung by insects. We had been compelled to sell our horse to
procure food and clothing. I used to carry corn on my shoulders
to mill, sometimes going ten miles. The longer we stayed in this
wretched place, the worse we fared.

After five years the family, consisting of six sons
and four daughters, removed to a more productive lot
on the Plymouth Patent, about four miles distant.

Here they lived four years in a log house with
greater prosperity until the ywere able to build a more
commodious dwelling.

When Mr. Allen arrived at his majority, he owned a
good ax, and had possession of a hundred acres of wild
land without a title, on which he had made some im-
provement. But he did not have a decent suit of
clothes, and had enjoyed little privilege of school edu-
cation. He had however the advantage of having
been trained in his wilderness home by a cultured
mother, and though without books he had acquired by
oral instruction a fair knowledge of English studies,
with good habits of industry, economy and virtue.

The next year he was persuaded by a young friend

382 MAINE HISTORICAL SOCIETY.

to go with him for six weeks to Hallowell academy.
In this short time, under the guidance of Samuel
Moody the preceptor, he obtained a thorough knowl-
edge of EngUsh grammar, trigonometry and the the-
ory of surveying. This attendance at the academy
was the foundation of the future business success of
the young farmer. On leaving school the teacher
Avithout solicitation gave him a most flattering certifi-
cate of his literary acquirements and moral character.

Provided with this certificate, on his way home from
Hallowell, he had two applications to teach in the best
schools in the county.

He went out of his way to carry a message from
the agent of the proprietors to their surveyor, Mr,
Perham. This noted surveyor employed him for two
days to assist in completing the survey of the town,
and he went home rejoicing that he had paid his ex-
penses, had a dollar in his pocket, and had received
ten dollars' worth of practical instruction in surveying.

Mr. Allen worked on his farm summers and taught
school winters in Farmington and Winthrop. In 1803
the plantation was incorporated into a town with the
name of Industry. He was chosen first selectman,
which office he held while a resident in town.

In 1805, through the influence of his friendly teach-
er, Samuel Mood}'', the young farmer from Industry
was called to be an instructor in Hallowell academy,
as an assistant to the principal, William Kinnie. Here
he prepared an arithmetic, which was published in the
principal's name and known as Kinnie's arithmetic,
which for more than thirty years was the text-book in

WILLTAM ALLEN. 383

the schools in this state. Beside attending faithfully
to his duties as a teacher, he received a hundred dollars
a year for evening clerk work in the bank, and he also
posted books for the traders ; but such assiduous em-
ployment seriously threatened his health.

After two years at Hallowell, in which he was intro-
duced iuto the best society, and formed friendships
with leading men that continued through life, he re-
turned to his farm in Industry. He had succeeded in
obtaining a title for his own and for his father's firm
by paying an exhorbitant price to the proprietors.

Having built him a good barn and partly finished a
dwelling house, in 1807 he was married to Hannah
Titcomb, daughter of Stephen Titcomb, Esq., the first
settler in Farmington. Her father had explored the
territory on Sandy river in 1776 and selected his lot,
and four years after he moved his family from Tops-
ham, seventy miles into the wilderness and more than
twenty miles beyond any settler. Hannah was brought
in her mother's arms on horseback through a forest
path, guided by blazed trees, from Readfield Corner.
At the early age of thirteen she became one of the
first members of the Methodist Ej^iscopal church in
Maine.

In his minority Mr. Allen had not confidence to claim
equality with young people of his age, whom he looked
upon as of a higher class than himself. He was some-
times slighted on account of his poverty, and the mis-
fortunes of his father. But in two years the dark
clouds were dispelled and he was admitted as an equal
into the most ftivored families. In the autumn of ] 802

384 MAINE HISTORICAL SOCIETT.

he ventured in a timid manner to make proposals of
marriage to the object of his choice, whom he had
long looked upon as one every way his superior, and
to his great delight these proposals were favorably
received. After four years' intimacy the union took
place, which continued for fifty-one years, when his
beloved companion passed away from earth.

After marriage they removed to their new unfin-
ished house in Industry. Although they suffered some
during the first year from their cold house and limited
means to supply conveniences, as he would not run in
debt, yet soon the farm was well stocked and rendered
productive, so that they had bread and butter enough
and to sell.

The people of the town were kind and confided in his
business capacity and integrity. He was chairman
of the board of selectmen till he removed from town,
though the majority of voters diff'ered from him in
their political opinions. In 1809 he received his first
commission as justice of the peace, which was renewed
from time to time for fifty-seven years. The same year
he was appointed special justice of the court of com-
mon pleas. This court was abolished in 1811.

As a justice of the peace he was a popular magis-
trate in the newly organized county of Somerset, and
in neighboring towns, so that in four years the entries
of cases decided by him amounted to two hundred. In
1812 he served as temporary clerk of the courts, and
the next year was appointed clerk, and moved to Nor-
ridgewock, then the shire town of the county. The
popularity acquired during his residence in Industry,

WILLIAM ALLEN. 385

founded on his intelligence, integrity and prompt busi-
ness habits, followed him in his new residence. He
was chosen town clerk, and chairman of the board of
selectmen, assessors and overseers of the poor. These
municipal offices he held by successive reelections for
seventeen years, and subsequently for five years. The
business of the town was successfully transacted under
his efficient and prudent administration, so that other
towns made him their agent to avail themselves of his
skill and integrity. In 1816 he was chosen a delegate
to the Brunswick convention for the separation of
Maine and Massachusetts. The required majority of
live-ninths of the votes was not in favor of separation,
but some unscrupulous politicians figured out that the
majorities of the towns in favor of separation, com-
pared with the majorities opposed to separation, were
as five to four. The whole number of votes was
22,316, of which 11,969 were in favor, and 10,347 op-
posed to separation. The general court of Massachu-
setts then in session did not sanction the illegal count-
ing of the convention. In 1819 another convention
was called in Portland, in which Mr. Allen was a delegate.
A large majority of both political parties in the state
were now in favor of forming a new state, for the
republican majority agreed that the state offices should
be distributed equitably to both federalists and repub-
licans. Mr. Allen was an active member of the com-
mittee appointed to draft the constitution which was
adopted. In this draft were many of his suggestions.
When he left the office of clerk of courts in 1825,
he received invitations to go as a cashier of one of the
Vol. II. 26

386 MAINE HISTORICAL SOCIETY.

banks in Portland, and also of the Ticonic Bank in
Waterville, which he declined. He was somewhat
inclined to retnrn to his fiirm in Industry, but the nu-
merous friends gained by his prompt business habits,
gave him assurance of sufficient employment if he
remained in Norridgewock, so that it was not necessary
to incur the trouble and expense of removal. The
day after he gave up the keys of the office to his suc-
cessor, he started to go to Portland as representative.
He also went to Portland as a representative to the
legislature in 1828. After his return he had sufficient
employment in town business, surveying, agent for
pensioners, settlement of estates, agencies for land
proprietors, and justice business. After his first ap-
pointment in 1809, he served by successive reaj)point-
ments for sixty years as a justice of the peace. Dur-
ing this period he had more than two thousand cases
in which judgment was rendered. All these cases were
fully recorded and properly indexed. He audited the
accounts of the county, and was auditor in disputed
accounts in the courts ; he was referee in many im-
portant cases. For fourteen years he was president of
Skowhegan Bank. At the time of his election the
bank had suffered from the general depression in busi-
ness and from bad debts, till the stock was ten per
cent below par. By prudent management its credit
was restored, and while he was in office good dividends
were made. He usually attended probate court and
at each session had the management of five or six
cases, assisting in the administration of estates, and
being guardian of orphans. He served for four years

•WTLLIAM ALLEN. 387

as register of probate. From his thorough acquaint-
ance Avith probate business he was sometimes consulted
in intricate cases by judges of the supreme court. At
the advanced age of eighty-eight the office of register
being vacant, there being a large amount of business
and several hard cases to attend to, by the earnest
request of the judge he accepted the office of register
pro tempore, for two months, and faithfully performed
the duties. At the first session of the court after his
appointment there were sixt}" cases that were attended
to.

He served as clerk of the valuation committee in
the state legislature in its first session, in 1820, and at
every decade till 1860, and also in 1865. In 1843 he
was assignee for one hundred bankruj)ts; not very
profitable business for one-third of them were too poor
to pay any fees, and haU of the remainder he let off
at half-price. In 1831 he was appointed agent of the
proprietors of the towns of Ripley and Cambridge,
and sold for them ten thousand acres. After having
served for ten years he forwarded to the heirs in
France, at their request, in a bound volume, a full ac-
count of all sales, collections, taxes, payments, con-
tracts and lands unsold, for which they paid him $50.
At their earnest request he paid them $1000 for the
lands unsold, and the proprietors threw into the bar-
gain some unsettled mortgages and accounts. By
reducing the price of the unsold land and compro-
mising with the debtors, he succeeded in the course of
ten years in getting back the money paid, with inter-
est, and $3000 net profit. Always dihgent in business,

388 MAINE HISTORICAL SOCIETY.

he was moderate in his charges, which were usually
promptly paid. He earned the bread he ate, was con-
tent with his wages, and did violence to no man. Pru-
dent in his expenses, and judicious in his investments
he acquired a competence to support him in his old
age. Charitable to all, he was generous in aiding those
that had a claim on his assistance. He assisted his
brother, Rev. Harrison Allen, through Bowdoin Col-
lege. This brother became a missionary to the Choc-
taws, and died after three years' residence among the
Indians. He sent three sons also to Bowdoin College,
and contributed liberally to various institutions of
learning. He contributed liberally to the support of
the Methodist Episcopal church of which he was a
member. As long as he lived his house was a home
for the itinerant preacher.

As a writer, Mr. Allen compiled a genealogy of the
Allen family, wrote a history of Norridgewock and of
Industry, and contributed many articles for the Maine
Farmer and other periodicals. In his old age he was
induced to record the reminiscences of his long and
eventful life, which are written out, filling a journal of
two hundred pages, in his own beautiful, clerkly pen-
manship. He retained his wonderful memory and
other faculties to the last. On my last visit to him a
few weeks before he died, I found him busy doing bus-
iness for some of his townsmen, writing a deed and
other papers relating to the sale of real estate. Witli-
out any memoranda before him he was describing the
boundaries of the lot he had surveyed a half-century
before. He was consulted by many of his townsmen

WILLIAM ALLEN. 389

and the inhabitants of neighboring towns in their legal
difficulties, and they confided implicitly in his advice,
which was freely given, without money and without
price.

At length his long and useful life of ninety-three
years drew to a close. A short time before his death
he said: "For the last ten years I have undertaken no
business for others that I could not accomplish in a
single day, so that when I shut up my desk on retiring
for the night I felt that my work Avas all done. If I
did not awake in the morning no one would suffer by
my neglect. T have all my life been doing business
for others, and I am not conscious there has been a
single instance, in which I did not work as faithfully
for my employers, as I would have done if the work
had been for myself. I can say with the dying Wol-
sey, '- Had I but served my God with half the zeal I
served my fellowmen,' I should have no regrets. But
I rest not in my own merits, but in the merit of my
blessed Savior." With this peaceful trust in the Re-
deemer he calmly spent the closing hours of his long
and eventful life.

Two of his four sons, who were students at law, died
in early life, distinguished for literary attainments and
mental activity. The two who survived their father,
only one of whom is now living, entered the ministry
of the Methodist Episcopal church fifty years ago.

The only daughter, Elizabeth Titcomb, married John
S. Abbott, Esq., a distinguished lawyer and attorney
of the state of Maine. She died in 1858. The same
year his beloved companion, with whom he had lived

390 MAINE HISTORICAL SOCIETY.

in happiest union for fifty-one years was taken away,
and the last fifteen years of his old age were uncheered
by her love and tender care.

Mr. Allen died at Norridgewock, July 1, 1873, aged
93 years 2 1-2 months. A simple marble slab in the
village graveyard, on the banks of the Kennebec,
marks the grave of an honest man, a useful citizen, and
a devoted Christian.

MEMORANDUM OF THE LAWS OF MAESTB. 391

BIBLIOGRAPIC MEMORANDUM OF THE
LAWS OF MAINE.

BY JOSIAH H. DRUMMOND.

Accepted at a Meeting of the Maine Historical Society^ May P,

1891.

My object in this paper is to give a description of the volumes
and pamphlets containing statute laws of Maine. They are as
f olloAvs : —

1. Pamphlet published in 1820, containing the Con-
stitution with the names of the delegates who signed
the original copy (pp. xxxvi), and Laws of Maine passed
at the session commencing May 31, and ending June
28, 1820 (pp. 48 and unpaged index). In this pamph-
let the Public and Special Laws are intermingled ; it is
not included in any of the bound volumes hereinafter
mentioned.

2. In 1874, the Special Laws in the preceding
pamphlet and the Special Laws of 1821 were reprinted
in one pamphlet (pp. 111).

3. Laws of the State of Maine (Public) published
in 1821, by J. Griffin, Brunswick, paged continuously
(pp. 872) and usually bound in two volumes, each hav-
ing a title page and table of contents for that volume
(vol. I, pp. Ixx, and vol. II, pp. xlii), but an index (pp^
xciv) to both volumes. Each volume also has a page
of errata.

4. Laws of the State of Maine (Public) published
in 1822, by William Hyde, Portland (pp. 682), with
index (pp. xcvi). The publisher announces that he had

392 MAINE HISTORICAL SOCIETY.

added to the matter in the other volume the Act of
Congress admitting Maine to the Union, and the Or-
dinance of the Convention determining the style
and title of the state, and had corrected the errata
officially enumerated in the other edition. But he
"felt unwilling to alter punctuation, and more so to
alter words," when he " recollected that the supreme
court of Massachusetts, as stated in one of the volumes
of Massachusetts Reports, gave construction to an im-
portant statute of that state by merely shifting a
comma from one part of the clause to another." He
suggests that committees on engrossing bills in the
legislature should give more care and attention to their
duties than, apparently, they had been accustomed to
give. The suggestion as to the importance and scope
of their duties is as forcible now as it was then.

5. Sheets of the edition last described were appar-
ently kept on hand and, in 1830, issued as a new edi-
tion, with a new title page, by Glazier, Masters & Co.
at Hallowell. Except the title page the pages are
literally the same as in the edition of 1822. This last
edition is styled on the back as "Vol. 1-2."

6. Laws of the State of Maine (Public), from
1822 to 1831, inclusive. This was an official edition
(pp. xlviii, 432, and xxxviii), intended to follow the
former official volumes (see No. 3), and is styled Vol.
Ill, and made up by binding the j^amphlets of public
laws for those years.

7. In 1834, Glazier, Masters & Smith issued Volume II
of their series intended to follow their former volume
(see Nos, 4 and 5) containing the Public Laws from

MEMOKANDUM OF THE LAWS OF MAINE. 393

1822 to 1833, inclusive (pp. 370 and xxxviii). The
chapters in this volume, as well as in the official volume
(No. 6), are numbered consecutively from those in the
preceding volume.

8. In 1834, Francis 0. J. Smith, edited, and Thomas
Todd printed an edition of the Public Laws in two
volumes. They are paged continuously, 1,048 pages,
of which 546 are in the first volume, except that an
index to both volumes (pp. civ) is inserted in the first
volume. This edition contains notes referring to
amendments made from 1821 to 1834, and to decisions.

From 1820 to 1839, three pamphlets were issued each
year ; one containing the Public Laws ; one the Private
or Private and Special Laws ; and the other the Re-
solves ; except that but two pamphlets were issued in
1820 and 1821 ; in 1820 pamphlet No. 1 above describ-
ed and one containing the Resolves of 1820 ; in 1821,
one pamphlet contained the Special Laws of 1820 and
1821, and the other the Resolves of 1821. Each set
of these pamphlets was paged continuously, until a
good sized volume was, in that manner, completed.

This was done under the Resolve of June 28, 1820,
which provided in substance : —

That the laws passed at the several sessions should be printed
in volumes of the royal octavo size, of not less than seven hun-
dred pages, with suitable title pages and analytical indices; and

That the Resolves should be printed in the same manner.

Suitable provision was also made for the superinten-
dence of the printing and distribution of the laws.

The three jDamphlets having been published annually
with the exception already stated, in 1828, a resolve

394 MAINE HISTORICAL SOCIETY.

was passed that the Private or Special Laws and the
Resolves, up to and including those of that session,
should complete a volume of each, and that the secre-
tary of state prepare and publish with the pamphlets
of that year a title page, table of contents and index
for each volume, and make up and have bound into
volumes all the pamphlets on hand.

9. Accordingly the Private or Special Laws from

1820 to 1828, inclusive (except the 1820 pamphlet),
were bound in a volume, styled Vol. I. •

10. Also the Resolves from 1820 to 1828, with
title page, etc., were bound in one volume styled Vol. I.

Quite a number of imperfect volumes were bound ;
the supply of pamphlets for some years, notably 1820
and 1821, was smaller than that of other years, and
volumes containing the pamphlets for only a part of
those years were bound.

This was the cause for reprinting the Resolves of

1821 (No. 2).

These pamphlets were published annually till 1840,
when the Public Laws, the Private or Special
Laws, and the Resolves, were all printed in one
pamphlet in three divisions, but paged continuously.
The same course was followed in 1841, the pamphlet
paged, however, continuously from that of 1840.

In 1842 a joint order of both branches of the legis-
lature was passed directing the secretary of state to
compile in one or more convenient, separate volumes,
the General Laws, the Special Laws, and the Resolves
passed prior to 1840, with suitable indexes.

11. The Public Laws from 1832 to 1839, inclu-

MEMOEANDUIVI OF THE LAWS OF MAINE. 395

sive, were bound as Vol. III. A title page for the vol-
ume was prepared, but no ''suitable index;" instead,
the indexes of the annual pamphlets were collected
and bound in the volume in place of that ordered by
the legislature.

12. But the Special Laws from 1829 to 1835, in-
clusive (paged continuously) were bound wdth a title
page, table of contents, and index to the whole volume
which was styled Vol. II.

13. The Resolves from 1829 to 1835, inclusive,
were bound in the same manner and styled Vol. II, but
the Resolves of 1839 were not paged continuously from
those of 1838.

14. So also the Special Laws from 1836 to 1839,
inclusive, and styled Vol. III.

15. And the Resolves for the same years, and styled

Vol. m.

16. The Laws and Resolves of 1840 and 1841 were
bound in one volume, as Vol. IV of the Public Laws,
the Special Laws and the Resolves, all in one.

17. In 1840, the Public Laws were revised and in
1841, the revision, together with an act of amendment
passed in 1841, and the other Public Laws of 1840 and
1841, was published under the title " Revised Statutes
of Maine" (896 pp.).

18. The first edition having become exhausted, a
second edition of the Revised Statutes of 1841 was
issued in 1847, edited by Henry K. Baker (896 pp.),
from which one repealed act was omitted, and in which
the amendments to the constitution and acts affecting
the boundaries of counties since 1841 were included ;

396 MAINE HISTORICAL SOCIETY.

sections and parts of sections understood to have been
repealed were printed in italics, and other amendments
and more recent decisions were referred to in marginal
notes. By an oversight, however, references to sev-
eral of the statutes of 1845 were omitted in their
proper place, and were given in the " Advertisement,"
p. viii.

The number of pages in these two editions is pre-
cisely the same, and the contents of most of the pages
the same ; this would indicate that the work had been
stereotyped and the old plates used in the second edi-
tion ; but a comparison of the same pages in the two
editions show such diiferences in the lines as prove
conclusively that old plates were not used, but the
whole matter reset.

From 1842 to the present time, including one pamph-
let for each regular session of the legislature has been
issued, containing in separate divisions and paged sep-
arately the Public Laws, the Special Laws and the Re-
solves. Generally there has been but one index, but
divided under each letter so that the references to each
division are grouped, the chapters have been numbered
and the paging arranged with the view of binding
them into volumes — one for each division.

19. The Public Laws from 1842 to 1851 were paged
for a volume for which an index was prepared ; but
later, in order that the volumes for each division might
cover the same years, the Public Laws for 1852, with
separate paging and index were bound in the same
volume, which was designated as Vol. Y and VI of the
Public Laws.

MEMORANDUM OF THE LAWS OF MAESTE. 397

20. The Special Laws from 1842 to 1846, inclusive,
paged continuously, with the title page, table of con-
tents and index for the volume makes Vol. Y.

21. Vol. V of the Resolves includes the same years
and is made up in the same manner.

22. Vol. VI of the Special Laws includes those passed
from 1847 to 1852, inclusive, made up in the same
manner, except that there was a printer's error in the
last two hundred and twenty-two pages of the volume
which has been corrected in ink.

23. Vol. VI of the Resolves includes the same years,
made up in the same manner.

24. Since 1853, inclusive, bound volumes have been
made, with title page and new index, for all three sets
of the Laws and Resolves, including the same years in
each set.

We have, therefore, a volume of the Public Laws, a
volume of the Special Laws, and a volume of the Re-
solves, all bearing the same number and including the
same years. Since 1853 the following sets of three
volumes have been issued : —

Vol. VII, 1853 to 1856. Vol. XII, 1872 to 1874.

Vol. VIII, 1857 to 1860. Vol. XIII, 1875 to 1877.

Vol. IX, 1861 to 1865. Vol. XIV, 1878 to 1880.

Vol. X, 1866 to 1808. Vol. XV, 1881 to 1885.

Vol. XI, 1869 to 1871. Vol. XVI, 1887 to 1889.

Some of the more recent volumes are not numbered.

25. In 1862 a " Digest of the Resolves from 1820 to
1862" (pp. xiii, 175, and xii), compiled by Joseph B.
Hall, secretary of state, was published by order of the
legislature. It is a reprint of the more important
resolves rather than a digest.

398 MAINE HISTOEICAL SOCIETY.

26. The legislature of 1855 directed a new revision
of the Statutes, and appointed Joseph Baker, John B.
Hill and James Bell, commissioners to prepare the
revision and to report it in print to the next legisla-
ture. They did so, dividing their work into twelve
"titles," and paging each "title" by itself; copies were
bound by individuals, but none by the state.

27. The legislature of 1856 did not act upon this
report, but appointed Ether Shepley a commissioner to
revise the report of the former commissioners, make
such changes as he deemed necessary and report in
print to the next legislature. He adopted the same
plan as his predecessors, and copies of his report have
been bound by individuals, but not by the state.

28. The legislature of 1857 completed the revision,
including in it the Public Laws of that year; this was
done through a committee of nine members on the
part of the Senate and sixteen on the part of the House,
Joseph Baker, not a member of the legislature, was
clerk of this committee and put in form much of its
action before the legislature passed upon it. Noah
Smith, Warren H. Vinton and Lewis 0. Cowan were
appointed commissioners to superintend the publica-
tion. They completed their work and the " Revised
Statutes of Maine" were published (pp. xvi and 968)
in season for distribution on the day on which they
took effect, January 1, 1858.

29. In 1869 a Resolve was passed authorizing the
governor and council to cause the Public Laws to be
"faithfully revised, collated and consolidated," really
restricting the work to the incorporation into the Re-

MEMOEANDUM OF THE LAWS OF MAINE. 399

vised Statutes of the amendments adopted since the
former revision, adding marginal notes referring to the
decisions. They were authorized to contract with
responsible parties to do the whole work, revising and
printing ; but none of the printing was to be done
until the revision should be examined and approved by
two "suitable and competent persons," to be appointed
by the governor " with the advice and consent of the
council."

Or failing to make such a contract, the governor,
with the same advice and consent, was authorized to
appoint three commissioners to revise the Statutes in
the manner provided, and report to the next legisla-
ture, on or before the tenth day of the session.

The governor and council concluded to adopt the
plan of a commission, and on May 6, 1869, appointed
Ephraim Flint, Jr., Joseph Baker and Edwin W. Wedge-
wood, commissioners. They reported in writing to the
legislature of 1870, which after directing the omission
of Chapter X, in relation to the militia, and Chapter
XLVII, in relation to banks (which chapters were to
be left unrepealed), and the incorporation of the Public
Laws of that session, adopted the revision on March
24, 1870, to take effect, however, on February 1, 1871.

Provision was made for the publication of the revis-
ion under the direction of the governor and council,
who intrusted it to the commissioners. The work was
printed during the summer, but after it had been sub-
stantially completed, the governor and council discov-
ered that changes in phraseology had been made, so
that the printed statutes did not conform to the en-

400 MAINE HISTORICAL SOCIETY.

grossed laws, and they came to the conclusion that the
commissioners had no power to make such changes,
and, therefore, that the matter should be submitted
again to the legislature. Accordingly on the sixth of
January, 1871, the governor, by special message, pre-
sented to the legislature the whole work as printed,
with a statement in relation to the changes, for its con-
sideration. The result was the enacting of the printed
copy, January 25, 1871, to take effect on the first day
of February, as originally contemplated. There fol-
lowed immediately the issue of the "Revised Statutes
of Maine, 1871" (pp. x, 1,273).

30. B}^ a resolve of the legislature approved March
8, 1881, Charles W. Goddard was appointed a commis-
sioner to revise the Statutes, upon the same general
plan as was adopted in relation to the revision of 1857,
and to cause five hundred copies of his report to be
printed in season for presentation at the next session
of the legislature (1883). The work was completed
within the time specified and bound copies prepared
for use (pp. 59, x, 1,621, viii).

The commissioner rewrote several of the chapters
after they had been printed and, of course, embraced
in his report only the reprinted sheets. In one or more
instances these original sheets were bound in a volume
distinct from the regular report.

31. His report was accepted, but he was directed to
incorporate into it the legislation of 1883, under the
supervision of a committee of both branches of the
legislature acting as a legislative commission, and to
report finally at an adjourned session to be held August

MEMORANDUM OF THE LAWS OF MAINE. 401

29, 1883. On that day the legislature met and enacted
the revision to take effect January 1, 1884. The print-
ing was done apparently under the supervision of the
commissioner and the "legislative commission," and
early in 1884, the fourth revision of the Statutes was
issued under the title "Revised Statutes of Maine,
1883" (pp. xxvi, 1,436). In this revision is included,
by way of introduction, a very valuable historical
paper upon the "Sources of Land Titles in Maine."

32. To complete fully this sketch a brief account of
the history of the Constitution of Maine seems proper.

The original Constitution was framed by a conven-
tion which commenced its session October 11, 1819,
and completed its labors on the twenty-ninth of the
same month. It submitted the Constitution to the
people at meetings to be held December 6, 1819, and
adjourned to meet January 5, 1820, to ascertain the
result. It found and announced that the Constitution
had been adopted by a large majority. It also applied
to Congress for the admission of Maine to the Union.
The application was successful, and Maine became a
state, March 15, 1820.

Amendments to the Constitution made in the manner
provided therein were adopted as follows: I, 1834; II,
1837; III, 1839; IV, 1841; V, 1844; VI and VII,
1847; VIII, 1850; IX, 1855; X, 1864; XI, 1868, and
XII, 1869.

By virtue of a Resolve of January 12, 1875, the
governor appointed Edward Kent, William P. Haines
George F. Talbot, William M. Rust, Henry E. Robins'
Washington Gilbert, James E. Madigan, Artemas Libby'
Vol. II. 27

402 MAINE HISTORICAL SOCIETY.

Frederick A. Pike, and William K. Kimball, a commis-
sion "to consider and frame such amendments to the
Constitution of Maine as may seem necessary to be
reported to the legislature." Nine of the amendments
reported by them were submitted to the people and
adopted at the annual election in the same year.

Under one of the adopted amendments the chief
justice (John Appleton) arranged the Constitution as
amended, and his draft was approved by the legislature
and enrolled, and by virtue of that amendment became
" the supreme law of the state."

Subsequent amendments have been adopted, as fol-
lows: XXII, 1877; XXIII (biennial elections and ses-
sions), 1879; XXIV, 1880; XXV, 1880, XXVI (pro-
hibitory amendment), 1884 ; XXVII, 1888. In unof-
ficial publications these later amendments are num-
bered from one to six, with reference to the revised
Constitution.

SIR JOHN MOORE AT CASTINE. 403

SIR JOHN MOORE AT CASTINE DURING
THE REVOLUTION.

BY JOSEPH WILLIAMSON.

Head before the Maine Historical Society^ November 20, 1890.
The brilliant military career of Sir John Moore in
Europe, and in the Egyptian campaign, has eclipsed
his humble services in this country during our revolu-
tion. Born in Glasgow in 1761, he received the ap-
pointment of ensign when only sixteen years old, being
at first stationed at Minorca, an island in the Mediter-
ranean. The part which he took at the seige of Cas-
tine in 1779, as condensed from his life and from his
letters, is as follows : —

In 1777 or 1778, as there was no appearance tbat Minorca
would be attacked, and as the American war was then raging,
Moore cast a wistful eye to that scene, and wrote his wishes to
his father. These were gratified in a manner he scarcely expect-
ed, for his friend, the Duke of Hamilton, became fired with a
transitory passion for the army, and sent in proposals to govern-
ment to raise a regiment for immediate service. Lord North, the
prime minister, accepted the offer; the regiment was raised, and
the duke obtained the commission of caf)tain. He also seized
this opportunity of getting promotion for his young friend, who
was immediately sent for and advanced to the rank of lieutenant,
and was also appointed paymaster. By this double appointment,
which was then usual, a knowledge of regimental accounts, and
of other military details was attained.

The command of the Hamilton regiment was given to Brigadier-
General MacLean, who for some years had held high rank in the
Portuguese service. He was an officer of rare merit. As soon
as six companies were raised and trained they were embarked for

404 MAINE HISTORICAL SOCIETY.

Halifax, in NoA^a Scotia, but the Duke of Hamilton did not ac-
company them. The j^assion of glory was superseded by that of
love ; his Grace married, and resigned his commission.

The young troops, among whom was Lieutenant Moore, reached
their destination in safety, where they continued in garrison imtil
more actively employed. Sir Henry Clinton, commander-in-chief
of the British army, thought it advisable to take possession of the
Bay of Penobscot and to build a fort, as a maritime station, to
interrupt the trade of Boston. Brigadier MacLean was ordered
to perform this service, who embarked with a few troops, among
whom were the six companies of the Hamilton regiment. In
June, 1779, this detachment sailed with a favorable wind, and
proceeded to the river Penobscot. The troops were landed on a
woody and deserted coast, and the general, after examining the
country, selected the proper spot on which to erect a fort. The
officer of engineers was ordered to draw out a plan, but the gen-
eral detected numerous imperfections in his designs. It was not
without difficulty, and after many alterations, that a tolerable one
was procured. Then the felling of trees and the construction of
the fort commenced with alacrity. This operation excited a very
serious alarm among the citizens of Boston, ever jealous of their
commerce, who having intelligence that the British were few in
number, resolved to overwhelm them with a superior force. The
exertions made on this occasion by that city were extraordinary,
for in a few weeks six large frigates, thirteen stout privateers,
and twenty-four transports were equipped and filled with three
thousand troops, and stores of eveiy species requisite for a siege.

On the twenty-fifth of July this fieet was descried steering to
the mouth of the river Penobscot, when the walls of the fort were
not yet breast high.

The general, experienced in resources, instantly reduced the
plan of the works, and hastened their .construction, to render
them in some degree defensible.

During this bustle ashore the American fleet sailed up the river
and anchored nearly opposite to the unfinished fort, but the inter-
vening woods concealed the operations of the British. Next day,
after a cautious examination of the coast, some troops were put

SIB JOHN MOORE AT CASTESTE. 405

into boats to make a descent. But, on approaching the shore,
they were fired at by a party concealed behind trees, which
arrested the Americans, who rowed back to their shipping. Sim-
ilar ineffectual attempts to land were made on the two subsequent
days. At length the Americans, instructed by these miscarriages,
made preparations to overcome all opposition, and to disembark
their whole force. Early in the morning three ships of war,
arranged with their broadsides toward the shore, opened a heavy
fii"e of round and double-headed shot upon the wood. The roar-
ing of the guns, the falling of the trees, and the crashing of their
branches astounded the young soldiers, when suddenly the can-
nonading ceased, and boats full of troops were rowed off to the
beach. It happened on that day that a comj^any of the Hamil-
ton regiment formed the picket to oppose the landing, and Lieu-
tenant Moore was posted on the left with only twenty men under
his orders. The captain who commanded, unused to action,
ordered the soldiers not to fire until the enemy landed ; so the
Americans, undistui'bed, rowed briskly till their boats grounded,
then giving a shout they sprang on shore. The British, who were
only recruits, saw the great superiority of the numbers of the
enemy ; they fired a volley, and ran back in disorder. Lieutenant
Moore called to his small party, "Will the Hamilton men leave me ?
Come back and behave like soldiers." They obeyed, and recom-
menced firing. The Americans returned the fire, without ventur-
ing to advance into the wood. Moore observed their commanding
ofiicer flourishing his sword, and encouraging his men. He lev-
eled his piece, for subalterns then carried fusils, and he believed
that lie could have killed him, but he rejjlaced his firelock on his
shoulder without discharging it. While this resistance was per-
severed in on the left the rest of the detachment reached the fort
and the captain reported to the general that the enemy had landed
in great numbers, and forced the picket to retreat. " But where
is Moore ? " said General MacLean. " He is, I fear, cut off."
« What then is the firing I still hear ? " He could not tell. The
general then commanded Caj^tain Dunlop with his company to
march to the shore and repel the enemy, or bring off Lieutenant
Moore. Moore was found by Captain Dunlop at his post, still

406 MAINE HISTORICAL SOCIETr.

holding the Americans at bay. But as they were advancing on
both flanks, Dunlop saw that it was necessary to retire to prevent
being surrounded. He therefore ordered Moore to form in the
rear of the column the remains of his i:)arty, for seven out of the
twenty had fallen, and the detachment marched back to the fort
in good order. In a letter to his father, Moore wrote ; —

I was upon picket the morning the rebels landed. I got some little
credit, by chance, for my behavior during the engagement. To tell you
the truth, not for anything that deserved it, but because I was the only
officer who did not leave his post too soon. I confess that at the first
fire tliey gave us, which was within thirty yards, I was a good deal
startled, but I think this went gradually off afterward.

On the return of the detachment the general learned from
Moore the particulars that had occurred, and he expected
that the Americans, flushed with success, would immediately
storm the unfinished works when the garrison were in consterna-
tion by the cannonade and the rejiulse of the pickets. Measures
for defense were immediately adopted, the works were lined with
troops and instructions given to the oflicers in every event. The
general gave Moore the command of fifty men, posted in reserve,
with orders " that should the enemy rush forward, as soon as they
got into the ditch of the fort he should sally out and attack them
on the flank with charged bayonets." But the Americans were
not so enterprising, for, being somewhat disconcerted by the loss
which they had sustained, they took iip a position out of the
reach of the guns of the fort, and remained tranquil.

For some days they were busied in lauding artillery and stores
for a regular siege, and only skirmishing occurred. At length
they broke ground and raised a battery at about twelve hundred
yards from the fort. This opened early in the morning, and the
new levies, of which the garrison was composed, were much
alarmed. The general, hearing this, came forth from his tent and
observing that the oflicers and men, none of whom had ever seen
service before, were stooping their heads at every shot, he re-
proached them sharply, and calling for his aid-de-camps went to
the gate, and commanded it to be thrown open. Then walking
erect toward the battery he examined it with his spyglass : "You
see," he said, "there is no danger from the fire of these wretched

SIP- JOHN MOORE AT CASTINE. 407

artillei-y-men." After this observation, he returned deliberately
and ordered the gate to be closed. This behavior of their gen-
eral inspired the garrison with so much courage that there was no
risk afterward of their shrinking from their duty.

The approaches of the Bostonians were much retarded by the
skill of General MacLean; yet a train of heavy artillery and
superior numbers might at last have prevailed. But after a siege
of three weeks, Commodore Sir George Collier, apprized of the
danger, arrived off Penobscot bay with a line-of -battle ship and
a few frigates. Before this squadron could be seen from the fort
it was discovered from the topmasts of the American ships, and
in the hours of the night the besieging army hastily reembarked.
Next morning the American fleet drew up in line, making a show
of resistance. On the approach of the British, however, this
resolution was relinquished, and an attempt was made to escape
up the river. But their ships of war intermingled with the trans-
ports were closely chased and driven on shore. Some were cap-
tured, others set fire to by their own crews, who leaped out and
fled to the woods. Yet these disasters did not soon terminate,
for the seamen and soldiers accused each other of cowardice ; they
fought, many lives were thus lost, others perished by famine, and
the remainder reached Boston in a miserable plight. General Mac-
Lean having finished the construction of the fort, left in it a suf-
ficient garrison and returned to Halifax with the Hamilton regi-
ment. Moore's sentiments on commencing the rudiments of war
are thus expressed in a letter to his father : —

You may conceive, dear father, how happy this siege has made us,
independent of the success we met with, as to see a httle service was
what all along we had been wishing for. Your friend, Dunlop, who hap-
pened to command the regiment during the siege, got, very deservedly,
credit for his activity; he exerted himself more than anybody there.

In this first essay of arms Moore acquired the warm friendship
of General Francis MacLean, from whom he was wont to say he
had derived much instruction. This experienced ofiicer had a
library of the best military books in the French and German lan-
guages, and had studied his profession thoroughly. But merit is
often lost from being unknown. In this instance it was recog-

408 MAINE HISTOEICAL SOCIETY.

nized too late, for he was about to be employed in a conspicuous
station when his health tiailed. Previously he had resided long
in Portugal, which had rendered his constitution unable to sustain
the frigid climate of Nova Scotia. He perished that winter
deeply lamented, and never forgotten by his young friend.

After this, Halifax being remote from active warfare, became
a spiritless quarter to Moore. He, however, was promoted to the
rank of captain, and then applied for leave to go to New York,
the headquarters of the commander-in-chief.

(Vol. II, pp. 277-281.)

(Lieutenant Moore to his father)

Camp Majibaquiaduce, near Halifax?
Nova Scotia, 24th Aug., 1779.
Dear Father — By my last you will be informed of our arrival here, etc. ;
since that our operations have been rather more interesting. Upon the
twenty-third of July a rebel fleet consisting of about forty ships and
vessels, eighteen of which were armed, the rest carrying troops and
stores, sailed up the bay and immediately began cannonading the Albany,
North, and Nautilus, three sloops of war, the only shipping we had to
oppose them. They were moored across the harbor, and supported by a
battery from us. Though the firing was smart from both sides, yet the
T — s kept at such distance that little or no damage was done. Some of
their vessels anchored opposite a wood at one end of the peninsula, and
kept up a constant fire upon the British posted there to oppose their
landing. They continued this kind of play for several days, endeavoring
at different times to land, but they were constantly beaten back, till upon
the 28th, when after a very sharp cannonade from the shipping upon
the wood, to the great surprise of General M'Lean and the garrison,
they effected a landing. I happened to be upon picket that morning,
under command of a captain of the 74th regiment, who, after giving
them one fire, instead of encouraging his men (who naturally had been
a little startled by the cannonade) to do their duty, ordered them to
retreat, leaving me and about twenty men to shift for ourselves. After
standing for some time I was obliged to retreat to the fort, having five
or six of my own men killed and several wounded. I was lucky to es-
cape untouched. This affair of the captain is only whispered, so you
need not mention it. Having got possession of the wood, they made a
road from the shore to the opposite edge, by which they dragged up
their cannon, and erected two batteries within about seven or eight hun-
dred yards of us. Before tbeir arrival the four curtains and two of the

SIR JOHN MOORE AT CASTINE. 409

bastions of the fort had been raised about eight feet; the other two bas-
tions were open, but afterward a fascine work was thrown around the
well which was in one of them ; the interval of the other was filled up
with logs, storming which, at first, would not have been difficult. By
the addition of chevaux-de-frise, abatis, etc., this became a serious un-
dertaking, and as they had been falsely informed that we were short of
provisions, they soon expected hunger would oblige us to lay down our
arms. But on the 13th inst'. Sir George Collier, with a 64, two frigates,
B and three 20-gun ships was seen sailing up the bay, the rebel fleet
never attempted to make a stand, but run up the river in the utmost
confusion. Two of their vessels only were taken, the rest the rascals
ran ashore and burned before our shipping could get up with them. Un-
luckily they had intelligence of our fleet the day before, and in the night
time their army got on board their shipping, and took along with them
most of their cannon and stores, unknown to us. This is undoubtedly
the greatest coup for us that has been done this year; it will make up
the defeat at Stony Point. Upon the whole we have lost but few men
in the small skirmishes we had with them. The only officers wounded
are Graham Douglestone's son, and one M'Neil, but they are getting
very well. Our regiment is to return to Halifax in about four or five
weeks with General M'Lean. Colonel Campbell and his regiment are to
be left here.

It is said that he continued in America until peace
was declared ; if so, he took no active part. His sub-
sequent services, terminating with his death at Coruna
in 1809, are too well known for repetition. If nothing
else rendered his memory immortal, the beautiful
verses upon his burial, by WoKe, would do so.

N

EXTRACTS FEOM LETTEES OF FATHER P. BIARD. 411

EXTRACTS FROM THE LETTERS OF THE JESUIT
MISSIONARY IN MAINE, FATHER P. BIARD.

FROM caraton's lettres ined. 1612-1626.

Translated by Pkof. Fred. M. Warren, with an Introduction
BY John Marshall Brown.

Head Before the Maine Historical Society, February 26, 1891.

The efforts of the French to explore and colonize
the northern portion of our continent have received
full and generous treatment in history. The contem-
porary accounts leave little to be desired, and all sub-
sequent narratives have been based chiefly upon works
issued from the press within a few years of the events
described.

Lescarbot's History of New France was published in
Paris in 1609, and a paraphrase published in English
at London the same year.

Champlain's narrative was published in Paris, 1613,
and like the work of Lescarbot passed through several
editions.

In 1616 was published at Lyons the Relations of
Father Biard of the Society of Jesus.

These three works are of extraordinary interest and
of great literary merit. Charlevoix embodied them in
his history and subsequent historians have relied upon
them as well. The actors in the scenes described were
still alive when the books were printed, and the whole
story is full of the flavor of the times. Champlain
was the geographer royal, and made charts and maps

412 MAINE HISTORICAL SOCIETY.

and pictures of men and things. Lescarbot was a law-
yer and bon-vivant, and managed to entwine the dull
routine of the colonists' isolated existence with jest
and sport and good cheer. His story is tinged with
the coloring of his own vivacity. Pierre Biard was a
churchman and missionary, willing to spend and be
spent in the Master's service, and yet a keen observer
and no mean diplomatist.

Lescarbot' s history is seldom seen and comparatively
unknown at this day.

Champlain's voyages have recently been translated
for the Prince Society and published under the edito-
rial supervision of the Rev. Dr. Slafter.

Biard' s Relation can only be read in its original
French, but it was reprinted in Quebec in 1858, and
may be found in our library. A translation with care-
ful editing would be most welcome to students of our
history.

Those who have read Mr. Parkman's delightful book
entitled Pioneers of France in the New World are
familiar with the main features of Biencourt's attempts
to hold his inheritance in Maine and Acadia, and of
the Jesuit efforts to found a religious colony at Mt.
Desert and Penobscot under the protection of Madame
de Guerchville. It seems proper for societies like our
own, dealing with events of local rather than general
interest to lay hold' of everything, however trivial,
which may illustrate the life of those days almost three
centuries gone by. The narratives I have enumerated
have the freshness of a story of yesterday. Mr. Park-
man condenses in six lines what in a full translation

EXTRACTS FROM LETTERS OF FATHER P. BIARD. 413

would fill many pages of our quarterly publication. It
is, in m}'' judgment, the business of the Maine Histori-
cal Society to collect and preserve the materials of
history, rather than to write history. That can only
be satisfactoril}^ done by the few, the very few, who
are endowed b}'^ nature and fitted by long and patient
study for the work; the field for the antiquary is large
enough for all to work in.

If this is so we are justified in gathering after others
have harvested and in preserving our gleanings for
those who are to follow. The extracts which I am to
read are of this character, of singular and permanent
local interest and importance.

Michelet in his history of France in the eighteenth
century treats the Jesuits with great severity, attack-
ing particularly the character and motives of the Cana-
dian missionaries. His words have a bitterness which
only comes from deep seated, unreasoning prejudice,
and therefore to a fair critic able to separate good from
bad, the sting is lost. The faithful brethren of the
company thus assailed could not, however, submit pa-
tiently to such charges from such a source, and, in
defense of their order and in justification of their
brethren martyred in the Canadian wilds, replied not by
argument, but by publishing for the first time to the
world the evidence of their patient sufferings and
painful labors. From the archives at Rome were col-
lected and translated, by Father Martin, rector of St.
Mary's College, Montreal, and Father Carayon of Paris,
many original letters, covering the early part of the
seventeenth century. These were published in 1864
at Paris.

414 MAINE HISTORICAL SOCIETY.

The portions especially interesting to us in Maine
are : 1, a letter from Father Biard to Aquaviva, general
of the order at Rome, dated at Dieppe, January 21,
1611, translated from the Latin original; 2, a letter
from the same to Balthazar, provincial of the order at
Paris, dated Port Royal in New France, June 10, 1611*
The first is written just before the departure of the
missionaries ; the second shortly after their arrival. A
3d letter is of the same date as the last written by
Father Masse Biard's companion; 4, a brief letter
from Biard to Aquaviva, June 11, 1611 ; 5, a letter
from Biard to the provincial at Paris, dated Port Royal,
January 31, 1612; 6, from Biard to the general at
Rome in Latin of same date, the last two are of great
interest, giving at length and much more in detail than
in the Relation, to which reference has been made, an
account of the coasting voyage with Biencourt to the
St. Croix, Kennebec and Penobscot rivers. Portions
of these have been translated and published by Mr.
Alexander Brown in the Genesis of the United States,
by Rev. Mr. Thayer for his forthcoming Popham vol-
ume, and now much more at length by Professor War-
ren.

The seventh letter is dated at Amiens, 26 May, 1614,
written in Latin to Aquaviva. In the interval between
the last two the attempt had been made to found a
colony at St. Sauveur, Mt. Desert, the settlement had
been destroyed, the enterprise had failed. Captain Argall
had taken the survivors to Virginia and thence to Eng-
land. This account agrees of course with Biard's more
careful statement in the Relation of 1616, but it was

EXTRACTS FROM LETTERS OF FATHER P. BIARD. 415

written immediately after his landing in France, has
the spirit and vivacity of one still chafing under a
sense of wrong with wounds not yet healed.

It is to be hoped that this episode in the history of
eastern Maine, of which so much has been said and
written and printed, may be finally and dispassionately
and exhaustively described in the light of recent con-
tributions and discoveries.

As I have said these letters traverse the same ground
as the Relation, but they are in some instances much
fuller, and in others a sober, second thought seems to
have modified and tempered criticism, as, for instance,
in the account of the Popham colony. Biard seems to
have been convinced that the statements made to him
by the Indians were unfounded, for in the Relation
many of them are omitted altogether.

It is certainly a fortunate circumstance for France
and New France and America that a man of learning
and piety, a professor of theology in a French univer-
sity, should have been so imbued with the lofty spirit
of propagating the gospel that he could leave country
and family and friends, and bury himself in the western
wilderness nearly three centuries ago. j. m. b.

EARLY FRENCH RECORDS OF MAINE.

In the collection of letters and documents entitled
Premiere Mission des J e suites au Canada, and edited
by Father Auguste Carayon (Paris, 1864, pp. xvi-304
800), are several passages which have reference to the
early settlements of the Maine coast. Acting on the
suggestion of your Secretary, that a translation of these

416 MAINE IIISTOKICAL SOCIETY.

few pages might be of service to the members of the
Maine Historical Society, I take the liberty of select-
ing them from the various letters in which they occur,
and present them here consecutively.

The first allusion to what is now the coast of Maine is
found in a letter of Father Pierre Biard to the head of
the order at Paris. It is dated " Port-Royal, January 31,
1612." After describing the situation at the colony
and giving an account of the religious work, Father
Biard continues (pp. 58-74) : —

I have been on two journeys with M. de Biancourt, one of per-
haps a dozen days, the other of a month and a half, and we skirted
all the coast from Port-Royal to Kinibequi, west-southwest. "We
entered the large rivers, Saint John, Saint Croix, Pentegoet and
the aforesaid Kinibequi ; we visited the French, who Avintered
here this year in two places, on the river St. John and on the St.
Croix ; the men from St. Malo on the St. John, captain Plastrier
on the St. Croix.

During these travels God kept us from great and noteworthy
perils, and that often; but though we should always be mindful
of them, so as not to become ungrateful, it is not necessary to j^ut
them all on paper, for fear of being wearisome. I will relate only
what, ia my opinion, you would prefer to hear.

We visited the men of St. Malo, to wit : the young Sieur du
Pont and captain Merveilles, who, as we have said, wintered on
the river St. John, on an island called Emonenic, some six leagues
up river. We were still about a league and a half from the island
when twilight deepened into night. Already the stars were begin-
ning to appear when suddenly, toward the north, a part of the
sky became red and bloody, like scarlet, and gradually shaping
itself into pikes and spindles took its stand over the habitation of
the men of St. Malo. The redness was so vivid that the whole
river was tinted and lighted by it. This apparition lasted some
ten minutes and immediately, on its disappearance, commenced
another of the same shape, direction aud substance.

EXTRACTS FROM LETTERS OF FATHER P. BIARD. 417

Each and every one of us considered such a meteor ominous.
As for the natives tiiey cried out instantly : Gara gara, enderquir
Gara gara; that is to say, " We shall have war ; such signs indi-
cate war." Nevertheless both our approach that evening and
OWY lauding the next morning were very quiet and friendly. By
day nothing but friendship. But (misfortune !) when evening
came all tiu-ned upside down, I know not how ; between our peo-
ple and those of St. Malo confusion, broils, anger, uproar. I have
not the least doubt but that an accursed band of mad and blood-
thirsty spirits hovered about there all that night, expecting any
hour and moment a horrible massacre of the few Christians of us
who were there ; but the compassion of God held them in check,
the wretches ! No blood was shed and the next day that noc-
turnal gale ended in a calm, fine and cheering, the shades and
phantoms having vanished in the light of the serene day.

To be sure, the kindness and prudence of M. de Biancourt ap-
peared mightily in this chance disj^lay of human passions. But
also 1 saw clearly that fire and arms being once in the hands of
ill-disciplined people, the masters have much to fear and to suffer
from their own men. I do not know whether any one shut his
eyes that whole night. For my part I made many fine proposi-
tions and promises to our Lord never to forget his good works if
it pleased him that no blood be shed. This he granted us in his
infinite compassion.

It was three o'clock in the afternoon of the following day be-
fore I had time to feel hungry, so busy was I coming and going
from one to another. Finally about that hour all was quieted,
thanks be to God.

Certainly Captain Merveilles and his people manifested no
ordinary piety. For notwithstanding this so disconcerting obsta-
cle and encounter, the second day after they confessed and com-
muned most edifyingly, and, furthermore, at our departure, they
besought me most earnestly, all of them and especially the young
du Pont, to visit them and remain with them as long as con-
venient to me. I promised them to do so, and now await only
the opportunity. For truly I love those honest people with all
my heart.

YoL. II. 28

418 MAINE HISTORICAL SOCIETY.

But leaving them behind in thought, as we then did in body,
let us continue our route and journey. Returning from that river
St. John our way was directed toward the Armouchiquoys. For
this two chief reasons actuated JNI. de Biancourt ; the first, to
receive news of tlie Englisli and to know whether he could get
the better of them ; the second to barter for grain with the
Armouchiquoys, to help us pass the winter without starving., in
case we received no relief from France.

To understand the first reason you must know that a little be-
fore. Captain Platrier of Honfleur, before mentioned, wishing to
go to Kinibequi was taken prisoner by two English ships, which
were at an island called Emmetenic, eight leagues from the afore-
said Kinibequi. His release was obtained by means of some
presents (so called for appearance sake), and the promise which
he made to submit to the commands given him, not to trade on
that entire coast. For these English pretend to be masters of it
and to this intent produce letters of their king, which we how-
ever believe to be forgeries.

Now M. de Biancourt, having heard all this from the very lips
of Captain Platrier, earnestly pointed out to these people how it
was incumbent on him, officer of the crown and lieutenant of his
fathei", and also on every good Frenchman, to resist this usurpa-
tion of the English so obstructive of the rights and possessions
of His Majesty. " For," said he, " it is well-knoAAm to all (not to
go further back) that the great Henry, whom may God jaardon,
according to the rights acquired by his predecessors and himself,
gave to M. des Monts, in the year 1604, all this region from the
fortieth degree north latitude to the forty-sixth. Since this grant
the aforesaid Seigneur des Monts, through himself and through
M. de Potrincourt, my much honored father, his lieutenant, and
through others, has often taken actual possession of the whole
region, and that, too, three or four years before the English
settled, or before one had ever heard anything of their claim."
This and many other things the said Sieur Biancourt recounted,
encouraging his people.

As for myself 1 had two other reasons for undertaking this
journey; the one, to act as spiritual adviser to the said Sieur de

EXTRACTS FROM LETTERS OF FATHER P. BIARD. 419

Biancourt and his people ; the other, to become acquainted with
and to see the disposition of those nations to receive the Gospel.
Such then were the reasons for our expedition.

We arrived at Kinibequi, eighty leagues from Port-Royal, the
28th October, day of St. Simon and St. Jude, of the same year,
1611. Our people immediately landed eager to see the fort of
the English ; for we had heard in various ways that there was no
one there. Now, as in a new thing all is fine, each one strove to
praise and extol this undertaking of the English, and to relate
the advantages of the place ; every one said what he most valued
in it. But in a few days we changed our opinion very much; for
we saw that it was easy to make a counter-fort which would have
shut them up and deprived them of the sea and river ; also that
though they had been left alone yet would they not have enjoyed
the advantages of the river, since it has several other fine mouths
some distance from there. Moreover, what is worse, we do not
believe that for six leagues round about there is a single acre of
arable land, the soil being wholly stony or rocky. Now, inasmuch
as the wind hindered us from going farther, on the third day of
our arrival M. de Biancourt turned the event into advice and de-
termined to receive the aid of the wind, to ascend the river so
as to examine it.

We had gone already about three leagues and the tide ebbing
we had anchored in the middle of the river, when suddenly we
see six canoes of the Armouchiquoys coming toward us. There
were twenty-four people in them, all warriors. They went through
a thousand trials and motions before coming uj) to us. You could
have rightly likened them to a flock of birds, which wishes to
enter a hemp field but fears the scarecrow. This amused us very
much, for our people needed time to arm themselves and to cover
the ship. In short they came and went, they reconnoitered, they
looked keenly at our numbers, our cannon, our arms, everything ;
and the night coming they lodged on the other bank of the river,
if not beyond the range at least beyond the sighting of our
cannon.

All that night there was nothing but haranguing, singing, danc-
ing; for such is the life of all those i>eople when they ci'owd to-

420 MAINE HISTORICAL SOCIETY.

gether. But since we presumed that probably their songs and
dance were invocations to the Devil, in order to resist the domi-
nation of this accursed tyrant. I had our people sing some
hymns of the Church, as the Salve, the Ave Maris Stella and
others. But when once they had begun to sing, spiritual songs
failing, they seized on the others which they knew. These in turn
being exhausted, as it lies in the French nature to imitate every-
thing, they began to mimic the song and dance of the Armouchi-
quoys who were on the bank, coimterfeiting them so well in every
respect that the Armouchiquoys kept still in order to hear them ;
and then our people becoming siletit, they commenced again in
turn. Truly it was prime fun ; for you would have said that they
were two choruses, which agreed very well, and scarcely could
you have distinguished the genuine Armouchiquoys from the
spurious.

Morning come, we continued our way up river. They accom-
panying us, said to us if we wished some 2yioysqiieni'in (that is
their wheat), we could easily turn to the right, and not go up river
with great labor and danger; that by turning to the right, through
the arm of the river which was shown us we could in a few hours
reach the great sachem Meteourmite, who would supply us with
everything ; that they would act as guides to us, for they too
were going to make him a visit.

It is to be supi^osed, and we have strong j^roofs of it, that they
gave us this advice with no other intention than to ensnare us and
to easily conquer us with the aid of Meteourmite, whom they
knew to be the enemy of the English and presiimably of all for-
eigners. But, God be thanked, their plotlings turned against
them.

However we believed them ; therefore a part of them went
before us, a part behind us, a part also with us in the vessel. Nev-
ertheless M, de Biancourt was always on his guard and often had
the long-boat go before with the plummet. We had gone not
farther than half a league when, coming into a great lake, the
leadsman cries out, " Two fathoms of water, one fathom, only one
fathom eveiywhere." Immediately : " Strike sail, strike sail, let
go the anchor." Where are our Armouchiquoys ? where are they.

EXTRACTS FROM LETTERS OF FATHER P. BIARD. 421

The traitors ! how -well God has helped us ! They had led us to
the snares. " Go about, go about," We return on our track.

Meanwhile Meteourmite, having been informed of our approach,
was hastening to meet us, and although he saw us turn back he
certainly followed after us. M. de Biancourt profited much by
being more discreet than many of his command who were then
urging him to kill all comers. For they were in a great rage and
in as equally great fear ; but rage made the greater noise.

M. de Biancourt restrained himself, and in no other way receiv-
ing Meteourmite unfriendly, learned from him that there was a
way by which we could get through ; that, so that we might not
miss it, he would send to our vessel some of his own people; tliat
furthermore we should go to his wigwam and he would try to
satisfy us. We believed him but soon thought we should repent
it ; for [we passed such dangerous rapids and narrows that we
thought we should hardly ever escape alive. In fact, in two
places, some of our people cried out piteously that we were all
lost. But, praise be to God, they cried out too soon.

Once there M. de Biancourt put on his arms to visit Meteour-
mite in that dress. He found him in his grand decorations of
savage majesty, alone in a hut well thatched both toj^and bottom,
and some forty powerful young men around the hut, as a body-
guard, each one having his shield, his bow and his arrows on the
ground before him. Those people are no ninnies, not at all, and
you can believe me.

For my part I received that day the larger share of the em-
braces ; for as I was without arms the most distinguished, forsak-
ing the soldiers, seized on me with a thousand protestations of
friendship. They led me into the largest of all the huts, which
held at least eighty people. The seats filled I threw myself on
my knees and having made the sign of the cross recited my Pater,
Ave, Credo and some prayers ; then, at a pause, my hosts, as
though they understood me well, applauded in their way crying
out Ho! ho! ho! I gave them some crosses and images making
them understand what I could. They eagerly kissed them, made
the sign of the cross and, each by himself, endeavored to bring
me their children that I might bless them and give them some-

422 MAINE HISTOEICAL SOCIETY.

thing. Thus passed that visit and another which I afterward
made.

Now Meteourmite had answered M. de Biancourt that, as for
wheat, they did not have much ; but that they had some skins if
he wished to trade.

The day of the barter havirtg come I went away with a boy to
a neighboring island to there offer up the consecrated host of our
reconciliation. Our ship's people, in order not to be surprised,
under pretense of trading, had armed and barricaded themselves,
leaving space for the savages in the middle of the deck ; but to
no purpose for the latter rushed on in such a crowd and with such
eagerness that they immediately filled the whole vessel, all mixed
up with our men. We began to cry : "Go back, go back." But
of what avail ? They also cried out on their side.

It was then that our people thought they were truly captured
and already it was all clamor and uproar. M. de Biancourt has
often said that many times he had his arm raised and his mouth
open in order to shout, while giving the first blow : " Kill, kill ; "
but that this consideration alone restrained him, I know not
how, that I was away, and consequently if there was a fight, I
was lost. God made use of this good intention of his, not only
as regards my safety, but also as regards that of the whole expe-
dition. For, as all now see clearly, if this mad act had been com-
mitted, not one would have escaped and the French would have
been forever in bad repute along the entire coast.

God willed that Meteoui-mite and some other leaders should
perceive the danger and thus withdraw their men. Evening hav-
ing come and all having gone away, Meteourmite sent some of
his people to apologize for the insolence of the morning, affirming
that the whole disturbance had come not from him, but from the
Armouchiquoys ; that they had also stolen from us an ax and a
gamelle (a large wooden bowl), which utensil he returned to us ;
that this theft had displeased him so much that, immediately on
discovering it, he had dismissed the Armouchiquoys; that for
himself he was well intentioned and knew well that we neither
killed nor beat the savages of that region, but rather received
them at our table, often made the tabagie with them, smoked

EXTRACTS FROM LETTERS OF FATHER P. BIARD. 423

with thera and brought them many good things from France, for
which they loved us. These people ai-e, I believe, the greatest
speechifiers in the whole world ; they do nothing without much
talk.

But since I have mentioned the English in this place, perhaps
some one may wish to know about their experience, which we
learned here. It is then as follows : In the year 1608 the Eng-
lish commenced to settle on one of the mouths of this river, the
Kennibequi, as we said before. They had then a very honorable
leader and one who demeaned himself excellently toward the
natives. They say, however, that the Armouchiquoys feared such
neighbors and therefore caused the death of the aforesaid captain.
These people have a way, in use with them, of killing by magic.
Now in the second year, 1609, the English changed their tactics,
under another leader. They shamelessly drove away the savages;
they beat them, overburdened them and tore them with dogs be-
yond all measure ; consequently the poor abused people, irritated
at the present and divining worse things for the future, made a
resolve, as the saying is, to kill the wolf's cub before he had
stronger teeth and claws. Their opportunity came one day when
three long-boats had gone off fishing. Our conspirators followed
on their track, and drawing near with a fine pretense of friend-
ship (for they thus lavish the more caresses whei-e they plan the
more treachery), they enter the boats and, at a given signal, each
one chooses his man and kills him with slashes of the knife. Thus
eleven Englishmen were dispatched. The others, overawed,
abandoned their undertaking that same year and have not followed
it up since, being satisfied with coming in the summer to fish at
that island, Emetenic, which we have said was about eight leagues
from the fort they had begun.

For this reason then, the abuse offered to the person of Cajstain
Platrier by the said English having taken place on this island,
Emetenic, M. de Biancourt determined to reconnoiter it and to
leave there some mark of revindication. This he did, erecting
on the harbor a very handsome cross bearing the arms of France.
Some of his j^eople advised him to burn the boats which he found
there ; but since he is mild and huiuane he would not do so, seeing
that they were boats not of soldiers, but of fishermen.

424 MAINE HISTORICAL SOCIETY.

From there, inasmuch as the season urged us on, being alrearly
November sixth, we set our sails to return to Port-Royal, landing
at Pentegotit as we had promised the savages.

Pentegoet is a very fine river and can be likened to the French
Garonne. It empties into the French gulf (Bay of Fundy) and
has several islands and rocks at the mouth ; so that if you do not
go up the river some ways you think it is a great bend or bay of
the sea, there where you begin clearly to recognize the bed and
course of a river. Its mouth is about three leagues broad, at
forty-four and a half degrees from the equator. You cannot
divine what is the Norembega of the ancients if it is not this;
for otherwise both the others and myself inquiring after this
word and place have never been able to learn anything.

We then, having gone up stream three leagues or more, en-
countered another fine river called Chiboctous, which comes from
the northeast to empty into this great Pentegoet.

At the meeting of the two rivers there was the finest gathering
of savages that I have yet seen. There were eighty canoes
and a long-boat, eighteen huts and about three hundred souls.
The most prominent chief was called Betsabes, a prudent and
conservative man ; and in truth one often finds in these savages
natural and political merits, which put to blush whoever is not
shameless when, in comparison, he looks at a good share of the
Frenchmen who come to these parts.

After they recognized us they showed great joy at night, ac-
cording to their custom, by dances, songs and speeches. And we
also, very glad to be in a friendly country ; for among the Etche-
mins, such as are those here, and the Souriquois, such as are those
of Port-Royal, we are not on our guard any more than we are
among our own domestics and, God be thanked, we have not yet
fared ill by it.

The next day I visited the savages and proceeded in my usual
way, as I have related concerning Kinibqeui. But this in addi-
tion here, since they having told me there were some sick ones
there. I went to see them and in my character as priest, as is
laid down in the ritual, read over them the gospel and prayers,
giving a cross to each one to hang on his neck.

EXTRACTS FROM LETTERS OF FATHER P. BIARD. 425

Among others I found one stretched out near the fire, as is their
custom, the eyes and face much distorted, sweating great drops
from his head alone, being hardly able to speak, in a great access
of fever. They told me he had been ill for four months and that
from his appearance then he would not live long. Now I know
not what his sickness was, whether it was periodic or not I do
not know ; but what is certain the second day after that I saw
him in our vessel, hale and hearty, wearing his cross on his neck,
and he showed his gratitude to me with a very good countenance,
taking me by the hand. I had no way of speaking to him, since
they were then bartering, and for this reason the deck was filled
with people and all the interpreters busy. In sooth I was very
glad that the goodness of God was beginning to make these poor
and abandoned nations feel that there is nothing but good and
prosperity in the sign of the holy and redeeming cross.

In short, not to repeat often the same thing, both here and
everywhere else that we have been able to talk with these poor
Gentiles we have tried to impress on them some elementary con-
ceptions of the greatness and truth of Christianity, as much as the
means allowed. And to give a general summary, this is the fruit
of our journey. We have begun to know and to be known; we
have taken possession of these regions jn the name of the Church
of God, placing there the royal throne of our Savior and Mon-
arch, Jesus Christ, his holy altar ; the savages have seen us pray,
extol, enjoin by our sermons, the images and cross, the manner of
living and like things ; (they) have received the first apprehension
and seeds of our holy faith, which will shoot forth and germinate
abundantly some day, if it pleases God, when they receive a longer
and better cultivation.

The rest of this letter, only a page and a half, sounds
the praises of the converts at Port-Koyal.

The next letter of the good Jesuit missionary is
dated on the same day as the former, January 31, 1612,
but is written in Latin (of which Carayon gives a French
translation), and addressed to the general of the order,
Claude Aquaviva. It consequently contains the same

42 G MAINE HISTORICAL SOCIETY.

general features as the former, but is less confidential,
less detailed and contains but few statements regard-
ing Maine. After sketching the territory of New
France and speaking of what is now Nova Scotia, he
continues (p. 81-82): —

To the west and north Hve the Etheminquois, from the river
St. John to the river Pentegoet and even to the river Kinibequi.
The latter has its mouth under 43° 3'. Near it hes Chonacoet,
which forms one of the sides of the French bay. In fact the
promontory which we call Cape Sable is at the east and Chona-
coiit is at the west. [The text reads est twice, an evident error.
F. M. w.], both in lattitude 48°, although there is between them
a distance of an hundred leagues. The Armouchiquoys occupy
vast lands from the river Kinibequi to 40°.

Again (p. 83-84) :—

The natives are few in number. The Etcheminquois (sic) do
not comprise a thousand souls, and the Algonquins and Montag-
nais together do not much exceed this number. The Soriquois (in
Nova Scotia) are not two thousand all told. Hence we cannot
say of these peoples that they occupy the coast or the interior, but
that they roam over them. They are nomads, haunting the woods
and much scattered, because they live by the chase, by the fruits
of the earth and by fishing. They are almost beardless and in
general are a little smaller and more slender than we are, without
lacking, however, in grace or dignity. Their complexion is slightly
tanned. They generally paint their faces and, in mourning,
blacken them.

Various descriptions of the habits and customs of

the Indians follow, an account of their mission is given

and the honest Jesuit alludes again in a few lines to

the main subject of his other letters, his expedition to

the Kennebec (p. 101) :

I saw with M. de Biancourt a great part of the country, all
that which the ancients called Norembega, and I entered the

EXTRACTS FROM LETTERS OF FATHER P. BIARD. 427

principal rivers. The result was to give us a better knowledge of
things and to make us better known.

The incident of the sick native is referred to.

The next letter written to Aquaviva from Amiens
(May 26, 1614), relates the descent of the English from
Virginia on a mission station and the dispersion of the
missionaries there found. The locality of the station
is not given, but it was evidently near the St. Croix
river.

This is all the book contains, which bears on the
early history of the Maine coast. Apart from the let-
ters of Father Biard which I have cited (letters v, vi
and vii), the settlement at Port-Royal is the subject of
three by him (letters i, ii, iv), and of one (letter iii),
by Father Masse. All were written during the year
1611. Letter viii, by Father Lallemant, dated Au-
gust 1, 1326, begins a series of accounts of the Cana-
dian missions, pure and simple.

PROCEEDINGS AT ANNUAL MEETING, 188G. 429

PROCEEDINGS.

Annual Meeting, June, 1886.

The annual meeting was held at Adams Hall, Bruns-
wick, June 25, 1886, and was called to order by the
President at 9 A. m.

Members present were Messrs. Gilman, Douglas,
Goold, Allen, Burrage, Bryant, Dike, Gardiner, Pierce,
Elwell, Waterman, Emery, Ham, Tenney, Cram, Little,
Morrell, Crosby, Bradbury and Woods.

The record of the last annual meeting was read and
approved. The annual reports of the Librarian, the
Treasurer, the Corresponding Secretary and the Biog-
rapher were read and accepted. A report of the doings
of the Standing Committee was also read and placed
on file.

Mr. Bradbury read the draft of the Act which had
been prepared by the committee to prohibit the vol-
untary reduction of the interest paying funds of the
Society, and on motion of Mr. Marshall Cram it was
voted that the sum of ten thousand dollars be inserted
in the Act as the limit of reduction.

The Act was approved, and Messrs. Bradbury, Lap-
ham and Elwell were appointed a committee to present
the same at the next session of the state legislature
for enactment. The Act to take effect when accepted
by a formal vote of the Society.

430 MAINE HISTOEICAL SOCIETY.

The following list of officers was then balloted for
and elected : —

For President — James W. Bradbury.

Vice President — Rev. Samuel F. Dike.

Corresponding Secretary — William Goold.

Treasurer — Lewis Pierce.

Biographer — Joseph Williamson.

Recording Secretary, Librarian, Cabinet Keeper — Hubbard
W. Bryant.

Standing Committee — Rufus K. Sewall of Wiscasset, William
B. Lapliam of Augusta, William Goold of Windham, Edward H.
Elwell of Deering, Joseph Williamson of Belfast, James P. Bax-
ter of Portland, Henry L. Chapman of Brunswick.

The following were elected members of the Society :

Rev. AVilliam De W. Hyde, d.d., of Brunswick, as a resident
member ; and for corresponding members Rev. John B. L. Soule
of Highland Park, 111.; Henry Kensington of London, Edward
Russell of Boston, Horatio King of Washington, Charles Gay-
arre of New Orleans.

Mr. A. G. Tenney made a verbal report on the Field
Day of last year, and the following were appointed a
committee of arrangements for the Field Day excur-
sion of the current year : Messrs. Sewall, Tenney, and
Elwell.

It was voted that hereafter the annual meeting of
the Society be held during Bowdoin College Com-
mencement week, prior to Commencement Day, the
day and the hour to be determined by the Standing
Committee.

Adjourned without day.

PROCEEDINGS AT DECEMBER MEETING, 1886. 431

The Field Day Excursion
was made September 3, 1886, to Damariscotta and
Newcastle, the principal objects of interest being the
famous shell heaps in Newcastle, which were thoroiio-h-
ly examined, together with a collection of stone imple-
ments, fragments of pottery and bones recently taken
therefrom. After a noonday repast at the hotel the
company assembled in the vestry of the Con o-re {Ra-
tional church in Damariscotta, and were called to order
by Mr. Rufus K. Sewall, who made some remarks and
introduced Mr. A. T. Gamage of Newcastle, who made
a report of the measurements of the shell heaps and
gave an account of the excavations now being made.
Professor Edward S. Morse of Salem being present he
was called upon for his views on shell heaps in general
and the shell heaps of Maine in particular. The Pro-
fessor entertained and instructed the company by his
remarks.

Messrs. John Marshall Brown, William Goold, A. G
Tenney, and E. H. Elwell also made interesting and in-
structive addresses, after which the meeting adjourned.

Votes of thanks were passed to the residents of Dam-
ariscotta and Newcastle for their polite attentions.

December Meeting, 1886.

The winter meeting of the Society was held at their
rooms in the City Building, Portland, December 21,
1886, and was called to order at 2:30 p. m., by Mr.
President Bradbury.

A report of the accessions to the Library and Cabi-
net was made by the Librarian.

432 MAINE HISTORICAL SOCIETT.

A paper on De Monts and his colony on the St.
Croix River, in 1604, was read by Mr. Joseph William-
son, who also read a biographical sketch of Governor
Thomas Pownall, accompanied by the gift of an auto-
graph letter of the governor.

Mr. George F. Talbot narrated some interesting facts
concernino; the island in the St. Croix River where De
Monts and his colony wintered.

Mr. William H. Smith read a genealogical paper on
the Livermore family of Maine.

Mr. James P. Baxter presented, in the name of Mr.
Josiah Pierce of London, copies of papers connected
with a law suit against the Kennebec proprietors.

Mr. Baxter exhibited a fac similie copy of a manu-
script work by George Weymouth, entitled the "Jew-
ell of Artes," the original of which is in the King's
Library of the British Museum.

Mr. Baxter gave an interesting account of the rare
books and manuscripts contained in the King's Library,
so called, from its having been the gift of King George
IV, of Great Britain, to the British Museum.

A paper prepared by Mr. Hobart W. Richardson,
beini^r an introduction to the first book of the York
Deeds, w^as read by the Recording Secretary, Mr.
Bryant.

Messrs. E. P. Burnham and Joseph Williamson were
appointed a committee to represent the Society at the
Annual Meeting of the New England Historic Genea-
logical Society, in Boston, and express the sympathy
of this Society in the loss of their President, the late
Hon. Marshall P. Wilder.

PROCEEDINGS AT DECEMBER MEETING, 1886. 433

The meeting then adjourned until the evening ses-
sion, which was called to order at 7 : 30.

Mr. William W. Thomas, Jr., delivered an address on
the Island of Gotland and its Ancient City of Wisby,
and Mr. Edward H. Elwell read a paper on the
Schools of Falmouth and Portland.

Votes of thanks were passed for papers read at both
sessions, and copies requested for the archives.

Adjourned.

Vol. II. 29

434 MAINE HISTORICAL SOCIETY.

KIJ^G, Defender of the Faith ^'-c Annoq BOMIKI 1688.
E. ANDROS.

By His Excellency's Command. John West. d'. Secr'.

GOD SAVE THE KING.

Printed at Boston in New-England by E. P.

And that although His Majesty had Notice that a foreign
Force was preparing against Him, yet His Majesty hath alwaies
declined any forreign Succour, but rather hath chosen (next under
God) to rely upon the true and ancient Courage, Faith and Alle-
giance of His own People, with whom His Majesty hath often
ventured His Life for the Honour of His Nation, and in whose
Defence against all Enemies His Majesty is firmly resolved to live
and dye ; and therefore does solemnly Conjure His Subjects to
lay aside all manner of Animosities, Jealousies, & Prejudices, and
heartily & Chearfully to Unite together in the Defence of His
MAJESTY and their native Countrey, which things alone, will
(under GOD) defeat and frustrate the principal Hope and Design
of His Majesty's Enemies, who expect to find His People divided;
and by publishing (perhaps) some plausible Reasons of their Com-
ing, as the specious (tho' false) Pretences of Maintaining the
Protestant Religion, or Asserting the Liberties and & Properties
of His Majesty's People, do hope thereby to conquer that great
and renowned Kingdom.

That albeit the Design hath been carried on with all imagina-
ble Secresie & Endeavours to Surprise and deceive His MAJES-
TY, HE hath not been wanting on His part to make such pro-
vision as did become Him, and, by GOD's great Blessing, His
Majesty makes no doubt of being found in so good a Posture
that His Enemies may have cause to repent Such their rash and
unjust Attempt. ALL WHICH, it is His Majesty's pleasure,
should be made known in the most publick manner to His loving
Subjects within this His Territory and Dominion of NEW-
ENGLAND, that they may be the better prepared to resist any
Attempts that may be made by His Majesties Enemies in these
parts, and Secured in their trade and Commerce with His Ma-
jesty's Kingdom of England.

THE FRYE FAMILY. 435

I DO therefore, in pursuance of His MAJESTY'S Commands,
by these Presents make known and Publish the same ac-
cordingly ; And hereby Charge and Command all Officers Civil &
Military, and all other His Majesty's loving Subjects within this
His Teriitory and Dominion aforesaid, to be Vigilant and Care-
ful in their respective places and stations, and that, upon the Ap-
proach of any Pleet or Forreign Force, they be in Readiness and
use their utmost Endeavour to hinder any Landing or Invasion
that may be intended to be made within the same.

Given at Fort Charles at JPemaquid, the Tenth Day of Janu-
ary^ in the Fourth year of the Reign of our Sovereign Lord
JAMES the Second of England^ Scotland, France and Ire-
land.

THE FRYE FAMILY.

The following in the handwriting of General Joseph Frye of Fryeburg,
was found among the papers of the late William Frye of Bethel, and
was carefully copied by me for publication.

Augusta, Maine. W. B. L.

A genealogical account of the family of the Fryes in Andover,
in the County of Essex and Province of Massachusetts Bay in
New England, taken by the Subscriber from Captain Nathaniel
Frye who kept in remembrance the Lineage of the family down
to Anno Domini 1769.

The Progenitor of the Family was named John. He came from
a Town or Borough or Parish called Andover near Basingtoke, in
Hampshire, in Old England, and landed at Newbury in the afore-
said county of Essex (but the time of his arrival is lost), and
from Newbury he came to Andover in Its infant State. His chil-
dren were : lly John, 21y Benjamin, Sly Samuel, 41y James.

lly John, of these children in particular was born in old Eng-
land, and after he had lived in Andover some time, and being
esteemed a good sort of a man was made a Deacon of the first
church in said Town, and lived to considerable age there but died
childless.

436 MAINE HISTORICAL SOCIETY.

21y Benjamin. His children were John, Joseph, Nathaniel,
Mary, Anue, Mehitable, Esther, Hepsibah. John is dead but left
children, Joseph, Mary, Anne, Mehitable, all died young
Nathaniel (from whom this account is princi])ally taken) has had
three wives who are dead. He had no children by them and as
he is now an aged man, its likely he will die childless. Esther
and Hepsibah married but left no children.

Sly SamueL His children were John, Ebenezer, Nathaniel, Sam-
uel, Benjamin, Hannah, Mary, Phebe, Deborah — all married and
all left children.

41y James. His children were James, Lydia, Dorothy, Sarah,
Mary, Jonathan, all married and had children except Jonathan^
who, in A. D. 1725 went chaplain of a company of volunteers
under the command of Captain John Lovewell after the Indians
who were then at war with New England. This company (who
consisted of but thirty-four men), met and fought three score In-
dians on the bank of a pond at Pigwacket, on the 8th day of
May in said year, when the captain and the greatest part of his
men were killed, and the said chaplain received a mortal wound.
He was able to get off the place where the battle was fought but
died in the wilderness. Jonathan being dead, and his elder and
only brother James being dead sometime before, the old gentle-
man, their Father, gave his estate to his Grandson James, the son
of his deceased son of that name. As this account was taken by
the subscriber in order to show his children from whence and
from whom they descended, he now confines his account to that
branch of the Family he Sprang from, which was from Samuel the
3d son of the Old Gentleman, the Father of the Family as before
shown. The subscriber's father was John (the oldest son of the
said Samuel) who was the 3d son of the Progenitor of the Family,
the account of whose family now follows —

John — His children : 1 John, 2 Isaac, 3 Joshua, 4 Abial, 5 Me-
hitable, 6 Anne, 7 Phebe, 8 Joseph, 9 Hannah, 10 Anne, 11 Sam-
uel 12 John, 13 Tabitha. The subscriber now proceeds to par-
ticularize concerning this family (of which he is the 8th child in
the course of Birth), all which particulars have occurred within
his memory and are as follows, viz : —

THE FRYE FAMILY. 437

1 Jolin died at the age of twenty-one, not married; left no child nor
children behind liim.

2 Isaac. His children were 1 Naomah, 2 Martha, 3 Dorothy, 4 Dorcas,
5 Susanna, 6 Huldah, 7 Tabathy. The Father of these children and his
youngest Daughter Tabatha died within a few hours of each other and
were both buried in one grave; the other three children lived to marry
and have children. N. B. The mother of these children died about a
year before the death of their Father.

3 Joshua — His children by his first wife were Mary, Joshua, Jonathan;
the two last died young; Mary married and is the mother of several chil-
dren. His children by his second wife were Joshua and John.

4 Abiel. His children were Abigal (who died young), Abiel, Simon,
Abigail, Isaac — all married (except Abiel) and have children.

5 Mehitable married and lived to considerable age but died childless.

6 Anne died young, not of age to marry.

7 Phebe married and lived to considerable age but died childless.

8 Joseph — His children were Joseph, Samuel, Mehitable, all died
young and within a few days of each other, with a terrible distemper,
called the throat distemper in A. D. 1738, which swept off a great
number of children in many parts of New England. His next child was
Mehitable, who lived but sixteen days. After which his children were
Mehitable, Joseph, Tabitha, Hannah, Kichard, Nathaniel, Samuel.

9 Hannah — married, is now a widow and mother of several children.

10 Anne married, is now a widow and mother of several children. She
was named Anne to bear up the name of her that died young as above
shown.

11 Samuel died in the thirteenth year of his age.

12 John was so named to bear up the name of John who died about
twenty-one years of age as above shown, but he died unmarried about
nineteen years of age; left no offspring.

Joseph Frye, the son of Joseph and Mehitable Frye, was born on the
17th of July, 1733. Samuel Frye, the son of Joseph and Mehitable Frye,
was boi-n on the first day of January, 1735; Mehitable Frye, daughter
of Joseph and Mehitable Frye, was born on the 16th day of April, 1738;
Mehitable Frye, daughter of Joseph and Mehetable Frye, was born on
the 12 day of May, 1739, and died on the 28th of the same month; Me-
hetable Frye, the daughter of Joseph and Mehetable Frye, was on the
8th day of April, 1741.

Joseph Frye, the son of Joseph and Mehitable Frye, was born on the
10th of July, 1743. Tabitha Frye, the daughter of Joseph and Mehetable
Frye, was born on the 11th day of October, 1744. Hannah Frye, daugh-
ter of Joseph and Mehetable Frye, was born the 23d day of March,
1748/9. Richard Frye, son of Capt. Joseph Frye and Mehitable Frye,
was born on the 5th day of August, 1751.

438 MAESTE HISTORICAL SOCIETY.

Nathaniel Frye, son of Capt. Joseph Frye and Mehetable Frye, was
born on the 22d day of April — 1753.

Samuel Frye, son of Col Joseph Frye and Mrs. Mehetable Frye, was
born on the ath day of July, 1758.

Joseph Frye, the son of Joseph and Mehetable Fi-ye, died on the 27th
day of August, 1738. Mehitable Frye, the Daughter of Joseph and Me-
hitable Frye, died on the 9th day of September, 1738. Samuel Frye, the
son of Joseph and Mehetable Frye, died on the 10th day of September
1738.

Dear Children:
Being sensible the foregoing genealogy neither is or can be of any
public benefit, it cannot be woi'thy of piiblic notice. I therefore
have no other meaning than to hand it down to you, to the end that
you and your descendants may (if you or any of them have or may have
the curiosity) look back to the first of the family in Andover, from
whom you derived your nativity, and may continue it along to many
generations, if you or any of them think proper to do it; with that view
(and no other) it is presented to you by your

Affectionate Father

Joseph Fkye.
March 19, 1783.

COIVDHISSIONEES' PROCEEDINGS AT MOUNT DESERT. 439

COMMISSIONERS' PROCEEDINGS AT MOUNT
DESERT, 1808.

COiyrMUNICATED BY WM. B. LAPHAM.

In 1785, the General Court of Massachusetts passed a resolve
which provided that persons who had settled upon unincorporated
lands of the Commonwealth prior to that date, should hold pos-
session of one hundred acres each of the lands upon which they
had settled, as against subsequent grantees of the townships in
which such lands were situated. After this date the Common-
wealth granted the western moiety of this island to John Bernard,
son of Governor Francis Bernard, to whom the whole island had
been previously granted, reserving the lots of those who had set-
tled upon the lands prior to 1785. This rendered it necessary for
those settlers to prove their claims, and in 1808 commissioners
were appointed to sit at Mount Desert and take testimony, and the
following is the report of this commission. This report is valuable
as showing who had settled upon the westerly half of the island
prior to 1785, and who were entitled to the benefit of the resolve,
and also as showing who had taken up land subsequent to the
passage of this resolve and prior to 1808.

Andkew Tarrs lott. — Philip Langley& Joshua Mayo testify that An-
drew Tarr lived on this lott before the year 1785 & built upon it &
has continued to improve the same

George Hermans lott. — William Baker saith, there was improvements
on this lott when I came here in 1785 & John Bunker lived on the
lott of Daniel Gott afterwards in 1785

Samuel Hadlock saith I came into this Country in May or June 1785,
John Bunker lived Southward of a brook & he moved away to
Frenchmans Bay and afterward moved back again into the same
house,

There was then a house on the North side of the brook.

It appears George Herman holds under Joseph Bunker, or John
Bunker as they had two lotts in June 1785 & changed settlements

440 MAINE HISTORICAL SOCIETY.

Ebenezer Eaton 1st lott. — Benjamin Bunker saith Isaac Bunker lived
on this lott on which Mr Ebenezer Eatons house now stands before
the 1785 and since and conveyed it to Bennet, & Beunet to Eaton
Isaac Bunker improved said lott in 1779

2d lott Benjamin Bunker lott was purchased by said Eaton & the im-
provements were about the same

3d lott Andrew Tucker gives the same evidence concerning said lotts &
also the lott of Benjamin Bunker Jr

Joseph Legko. — Andrew Tucker saith Joseph Legro went on to his lott
in the year 1784 & has improved it ever since

Pktek Dolliver. — Andrew Tucker saith Aaron Bunker took up this
lott in the year 1784 he Sold it to Andrew Bennit, & Bennit to
Emmerson, & Emmerson to Peter Dolliver who has continued
the improvement

Augustus Rufnell. — Andrew Tucker saith Twisden Bowdin took up
this lott in the year 1779. Reuben Salesbury lived on it in 1784
Augustus RufCnell bought it of him and has lived on it ever since.

Andrew Tucker. — Joshua Mayo saith Andrew Tucker took up the lott
in the year 1780 & has lived on it ever since.

Samuel Bowden. — Andrew Tucker saith Samuel Bowdens Father lived
this lott in 1780 & Samuel Bowden has continued the improvement

Benjamin Ward. — Joshua Mayo saith Elijah Richardson took up this
Lott first James Barton entered upon it in 1780 as tenant to Mr
Bowden who purchased the right

Andrew Tucker saith Benjamin Ward laboured on this lott in
1785 & raised potatoes there but laboured for him part of the time,
but built a house there and has continued the possession to this
time

Joshua Mayo. — Andrew Tucker saith Joshua Mayo Settled on this lott
before the year 1785 & has continued on the same to the present
time

John Rich Jr & Nich's Tucker. — Andrew Tucker saith Jabez Sales-
bury took up this lott in the year 1785 & Sold the same to the
Claimants who have continued the possession. Joshua Mayo
agrees with Tucker & believes it was improved before the mouth
of June.

Nancy Mooke. — Joshua Mayo saith Ph: Langley took up this lott in
1783 lived upon it 4 or 5 years & Sold it to Joseph Moore & his
Widow Nancy Moore continues the improvement.

Philip Lanc.ley. — Joshua Mayo saith Andrew Ilerricktook up this lott
in the year 1778 & built a house on it and went off

commissioners' proceedings at mount desert. 441

Benjamin Spyling saith Samuel Moore bought the same & his
Widow, now the Wife of Philip Langley, has continued the pos-
session.

Thomas Kichabdson. — Joshua Norwood saith Thomas Richardson set-
led on this lott in the year 1778 & has continued on it ever since

Thos. Richabdson Jr. — Thomas Richardson saith Thomas Richardson
Jr had a house on this lott in the year 1784 and has been on the
place ever sine. Joshua Norwood agrees with the other witness.

Peter Gott. — Joshua Norwood saith Peter Gott took up this lott in the
year 1780 & has lived on it ever since

Stephen Richardson. — Joshua Norwood saith Stephen Richardson took
up this Lott in the year 1778 & has lived on it ever since

Benjamin Benson. — Ruth Norwood saith James Barton took up this
lott about the year 1781 & Sold it to Joshua Norwood & said Nor-
wood to said Benson.

Daniel Merbts Heirs. — Joshua Norwood saith John Rich setled on
this lott about the year 1780, he lived on it untill about the year
1800 then sold it to Daniel Merry

Enoch Wentworth. — Joshua Norwood saith Enoch Wentworth pur-
chased the lott of Stephen Norwood.

Thomas Richardson saith Stephen Norwood lived on the place
in 1785 & sold it to Enoch Wentworth who has continued on the
same.

William Nutter. — Joshua Norwood saith John Tinker took up this
lott he was drowned in the year 1785 his family lived upon it & sold
the same to Wm Nutter the Claimant

William Norwood. — Thomas Richardson saith Joshua Norwood deceas-
ed took up this lott. his Widow improved it in 1785
William Norwood is in possession under the Heirs

Joshua Norwood. — Thomas Richardson saith Joshua Norwood lived on
this lott at the close of the war and has continued on it ever since

Daniel Gott. — Martha Barton saith when Mr. Norwood died in 1785
Daniel Gott lived on this lott and had a house & barn on it.

Ezra H. Dodge. — Ephraim Pray saith John Robinson was on this lott
before the year 1784 said Robinson Sold to Jacob Read Said Read
to Dodge

George Freeman. — Ephraim Pray saith this lott was taken up by Sam-
uel Milliken about 30 years since & sold to George Freeman

Ephraim Pray.— Susannah Millikin saith Ephraim Pray took up this
in the year 1778 and has continued on it ever since.

442 MAINE HISTORICAL SOCIETY.

Reuben Noble. — Margaret Pray saith that Epliraim Pray raised grain
on this lott in the year 1784 & 1785 said I'ray sold to Reuben Noble

James Richaudsons Heirs. — Samuel Read saith James Richardson was
on this lott in the year 1777 & lived on it untill the last winter &
Died, his Heirs are now in possession.

Abraham Somes — Samuel Read saith Abraham Somes was in possession
of this lott in the year 1778, built a house thereon and continues
upon it.

Samuel Read.— David Richardson saith this lott was improved by Sam-
uel Read in 1784 and he has continued upon it ever since.

John Chepaw. — David Richardson saith John Chapaw was setled on
this lott in 1784 & he has lived upon it ever since.

Tyler Read.— Joshua Mayo saith Daniel Gott took up this lott thirty
years ago.

Andrew Tarr saith the same & that David Eaton lived on the lott
afterwards John Bunker succeeded him & it appears he sold it to
Tyler Read of Marble head

William Heath — Samuel Millikin saith Abraham Read took up this
lott in May 1785, had a Camp there, planted and continued the set-
tlement about Six years, then sold it to Wm Heath the present
Occupier.

Susannah Millikin saith the was a house built on the lott in 1785
& she was there on a visit
George Butler saith the mill was built on this lott in the year 1785.

James Read. — This lott was purchased of Joseph Hutchinson see two
Deeds Oct'r 10th 1807 & is held by the possession of of Jacob Read.

Davis Wasgatt. — James Richardson saith he took up this lott in the
year 1777 & Sold it to Turueworthy Tuttle after having cleared up
an acre or two. Trueworthy Tuttle sold it to Samuel Read in the
year 1787. he sold it to Davis Wasgatt in the year 1788. . Samuel
Read saith the house was built in the year 1786 on said lott.

William Gilley.— Benjamin Bunker saith 27 years ago Josiah Paine
was in the possession of this lott.

James Richardson saith said Paine built a house on this lott in
the Summer of 1785 John Day lived on the lott afterAvards and, it
was said, Sold it to Wm Gilley.

William Grow. — Andrew Tucker saith Aaron Bunker took up this lott
in the year 1785.

Mrs Langley saith this lott was never without a family upon it
while she lived on her lott except the year when Rueben Salisbury.
By Evidinc taken by Mr Town Abigail Bunker was on the lott
in the year 1785.

COMIMISSIONERS' PROCEEDINGS AT MOUNT DESERT. 443

John Stone Grow.— Samuel Bowden saith this lott was setled in the
year 1783 by Thomas Floss he removed to Eden iu Feby 1785 Floss
sold it to Wm Tucker, he died leaving one child which is since
dead— Capt Grow moved on to the place John Stone Grow his son
keeps up the possession

Abkaham Richardson. — Thomas Richardson saith Daniel Gott Hved on
this lott several years and died leaving a house on the same Abra-
ham Richardson lived with him in the year 1785 the lott was ver-
bally given by said Gott to said Richardson & he has since a Deed
from the Heirs.

Reuben Freeman. — Samuel Millikin saith Joseph T. Hodgdou took up
this lott in June 1785.

Susannah Millikin saith Reuben Freeman deceased purchased
Hodgdons right and moved his family on the next year. Reuben
Freeman his son has continued the possession to this day.

David Batons heir.— Susannah Millikin saith David Eaton took up
this lott in the year 1784 had a house on the lott and a child born
therein in 22 years ago.
Margaret Pray agrees in evidence.

George Butler. — Samuel Millikin saith John Hynes took up this lott
in the Summer of 1785. he lived at Ephraim Prays part of the year
the lott is about half a mile Northerly of Ciel Cove

Daniel Somes. — David Richardson saith Stephen Gott took up this lott
in the year 1770 there was a house thereon which was burnt about
10 years since & and no house is on it now.

James Read saith Daniel Somes purchased the lott after said
Gott returned from the american war but said Gott was to improve
it during his life.

The next lotts not alowed

William Heath, 2d lott. — John Robinson by his Deposition saith this
lott was taken up in the year 1776 by his Father & he lived on it
with him in 1785

David Robinson saith his father John S Robinson held this lott in
the year 1784 & 1785 that the deponant & John Robinson Jr plant-
ed and sowed the lott under their father & that he held no other lott

NB Ezra H. Dodge holds a lott under Johns Robinson his father
lived on Robinsons Island & David Robinson was under age iu
the year 1785.

Caroline Bartlet, Widow of Israel Bartlet. — Ephraim Pray saith
Christopher Bartlet took up this lott 30 years ago & lived upon it
one year.

444 MAINE HISTORICAL SOCIETY.

Susannah Millikin saith Christopher Bartlet took up this lott <fe
built a house thereon in the year 1778 possession was continued
untill November 1786 when Israel Bartlet came and lived upon it
and remained untill he died in 1804. Christopher Bartlets family
were on the lott in the year 1785.

NB Isral Bartlet lived on Bartlets Island in 1785 & his Widow lives
there now

William Richabdson. — John G. Richardson saith my father Stephen
Richardson took vip this lott in 1784 & raised a mill there, & a
house the same year, and the possession was continued by part of
the family of my father to this day.
NB Stephen Richardson held an other lott on the Island.

Amos Eaton. — Andrew Tuker saith Gershom Manchester took up this
lott but he does not remember the time

William Bakek. — Andrew Tucker saith William Baker laboured for
him 5 months in the year 1785 & began in May he took up the land
he now lives on about that time but did not much labour on it un-
till his time with him was expired & when John Bernard came to
to the Island he gave said Baker encouragement to continue his
labour

Joshua Mayo saith said Baker began to work on the lott in 1785
but he advised him not to continue as the lott was before taken
up. he has however continued on the lott to this time.

Samuel Millikin. — Ephraim Pray Junier saith Elijah Richardson took
up 30 years sine & sold the same to Samuel Millikin & the improve-
ment has been continued said Millikin built a house there in the
year 1778 said Richardson improved the place about a year.

NB Mills stand between Millikin & Prays lotts, George Freeman
holds a lott on Samuel Millikius possession

Aabon Sawyer. — Samuel Millikin saith Joseph T. Hodgdon took up
this lott in the year 1785 & began to work on the same in July or
August.

NB Reuben Freeman holds his lott under the possession of of
Joseph T Hodgdon

Jonathan Dawes.— Susannh Millikin saith Thomas Cox took up this
lott in the fall of the year 1785

Joseph Munroe Obear. — Witneses agree this lott was taken up in the
fall of the year 1785.

John MC Kinset.— Witnesses agree that this lott was taken up in the
fall of the year 1785

COIMIMISSIONERS' PROCEEDINGS AT MOUNT DESERT. 445

David Richardson. — Samuel Read saith that Elijah Richardson took

up this lott , he left the Country & his Nephrew now

improves the same he is 43 years of age this month

It was Improved by James Richardson in the year 1777 and it
has been improved by Richardson family only but no person has
ever lived on it

John Somes. — Samuel Read saith Thomas Richardson took up this lott
about the year 1768. Abraham somes purchased the same and his
Son John Somes has improved it about 20 years, there has been
no house on it since the year 1777
John Somes is 41 years of age.

NB Abraham Somes holds a lott by liiS own possession his son
was free in the year 1788.

Samuel Read Jr. — John Somes saith Constant Abbot lived on this lott
in 1786 and continued from 6 to 9 months on the same.
It was claimed by Samuel Read in time of the last war
James Read saith said Abbot sold the lott to Phinley in 1706.
Pliinley to John Wasgatt, he to Atherton, he to Samuel Read
Samuel Read Jr is 25 years old.

NB This lott is said to be the first that was taken up on the Island;
but Samuel Read holds a lott on his own possession, & his son
holds under his Father.

William Read. — John Somes saith Samuel Read improved this lott at
the close of the american war, but no person has lived upon it
since. William Read is now a minor & lives with his father Sam-
uel Read.

NB Samuel Read holds a lott by his own possession as above stated

John G Richardson. — Samuel Read saith this lott was taken up by
Daniel Gott Jr in 1785 he built his house there and moved in in the
fall & left it next year. John G Richardson moved on in the spring
of the year 1786 and has continued to this time having bought
Daniel Gotts right as it is said

NB Daniel Gott hols a lott by his own possession
This is the same Daniel Gott Jr it is said who was on this lott
in 1785

Daniel Tarr. — David Richardson saith Thomas Jones took up this lott
before the American war Robert Oliver was in possession in the
year 1779, said Oliver left it & Daniel Tarr took possession 7 or 8
years afterwards no person having lived on it for that time.

446 MAINE HISTORICAL SOCIETY.

Benjamin Atiierton. — James Richardson saith Samuel Read took up
this lott in the year 1777 a house was built on the line between this
& Davis Wasgatts lott then improved by the Deponant in the year
1786

NB Samuel Read holds a lott by his own possession

John Somes Junr. — Samuel Read saith Abraham Read took up this lott
in the year 177S & sold it to Ezra H Dodge in 178S but no person
was on the lott befoi'e that time, nor had any planting been done
there

Thomas Summers. — Andrew Tarr saith John Buckley was on this lott
befoi-e August 1785 and that salt was stored there.

David Richardson saith John Buckley took up this lott & had a
house there in October 1785 & he went there to get shoes for his
father.

Buckley sold to Day, he to Cummings, he to said Summers.

Jacob Lurvey. — Samuel Read saith David Eaton took up this lott in
the Spring of 1785, built a house there and moved in in the fall.
Andrew Tucker saith David Eaton was not there at that time.

Richard Heath — George Freeman saith Abraham Read and Jacob
Read took up two lotts & built a house on the lott now claimed by
Williaro Heath & lived together but each laboured on their respec-
tive lotts they also built a mill in the year 1785

George Butler saith he laboured for Jacob Read in the year 1785,
as a hiered man, and that the work was done only on William
Heaths lott. John Robinson & James Flye it was said fell trees
Fly on Wm Heaths lott & Robinson on Wm Heaths 2d lott the
other side of the brook & they sold their rights to Abraham Read
& Jacob Read

NB James Read holds a lot under Jacob Read, & William Heath
under Abraham Read.

John Rich. — John Rich conveyed his lott to Daniel Merry, whose heirs
now Claim it (See the Somes lott so called).

commissioners' proceedings at mount desert. 447

Names of persons in Possession
June 23d 1805.

Andrew Tan-
Joseph Bunker
Benjamin Bunker Jr
Benjamin Bunker
Isaac Bunker
Joseph Lergro
Aaron Bunker
Reuben Salesbury
Andrew Tucker
Samuel Bowden
Benjamin Ward
Joshua Mayo
Jabez Salisbury
Nancy Moore )
Philii) Langley )
Thomas Richardson
Peter Gott
Stephen Richardson
James Barton
John Rich
Stephen Norwood
John Tinker or his Heirs
Joshua Norwood
Joshua Norwood
Daniel Gott
John Robinson Jr
Samuel Millikin & Josep T )
Hodgdon \

Ephraim Pray
Ephraim Pray Jr
James Richardson
Abraham Somes

Name of persons in possession
June 23d 1785

Samuel Read
John Chepan
John Bunker
Abraham Read
Jacob Read
Trueworthy Tuttle
Josiah Paine
Abigail Bunker
William Tucker
Daniel Gotts heirs
David Eaton
John Hynes
Stephen Gott

Names of the present
Claimants

Andrew Tarr
George Herman
Ebenezer Eaton
Ebeuezer Eaton
Ebenezer Eaton
Joseph Legro
Peter Dolliver
Agustus Rafnell
Andrew Tucker
Samuel Bowden
Benjamin Ward
Joshua Mayo

John Rich Jr & Nicholas Tucker
Nancy Moore „ , . . )
Philip Langley ^ ^^^^^ f

Thomas Richardson
Peter Gott
Stephen Richardson
Benjamin Benson
Daniel Merrys Heirs
Enoch Wentworth
William Nutter
William Norwood
Joshua Norwood
Daniel Gott
Ezra H Doge

George Freeman & Reuben Free-
man
Ephraim Pray
Reuben Noble
James Richardsons heirs
Abraham Somes (with mill Pr)

Names of the present
Claimants

Samuel Read
John Chepan
Tyler Read
William Heath
Jacob Read
Davis Wasgatt
William Gilley
William Grow
John Stone Grow
Abraham Richardson
David Eatons Heir
George Butler
Daniel Somes

448

MAINE HISTORICAL SOCIETY.

Names of persons on Mount Desert who have not lotts assigned them luader the Resolvs

of June 23d 1785

William Heath 2d lott

SeeP7

John Somes See P 9

Widow Caroline Bartlet 7

Samuel Read Jr 9

William Richardson

7

William Read 9

Amos Eaton

8

John G Richardson 10

William Baker

8

Daniel Tarr 10

Samuel Millikin

8

Benjamin Atherton 10

Aaron Sawyer

8

John Somes Jr 10

Jonathan Dawes

8

Thomas Summers 10

Joseph Munroe Obear

8

Jacob Larvey 10

John MC Kinsey

9

Richard Heath 11

David Eichardson

9

John Rich 11

The above laid in their Claims but were not allowed & the value of
these, & the following lotts, are estimated as in a state of nature.

Names of persons who have taken up lotts but donot Claim them under the Resolve

of 1785.

Francis Appleton
Jonathan Brown
Benjamin Bunker
Thomas Carter
Benjamin Davis
William Dix Jr
Samuel Emmerson
Thomas Flyn
Benjamin Gott
John Gott
Peter Gott
Joseph Hodgdon Jr
Samuel Hodgdon
William Harper
David Higgins
Sparrow Higgins
Reuben Higgins
Shaw Higgins
Oliver Higgins
Ichabod Higgins
Jesse Higgins
Richard Jordan
Kendall Kitteridge
Samuel Kent
Benjamin Kent
Abner Lunt
John Langley

Samuel Millikin Jr
Simeon Millikin
Moses Norwood
W Nutter

George Murphy
Nathaniel Massey
Joseph Obear
Stephen Richardson
Isaac Obear
Benjamin Robbins
David Robbins
William Rich
Jonathan Rich
Elias Rich
Samuel Stanley
Jabez Salisbury
Cornelius Wasgatt
Ter S Turrill
J Lovey
John Gilley
James Trufry
Jonathan Brown
Sarah Moore
Thomas Flyn
Amos Eaton
David Robinson

I N D KX

INDEX.

IISTDEX OF SUBJECTS.

Addresses of J. P. Baxter, 87, 172,

183.

J. W. Bradbury, 86, 175.

H. S. Bur rage, 97.

H. L. Chapmau, 200.

E. H. Elwell, 99.

C. F. Libby, 208.

S. Perham, 92.

J. W. Symonds, 199.

G. F. Talbot, 88, 204.

J. "Williamson, 9.5, 194.
Agamenticus, Division of the 12,000

Acres Among the Patentees at,
319.
Allen, William, Memoir of 317.
Alum Mines in Maine, 282, 283,

284, 285.
American Literature in England,

200.
Andross, Edmund, Proclamation

of, 434.
Appleton, John, Memoir of, 837.
AraliacesB, 285.
Asclepiadaceaj, 285.
Ashburton Treaty, 330.

Baxter, James P., Addresses of, 87,

172, 183.
Beginnings of Maine, The, 273.
Biard, Pierre, Extracts from Let-
ters of, 411.
Bible Society, 28, 37, 38.
Bibliographic Memorandum of the

Laws of Maine, 391.
Bingham Purchase, 117.
Biographical Data and Letters of

David Sewall, .309, 334.
Biographical Sketches: —

Gilbert, Ealeigh, 289.

Hakluyt, Eichard, 143.

Lovell, General, 157, 158, 159.

Moody, Samuel, 113, 114.

O'Brien, John, 11.

Packard, Alpheus, S., 178.

Saltonstall, Commodore, 157, 159.

Biographical Sketches: —

Sewall de Eatendon, 307.

Sewall, Henry, 307, 308,

Sewall, Henry of Newbury, 307,
308n.

Sewall, Samuel, 308.

Thompson, Samuel, 56.

Wadsworth, Peleg, 161.

Waymouth, George, 228, 229.

Widgery, W., 55.
Bradbury, J. W., Addresses of, 86,

175, (

Bradlee, Caleb D., Poem by, 191.
Brunswick Convention, 129, 385.
Bulls, Popish, 285.
Burrage, H, S., Address of, 97.

Cabots, Map of 1544, 84.
Capture of the Margaretta, 1.
Carruthers, John J., Memoir of, 19.
Castine, Sir John Moore at, During

the Revolution, 403.
Chapman, H. L., Address of, 200.
Codde, defined, 245.
Codfish, Great Store of, 227.
Coins found at Richmond's Island?

174.
Colony, First in New England, 280.
Commissioners' Proceedings at

Mount Desert, 1808, 439.
Confederation, Articles of, 67.
Congress, Provinicial, 4, 15, 349.
Congress of United States, 52, 56,

57, 58, 59, 61, 62, 64, 65, 66, 67, 68,

73, 74, 76, 78, 92, 93, 96, 98, 101,

102, 109 119, 139, 162, 304, 341,

342.
Continental Army, 161, 162.
Convention at Brunswick, 129. 385.
Convention at Philadelphia, 67; see

under Massachusetts.
Council for New England, 85, 320,

327.
Cu-nberland Bar, 331.

452

MAINE HISTORICAL SOCIETY.

Dispatches, cost of sending, 211,

212.
Division of the 1200 Acres Among

the Patentees at Agamenticus,

319.

Elwell, E. H., Address of, 99.

Essex Militia, 162.

Executions, first under United

States Law in Maine, 303, 335.
Expedition Against the Seaports

to tlie Eastward of Boston, 357.
Exti-acts from tlie Letters of tlie

Jesuit Missionary in Maine, 411.

Friends, The Society of, 26.

Genealogy : —

Frye Family, 435.

Sewall Family, 306.
General and Provincial Assembly

of Scotland, 24.
Genesis of our Nationality, The

Voice of Maine as heard in the,

51.
Gosnold, Bartholomew, Voyage of,

143.
Grand Lodge of Free Masons, 165.
Grand Koyal Arch Chapter, 165.

Historical Keview of Literature in

Maine, 113.
Historical Societies: —
Moravian Historical Society,

333.
Sagadahoc Historical Society,
328, 329.
Hooke vs. Nowell, 319.
Howe, Caroline D., Poem by, 191.

Jewell of Arts, 229, 432.

Journal of Capt. Herrick, 1757,

219.
Kennebec Lodge, 164.
Kennie's Arithmetic, the True

Author of, .382.
Kittery, Persons taxed in the North

Parish of, 1783, 213.

Lecompton Constitution, 95.

Letters: —

Allen, Elizabeth A., 189.

Allen, William, 130.

Bancroft, George, 186.

Bradbury, James W., 185.

Curtis, George W., 189.

Dean, John W., 188.

Gorges, Sir Ferdinando, 281, 286,

292.

Holmes, Oliver Wendell, 187.

Longfellow Memorial Commit-
tee, 184.

O'lleily, J. B., 190.

Paine, Albert W., 101.

Popham, George, 279.

Richardson, Charles F., 190.

Sewall, David, 310, 311, 312, 313,

316, 317.

Sewall, Frank, 309.

Smith, W. H., 105.

Stedman, Edmund C, 190.

Wadsworth, Peleg, 153.

Wheaton, Joseph, 109, 111, 112,

Whittier, John G., 187.
Libby, C. F., Address of 208.
Libraries in Maine, 121.
Ligonia, Plough Patent of the

Province of, 169.
Literature in Maine, Historical

Review of, 113.
Longfellow, H. W., as the Author

of Evangeline, 194; Birthday

Meeting, 181, 183; Bust of, pre-
sented to the Maine Historical

Society, 170, 174, 181.

Mace, Frances L., Poem by, 192.

Maine. The Beginnings of, 273;
Bibliographic Memorandum of
the Laws of, 391 ; Early French
Records of, 415; Early Publica-
tions of, 116, 117, 118; Review of
the early Literature of, 113; Mo-
ravian Colony of, 333; The Voice
of, as Heard in the Genesis of
our Nationality, 51.

Maine Historical Society. Pro-
ceedings of. May 25, 1883, 83;
July 13, 1883, 167; Dec. 21,

INDEX.

453

1883, 168; May, 22, 1884, 169; July
11, 1884, 170; Sept. 12, 1884, 171;
Jan. 1885, 174; Feb. 27, 1885, 181;
May 28, 1885,211; June 26, 1885,
328; Dec. 22, 1885, 329; May 20,
1886,330; Juue 25, 1886, 429; Sept.
3, 1886, 431; Dec. 21, 1886, 431;
Kesideut Members of 215; Resolu-
tion, on the death of Israel Wash ■
burn jr., 88; Resolutions upon Re-
ceiving the Bust of Longfellow,
175; Seal of, 83.
Maine Twentieth Regiment, 98.
Manuscript, A Lost, 345.
Maps, Argall's 248; Chaplain's,
248; GosnokVs, 248; Pring's, 248;
Simancas 248, 249, 250; Smith's,
248; Tyndall's, 248; Waymouth's,
231, 248, 250; White's 248.
Margaretta, Capture of the, 1.
Masonic: —
First Address in Maine, 118;
Grand Lodge of Maine, 165.
Kennebec Lodge, 164, Royal Arch
Chapter, 165.
Massachusetts Convention of 1788,

51, 54, 70, 71, 79, 81, 82.
Massachusetts Thirty-sixth Regi'

ment, 97.
Memoirs : —
Allen, William, 377.
Appleton, John, 337.
Carruthers, John J., 19.
Child, James L., 163.
Sewall, David, 301,
Meteoric Display considered Omin-
ous, 416, 417.
Milliken, Alexander, Proclamation

of, 332.
Monuments, to George Cleeve,

86, Prehistoric, 252.
Moore, Sir John at Castine during

the Revolution, 403.
Moravian Colony of Maine, 333.
Mount Desert, Proceedings of the

Commissioners at, 439.
Muscongus Patent, 116.
Musical Work, First in Maine, 118.

Newspaper, the first in Maine, 116,

ISO.
New Testament, printed in the

Tartar language, 27, 28; printed

in the Turkish, 27.
Northmen, Traces of the, 251.

Orations of the Fourth of July,
First printed in Maine, 118.

Penobscot, Expedition to, and

Siege of, 116, 153, 158, 162, 352,

353, 365, 366, 367, 374, 403, 406,

407.
Perham, Sidney, Address of, 92.
Persons taxed in the North Parish

of Kittery, 1783, 213.
Plough Patent and Pro\dnce of

Ligonia, 169, 381.
Plymouth Patent, 381.
Poems of, Bradlee, C. D., 191.

Howe, Caroline D., 191.

Mace, Frances L., 192, the First

published in Maine, 121.
Popham Colony, 330, 414, 415.
Printing Presses in Maine, Early,

116, 117.
Proclamations : —

Andross, Edmund, 434.

Milliken, Alexander, .332.
Publications, Early in Maine, 116,

117, 118.
Puritanism, the Cradle of, in Ire-
land, 172.

Pyritic Shales, in England, 284,

285, in Maine 284.

Resolutions of Respect upon the

death of Israel Washburn, jr.

88 ; upon the Present of the Bust

of Longfellow, 175.
Revolution, The American, the

first Naval Battle of, 1.
Rhode Island Expedition, The, 162.
Richmond Island, Account of, 172,

173.

Sagamen, 258.

Saisaparilla grown in Maine, 283,
285.

454

MAINE HISTORICAL SOCIETY.

Scottish Missionary Society, 24, 27

28, 35, 41, 49.
Seal of the Council of New Eng-
land, 85; of the Maine Historical

Society, 83.
Sewall, David, Biographical Data

and Letters of, 309, 334; Memoir

of 301.
Sewall Family in New England,

306,
Shay's Rebellion, 59.
Silk grown in Maine, 283, 285, 286.
Skalds, defined, 258.
Slave-shiiJ fitted out from Maine,

303.
Smilacete, 285.
Stamp Acts, The, 2.
Symonds, J. W., Address of, 197.

Talbot, George F., Addresses of 88,

204.
Traces of the Northmen, 251.
Trent Affair, The, 43.

United Brethren, 27. 30.

United States Coast Survey, 234,

238, 242, 244.
United States Revenue Service,

233.

Vessels: —
Albany, 359, 360, 362, 363, 366,

367, 368, 373, 374, 408.
Angel Gabriel, 173.
Assistance, 356.
Blond, 361, 363, 365.
Boston, 361.
Boxer, 212.
Cadet, 171.

Canceaux, 349, 350, 351, 352.
Canso, 357, 358.
Carmilla, 365.
Concord, 145, 147, 148, 149, 150,

226.
Diligence, 14, 15, 111.
Discovery, 229.
Eliza and Dorcas, 308.
Enterprise, 212,
Falmouth Packet, 14.
Fawn, 332.
Galatea, 365.

Vessels: —

Gift of God, 275, 278, 280, 291,
296.

Godspeed, 229.

Greyhound, 366.

Holy Ghost, 173.

Lady Mary Pelham, 164.

Liberty, 14, 111.

Machias Liberty, 14.

Margarctta, 1, 4, 5, 6, 11, 13, 14,
15,109, 110, 111, 112.

Mary and John, 275, 278, 279, 280,
281, 286, 290, 291, 298.

Merrimac, 98.

Milford, 358, 359, 373.

Nautilus, 361,363, 408.

North, 361, 363, 408.

Polly, 2, 3, 8.

Providence, 361.

Romulus, 360.

Scarborough, 359, 373.

Sophie, 368, 369.

Speedwell, 227, 380.

Tapnagouche, 111.

Unity, 8, 14.

Virginia, 273, 291, 298, 365.

Wairen, 155.

White Angel, 173.
Voice of Maine as heard in the

Genesis of our Nationality, 51.
Voyage of Bartholomew Gosnold,

143.

Wadsworth, Peleg, Capture of, 160,

161.
Washburn, Israel, jr., Bibliography

of, 95; Meeting in Honor of, 86;

Memorial Addresses upon, 86,

87; Resolutions of the Maine

Historical Society in Memory of,

88.
Waymouth, George, his Jewell of

Arts, 229, 432; Voyage to the

Coast of Maine, 1605, 225.
Westminster Abbey, Poets' Corner,

197.
Williamson, Joseph, Addresses of,

95, 194.

York Deeds, 432.

INDEX.

455

INDEX OF NAMES.

Abbott, Constant, 445.

Elizabeth T., 389.

Jacob, 124.

John S., 389.

John S. C, 124.

W., 135, 140, 141.
Abercrombie, James, 6.
Adams, Charles, F., jr., 168.

I., 135.

John, 211, 301.

John Q., 316, 317.

Mark, 54.

Samuel, 53, 54, 58, 68, 69, 70, 72,

74, 75.
Addison, Joseph, 196, 203.
Akenside, Mark, 118, 120.
Alexander, 1, 25, 27, 36, 37.
Alexander, Kazem Bey., 36.
Algonquins, the, 426.

Allyn;}F^™ily'3^7''"S8-

,of Sanford, 140.

Charles E., 215.

Charles F., 171, 215, 377, 429.

Elizabeth Akers, 125, 189.

Elizabeth Titcomb, 389.

F.,141.

George 1st., 377.

George 2d. , 377.

Hannah (Titcomb), 389.

Harrison, 388.

James, 377, 378.

Joseph H., 124.

Matthew, 377.

Samuel, 377.

Thomas, 377.

Truman, 379.

William of Norridgewock, 123,
129, 130, 131, 132, 139, 142, 377,
379, 381, 382, 383, 385, 388, 390.

William of Bowdoin College, 377.

Capt. William, 378, 379.
AUerton, Isaac, 85.
Ames, Fisher, 54, 58.

Moses, 54.
Andrew, John A., 98,

Andross, Edmund, 434.
Annance, Louis, 212.
Appleton family, 337.

Daniel F., 337.

Eben D., 337.

Francis, 448.

Jesse, 123.

John, 126, 306, 402, 337, 339, 341,
341?i., 342, 343, 344, 344?i.

John W., 337.

Samuel, 337.

Sophia, 337.
Aquaviva, Claud, 414, 415, 427.

Arbuthnot, Admiral, , 366.

Archer, Gabriel, 146.

Argall, Samuel, 151, 152, 248,414.

Armenians, 32.

Armidas, Philip, 226.

Armouchiquoise, the, 276, 418, 419

420, 422, 423, 426.
Arundel, Thomas, 228.
Atherton, 445.

Benjamin, 446, 448.
Atus, London, 7.
Avery, , 311.

Robert, 11, 110, 111.

Bacheller, John, 336.

Sarah, 301, 336.
Baguall, Walter, 173, 174.
Bailey, , of Whitefield, 140.

Gamaliel, 96.

Jacob, 265, 351, 352.

Jere., 141.

John E., 169, 171.

Samuel D., 215.
Baker, Henry H., .395.

Joseph, 398, 399.

Orville D., 215.

William, 439, 444, 448.
Ballard, Edward, 122, 130, 246.
Balthazar, 414.
Bancroft, George, 186, 187, 234, 253,

254, 255, 340.
Banks, Charles E., 85, 169, 174. 215

322, 330.

456

MAINE HISTORICAL SOCIETY.

Barclay, Capt., , 359, 361.

Barker, David, 125.
Barlow, Arthur, 226.

S. L. M., 230.
Bamaby, Sir William, 359.
Barren, Nathaniel, .54, 76, 213.
Barrett, Franklin R., 215.

S., 141.
Barrows, George B., 215.

W., 142.

W. jr., 141.

William G., 167, 170, 171, 176,178,
328, 329, 331.
Bartlett, B., 141.

Caroline, 443, 448.

Christopher, 443, 444.

Israel, 444.

James, 213.

Jeremiah, 213. •

John Heard, 213.

Sarah, 213.
Bartol, Cyrus A., 123.
Barton, James, 440, 441, 447,
Bates, Arlo, 124.
Battles, Amory, 123.

Baum, , 160.

Baxter, James P., 85, 87, 167, 168,

171, 172, 174, 175, 181, 182, 183,

215, 229, 273, 328, 345, 430, 432.
Beal, Zacheus, 55.
Bean, Joshua, 55.

Beaudry, Father, , 195.

Belcher, S., 118.
Belknap, Jeremy, 150, 233, 253.
Bell, John B., 398.
Bellamy, Joseph, 115.
Bennett, , 440.

Andrew, 440.
Bennoch, Francis, 170, 171, 175, 185.
Benson, Benjamin, 441, 447.
Bernard, Francis, 439.

J., 140, 141.

John, 439, 444.
Berry, E. 141.

John, 12, 13.

Stephen, 215.
Betsaber, 424.
Beverly, Robert, 233.

Biard, Pierre, 276, 277, 299, 411,

412, 415, 416, 427.
Biarne, 259, 261.

Bickersteth, Rev. , 184.

Biencourt, Charles de,412, 414, 415,

416, 417, 418, 419, 420, 421, 422,

423, 426.
Bingham, William 117.
Bird, Thomas, 303, 335.
Bixby, A. R., 331.
Black, Judge, , 342n.

Henry, 21,3.
Blackie, John Stuart, 184.
Blaine, James G., 171 177.
Blake, S., 141.
Boardman, Samuel, L., 215.
Bodwell—, 139, 140.
Bonaparte, Napoleon, 22.

Bond, , 139.

Bonney, Percival, 215.

Bonython family, 85.

Boswell, James, 120.

Bourne, Edward E., 122, 215, 306.

Bowden, ) ^^

Bowdin, f '^^'

Samuel, 440, 447.

Twisden, 440.

Bowdoin, James, 54, 58, 59, 68.

Boyd, , of Limington, 140.

Bradbury, , of York, 140.

Jacob, 54.

James W., 83, 86, 163, 167, 168,
169, 170, 171, 172, 174, 175, 185,
186,211,215,328,329,330, 429,
430, 431.

John, 301, 310.

Theophilus, 31.5, 351.
Bradford, Alden, 119.

B., 141.

Bragdon, , of York, 140.

Bradlee, Caleb, D., 191.
Bradley, , 306.

Mathew, 327.

S. A., 142.
Brereton, John M., 146, 147.
Brewer, Jacob, 214.
Bridge and Williams, 163.
Briggs, Herbert, G., 215.
Brinley, Lawrence, 324, 327.

INDEX.

457

Britton, W. H., 141.
Brock, Robert A., 328.

Thomas, 184, 185.
Brooks, , 58.

James, 124.

Noah, 124, 168.

Brown, Alexander, 248, 414.

B., 141.

James Carter, 2.S0, 345.

James M., 86.

John Dr., 23, 39, 41.

John Rev., 39, 49.

John Marshall, 84, 175, 215, 411,
431.

Jonathan, 448.

Philip H., 215.

Simeon, 13.

Thomas, 23.
Bryant, Hubbard W., 83, 167, 168,
169, 170, 171, 174, 175, 181, 211,
215, 328, 329, 331, 429, 430, 432.

William Cullen, 203.
Buchanan, James, 340, 342, 342n,

343, 344.
Buckley, John, 446.
Bull, Dixie, 327.

John, 327.

Seth, 327.
Bullard, Laura Curtis, 125.
BuUer, J., 355.
Bunker, Aaron, 410, 442, 447.

Abigail, 442, 447.

Benjamin, 440, 442, 447, 448.

Benjamin jr., 440, 447.

Isaac, 440, 447.

John, 439, 442, 447.

Joseph, 439, 447.
Burbarik, Horace H., 215.
Burgess, George, 123.

George C.,215.

Burley, , of Palermo, 139, 140.

Burham Edward P., 85, 215, 301,

432.

J.. 141.

J. 2d., 141.

R., 141.
Burns, Robert, 97, 106, 131, 200,

206.

Burr, , of Litchfield, 140.

Capt., , 3-9.

Burrage, H. S., 97, 169, 175, 181,

215, 225, .330, .332,429.

Burridge, Thomas, 141.
Bursby, Hugh, 324, 327.

Burton, Col., , 161.

Busley, John, 327.
Butler, Francis G., 215.

George, 442, 443, 446, 447.
Buzzell, , of Parsonsfield, 140.

Cains, John, 41.
Calf, John, 1 16.
Cam, Thomas, 238.
Campbell, Col., , 409.

Dr., 43.

Thomas, 194.
Carayon, Auguste, 276, 411, 413,

415.
Carlyle, Thomas, 20, 21, 22, 23, .39.
Carr, James, 55.
Carruthers, James, 21.

John J., 19, 20, 21, 22, 23, 24, 2.5,
26, 28, 30, 31, 32, 33, 35, 36, 38,
39, 40, 41, 43, 44, 45, 46, 47, 48
49. '

John J. Mrs., 34, .35, 38, 41.
Carter, Thomas, 448.
Catherwood, Frederick, 251.
Cecil, Robert, 274, 279, 281, 284,

286, 292, 297, 298.
Chaloiier, William, 16.
Challons, Henry, 282, 297.
Chalmers, Thomas, 22, 24, 39.
Chamberlain, Joshua, L., 215, 327

W. 141.
Champlain, Samuel de, 172, 248,

411,412.
Champlin, James Tift, 126.
Chandler, , of Belgrade, 141.

John, 136, 139, 140, 141,

Peleg W., 337.
Chapman, Henry L., 182, 200, 215,
430.

Leonard B., 21.5.
Charlevoix, P. F. X.,411.
Chase, , of Kittery, 140.

Alden F., 171, 215.

458

MAINE HISTORICAL SOCIETY.

Cheever, , of Hallowell, 141.

Cbepan, John. 442, 447.
Chick, Amos, 213.
Child, James, 163.

James Loring, 103, 1G4, 165.

Moses, 163.
Chisholm, Hugh J., 174.
Chitty, Josepli, 120.
Choctaws, the, 388.
Cilley, Jonathan P., 215,
Clark, E., 141.

Ebenezer, 213.

Nathaniel jr., 213.

Rebecca, S, 126.

Thomas, 213.
Cleaveland, Parker, 121, 126.
Cleaves, D., 141.
Cleeves, George, 86.
Clifford, Nathan, 126, 211, 306, 341.
Clinton, Sir Henry, 360, 372, 404.
Cobb, David, 170.

M., 131, 132, 141.
Cochrane, Henry H., 215.

James, 84.
Coe, Thomas U., 215.
Coffin, Love, 378.
Cole, James, 12, 13.

John, 213.

Joseph, 12, 13.
Collier, George, 353, 359, 360, 361,

365, 366, 374, 407, 409.
Columbus, Christopher, 206, 225,

252, 253, 254, 267, 269.
Conant, Frederic, O., 215.
Connor, Selden, 215.

Coolbroth, , 12.

Cooper, John, 118, 131, 142.
Coppyn, Thomas, .327.
Cornish, Leslie C, 216.
Cotton, Cotton, 213.
Coulson, Samuel, 348, 349, 350.
Cowan, Lewis, O., 398.
Cox, Thomas, 444.
Cram, Marshal, 429.
Crediforth, Nathaniel, 13.
Crosby, , 429.

Jonah, 55.

Josiah, 215.

Curamings, , 446.

Crosby, Asa, 12.3,

Ephraira C, 215.
Curtis, George T., 344.

George W., 189.
Cushing, William, 54, 71, 302, 303,

304, 314, 315.
Cushman, , of Pownall, 140.

David Q., 234.

J., 139, 141.
Cutter, William, 125.
Cutts, Richard F., 54, 140, 306.

Thomas, 54.

Dal ton, Asa, 216.

Tristram, 301.
Dana, Francis, 54, 64, 69, 302, 303,

306, 314, 315.

Dane, , 306.

Daniel, J., 141.
Dartmouth, Lord, 354.

Savles,[ —,of Augusta, 139, 141.

, of Montville, 140,

Benjamin, 448.

Charles S., 123.

Daniel, 118, 127.

David, 304.

Edward H., 216.

John, 131, 133, 138, 139, 140, 213.

Moses, 55,

Eobert, 288.
Dawes, Jonathan, 444, 448.

W., 58, 139, 141.
Day, John, 442;

Seane,fj*^^°W^^d,122,188.

Charles, 85, 122.

JohnG., 175.

Llewellyn, 175, .328,

Samuel, 117, 118, 119.
Dearborn, Henry, 304,

Henry A. S., 84.

Jeremiah W., 216.
DeCosta, B. F. 286,
Deeriug, Henry, 216,
DeMonts, Pierre Guast, 83, 145,

175, 418, 432,

Dennett, , of Kittery, 140,

Dexter, Frank H., 216,
Dickson, David, 39.

INDEX.

459

Digby, Admiral, , 368, 369.

Dike, Samuel F., 168, 216, 329, 429,

430.
Dix, William jr., 448.
Dodge, Ebenezer, 337.

Ezra H., 441, 443, 446, 447.

John C, 337.
Dolliver, Peter, 440, 447.
Donell, Henry, 324.
Douglas, Joshua L., 216, 328, 429.
Douglestone, , 409.

Graham, 409.
Dowden, Edward, 202, 203.
Drew, Franklin M , 216,
Drummoud, Josiah H., 216, 330,
391.

P., 141.
Dryden.John, 196, 199.
Dugdale, William, 306.
Dummer, Jane, 306.

Shubael, 113.

Duulap, John, 55.

Dunlop, Capt. , 405, 406, 407.

Dunn, , of Cornish, 139, 140.

Dunning, R. D., 141.
Duren, EInathan F., 216.
Durrie, Daniel S., 168.
Dwight, Timothy, 120,

William T., 123.
Dyer, Joshua, 55, 141.

Earle, Richard, 13.

Eaton, , of Bowdoin, 140.

Amos, 444, 448.

Cyrus, 122.

David, 442, 443, 446, 447.

Ebenezer, 440, 447.

S., 141.
Edes and Son, 65.
Eddy, Jonathan, 170.
Egmont, Earl of, 357.
Elder, Janus G., 84, 216.
Elizabeth, Queen, 226, 228, 229,

274, 290.
Ellbridge, Gyles, 324, 327.
Ellis, Jonathan, 119.
Elwell, Edward H., 85, 86, 99, 124,

167, 171, 175, 179, 211, 212, 328,

330, 331, 429, 430, 431, 433.

Emerson, Luther D., 216.

Samuel, 118.
Emery, , of Portland, 134.

, of Shapleigh, 140.

Anne, 213.

Caleb, 213.

Daniel, jr., 21.3.

Daniel and Son, 213.

George F., 42, 51, 171, 179, 216,
331, 337, 429,

Isaac, 213.

James, 213.

Japhet, 213.

Jeremiah, 54.

Lucilius A., 216.

K, 141.

Noah, 213, 301.

Simon, 213.

Simon, jr., 213.

Steijhen and Son, 213.

Stephen jr., 213.

William, 213.

Zachariah, 213.
Emmerson, , 440.

Samuel, 448.

Emmons, Rev. , 117.

Emory, Nicholas, 316.
Essex, Earl of, 228.

Estes, , of Westbrook, 140.

Etchemins, ( ,,^a .,^f.
Etheminquois, ( ■*^'*' '*-^"-
Evans, George, 91, 126.
Everett, Edward, 120, 124, 2.54, 256,

267.

Fairbanks, J., 141.
Fairfield, John. 3u6, 339.
Fales, David, 55.
Farley, E., 141.

Wil iam J., 127.

Farnham, Capt. , 363.

Fenderson, Benjamin, 13.

Ezekiel, 13.

Isaiah, 13.

William, 13.
Ferguson, Elizabeth, 213.

Daniel, 213.

Patience, 213.

Reuben, 213.

460

MAINE HISTORICAL SOCIETY.

Ferfjuson, Stephen, 213.
Timothy, 213.
William, 213.
Fernald, John, .309.

Meriitt C, 210.
Noah, 213.
Samuel, 213.
Fesseuden. Caleb P., 118.

Francis, 216.

Samuel, 12.

William Pitt, 341, 341n.
Fisher, J., 141.

Jacob, 118.
Fiske, , of Fayette, 141.

John 0.,216.

Fitche, Capt. , 222.

Flags, Edmund, 124.

Flint, Ephraim, jr., 399.

Floss, Thomas, 443.

Flye, James, 446.

Flyn, Thomas, 448.

Flynt, Henry, 3').5.

Fogg, , of Scarboro, 140.

John S. n., 153.
Folsom, George, 122.
Force, Peter, 345.

Foster, Lieut. , 219, 220, 221,

222 224.

Abigail, 213.

B., 141.

Benjamin, 5, 14, 15, 109.

Ezekiel, 13.

R., 141.

Wooden, 5, 6, 7, 8, 12.
Fox, Edward, 338.

John, 55, 70.
Foxcroft, , of New Gloucester,

139, 140.

Francis, , of Leeds, 141.

Freeman, Col. , 57, 350.

George, 441, 444, 446, 447.

Reuben, 443, 444, 447.

Samuel, 118.
Frost, Charles & Son, 213.

Hannah, 213.

John, 213.

Mary, 213.

Sarah, 213.

SimeoD, 213.

Frye, , 177.

family, 435.

Abiel 1st, 436, 437.

Abiel 2d, 437.

Abigail 1st, 4.37.

Abigail 2d, 437.

Anna 1st, 436.

Anna 2d, 436, 437.

Anna 3d, 436, 437.

Benjamin 1st, 435,436.

Benjamin 2d, 436.

Dorothy 1st, 436, 4.37.

Dorothy 2d. 437.

Ebenezer, 4.36.

Esther, 430.

Hannah 1st, 436.

Hannah 2d, 436, 437.

Hannah 3d, 437.

Hepsibah, 436.

Huldah, 437.

Isaac 1st, 436, 437.

Isaac 2d, 437.

James Jst, 4.35, 436.
James 2d, 436.
James 3d, 436.
John 1st, 43,5.
John 2d, 435.
John 3d, 4.36.
John 4th, 436.
John 5th, 436, 437.
John 6tli, 437.
Jonathan 1st, 436.
Jonathan 2d, 437.
Joseph 1st, 4.30.
Joseph 2d, 430, 4.37.
Joseph 3d, 437, 438.
Joseph 4th, 437.
"General" Joseph, 4.35.
Joshua 1st, 436, 437.
Joshua 2d, 4.37.
Joshua 3d, 437.
Lyda, 436.
Martha, 437.
Mary 1st, 436.
Mary 2d, 436.
Mary 3d. 436, 437.
Mehitable, 1st, 436.
Mehitable 2d, 4-36, 4.37.
Mehitable 3d, 437.

INDEX.

461

Frye, Mehitable 4th, 437.

Naomah, 437.

Nathaniel 1st, 435, 436.

Nathaniel 2d, 436, 437, 438.

Phebe, 1st, 4.36, 437.

Phebe 2d, 436.

Eichard, 437.

Samuel 1st, 435, 436.

Samuel 2d, 436.

Samuel 3d, 4.36, 437.

Samuel 4th, 437.

Samuel 5th, 437, 438.

Sarah, 436.

Simeon, 437.

Susanna, 437.

Tabitha 1st, 436.

Tabitha 2d. 437.

Tabitha 3d, 437.

William, 435.
Fuller, Thomas, 306.
Furbish, David, 213.

James, 213.

Joseph & Son, 213.

Galitzin, Prince , 26, 36, 37.

Gamage, A. T., 431.

Gambler, Admiral , 360.

Garde, Roger, 321, 322, 323.
Gardiner, John, 119.

Robert, H., 122, 123, 329, 429.
Gayarre, Charles, 430.

Gaylor, Capt. , 360.

George Daniel, 116.

Germaine, Lord George, 353, 354,

358.
Germans, -32.
Gerrard, Sir George, 290.
Gerry, Elbridge, 52, 57.
Getchell, A., 141.

Joseph, 13,
Gibson, Richard, 173.
Giddings. A. R., 141.
Gilbert, Bartholomew, 145.

Humphrey, 225, 289, 290

John, 184, 275, 298.

Raleigh, 278, 279, 280, 287, 289
290, 291, 297, 298, 299.

Washington, 401,
Gillett, Eliphalet, 123.

Gilley, John, 448.
Glazier, William. 442, 447.
Gilman, Charles J., 216, 429.

J., 141.
Gilmore, David, .55.

William B., 125.
Glover, Ralph, 327.
Goddard, Charles W., 167, 400.
Godfrey, Edward, 83, 169, 321, 322,
323, 324, 325, 326, 327.

JohnE., 122,211.
Good, Daniel, 214.
Goodenow, , 306.

Henry C, 216.

Goodwin, Daniel R., 124.

John, 214.
William F., 122.
Goodyear, Moses, 85, 173.
Goold, William, 19, 20, 122, 167,

170, 171, 212, 328, 331, 429, 430,

431.
Gore, Christopher, 54, 59.
Gorges, Sir Ferdmando, 83, 84, 113,
173, 228, 232, 319, 320, 323,
325, 327,

Thomas, 83, 323.

William, 320, 324, 325, 330.
Gorham, Nathaniel, 52, 54, 65.
Gosnold, Bartholomew, 14:3, 144,

145, 146, 147, 149, 150, 151, 152,

226, 227, 228, 230, 248.
Gott, Benjamin, 448,

Daniel, 439, 441, 442,443,445, 447.

Daniel jr., 445.

John, 448.

Peter, 441, 447, 448.

Stephen, 443, 447.
Gould, Alex., 213.

Benjamin, 213.

Daniel, jr., 213.

John, 214.

Joseph, 214.

Joseph jr., 214.

N., 141.

William E., 169.
Gourdin, Robert, N., 168.
Gowen, Lois, 213.

Samuel, 214.
Grant, Samuel, 55.

462

MAINE HISTORICAL SOCIETY.

Graves, Samuel, 351, 352, 353, 354,
355, 3:>7, 372.
Thomas, 284, 327, 367.

Gre"nX[H"g^W..338.

Nathaniel, 74.

Samuel A., 347.
Gieenleaf, Jonathan, 122.

Moses, 121, 122.

Simon, 12(5.
Grellet, Stephen, 20, 27.
Griffin, J., 391.
Gosvener, G., 141.
Grow, .John Stone, 443, 447.

William, 442, 447.

Hadlock, Samuel, 439.
Haines, William P., 401,
Hakluyt, Richard, 143, 144, 145, 146,

227, 263.
Hale, . 177.

Jane, 165.
Hall, , of Portland, 140.

Joseph, H., 397.
Ham, John R., 328. 429.
Hamilton, Duke of, 403, 404.

Jonathan, 214.
Hamlin, Cyrus, 337.

Hannibal. 126, 328.
Hammond, Richard H.,212.

Samuel, 214.
Hancock, John, 53, 69, 70, 71, 73,

74, 78, 313, 316.
Hanscora, Thomas, 213.

Tobias. 214.
Hanson, Hans, 303.
Harding, D., 141.

Hare, , 35.

Harlow, Edward, 275, 280.
Harper, William, 448.
Harris, , 112.

Job, 110.

Samuel, 123.
Harvard, John, 319.
■Hasey, B., 141.
Haskell, Thomas H., 216.

Hasty, , of Staudish, 140.

Hathaway, Joshua W., 216.
Hawthorne, Nathaniel, 194, 195.

Haydn, Joseph, 182.
Hayes, Elijah, 54.
Hazard, Ebenezer, 290.
Head, J., 141.
Heard, John, .321.
Ilearl, Ebenezer, 214.
Heath, Herbert M., 216.

Richard, 446, 448.

Gen. William, 58.

William of Mount Desert, 442,

443, 446.

William 2d, 448.
Hedge, Frederick H., 12.3.
Hemmenway, Moses, 54, 76, 116,

117, 123.

Henderson, Dr. , 33.

Henry, George, 181, 138, 141.
Herman, George, 439, 447.
Ilerrick, Andrew, 440.

Israel 219, 224

John R., 123.

Higgins, , of Cape Elizabeth,

140.

David, 448.

Ichabod, 448,

Jesse, 448.

Oliver, 448.

Reuben, 448.

Shaw, 448.

Sparrow, 448.
Hight, Horatio, 216.
Hill, Andrew, 214.

Benjamin, 214.

J., 141.

James, 214.

Jeremiah, 118.

John, 141, 214, .301.

John B., 398.

John F., 216.

Rowland, 184.

T., jr., 1.33, 141.

Winfield S., 216.

Hilton, , of Malta, 141.

Hitchcock, Roswell D., 123.
Hobbs, W., 139, 140, 141.
Hobby, John, 304.
Uodsdon, Benjamin, 214.

Joseph jr., 448.

Joseph T., 443, 444, 447.

INDEX.

463

Hodsdon, Samuel, 448.

Thomas, 214.

Sarah, 214.
Holmes, John, of Alfred, 127, 135,
136, 1.37, 138, 139, 140, .306.

James S., .331.

Oliver Wendell, 187, 188.
Holway, Oscar, 216.
Hooke, Humfrey, 324, 327.

Thomas, 324, 327.

William, 319, 321, 324, 325, 327.
Hooper, J., 1-39, 141.
Hope, David, 22.

William, 22.
Hoskins, Thomas, 39.
Howard, A., 141.

Joseph, 306.
Howe, Lord, 353, 3-58, 359, 367, 369,
371, 272, .373, .374.

Caroline Dana, 191.
Hoyt, Elias, 13.
Hubbard, John, 141.

Joseph, 213.

Joshua, 214.

Philip, 214.

William, 232.
Hudson, Henry, 152, 248.
Humphrey, Samuel F., 216.
Huse, Jonathan, 119.
Hutchinson, Joseph, 442.
Hyde, J., 141.

William, 391.

William D., 216, 430.
Hynes, John, 443, 447.

Hsley, Daniel, 55, 80.

Ingalls, , of Bridgton, 139, 140.

Henry, 216.
Irving, Washington, 120, 198, 203,

253.

Jackson, George E. B,, 216.

Jamblin, Kobei't, 171.

James 1st, 228, 229, 248, 250, 264.

291, 292, 296.
Jefferys, William, 324, 327.
Jenkins, Samuel, 214.
Jennings, Abraham, 172, 173.

Johnson, A., 141.

Edward, 167, 216.

Henry, 216.

Joseph, 214.

JSToah, 214.

Samuel, 120, 125.
Johnston, John, 122.

Rev. John, 20, 21, 22, 39.

Robina, 21.
Jones, Judge , 3, 6, 15.

Charles C. jr., 171.

Ichabod, 2, 3, 4, 5, 6, 8, 15, 109.

Rowland, 279.

Samuel, 214.

Thomas, 445.

William, 55.
Jordan, Fritz, H., 212, 216.

John W., 333.

Richard, 448.

Robert, 173, 174.
Josselyn, Thomas, 173.
Judd, Sylvester, 124.

Keely, , 126.

Kellogg, Elijah, 118, 124.
Kennebec Proprietors, 432.
Kensington, Henry, 430.
Kent, Benjamin, 448.

Edward, 401.

Samuel, 448.

Keppel, Admiral , 368.

Kidder, N., 142.
Kimball, William K., 402.
King, Cyrus, 132, 306.

Horatio, 430.

Marquis F., 216.

Rufus, 52, 54, 56, 61, 63, 64, 66, 69,
70.

William, 129, 139, 140.
Kingsbury, John, 214.

Joseph, 214.
Kingsley, Charles, 210.
Kinnie, William, .382. _
Kinsley, M., 131, 135, 'l36, 139, 141.
Kitteridge, Kendall, 448.
Knight, Jonathan, 13, 111.
Knox, Henry, 121.
Kohl, John G., 84, 261.

4fi4

MAINE HISTORICAL SOCIETY.

Ladd, Capt. , 136.

George T., 123.
William, 124, 141.
La Fayette, Marquis de, 165.

Lallemant, Father , 427.

Laugdon, Elizabeth, 304, 336.
Samuel, 301, 304, 334, 336.
Timothy, 303.
Langley, John, 448.
Philip, 439, 440, 441, 447.
Mrs. Philip, 441, 442.
Lapham, William B., 84, 167, 171,
176, 213, 216, 328, 429, 430, 439.

Larrabee, , of Scarboro, 140.

Lawrence, J., 141.

Lawson, Dr. , 23.

Leavitt, J., 139, 141.
Lee, Joseph, 141.
Leslie A., 216.
Richard Henry, 53.
Silas, 118, 304.
Legro, Joseph, 440, 447.
Leighton, Samuel, 214.
Lescarbot, Marc, 411, 412.
Levensaler, Henry C, 217.
Levitt, Christopher, 320.

Lewis, Col. , of Georgetown,

130, 136, 140.
L., 141.
T. B., 141.
Libby, Artemas, 401.
Charles F., 171, 182, 208, 217.
Charles T., 217.
Josiah, 13.
Lief, 256, 259, 260, 261, 263, 264.
Lilly, C, 141.
Lincoln, Abraham, 98, 343.
Benjamin, 54, 116, 159.
Enoch, 121.
Linscott, Samuel, 214.
Lithgow, William, 127, 159.

WilUam jr., 304.
Little, George T., 217, 429.

M., 141.
Livermore family, 432.

Locke, , of Hollis, 140.

John S., 217.
Long, John D., 167.

Longfellow, Alexander W., 217.

Henry W., 124, 174, 175, 177, 179,
181, 184, 185, 186, 187, 188, 189,
190, 192, 191, 195, 196, 199, 200,
203, 204, 205, 206, 208, 210, 253.

Samuel, 200.

Stephen, 188.

Stephen jr., 55, 70, 80, 316.
Lord, Daniel, 214.

Jeremiah, 214.

John, 214.

Mark, 214.

Nathan, 214.

Paul, 214.

Simeon jr., 214.

Simon, 214.
Loring, Amasa, 331.
Lothian, Andrew, 39.
Lovejoy, Owen, 105.
Lovell, James, 155, 166, 157, 158,
159, 162.

Solomon, 362.
Lovewell, John, 436.
Lovey, J., 448.
Low, John, 54, 135, 137, 141.

John jr., 137.

Nathaniel, 54.
Loyalists, 368.
Lunt, Abner, 448.
Lurvey, Jacob, 446, 448.
Lyman, Job, 334.
Lyon, Rev. , 7.

Mace, Frances L., 125, 182, 192.
MacLean, Francis, 360, 361, 363,

366, 403, 404, 405, 407, 408, 409.
Madigan, James E., 401.

Magnussou, Prof. , 255.

Manchester, Gershom, 444.
Manning, Prentice C, 217.

William C, 211.
Marble, Sebastian S., 217.
Marshal, N. G., 319.
Martin, Father, 413.
Martyn, Henry, 37.
Massey, Nathaniel, 448.
Mather, Richard, 173.
Maverick, Elias, .S24, 327.

Samuel, 320, 321, 324, 325, 327,

INDEX.

465

Mayhew, Thomas, 377.

Mayo, Joseph, 439, 440, 442, 444,

447.
McCobb, Col. , 159.

J. , 141.

William, 55.
McGaffey, , of Mount Vernon,

141.
McKinsey, John, 444, 448.
Mclntire, Eiifus, 140, 306.

John, 214.

Joseph, 214.
McKeau, J., 141.

John, 233, 234, 246.
McKown, J., 141.
McLellan, B., 142.

Isaac, 125.

Joseph, 55.

McNeal, , 12, 110, 111.

McNeil, , 409.

Mellen, Grenville, 125.

Prentiss, 176, 306, 316.
Merdam, J. 139, 141.
Merrill, Daniel, 121, 123.

Samuel, 55.

Merritt, , of Pleasant River, 13.

Merry, Daniel, 441, 446, 447.

Merveilles, Capt. , 416, 417.

Messenger, Roswell, 119.
Metcalf, J., 141.
Meteourmite, 420, 421, 422.
Mighels, J. W., 40.

Miller, , of St. George, 140.

Milliken, Alexander, 332.

Mrs. Charles A., 332.

Samuel, 441, 442, 443, 444, 447,
448.

Samuel jr., 448.

Simeon, 448.
Minot, George R., 54.
Mitchell, A. R., 119, 141.

David, 55.

J. B., 141.

J. W., 141.

Josiah, 1.34, 141.

William M., 217.
Monroe, James, 309, 317.
Moutagnais, The, 426.
Montague, Admiral , 357.

Moody, William P., 136, 1.37, 140.

Joseph, 326.

Samuel, 113, 114, 115, 127, 382.

Silas, 119.

Moor, Capt. , 5, 7, 8, 10, 11, 12,

15, 109, 111, 112.

J., 139, 141.

Sir John, 348, 403, 404, 405, 406,
407, 408.
Moore, Joseph, 440.

Mary, 440, 447.

Samuel, 441.

Sarah, 448.
Moravians, 27, 36, 38.
Morgan, Jonathan, 331.
Morrell, Hiram K., 167, 217, 429.
Morrill, , of Monmouth, 141.

Joel, 214.

K, 141.

Nicholas, 214.

Robert, 214.
Morse, Andrew, 214,
Morton, Thomas, 173.
Moses, Galen C, 217.
Mowat, Capt. Henry, 345, 346, 347,

348, 349, 350, 351, 3.52, 353, 354,

355,356, 357, 3.58, 359, 360, 361,

363, 366, 367, 368, 370, 371, 372,

373, 374.
Murphey, George, 448.
Murray, David, 55.

Nash, Charles E., 167, 217,
Nason, Azariah, 214.

Elias, 328.

Samuel, 54, 63, 65, 68, 69, 73.
Neal, D., 139, 141.

James, 54, 68, 69, 70,

John, 124, 338.
Nealley, Edward B., 168, 217.
Neely, Henry A., 217.
Neill, Edward D., 273.
Newman, S. P., 126.
Nichols, Ichabod, 123.
Noble, Reuben, 442, 447.
Norridgewocks, The, 142, 3^31.
Norton, George, 327.

Richard. .327,

Robert, 327.

Walter, 327.

4G6

MAINE HISTORICAL SOCIETY.

Norwood, Joshua, 441, 447.

Moses, 448.

Ruth, 441.

William, 441, 447.
Nutter, William, 214, 441, 447, 448.

Obear, Isaac, 448.

Joseph, 448.

Jo-seph M., 444, 448.
O'Brien, Dennis, 13, 110.

Gideon, 18, 109, 111.

Jeremiah, 5, 6, 8, 9, 10, 12, 13, 14,
15, 1U9, 110, 111.

John, 7, 8, 10, 11, 12, 1-3, 110, 111,
112.

Joseph, 13.

Michael C, 217.

Morris, 6, 13.

William, 13.
Odiorne, Daniel, 214.
Oldmixon, John, 233.
Oliver, Robert, 445.
Orr, Benjamin, 127, 131.
Otis, Albert B., 328.

Packard, Alpheus S., 122, 126, 175,
17(5.

Hezekiah, 178.

Page, , of Brunswick, 140.

Paine, Albert W., 101, 104,211, 217.

Josiah, 442, 447.

Robert Treat, 302, 315.

Parillo, Dr. , 285.

Parker, Isaac, 118, 119, 304.

Mary, 301, 304, .334.

William, 301.
Parkman, Francis, lOR, 412.
Parris, Albion K., 131, 132, 138, 140^

141, 165, 176.
Parsons, Usher, 122.

Theophilus, 54, 56, 65, 68, 69, 70,

72, 316.
Paul, Moses, 214.
Payson, Edward, 46, 123, 176.
Peabody, William, 377.
Peckham, Thomas, 290.
Pepperell, Lady Mary, 214.

air William, 306.

Perham, Mr. , 382.

D., 135, 141.

Sidney, 92, 217.
Perkins, E., 141.
Perley, Samuel, 55, 65.
Peters, John A., 217, 329.

Peterson, Dr. , .33, 34, 38.

Phelps, Albert I., 217.
Pliilbrook, Luther G., 217.
Pierce, George W., 338.

Josiah, 432.

Lewis, 167, 170, 171,217,328, 429,
430.
Piei'pont, John, 89.

Piggot, Admiral , 368.

Pike, , of Saco, 140.

Francis A., 126.

Frederick, 402.

James S., 329.

Mary II., 125.
Pillsberry, Joseph, 214.
Pistor, William, 324, 327.

Plastrier, Capt. , 416, 418, 423.

Polk, James K., 340.
Pond, Benjamin, 336.

Enoch, 123.

S. M., 141.
Pont Grave, Sieur de, 416, 417.
Poor, Laura A., 126.

John A.. 90, 122.
Popham Colonists, 273, 275.

Family, 83.

Francis, 275, 281, 298.

George, 264, 275, 277, 278, 279,
289, 290, 291,297.
Porter, , of Baldwin, 140.

Joseph W., 122, 170, 217.
Potter, Barrett, 188.

Pondtrincourt, , 418.

Powell, Jeremiah, 311.

Nathaniel, 248.
Pownall, Thomas, 346, 4.32.
Pray, Ephraim, 441, 442, 443, 444,
447.

Ephraim jr., 447.

Margaret, 442, 443.
Preble, Abraham, 321.

Esaias, 54.

George H., 122.

INDEX.

467

Preble, Jedecliab, 57 350.

William P., 131, 132, 133, 135, 139,
140, 304, 306.
Prentiss, Elizabeth P., 125.
Prescolt, , of Farmington, 139,

141.

Prime, , of Berwick, 140.

Prince, George, 234.
Prince of W iles, 184, 185, 248,
Pring, Martin, 227, 228, 248, 278.
Purchase, Samuel, 144, 23o, 237,

248.
Putnam, F. W., 167.

William L., 217.

Quimby, George W., 123.
Quinam, D., 141.

Eafnell, Augustus, 440, 447.
Kainsford, Robert, 327.
Eaitt, Miriam, 214.

William, 213, 214.
Kaleigh, Walter, 143, 144, 225, 226,

228, 243, 279, 290.
Ralle, Sebastian, 331.

Rand, , of Xobleboro, 140.

Randell, J., 141.

Randoljib, Peyton, 74.

Read, Abraham, 442, 446, 447.

J. G., 141.

Jacob, 441, 442, 446, 447.

James, 442, 443, 445.

Samuel, 442, 445, 446, 447.

Samuel jr., 445, 448.

Tyler, 442, 447.

William, 445, 448.
Reed, Parker M., 217.

Thomas B., 217.
Rice, E., 140, 142.

Thomas, 55, 163.
Rich, Elias, 448.

John, 441, 446,447,448.

John jr., 440.

Jonathan, 448.

William, 448.
Richardson, , of Gushing, 141.

A., 141.

Abraham, 448, 447.

Albert F., 217.

Richardson, Charles F., 190.

David, 442, 443, 445, 446, 448.

Eli jail, 440, 444, 445.

Hobart W. 432.

James, 442, 445, 446, 447,

John G., 444, 445, 447, 448.

Stephen, 441, 444, 447, 448.

Thomas, 441, 443, 445, 447.
Thomas jr., 441.

William, 448.
Richmond, George, 172.
Ricker, J., 141.
Rigby, Alexander, 109.
Rishworth, Edward, 323, 325, 326.
Robbins, ) - ^ , ^

Robins, } ' «f ^^««"«' 1^1-

Benjamin, 448.

David, 448.

Henry E., 401.
Roberts, Charles W., 217.

Samuel, 214.
Robinson, David, 443, 448,

John, 441, 443, 446.

John jr., 443, 447.

John S., 443.
Rockwood, Hiram F., 217.
Rodd, Thomas jr., 345, 346, 348.
Rogers, .John jr., 214.

Jonathan P., 127.

Nathaniel, 213.

Samuel, 120.
Rosier, James, 1.50, 151, 230, 231,

2^2, 233, 234, 235, 236, 2:!7, 2!8,

239, 240, 241, 242, 244, 245, 246,

247, 249, 250.
Rowell, , of Jefferson, 141.

George S., 217.
Russell, Edward. 141, 430.
Rust, William, 401.

Sabine, Joseph, 233.
Sach, Hans, 206.
Safford, Moses A., 217.
Salisbury, Earl of, 283, 286, 289,
295.

John, 440, 447, 448.

Reuben, 440, 442, 447.
Saltonstall, Dudey, 157, 159.
Sanborn, , oi Falmouth, 140.

468

MAINE HISTORICAL SOCIETY.

Sanders, Capt. , 223.

Sandwicli, Lord, 3.j5, 3o8.
Sar;?ont, N':ithaiiiel P., 302, 314, 315.

William M., 31!).

Saswalo, , 306.

Savaoe, James, 319.
Sawtelle, Cullen, 176.
Sawyer, Aaron, 4-14, 448.

Curtis M., 329.
Sayward, Jonathan, .301.
Scott, Walter, 24, 100, 196, 206, 208,

257.
Screven, William, 169.
Scull, G. D., 107.
Sedgewick, Tlieodore, 54, 63.

Sever, , of Soatli Bevwick, 140.

Sewall, Ddvid, 85, 140, 141, 301,302,
303, 30-1, 305, 308, 303, 309, 311,
313, 314, 316, 317, 319, 331, 336.

Dummer, 55, 76.

Elizabeth, 336.

Frank, 309.

Frederick D., 217.

Henry, de Eatendon, 307, 308.

Ilenry, of Nevpbury, 308.

Gen. Henry, 304.

John, 308.

Johns., 217.

Mary, 301, 314.

Rufus K., 83, 122, 107, 169, 170,
171, 179, 217, 247, 306, 309, 328,
329. 331. 332. 334, 430, 431.

Samuel, 301, 308.

Sarah, 301, 334, 330.
Seymour, Rev. Richard, 280.
Shackley, Richard, 214.
Shapleigh, Elisha, 214.
Shepard, George, 123, 124.
Sheppard, John IT., 122.
Shepley family, 306.

Ether, 97, 398.
Sherburne, Henry, 214.
Shorey, Jacob, 214.

Joseph, 214.

Shuldham, Admiral , 358.

Sibley, John L., 122,346.
Simonton, Thaddcus R., 217.
Simpson, Eben, 214.

J., 142.

Joseph, 801.

Simpson, Joshua, 214.

Zebediah, 214.
Sloane, Eliza, 24.
Small, , of Lisbon, 140.

Albion W., 217.
Smith, , of Hollis, 140.

Bartlett, 14.

Charles, H., 328.

Edward, 164.

Elizabeth Oakes, 125.

Francis O. J., 393.

G. E., 141.

Henry B., 123, 337.

Howard D.,217.

James K., .55.

James, of Kittery, 214.

John, 85, 248, 280.

John K., 55.

Joseph E., 124.

L., 142.

Noah, 398.

William, 214.

William H., 105, 328, 331, 4.32.

William R., 217.
Smyth, , 126.

Egbert C, 123.

Newman, 123.
Snow, Isaac, 55, 61.
Somes, Abraham, 442, 445, 447.

Daniel, 443, 447.

George, 152.

Sir George, 275.

John, 445, 448.

John jr., 446, 448.
Soule, John B. L., 4-30.
Souriquois, The, 424, 426.
Southampton, Earl of, 144, 228, 229.
Spaulding, James A., 218.
Sp.arhawk, Nathaniel, 213, 214.

Thomas S., 118.
Spencer, C, 35.5.
Spofford, Harriet Prescott, 125.

P., 141.
Sprague, John F., 171, 212, 218, 331.

Spring, Mr. , 139, 140.

Spyling. Benjamin, 441.
Stacey, Ichabod, 214.

Jolin, 214.

Mehitable, 214.

William, 214.

INDEX.

469

Stacey, William jr., 214.
Standish, Josiah, 377.

Miles, 377.
Stanley, Samuel, 448.
Stanwood, Edward, 167.
Starr, J., 141.

Stebbins, Josiali, 137, 139, 141, 316.
Steele, L, 139, 141.
Stephens, John L., 251.
Stepenson, S., 141.

Stermons, , of Westbrook, 140.

Stevens, B., 141.

Edmund, 9, 13.

Henry, .346.
Stewart, David D., 218.
Stillman, Samuel, 54, 78.
Stith, William, 233.
Stoddard, Amos, 118.
Stone, Thomas L., 123.
Story, Joseph. 304.
Strachey, William, 147, 150, 151,

232, 248, 280, 286, 291.
Strong, Caleb, 52, .54, 58, 75.
Sullivan, James, 117, 122, 162, 270.
Summers, Thomas, 446, 448.
Sumner, Increase, 159, 302, 314.
Swallow, L., 141.
Sweat, Margaret J. M., 125.

Sweet, , of Raymond, 140.

Sylvester, B., 141.

David, 55, 76.
Symmes, Thomas, 118.

William, 118.
Symonds, Joseph W., 182, 197, 199,
200, 218.

William L., 124.

Taft, Isaac, 12, 13.

Talbot, George F., 88, 97, 98, 182,

204, 218, 329, 401, 432.
Tappan, Benjamin, 123.
Tarr, Andrew, 439, 442, 446, 447.

Daniel, 445, 448.
Tenney, Albert G., 218, 329, 429,

430, 431.
Tetherly, William, 214.
Thatcher, Col. , 137.

Benjamin B., 124, 125.

S., 141.

Thayer, Henry Otis, 212, 218, 330,

414.
Thomas, Elias, 56.

John, 161.

William, W. jr., 218, 433.

Thompson, , of Lisbon, 131,

139, 140.

Joseph, 131, 141, 214.

Samuel, 55, 56, 58, 61, 63, 06, 67,
68, 72.

Col. Samuel, 349, 350.

William, 55.
Thomson, Edward, 120.

Eobert, 324, 327.
Thornton, Charles C. G., 171.

J. Wingate, 122.

Thomas G., 304.
Thurston, Brown, 218.
Tidy, Robert, 214.
Tincker, Mary A., 126.
Tingley Pelatiah, 54.
Tinker, John, 441, 447.
Titcomb, Hannah, 383.

Stephen, 380, 383.
Todd, Thomas 393.
Tallman, Peleg, 131.
Torsey, Henry P., 218.
Trelawny, Robert, 85, 172.

Robert jr., 172, 173.
Trufy, James, 448,
Tucker, Andrew, 440, 442, 444, 446,
447.

Jane, 214.

Nicholas, 440, 447.

Stephen, 214.

William, 447.
Turner, , 58.

, of Mount Pleasant, 288.

J., 1.39, 141.
Turrill, Ter. S., 448.
Tuttle, Charles W., 122.

Trueworthy, 442, 447.

W., 141.
Twitchell, , of Poland, 140.

Upham, Thomas C, 124, 126.
Upton, E. 141.

Vaughau, Benjamin, 121.

470

MAINE HISTORICAL SOCIETY.

Vetromilc, Eugene, 169.
Vinal, Joseph, 70.
Vines, Kichard, 173.
Vinton, Warren H., 398.
Virgin, P. C, 142.

Wadsworth, Peleg, 1.53, 162.
Waldo, Samuel, 116, '222, 333.
Waldron, E. Q. S., 331.

James, 214.

William, 325.
Walker, George, 109.

J., 141.
Wallmgford, G. W., 138, 141.
Ward, Artemus, 161.

Benjamin, 440, 447.
Ware, AsUur, 122, 126.
Warren, Fred M., 411, 414.

Joseph, 74.

Pelatiah, 214.
Wasgatt, Cornelius, 448.

David, 446.

James, 442.

John, 445.
Washburn, Israel jr., 86, 87, 88, 89,

90,91,92,93,95, 97, 98, 99, 101,

104, 122.
Washington, George, 66,68,74,118,

119, 163, 186, 309, 312, 313.
Waterhouse, J., 141.
Waterman, John A., 218, 429.
Watson, John, 142.
Watts family, 13.

Capt. , 308.

Samuel, 13.
Waugh, James, 140, 142.
Waymouth, George, 83, 1.50, 151'
175, 225, 228, 229, 230, 231, 2.32,
233, 234, 235, 2-36, 238, 239, 240,
241, 242, 245, 246, 247, 248, 250,
278, 280, 330, 432.

Timothy, 214.
Webster. Daniel, .341.
Wedgewood, Edwin W., 399.
Weeks, M., 141.

Wellington, , of Fairfield, 141.

Wells, Nathaniel, 54.

Wentworth, , of Buxton, 140.

Enoch, 441, 447.
John, 301.
Thomas M., .54,
West, John, 434.

Samuel, 54.
Westbrook, Thomas, 331.
Weston, Nathan 134, 139, 141.

Hannah, 14.

Josiah, 13.

Rebecca, 14.
Wetmore, William, 119.
Wheaton, Henry, 254.

John, 11.

Joseph, 11, 13, 109, 111, 112.
Wheeler, Daniel, 26, 27.

George A., 218.

John, 40.
Whipple, Joseph, 121.
White, John, 226, 248.
Whiting, Samuel, 13.

Thurston, 118.
Whitman, Ezekiel, 135, 1.37, 138,
139, 141, 316.

Jason, 123.

Levi, 142.
Whitney, S. A., 141.
Whitwell, Benjamin, 119.
Widgery, William, 55, 50, 60, 61,

63, 64, 65, 68, 75, 80, 131, 136, 139,

140.
Wilde, Samuel S., 118.
Wilder, Marshal! P., 432.
Wilkes, Dr. Henry, 40.
Wilkins, John, 141.
Williams, family, 337.

Ephraim, 302.

John F., 2.33, 24,5.

Joseph, H., 218.

Sophia, 337.
Williamson, Joseph, Se, 95, 113,
167, 168, 169, 170, 171, 194, 211,
218, 251, 328, 330, 331, 346, 347,
348, 403, 4.30, 4-32.

William D., 53, 122, 153, 162, 211,
233, 237.
Willis, N. P., 124.

William, 122, 130, 308, 341, 345,
346, 348.

INDEX.

471

Wilson, Adam, 123.

Franklin A., 218.
Wing, M., 141.
Winsor, Justin, 347.
Winter, Jolin, 173, 174.
Wiswall, Jolm, 57, 3-49.
Witherle, George Henry, 218.

William H., 218.
Witlierspoon, Robert, 164.
Wittnm, Andrew, 214.

Jonathan, 214.
Wolfe, Charles, 409.
Wolsey, Thomas, 389.
Wood, , of Shapleigh, 140.

A., 141.

Joseph, 218.

Wood, Sally S., 125.

William, 173, 218.
Woodman, , of Buxton, 133>

140.
Cyrus, 122.
Woods, Leonard, 122, 123.

Noah, 218.
Woolsey, Joel, .327.
Woolson, Abba G., 126.
Wright, Rev. A. H., 46.
Wyman, Nathaniel, 55.
Wywurna, 169.

Young, Joshua, 214.
Stephen J,, 167, 218.

472

MAINE HISTORICAL SOCIETY.

INDEX OF PLACES.

Abagadasset Mills, 219, 220, 221,
222, 22:5, 224.

River, 219. 220, 222, 228.
Acadia, 121, 195, 225, 412.
Addison, Maine, 13.
Agamenticus, 319, 320, 321, 322.
Alfred, Maine, 140.
Allegheny Mountains, 251.
Allen's Island, Maine, 238, 239, 240.
Alna, Maine, 164, 165.
Ammarscoggin Falls, 224.

River, 219, 220, 221, 222, 224.
Andover, England, 435.

Maine, 219.

Massachusetts, 435.
Androscoggin County, 96.

River, 219, 234, 247.
Annandale, Scotland, 20, 20n.
Apulia, 257, 268.
Arundel, Maine, 119.
Astrakhan, 27, 28, 29, 30, 33, 36, 37.
Atlantic Ocean, 19, 120, 144, 175,

183, 184, 196, 257, 298, 299, 371.
Atlantis, Island of, 252.
Augusta, Georgia, 171.

Maine, 84, 86, 117, 119, 141, 163,
165, 167, 171, 185, 215, 216, 217-
218, 304, 328, 430, 435.

Bagaduce, 157, 161, see, Magebig-

waduce.
Baldwin, Maine, 140.
Bandon Bridge, Ireland, 172.
Bangor, Maine, 97, 101, 103 168,

170, 182, 192, 215, 216, 217, 218,

328.
Bar Harbor, Maine, 218.
Bartlett's Island, Maine, 444.
Basingstoke, England, 435.
Bath, Maine, 55, 76, 168, 215, 216,

217. 245, 24 . 3^;s.

Bay of Fundy, 360, 361, 424.
Belfast, Maine, 167, 171, 194, 216,

218, .328, 347, 430.
Belgrade, 141.
Benner's Island, 238.
Berwick, Maine, 54, 140, 141.

Berwick Academy, 304.
Bethabara, N. C, 333.
Bethel, Maine, 435.
Beverly, Mass., 337.
Biddeford, England, 173.

Maine, U8.
Bingham Purchase, 117.
Blomidon. Nova Scotia, 195.
Boon Island, Maine, 149.
Boothbay, Maine, 55, 140, 236, 237.

Harbor, 233, 241, 248.
Bowdoin College, 121, 140, 177, 178,

182, 187, 188, 200, 305, 337, 377,

388, 430.
Bowdoinham, Maine, .55.
Boxford, Maine, 219.
Bradford, Maine, 219.
Bridgton, Maine, 140.
Bristol, England, 173, 320.

England St. Augustine's Church,
143, 227.

Maine, 55.
Broadbay Mf^ine, 160, 333.
Broad Cove, Maine, 244.
Brunswick, Maine, 11, 55, 111, 129,

130, 140, 167, 168, 170, 171, 175,

215,216,217,218, 219, 328, 331,

349, 391, 429, 430.
Buck's Harbor, Maine, 141.
Bucksport, Maine, 171, 215.
Buckstown, Maine, 118.
Bunker Hill, 1, 9, 10, 16, 64.
Burnt Island, Maine, 239, 240.
Buxton, Maine, 54, 140.

Cabbasconti River, 224,
Calais, Maine, 13.
Cambridge, England, 186, 255.

Massachusetts, 114, 167, 186, 200,
305, 345, 387.
Camden, Maine, 156, 217, 236, 237.

249, 263.
Cape Ann, 146, 150, 378.
Cape Charles, 248.
Cape Cod, 146, 149, 150, 152, 227,

377.
Cape Elizabeth, 55, 140, 147, 148.

INDEX.

473

Cape Farewell, 255.

Cape Henry, 356.

Cape Porpus, 249.

Casco Bay, 173, 206, 320.

Castine, Maine, 117, 118, 119, 217,
218, 332, 4ii3.

Cathauce Mills, 220, 221, 222, 223 >
224.
River, 219, 220, 221, 222, 223, 224-

Cedar Grove, Maine, 215.

Chandler's River, 14.

Charleston, S. C, 164, 168.

Chelmsford, Mass., 178.

Cherryfield, Maine, Soldier's Mon-
ument, 96.

Chesapeake Bay, 226.

Chiboctous River, 424.

Chihnark, Mass., 378, 37».

Chocame, Mass., 378.

Chonacoet, 426.

Cockingham, England, 228.

Concord, Mass., 1, 3, 9, 16, 109.

Connecticut, 52, 337.

Cove of Marsh, Maine, 324.

Coventry, England, 3u7.

Coxhall, Maine, 54.

Cushing, Maine, 141.

Cutlers Cove, 244.

Cuttyhunk, Isle of, 227.

Damariscotta, 217, 431.
Damariscove Islands, 237, 265.
Dartford, England, 171.
Dartmouth Haven, England, 230,

231, 332.
Davis Island, 240.
Deep Cove, 244.
Deering, Maine, 167, 328, 430.
Deer Isle, Maine, 2o5,
Dexter, Maine, 215.
Dorchester, Mass., 161.

nights, 66, 161.
Dover, N. H., 325, 328.
Dresden, Maine, 265, 378.
Duxbury, Mass., 161.

Eastport. Maine, 332.

East River, Machias, 1, 5, 8, 109.

Edgecomb, Maine, 55.

Edinburgh, Scotland, 22, 23, 24, 39

49, 206, 347.
Eliot, Maine, 1.33.
Elizabeth's Isle, Mass., 227.
Ellsworth, Maine, 216.

Emmetenic, ( I^^^' ^16, 418, 423.
Englishman's River, 13,
Essex County, Mass., 162, 435.

Fairfax, Maine, 141.
Fall River, Mass., 253.
Falmouth, England, 147, 226.

Maine, 55, 140, 162, 222, 348, 349,
350, 351, 353, 355, 433.
Farmington, Maine, 118, 141, 215,

379, 380, 3S2, 383.
Fayette, Maine, 141.
Fisherman's Island, Maine, 242.
Fletcher's Point, Maine, 148.
Fort Charles, 445.

Hammonds, 212.

Popham, 329.

St. George, 245.

Weston, 222.
Forts and Garrisons :—

at Castine, 1.54, 155.

at Pemaquid, 4-3.5.

at Penobscot, 155, 363, 364, 404,
406, 408, 409.

at York, 335.
Frankfort, Maine, 133, 220, 221,

222, 223, 224.
Frenchman's Bay, 439.
Frj-eburg, Maine, 54, 117, 118, 121,

215, 435.

Gardiner, Maine, 167, 217.
Gardinerstown, Maine, 266.
Gaspereau, N. S., 195.
Gay Cove, Maine, 244.
Georges Islands, 280.
Georgetown, Maine, 55, 140, 167,

169, 284.
Georgia, 52, 62, 361.
Gorgeana, 320.

Gorham, Maine, 55, 76, 1-30, 218.
Gotland, Island of, 433.
Grand Pre, N. S., 195.

474

MAINE HISTORICAL SOCIETY.

Gray, Maine, 55, 65, 140.
Greene, Maine, 141.

Halifax, N. S., 15, 358, 359,360, 361,

404, 407, 408.
Hallowell, Maine, 55, 117, 118, 120,

141, 380, 382, 383, 392.
Hampton, Virjjin a, 356.

Falls, N. H., 3U4, 336.
Hanover, N. H., 190.
Harpswell, Maine, 55, 61, 262.
Harvard University, 113, 161, 171,

301, 334, 33S.
Hatfield House, 274, 279.
Hiram, Maine, 153, 162.
Hockomock Bay, 247,
Hollis, Maine, 140.
Holmes Bay, 11, 110.
Hyler's Cove, 244.

Industry, Maine, 382, 383, 384, 386,

388.
Ipswicli, Mass, .307, 308, 337.
Isle Haute, 249.
Isle of Bacchus, 172, 264.
Isle of Orleans, 264.
Isle of Shoals, 149.

James River, 233, 248.
Jefferson, JVfaine, 141.
Jevrell's Island, 284.
Jonesboro, Maine, 13.

Kennebec liivev, 1.50, 151, 1.56,
219,220,232, 233, 2-34, 2:].},
246, 247, 248, 249, 261, 26-',
265, 276, 3!)1, 414, 416, 418,
423, 424, 426.

Kennebunk, 118, 215.
River, 325.

Kent's Hill, 215.

Kittery, Maine, 54, 68, 140, 169,
217, 301.

157,
245,
264,
419,

213,

Lebanon, Maine, 54.
Leeds Maine, 141.
Lewiston, Maine, 84, 216.
Lexington, Mass., 1, 9, 16, 109, 349.
Limiugton, Maine, 140, 218.

Lincoln County, 55, 1.59.
Lisbon, Maine, 140, 284.
Litchfield, Maine, 140, 284.
Livermore, Maine, 93, 96.
Liverpool, England, 39, 164, 175.
Long Island, Maine, 365.
Lyman, Maine, 133, 137, 138,

Machias, 1, 4, 5, 7, 13, 14, 15, 16, 74,
109, 118, 332.

Scott's Wharf, 110, 111.

East River, 1, 5, 8, 9, 109.
Machiasport, 10, 265.
Madison, Wisconsin, 168, 171.
Magebigwaduce, 1.57, 161, 362, 363,

364, 367, 374, 408.
Maple Juice Cove, 244.
Marshfield, Maine, 13.
Mawooshen, 278,
Menanas Island, 263.
Mequaite, 222.
Merrymeeting Bay, 222, 223, 262,

264.
Monhegan, Island of, 231, 234, 235,

236,237,238, 241, 242, 249, 263,

264, 265.
Monmouth, Maine, 84, 139, 140,

141, 215.
Monson, Maine, 171, 212, 218, 331.
Montville, Maine, 140.
Mount Desert, Island of, 249, 412,

439, 448.
Mount Hope, 104.
Mount Katahdin, 84.
Mount Washington, 236, 241, 249.
Muddy River, 222, 224.
Muujoy's Hill, 57, 338, 349.
Muscongus Patent, 116.

Nantucket, 150, 151,231, .378.
Nautilus Island, Maine, 362, 364.
Newbury, Mass , 307, .308, 435,
Newcastle, Maine, .55, 266, 431.
New Gloucester, Maine, 55, 56, 75,

140.
New Haven, Conn., 1.57, 159.
New Sliaron, Maine, 141.
Nobleboro, Maine, 140.
Norombega, 424, 426.

INDEX.

475

Norridgewock, Maine, 130, 142,
216, 331, 384, 386, 388, 390,

Northport, Maine, 266.

North Yarmoutli, Maine, 55, 119,
331.

Oakland, Maine, 216.
Oldtown, Maine, 96, 97.
Orono. Maine, 97, 216.
Oxford County, 96, 105, 304.

Palmero, Maine, 140.
Paris, Maine, 217, 304,
Parsonsfield, Maine, 140, 216.
Pemaquid, 152, 204, 2:53, 249, 291,

332.
Penobscot, 156. 168, 227, 233, 234,

249, 3H2, 346, 360, 361, 362, 383,

365, 366, 367, 404, 407, 412, 414.
Pentecost Harbor, 2:^, 233, 234,

238, 239, 240, 241, 242, 246.
Pentegoet, 249, 416, 424, 426.
Pepperellboro, Maine, 54. ,

Pigwacket Pond, 436.
Piscataquis River, 159.
Pleasant River, 13.
Plymouth England, 172, 278, 281,

283, 285, 286, 292 295.
Poland, Maine, 140.
Popham Colony, 330, 414, 415.
Port Royal, K S., 414, 416, 418,424,

425, 426.
Portsmouth, N. H., 168, 301, 305,

334.
Powhatan River, 233.
Pownalboro, Maine, 55, 76, 118, 119,

140, 211, 265.
Prout's Neck, 262.

Readfield, Maine, 171, 218, 283.
Pdchmond, Maine, 219, 221, 222,

223, 224.
Richmond's Island, 171, 172, 173,

174, 176, 291.
Ripley, Maine, 387.
Robinson's Island, Maine, 443.
Kockland, Maine, 215.

Sabino Peninsula, 277, 280, 290,

292, 299.
Saco, Maine, 85, 140, 148, 215, 217,

304.
Sagadahoc, 150, 151, 247, 249, 273,

275, 278, 280, 281, 284, 285, 286,

290, 296, 297, 298.
St. Albans, Maine, 218.
St. C;roix River, 159, 332, 414, 416,

42f, 432.
St. George, 140.

St. George's Harbor, 233, 234, 238,
240, 241,

Islands, 235, 237, 249.

River, 234, 240, 241, 244, 245, 246,
248, 249, 2.50.
Sandy River, 379, 380, 383.
Sanford, Maine, 54, 140.*
Sankaty Head, 231.
Scarboro, Maine, 55, 140.
Shapleigh, Maine, 54, 140.
Sheepscot River, 247.
Skowhegan, Maine, 331.
Small Point, 219, 284.
Somerset, Maine, 132.
South Berwick, Maine, 140.
Sprague's River, 284.
Springvale, 216.
Stage Island, 329.
Standish, Maine, 140.
Sudbury— Canada Grant, The, 96.

Thomaston, Maine, 55, 118, 160,

217, 244, 245, 246.
Topsham, Maine, 55, 56, 69, 119,

219, 224, 297, 298.
Townsend, Maine, 153, 156, 247.

Union Maine Mountains, 236, 237,
244, 249, 262.

Vassalboro, Maine, 54, 55.
Vineland, 252, 255, 259, 260, 261,
269.

Waldoboro, Maine, 217, 333.
Waterboro, Maine, 54, 140.

476

MAINE HISTORICAL SOCIETY.

Waterville, Maine, 217, 261, 386.
Watt's Cove, 244.
Wells, Elaine, 54, 70, 117, 123.
Westbrook, Maine, 140.
West Falls, Machias, 14.
Weymonth, l.j", 159.
Whitelield, Maine, 140.
Windham, Maine, 167, 171, 212,

328, 430.
Winslow, Maine, .55, 163.
Winthrop, Maine, 55, 382.

Wiscasset, Maine, 117, 118, llfl, 164,
107, 109, 171, 178, 179, 216, 217,
303, 328, 430.

Wolfboro, N. H., .301.

Woolwich, Maine, .55, 212.

York, Maine, .54, 76, 85, 113, 114,

115, 119, 140, 248, 301, 302, 304;

305, 306, 308, 309, 319, 321, 334,
335, 303.

(I ■ '■
(( APR