Full text of "Collections of the New York Historical Society for the year .."

COLLECTIONS

NEW- YORK HISTORICAL SOCIETY.

NEW-YORK HISTORICAL SOCIETY.

PUBLICATION FUND.

COLLECTIONS

NEW-YORK IIISTOPJCAL SOCIETY

FOR THE YEAR

1868.

PUBLICATIOX FUND SERIES.

NEW YORK:
PRINTED FOR THE SOCIETY.

MDCCCLXVIII.

THE TROW 4 SMITH

BOOK MANCTFACTURING COMPANY

46, 48, 50 Greene street.

1128415

Officers of the Society, 1868

PRESIDENT,

HAMILTON FISH, LL.D.

FIRST VICE-PRESIDENT,

THOMAS DE WITT. D.D.

SECOND VICE-PRESIDENT,

GULIAN C. VERPLANCK, LL.D.

' FOREIGN CORRESPONDING SECRETARY,

JOHN ROMEYN BRODHEAD, LL.D.

DOMESTIC CORRESPONDING SECRETARY,

WILLIAM J. HOPPIN.

RECORDING SECRETARY,

ANDREW WARNER.

TREASURER,

BENJAMIN H. FIELD.

LIBRARIAN,

GEORGE HENRY MOORE.

EXECUTIVE COMMITTEE.

FIRST CLASS — FOR ONE YEAR.

SAMUEL OSGOOD, WILLIAM CHAUNCEY,

CHARLES P. KIRKLAND.

SECOND CLASS — FOR TWO YEARS.

GEORGE FOLSOM, WILLIAM T. BLODGETT,

JOHN ADRIANCE.

THIRD CLASS — FOR THREE YEARS.

AUGUSTUS SCHELL, ERASTUS C. BENEDICT,

BENJAMIN W. BONNEY.

FOURTH CLASS — FOR FOUR YEARS.

JOHN ROMEYN BRODHEAD, EVERT A. DUYCKINCK,

JAMES WILLIAM BEEKMAN.

AUGUSTUS SCHELL, Chairman.
GEORGE H. MOORE, Secretary.

[The President, Recording Secretary, Treasurer, and Librarian are
members, ex officio., of the Executive Committee.]

COMMITTEE ON THE FINE ARTS.

ABRAHAM M. COZZENS, WILLIAM J. HOPPIN,

JONATHAN STURGES, THOMAS J. BRYAN,

ANDREW WARNER, EDWARD SATTERLEE.

ABRAHAM M. COZZENS, Chairman.

ANDREW WARNER, Secretary.

[The President, Librarian, and Chairman of the Executive Committee
are members, ex officio, of the Committee on the Fine Arts.]

INTRODUCTION.

This volume is the first of a series of Collections ivhich
the Neiv- York Historical Society proposes to issue, tender
the provisions of its '"''Publication Fund.'''

The p)reparation of this volume was entrusted by the
Society to a Committee of three of its members^

George Bancroft,
John Romeyn Brodhead,
George Henry Moore.

In executing their duty the Committee, after careful
consideration, decided :

I. That the general contents of this volume of Collec-
tions shmdd illustrate, directly or relatively, the History
of New York.

II. That as the series is 7iot intended to be a history,
but only materials for history, 7ieither chronological se-
quence nor homogeneousness of subject is necessary.

III. That the documents and p)apers given in the
collection, shoidd be printed with literal fidelity to the
origiiials, and without unnecessary annotation.

The Committee believe that these p)rinciples have been
faithfully observed.

Xll INTRODUCTION.

They further remarlc that the cojitents of this volume
are mainly original^ and give information which schol-
ars in American History must pronounce to he of a value
not exceeded^ if equalled^ by oMy similar publication.

With this conviction^ the first Committee of the
Neiv-York Historical Society appointed under the re-
quirements of its ^'"Publication Fund,'''' submit their work
to public judgment.

New York, December, 1868.

CONTENTS.

I. THE CONTINUATION OF CHALMERS'S
POLITICAL ANNALS.

PAGE

Political Annals of the Present United Colonies.

Book II. — Chapter I., 5

Review of the reign of James 2d. — The abdication. — The
RevohUion. — The accession of William and Mary. — Con-
duct of Scotland. — Proceedings of Ireland, — Remarks. —
Prince of Orange writes circular letters to the Colonies. —
The orders of the Privy Council.— Subsequent conduct of
Virginia. — A revolution in Maryland ; — and approbation
of William. — Pennsylvania continues its former adminis-
tration.— Affairs of Massachusetts : — Intrigues of the
agents : — The consequences : — Revolution at Boston : —
The Insurgents resume their ancient government. — Which
is approved by William. — The conduct of the other Colo-
nies of New England. — A revolution at New York ; —
which ends unhappily for the principal agent. — The Jer-
seys remain without any perceivable government. — The
Carolinians proclaim William and Mary. — Observations :
— And inference.

Authorities and Notes, 33^

Chapter II., 41

Embarrassments of William. — He prepares for wai\ — State of
Virginia. — Its complaints against Lord Howard, the late
governor, to that prince ; — to the Commons. — Nicholson
sent thither Lieutenant-Governor. — His administration. —

XIV CONTENTS.

PAGE

An Indian war begins in New England. — The conduct of
Andros. — The proceedings of the Committee of Safety. —
The attack on Acadie. — The French retaliate. — The ex-
pedition against Quebeck. — Subsequent distress of New
England. — The solicitation of a new charter. — Affairs of
New York ; — and of Canada. — The five confederated
tribes prepare against the French invasion. — Schenectady
sacked. — Subsequent conduct of New York. — Governor
Sloughter arrives here. — His administration. — Ingoldsby
assumes the administration after his death. — State of the
Jerseys ; — of Pennsylvania. — Affairs of Maryland. — ^A
change of government. — Copley appointed governor. —
Condition of North Carolina. — Distractions of South Caro-
lina. — Ludwell appointed Governor. — His administration.
— Is succeeded by Smith. — His prudent advice to the
Proprietaries.
Atjthoriiies and Notes, ...... 87

Ohaptek III., 94

Affairs of England. — State of Virginia at tlie arrival of An-
dros : — His administration. — Government of Maryland
seized by William without legal process : — Commission
and arrival of Copley, the first royal governor : — Proceed-
ings of the Assembly ; — and disai^pointment of the prov-
ince : — Provisional Commission of Andros : — And the pru-
dent rule of Nicholson. — The miseries of Massachusetts
at the arrival of Phipps; — his irregularities: — The Indian
wars ; — and domestic regulations : — His recal. — Stough-
ton succeeds as Lieutenant-governor : — His prudent con-
duct : — Invasions and distress of the colony. — Delibera-
tions of the ministers of England. — Aflairs of New
Hampshire. — Unhappy state of New York. — Invaded
from Canada. — Wars and negotiations of the Five Nations.
— Troops and warlike stores sent from England. — Active
administration of Fletcher : — His conduct in Connecticut.
— Factions and intrigues. — ^Events of the War. — Prosper-
ity of the City of New York. — The Government of Penn-
sylvania seized into the King's hands. — Fletcher appointed
governor in the room of Penn. — His administration. — He

CONTENTS. XV

PAGE

appoints Markham his deputy. — Public disputes. — Penu
restored. — Subsequent proceedings. — Aifairs of Carolina :
— Arclidale restores its tranquillity. — Deplorable state of
the Commerce of England. — Complaints. — The Board of
Trade established. — Projects for enabling the Colonies to
defend themselves.
Atjthokities and Notes, 163

II. THE GOLDEN LETTERS ON SMITH'S

HISTORY, 1759-1760, ... I8i

III. DOCUMENTS RELATING TO THE

ADMINISTRATION OF LEISLER.

Minutes of the Council at New York, March 1
TO June 11, 1689, 241

Proceedings of the Council, Magistrates, and
Officers, etc., April 27 to June 6, 1689, . . 272

Letter of Mathew Plowman to the Marquis Hal-
ifax, New York, June 7 and August 14, 1689, . 290

Henry Cutler's Deposition concerning Gover-
nor Nicholson, June 10, 1689, .... 292

By-Laws of Captain Lodwick's Company of Sol-
diers, July 9, 1689, 293

Charles Lodwick's Deposition concerning Gov-
ernor Nicholson, July 25, 1689, . . . 295

Leisler's Warrant and Instructions to Johannes
Provoost, etc., August 12, 1689, . . . 295

Statement, etc., of Ensign Joost Stoll, August
20, 1689, 297

Samuel Paul Dufour's Deposition concerning Mr.
RiGGS, January 6, 1689-90, .... 298

Copy of Richard Ingoldsby's Commission, Septem-
ber 10, 1690, 299

Ingoldsby's Letter demanding the port, January

30, 1690-91, 300

Ingoldsby's Warrant to Captain Samuel Moore,

30, 1690-91, 300

XVI CONTENTS.

PAGE

Leisler's Warrant to Major Beekman, February

1, 1690-91, 301

Leisler's order for Reducing the Forces raised

ON Long Island, February 5, 1690-91, . . 302

Leisler's Answer to Ingoldsby concerning Prison-
ers IN THE Fort, February 14, 1690-91, . . 302
Leisler's Order concerning Persons from Albany

AND Ulster, February 17, 1690, . . . . 303
Leisler TO Ingoldsby, March 1, 1690-91, . . 304
Leisler to Colonel Dudley, March 4, 1690-91, . 304
Declaration of the Freeholders and Inhabit-
ants OF Long Island and Parts adjacent, . 304
Leisler to Ingoldsby, March 5, 1690, . . . 305
Leisler's Declaration or Protest against In-
goldsby, March 10, 1690-91, .... 306
Leisler's Letter to Colonel Sloughter at Ber-
muda, March 12, 1690-91, 309

Leisler's Order to Captain Duyckinck, concern-
ing the Blockhouse, March 13, 1690-91, . 310
Sloughter's Warrant to Ingoldsby to take Pos-
session OF THE Fort, etc., March 20, 1690-91, . 310
Account of what passed when Lieut. Churchill

came before THE Court, . . . . 311

Account of Proceedings in Court, (in Dutch,

with a translation,) 311

Affidavit of George Dolstone, February 19,1691, 314
Affidavit of Thomas Dawson, February 19, 1691, 318
Affidavit of Thomas Jeffers, February 19, 16 91, 319
Affidavit of Jacob Teller, February 23, 1691, . 321
Affidavit of Boudewijn De Witt, February 23,

1691, 323

Affidavit of Isaac De Riemer, February 24, 1691, 324
Affidavit of Kiliaan Van Renssalaer, March 1,

1691-92, 328

Order in Council upon the Petition of Jacob

Leisler, (the Son,) January 7, 1691, . . 331
Jacob Leisler's Petition to the Lords of Trade

AND Plantations, 332

Petition of Abraham Gouverneur and others,
under Sentence op Death, to the Queen, . 333

CONTENTS. XVll

PAGE

Order of the Privy Council, Mat 13, 1692, . 333

Letter ofGeeardus Beekman andMyndert Coer-
TEN TO Nicolas Collen, Sept. 29, 1693, . . 334

Petition of the Widow of Leisler, her Son and
SIX Daughters, 335

Petition to the King to Reverse the Attainders, 336

Proceedings of the Privy Council on the Peti-
tion OF Leisler and Gouverneur, February 28,
1694, 337

Petition of Leisler and Gouverneur to the
House of Lords, ...... 339

Petition of Jacob Mauritz and others to the
King, . . .340

Memorandum for an Affidavit — incomplete, July

31, 1694, 342

Deposition of Citizens of New York, August 22,
1694, 345

Deposition of Gerardus Beekman, Sept. 1, 1694, 347

Notes of the Examinations before the Committee
OF THE House op Commons, April 24-29, 1695, . 348

An Answer to the Reasons against Leisler's
Bill, 357

The Case of Mr. Jacob Leisler, .... 362

Loyalty Vindicated, 365

A Bill for the Reconciling of Parties, June 14,
1698, 394

Answer of the Church Wardens of the Dutch
Church concerning the Reburial of Leisler
AND Milborne in THEIR Church, October 14, 1698, 397

Letter from Members op the Dutch Church in
New York to the Classis of Amsterdam, Oc-
tober 21, 1698, 398

Petition and Remonstrance of the New York
House of Representatives, May 15, 1699, . 412

Deposition of Abraham Gouverneur, August 21,
1699, 416

Petition OF Jacob Leisler TO THE King, . . 418

The Earl of Jersey to the Earl of Bellomont,
February 6, 1699-1700, . . . . • 419

VMU CONTENTS.

PAGE

Jacob Maueitz's Bill of Disbursements, etc., June
11, 1700-01, 420

Jacob Leisler's Petition to the Governor and
Council, 421

Jacob Leisler's Account of the Debt of the Col-
ony OP New York due him, February 18, 1712, . 422

Petition of Jacob Leislee to the New York As-
sembly, April 24, 1714, 422

Memoranda made by Du Simitiere, . . . 423

Index, . . . 429

THE CONTINUATION

CHALMERS'S POLITICAL ANNALS.

NOTE.

George Chalmers, Fellow of the Royal Society and the Society
of Antiquaries, Chief Clerk of the Committee of the Privy Council
for the consideration of all matters relating to Trade and Foreign
Plantations, Colonial Agent for the Bahama Islands, and author of
many works in the several departments of literature, died in
London, 31st May, 1825, aged 82 years. A native of Scotland, he
was descended from the Chalmers's of Pittensear, in the County of
Moray or Elgin-shire. He was born in the end of the year 1742, at
Fochabers, and was educated, first at the Grammar-school of that
town, and afterwards at King's College, Aberdeen, where the
celebrated Dr. Reid was his preceptor. From thence he removed
to Edinburgh, where he studied law, which he afterwai-ds practised
in this country more than ten years, till the breaking out of the
American Revolution. Returning to Great Britain, he settled in
London, where he applied himself to literary pursuits. Chalmers
first distinguished himself by the publication of his Political Annals
of the Present Uviited Colonies^ which showed a thoi-ough know-
ledge of colonial history, colonial law, and colonial policy. This
was followed by several other works, which evinced his ability and
intimate acquaintance with the principles of commei'ce and political
economy which lay at the foundation of the British system; and led
to his appointment, in 1786, to the responsible public office which
he occupied till his death. His assiduous labor in the literary field,
his large and valuable contributions to knowledge, his integrity,
his patriotism and public spirit, fully entitled him to the character
which was drawn of him by a friend as a " faithful servant of the
public, who had spent a long and active life in the honorable
discharge of public duties and the zealous dissemination of useful
knowledge."

2 PREFATORY NOTE.

The work which is continued in the following pages is too well
known to requii'e introduction or comment. Its first appearance
challenged the admiration of historical scholars (even those
who were hostile to the principles of the writer), as a substantial
contribution to American History, illustrating the annals of the
Colonies, and especially the relations in which they had stood to
Great Britain from their origin, from original authorities — public
records and state papers. The writer of the preface to the
Revolt of the American Colonies, published in Boston in 1845,
very justly said : " Notwithstanding the tone and object of
Chalmers's Annals, the work has ever been quoted by American
writers with entire confidence and respect, and this circumstance
speaks clearly in favor of the author's candor and honesty. Judging
from the free use which has constantly been made of this work, as
well as from the matter it contains, we may justly regard it as
holding an important place in our historical literature."

The volume published in 1 780 brought the Annals down to the era
of the Revolution of 1688, and disclosed the author's intention to
continue the work ; but he changed his purpose, and nothing more
appeared ; although, he left at his death the continuation in manu-
script, which is now for the first time printed from the original in
the handwriting of the author, carefully revised and prepared for
the press by himself Continuing the Annals nearly to the close of
the seventeenth century, its undoubted authenticity and its clearness
of detail justify regrets that the work was not completed to a later
period, and that it has not been published before.

• Chalmers's Library and MSS. were sold by auction in London,
in 1841 and 1842. This MS. with others then came into the posses-
sion of Thomas Thorpe, the London bookseller, from whom it was
purchased by Mr. Bancroft, io whose liberality the New York
Historical Society is indebted for this precious addition to its
manuscript treasures.

POLITICAL ANNALS

PRESENT UNITED COLONIES,

FROM THEIR

SETTLEM:ElsrT

FEACE of 1763.

Compiled chiefly from Records, and authorized by the Insertion
of State Papers,

By G. C.

"Anecdotes enow to glut the curiosity of some persons and to silence all the
captious cavils of others will never be furnished by any portion of history : But
he who is content to read and observe like a Senator and Statesman will find as
imtch information as he wants." Bolingbrokb.

BOOK 11.

POLITICAL A^-NALS

PEESENT UNITED COLONIES.

BOOK II. — CHAPTER I.

Review of the reign of James 'id. — The abdication. — The
Hevoltition. — The accession of William and Mary. —
Conduct of Scotland. — Proceedings of Ireland. — Remarks.
— Prince of Orange writes circular letters to the Colonies.
— The orders of the Privy Council. — Subseqtoent conduct
of Virginia. — A Revolution in Maryland; — and appro-
bation of William. — Pennsylvania continues its former
administration. — A fairs of Massachusetts : — Intrigues
of the Agents : — T}ie Consequences : — Revolution at Bos-
ton : — The Insu7^gents resume their ancient government. —
Which is approved hy William. — The conduct of the
other Colonies of New England. — A Revolution at New
YorTc ; — which ends unhappily for the principal Agent.
— The Jerseys remain without any perceivable govern-
ment. — The Carolinians proclaim William, and Mary.
— Observations : And inference.

FEW princes appear to have more justty merited the
loss of the attachment of their subjects than did
James 2d of England. Neither instructed by the sad
example of a father, nor by the infelicities of a brother,
to his natural aversion to popular rights he added that
fondness for personal power, which he had acquired dur-
ing his exile in his youth, and which had been confirmed
during the prosperity of his riper years. Whatever
may have been his private virtues, which as a man

6 THE CONTINUATION OF

procured him justly the affection of his friends, his po-
litical prepossessions and religious principles seem to
have disqualified him for holding the scepter of a mon-
archy, the forms of ^vhich were now so precisely ascer-
tained as to deprive him of those justifications, that
deducted something from the demerits of his predeces-
sors. A course of uniform misrule,^ owing partly to
his own bigotr}^, perhaj^s more to the profligate treachery
of his ministers, all tending to a dissolution of the con-
stitution, brought on a crisis, that constrained all parties
in the nation to decide on the necessity of a revolution.
Did the misconduct of that monarch amount in the judg-
ment of every the "to an endeavor to subvert the gov-
ernment,'' Hhe result of liis deliberate judgment had com-
pletelj^ overthrown the subordinate systems of the colo-
nies. And the provmcials had been already reduced to
that deplorable state of servitude, Avhich the people of
Great Britain only dreaded as the greatest of evils.
The Prince of Orange, in order to promote his own views,
brought deliverance to both, whicli tlie}' had sighed for
in vain, but for his timely arrival.^

The moment James relinquished a government de-
scended to him through a long line of ancestors, hi the
ill-founded hope, that by introducing universal anarchy,
it would be impossible to reestablish the administration
in his absence, the Prince, by the request of an extra-
ordinary assembly of peers and commons, assumed the
reins which the infatuated King in despair had thrown
away : And he summoned in his own name a conven-
tion of the states of the realm. Wlien this memorable
council assembled on the 2 2d of January, 1689, the
commons made it only the work of one slight debate to
decide this momentous question ; '• whether the kingly
office was vacant :" Admitting at the same time the
validity of this important proposition of constitutional
law, that though James had fled the regal hrancli of the
body politic still remained. For the whole fabrick of
government must otherwise have fallen into ruins : The
peers would have been degraded from their high sta-

CHALMERS S POLITICAL ANNALS. 7

tion ; the electors of the commons must have lost the
privilege of election ; every order in the state would
have been reduced to a level : And the people must hava
reared on new foundations an edifice in the room of the
venerable pile which had been thus overthrown. But
the prudent moderation of the wise happily tempered
the inclinations of the vehement. And when the va-
cancy of the regal office was at length decided by the
agreement of the two houses of Parliament after various
debates, it followed as a necessarj^ consequence that it
must be again properly filled. The Prince and Princess
of Orange were accordingly declared by them King and
Queen of England, and the dominions to the same he-
longing. All parties in the nation concurred in admit-
ting the necessity of a revolution, and the wise of those
days from this circumstance inferred the justice of it.
England and her Colonies were equally benefited by this
signal event ; because the sufferings of both were equally
relieved.

The change of an administration that was absolutely
bad to one many degrees better was by no means the
sole advantage which the nation derived from the Kev-
olution. The nature and principles of the constitu-
tion before extremely indefinite were not only ascer-
tained, but the power of the legislature and the pre-
rogatives of the supreme executive magistrate were
asserted and established over every dominion of the
crown. Both Whigs and Tories, suspending their
mutual animosities in the moment of common danger,
were obliged to confess : That though the wants of in-
dividuals discovered the necessity of government, yet the
different modes of it, which have been discovered in
different countries and which were the result of accident
or design, were not consequently founded in natural
right : That those expedients which at length acquired
the appellation of constitutional maxims, and Avhich
public wisdom framed for the general benefit, must at
all times be understood and re<iulated accordino- to the
ends for which they were designed ; since otherwise the

8 THE CONTINUATION OF

utility of tliem might be sacrificed to tlie means : That
nations, being composed of numerous individuals, who
in their associated state possess the natural rights of
men, must in the same cases of urgent necessity be en-
titled to the same powers for defence and preservation
in the aggregate body : That from the plainest impos-
sibility the people at large can neither deliberate nor
act, except in their corporate capacity, which under the
English constitution is vested in the different estates in
various proportions : That as in these the power of the
whole is invested all rules of mere positive institution
must necessarily be subject to its controul : That as the
representative of one estate had deserted his station and
relinquished his high office, the power of the whole de-
volved on the other two for the purpose of reestablish-
ing the energy of government, because it was necessary
at the unparalleled conjuncture. Such were the wise
and salutary principles by which the rectitude of the
mighty event beforementioned was defended, on which
the present establishment was erected as the firmest
foundations. These maxims were confirmed, and the
rights of the nation declared * at the same time that the
crown was tendered to the Prince and Princess of
Orange ; while they accepted the one, the others they
affirmed : And the prerogatives of the prince and the
rights of the people were in future enjoyed under the
same positive law which insured both.

But though the Prince of Orange had thus acquired
possession of the throne of England he derived not
thereby any title to that of Scotland, because, both na-
tions being equally sovereign and independent, the rules
prescribed by the one enforced no obedience in the
other. The same arts which had been used to procure
the unanimity of the English were soon successfully em-
ployed to insure the concurrence of the Scotch in a
similar measure. The voice of the people sent to the
Convention such members as favored the views of
William, because the interests of both on that occasion
happily coincided. This extraordinary assembly, unem-

CHALMERS S POLITICAL ANNALS. 9

barrassed by the verbal disputations of the English,
so unworthy of men contending for their rights, soon
resolved in language, which shewed equally the former
oppressions and present disposition of the nation : "That
James 2d by his evil deeds had forfaulted his right to
the crown," The scepter which had been thus struck
from the hand of that deserted monarch was instantly
tendered to his fortunate rival, accompanied with such
conditions as the same authority had a right to prescribe.,
While the great were busied in promoting their various
interested projects, men of discernment remarked : That
as neither James 6th, nor his posterity had abdicated
the government of Scotland by assuming the command
of a neighboring kingdom, the late relinquishment of
James 2d of his authority in England did not affect
his Scotch prerogatives : That the transcendant power
which now deprived him and his posterity of their
hereditary titles might with equal propriety have given
them to strangers to his blood, or recognized the con-
tinuance of his rule. Ages have applauded the wisdom
of a choice, which paved the way for a subsequent
union of interests and affections, that have been suc-
cessively strengthened Avith an anxiety which shewed
the importance of them.

Meanwhile though the Convention of England had
recommended Ireland to the care of William, he resigned
it to a neglect, which soon produced embarrassments
that he found sufficient cause to regret. Not only the
inhabitants, but Tyrconnel, the Lord Lieutenant, seem
to have been ready to acknowledge the title and to obey
the commands of their new sovereigns, had any rational
measures been adopted to procure the one or to enforce
the other.^ Entirely occupied with the factions of Eng-
land, or with the foreign politics which continually
floated in his mind, that prince would neither listen
seriously to the informations brought liim from Ireland,
nor attend to any proposals tliat were made him for its
reduction : Reflecting probably that the dej^endencies
of England must follow her fate, or temporizing per-

10 THE CONTINUATION OF

haps because he knew his own weakness. But though
he at length sent Colonel Hamilton, a known partizan
of the abdicated King, to practise on the hopes and
fears of Tyrconnel, it appears not that any official notice
of the recent transfer of the Crown was transmitted to
him, or any formal demand made either of recognition
of the present government or resignation of his former
authority. A declaration ^ indeed was issued in Feb-
ruary, 1689; warning the crowds of Irish who had
rushed to arms of their danger ; and requiring them to
retire peaceably to their homes, on pain of being con-
sidered as rebels, of being deemed answerable for the
miseries of their country. It was the arrival of his com-
petitor in Ireland, during the subsequent March, at-
tended by many nobility and gentry, who adhered to his
fortunes, and a few French officers, that roused the
attention of William when it was too late. Tyrconnel
had now taken a decided part in favor of his late master,
and had pursued the most vigorous measures for put-
ting his government in the most respectable state of de-
fence ; because he deemed the offers of William unsuit-
able to the extent of his ambition. Were we to judge of
the sentiments of men by the complimentary addresses
which were poured upon James, from all ranks of people,
we ouo;ht to consider the felicitv of the Irish as abso-
lutely completed by the presence of him whom they
deemed their king.'^ Yet the happiness of this prince
did not keep pace with the festivity of the multitudes,
who now rejoiced at his arrival. And notAvithstanding
his aversion to popular assemblies, he was constrained
to convene a Parliament in l^iay 1689. The proceed-
ings of this assembly have been transmitted b}' historians
as specimens of the frantic acts of despair rather than
the sober deliberations of legislation. Exulting in the
presence of a king, and transported with " the prospect
of independence of' England'' among otlier extraordinary
laws it passed one " containing a recognition of his title,
and an abhorrence of the usurpation of the Prince of
Orange ;" another " declaring that the Parliament of

CHALMERS S POLITICAL ANNALS. 11

England cannot bind Ireland, that no appeals ought to
be allowed to her judicatories."^ In addition to the cir-
cumstance of his being aided by a French force^ nothing
was there now wanting to render James completely un-
[)opular in England, because he wounded her pride,
while he struck at her rights. And the English Parlia-
ment, actuated partly by their antipathies, but more by
a laudable desire "to assert the Sovereignty of the
Crown " not long after declared : ^ "• That the conven-
tion of persons lately met at Dublin, and pretending to;
be a Parliament is a rebellious assembly, and its acts-
illegal and void." To establish the validity of the very
different laws of those memorable assemblies, the war
of Ireland was commenced. After various events, which
entailed innumerable miseries on this island, and which
are now known to every one, the capitulation of
Limerick, concluded in October 1691, at length decided
the contest for preeminence, and established the former
government of England. Happy had the terms of that
famous pacification been adhered to with an attention
and rectitude equal to the bravery with which they were
won.

Nothing can enable us to form a truer judgment of
the nature and extent of the genuine authority of the
Parliaments of England, of Scotland, and of Ireland,
than the short notices before mentioned. Though the
former had alone decided on the necessity of a Revolu-
tion, and transferred the scepter to other hands more
worthy of it, these resolutions did not affect the deter-
minations of the second : But the decisions of the first
were absolutely conclusive with regard to the various
English dependencies, and all subordinate legislatures
were bound to obey them. When it was once declared
'that the throne was vacant by the abdication of James,
he ceased to be the King of Ireland, and became an
alien to its people and its laws. The moment legal
notice ^^ was communicated to the Lord-Lieutenant of
the demise of the crown by the accession of William
and Mary, it became his duty to announce an event so

12 THE CONTINUATION OF

interesting to every one, and to submit to the authority
of his new Sovereigns by the administration of the
government in tlieir names. The late King could thence-
forth no more interfere in the execution of the laws than
any other monarch of Europe. And we may now in
the remarkable words of Parliament ^^ infer : " That as
the Kingdom of Ireland was annexed to the Imperial
Crown of England, all persons in Ireland that did not
submit to the government thereof were rebels and guilty
of high treason."

If from Ireland we turn our views to the other
provinces of the Empire beyond the Atlantic, we shall
behold a very different scene, because they were animated
by a very dissimilar spirit. The prince of Orange was
no sooner requested to assume the direction of affairs
than he fixed his attention on the Colonies, for the
happy state of which he professed a particular care.
He was not ignorant that tlie late King in the midst of
his anxieties had given them notice of the intended
invasion from Holland; and he thought it prudent to
communicate the best intelligence of the event of it.^^
He wrote circular letters to the various governors ;
directing that all persons " not being papists," lawfully
holding offices civil or military shall continue to execute
them ; requiring justice to be administered as formerly ;
and commanding all degrees of men to support their
authority.^^ But the cliaracteristic reserve of that
prince appears in this transaction extremely conspicu-
ous : He did not mention the name of the late King
lest he should admit his authority or recall the attention
of men to the unfortunate, which generally solicits
their pity : Nor did he direct the colonial governments
to be administered in his own name, lest he should have
assumed a power that did not yet belong to him. And
by giving general directions he left the several governors
to follow the dictates of their peculiar inclinations. As
there was no demise, since there was yet no transmis-
sion of the crown, thej'' acted on that uncommon occa-
sion it should seem in strict conformity to law, when

CHALMEES'S POLITICAL ANNALS. 13

they continued the administration of affairs in the name
of the abdicated monarch, long after he had deserted the
nation and ceased to be king.

But the colonies happily did not continue long in a
state of uncertainty, which proved extremely inconven-
ient to all, and in some produced numerous disorders
that they found abundant cause to lament. The Privy
Council in February, 1G89, informed the governors of
the accession of the Prince and Princess of Orange to
the Crown of England and of the territories to the same
belonging ; directing them at the same time to proclaim
William and Mary according to the form inclosed with
the requisite solemnities on the like occasion. The
royal pleasure was signified that every one should con-
tinue in office till further orders. And copies of the new
oaths to the government were transmitted with direc-
tions to cause them to be administered in the place
of the former oaths of Supremacy and Allegiance.^*
Tidings however of the extraordinary change in Eng-
land, though imperfect in proportion to the distance,
soon reached Virginia. And there were not wanting
numbers, who, forming their opinions from what they
wished, flattered themselves, that as there was no longer
any king in England, there was now no government
within that dominion. The interested with their usual
industry spread reports tlie most incredible, which the
multitude believed with their wonted credulity. Being
told " that the papists of Maryland and Virginia had
machinated to introduce foreign Indians to destroy the
protestants " this story, however groundless and wild,
while it awakened former jealousies, so terrified a people
accustomed to Indian massacres that they ran to arms
with the promptitude of men urged by a mixture of
hatred and fear. Though this rumor soon appeared to
be groundless, others equally void of foundation sprung
up in succession, and agitated a credulous people. The
prudent vigilance of the council and principal inhabi-
tants for the present extinguished the spark whicli began
to kindle. But their utmost exertions could not lono^

14 THE CONTINUATION OF

have prevented what had been only smothered from
blazing out anew, had not the orders before mentioned
been timely received, "which gave a check to unruly
spirits." William and Mary were accordingly pro-
claimed, in April, 1689, "Lord and Lady of Virginia,"
with the same readiness and acclamations as if they had
succeeded by a course of descent long foreseen, and uni-
versally approved.^^ We may thence date the demise
of the cro^yn and a variety of important consequences.
The allegiance of the colonists was transferred without
their consent from their former prince to their new
sovereigns by an act of Parliament which gave those
monarchs the power to command, and obliged every
subject to obey ; in their names every act of government
was now performed ; all yielded willing obedience to an
administration, which was agreeable to the inclinations
of the people, under the highest penalty known to the
law of England : And the repose of the colony was once
more established, with the usual blessings which flow
from internal tranquillity.

Had the same official orders been transmitted to
Marjdand by the same fortunate conveyance they had
probably prevented a civil war with its attendant evils.
But Lord Baltimore and William Penn, having appear-
ed before the Lords of the Committee of plantations on
the 18 of February, 1689, "were informed that it was
expected of them, that they should cause their ]).lajestys
to be proclaimed in Maryland and in Pennsylvania:"
Both promised to obey any commands from that board.
And soon after the same orders and proclamations as
had been sent to Virginia were delivered to them by
the Privy Council. ^^ But the letters which they trans-
mitted owing to the irregularity of conveyance during
those days, were never received. The rulers of Mary-
land, actuated partly by their regard to forms but
perhaps more by their principles, did not think them-
selves authorized l^y the example of their neighbours to
proclaim the King and Queen. Though this conduct
may have been more strictly legal than altogether

CHALMEKS'S POLITICAL ANNALS. 15

prudent, a different proceeding, however inconsistent
with rigid duty, had been extremely acceptable and
recommended to favour. Meanwhile intelligence of the
designs in favour of the Prince of Orange having found
its way into Maryland, men of active tempers pre-
pared to draw from the distractions of England those
advantages to themselves which had been at all times
done on similar occasions. On the pretence that three
thousand Indians had invaded the province, as early as
the 25th of March, 1689, Colonel Jowles requested the
Deputy Governors to send hira arms to enable the
})eople to repel the invaders of their countr3\ Darnel,
one of the governors, repaired himself soon after with a
becoming spirit to the supposed scene of action : And
finding the inhabitants in arms offered to lead them in
person against the enemies of their peace. But though
various rumors were traced, which many believed and
more affected to do so, " upon the most diligent search
no Indians anywhere appeared." The apprehensions
of the multitude being now in a great measure removed
tlie country enjoyed till the 16th of July its accustomed
repose. The sagacious now suspected what was un-
doubtedly the truth : " That the whole had only been a
contrivance of designing men who under this pretence
wanted only to raise an insurrection." ^^

The President of Virginia in the meantime informed
the Ministers of England, that the King and Queen had
not been proclaimed in Maryland. It was to no
purpose for Lord Baltimore to affirm that he had
transmitted express orders for that purpose: With a
promptitude equal to the importance of the business, he
was ordered in August, 1689, "to send duplicates of his
letters by a special messenger at his own expense."
The same orders were then given to Penn. And in the
vehement spirit of those times both were threatened
\\dth the loss of their charters by a Parliamentary-
inquiry into the nature of their rights and the rectitude
of their administrations.^^ Yet these orders were un-
happily transmitted too late to preserve Maryland from

16 THE CONTINUATION OF

the miseries of anarchy, the proprietary government
from destruction, and his private rights from invasion.
As usual in times of Iiigh passion the length of delay
added proportionably to the anxieties of the people ;
whose minds were extremely inflamed by the repetition
of stories which had been often proved groundless, and
which were again believed, because they were repeated.
The various endeavours of the governors to silence clam-
our and to preserve peace were turned ag-ainst themselves
by the arts of their opponents, because during the season
of discontent the multitude readily believe whatsoever
is reported of their rulers. Various insurrections broke
out in Maryland during July, 1689. And John Coode,
a man of abandoned principles, who had been formerly
prosecuted for seditious practices, marched with seven
hundred men to St. Mary's, the capital, and easily
seized the State-house ; since a guard of a hundred men,
commanded hy^ Colonel Digges, refused to defend it,
because they were animated by the same spirit. The
Governors endeavored in vain to raise the militia, who
considered the insurgents as friends whose intentions
were to preserve the country from the savages and
papists and to proclaim the King, rather than as ene-
mies to be feared. Observing how much the minds
of all were terrified with an apprehension of the In-
dians, they offered to appoint Colonel Jowles, now the
second in command to Coode, general of the militia.
They offered a pardon to those now in arms on condition
of their returning peaceably to their private affairs.

But they soon found what James bad sadly experi-
enced in England, that when the confidence of subjects
is withdrawn a fallino- o-overnment meets with few
supporters. Jowles declined a command which he per-
ceived was not offered from good will, and which he
already possessed from a very different title : The people
were persuaded to regard the offered pardon as an
insult rather than a favour, because it supposed that they
had committed a crime. With an alacrity that during
insurrection is always decisive, Coode marched against

Chalmers's political annals. 17

Mattapany-house, which the governors possessed with a
small garrison : And refusing all personal conference in
the hearing of his army, because he foresaw that it
might make an impression on the multitude, often prone
to pity the unfortunate, he compelled them on the 1st
of August, 1689, to accept the terms dictated by him-
self: He promised them security for their estates, and
protection for their persons ; which however were after-
wards little regarded, because men who depart from
strict duty in their zeal for innovation generally prove
faithless. ^^

Having obtained the object of their wishes, the
leaders of the insurgents assumed the reins of govern-
ment which they had thus snatched from the hands of
the Proprietary deputies. They immediately published
a declaration of the reasons for this conduct, because
they were conscious that it would appear extraordinary
to the neighboring Colonies : This paper was plainly
drawn by the hand of party, and contains among a
great variety of motives two which in the present times
must appear very singular ; that it had been held
criminal to assert the Sovereignty of England over this
province ; that the ill-usage offered to the King's officers
of his Customs shewed the bad designs of the govern-
ment. A convention of the freemen was assembled on
the 24th August, 1689, notwithstanding several of the
counties refused to send deputies, because they disap-
proved of the measure. It however immediately ordered
the names of William and Mary to be used in all future
public proceedings instead of that of Lord Baltimore,
whom it now deposed, because it deemed him no more
entitled to obedience. It appointed naval officers for
the collection of the usual revenue. And it levied ten
thousand pounds of tobacco, which were given to the
soldiers as a reward for their late services in effecting
the revolution. While bounty was thus conferred on
friends, punishments were inflicted on opponents. And
many were imprisoned, notwithstanding the late capitu-
lation, for no other reason, it should seem, than that
2

18 THE CONTmUATION OF

they did not approve of the present system of govern-
ment. Forgetting that all its present importance and
power were procured chiefly by practising on the credu-
lity of the multitude, it now complained bitterly of
malicious reports ; so apt are men to condemn the same
arts in others which themselves have used. Having
appointed a Committee of Secrecy, it proceeded with
the accustomed unfairness of all partial inquiries to
establish the truth of a popish-plot, which never existed
but in the stories of the factious ; in order to inflict a
mortal Avound on the proprietary government: Thus
like the zealots of England with regard to the birth of a
son to James, placing the Revolution, which they had
achieved in favour of the Sovereignty of England and the
protestant religion, that ought to have been founded on
the natural and social rights of men, on a basis which
disgraced it, because it was false and unstable. It is
remarkable, that there was neither evidence nor resolve
to evince that the Deputy Grovernors had received the
orders of the Privy Council for the proclamation of
William and Mary ; though the proof of this fact, by
fixing on the objects of their hate the guilt of high
treason, would have at once ruined them, brought on
the forfeiture of the charter, and justified the conduct
of the insurgents in the eyes of the world and in notion
of law. But this important circumstance is not mention-
ed, because it did not exist and the use to which it
might have been applied seems not to have occurred :
The leaders of the Revolution had suflicient inclination
but were destitute of talents. The convention trans-
mitted loyal addresses to William ; congratulating his
accession and begging for approba,tion and favour. It
communicated to the neighboring colonies the reasons
of its late conduct, and solicited mutual friendship.
And it appointed Coode, who possessed nothing to
recommend him but his zeal, commander-in-chief of the
province, as a reward for his forward services. ^"^ In-
formation of all these interesting transactions reached
London in December, 1689. The lords of the Com-

CHALMERS S POLITICAL ANNALS. 19

mittee of plantations, after perusing the letters trans-
mitted to Lord Baltimore, and the addresses of the
Convention, approved of the conduct of those who had
seized the government and proclaimed the King and
advised that they should be directed to continue the
administration in the King's name till the royal pleasure
should be known. William approved of an advice so
consistent with his temper and his views.^^ But he
lived to experience mortifications and anxieties, which
probably made him regret, that he had disturbed the
reigns of his two predecessors, though to gain a crown,
that he now countenanced proceedings which deprived
an individual of his rights and offered a dangerous
example to posterity, though to acquire the government
of a province.

Actuated by that laudable spirit of peace, which is
so respectable even when productive of inconvenience,
and animated by the principles of William Penn, whose
attachments to the late King are sufficiently known, the
Pennsylvanians continued the administration in the
name of James long after his power had vanished. And
the consequences either good or evil, which resulted from
this circumstance were so little felt or resented in Eng-
land, that history and records are silent with regard to
the precise time when the kingship of William and
Mary was first recognized in Pennsylvania.-^ Yet the
proclamation of these monarchs was of more real
importance here than in Maryland. The charter of the
former had not established a palatinate and thereby
invested its proprietary with royal rights : That of the
latter had conferred the honour of both. In the first the
powers of government had been executed from the
beginning in the name of the King : In the other the
appellation of Baltimore was substituted for that of the
Sovereign in all public proceedings. In Maryland
therefore the proclamation of William and Mary would
have had no other perceivable effect than to give notice
to the people with regard to whom they owed their
allegiance : And no provincial commissions were vacated

20 THE CONTmUATION OF

by the demise of the Crown, hecanse they had not
derived their existence or vigour from the royal authority.
The peaceful prudence of Pennsylvania prevented those
animosities which the revolution of Maryland long en-
tailed on her, and saved a waste of treasure that she
long felt, and complained of And while the one
province was sunk into that lifeless state of inaction,
which necessarily results from great public convulsions,
the other extended her commerce, encouraged domestic
industry, and engaged in every pursuit, which tends to
make a country wealthy and great.

If from a colony remarkable for quietude we turn
our attention to one generally noted for turbulence we
shall perceive the successful result of projects deeply
laid and ably conducted. Mather and other agents who
had appeared in England in the beginning of the year
1688, and who agreeably to instructions requiring them
" to take advantage of times and of circumstances for
the good of New England," had derived every benefit
from the infatuation or favour of James 2d, beheld now
with satisfaction the approach of the prince of Orange
in October, 1688 : They rejoiced in proportion as they
saw that their beloved Massachusetts must gain what-
ever might be the event of his expedition. When the
friendly admonitions of Lewis 14 at length roused
James from the dream of security into which he had
been lulled by the insidious counsels of Sunderland, he
gave notice of the intended invasion to Andros, the
governor, by a circular letter, of the 1 6th of October : ^^
Requiring him in a magnanimity of language, which
his future conduct shewed he was unable to support, to
repel the invaders of the extensive dominion committed
to his charge. By the same opportunity the agents not
only transmitted the result of their solicitations, but
informed their friends of what they saw and heard ; and
warned them to prepare the minds of the people for an
interestino- chano-e. The vessel which carried all these
different dispatches arrived at Boston in the beginning
of January, 1689.-^ Unrestrained by winter severities

Chalmers's political annals. 21

from defending his province against the dangerous in-
cursions of the Indians, Andros was then at Pemaquid
on the extremity of the Eastern frontier, performing all
the duties of a vigilant officer. In pursuance of his
orders he issued on the 10th of January a declaration;
reciting the commands of his Sovereign, requiring " all
persons to be vigilant upon the approach of any fleet or
foreign force and to prevent an invasion." ^ But he
gave commands in vain to men, whose minds had been
long alienated equally from their Sovereign and his
representative whom they abhorred as the author of
their ills, and Avhose zeal would have prompted them to
receive those proscribed invaders with acclamations as
allies, rather than with enmity as foes. In conformity
to the suggestions of the agents, a variety of rumours
were scattered among the vulgar: Now, that King
James had fled to France and there died of vexation.
Anon, that the Prince and Princess of Orange had been
proclaimed King and Queen of England."^ And Andros
unsuspicious that the train was laid to the mine which
was so soon to blow his government in air, remained
meantime at Pemaquid till towards the end of March ;
when he returned to Boston, in consequence of the
reports that had reached him : Leaving the frontiers in
a respectable state of defence.^*^

Meanwhile, the Prince of Orange with a view " to
preserve the peace of New England to prevent the
inconveniences that might otherwise arise," wrote to
that governor on the 12th of January, 1689 ; command-
ing that " all persons then lawfully possessed of any office
shall continue as formerly ; that all orders lately given
by legal authority shall be fully obeyed till further
directions." Mather and the other agents, saw and
dreaded the consequences of this prudent measure, which
appeared so fatal to their schemes ; and they hastened
to prevent the transmission of an order, that would have
involved their constituents in considerable difficulty ;
because it had reduced them to the dilemma of either
submitting for a few months longer to the government

22 THE CONTINUATION OF

of Andros, or of overturning his authority though sup-
ported by the Prince. Accordingly " upon the applica-
tion of Sir William Phips and Mr. Mather the letter
was countermanded." ^^ To these men's interested in-
trigues New England owed much of the misery which
soon after ensued : To them were m a great measure to
be attributed the Indian irruptions that followed, the
blood which was spilt and the devastation of the
country ; because the leaders of the insurgents disbanded
the army which Andros had wisely placed for its
defence. The instant the new King and Queen were
placed on the throne the Committee of plantations pre-
pared a letter for the governors of the several colonies ;
directing them to proclaim their new Sovereigns and to
continue all officers till further orders.

William approved of all except only of that for
New England; the further consideration of which he
postponed till the business of taking away the charters
should be considered." ^^ Encouraged by these successes
and by the favor of Mary, which had been dexterously
gained before her departure from Holland,^® Phips
and Mather presented a petition on the 20th Feb-
ruary ; praying "that the colonies of Massachusetts,
New Pljanoutli, Coimecticut, and Rhode Island may
have their charters restored ; that their magistrates may
be permitted to take upon them the government as
formerly.*" ^° But the committee of plantations to whom
this application was referred, having heard as well the
agents by their counsel as Sawyer the late attorney-
general, who had been ordered to give an account of the
cancellation of the charters, reported two days there-
after ; that a governor should be forthwith sent to New
England in the room of Andros, with a provisional
commission and with instructions to proclaim the King
and Queen ; that such a further and lasting establish-
ment should be prepared for it as shall preserve the
privileges of the people and such a dependence on the
Crown as shall be thought requisite." Actuated how-
ever by secret influence which arose from causes that

Chalmers's political annals. 23

may be easily guessed though they cannot be clearly
developed, William disregarded the salutary advice of
his ministers and in a few days commanded: That
instead of a governor two Commissioners shall be ap-
pointed to take upon them the administration ; that the
Committee should j^repare a new Charter in conformity
to the before mentioned advice.'^^ Yet, as this measure
was contrary to the opinion of the Committee, as it was
not pressed by the agents, because it was inconsistent
with their views, and had probably been suggested by
them to defeat the intention of the ministers, no Com-
missioners were sent: As the desire of their petition
was not literally granted or rather refused, the Agents
gained time for their other projects to ripen to maturity.
And we shall find that the adjustment of the terms of a
new charter was the work of considerable labour, diffi-
culty and intrigue. Phips soon after sailed for Boston
to give an account of all these negotiations and to sug-
gest future measures.

While these transactions passed in England, the
seeds of innovation had been sown in Massachusetts
with a liberal hand. As vessels frequently sailed from
Holland directly to Boston during the winter, the lead-
ing men received regular notice from their correspond-
ents of every event in Europe. ^^ And they circulated
their informations on their fictions as best suited the
conjuncture and their views. Being at length assured
of the rapid tide of success which had run in favour of
the Prince of Orange and the minds of all being now
wound up to a painful state of anxiety, the spark which
had been so carefully fanned blazed out into insurrection
on the 18th of April, 1689. The men who deemed it a
duty to follow the patterns which had been set them in
England, demanded the fortresses and the government
of Andros in language which admitted of no denial ;
that both might be disposed of, " according to directions
from the Crown of England." As in Maryland tJiere
was here no formal Capitulation and he submitted to a
force that he perceived it was to no purpose to resist

24 THE CONTINUATION OF

Though " promised all security from violence to himself
or any of his gentlemen or soldiers, in person or estate,"
they were all imprisoned ; though they offered bail, the
distinguishing privilege of Englishmen, they were detain-
ed in rigorous confinement, till relieved by the command
of William, in the beginning of the subsequent year,^^
because the spirit of insurrection is always jealous and
severe. The government of Andros being thus over-
whelmed and a royal frigate and the forts secured, the
helm was seized by those who liad chiefly raised the
storm, under the famous name of "a Council of safety."
But William and Mary were not proclaimed. Though
their names had been borrowed to delude the vulgar of
every denomination, their interests were now little
regarded by any, because the Revolution at Boston was
achieved with very different intentions than had been
that of England : The acquisition of power was the great
object of both ; the one however was to obtain independ-
ence, the other a Crown. The Council soon requested
an assembly to meet in the subsequent May. But
during this anxious interval the people were distracted
by altercations with regard to the nature of the ad-
ministration which should be then adopted. Zealots
clamoured for a resumption of their ancient form : The
moderate insisted " that things should continue as they
were till they received directions from the King and
Queen of England." Influenced, however, by their
ministers, ever prone to violent counsels, the great body
of the people instructed their representatives in favour
of the former project. And when the Delegates con-
vened on the 24th of May, they therefore resolved, "to
settle a government according to cliarter-rights and to
patent-privileges."

In support of this important determination they
reasoned : That since there is a necessity for civil gov-
ernment, without which they could not enjoy safety or
peace, since the method of settlement lieth wholly at
this conjuncture in the voice of the people, the reestab-
lishment of that civil jurisdiction, which in former days

CHALMERS S POLITICAL AlSlfALS. Z5

they had rejoiced in, was correspondent to the noble
undertaking of the prince of Orange in the late settle-
ment of affairs in the renowned English Nation.
Agreeably to those independent views they declared the
aged Brad street governor, the experienced Danforth,
Deputy governor, and those persons assistants, who had
been chosen in the year 1686, under their pristine con-
stitution ; requesting them to take the present care of
the people, according to ancient custom ; And it was
finally resolved that this method of government shall be
found among them when orders should arrive from the
higher powers in England.^ In this concluding resolve
we at length perceive the real designs of the Agents :
That there might be no obstacle to the favourite object
of their hearts they had carefully prevented the trans-
mission of the orders of the Prince to Andros, and of
that oificial notice of the demise of the Crown, which it
was the duty of the privy council to announce to every
province of the Empire.

The convention on the 20tli of May framed an
Address to William, which exhibits a fine picture of its
embarrassments between its principles of independence
on the one hand, and its dread of dependence on Eng-
land, " to which it stood so nearly related," and its fear
of offending the higher powers, on the other : The
address gives an account of the steps that had been
pursued to accomplish the revolution ; it speaks to that
monarch botli as Prince of Orange and as sovereign of
England : And it is silent with regard to his proclama-
tion in Massachusetts.^^ A vessel which arrived from
England on the 26th of May, brought a full confirma-
tion of the final settlement of the affairs of that Nation.
And now the insurgents perceived their hopes of the
establishment of a commonwealth wholly cut off, which
they lamented in proportion to the vehemence of their
zeal, because they had been taught to believe that the
v^^ews of the prince of Orange had been the same with
their own, yet William and Mary were not even now
proclaimed. Three days thereafter Sir William Phipps

26 THE CONTINUATION OF

at length arrived at Boston. ^^ He gave complete in-
formation of the zealous proceedings of the agents for
the service of their country. "While he destroyed the
little hope which was still fondly entertained by some,
because " the first intelligence induced them to expect a
reestablishment of government in the old form," he
convinced them of the necessity of making their senti-
ments of freedom bend to the circumstances of the times,
since their future favour and expectations from England
depended entirely on their declaring explicitly for the
Revolution by formally proclaiming the King and Queen
without further delay. On the same day the proclama-
tion was accordingly made in Boston, with more than
usual ceremony. ^^ And the unconcerned remarked;
that the present affectation of joy and pomp were in
proportion to the disappointment of their late hopes,
and of their expectation of events to come. The general
Court again convened, after a new choice of Delegates
on the 5th of July, 1689. And it was resolved once
more ; that affairs should be conducted " according to
the charter, till orders should be received from England."
Two days after it voted an address to William and
Mary ; congratulating their accession ; informing them
of their joyful proclamation ; and praying for a restora-
tion of the ancient government. The felicitations, as
well of the late convention, as of the present general
Court, were jjresented to those monarchs in the subse-
quent August : And as the defects of the former were
overlooked during their attention to the compliments
of the latter, they were received with more than common
expressions of grace. ^* Men of discernment however
observed that William by his inattention to essential
irregularities of conduct gave countenance to a spirit
that sapped the foundations of the throne on which he
then sat. Orders were instantly given "for a letter to
be sent to the government of Boston: signifying the
royal approbation of their 7'eadines8 to proclaim tlje
King and Queen ; and empowering those now in power
to continue the administration in their names till orders

Chalmers's political annals. 27

should be given for the settlement of government. "^^
But tidings of the Revolution at Boston had in the
meantime reached London. Ensign Bigg, a special
messenger, had arrived on the 16th of July with Dis-
patches from Lieutenant-Governor Nicholson, at New
York ; informing the Lords of the Committee of planta-
tions of the imprisonment of Andros, and of the dis-
banding of the troops. Various petitions were immedi-
ately presented on behalf of the prisoners. And on the
29th of July, a royal letter was transmitted to Boston ;
commanding that they should be sent to England to
answer what might be objected against them.^" The
Commissioners of the Customs having soon after repre-
sented to the Committee the irregularities of the trade
of New England, a royal mandate was sent thither, " to
admonish all to observe the acts of navigation." *^ The
former was obeyed after some delay, because it gratified
the spleen of the people : the latter was disregarded
because it did not their interest.

Meanwhile the new rulers at Boston distracting
their own authority, though it had been conferred by
the people, guided the helm committed to their charge
with feeble and unsteady hands. Their authority was
impugned and derided, because it was perceived that
they doubted their own powers. And crimes of every
kind, which never fail to result from public commotions
prevailed to so great a degree, that they at length
thought it necessary "to draw the sword of justice
against them." Bradstreet, the governor, apologized
for this conduct in lan2;uao;e which shewed how much
he feared giving " offence to his Majesty." ^^ Yet rigid
moralists, who doubted the authority of human judica-
tories to put fellow-men to death, exclaimed; that the
execution of criminals by a jurisdiction so extremely
questionable could be considered only as legal murders.
When the royal letter before mentioned arrived at
Boston, on the 4th of December, 1089, the governoi
and council considered it, as an explicit confirmation of
their authority, and endeavored by a pious trick ^^ to

28 THE CONTINUATION OF

give it the force of a charter under the great seal, which
the multitude had been so often taught to expect, as
the ultimate reward of their own violence and of their
agents' intrigues. The domestic troubles being at length
calmed the colony continued to be ruled "according to
ancient forms," till the arrival of a new Charter some
years after.

The other plantations of New England had long
regarded Massachusetts as a pattern on all difficult
emergencies, because she was considered as the most
powerful, perhaps as the most sanctified. As the insig-
nificant province of New Hampshire had never enjoyed
the pleasures of a formal patent, she in some measure
sheltered herself under the wings of her potent neigh-
bour and waited patiently for the decision of her fate
from England. New Plvmouth, Rhode Island and
Connecticut, considering the imprisonment of Andros
as an emancipation from bondage, instantly reestablished
their ancient governments, because they were urged to
this measure by the persuasions of the leading men at
Boston, who wished for the countenance of numerous
associates in the same cause. Actuated by their hopes
of future benefit, rather than by attachment to their
cause, they in due season proclaimed William and Mary
and transmitted addresses ; professing their loyalty and
begging for approbation of their conduct and confirma-
tion of their patents.^

But to these little attention was paid, because no
agents interested themselves on their behalf and the
objects of their prayers were never obtained, since they
were never properly asked. Yet still anxious with re-
gard to the validity of Charters "svhich they insisted had
neither been formally surrendered nor legally taken
away Connecticut and Bhode Island consulted Ward
and Treby and Somers, who concurred in opinion "that
such a submission as is put in this case " doth not inval-
idate the patents.^^ And under the authority of the
opinion of these eminent lawyers they enjoyed them to
the present times, though not without a variety of future

Chalmers's political annals. 29

attacks. Inhabited by a different people, who were
animated by very dissimilar principles, New York
ardently regretted her conjunction with New England,
because she felt her degradation, and she had unceas-
ingly begged for disunion, since she wished to enjoy the
pleasures of separate government. The dissolution of
the administration of Andros confirmed the hopes which
the invasion of the Prince of Orange had raised, and all
men looked forward to the day when they should be
disjoined from a hated rival as the consummation of
their happiness. When Lieutenant-governor Nicholson s
dispatch of the 15th of Ma)^, 1689, was received by the
ministers of England, informing them of the revolution
at Boston, and of what he dreaded from what he saw,
the royal orders were transmitted commanding him, or
those who for the time preserved the peace, to proclaim
the King and Queen, and to continue the administration
in their names. But before these were received the
contagion of change had extended its unhappy influence
from New England to New York and produced similar
innovations though on principles extremely different.
The insurgents of the latter actuated by the zeal of
partizans, rather than by the interested caution of the
ambitious, declared at once for the Prince of Orange,
seized the fort in his name, and avowed their reso-
lution to hold it for him till demanded by his authority.
Equally attached to him and monarchy the people
of this colony differed only in their manner of shewing
their affections, and William and Mary were again and
again proclaimed with every demonstration of unfeigned
joy. Nevertheless experience seems to have decided in
favour of the sentiments of those, who, dreading all
popular innovations, because genuine freedom is but too
often injured by them, contended for waiting in qaiet
till official orders from the governors of England for
their final settlement should arrive. New York long
groaned under the complicated miseries which never
fail to result from a government conducted by weakness,
intemperance, and bigotry.*® And the usurpations of

30 THE CONTINUATION OF

Leisler and of the rulers of Massachusetts concluded in
a manner directly the reverse of each other ; the one
unhappily, because it had been guided by the hand of
folly ; the other successfully, because it had been con-
ducted with singular talents and address.

The Jerseys copied the peaceful conduct of Penn-
sylvania, because they were inhabited by a similar peo-
ple, rather than the frantic proceedings of New York
while ruled by the fanatic Leisler ; and waited in tran-
quillity the decision of their fate from the government
of England. As the Proprietors of East-Jersey had
formally surrendered their powers of government to
James 2d, as the greater number of the Proprietors
of both the Jerseys were attached to his interests,
because they were Quakers, they hesitated long with
regard to the Course they should follow. From
June, 1689, to August, 1692, there existed in these
provinces no perceivable administration. And Wil-
liam and Mary were not proclaimed, because their
enterprize had wounded the prejudices of the people. ^^
Yet if their singular choice has afforded fewer materials
for history than the extraordinary exertions of their
neighbours they were not divided by those factions,
which long embittered the spirit and distracted the
attention of the others. And the prudence of the former
for some years profited greatly of the folly of the
latter.

Already under the dominion of anarchy, the Caro-
linians seem to have little regarded the intrigues which
placed William and Mary on the throne and transferred
their allegiance, because they were unsuitable to their
views. And no sooner did their Proprietaries transmit
those orders and proclamations that had been given
them in charge by the Privy Council than their new
Sovereigns were announced with a promptitude and joy,
which shewed how little they had interested themselves
in the affairs of England.^^ Yet as the officers of gov-
ernment had derived their authority from the Proprie-
taries in whose names all legal proceedings were con-

Chalmers's political annals. 31

ducted that extraordinary demise of the Crown made
no perceivable change in Carolina.

Of all the English Colonies, Maryland and New
York alone acknowledged the title of William and Mary
by express laws.^^ When in after times the Assemblies
of both regularly convened, they passed " acts of recogni-
tion " declaring : " That their majestys were and of right
ought to be by the laivs of the realm of England^ their
sovereign liege lord and lady, King and Queen of Eng-
land, and the Dominions thereto helonging.'" That conduct
of the other Colonies, which we have so lately reviewed,
spoke a language equally explicit and decisive, though
without the compliment of legislative acknowledgement.
The laws of England then gave a sovereign lord and
lady to the Colonists, because they were English sub-
jects : Yet no assemblies were called to determine on
propriety of transferring their allegiance; no consent
was asked : All were concluded by the memorable resolu-
tions of Parliament, in which the will of every English-
man was then supposed to be contained. For in the
judgment of those days, and of those Colonial assemblies,
the moment the transmission of the Crown was decided
by the Sovereign legislature and that decision was
properly made known, it followed by necessary inference
that in judgment of law William and Mary " became
thereby rightfully invested with the royal dignity and
jurisdiction," within the various territories of the
Empire. And this flowed from the just consideration,
that since there could be only one authority in the state,
invested with sufficient power to determine that momen-
tous question, " ivhether James had relinquished the
goveriiment^^'' all her subordinate dominions must be
necessarily concluded by its resolution. Yet Ireland
and Massachusetts of all the English provinces either
denied the wisdom or doubted the validity of the
memorable decision before mentioned. The former
animated by the presence of the person who had once
held the scepter of Irish monarchy, declared in favour
of James in opposition to that vote of abdication which

32 THE CONTINUATION OF

had placed William and Mary on his throne, and con-
tended with arms for that Independence which superior
force could alone establish. The latter actuated by
similar motives resolved : " That the settlement of its
affairs lay wholly in the voice of its people ; *" though it
incongruously admitted at the same time its dependence
on England : Never reflecting that the spirit of this
Resolution would have justified those men to continue
themselves subjects of James to choose any other king,
or to erect a sovereign state. And the convention did
establish an independent commonwealth, which exerted
every act of sovereignty from the 18th of April to the
29th May, 1689. What the supreme legislature enact-
ed with regard to the Irish Parliament, men of rigid
principles applied to the general Court of Massachu-
setts, during that short period of independence : "That
it was an unlawful and rebellious assembly." ^^ When
we reflect, that the allegiance of the Provincials was
changed ; that sovereigns, who were intrusted with the
whole executive power, who were invested with a sul>
stantive vote in the legislature, were imposed on them,
it must be admitted, that the Parliament of England,
when it gave them a King and Queen exerted the high-
est of human authority. Yet there were not wanting
wise and good men during those times, who mistaking
the quality of the kingly estate, because they deemed
it something divine, rather than the mere creature
of social laws, and therefore like all rulers of society,
subject to the controul of the legislature, disputed the
sufficiency of Parliamentar}^ jurisdiction to establish
that most important change. The Revolution however
hath ascertained irrevocably the nature of the constitu-
tion and the extent of the supreme power over every
territory of the English Empire.

Chalmers's political annals. 33

AUTHOKITIES and NOTES.

' The misconduct of James is particularly recited in the
declaration of rights. 1 Wm. & Mary 2 Session ch. 2.—'' The
constitutional principles on which the Revolution was origin-
ally established and hath since been defended are finely explain-
ed in the considerations of the law of forfeiture, p. 118-9,
written by the late Charles Yorke ; which every Englishman
should not only read but study.

' On the same day that the Prince of Orange took leave of
the states of Holland at the Hague James 2d wrote the sub-
joined circular letter to the governors of the Colonies ; giving
notice of the intended Dutch invasion. From Yirg." Ent. 4 v.
p. 229. It ought to be remembered that the Secretary who
countersigned this memorable dispatch imparted the Secrets
of his master to the invader of his kingdom.

James Eex

Right trusty and well beloved We greet you well. We
have received undoubted advice that a great and sudden inva-
sion from Holland with an armed force of foreigners and
strangers will speedily be made in a hostile manner upon this
our kingdom. And although some false pretences relating to
liberty, property, and religion, contrived and worded with art
and subtlety maybe given out (as shall be thought useful upon
such an attempt) it is manifest however (considering the great
preparations that are making) that no less matter is intended
and by this invasion is proposed than an absolute conquest of
these our kingdoms and the utter subjecting us and all our
people to a foreign power, which is promoted (as we under-
stand although it may seetn almost incredible) by some of our
subjects, being persons of restless and wicked spirits, impla-
cable malice and desperate designs, who having no sense of
former intestine distractions, the memory and misery whereof
should endear and put a value upon that peace and happiness
which have long been enjoyed, nor being moved by our reiter-
ated acts of graceaud mercy wherein we studied and delight-
ed to abound towards all our subjects and even towards those
who were once our avowed and open enemies do again endea-
vour to embroil this kingdom in blood and ruin to gratify their
3

34 THE CONTINUATION OF

own ambition and malice, proposing to themselves a pray and
booty in siicb a public confasion : We cannot omit to make it
known that although we had notice sometime since that a
foreign force was preparing against us, yet we have always
declined any foreign succours, but rather have chosen (next
under God) to rely upon the true and ancient courage faitli
and allegiance of our own people with whom we have often
ventured our life i'or the honour of this nation and in whose
defence against all enemies we are firmly resolved to live and
die : And therefore we solemnly conjure our subjects to lay
aside all manner of animosity, jealousies, and prejudices and
heartily and chearfully to unite together in the defence of us
and their native country, which thing alone will (under God)
defeat and frustrate the principal hope and design of our ene-
mies, wlio expect to find our people divided, and by publish-
ing perhaps some plausible reasons of their coming hither as the
specious though false pretences of maintaining the protestant
religion or asserting the liberty and property of our people do
hope thereby to conquer this great and renowned kingdom.
But albeit the design hath been carried on with all imaginable
secrecy and endeavours to surprize and deceive us we have not
been wanting on our part to make such provision as did become
us, and by God's blessing we make no doubt of being found in
so good a posture that our enemies may have cause to repent such
their rash and unjust attempt. All which we do hereby charge
you to make known in the most public manner to our loving
subjects within our plantation under your government, that
they may be the better prepared to resist any attempts that
may be made by our enemies in those parts and secured in their
trade and commerce with this kingdom. To which end you
are to take care that upon the approach of any fleet or foreign
force the militia of that our plantation be in such readiness as
to hinder any landing or invasion that may be intended to be
made within the same. And further we do require you to
give all necessary directions that the ships and vessels trading
from thence do either put themselves under convoy or sail in
such number and fleets and take such other precautions as
may best prevent their falling into the hands of our enemies
until you shall receive further information from us of their
proceedings with such assistance by ships or otherwise as upon
occasion we shall find requisite for the safety and protection
of our subjects under your government. And so not doubting
of your care in all things relating to our service herein we bid
you heartily farewell. From our court at Wliitehall the ICth
of October 1688. — By his majesty's command

SuiJDERLAND.

Chalmers's political annals. 35

Eemark : It was afterwards made the chief charge against
Andros the governor of New England by the agents of this
colony that ho had published this formal dispatch.

' 1 Win. & M. 2d Sess. ch. 2.—^ Lei. hist. 4 v. 235-6.—° See
the collection of proclamations during the reign of William. —
' Lei. hist. 4 V. p. 243.— 'lb. 260-3.—^ 1 Wm. & M. 2 S.ch. 9.

'" The Conrts of Justice in "Westminster hall take judi-
cial knowledge of what king reigns over them without for-
mal information of the decease of the person of the prince.
Lord Raymond's Reports, 2 v. p. 811. But the law of England
with peculiar good sense adopting it as a maxim " that no one
shall be obliged to take notice when it is impossible to do so,"
obliges no officers of distant provinces to know anything of the
demise of the crown but what is communicated by official in-
telligence. And- nothing is legal notice of an event so inter-
esting but a proclamation of the accession of a new sovereign,
which constitutes the demise, signed by the Privy Council and
transmitted by the Secretary of State. For those great min-
isters are responsible to the nation for any accident or negli-
gence, because they are intrusted. And length of continued
practice has confirmed the validity of this reasoning. Though
we are informed " that Hamilton was sent to summon Tyrcon-
nel to submit to the present administration," yet it does not
appear that such notice as the law required had been trans-
mitted to the Lieutenant of Ireland at the arrival of the late
king. Had Tyrconnel, directed only by general report, pro-
claimed William andMary, his forwardness had been extreme-
ly acceptable and probably met with reward. But as he
adhered to the interests of his late master there was no acces-
sion in Ireland, it should seem, and consequently there could
be no demise of the crown long after these happy events had
taken place in England. For as demise necessarily imports
transfer it is not the decease of the natural body alone which
constitutes the transmission of the regal office : And the Rev-
olution offers a remarkable example that there may be a trans-
fer of the kingdom without the death of the royal person.
Had the war of Ireland ended differently, discussions of great
nicety might have arisen in a country governed by rigid law,
with regard to the exact point of time when the allegiance of
the people of Ireland was transferred from James their late to
AVilliam and Mary their new sovereigns. — " 1 Wm. & M. 2
Sess. ch. 9.

" Journ. Plant. Off. 6 v. p. 187-8.—'' The following circu-
lar letter from William to the Governors of the Colonies will
show with what anxiety he regarded their quiet and his own
interest. From Virg." Ent. 4 v. p. 233.

1128415

36 iHL CONTINUATION OF

William Henry by the grace of God Prince of Oi-ange &c.
Whereas upon onr coming into this kingdom, the Lords spirit-
ual aTid temporal, the Knights, Burgesses, and Citizens hereto-
fore members of the Commons house of Parliament during the
reign of King Charles 2d, residing in and about London and
the Aldermen and Members of the Common Council of the
said City in their assembly in this extraordinary conjuncture
have by their respective applications desired that we would
take upon us the administration of public affairs both civil and
military and the disposal of the public revenne for the preser-
vation of the peace and for other good ends and purposes in
their said application mentioned ; we desiring the happy state
and peace of this nation and the dominions thereunto belong-
ing and intending to promote by the best means the particular
good and welfare of the Colony and dominion of Virginia and
to prevent by the care and circumspection of the officers and
Magistrates in that government the inconveniences that other-
wise may arise ; we do hereby constitute direct and appoint
that all persons not being Papists who at the receipt of these
letters shall be duly and lawfully possessed of or interested in
any office or place of authority or government civil or military
within that colony and dominion shall be and hold themselves
continued in the said offices or places under the same condi-
tions as formerly the^^ held and enjoyed the same until other
orders shall be received from England or that other provision
be made in pursuance of the powers of government committed
to you : And that in the meanwhile for the preservation of
the state and necessary proceedings in matters of justice all
the said persons in whatsoever degree or condition do not fail
every one severally according to his place and office or charge
to proceed in the performance of all duties thereunto belonging
as formerly appertained unto them. And we do further here-
by charge and require that all orders and directions lately
made or given by any legal authority shall be obeyed and per
formed by all persons as fully as the same should have been
obeyed and done according to the purport thereof until further
orders aforementioned. Given at St. James's the 12th Janu-
ary 1688-9.

By his Highnesses command

Wm. Jephson.

'* Tt is apparent from the following letter transmitted by
the Privy Council to the various governors how much more
the Colonies were regarded than Ireland and what an extra-
ordinary change they underwent without their consent. From
Yirg.^ Ent. 4 v. 236.

Chalmers's political annals. 37

After our very hearty commendations.
Whereas William and Mary rrinee and Princess of Orange
have with the consent and at the desire of the Lords spiritual
and temporal in parliament assembled at Westminster been
proclaimed King and Queen of England France and Ireland and
of the territories and dominions thereto appertaining we have
thought fit hereby to signify the same unto you with directions
that with the council and other principal officers and inhabi-
tants of Virginia you proclaim their most Sacred Majestys
according to the form here inclosed with the solemnities and
ceremonies requisite on the like occasion. And we do further
transmit unto yon their Majesty's most gracious proclamation,
signifying their Majesty's pleasure that all men being in offices
of government shall so continue until their Majesty's further
pleasure be known. We do in like manner will and require
you forthwith to cause to be proclaimed and published, as also
that you do give order that the oaths herewith sent be taken
by all persons of whom the oaths of supremacy and allegiance
might heretofore have been required ; and tliat the said oaths of
allegiance and supremacy be set aside and abrogated within
your government. And so &c.

From the Council Chamber the 19th February 1688-9.
Halifax, C. P. S. Shrewsbury Macclesfield
Bath H. Capel J, Boscawen

Winchester Devonshire Delamere

Ro. Howard P. Hampden.

" The subjoined letter from the Secretary of Virginia to the
Lords of the Committee of plantations shows the sentiments
and conduct of tlie Virginians at the Pevolution in their true
colours. From Virg.'' Ent. 5 v. p. 3.

May it please your Lordships
The duty incumbent upon the office of Secretary in this
dominion, in which I have had the honour some years to serve,
obliges me to give your Lordships an account of the present
state of affairs, and to let your Lordships know such occur-
rences as have happened, viz. ; that the mutations of England
have extended their influence as far as these remote dominions :
For no sooner did the news of the late admired transactions
arrive here, though but imperfectly noised, and that with little
probability of truth, but it began to be in the mouths of tlie
mobile, that there was no king in England, and consequently
no government here. Upon this surmise followed rumours
that the papists of Maryland together with those among us
had machinated to bring great numbers of foreign Indiaiis to
the destruction of the inhabitants of both domimons and had

38 THE CONTINUATION OF

prefixed a certain time when this blow was to be given. These
though false and groundless reports raised great fears and
jealousies in the miuds of the multitude and soon Itrought
them together in arms to repel the supposed designs ; and so
great a llame was kindled by the blastsof popular breaths that
if it had not been timely prevented by the vigilance, care, and
])rudence of some of the Council and others in the ver>' begin-
ning of it, must have unavoidably proved fatal to both do-
minions ; and thougli it soon appeared that these rumours were
vain and idle and the people in some sort quieted, yet others
like hydras heads sprung up in their places to the great dis-
quiet of the government ; and it was rationally believed that
the difiiculties of keeping tliis dominion free from tumults,
divisions, and depredations would have been insuperable had
not the news of the happy accession of the Prince and Princess
of Orange to the crown of England arrived here with orders
from their Majestys most honourable privy council for the
proclaiming of the same given check to unruly spirits ; which
proclamation was effected at James City with all possible
speed and with as great solemnity as the shortness of time and
the necessity of present circumstances would admit of; and
the proclamations are now going forth into all connties of this
dominion that none may be ignorant of it, and the great cause
of their tumults — viz. the belief that there w^as no king in
England and consequently no government here may be re-
moved ; and peace and tranquility restored and established
amongst them, which that it may succeed is the daily pra^^er
of all loyal subjects and particularly of &g.

Nicholas Spencee.

" Journ. Plant. Off. 6 v. p. 147-8-200.—" Maryland Pap.
vol. .— '^ Journ. Plant. Off*. 6 v. p. 265-8-302.—'" Maryland
Pap. vol. . — '" See an account of all these things in the same
papers.—" Journ. Plant. Off. 6 v. p. 304.

''" Edward Randolph, the surveyor general of the Customs
in the Colonies, informed the ministers of England in February
1700-1 : " That neither former governors nor Pen since his
arrival here [Pensylvania] have proclaimed King William."
Plant* Gen^ B. p. 474. This must be understood of a foniKd
proclamation ; because the Quakers were enemies to pomp.
For the laws had assuredly been administered for several
years in the name of William and Mary. Mr. McPherson has
published a paper in liis secret history of England 1 v. p. 603,
which demonstrates that the Quakers were universally " the
friends of James 2d." The deposition of Forat among the
Pennsylvania papers, and the letters from Leisler to Bishop

CHALMERS S POLITICAL ANNALS. 39

Burnet, among the New Jersey and New York papers, show that
the representations transmitted from England on this subject
to that prince were just. William Bromtield, a quaker, wrote
from Ostend in February 1710-11 to Lord Dartmouth, Secre-
tary of State : That for conscience towards God and without
any self-interest he had served the late King James in his
exile during his life, and would have returned to England
upon the accession of Queen Anne, but had been imprisoned
by means of the representations of Lord Middleton, the Secre-
tary of the late king, though Queen Mary had nothing to ob-
ject against him. He offered if he were released to shew the
Queen how to attain her ends at a much less expense of blood
and treasure [Paper Office]. That this man was. acquainted
with secrets was probably the chief cause of his misfortune.
And Middleton was too well informed not to know, that the
Quakers were then deemed excellent negotiators. The Board
of Trade, in reporting to the Queen in September, 1709, the
laws lately passed in Pennsylvania, observe : "■ That in none
of the acts of this province there is any clause for renouncing
the Pretender or declaring their allegiance to your Majesty :
And therefore we humbly offer that your Majesty be pleased
to signify your pleasure to Mr. Pen, that he endeavour to get
a law passed for that purpose." Proprieties F. p. 151.

" See this, ante, — " Randolph's correspondence with the
ministry and other accounts. N. Eng. Pap. Bundl, 5. p. 31-
94. — ""^ This proclamation which was made the chief article of
complaint against Andros, because it most immediately af-
fected the feelings of William, may be seen among the same
papers. — '"" Captain George's letter to Pepys. Same jjapers,
p. 34. — "' There is a very particular account of the posts that
he established and of the garrisons which he left, among the
same papers.—" N. Eng. Ent. 3 v. p. 43.-- ' Jour. Plant. Off.
6 V. p. 197-8. — "'See an address which was presented to Mary
in Holland on behalf of New England among the same
papers.— =" N. Eng. Ent. 3 v. p. 200-1.—=' Journ. Plant. Off.
6 vol. p. '200-4.— =^N. Eng. Papers.— =' lb.— =* NeaPs N.
Eng. 2 V. p. 242-7. — '" The address is among the N. Eng.
papers. — '"Captain George's letter beforementioned. — " Hutch.
Hist. 1 V. p. 387. — ^* The address and the mode of its recep-
tion may be seen among the N. Eng. papers. — "" Jour. Plant.
Off. 6 V. p. 247.—" lb. 245.—" lb. 209.—" Hutch. Hist. 1 v. p.
389. — " Randolph informed the Committee of Colonies of this
circnmstance and transmitted a copy of the proclamation
graced with the print of the great seal, which may be seen
among the N. Eng. papers.

" These arc among the N. Eng. papers. — *' Hutch. Hist.

THE CONTINUATION OF

1 V. p. 406. — " For these things see the N. York papers,
Yol. 2. — " Proprieties B. 333-41 ; and ]^. Jersey papers,
Vol. 1.—" Car. Ent. 2 v. p. 167-8-71.—^" Laws of Maryland,
1692, ch. 1. Laws of N. Yk. p. 1. Of the act of Mary-
land just mentioned it ought to be observed, that among
various other laws it was not finally considered by the
ministers of England till October, 1699. The Attorney-Gen-
eral Trevor then reported : " Thait he found nothing in them
contrary to law or to the Prerogative." [Maryl. pap. D. p. 7.]
Yet the assembly having found an act recognizing Queen
Anne in the same spirit of zeal [1704, ch. l.J it was among
other laws referred to Sir Simon Harcourt, a lawyer of pro-
founder judgment and deeper research, who gave it as his
opinion : " That though the act of recognition was an instance
of the fidelity of the inhabitants ; yet in regard the said prov-
ince is entirely dependent on the Crown of England and no
such law has been thought proper to pass in England since
her majesty's accession, such a law is improper to be passed in
the Assembly of this Province." [Maryland Pap. 11. p. 48.]

^° Such are the emphatical words of the statute 1 Wm. & M.

2 Sess. ch. 9.

CHALMERS S POLITICAL ANNALS. 41

CHAPTER II.

JS/nibarrassmcnts of William. — He prepares for War. — State
of Yirginia. — Its complaints against Lord Howard., the
late governor to that prince j — to the Commons. — Nichol-
son sent thither Lieutenant Governor. — His administra-
tion. — An Indian War begins in New England. — The
conduct of And COS. — The proceedings of the (Jommittee of
Safety. — The attach on Acadie. — The French retaliate. —
The expedition against Queheck. — Subsequent distress of
New England. — The solicitation of a new Charter. —
Affairs of New Yorh ; — and of Canada. — The five con-
federated tribes prepare against the French invasion. —
Schenectady sacked. — Subsequent conduct of New York.
— Governor Sloughter arrives here. — His administration.
— Ingoldsby assumes the administration after his death.
— State of the Jerseys / — of Pensylvania. — Affairs of
Maryland. — A change of government. — Copley appointed
governor. — Condition m North Carolina. — Distractions
of South Carolina. — Ludwell appointed governor. — His
administration. — Is succeeded by Smith. — His prudent
advice to the Proprietaries.

nVT"0 sooner had William thus acquired possession of
_L>l the throne of England, and with it the government
of her various dominions, than he discovered what seems
not to have been foreseen during the flutter of expecta-
tion, that the one was encompassed with danger, that
the exercise of the other was attended with vexation.
Those factions which common danger had rather allay-
ed than extinguished, soon revived, because many were
dissatisfied with their own conduct, and more were dis-
appointed, since every one could not be gratified. In
return they thwarted the measures of the prince whom
they had just invested with the |)ower to command, be-
cause disappointment necessarily begets opposition.

42 THE CONTINUATION OF

And he found the Crown sit uneasy on his head, because
though supported by positive hiw it was not upheld by
that best of all securities the aflections of the people.
To domestic infelicities were superadded the appreheii-
sions of foreign war, which he foresaw was inevitable,
which perhaps he encouraged. The late king was not
only received by Lewis 14 with the cordial affection of
a friend, but with those assurances of effectual aid,
which proceeded no less from his attachment to the one
prince, than his hatred of the other. And while the
assistance of that mighty monarch enabled James to
land in Ireland it afforded William the opportunity
which he probably wished for, of animating an English
Parliament against a Sovereign, whom almost all Eu-
rope either detested or dreaded. The moment that
spirited assembly was informed, that the abdicated king
had appeared in Ireland, at the head of a French force,
in order to recover his former rights by means of the
Irish, than forgetting its usual contentions it hastened
to assure William of its zealous support in a war against
France ; which was soon commenced without considera-
tion, carried on without ability or success, and ended
without glory.^ And the nation sadly felt tliose embar-
rassments, which every people and every individual
must deplore, who engage in enterprizes beyond their
abilities.

As early as the middle of April 1689, that war-
like prince gave formal notice to the governors of
the several plantations " of the preparations then mak-
ing for a speedy war with the French" king; " he warn-
ed them " to put every thing in a condition to resist
any attempt of the enemy;" he assured tliem not only
of such assistance as should render them secure, but to
(jblige France to make reparation for her violences :
Assigning as reasons what seemed finely calculated to
strike the imaginations of the Colonists and to gain their
co-operation ; the frequent injuries received from the
French by his sul)jects in apparent violation of treaties ;
the interruption of" their commerce ; and the invasion of

CHALMERS S POLITICAL ANNALS. 43

the kings territories in America.^ But the Colonies
were in no condition, because they had no experience of
any attacks from European foes, either to repel the
attempts of enemies or to give aid to friends in the war,
which was soon after declared against a potentate, no
less powerful from the greatness of his resomxes, than for
the ability of his otiicers and the zeal of his subjects.

Scarcely had Lord Howard the governor of Vir-
ginia, arrived in England, accompanied by Ludwell,
the agent of the Burgesses, when he was called on to
answer at the tribunal of his new sovereign for the op-
pressions committed under the authority ©f his late
master. In March 1G89, the agent complained to Wil-
liam : That his loyal subjects in that colony had for
some years been grievously oppressed though three suc-
cessive assemblies had applied to the governor and
Council for relief: Tliat the late governor had imposed
various fees of office without the consent of the assem-
bly ; that he had revived laws formerly repealed,
merely because the act of repeal was refused the royal
assent ; that he had rendered no account to the assem-
bly of the fines and forfeitures. Having heard both
parties, having received the opinion of Treby and
Somers, the attorney and solicitor general, that monarch
decided several questions of constitutional law against
the assernbty, because they were favourable to the pre-
rogative : He declared that when a repealing law is
itself repealed, the abrogated act instantly revives ;
that the governor and Council had sufficient power un-
der the authority of a royal instruction to impose reason-
able fees ; yet Avith the usual policy of Courts, he ad-
judged that the law in question should ])e deemed void
in future, because it was complained of; that fees lately
established should be no longer demanded, because they
had been found inconvenient ; that the fines and for-
feiture should thereafter be aj)plied to the support of
government.^ But Ludwel fixiled in what was probably
the chief end of his embassage ; since Lord Howard was
soon after declared governor of Virginia, as these com-

44 THE CONTINUATION OF

plaints were deemed questions of policy, rather than
accusations afFecthig his reputation/ Disappointed in
his hopes and dissatisfied with the judgement of his
prince, Ludwell five days after appealed to the Com-
mons of England, who then acted as the protectors of
every dominion of the state. To them he presented " a
petition on behalf of the Commons of Virginia ; " com-
plaining of similar grievances ; and praying for relief.
But though he was called on to shew his authority and
a committee was appointed to hear his complaints it
appears not that any redress was given. ^ Thus at that
great era " the Commons of Virginia" were not too high
minded to beg for the consideration of the commons of
England, when dissatisfied with the judgement of Wil-
liam ; to confess their superiority, since they admitted
their jurisdiction, when they stood in need of their aid.
Too zealous to despond because he was disappointed,
Ludwell in September 1689, once more complained to
that monarch of other grievances, which he asserted
were equally oppressive, though the Burgesses had not
formerly insisted on ihem, " because of the terror they
were under." But it now appearing that this long list
of afflictions were presented rather with a view to pre-
vent the return of the late governor, than from a real
sense of injury the present application was attended
with still less success than the first. And as Lord
Howard shewed no great inclination to revisit a people,
who so little wished for his presence, Francis Nicholson,
who had lately arrived from New York was soon after
dispatched as Lieutenant governor to rule Virginia in
his absence,^

When Nicholson arrived in May 1690, he discovered
that the dominion committed to his charge had remained
since the accession of William and Mary in profound
peace ; though " there had not been wanting ill-disposed
persons who endeavoured to disturb its repose." News of
the French and Indian devastations on the Northern Col-
onies having meanwhile reached Virginia, the people fear-
ed for their safety, in proportion only as they heard of

CHALMERS S POLITICAL ANNALS. 45

the calamities of war, from afar. The governor thought
it prudent however to visit the frontiers, where an at-
tack only was apprehended, the defence of which he
perceived would be difficult, because they were thinly
inhabited ; to inspect the places of strength, which de-
served not the name of fortifications ; to review the
militia, Avhich were neither disciplined nor armed, be-
cause they were poor. And he put the country in the
best state of defence, that an entire want of warlike
stores would admit ; to the great encouragement of the
inhabitants, who determined to repel any attempts on
their borders. But he gave warning at the same time
to the ministers of England that it was impossible to
protect effectually a level country, so intersected by
navigable rivers, except by ships of war, which would
not only defend it from depredations by sea, but pre-
vent illegal traffick so destructive of the real interests of
the state. Partly owing to the want of the spii'it of
industry, but more to embargoes frequently laid on the
trade of Virginia during the war, and to the distresses
of England, the commerce of that dominion suffered
still more than that of the parent country. The Vir-
ginians were neither sufficiently supplied with the accus-
tomed necessaries nor was their tobacco their only staple
and resource wholly exported, and the public revenue
diminished in proportion as the wants of the people in-
creased. To the Committee of Colonies the (jlovernor
and Council with a laudable spirit represented : That
were not means found to send thither a greater number
of ships in the subsequent year, with abundant supplies
of clothing, tlie inhabitants would assuredly apply to
manufactures and the taxes must continue to decrease :
That the greatest inconvenience had been found from
the absence of officers, whose actual residence should be
insisted on as an essential condition of their appoint-
ment. Nor were those the only infelicities which were
then felt and lamented. The Virginians had disputes
with North Carolina relative to boundaries : On tlie
north the inhabitants of that immense peninsula, bound-

46 THE CONTINUATION OF

ed by the E,appahannock and Potomack, were disquiet-
ed by Lord Culpepper's pretensions. And it was now
represented, that were " the northern-neck" placed under
a settled government it would greatly contribute to the
safety of the whole, because the interests and affections
of all would be thereby united.'

The assembly of Virginia convened for the first time
since the Kevolution in April 1691. And the circum-
stances of the province directed its attention to those
objects which most immediately required their legislative
care. It passed various acts,^ for the better defence of
the country ; for the more effectual suppression of vice ;
and for a free trade with the Indians ; which had for-
merly been restrained., What had been so lately pre-
dicted, now actually happened: The obstructions to
commerce obliged the people to endeavour to supply
themselves with the most useful manufactures : And the
assembly, among other regulations of domestic economy,
passed an act "enjoining the planting of flax and hemp ;
one for the advancement of the manufactures of this
country ; and one for the establishment of Ports : But
laws are made in vain when they militate against the
spirit of a people, and the dispensations of nature. The
multitude of navigable creeks which are so advantageous
to a commercial nation, have hitherto prevented the rise
of considerable towns, or the establishment of Ports :
And the haughty masters of innumerable slaves have not
yet dAvindled into skillful manufacturers. The assembly
transmitted an address to William ; congratulating his
accession to the tln'one ; thanking him for his seasonable
supply of warlike stores ; and praying for a continuance
of the old, and an addition of further privileges, for an
application of the estal:>lished revenue to secure the
country, and for a settlement of the affairs of the penin-
sula before mentioned, which had been long in confusion,
which occasioned a dangerous separation. Nicholson
enjoyed the rare felicity of giving at the same time satis-
faction to his prince and to the people over whom he
presided : And the assembly presented an address to that

Chalmers's political annals. 47

monarcli in his favour; begging permission to make
him a present of three hundred pounds. The governor,
sensible what offence it has always given to England
to behold manufactures established in her colonies,
because it strikes at the foundation of her power, apolo-
gized to the committee of plantations with regard to
the act for planting flax and hemp, by saying " that it
was only to please the inhabitants, who the moment
they are sufficienth' supplied with merchandiz(3s will
mind nothing but tobacco." And he solicited in language
which shewed the commercial distresses of the country,
•' that a few ships may be allowed to bring supplies with
X comfortable account to keep the people in hopes." ^

Meanwhile, Lady Culpepper and Lord Fairfax, who
had married her daughter, equally anxious for a termi-
nation of the disorders of the northern-neck, which so
greatly affected their interest, presented a petition to
William in May 1691 : Stating the original grant of
that immense region to Lord St. Albans and others,
who conveyed it to their predecessor for a valuable con-
sideration, and the confirmation of the late king in Sep-
tember 1688 : And praying not only for approbation of
their rio-ht but for directions to the jxovernment of Vir-
ginia to protect their agents. The committee of planta-
tions, having heard the petitioners'' counsel, thought it
prudent to send the representation on this business to
the governor and Council; in order that they might
support their objections to the patent, because it
was granted during the late reign. After hearing all
parties, Somers the attorney general at length reported ;
" that nothing had been made out to him sufficient to
vacate the letters patents, which had been granted in
the usual form and Avhich were consequently valid in
point of law." His opinion was approved, because it
was just. And William gave orders in January 1692 :
"That the petitioners be alloAved to enjoy their grant,
provided they keeped strictly to the tenor thereof"
Thus the tranquillity of so large a part of Virginia was
again restored. Lord Fairfax enjoyed in future the

48 THE CONTINUATION OF

soil, the quit rents, the manorial rights. And the pow-
ers of government were now equally extended over the
whole, because " the northern-neck " equally formed
part of the same dominion.^'' Though Lord Effingham
had been continued governor of Virginia he neither
shewed any anxiety to assume the management of a
charge from whicli he derived so great a revenue, nor
prepared to remove thither even long after his sovereign
had been repeatedly put in remembrance of the bad policy
of allowing colonial officers to reside in England. And
Sir Edmond Andros, whose talents as a soldier were
respected by William and whose liigh political princi-
ples were congenial with his own, was appointed governor
in February 1692. Meantime a large quantity of war-
like stores had been granted to the prayers of the as-
sembly. And upon the application of Andros arms were
sent with him for the militia. ^^ Thus England during
her arduous struggle for the Kevolution and liberty
gave aid to her distant subjects who were unable to
procure the means of defence for tbemselves during the
days of their supposed indigence ; because she deemed
them lier sons, who, when they should arrive at man-
hood, would repay her cares with filial gratitude and
effectual support.

While these various transactions occurred in Eng-
land, the assembly of Virginia again convened in April
1G92. And after passing a few laws -^^ redressive of
domestic inconveniences, it transmitted an address to
William : Thanking him for the warlike stores and
frigates lately sent for their defence, and promising to
lay down their lives and fortunes in defence of his inter-
est and the laws.^^ When that body reflected on the
want of the seminary of learning which Sir William
Berkeley had formerly hoped might not be established
for a century, which Nicholson however now recom-
mended to their attention, it dispatched a trusty mes-
senger to England " to beg leave of their majestys to
erect a free School and College by granting a charter
with accustomed privileges." And he executed his trust

Chalmers's political annals. 49

with great zeal and address. To the ministers of Eng-
land, Blair, the Commissary of the Bishop of London,
represented : That the Virginians had already subscrib-
ed two tliousand pounds, and though the assembly relied
much on the King and Queen for endowing an estab-
lishment, so much wanted, and so much desired, yet
thought it indecent to prescribe the manner : And that
when the legislature of the Colony has seen the amount
of the royal munificence it will contribute what should
be further necessary by impositions on the Colony. He
prayed that there might be granted for this purpose
what had been suggested by Nicholson, and was at pres-
ent of little value : two thousand pounds of the quit
rents, which both Charles 2d and James had promised
should be applied to the use of the province ; a tax of
a penny a pound granted by pai-liament on the export
of tobacco to any other colony from the place of its
growth, which was then absorbed in the collection ; two
thousand acres of the immense territory then unlocated,
which would be thankfully received ; the office of sur-
veyor general, who partook in the profits of his deputies ;
the escheats as they should arise ; and the patronage of
churches. The Lords of the treasury, Somers, the
attorney general, the commissioners of the Customs ; all
did honour to tliemselves by reporting in favour of a
project which had for its end the propagation of religion
and the interests of science. Mary with peculiar pleas-
ure ap[)roved of their advice, and gave orders in Sep-
tember 1G92, to grant all that was asked, except only
the escheats; because Somers and Trevor gave it as
their opinion " that it was doubtful if the king could
give them away before they fell, and it would not be
advisable to place the forfeitures for treason in other
hands."" '* Yet the men of cautious tempers even then
hoped : " That the planters never will make use of the
generous encouragement tliat had been thus afforded
them by their mother country, for disputing the depend-
ence and allegiance they owe her." '^ Animated by
these liberal favours Virginia enjoyed a profound tran-

50 THE CONTINUATION OF

quillity, which Nicholson endeavoured with a laudable
spirit to ensure in case of an attack, by improving the
discipline of the militia. The only danger which then
threatened the inhabitants arose from the scarcity of
merchandize to suj^ply their wants, of vessels to carry
away their productions. And the northern Indians and
Canadians were either too distant, or too busily engaged
with the Eastern Colonies to give any disturbance to a
people who acted no part in the bloody scenes of the
war that involved the interests of every part of the
English Empire in its final success.

Urged by those motives of enmity, which have at
all times existed between the Aborigines and Colonists,
the Indians began hostilities on the Eastern frontiers
of New England, as early as autumn 1688, while peace
with the French yet continued. Upon intelligence of
this event, Andros with his accustomed vigour hasten-
ed from New York to Boston. He dispatched a part
of the standing companies, as a reinforcement, with war-
like stores, while he sent vessels to secure the coast and
fisheries. He hastily collected about six hundred men,
and upon General Winthrops declining the command,
he conducted them to the scene of action, "through frost
and snow : '' " Taking upon himself his full share of the
hardships " of the march, because it alleviated the
fatigues of soldiers little accustomed to discipline. But
on his approach the Indians according to their usual
policy retired into their fastnesses. Nor were these suf-
ficient to protect them against the several parties which
he detached to destroy their settlements, their warlike
stores, their provisions : And they were reduced to the
greatest distress and were ready to sue for mercy. In
order to preserve that superiority, which his good con-
duct had thus acquired, he judiciously placed seven
hundred men in twelve fortlets and smaller j^laces of
arms, along the skirts of the province under experienced
officers. And neither devastation nor injury was com-
mitted during the winter and ensuing spring.^*' While
discontent possesses the people, they contemn the best

CHALMEPwS S POLITICAL ANNALS. 51

judged measures of their hated rulers for their preserva-
tion : The rational exertions of Andros were " univer-
sally condemned, as we are assured,^' because the men
were exposed to hardship without any prospect of
service."" Yet the county of Cornwall and province of
Main, which were exposed the most and acquired secur-
ity from his exertions, did justice to his merit by ac-
knowledging themselves fully protected till tlie insurrec-
tion in Massachusetts again exposed them to danger. ^"^

No sooner was the success of the Revolution at Bos-
ton decided than the Committee of Safety with a singular
imprudence or infatuation sent orders to persons on
whom it could rely "to cashier the officers of the com-
panies upon the English establishrftent ; to take the
command ot the forces on the Eastern frontiers ; to de-
tain as many as the circumstances of affaii-s required ;
and to send home the remainder." The order was
executed on the 27 of April, with that rigour, which
the extreme jealousy of the rulers required. In Pema-
([uid, which the ministers of England had long deemed
the ostensible evidence of the English possession towards
the boundaries of Acadie, there remained only eighteen
men. And from the other stations the soldiers were
either drawn off, or they seized their officers and desert-
ed their posts, because their fidelity had been corrupted.
In the meantime Madockawando, a sachem no less re-
markable for the greatness of his sagacity than for his
rooted enmity to the colonists, arrived at Boston about
the middle of April 1G89; in order to mediate a peace.
Here he was treated with an attention due to his merit,
and he was soon after sent home, that he miglit fullfil
his promises to promote a pacification. But he had noted
with care the uncommon anarchy which prevailed ; he
perceived, that the General who had so lately repelled the
inroads of his countrymen, by a singular reverse of
fortune, was now closely imprisoned. And when he
reached the frontiers he found the Army disbanded and
the forts deserted. The tribes, who had been repulsed
rather than subdued, heard his information with pleas-

52 TPIE CONTINUATION OF

ure, and received his counsels with avidity. And they
renewed hostilities with fresh ardour and augmented
numbers, because they were animated equally by re-
venge and by hope of j^lunder. In April 1689, they
began their murderous attacks on the higher settlements
of New Hampshire around the river Piscattaqua, where
they but too well gratified both those passions, since the
inhabitants were unprotected and helpless. Pemaquid,
Saco, and Casco-bay were successively taken. The
whole country as far westward as that river was either
deserted or laid waste with those circumstances of un-
distinguishing cruelty so natural to that barbarous ene-
my. Before October 1G89, that line of coast extending
from the river St. Croix southwestward one hundred
and twenty miles had felt the cruelty of their depreda-
tions, and was wholly resigned to the French and their
Indian allies. The damages sustained by the miserable
colonists were computed at ten thousand pounds. The
fishery and commerce of lumber were lost, because the
coasts were moreover infested by numerous privateers
fitted out fi^om Acadie. During several months of
complicated misery the exertions of the Governor and
Council were extremely feeble, because their authority
was disputed, and though every means were tried to
procure soldiers to repel their invaders, i'ew were pro-
cured, as the stabilit}^ of their power was doubted. The
General Court indeed considered it rather as a favour
than a duty to defend New HamjDshire and Main, since
they lay without its jurisdiction.^^ But the numerous
Ptefugees who were compelled to desert their habitations,
filled Massachusetts with their complaints, and in the
height of their anguish exclaimed : That the men, who
from motives of ambition or revenge had deprived them
of the blessings of government, were answerable to God
for the blood that was shed, and owed to the undone
commiseration and relief.

The general Court was conscious in what glowing
colours these melancholy events would be painted in
England, and during the winter of 1689-90, it medi-

Chalmers's political annals. 63

tated some enterprize, tlia.t should at once convince the
world of its power and confer celebrity on its arms.
And in imitation of the wise of antiquity it determined
to defend New England by attacking the French in
Acadie. The conquest of Port-Royal was at lengtli
resolved on. Lately initiated into all the mysteries
of independency, religious and political, Sir William
Phipps was a})pointed generalissimo of the expedition
in opposition to all competitors. As an encouragement
to voluntiers the General Court oifered the one half ol'
the ])lunder, and payment of the arrears of pay to the
relations of the slain. ^° Seven hundred and thirty seven
men embarked on board a small fleet, the largest ships
of which carried forty two guns, which sailed from Nan-
tasket road the 28 of April and happily arrived before
the object of their destination the 10th of May. Phips
instantly summoned not only the Fort, but the inhabit-
ants of the country to submit to the Cro^vn of England :
Offering security for their lives, their freedom and their
property upon laying down their arms, delivering up
the fortifications, and taking an oath of allegiance.
These terms were too flattering to men who were unable
to resist to be refused, which on their part were literal-
ly performed : But these promises had been made to
the unsuspecting, with an intention to deceive when
they could no longer resist. The French soldiers were
instantly made prisoners ; detachments were sent out
by land and by water to plunder, because by the spoils
of Acadie, the expence of the expedition was to be
chiefly discharged. And the religious troops of Massa-
chusetts, never once reflecting that places appro})riated
to the worship of the Deity, are by men of every persua-
sion held sacred, " riffled the Church, cut down the
cross, prostrated the high altar, and broke tlie images."
The general detached Alden with a few ships along the
Acadian coast to oblige the French and Indians to ac-
knowledge themselves subjects of William and Mary.
When the inhabitants on the river of Port lloyal had
sworn allegiance to the English Crown they were direct-

54 THE CONTINUATION OF

ed to choose a President and Council, who were ap-
proved of and instructed by Phips, and who "were
ordered to give an account of their proceedings to the
general Court." The fort dismantled, and the spoils
collected, the fleet departed and arrived at Boston the
30 of May.^^ Indifferent spectators of these events
inquired : " What mighty good had resulted from an
expedition, that, when the value of the plunder was
deducted from its expence left the conquerors £3,000
in debt ? For as no garrisons were placed to retain
actual possession, the sovereignty of the Crown of Eng-
land was as nominal now as it had formerly been : And
the Acadians, who have been at all times placed in un-
happy situations, considered Oaths imposed by men,
Avho were themselves regardless of the most solemn
conventions, as of little validity. Owing to those causes
Port-Royal was easily retaken by a French frigate dur-
ing the year 1692. In the mean time the French and
their Indian allies destroyed by fire and the sword what
their former devastations had spared, because they were
now animated by fresh incentives. While Phipps was
busied in imposing nugatory engagements and erecting
an ideal government, subordinate to Massachusetts, they
again took and burnt the town and Fort of Casco-Bay.
The wretched planters, whom it was impossible to pro-
tect, because the country was thinly inhabited, were
either carried into a deplorable captivity or obliged to
desert habitations, which were no longer tenable : And
the whole province of Main, except only the town of
York, was relinquished to their implacable enemies.
Yet the people of Boston carried on a constant trade
with the French and Indians, during this horrid war-
fare, exchanging for peltry, arms, ammunition and
clothing, because they were actuated entirely by the
true commercial spirit. ^^ Elevated nevertheless by the
easy ca})ture of a fort and settlement incapable of resist-
ance, the General Court was emboldened to attempt a
conquest of greater magnitude. It considered a vigor-
ous impression on Canada not only as the best means for

Chalmers's political annals. 55

putting an end to the lamentable devastations which it
had hitherto been unable to prevent : But above all it
hoped to recommend the people to the favour of a King
who was fond of soldiers, and to obtain the reestablish-
ment of their chartered rights, since their exertions
would shew, they were worthy of tliem.^^ As early in-
deed as the first of April it had detached an express to
England, in order to inform the administration of its
preparations against Port-Royal, to solicit a supply of
warlike stores, and to give assurances of its resolution
of affording their utmost assistance in the reduction of
Canada, should the King think proper to attempt it.
These informations and professions were received on the
20 of May, and an order was soon after issued, permit-
ting the merchants to export arms and ammunition to
Boston. As however the design upon Quebec was
built not only on the final success against Port-Royal,
but the coopei'ation of William, no notice was taken of
a project, which was urged with difiidence and depended
on so many contingencies.^* Yet without reflecting that
an eftectual answer to requisitions transmitted the l)e-
ginning of April could not be expected before the first
of September, the General Court made the most vigor-
ous preparations for the intended expedition. And as
it did not escape its sagacity how much the ultimate
success of its measures depended on an attack at the
same time against Montreal, it had the address to procure
the concurrence and aid of New York and Connecticut.
Having waited with anxiety for supplies from England till
the 9th of August, Sir William Phipps sailed with a
fleet of 30 vessels, the largest of which carried forty four
guns, for the conquest of Quebeck with two thousand
three hundred men, newly raised and badly appointed :
But he relied much on his own courage, on the zeal of
his troops, on the weakness of that city of which he had
received information. Meanwhile five hundred men,
levied by the two provinces before mentioned, with fil-
teen hundred Indians were conducted by Winthrop
through the desert to the margin of lake Champlaui.

56 THE CONTINUATION OF

But here he discovered, what he probably foresaw, that
it was impossible to cross this mighty barrier without
vessels and provisions, which Leisler the ruler of New
York had promised to provide, yet unhappily foro;ot to
perform. That general returned on his steps to Albany,
because he could not remain long in a wilderness with-
out food. And now from commanding an army he was
confined by Leisler in jail, till forcil:)ly released by his
soldiers, and he was rewarded by Connecticut, his native
country, because it approved of his conduct, as much as
it blamed his adversary. The Canadians governed by
one officer, and animated by one spirit, derided the
efforts of men and of Colonies, whose disputes prevented
the energy of Union, whose factions led them generally
to controul established authority, rather than to annoy
the common enemy.

The badness of the weather and the want of pilots
prevented Phipps from arriving before Quebec sooner
than the 8th of October ; when the winter had already
commenced with the severity of that cliraate.^^ Had he
arrived a few days earlier he had probably acquired
possession of that City without resistance, and before
Count Frontenac, who was then at Montreal, had
heard of his approach. But the tediousness of his voy-
age gave time to that great Commander to complete
the defences of the town, and an opportunity to the
Militia headed by a gallant gentry to assemble around
him, for the defence of all that is dear to men. Noth-
ing could be more wise than the plan adopted by
Count Frontenac for the safety of that Capital. While
he detaclied his irregulars either to line the coast, or
to lie in ambush to harrass his enemies in their ap-
proach, he took post with his army between the river
Charles, and the town ; in order to entice them to cross
that dangerous stream which is only fordable uj^on the
recess of the tide, to fall upon tliem during the disorder
which this would naturally produce, and to prevent
their retreat while he insured liis own." Pliipps soon
sent a summons to the governor general, dictated by the

Chalmers's political annals. 57

Chaplains of the army with that ignorance of the world
and of a-ffairs peculiar to gownsmen which has so often
proved fatal to armies : Demanding a surrender of the
town, of the royal and private stores, of all their estates
and persons to his disposal ; assuring him however, that,
this performed, he might expect mercy as a Christian,
according to what may be found for his Majestys ser-
vice, and the subjects security. But Sir William did
not advert in the height of his zeal, that he had only
offered those terms to gallant men, who were prepared
to repel his assault, which humanity woidd grant to the
disarmed in the moment of victory. And his proposals
were received with that mixture of contempt and indig-
nation which confident rudeness always excites in the
wise and brave. The younger officers exclaimed : That
the messenger should be treated as the envoy of a Cor-
sair, since Phips bore arms against his lawful sovereign,
and had acted at Port Royal as a true pirate, because
lie had violated a ca]3itulation contrary to his promise
and to the law of nations. ^^ But though there was but
too much foundation for these reproa(^iies. Count Fron-
tenac answered with a moderation more worthy of him :^^
That as he considered the Prince of Orange as an usurp-
er he could acknowledne no other kino- of Enoiand than
James 2d, who was honoured with the protection of his
master ; that were he disposed to accept of such humil-
iating terms his brave officers would not consent, but
would rather advise him to give no faith to the words
of a man who had broken a capitulation and violated
the faith which he owed to his prince. Both parties
now prepared, the one to assault, the other to defend
Quebeck. On the subsequent day, about fourteen hun-
dred men were landed under the conduct of Walley
who was instantly attacked but easily secured his land-
ing. He advanced towards the river Charles, yet
though he was assailed on all sides by the light troops
he bravely repelled his enemies. He now discovered
however that though he had driven back the advanced
parties, it would be extremely imprudent to engage the

58 THE CONTINUATION OF

main body, which was formed under excellent com-
manders ready to dispute his progress. Phipps in the
mean while gallantly attacked the town with his ships,
which after a severe cannonade were obliged to retire in
confusion, because their force was unequal to the object.
Their scanty ammunition was now nearly expended ;
sickness began to prevail ; the climate fought against
them : And on the third night after their landing, the
troops were reimbarked with precipitation ; leaving live
field pieces to the French as trophies of victory.^" When
the liberal minded of other nations heard of this event
they rejoiced ; that politeness, bravery, and conduct had
triumphed over barbarism, rashness, and folly. Scarce-
ly had the fleet departed for Boston when one of the
usual storms of that season heaped innumerable afllic-
tions on the unfortunate, and the admiral alone arrived
on the 15 of November, to give his countrymen the sad
tidings of the event of an enterprize, so contrary to the
expectations of every one, because all had been confi-
dent of that success for which the faithful had ardently
prayed. Few of the troops had felt the stroke of the
enemy in proportion to the numbers that afterwards
perished with disease, wliich was the more deplorable,
because it infected the inhabitants and spread desolation
among a dispirited people. ^^

The loss of reputation was not the only misfortune
which the General Court had now to lament. The
expences of the expedition were calculated at one hun-
dred thousand pounds, for the payment of which no
funds had been provided, nor was it possible to raise
taxes equal to the demands that were earnestly made ;
because the soldiers as they arrived clamoured for their
well earned pay. Extreme parsimony generally defeats
its own aims : While that body flattered itself with the
hopes of conquering Canada, and expected in return
every favour from a warlike prince, it relied too mu^h
on the plunder of an unconquered enemy to defray tlie
expence of the conquest. Had the government and
officers contined their views to success alone they would

Chalmers's political annals. 59

have generously offered Count Frontenac and his troops
the honours of Avar, to the Canadians their privileges
and estates : But the terms proposed to that gallant
commander wounded his pride, the conditions dictated
to the people confirmed their resolution. Amid the vex-
ations of disappointment and the cries of distress tlie
General Court passed a law in December 1690;^^ ap-
pointing commissioners " to grant printed bills to ])ev-
sons desiring them in payment of debts due by the
country ; " declaring the paper of equal value as treasure
and as such to be received in payment. It ought to be
remembered that this was the first paper-money which
had been issued within the English Empire : And it
did not surprize any one when those disorders ensued
which never fail to result fi'om innovations in political
economy. " The notes we are assured would not com-
mand money, nor commodities at money -price : The
soldiers got no more than twelve or fourteen shillings in
the pound ; " though tliey are said to have afterwards
become better than specie, the discount was not made
upJ^ The rigid moralists exclaimed : That it is always
unjust to compel the creditor to accej^t that as a pay-
ment Avhich is subject to depreciation, since nations as
well as individuals equally become bankrupts when they
pay less than they owe. Sir William Phipps soon after
departed for England to plead his own and his countrys
merits.

The conduct of Massachusetts has been at all times
so much above the common rules of human action that
there seems an impropriety in judging of its late trans-
actions by those principles commonly acknowledged in
the world. Yet if we consider that colony merely as a
subordinate territory, which ought to have waited in
quiet the decision of the parent-state, the revolution
must be deemed no less irregular in theory than perni-
cious in its j^ractical efl:ect. With the caution natural
to William, he gave his approbation only to that part
of its jDroceedings which liad for its end the proclama-
tion of his title ; and he conferred no other authority

60 THE CONTINUATION OF

on the government which the colonists had established
for themselves, than to preserve internal peace till fur-
ther orders. Since aggregates of men however, as well
as individuals, possess the right of self defence the gen-
eral court acted properly in defending the country,
though the disbanding of that part of the late army which
was on the English establishment was altogether inde-
fensible : Nor could the depredations before mentioned
without special authority from the sovereign be justified
by any just maxim of subordination, and were therefore
considered by foreign nations as piracies. The estab-
lishment of governments inferior to the jurisdiction of
Massachusetts, as Acadie was, and Canada would have
been, was perfectly consistent with those projects of in-
dependence on which it acted as much now, though the
names of William and Mary were used, as it anciently
did, when the regal power was contemned. Let us not
however think meanly of those expeditions, though we
ought not to approve of the spirit of aggrandizement
whence they proceeded. The other colonies conjoined,
w^ere then unable to have made so considerable exertions.
And they will remain monuments to posterity of what
small communities are able to perform, when left to their
own management, and the spirit of the people concur ;
though the attack on Canada ended as might have been
expected from the rashness of the undertaking and from
the means employed being wholly unequal to the end.
The most sagacious of those days did not forsee, that a
descendent of Lewis 14th, Avho considered William as an
Usurper and his adherents as traitors, would in so little
a period of years be leagued with the posterity of the
invaders of Canada ; in order to destroy that power
Avhich had given them existence, protected their infancy,
and reared them to manhood.

While tlie war was thus prosecuted with various
fortune, and Massachusetts felt the complicated distress
which the rashness of her rulers had entailed on her, it
required tlie usual address of the General Court to ward
off the blows aimed by its opponents in England to prose-

CHALMERS S POLITICAL ANNALS. 61

cute successfully the restoration of the former, or the con-
cession of a new charter, because every loss or misfortune
was attributed rather to misconduct than to weakness.
In January 1G90, Oakes and Cooke were appointed addi-
tional agents to those already in England : And they
Avere empowered in language which shewed the extent
of its views, generally to defend the conduct of the
colony, with regard to the revolution, and to negotiate
the public affairs, but particularly " to solicit in Parlia-
ment^ or otherwise, the continuation of the ancient
charter and the addition of new privileges." ^* Prompt-
ed either by a sense of former wrongs or by the fear of
present injury, should Andros and the other state-pris-
oners appear at court during that critical season, pre-
tences were found to detain them for two months after
it had received orders to send them to England. ^^
When all parties at length appeared before the Lords
of the Committee of plantations, the agents declined to
make any formal complaint against them, because their
Counsel, the modest and learned Somers, assured them,
that their accusations could not be supported. William
dismissed a prosecution "that was neither signed nor
owned," and discharged the prisoners. It is remark-
able, that the accusation was levelled rather against the
validity of the commission and instructions of Andros
than the irregularity of his conduct, as inconsistent with
either : The attack was on the form of government
rather than the oppressions of the governor.^® Thus
ended a prosecution from which the artful had taught
the credulous to expect that their wrongs would be
avenged by shedding the blood of the objects of their
hate. The real friends of liberty lamented : That while
the zealous asserted lier rights, they should have de-
prived others of freedom in a struggle which had the
natural and social rights of men for its object.

The real cliaracter of William had not escaped the
sagacity of Mather. And from the moment that the
committee of plantations gave its opinion against the
restoration of the original charter, so beloved and

62 THE CONTINUATION OF

deplored, he despaired of procuring a restitution from a
prince whose attachment to prerogative he beheld with
regret. As a faithful agent of his country he now turn-
ed his unwearied attention to the securing of several of
the nobility, the principal commoners, the whole body
of dissenting ministers ;^^ in order to procure from the
Parliament what he could not obtain from the King.
Leagued with the Whigs, who with a view to secure for
ever their present power, introduced in December 1689
the famous corporation -bill, the agents had the influence
to jjrocure a clause for restoring the Charters of New
England. But the ministers not only opposed this pro-
ject, because it no less affected the prerogative than the
dependence of the colonies, but by throwing the influ-
ence of the court into the scale of the Tories the bill was
finally rejected, in January 1690 : — while the Whigs
were mortified, the hopes of the agents were for ever
dashed. ^^ Thus at that great era Massachusetts attempted
with the aid of the Revolution Whigs to establish her
government on the solid foundation of an act of Parlia-
ment. Yet it is not easy to perceive what good could
have resulted to the colony from this measure, had not
the Sovereignty of the supreme legislature been admitted
and the efficacy of its power to bind every commission
of the Crown been acknowledged. As there now re-
mained no expectation of procuring the restoration of
their ancient charter it was long debated among the
Agents whether to apply for any. But, since it is the
duty of wise men to accept what is in their power to
obtain, it was at length determined to solicit a new
grant, with as many of the ancient privileges as possible.
As a King of England could exert no legislative autlior-
ity over the people of New England, because they were
subjects ; as a local legislature was therefore necessary
for local purposes, they were constitutionally entitled to
a vote in the making of laws for themselves : But of
right they could claim no more ; they were entitled to
no portion of the executive power. And good policy
should have given to them the same rational constitu-

Chalmers's political annals. 63

tion under which the other English colonies had long
flourished, because they were free. We shall find the
subsequent struggle between William and the Agents
to consist of mutual endeavours, the one to retain what
he had a right to enjoy, the others to regain for their
countrymen as large a share of the executive authority
as could be wrung from a prince, jealous of his power.

The petition and proposals of the Agents were at
length delivered in December 1690, though one of them
refused to concur. But as it did not escape the pene-
tration of the Committee of Colonies, to whom they
were referred, that what was now asked under the form
of a new grant contained the old with additional privi-
leges, it was deemed prudent to request the determina-
tion of that monarch, whether he would have a governor
of his -own appointment or confer the power of making
laws wholly on the people and the officers appointed by
them. William, as probably was foreseen, preferred the
former alternative. Agreeably to this intention the
attorney general prepared a sketch, which was corrected
by the Committee. But as the agents insisted on vari-
ous alterations, tending to raise the power of the people
V)y defalcations from the prerogative of the prince,
Mary ordered the whole to be transmitted to Holland
for the royal pleasure. Meanwhile Sir William Phips
made that political use of the expedition against Que-
bec for which probably it had been only intended : He
stated that the former services of Massaclmsetts, which
was ready to engage in another expedition, were the
proposed assistance given and her former rights restored,
so as to empower her to raise men and money : Nor did
he forget to name himself for commander, because he
had acquired knowledge from experience. The Secre-
tary of State not long after informed the Committee
that the King had approved of their proceedings ; and
that the agents had ac(|uiesced in the royal pleasure :^^
Thus prudently submitting after violent debates among
themselves to what they perceived it was in vain any
longer to oppose, and exerting themselves to the last to

64 THE CONTINUATION OF

procure for their countrymen as large a portion of power
as that tenacious monarch coukl be induced to relin-
quish. Yet it will be found that the Charter which
was not long after granted did little honour to his polit-
ical sagacity or to the prudence of his ministers.

The terms of the patent being at length settled to the
satisfaction of all parties passed the seals on the 9th of
October 1691, after a discussion rather tedious than
attentive of ten months/" It recited the Charter to the
Plymouth Company ; the subsequent grant of Charles
1st ; the judgement of the Court of Chancery by which
it was cancelled ; and the application of the agents for
such privileges as should most conduce to the royal ser-
vice and to the welfare of New England. It incorporat-
ed Massachusetts, New Plymouth, Main, Nova Scotia,
and other territories into one province by the name of
Massachusetts-bay ; to be holden of the manor of East
Greenwich in common soccage. And there were at the
same time confirmed all lands and hereditaments former-
ly granted to individuals or to corporate bodies. Of
these extensive countries the legislative power Avas in-
vested in a general court, which should meet annually
in ]^.Iay, which should be composed of a governor, of
twenty eight assistants, and of assembly men chosen by
every town : And it was empowered to make laws for
the government of the people and for defence of the
Country ; so as they should not be repugnant to the
jurisprudence of England, and should be transmitted to
England for the royal approbation within three years ;
to impose reasonable taxes on the persons or estates of
the proprietors to be disposed of by the governor and
council : The assistants were to consist of such persons
holding lands within the province as should be chosen
by the Assembly and approved by the governor. But
the power of appointing the governor. Deputy governor,
and Secretary was reserved to the Crown, because Wil-
liam deemed this reservation sufficient to preserve his
own power and the dependence of the people. The
governor was empowered to nominate Judges, justices

Chalmers's political annals. 65

of the peace, Sheriffs and other officers belonging to the
Council or to the Courts of justice with the advice of
his assistants. Yet the General Court was authorized
to appoint all other officers ; to erect courts of justice
for the decision of affairs civil and military, but with an
appeal to the King in council in matters of the value of
£300 sterling : And it was empowered to grant the lands
included in these extensive dominions. The governor and
council however were enabled to take probate of wills
and to grant letters of administration. Appointed Com-
mander of the Militia was authorized to array the in-
habitants and to conduct them against their enemies and
to pursue them even beyond the limits of the province :
But martial law was not to be executed without the
consent of the Council, nor were the inhabitants to be
carried out of the province without their consent. In
the absence of the governor and Lieutenant governor
the greater number of the Council were empowered to
assume the administration. The admiralty jurisdiction
was reserved to the hio-h admiral of Eno-land. Persons
born or residing within the province were declared to
be entitled to the immunities of natural subjects. ^^ To
all Christians liberty of conscience was gTanted except
only to papists. Freedom of Fishing on the Coasts of
New Eno-land, of takino- wood and of erectino- buildinsrs on
waste lands was reserved to every subject of the Crown.
And for the better providing of masts for the royal
navy all trees then gi'owing on lands not granted to pri-
vate persons were reserved to the Crown.

Such then is the substance of the charter which was
conceded to the solicitation of the agents after so much
deliberation : And thus was Massachusetts for the first
time erected into a province of the English Empire, and
its inhabitants were acknowledoed to be Eno-lish sub-
jects. Yet no good reason was then assigned for grant-
ing what good policy should have sternly refused. Had
the interest of England rather than the influence of
intrigue decided with regard to the reestablishment of
the government of this colony, the principles of the peo-
5

66 THE CONTINUATION OF

pie, their opposition to the laws of England, and their
desires of inclependence should have been chiefly regard-
ed. Far from granting larger privileges to them than
to the other plantations, more friendly to England, a
proper balance should have been erected to counteract
the spirit of democracy, so continual in its operations
and so baneful in its effects. These views would have
led to the appointment of a governor and Council by a
Commission and instructions, similar to those of other
provinces, because they might have been changed and
improved, rather than by a charter, which, having once
passed the great Seal, was irrevocal)le by the grant-
or, however inconvenient or dangerous. If we com-
pare the present with the ancient patent of Massa-
chusetts we shall find it greatly su^^erior, because more
liberal and extensive ; if we compare it with that
of Pensylvania we shall find no cause to prefer tlie
production of the politic William to that of the careless
Charles : In the last the rights of the nation and the
powers of the legislature were reserved with an accuracy
which does honour to the illustrious judge who revised
it : Not a clause of the former but has given rise to con-
troversy, owing partly to its defects, but perhaps more
to the contentious spirit of the people to wliom it was
given. Yet the opinion which they formed of it seems
to evince how prone mankind are to attach their venera-
tion to names rather than to the essence of things, and
the preference which they gave their ancient charter
and government shews that they regarded both witli
the ardent zeal of enthusiasts. Happy had they at all
times exercised the extraordinary privileges then con-
ferred with a moderation and regard to the laws equal
to the singular address Avith which they had been
gained.

In addition to these favours, William permitted the
Agents to appoint for the present those officers whose
nomination had been reserved to the Crown. The ser-
vices and zeal of Sir William Phipps, a native of New
England, of mean birtli, and of meaner accomplishments.

CHALMERS S POLITICAL ANNALS. 67

were now therefore rewarded with the government *^ of
a province, the fame and power of which he had endea-
voured to extend. And in November 1691, he received
a commission and instructions,^^ tliat were founded on
the Charter and that varied from those of other gover-
nors only as they were more restrained, because the
executive poAver had been extremely curtailed. The
strength of Canada had been lately felt, while the de-
fenceless state of the colonies of New England notwith-
standing their populousness Avas perceived and lamented.
In order therefore that the protection of all might result
from the union of all, Phipps was at the same time
appointed commander in chief of the militia and fortifi-
cations of Rhode Island, Connecticut, and New Hamp-
shire :'^^ The crown lawyers, who approved of this com-
mission never reflecting, that though the military com-
mand within every dominion of the crown of right
belonged to the crown yet that the predecessors of
William with a regretted impolicy had transferred
it to those who were too tenacious to part easily with
their Chartered privileges. And to tlie prayers of a
people, who have boasted that they had never re-
ceived any assistance from England, were granted Ord-
nance, Warlike Stores, and Ships, which were placed
under the command of the governor for the protection
of their coasts. ^*^ But at the same time that Phipps
sailed with a charter for the procurement of which the
good people of Massachusetts had so long fasted and
prayed a foundation was then laid for future controver-
sy ; which Cooke, one of the discontented Agents, then
commenced, by warning his countrymen " to be careful
not to perpetuate any public revenue, or any officers
salary, or large fees."*^ The great reach of thought
which then enlightened the leading men of that colony
placed William and his ministers in a light extremely
obscure and therefore disadvantageous : Sagacity, per-
severance, and address are virtues, which must at all
times be admired wherever they are found.

During these various transactions, civil and military,

68 THE CONTINUATION OF

similar causes produced similar events within the neigh-
bouring colony on the southwest. Information was no
sooner received in England from the late Coimcil of the
revolution at New York, of its dangerous situation, of
the inconveniences of its union with New England, than
it was determined to establish a separate government,
and to send thither not only a governor but two compa-
nies of soldiers in the room of those which had lately been
disbanded. But though Colonel Sloughter was named
for that office in September 1689, so disordered were
the aifairs of England that the frigate which had been
appointed to carry him beyond the Atlantic was sent as
a convoy to Ireland.*^ And the people of that Province
had a fine opportunity during the long misrule of Leis-
ler to decide whether despotism or anarchy is the last
evil. Happy had the miseries of civil discord been the
only ills which they soon had reason to deplore. When
the bonds of alliance between England and France
were dissolved by the Revolution and the neutrality of
the colonies had ceased, Lewis 14th determined on the
conquest of New York, iDecause he was animated no less
by resentment than by hopes of making an early acqui-
sition of a country rendered weak by its distractions.
Often had the Canadians felt the stroke of the hatchet ;
lately had their country been desolated by the five con-
federated tribes : And while their distresses moved the
pity of their prince they implored that protection which
he alone could grant. It was at the same time suggest-
ed to him, that vain was it to think of extending the
boundaries of Canada while the five nations formed a
barrier to his progress, because they were influenced by
the governors of New York. In order therefore to pro-
mote all his views he sent the experienced Count Fron-
tenac to Canada during the summer of 1689, to whom
he confided the execution of his projects. But the
French fleet intended for the attack on New York was
happily delayed by one of those storms, which have so
often proved fatal to the naval armies of France on the
American coast. While the arrival of that aged noble-

Chalmers's political annals. 69

man inspired the Canadians with fresh vigour : "While
he employed every art to reestablish peace with the
confederated Indians their most formidable foes, he de-
tached parties, composed of hunters and savages to fall
on Albany and New England during the winter. And
he foresa^v, that the incurable dissentions of his enemies
would expose them feeble and unprotected to their
incursions/^

Meanwhile the Five nations perceived the prepara-
tions which were made to give weight to his proposals
of peace without dismay. And the}^ convened a great
Council at Onondaga, in December 1689, to decide
whether they should accept of peace or continue the
war : Inviting thither their favourite Schuyler tl\e
Mayor of Albany, because they had predetermined with
a spirit worthy of polished nations ^'to resolve nothing
without tbe consent of those bound in the chain of ami-
ty witli them."" On this interesting occasion the magis-
trates of that town, with an inattention which proceed-
ed from the distraction of the times sent messengers,
who possessed neither talents nor consideration, to dis-
suade that sagacious people from listening to the flatter-
ies of Frontenac : And with the true spirit of Dutch-
men they transmitted by their envoys a quantity of
merchandize to be sold at Onondaga. But no measure
could have given greater offence to warriors, who, judg-
ing of all traders by the conduct of those with whom
they had trafficked, deemed them unworthy of trust,
because they considered all merchants as unfit to be
emploj'cd in public affairs. And with the accustomed
good sense of that assembly it resolved to preserve the
friendship of the English, but to keep the means of
making peace with the French in its own power. ^° After
a march of incredible perseverance and fatigue through
a desert covered with snow the Canadians, conducted
by Hervile, surprized Schenectady, which was then the
frontier settlement in February 1690. And regardless
of the boasted humanity of their nation they carried
the torch through its streets : They massacred sixty

70 THE CONTINUATION OF

unresisting persons without distinction of age or sex.
Yet this barbarous enterprize, which, while it dishon-
oured their King, brought so little advantage to their
country, passed not wholly unavenged. A hundred
Mohawks pursued the invaders of their country and re-
taliated on their rear-guard what they had inflicted on
others. Amid the triumph of victory these gallant
warriors exclaimed with a mixture of pity and con-
tempt: How feeble and helpless are the children of
labour while the storm of war passes over them as a
whirlwind. When the deputies of the five nations ar-
rived not long after at Albany "to wipe away the tears
of the afflicted " according to their custom, they found
the inhabitants preparing to abandon their town and to
seek shelter in their capital. But the timely appearance
of tlie friends of their adversity inspired a resolution
worthy of men who listened with satisfaction to coun-
sels which recommended to the various colonies " vigour
and unanimity." ^^ Roused at length by this fatal in-
cursion a convention of delegates for a great part of
the province assembled under the authority of Leisler in
April 1690. But it was in vain for this body to impose
taxes for the defence of the Colony, because the legality
of the imposition by such an authority was denied. And
an explanatory ordinance was passed at a subsequent
dav because " the people had not obeyed the former."
Yet little good could be expected from these measures
while Leisler was obliged to use the decisive influence
of military force to preserve his power even within the
city of New York over those who detested his person
and abhorred his usurpation. As he owed liis present
elevation chiefly to the counsels and intrigues of New
England he now experienced an attention and aid, which
she seldom gave to governors of royal appointment.
Connecticut promised to send two companies of soldiers
for the defence of Albany. And Massachusetts, New
Plymouth, New York and Connecticut, agreed in May
1690 to raise 855 men for mutual preservation. But
neither the prudent admonitions of their Indian allies

Chalmers's political annals. 71

nor a sense of danger could moderate the frantic tem-
per of Leisler or reconcile the minds of men to his com-
mand who deemed themselves insulted and oppressed/^
And the confederate tribes were left to struggle alone
against the implacable enemy of all parties, because to
the animosities of all the interests of all were sacri-
ficed.

Amid these distractions Sloughter was joyfully re-
ceived by every one, except only the friends of Leisler,
in March 1691. And he found that great numbers had
drawn their swords to support the royal authority and
at the same time to pull down what they deemed a
tyranny, since they had never consented to its establish-
ment. He immediately published his commission in
the usual form. He found the province groaning under
the pressure of its contentions foreign and domestic;
the Mohawks, who were weary of a disastrous war, were
ready to accept of any terms of peace from their potent
enemies, because they had been unsupported : Yet he saw
people enow who were capable to destroy all their foes
" were it possible to do anything with them while divid-
ed into so many factions." The same passions which
had prompted Leisler to overturn the late government
now urged him to levy war against the prince for whom
he had lately contended, by holding the fort against his
representative, because the zealous friends of the revo-
lution had been wholly overlooked in the establishment
of government as unworthy of trust. Forsaken by his
soldiers in the hour of trial that infatuated leader was
soon compelled to submit at discretion. A special Court
was soon after appointed to try the most guilty. Several
plead, were found guilty, and were commended as ob-
jects of that pardon which they afterwards received.
But Leisler and Milbourne, his Secretary and principal
adviser, refused to plead, because with a mixture of
ignorance a,nd enthusiasm they denied the authority of
the Court, they were adjudged guilty of treason. Though
the governor at first prudently resolved to leave their
ultimate fate to the royal decision, yet by the request of

72 THE CONXmUATION OF

the two houses of assembly, they were almost immedi-
ately executed, because many clamoured for their fall.
Of the fairness of their trial, the nature of their crime,
or the justness of their sentence no doubt can be rea-
sonably entertained ; since they were not indicted for
the part they had acted in the revolution or in the sub-
sequent violences, but merely for holding a fortress by
arms against the legal governor, which in judgement of
law was levying war against the King : But the prudence
of the measure may be justly questioned, because ill-timed
examples only weaken the power which they are meant to
support. William declared in favour of the validity of
the judgement ; yet ordered their estates to be returned
to their children, because the services of the fiithers re-
quired some attention to the sons.^^ The first assembly
convened meantime in April 1691. At the same time
that it recognized " their majestys just title according
to the law of England," it transmitted them thanks " for
restoring a true English government and the former
liberty of an assembly ; " and for these favours it vowed
future gratitude and support. It declared the ancient
boundaries of the province from the river Connecticut
to the bay of Delaware, and it solicited that the whole
might be annexed to its government.^* And it enacted
a variety of laws^^ to heal the late and prevent the re-
turn of future disorders. It passed an Act " for settling
the disturbances that have lately happened, by setting
up a power without authority from the Crown, which
had greatly debauched the minds of many people." It
declared " what are the rights of the subjects of this
province ; " asserting among other remarkable particu-
lars, " that no tax ought to be required of them without
the consent of the assembly." They were prompted
possibly to this measure, because they had once been a
conquered people, and had lately been compelled to pay
duties which those who were now in power had disputed
as illegal. But to this bill William afterwards dissent-
ed, because he deemed it incongruous for a subordinate
legislature to declare " what are its own privileges."

CHALMERS S POLITICAL ANNALS. 73

The assembly granted £2000 for the expense of one hun-
dred fusileers during one year. It established a revenue
for defraying the public charge for two years. And in
order to close the wounds of the state, it passed an Act
" pardoning such as have been active in the late dis-
orders." From an assembly which deserves to be re-
membered as the friends of their country, Sloughter
hastened to Albany where he met the sachems of the
Five Nations, to whom he delivered the presents that
he had brought with him from England. He renewed
with them the covenant of peace for all the Colonies.
And in their turn they assured him of their resolution
to prosecute the war against the French while they lived,
and never to speak of peace but with the common con-
sent. Yet they observed with a shrewdness which hit
most of those who were then present : That the late
disorders of the province had like to have confounded
all their affairs, while several of their brethren had de-
serted Albany in the hour of danger, but hoped that
neither would happen in future. Scarcely had Sloughter
performed a service from which the Colony derived so
many advantages when he died : Leaving the province
in a critical state no less from internal faction than from
foreign warfare.

Disregarding the late act of assembly which declared
" that the first of the council in nomination shall pre-
side in case of the decease of the governor," that body
with a laudable disinterestedness declared Major In-
goldsby, who possessed the oldest royal commission,
commander in chief of the province, till the Kings
pleasure should be known. And he was immediately
called into action. Information was no sooner received
by the Council that the French liad formed a design
upon Albany than it wisely determined to prevent their
attack by invading Canada. With this view it asked
aid of Massachusetts, Rhode Island, Connecticut ; " but
they flatly denied what was anxiously asked." In this
extremity it represented to the Committee of the Colo-
nies the state of the province, Avhich had groaned under

74 THE CONTINUATION OF

insupportable pressures since its miserable union with
Boston : It recounted as not the least of its infelicities,
that New England since their late unhappy junction had
poisoned those western-parts, which had formerly been
signal for their attachment to Monarchy, with her sedi-
tious and anti-monarchical principles : " and it begged
for a supply of warlike stores in language which shewed
the wants and inabilities of the people. ^^ In the mean
time, Schuyler, the Mayor of Albany, who was justly
celebrated as no less brave than honest, conducted into
Canada about four hundred Indians and Provincials.
Though his intentions had been discovered by the scouts
of the enemy he crossed Lake Champlain and surprized
La Prairie. Here he was encountered however by the
Canadians and their Indian allies. The French officers
shewed their men how to conquer, and bravely died,
because they would not survive their late disgrace.
Owing to the usual prowess of the Mohawks Schuyler
obliged his gallant opponents to retire into their fort ;
which he immediately assaulted though with a success
unequal to the vigour of his conduct. But fearing from
what he saw and heard that his retreat would be cut
off he prudently retired and reconducted his men in
triumph to Albany. His countrymen received him with
more than usual applause, because he was the first Eng-
lish officer who had led an army into Canada across
Lake Champlain and had revenged the massacre of
Schenectady.^^ Animated by this exertion and success
and by the presents and promises of Ingoldsby, the
Five Nations alone continued their vigorous attacks on
the Canadians, and generously acted as the protectors
of New York, while it was unsupported by the neigh-
bouring colonies, while it could only maintain the garri-
son of Albany, because its resources were exhausted,^^

Colonel Fletcher, a soldier of fortune, a man of
profligate character, but a zealous officer, was appointed
governor of that province in January 1692. Perfectly
informed of the state of his government, he solicited
warlike stores, presents for its Indian allies, and two

Chalmers's political annals. 75

additional companies of soldiers for its defence. Every
thing was granted to his prayers with an alacrity in
proportion to the importance of them. And in order
to restore that internal peace, which the inconsiderate
zeal of Leisler had destroyed, a general pardon was
gi'anted, and all prosecutions on account of the late dis-
orders were prudently discharged. The governor de-
parted for New York on board a frigate, which was
ordered to remain for the protection of its coasts. ^"^

But the continual solicitation of that province for the
annexation of the Jerseys proved not equally successful,
because this measure was opposed by the Proprietaries,
who claimed a right to a power of government which,
they were too feeble to exercise. ^^ And those Colonies
remained for several years in a state of independent
insig-nilicance, since they were protected by their neigh-
bours from external attacks, and exhibited no domestic
scenes that attracted the notice of the world.

As early however as May 1689, Pensylvania was
deemed worthy " of the consideration of Parliament, for
bringing it into a nearer dependence on the Crown."
But other more interesting objects engaged the attention
of the legislature at tliat critical period. And this
province continued till February 1690, under the mis-
rule of Blackwell, who, though trained under Cromwell,
was unable to govern the Quakers, because he did not
regard their principles, who deserted a colony, which he
could neither frighten nor command. The ministers of
England, perceiving how easily such a people might be
conquered by an enemy no less politic than daring, de-
termined in October 1691 to annex Pensylvania to some
neighbouring province, and to take it into the " immedi-
ate oovernment of the Kino;." ^2

If from Pensylvania, which continued nevertheless
under the peaceful, and therefore unimportant adminis-
tration, of a President and Comicil till April 1693, we
look southward to Maryland, we shall lind a similar
policy adopted, more steadily pursued, and attended
with more lasting effects. The Revolution was scarcely

76 THE CONTINUATION OF

atchieved when the English ministers perceived that
nothing could be more impolitic than to suffer distant
j)rovinces to be governed by men over whom a King of
England could exercise only a feeble jurisdiction, where
the most vigorous authority was the most necessary :
And that remedy was advised, which could alone effect-
ually eradicate a distemper which had grown inveterate
from the length of its continuance. When the Lords
of the Committee of plantations reflected on the present
condition of Maryland and of other chartered Colonies,
which neither held themselves subject to the Kings im-
mediate government, nor deemed themselves account-
Sible for their proceedings, they advised their master, in
May 1689, to recommend to the consideration of Par-
liament objects so worthy of its care. But engaged
wholly in projects which were deemed more interest-
ing because more splendid, or distrusting the concur-
rence of the Commons, who were then deeply engaged
in political warfare among themselves, William de-
clined to pursue that salutary advice. And in the fol-
lowing September the Attorney General Treby was
desired "to discourse the Speaker about Lord Balti-
mores patent." ®^ Yet he probably received little en-
couragement to bring those complicated objects, where-
in the rights of individuals and the prerogative of the
crown were closely interwoven, before a jurisdiction, the
wisdom and power of which were only equall to the ardu-
ous task of doing ample justice to both. And the tidings
of the revolution in Maryland, and of the anarchy that
ensued, were therefore received in December 1689 with
a satisfaction equall to the anxiety with which a pre-
tence was sought to justify predetermined measures.
This extraordinary change was soon approved of, be-
cause it was wished for ; and those who had produced
it were directed to continue the government in the Kino-s
name till further orders, because this policy relieved the
ministers from their late embarrassments.'^* And they
determined at length in October 1690 to send thither a
governor of royal appointment. But the unquestionable

CHALMEESS POLITICAL ANNALS. 77

rights of a nobleman, the stubborn principles of English
law, stood as mighty obstacles in the way. To be re-
lieved however from those difficulties they consulted
Holt, the renowned Chief Justice, who perhaps detract-
ed from the greatness of his reputation when he gave it
as his opinion ;^^ "that though the forfeiture of Lord
Baltimore's charter had not been found by the inquest
of a jury, yet heing in a case of necessity^ the King may
constitute a Governor by his sole commission : " Never
reflecting, that the same statute, which had placed the
crown on the head of William, declared; " that all grants
of forfeiture before conviction are illegal ;" that the plea
of necessity had been often urged by the worst men for
the worst purposes.

The zeal of Colonel Copley, who had secured the gar-
rison of Hull for the prince of Orange, who had been
since censured by the Commons^® "for his arbitrary
proceedings," was nevertheless rewarded in Germany
1 690-1, with the government of Maryland. Yet his com-
mission was drawn in the name of the Proprietary with
the approbation only of the King, according to the advice
of the Chief Justice, who distrusted his own opinion.*'^
Lord Baltimore however with a firmness worthy of a
subject of England refused to sign it, because he deemed
it destructive of the rights of his charter. But with a
prudence equal to his resolution he ofi^'ered for the satis-
faction of William to appoint a protestant governor of
undoubted credit, to name protestant Counsellors, to
place the power of the militia with the public arms
in protestant hands. The church of England wrote the
Bishop of London in favour of the Proprietary govern-
ment from which she had derived security and freedom;
addresses from the protestant inhabitants of every part
of the province were transmitted in similar language:®*
But in vain. The ill founded accusations of the insur-
gents were credited, because it was hoped they were
true. And a commission in the King's nanie was soon
after submitted to Treby the attorney general for his
approbation. Yet still distrusting the ground on which

78 THE CONTINUATION OF

the measure was founded, he refused his recommenda-
tion : Assigning as a reason what had done him infinite
honour had he stood firm; "that as he understood the
seizure of the government to be for necessity, he kneAv
not the particulars of what was sent him were agreeable
to the established laws or government of Maryland or
absolutely necessary for its preservation." ^^ The Com-
mission, which that officer now refused to approve, not-
withstanding his scruples and the vigorous opposition
of Lord Baltimore was adopted by the Court'" in Feb-
ruary 1690-1, and signed by the Queen : Yet the minis-
ters of William, still fearful of offending those laws which
all were bound to revere, procured the explicit appro-
bation of Holt, and even of Treby, whose objections had
been removed in the mean time.'^ Nevertheless so con-
scious were the men of those days of the irregularity of
this transaction that the Commissioners of the Privy
Seal refused to pass the commission, till peremptorily
ordered to proceed. ^^ The great neglects of the govern-
ment, whereby the peace is broken and the administration
of justice is violated ; the utter want of defence of the
country, which is like to be lost to the Crown of Eng-
land ; the impossibility of defending it by any other
means than taking the government into the immediate
care of the crown : All were the reasons assigned by the
commission for seizing the administration of Maryland,
for justifying that signal exertion of power. The zeal-
ous fi^iends of the Revolution exclaimed : " That it is a
part of the liberties of England, because the safety of the
subject requires it, that the King may not enter upon
any man's possessions upon bare surmise without the
intervention of a jury." '^ Had the recited facts been as
true as they were assuredly groundless, they ought to
have been proved to the satisfaction of his peers before
Lord Baltimore's rights were taken away. Few countries
had been governed with more real wisdom than Mar}-
land during the long period from its settlement to the
Revolution, and no people could enjoy more tranquillity
and freedom than its inhabitants, till the demon of fac-

Chalmers's political annals. 79

tion broke loose to destroy its peace and to distract its
affairs. And to charge that nobleman with the anar-
chy which ensued was converting misfortunes that he
lamented into crimes that others committed. At a sub-
sequent day, long after the laws had been invaded with
the approbation of those who ought to have defended
them, a prosecution was ordered against Lord Balti-
more, with a view to procure that verdict of a jury which
ought to have preceded the seizure of his rights. But
owing partly to the difficulty of supporting the facts, but
more to the continued scruples of Treby, who refused
to proceed without a formal order from the Privy Coun-
cil, it seems to have been never carried on with effect:
And on this occasion probably it was, that Lord Balti-
more was outlawed hy mistake.''^ While the powers of
government however were thus taken away his private
rights were not directly invaded. His lands, the quit
rents of the soil, and all profits that Avere supposed to be
attached to his person independent of his government
were reserved to him. And royal orders had been trans-
mitted CO the insurgents "to suffer the Proprietarys
agents to receive his revenue and to transact his affairs."
But the Committee of Safety, who then directed the af-
fairs of Maryland found means to elude orders that it
dared not disobey, because the members of which it was
composed found the delight that mean men enjoy from
the mortification of the great in showing their triumph
over their late lord. Destitute of protection during the
misgovernment of the insurgents, the friends of tlie an-
cient constitution prayed for the reestablishment of a
government of laws and of their former happiness, with
a zeal in proportion to the wrong that they suffered from
a power, which they deemed an usurpation, because they
had never consented to a change that they tliought
illegal. Copley departed for Maryland in the beginning
of the year 1G92. And to him the ministers of England
referred the redress of the grievances complained of,
which we shall find no longer remembered amid the
tumult of party and the gratification of interest."

80 THE CONTINUATION OF

Though causes similar to those \\'hich introduced into
Maryland the remarkable change before mentioned, had
long existed in North and South Carolina ; though their
condition had been proposed as equally deserving the
consideration of Parliament; the administration was suf-
fered to continue in the hands of the Proprietaries ; be-
cause it was not deemed prudent to attack the rights of
English nobles, who possessed the privilege of complain-
ing, who could have interested a powerful body in their
favour. North-Carolina seems never to have perfectly
recovered from the fatal distractions, which Culpepper's
rebellion had introduced, which were afterwards con-
tinued rather than moderated by the absurd tyranny of
Sothel. And while the Proprietaries "abhorred the
unjust actions of their governor" they endeavoured to
promote their prosperity and peace by a salutary ad-
ministration. With this honourable design they sus-
pended Sothel, who had enfeebled their authority by
disgracing it, and in December 1G89 appointed Colonel
Ludwell in his room, who to his vigour and talents added
a perfect knowledge of the people. But with the quer-
ulous spirit of party his commission was questioned by
some and his character was libelled by others. Under
the government of a ruler who attended in some measure
to the prejudices of the governed, they enjoyed how-
ever a considerable share of tranquillity ; because they
compared their present condition with their recent
misery under a governor whom they had been obliged
to expell.^^

While this colony began to relish in some degree the
blessings of order and regular government, because she
had lately tasted the infelicities of anarchy. South Caro-
lina plunged into fresh convulsions, since she was not yet
convinced of the danger of innovation. A Country which
claimed it as lier chief privilege to l^e governed only by
stated laws enjoyed at the era of the Revolution no acts of
a provincial legislature as rules of conduct. She was then
governed by martial -law, because her rulers dreaded the
invasion of the Spaniards, though a dissatisfied people

Chalmers's political annals. 81

feared nothing for themselves. And Colleton was de-
tested by those committed to his charge in proportion to
his endeavours to reform their manners, which is always
dangerous, to his attempts to rule them contrary to their
principles. During this state of the minds of men, So-
thel, who had been justly expelled by the sister colony
on the north arrived at Charlestown. Relying on sup-
posed powers, as one of the Proprietaries, for which there
was some foundation, and encouraged by the acclama-
tions of a people who wished for change because they
hated their present ruler, he assumed the administration
in the beginning of the year 1690, notwithstanding the
protest of the established governor and council who feebly
endeavoured to support the authority of the other Pro-
prietors. With the usual temper of usurpers he readily
engaged to gratify the passions of those who had con-
tributed to his elevation : And with this view he con-
vened a Parliament in December 1690: An act of Banish-
ment and incapacitation was immediately passed against
Colleton ; subjecting him to the same punishment as had
lately been inflicted on Sothel by others. The Propri-
etary-Deputies who had refused to countenance the pre-
sent usurpation, who had been arbitrarily displaced, were
at the same time punished by fine and imprisonment.
Thus shewing to the world, how little ashamed are collec-
tive bodies of men to sanctify those resolutions of interest
or of faction, which as individuals they would reject
with contempt or abhorrence. When the Proprietaries
heard of those signal proceedings they recalled Sothel, be-
cause they considered his conduct treasonable, and in May
1691 they required his speedy return to England to jus-
tify pretensions, which a mind the most irregular could
only have found. They dissented at the same time to
the acts of Parliament before mentioned, as unconstitu-
tional in their creation and unjust in tlieir provisions.
And with a spirit which does them honour they declared,
" that had the cliarges against Colleton been proved they
had made him an example to all future governors how
they abused their trust." Fully satisfied at length of

82 THE CONTINUATION OF

the deplorable condition of this inconsiderable cok>ny
the Proprietaries extended the commission of Ludwell
over the whole province of Carolina in November 1691.
When they reflected that Sothel and the people had
acted contrary to the fundamental constitutions, the va-
lidity of which was denied, they wisely determined " to
make his instructions suitable to their charter." He was
directed to inquire " of what grievances the inhabitants
complain, and to let them know that right may be done ; "
to restore money illegally collected of them : But should
he find the late offenders so numerous that it would be
dangerous to punish them, to grant a general pardon,
excepting a few of the most guilty, who were reserved
for the animadversion of the law. From the era of the
constitutions of Locke "the grand council" had ex-
ercised under their authority a very extraordinary power,
similar to that of the Lords of articles in the Scottish
Constitution, of preparing exclusively all bills for the
consideration of parliament. But a law, so contrary to
the genius of freedom, which gave that body the po"\v-er
of negativing resolutions before debate, had ever been
viewed with jealousy and submitted to with reluctance.
And the people now clamored for an abolition of this
badge of Slavery, because the pulse of independence beat
high. The governor was therefore instructed "to call
no such council till they consent that it may exercise the
powers allowed by the constitution, since any other use
of it was not easily discerned." The impolicy of erect-
ing within the same province several distinct and inde-
pendent governments was now fully perceived: And
Ludwell was directed to summon delegates from every
part of Carolina to meet him in assembly at Charles
Town. But, independence is so flattering to the pride
of men, that the ancient county of Albemarle refused
to comply, because it chose to retain the power and
to enjoy the pleasure of governing itself: And in
this event he was empowered to appoint a deputy gov-
ernor of North Carolina, who for some years ruled it
with the feeble authority incident to delegated powers.

Chalmers's political annals. 83

Thus Carolina underwent a change of considerable con-
sequence during the year 1691 : While the people of
the South were exalted by the degradation of the grand
Council, those of the North felt all the inconveniences
of a government weak and unsteady, because it was de-
pendent. That the Carolinians might no longer be se-
duced from their duty the Proprietaries announced the
suspension of Sothel and required their obedience to
Ludwel under the highest penalties known to the law."''
The vigorous conduct of the Proprietors ensured an
easy reception to their new governor in the beginning
of the year 1692. But he soon discovered that this
wretched colony was divided into two factions, besides
smaller cabals, which contended for superiority, which
embittered private enjoyment, and disturbed the public
quiet : The one resolved " to oppose all that the Pro-
prietors should offer," because it hoped for the gratifica-
tion of every passion from a royal government: The
other pleaded its late sufferings, and present attach-
ments as its title to favour. By endeavouring to gain
both Ludwel had not the good fortune to please either,
because his manner was haughty, and he had little to
bestow. The same snare which had ruined his prede-
cessor, Colleton, was now laid for him, though not with
the same success : He was offered a donation of a thou-
sand pounds if he would consent to an act of indemnity
for late offences. This fascinating charm seems to have
so far biassed his better judgment as to induce him to
prevent the effect of private suits brought for redress of
private wrongs : But he was reprimanded by his mas-
ters, who, while they warned him of the fate of the late
governor, assured him with a becoming spirit, tliat they
never would consent to stop the course of justice. From
the year 1689 the quitrents had remained in arrear, be-
cause the tenants were dissatisfied with their grants :
And even the Proprietary-Deputies, who had lately suf-
fered persecution for their attachment, were equally dila-
tory, because men only wish for a pretence to refuse
payment of money. Though " the greatest enemies of

84 THE CONTINUATION OF

the Proprietaries denied not their right to the soil, yet
they did not admit that they could dispose of it on such
conditions as they thought proper." In order to close
the wounds of a country, which, owing to all these
causes, was then in no small danger of fresh convulsions,
a Parliament was convened in October 1692. But the
current of law flows to little salutary purpose when the
source is polluted, because the fountain itself is corrupted.
The Parliament soon appointed a committee " to draw
up what they would have as a system of government ;"
But this effort was derided by the Proprietors as an in-
stance of weakness in men, " who had disrespectfully
rejected the excellent constitutions of Locke." The gov-
ernor refused to concur in an act of general pardon,
because his instructions had denied him power. The
Proprietors dissented to an act with regard to the qual-
ification of jurymen, because it was unreasonable, to one
giving a vote to every man whose riches amounted to
ten pounds, because it was dangerous : But they cheer-
fully consented to " an act for better keeping the Lords
day, and wished it were strictly executed." When they
considered the lamentable state of their province in April
1693, they granted a general pardon for crimes com-
mitted prior to the publication of Ludwells commission,
excepting Daniel and More ; "in hopes that it might
beget a resolution in the people to become strict observers
of the laws in future." They ordered their receiver to
compel every one to pay his quit rents ; without reflect-
ing that they by this means laid the foundation of future
controversy. And they determined to govern according
to the powers granted by the Charter, " till the 'people
are disposed to be more orderly," because they "thought
this policy safest and best." They listened at the same
time with commiseration to the complaints of the French
refugees, who inhabited Colliton County, whose religion
and property were attacked while the legitimacy of their
ofi"spring was denied by the furious party-men of that
province: But while they assured the afllicted, "that
they would always find the Proprietors their best pro-

Chalmers's political annals. 85

lectors," they put the present complainants in remem-
brance, that they had formerly joined their oppressors
in opposition to the laws, who would again deceive, be-
cause they had formerly misled them. Neither these
arts of the Proprietaries however, nor the futile endeav-
ours of Ludwel proved successful, because former causes
of dissention produced similar distractions. And he not
long after abandoned a province, which he could neither
please nor govern. Thomas Smith, a Cacique of Caro-
lina, who had been appointed governor in November
1690, though he never assumed the office, who was
esteemed by his countrymen for his good qualities, was
now chosen by the Proprietary Deputies as his Success-
or, till the pleasure of their lords sliould be known.
And he was appointed governor by the Proprietaries in
November 1693. As the unalterable constitutions had
been lately laid aside, because the people had contemned
a system which had contributed to their misery, and had
desired to be ruled only according to the charter, a form
of government Avas now established by instructions ex-
tremely similar to that of the other colonies ; though the
former courts of justice and many of the ancient customs
remained. But the payment of quit rents which were now
some years in arrear, and the tenure of lands which were
extremely uncertain, because no common principle was ty

acknowledged by the tenants and lords, formed a never
ceasing cause of dissention in that turbulent colony.
Every means were tried in vain to heal those disorders
that the Proprietaries feelingly deplored, because the colo-
nists were gratified by convulsions. And as the governor,
though "a wise and sober man," could not satisfy the
demands of the people, since it is impossible to gratify
men who complain without any adequate cause, he gave
warning in the beginning of the year 1694, to his con-
stituents in language which paints tlie distractions of
the times : "That it would be impossible to settle the
Country except a proprietary was sent thither with full
power to hear their grievances." ^^ Placed during those
distractions at a happy distance from the French on the

86 THE CONTINUATION OF

North, and living in amity with the Spaniards and In-
dians on the South, because the governors had been con-
stantly directed to avoid hostility with both, Carolina
was not afflicted with the evils of foreign war in super-
addition of the miseries of domestic discord. And the
Carolinians neither contributed to the assistance of other
colonies nor gave aid to England while she struggled in
an unequal contest for the safety of all.

Chalmers's political annals. 87

AUTHOKITIES and NOTES.

' Ralpli and his authorities. — " Lord Shrewsburys circular
letter. Virg* Ent. 4 v. 244-6.— ' Yirg* Ent. 4 v. p. 247-83.
During the examination of these complaints against Lord Ef-
fingham, he informed the Lords of the Committee of Colonies :
That he had left Yirginia in peace and plenty under the ad-
ministration of the i*resident of the Council, and that the
militia which he had lately reformed amounted to 3000 foot
and 1300 horse ; consisting of tlie free holders and house keep-
ers. Yirg* Ent. 5 v. p. 1. — " Journ^ plant, off. 6 v. p. 218. —
* Com« Journ^ 10 vol. p. 138.—' Virg* Ent. 4 v. 283.— Nichol-
sons commission was general and concise ; empowering him to
govern Virginia till the arrival of the Commander in chief:
And he was allowed as a salary £500 from his appointment
till his arrival in his province ; from that event till the arrival
of the chief governor at the rate of £1000 a year ; and after-
wards £300 a year. lb. p. 302-4. — ' The letters and addresses
of the governor and Council in Yirg* Ent. 5 v. p. 10-27. —
' Laws ]). 155-69. — ' Yirg* Ent. 5 v. p. 84. In consequence
of the address of the assembly there were ordered to be sent
to Virginia in October 1691, two hundred barrels of gunpow-
der with ball and other stores in proportion. lb. p. 99. — '° lb.
p. 68-218.— "lb. 99-107, 146-7.— '= Laws p. 169.— '^ See the
address in Virg* Ent. 5 v, p. 156.—'" Virg'' Ent. 5 v. p. 178-
183, 193-4 : The commissioners of the Customs remarked on
this occasion ; " that the penny a pound on tobacco exported
to the other colonies and imposed by the statute of Charles 2d
was not granted so much for raising a revenue as for prevent-
ing an unlimited trade to other plantations and thence to Eu-
rope." lb. 189-90.—" Mod. Un. hist. 41 v. p. 544.

'" See those facts in the state of New England under the
government of Andros presented to the committee of Colonies
'in May 1690. N. Eng** pap. 5 v. p. 223.— The subjoined lists
of the militia of New England as they were returned by their
respective officers to Sir Edmond Andros in the year 1688 will
shew the strength of that Country at the revolution. The de-
tail is in N. Eng. pap. 5 vol. p. 202.

88 THE CONTINUATION OF

MassacliTisetts

. 6570

New Hampshire

4 Companies

. 250

Main .

. 2 Companies

144

County of Cornwal .

3 Companies

. 201

County of Bristol

. 7 Companies

780

County of Plymouth

6 Companies

. 606

County of Barnstaple

. 4 Companies

471

Ehode Island .

4 Companies

. 328

Providence .

. 5 Companies

464

Connecticut .

•

. 3715

The whole .

. 13,529

" Hutch, hist. 1 V. 370.— '' Tlie address is in I^. Eng. Ent. 3 v.
182. — " A. copy of the order is in the same papers p. 49. —
" The notices sent to the ministry from Boston. lb. 50-96. —
" Bullivants curious diary in the same papers. — " Had these
facts been recorded only by Charlevoix their authenticity might
have been justly questioned, because they seem so extremely
improbable : But the Conquerors were not ashamed to publish
upon their return to Boston Adiat degraded themselves ; and
this relation is literally copied from their printed Journal
among the N. Eng. pap. vol. 5. — "' Private letters from Boston
among the IST. Eng. pap. v. 5. — " Hutch, hist. 1 v. p. 397-8.

^^ The address from the General Court to William of the
29 of March 1689-90 informed him : That the little warlike
stores found at the Ee volution and a considerable addition
since made were now nearly expended ; and that the principal
ships suitable for any naval expedition were now in England,
The letter from Governor Bradstreet inclosing this address
to Lord Shrewsbury, the Secretary of State, after speaking of
their distresses, says : " We have resolved upon an expedition
by sea to Port-Eoyal and other places adjacent under the con-
duct of Sir William Phips ; it being the general opinion that
there can be no end put to the Indian war without dislodging
those ill neighbours the French : God succeeding this present
attempt, it will greatly encourage an attack upon Canada, if
his majesty be pleased to countenance the same and to afford
assistance of shipping, with a speedy supply of ammunition of
which we are in great want and can hardly spare sufficient to
furnish this present expedition." On the 30 of May 1690
the Agents, Cooke and Oakes, represented to the Lords of the
Committee of plantations : That as our Stores are lessened our
necessities increase : We therefore humbly propose a Vessel to
be dispatched with convoy with arras and ammunition, where-
by we shall be enabled to defend ourselves : And if his majesty

Chalmers's political annals. 89

shall think fit to attempt the reduction of Canada (now so
prejudicial to their majesty's Colonies in America) we shall
with all cheerfulness give our outmost assistance thereto. The
Committee soon after reported to William the various allega-
tions of every one with regard to the state of New England ;
proposed that the merchants might be allowed to export thither
a specific quantity of arms and ammunition ; and that the ad-
miralty should send a ship of defence for that Country. N.
Eng. Ent. 3 v. 215-22 : N. Eng. pap. 5 v. 453.— But the ex-
pedition .against Canada was not mentioned, because it had
been fain tly proposed. It did not escape the military judg-
ment of William, that a people whose ships suitable to any
naval expedition were then at the distance of three thousand
miles, whose arsenals were so empty, could engage in no con-
siderable enterprize. And he did not bestow one thought on
the conquest of Canada, because he was then engaged in a
more important object the reduction of Ireland.

"JN. York pap. 2 v. — " Phip's short account of this expe-
dition N. Engl p^p_ 5 ^ — 27 ciiarlevoix 3 v. p. 118-19.—'' lb.
p. 1 17. — °^ As the remarkable answer of Frontenac was not
given in writing it has occasioned all the misrepresentations
and controversies which verbal communications generally pro-
duce. The people of New England during those times lost no
opportunity of wounding the reputation of Andros, their late
governor, because they hated him as a tyrant. Actuated by
this unworthy spirit Phipps assured the ministers of England :
" That Count Frontenac had reviled him and those with him
as traitors, for having taken up with an usurper and seized
upon our governor, that good Christian Sir Edmond Andros^
who i/f he had continued in his government the French and
English in those jyarts had been all one.'''' [Phipps short ac-
count of this expedition N. Eng. pap. 5 v.] But Charlevoix
has published the real answer " word for word from the letter
written to De Seignelay, the minister of the marine :'' [3 v.
p. 117:] And the Paris Gazette of the 5 February 1(591,
confirms his relation. — ^° Private letters from Boston in De-
cember 1690.— N. Eng. pap. 5 v. p. 308.— '' lb.— '* There is a
copy of this law among the N. Eng. pap. vol. 5 : It recites that
a considerable public debt had been contracted in defending
their majestys interests against the enemy which they were
willing to pay : But that the present calamity and poverty of
the country were great : The emission was prudently limited
to £7000 ; which the colony engaged to pay " as the Treasury
was enfeebled ; " and no bills were to be under 5s. or higher
than £5, Tliey who have a curiosity to view one of the first
paper bills issued within the British dominions may see one

90 THE CONTINUATION OF

N. Ena;. pap. 5 V. p. 361 : Mr, Hutchinson saw a five shilling
bill of this emission in the year 1749 which was tlien only
equal to eight pence lawful money. — ^^ Hutch, hist. 1 v, p.
402.— ^^ lb. 395.— ''1^. Eng. Ent. 3 v. 158.—=^ The papers on
this subject are recorded in K. Eng. Ent. 3 v. p. 188-96.

" Among other great persons, who promoted the designs
of the agents, were the notorious Lord Wharton and that re-
nowned political lady the Countess of Sunderland. Hutch,
hist. 1 V. p. 389, 2 v. p. 13. Though the real causes of the
disagreement between William and his ministers witli regard
to New England, or of the extraordinary influence of Mather,
cannot be clearly demonstrated, yet they may be easily guessed.
The general Court, writing to this Agent in January 1689-90,
say : " We have endeavoured to make some provision by this
conveyance for the discharge of our jtist debts in England, and
refer it to yourself and others our friends joined with you in
Commission, to make some suitable ^present unto such of those
honourable gentlemen who ham befi'iended and assisted our
affairs at the Court ^ unto divers of whom we have written par-
ticularly." [Col. of pap. relat. affairs of Mass* by Mr. Hutch-
inson p. 576.] The governor and Council wrote in 1692, to
the archbishop of Canterbury, the Earl of Nottingliam, the
Countess of Sunderland, Hugh Boscawen, John Hampden and
Francis Charlton, " thankfully acknowledging tlie favour Mr.
Mather the Agent had received from them"" Hutch, liist. 2 v.

&13. Nicholson and Fletcher, the governors of Virginia and
ew York, informed the ministers of William of what perhaps
was not very agreeable to them ; " that it was the universal
opinion in New England, that any thing could be' procured at
Whitehall fo-r money. ''^ [See their letters among the papers
of those Colonies.]

^^ See the various writings on this subject, which gave rise
to a public controversy. N. Eng^ pap. 5 v. p. 247-317. — "" For
all these facts and the solicitations of the charter see Journ'
pi. off. V. 7:— and N. Eng. Ent. 3 v. 210-85.— " There is a
copy of this Charter annexed to the laws of the province. .The
draught of this patent has been attributed to several persons ;
to Somers, Locke and to others : "It is more probable that it
should come from Mr. Blathwayt, says Mr. Hutchinson, be-
cause there are so many inaccuracies in it." Hist. 1 v. 411.
There is the Draught of the charter proposed by the attorney
general, the 8 June 1691. N. Eng. pap. 5 v. p. 543. That
which was finally settled by Treby and signed by him the 6
of September is in the same v. p. 621 : And there is a memo-
randum on it in Blathwayts hand : " This is Mr. Attorney's
draught." And it was finally prepared by the Committee for

Chalmers's political annals. 91

Colonies and presented to the Queen in Council, who ajDproved
of it. K Eng. Ent. 3 v. 298.—" The agents prayed : That
the assembly might be empowered by express words to raise
reasonable taxes for the necessary support of the plantation."
N. Eng. Ent. 3 v. p. 256. For the General Court under the
ancient Charter had no such authority. But could a King of
England grant what he did not himself possess? The agents
also proposed what is very remarkable : " That the cliarter
should be confirmed by act of Parliament." lb. — " There is
a paper of "observations on the intended charter for New
England " in N. Eng. pap. 6 v. — worthy of the pen of Somers
and probably written by him ; which of this clause of the
patent remarks : " The inhabitants to be considered as natural
born subjects : But a right determined by the common law is
of no advantage to be inserted here." — " It appears from the
minutes of a conversation which still remains in MSS. between
Mather and Cooke, the two principal Agents, with regard to
the appointment of the first governor : That the former having
urged, that they ought to procure as good a man as possible,
the latter made answer : IS'O. The worse the better ; because
it will make the people rise. That firm and Sagacious repub-
lican used his influence for upwards of twenty years after "to
make the people rise," because he did not approve of the
Second Charter, and detested regal government as an Usurpa-
tion. " The Commission and instructions are in N. Eng. Ent.
3 V. p. 353-65 : The concluding direction is remarkable : " As
inconveniences may arise from printing, you are to })rovide
that no person keep a printing press, nor print any book " &c,
without special leave. The same clause was inserted in the
instructions to all other Governors during the reign of Wil-
liam. — "" Treby approved of this strange measure on the 27
of November 1691, because the sole command of the militia
had been conferred on the King by 13 Cha: 2"^ Ch. 2. N. Eng.
Ent. 3 V. 364. The colonists at an after day admitted the law :
But shrewdly contended that the King had granted his power
to them.—" lb. 398.—" Hutch, histy. 1 v. p. 412.

" N. Yk. Ent. 2 V. 204-83. The two companies of soldiers
then sent to New York were to be paid out of the revenue of
England, till provision should be made for them at New York,
lb. 246. One hundred pounds was sent for presents to the
Indians. lb. 24T. — " Coldens hist, five nations p. 91-100. —
"• lb. 107-13.—" lb. ch. 4.—^^ See the proceedings of the Con-
vention and other transactions N. York pap. 2 v. p. 118 ; 337-
8-60-449-94.—" Sloughters letter to the Secretary of State
N. Yk. Ent. 2 v. p. 204-387-8.—" The address. lb. 301.—
*'Laws p. 1-8.— '"lb. 299, and Colden hist, five nations p.

92 THE CONTINUATION OF

124.—" See the Councils letter to the committee of Colonies
N. Yk. Ent, 2 v. p. 304-8. — "" Schuylers journal in the Volume
of Indian papers pi. oflF.— '^^ Smith'p. 108-9.— '°N. Yk. Ent. 2
V. 321-62-8-423.— '^ Journ^ plant. 7 v. p. 91.—"' lb. p. 63.—
" Journ' plant, off. 6 v. p. 217-20-302.—" lb. 304.—" The
subjoined letter from the renowned Chief Justice Holt to Lord
Carmarthen President of the Council, will exliibit a sad ex-
ample how much the attentions of the great shake the finnest
minds. [The original in the Maryland papers Vol 2. p. 9.]

My Loed,

I think it had been better if an inquisition had been taken
and the forfeiture committed by the Lord Baltimore had been
therein found before any grant be made to a new governor ;
yet since there is none, and it being in a case of necessity ^ I
think the King may by his Commission constitute a governor
whose authority will be legal, though he must be responsible
to Lord Baltimore for tlie profits. If an agreement can be
made with Lord Baltimore it will be convenient and easy for
the governor that the King shall appoint. An Inquisition
may at any time be taken if the forfeiture be not pardoned of
which there is some doubt. I am &c.

J. Holt.

Sergeants Inn,

3"^ June 1690.

Lord Baltimore having refused to sign a Commission ap-
pointing Governor Copley in his name with the Kings appro-
bation in conformity to the advice of Holt, because it was de-
structive of the powers of the Charter, a Commission of a very
different kind was referred by the Lords of the Committee of
Colonies to Treby the Attorney General in August 1690. And
the following paper will not only shew his sentiments on that
occasion, but that his temper was not quite so complying as
Holts. [Same papers, No. 14-15.]

May it please your Lordships.
In obedience to your Lordships order of reference I have
perused the draught of the commission therein mentioned and
am of opinion as followeth : I understand the seizure of tlie
government to be for necessity, as being the only means for
preserving the province. The nature of the seizure only is, to
take the government out of liands that neglected and en-
dangered it into the Kings hands : But the laws and customs
and the properties of the inhabitants are to be preserved as far
as may be. I do not know whether or how far the particulars
in this draught are agreeable to the laws and manner of gov-

CHALMERS S POLITICAL ANNALS. 93

emment which have been settled there or may be prejudicial
to the interests of the inhabitants. 1 did draw a Commission,
general, reciting the confusion that was now there and the
danger of losing the province to the Enemies, and the ne-
cessity of taking it into his majestys hands and thereupon
constituting a governor there to govern according to the laws
of the place (and as the administration ought to have been by
the former governor) and to defend the province and take and
apply the public revenue to that purpose. And I see no cause
to depart therefrom, or to recommend this present Draught
hereunto annexed ; not knowing that the particulars therein
contained are agreeable to the settled orders of government
there, or absolutely necessary for the preservation of the prov-
ince.

All which is humbly submitted to your Lordships great
wisdom. Geo Teeby.

1 September 1690.

'' Ealph. hist. Eng.— " On the 15 of January 1690-1, the
Privy Council ordered : That the Lord Chief Justice Holt and
Mr. Attorney General do settle a draught of a Commission
from His majesty ; Lionel Copley to be governor of Maryland,
according to such directions as were this day given them by
his majesty at this Board. [Copy of the order in the paper
office No. 23, p. 16,] — °' See these facts in Maryland pap.
plant, off. vol. 2. p. 45. — '° See Trebys report before mention-
ed.—'" Paper off. No. 23. p. 7.—" There is a copy of this Com-
mission among the Maryland pap. 2 v. with these words in-
dorsed : I approve of this commission — John Holt — and lower —
Geo Treby.— " On the 2'^ April 1691, The Privy Council or-
dered : Tliat the Commissioners of the Privy seal do forthwith
dispatch the Commission of Lionel Copley as governor of
Maryland, unless they have any reason for any further delay
of it ; in which case they are to acquaint the Lords of the
most honourable Privy Council on tuesday next with their
reasons for so doing. Paper off. No. 23, p. 11. — " Hobarts
rep. 317; — Giberts Excheq'' 132; Commentaries 3 v. p. 259. —
'"It was enacted by the Statute 11-12 Wm. 3 ch. §26, that
Charles Lord Baltimore may reverse his outlawry, being out-
lawed by mistake. — " Journ^ plant, off. 6 v. p. 359 ; 7 v. 1-2.

" Joiirni plant, off. 6 v. p. 211 ;— Car. Ent. 2 v. p. 157-
201.—" For those facts see Car. Ent. No. 2, p. 172-198.—" lb.
212-17-223-25-26.—" Car. Ent. No. 3, p. 1-12.

94 THE CONTINUATION OF

CHAPTER III.

Affairs of England. — State of Virginia at the arrival of
Andros : His administration. — Government of Maryland
seized hy William without legal process: — Commission
and arrival of Copley the first royal governor : — Proceed-
ings of the AssemHy / and disappointment of the province :
— Provisional Commission of Andros : — And the prudent
rule of Nichohon. — The miseries of Ma!<sachusetts at the
a/rrival of Phipps ; — his irregularities : The Indian wars;
— and domestic regulations : — His rccal. — Stoughton
succeeds as Lieutenant-governor : — His prudent conduct:
— Invasions and distress of the colony. — D either ations of
the ministers of England. — Affairs of New Hampshire.

— Unhappy state of New York. — Invaded from Canada.

— Wars and negotiations of the Five nations. — Troops
and warlike stores sent from England. — Active admin-
istration of Fletcher : His conduct in Connecticut. —
Factions and Intrigues. — Events of the War. — Prosperity
of the City of New York. — The Government of Penn-
sylvania seized into tJie king'' s hands. — Fletcher appointed
governor in the room of Penn. — His administration. —
He appoints Markham his Deputy. — Public disputes. —
Penn restored. — Subsequent proceedings. — Affairs of
Ca/rolina : — Archdale restores its tranquility. — Deplora-
Me state of the Commerce of England. — Complaints. —
The Board of Trade established. — Projects for enabling
the Colonies to defend themselves.

UKING the various transactions before recited
Events occurred in England, among the most
interesting in her annals. Though the contest for the
dominion of Ireland was closed by the capitulation of
Limerick in October, 1691, a consuming war un-
attended with the gratifications of victory continued.
The national counsels were weak and unsteady, because
the interested divisions of the great embarrassed every

Chalmers's political annals. 95

department; the exertions by sea and land were feeble and
unprosperous, because the secrets of the state were be-
trayed by men, who in achieving the revolution seemed to
have renounced all moral principle as unworthy of politi-
cians. The interests of commerce suffered beyond the
example of former times, because it was unprotected and
the minds and pursuits of men were turned to the singular
objects which were then held up to the ambition of men.
Amid the dissatisfaction and complaint, which, owing to
these causes, pervaded every part of the three kingdoms,
the greatest power of Europe attempted to restore the
abdicated king by a powerful invasion, because it was
hoped that his restoration would restore the former
system of peace and good offices. Yet England, partly
by accident perhaps more by exertions to which she had
been thought unequal, not only repelled her enemies
but cherished and defended even her transatlantic
provinces the fate of which was mvolved in her own.
When governor Andros arrived in September, 1692, he
found Virginia in a state of tranquility. Yet owing to
the distresses of the war, perhaps to the interestedness
of the English merchants, the planters were extremely
distressed, because neither their usual wants were sup-
plied nor was their onty staple purchased with the
accustomed avidity. And while the exertions of every
one were thus discouraged he found the public revenue
greatly in arrears, because it decreased in proportion
as the commerce of the colony was interrupted. He
distributed among the militia the arms and ammunition,
which William had granted equally to the prayers of the
assembly and to his solicitations, which tlie endeavours
of his predecessor had been unable to discipline. Yet
during this unfavourable state of things he gave aid to a
distressed neighbour. He transmitted £500 to the
governor of New York, who asked for that aid which
the common Sovereign of both had commanded him to
give, from a fund already overburdened.^ In order to
consider the state of the colony the Assembly was con-
vened in March 1693. It suspended the execution of

96 THE CONTINUATION OF

the act for ports, because it thouglit that innovations in
political Economy during domestic distresses are danger-
ous. It passed an act " for the encouragement of Full-
ing-Mills ; " in order to procure at home a supply of
clothing which the manufacturers of England seemed
unwilling to provide. And it strengthened the frontiers
against Indian attacks by " continuing the rangers at the
heads of the four great rivers :" Judging wisely that it
was of more importance to prevent misfortune than to
alleviate distress.^

Andros again called an Assembly in October 1693 ;
in order to submit to its consideration the Queens com-
mands. It continued to encourage the manufactures
of the colony, though a late act, proceeding from similar
policy had been dissented to in England, because it was
deemed inconsistent with her interests. With a laudable
spirit it " ascertained the place for erecting the college
of William and Mary ; " establishing at the same time a
small revenue for its support.^

But to two laws recommended by their Sovereign
the Buro-esses refused their assent : assignino; as reasons
what shews the state and prejudices of the province ;
that as to the bill for ports they deemed it burdensome
during the present distresses ; that as to that prohibit-
ing the exportation of bulk-tobacco, it would be equally
prejudicial to the interests of their Majesty and the
country.* Thus the Burgesses sternly denied to the
requests of the gentle Mary which they had refused to
the ungracious James : And thus evincing to all rulers
that it is in vain to recommend laws to a people unless
they are previously instructed in their policy, or are
convinced of their use. Yet at a future day we shall
behold the supreme legislature of the state applying that
remedy to a disease which wasted the national commerce
which was now asked for from a territorial assembly
without success.^ In the meantime the defenceless state
of Virginia had been regarded in England as meriting
attention. Arms and warlike stores of great value were
sent thither, in consequence of the solicitations of the

Chalmers's political annals. 97

Governor, who was ordered to pay for them out of the
royal revenue of quit rents, because that dominion then
complained of its poverty.'' But informations having
been received that an illicit trade was carried on with
Scotland and other countries Andros was directed " to
hire vessels to cruize against illegal traders." And
every endeavour to procure colonial aid for New York
having failed of the desired success, as the several pro-
vinces had either refused or neglected to adjust their
several proportions, the various quotas of men and
money were apportioned by William in August 1694,
and the governor was ordered to furnish that of
Virginia.' It was deemed just, that as New York
formed a barrier which ensured that dominion an ad-
vantageous peace during the war, it ought in return to
grant equivalent aid.

With a view therefore to lay the requisitions of his
sovereign before the assembly Andros again convened
it in April 1695. To its consideration he now recom-
mended the supplies for New York, suitable salaries for
the clergy, and proper encouragement for the College.
The Burgesses tliought however the established stipends
of the ministers sufficient. They referred the provision
for the college to a future assembly. But while they
regretted the poverty of their own country, and the
annual expence in defending its frontiers, they could
not perceive the advantages which was supposed to
result to them from the exertions of their neighbour
which did not protect their borders. And they declined
to comply. Yet the importunity of the governor at
length extorted a law empowering him with the advice
of the Council to apply £500 sterling to the assistance
of New York, should it be found necessary.^ And to
William they represented in language, which evinces as
well the state of the colony as the spirit of the people :
That though the safety of New York may add to their
security, yet being reduced to a very low condition by
their debts, and the daily apprehension of an attack
from foreign Indians, putting them to great charge to
7

98 THE COlSrTI'NUATION OF

secure their borders, together with the poverty of the
inhabitants owing to the low price of tobacco, they are
become utterly incapable of affording any aid to that
Colony: And they prayed therefore to be exempted
from all contributions of that nature. In conformity to
this request Andros was ordered at an after day to
transmit the i^500 granted by the Assembly, which
should be considered as the quota before mentioned till
further orders.^ Nevertheless the Burgesses with a
becoming spirit not only supported the usual number
of rangers at the head of the four great rivers, James,
York, Rappahannock, and Potomack, but granted a
supply for an additional company ; which had been
raised during the preceding year upon the appearance
of " strange Indians " on the skirts of the Colony. They
conceded what was usual and necessary ; they refused
what was new and of uncertain utility. But before the
orders of William granting an exemption arrived, the
pressing solicitations of the governor of New York had
induced Andros to direct the quota of men to be sent
thither by sea, because he had received repeated orders,
which as a Soldier he deemed it a point of honour to
obey. The Burgesses however who assembled in the
beginning of the year 1696 disapproved of a measure
that it thought "of evil consequence : " And arguments
were used to no purpose to persuade them to grant any
further aid to a distressed neighbour, since they saw
not the good that was to result to the Virginians from
her exertions.^'' Andros considering the before men-
tioned supply of the Assembly as inadequate either to
its ability or to the wants of New York transmitted
thither £600 with directions to levy men in that colony ;
without reflecting that it was already exhausted. Sensi-
ble of the royal favours in suspending the quota, in
paying for warlike stores and in supplying the defi-
ciencies of the ordinary revenue, and of the quit rents,
the Council gave thanks to that monarch, grateful not
so much in proportion to the amount of the sums which
he contributed to the public service, as to his ability to

Chalmers's political annals. 99

give. During the administration of Anclros Virginia
enjoyed the blessings of profound tranquillity, attended
however with that insignificance, which neitlier affords
matter to the Annalist, nor adds anything to the renown
of nations : She neither complained of grievances nor
felt any ; except the depreciation of her only staple
which necessarily arose fi^om European warfare ; except
from the distresses that must ever result from the indo-
lence of a people who feel not the energy of the com-
mercial spirit. And Andros has ^Titten his own pane-
gyric by ruling a placid province with that success as
to transmit few materials to history whicli has been
unjust to his fame.^^

The neighbouring Colony on the north had mean-
while imdergone a considerable change. Governor Cop-
ley found the convention of Maryland sitting when he
arrived in April 1692. And having announced his new
authority he instantly dissolved it While his commission
and instructions seemed to respect the laws, the fabrick
of government which was now erected was built on the
supposition that neither the Charter nor ancient Consti-
tution had any existence. With the same spirit which
dictated this unworthy policy, the Council and the
various offices were filled with those who liad been most
active in procuring the present change ; excluding from
the government the most experienced and respectable
of the inhabitants. In pursuance of his powers he soon
called an assembly ; which during the present ferment
was filled with those who were ready to support with
their votes Avhatever should be given them in charge.^-

Copley harangued them in language extremely suit-
able to the present state of the minds of men. lie
enveighed : When the King upon your address to have
a protestant governor had declared his gracious inten-
tions of sending me among you, you are sensible of the
restless endeavours of some persons to obstruct it : Yet
tlie difficulties and hazards I run through did not at all
daunt me from hastening to you, proposing chiefly to
myself the satisfaction of seeing a foundation laid for a

100 THE CONTINUATION OF

lasting happiness to you and your posterity: The
making of wholesome laws and the laying aside of
animosities will go far towards it. And he concluded
with what formed the substance of all speeches during
those days, with a demand of liberal supplies for sup-
porting the honour of tlie post with which the king had
honoured him.^^ And the Delegates not only returned
him thanks, but with an uncommon strain of liberality
rewarded " his hazards and dangers " with what was of
more real importance. They gave him a present of one
hundred thousand pounds of tobacco ; they conferred on
him alone by an indefinite law the revenue of one shil-
ling on each hogshead of tobacco exported, which from
the year 1671, had been a competent salary for the
governor and a suitable encouragement to the counsel-
lors ; they gave him an additional duty of three pence
on every hogshead during three years ; while taverns
were regulated the money thence arising was added
during the same term ; at the same time that naval
offices were established considerable fees were ordered to
be paid to liim : And as if there could be no end to their
bounty the fees of officers being regulated he Avas allowed
considerable perquisites.^* Yet amid this unexampled
profusion, the old remembered the speech of Lord Balti-
more's last governor, who informed them in very dif-
ferent language, that he had nothing to ask, but was
ready to assent to such salutary laws as tliey might
think proper to enact. Nor did the Burgesses stop
here : They conferred one hundred thousand pounds of
tobacco on Chelseldyne, the speaker, and ten thousand
pounds on Jowles, the commander of the troops, because
to their zeal and activitj^ the present change was greatly
owing.^^ A duty of four pence a gallon on liquors
imported was imposed ; as well for discharging " the
debts of the late government by a committee of safety
and the pay of the soldiers, as for the repairing of Court
houses and prisons, for the raising a better allowance to
Counsellors and judges of the provincial court and the
payment of an agent in England."" Copley with a dis-

Chalmers's political annals. 101

ingenuity unworthy of his station but characteristic of
the man, concealed that part of his instructions which
required him " to permit Lord Baltimore to receive the
duty of fourteen pence a ton on shipping." This revenue
which had been received from the year 1661, as a part
of the private estate of that nobleman, was now invested
by the assembly in their Majestys for the support of
government : The Burgesses stoutly insisting tliat many
of them remembered " how the same was granted for
the countries use, which ever was called fort duties and
not port duties, and according to the intention of the
law-makers doth belong to the Crown."" Lord Balti-
more's agents were ordered to collect no longer those
taxes till the royal pleasure should be known. ^^ But
that nobleman's spirit was not so broken Ij)^ misfortunes
as to sink under a persecution as unjust as it was un-
merited. And he applied to William for protection.
The solicitor general Trevor reported : That upon the
words of the act this duty belongs to Lord Baltimore
to be received to his private use, and it would be of
most dangerous consequence to admit parole proof of
the intention of the law-makers, different from the words
of the law, so the assembly admitted that this duty
belonged to him by desiring the ro}-al assent to an act
to invest it in their Majestys. The privy-council did
honour to itself when it confirmed this report in
February 1693.^^ And the self-denial of William in
refusing thougli he was poor the spoils of an individual
when pressed on him by a popular assembly actuated
by unworthy motives adds more to his fame, than the
most glorious of his victories. The assembly in its
hatred of popery at this time laid the foundation " of
the establishment of the protestant religion : " The
counties were for the first time divided into parishes
laid out; Vestries were established; forty pounds of
tobacco were imposed on every taxable for the use of
the minister : And the ChuR^h of England was declared
" to have and enjoy all her rights and liberties wholly
inviolate as she now is or shall be established by law.''

102 THE CONTINUATION OF

Yet it required a considerable length of years to perfect
this system, because it was opposed by protestant dis-
senters, who thought their zeal ill-requited in being re-
duced nearly to a level with papists. Among a variety
of other regulations this law enacted ; " that the great
charter of England shall be observed in all points." ^*
But when the acts of this session were laid before the
Solicitor General Trevor at a subsequent day he found
no objection to any except the clause introductory of the
great Charter: Giving as a reason what sliews how
little he had studied the jurisprudence of Maryland;
"that he knew not how far the enacting thereof will be
agreealile to the Constitution of the province or to the
royal prerogative." And this law was disallowed by
William, because he was advised " that the clause ob-
jected to by Trevor was of a different nature than what
is set forth in the bill." ^^ When the real patriots of the
colony looked back on former times they remarked with
a sigh : That under the great founder of the Colony,
and his successor against whom they lately revolted, the
colonists had enjoyed Magna Charta as the corner-
stone of the Constitution. The present rulers, conscious
of the arts by which they had got into power and
anxious least similar means should he used to lessen their
importance, procured a law "against the divulgers of
false news." ^'^ Having thus provided for internal quiet,
they thought it prudent to guard against foreign invasion,
by "regulating the militia." A long list of various
regulations, either redressive of present evils or intro-
ductive of useful regulations, was closed by an "act re-
pealing all laws theretofore made." '^^ Nor could any
measure be more necessary in a province, where so great
a change had been introduced directly contrary to the
charter and to the fundamental laws. The assembly
did not forget, because Copley was their faithful monitor,
" to return their humble thanks to William for redeem-
ing them from a tyrannical popish government; for
taking tliem under his immediate protection ; for sending
them a protestant governor, whose loyalty and integrity

Chalmers's political annals. 103

had been experienced ; for transmitting the Colony a
supply of warlike stores." ^"^ Yet it was asked by the
aged, what had Maryland acc[uired besides a protestant
governor? The ancient Constitution under which it
had flourished was shaken to the center ; that unanimity
so often recommended by Cecilius the wise, which had
given it wealth and greatness, was destroyed; unex-
ampled taxes were imposed for the gratification of un-
worthy objects, the indubitable right of the provincials
to the great Charter and the invaluable piivileges which
it declares and enforces, had been denied. This province
adds one more example to the numbers to be met with
in history of countries, which amid their public distrac-
tions, have thrown behind them the substance they
possessed, in order to grasp the shadow they could not
enjoy.

Notwithstanding the various reports of an intended
invasion of foreign enemies which the late council of
safety had propagated to terrify the people, Maryland
happily did not feel the miseries of that dreadful scourge
in superaddition to the infelicities of civil discord.
Agreeably to the laudable custom of ancient times
Copley renewed the annual league with the domestic
tribes. The province only felt the common inconveni-
ence experienced by every part of the Empire, by having
her commerce interrupted and the price of her cliief
commodity considerably diminished. The governor and
Council, hearing of the distresses of New York contri-
buted one hundred pounds towards their alleviation,
and with a spirit worthy of imitation they professed
their readiness to give further su]j[)lies in proportion to
their abilities. While Copley extended liis inquiries to
other colonies he gave warning to his Sovereign that the
province over which he presided "never would be
happy till Lord Baltimore's interest was bought out,"
because wliile his coimexion continues his party will be
considerable.-^ The decease of the governor in the sub-
sequent year extricated Maryland from an administra-
tion as remarkable for its violence as for an interested-

104 THE CONTINUATION OF

ness that had sullied the reputation of a man but dis-
graced the mao;istrate.

When former inconveniences as well as the critical
state of Maryland were considered it was deemed prudent
to give Andros a provincial commission as commander-
in-chief over this province, in case of the death or
absence of the governor. Upon the decease of Copley
in September 1693, he hastened thither; as this event
had given energy to a power which had meanwhile lain
dormant. What sagacity had forseen, experience now
discovered to be perfectly just. For "the greatest
contests liad arisen who should be President of the
Council," and thereby exercise the chief authority, be-
cause man is everywhere ambitious and contends for
preeminence. But all submitted to the commission of
Andros to which there could be no objection. He dis-
solved the Assembly which was then sitting ; he decided
the controversy with regard to the Presidency in favour
of Greenbury ; he confirmed all officers, except Blackis-
ton the judge for probate of wills, who had neglected
his duty.^* In pursuance of the orders of his Sovereign
he transmitted to New York an aid of =6250 sterling
from the revenue for the support of government. And
he soon departed, leaving the province in peace, under
the care of the President of the Council. He returned
thither however in May 1694. And he reinstated Sir
Thomas Lawrence, the Secretary, who had been over-
born by the violence of Copley, who was now appointed
Chief Justice and President of the province. Under
the administration of this man, no less remarkable for
his good sense than for his spirit and moderation,
Maryland enjoyed great tranquillity till the arrival of
Nicholson, who was not long after appointed his suc-
cessor.^^ Nevertheless the Assembly, animated at an
after day by a spirit of caution, which often creates a
doubt with regard to the validity of transactions that
admit of none, passed a law " for confirmation of pro-
ceedings, judicial, civil, and military, from the decease
of Copley, till the arrival of the present governor." ^^

Chalmers's political annals. 105

In the meantime Maryland profitted from an illegal
traffick. The merchants of London complained that a
direct commerce was carried thence to Scotland and
Ireland, which was equally injurious to them and to the
revenue of the State. And orders were transmitted
" to hire a light vessel to prevent this in future," because
their complaints appeared to be just." Situated at an
envied distance from Canada and protected by tlie
mighty barrier formed by the North Eastern colonies
but above all by the Five Nations, Maryland during the
present war never felt the stroke of an enemy.

Nevertheless the departure of Maryland from that
prudent policy which had reared her to youth ga\e the
neighbouring colonies an opportunity of profitting from
her rashness. Nor did the arrival of Nicliolson, who
was appointed her ruler in December 1693, because he
had given satisfaction in Virginia, stop the emigrations
that had been put in motion by the late disorders : They
contmued, because the friends of the ancient Constitution,
though tlie descendants of the original planters, were
oppressed by the subsequent administration, composed
of new men and therefore insolent. And that gentle-
man found the province greatly indebted even from the
dissolution of Lord Baltimore's government, and dis-
tracted by divisions, which he tried to no purpose to
unite. In vain lie tried expedients to remove what he
greatly deplored, while those whom he described as
" the ablest men for parts and estate " were unjustly
excluded from trust and even deprived of the common
rights of Englishmen. To these infelicities others were
added of a very distressing nature. A considerable
part of the only staple of the province remained imsold
" for want of ships to carry it away." A languid com-
merce was little able to supply the inhal)itants with
those various domestic necessaries which they Avanted
the most. And infected by the example of Pennsylvania
they attempted to establish maiuifactures and continued
an illicit trade, as contrary to the laws as to the interests
of England, whilst unaided she was lighting their battles.

106 THE CONTINUATION OF

At tlie same time that Nicholson informed the ministers
of William, "that the English merchants discouraged
the planters" the former complained of the otliers
irregularities so inconsistent with their views. And
the governor was instantly commanded " to hire vessels
to cruize against illegal traders," because the clamour
of merchants is in England attentively heard. It was
to little purpose to apply to the provincial Courts of
justice, since it was almost impossible to find judges or
juries to condemn that as unlawful which was univer-
sally deemed so convenient.-^

In order however to apply remedies to these and to
other evils Nicholson called an Assembly in September
1694. To the Delegates he recommended what pro-
moted at once his own popularity and gained the favour
of his prince. The public proceedings from the death
of Copley were now confirmed, thougli it seems not easy
to frame any valid objection. An act was passed "for
the encouragement of learning and advancement of the
natives of the Province : " By excluding those from
offices of trust who had not resided for three years in
the Colony this first drew an unjust distinction, between
colonists and Englishmen which was afterwards felt and
complained of. The public quiet and private peace
were both ensured by a law " for quieting possessions."
External security was promoted by an act " for appoint-
ing Rangers for the defence of the province." Though
the domestic Indians had been reduced by European
diseases and vices to a number extremely insignificant,
it was now deemed prudent "to prohibit the inhabitants
from carrying liquors to their towTis." Whilst a mode
was established for procuring speedy justice for small
debts, an act was past "for the relief of Debtors."
"Free-schools" were for the first time erected and taxes
imposed for their maintenance. Punishments were
inflicted on crimes dangerous to the purity of manners :
Regulations favourable to the provincial connnerce were
introduced. But at the same time that the intentions
of the Assembly were laudable it did not always pursue

Chalmers's political annals. 107

the steps which good policy directed : Far from check-
ing the desire of Emigration, it imposed duties on the
importation of white servants and negroes ; and the
general rule of taxation was on the products of the
Colony exported rather than the importation of foreign
luxuries or the estates of the iidiaLitants. As if the
former revenue was not sufficient there w^as now granted
to the governor three pence a hogshead on all tobacco
exported for the term of three years. This session is
remarkable not only for the good sense of its poli(;y but
for adopting preparatory measures for reinoving the
ancient seat of government from the Cit}' (jf Saint
Marys to Annapolis the present Capital. But as JMary-
land was happily exempted from the vicissitudes of war
and imanimity reigned in the legislature, since exemp-
tion from grievances promoted confidence, the adminis-
tration of Nicholson will contribute few materials to
history.^"

In the meantime however the Queen repeated her
injunctions to send a specific quota of aid to New York
upon the requisition of its ruler. ^^ Tliough this colony
had experienced in some degree the former bounty of
Maryland, Fletcher did not think it equal to what his
ardent mind had fondly expected. And during the .
summer of 1695 he repeatedly demanded the one hun-
dred and sixty men, which had lately been appointed as
the measure of assistance by the Sovereign of both. The
administration of Maryland, fearful of attacks from
foreign Indians, and feeling her weakness, refused to
comply. Yet the assembly in October 1695 gave a
small sum ^^ of money in lieu of what had been clamour-
ously asked. And it resolved at the same time in
language which shews the temper of the people "that
no further answer or assistance be sent to New York
till the King s determination should be known." To
William the assembly transmitted an address ; " thank-
ing him for his former favours, and requesting to be
exenq^ted from further payments to New York, because
of the indigency of his poor subjects." It represented

108 THE CONTINUATION OF

to the Lords Commissioners of Trade, " that the sums
formerly remitted had extremely impoverished a people,
who, in the war with the Indians which was daily ex-
pected, saw nothing but ruin : And in the plaintive tone
of those days it begged for pity and for intercession with
the King for his discharge from further aid to a neigh-
bour, as they could scarcely defend themselves."^'' Nor
was this the mere voice of declamation, which is too
often substituted for truth. Maryland was then debili-
tated no less by the successive failure of two crops, than
by her total want of commercial ardour. And engaged
in the establishment of the Church of England and in
the erection of a new Capital, various taxes had been
imposed for the completion of projects that were perhaps
beyond the abilities of a feeble community.^ Amid
these infelicities the colonists had the satisfaction to be
told by the Lords before mentioned, that while the other
colonies disgraced the English name by their piracies,
no imputation had been cast on them. Yet a species
of illegal trade had rooted in their policy, had grown up
to maturity, the fruit of which was at length claimed as
part of the common law of the country. And the
governor in the moment of his zeal solicited a general
pardon for men, who did not deem themselves criminal.^
The public tranquillity was in some measure interrupted
during the year 169 7, by the profligate intrigues of
John Coode, who had commanded the insurgents that
atchieved the revolution, and who attempted a similar
change by overturning the government of William ;
since he was too wicked to be rewarded. But he was
not now supported by the same popularity, and similar
arts were at this time unavailing because every one yet
felt the sad consequences of recent occurrences. Being
indicted of treason and blasphemy that restless incendiary
was driven at length unpitied and friendless from a
province, whence he had so lately obliged others to flee.^^
The governor gave warning to the ministers of England,
that wdiile any hopes remained of the restoration of
Lord Baltimore's government Maryland would enjoy

CHALMERS S POLITICAL ANNALS. 109

perfect repose. During the four years that Nicholson
ruled over Maryland he enjoyed the singular felicity of
acquiring equally the approbation of his sovereign and
the affections of the people. And his good conduct was
rewarded in the year 1698 by his promotion to his
government of Virginia. He departed : Leaving Mary-
land in profound peace, extricated from her late em-
barrassments, and cultivating a gainful commerce, un-
exampled in her annals.

Meantime few countries were ever reduced to a
condition more truly deplorable than was Massachusetts
in the beginning of the year 1692. Its North-Eastern
borders had been frequently ravaged by a cruel and
well directed enemy, whose depredations could not be
prevented or even avenged ; its coasts continued to be
infested by the cruizers of France, which ruined its
commerce ; the imprudent expedition against Canada
had involved it in debts, which affected the general
credit, and made it difficult to raise the supplies for
carrying on a war from which so little advantage is ever
acquired ; its internal quiet was disturbed by the arts
of a powerful party that was enthusiastically attached
to the pristine charter and forms: But above all "the
apprehension that tlie Devil was let loose among them "
affected greatly the minds of a people who had long
reprobated every recreation as sinful. Amid all these
embarrassments Sir William Phips arrived at Boston
in May 1692. And he was received with affected pomp
by men, who had prudently resolved to derive every
benefit from an innovation that they could not prevent.
The new Charter and the royal Commission were soon
formally published. But the old beheld Avith sorrow
the venerable Bradstreet, who had for such a length of
years conducted the administration under tlie ancient
government, resign the chair of authority to his unwel-
come successor. The present change was however
scarcely perceptible : Almost the same men continued
in power ; the laws and customs of former times remain-
ed : And the spirit of the people, which has everywhere

110 THE CONTINUATION OF

SO great an influence independent of all municipal rules,
had undergone little alteration.^^

The first attention of the governor was attracted to
a kind of madness which had for some time afflicted the
province. As early as February 1692 many persons
accused of witchcraft had been committed to prison ;
though the late administration animated with an un-
usual moderation, had permitted none to be tried.
But Phips in an evil hour was prevailed on to issue a
special commission, at the head of which was placed
Stoughton the Lieutenant-governor, a man of prudence
and capacity, to inquire into the truth of accusations,
that threatened the destruction of the Colony. During
the first session an ancient female was alone found
guilty upon evidence which satisfied a credulous Court ;
and was soon after executed. Yet the governor enter-
taining some scruples thought it prudent to follow the
practice of primitive times and to consult the principal
ministers on the State of the province. With a rashness
unbecoming their function these men resolved ; " that
the people were then suffering by molestation from the
invisible world : " And with a spirit unworthy of the
ministers of peace, they recommended the "vigorous
jDrosecution of such as had rendered themselves obnox-
ious, according to directions given in the laws of God
and the wholesome statutes of the English nation for
the detection of witchcrafts."^^ Invigorated by an
advice which had the effect of commands, the Court
proceeded with the greatest zeal and despatch. And
nineteen miserable objects were found guilty and exe-
cuted : Protesting their innocence with their last l^reath.
The governor having however at length discovered what
he ought to have foreseen, " that the devil had taken
upon him the shape of persons to his certain knowledge
of good reputation," because Lady Phips was struck at,
put an end to prosecutions that had already raised a
prodigious ferment, till he should receive the royal
directions. Foreseeing that an unextinguishable flame
might be kindled he prudently prohibited the printing

Chalmers's political annals 111

of discourses on this perplexing subject. William was
no sooner informed of the miseries of Massachusetts
than he gave orders, " that in future trials for witch-
craft the greatest moderation and care be used, as far as
the same may be no impediment to the ordinary course of
justice: " Approving at the same time of the endeavours
of the governor for putting an end to the afflictions of
his people. ^^ Yet it was not till from the numbers and
quality of the accused that the feelings of many were
touched, that the thick cloud began to pass away. And
what is extremely remarkable, the minds of the juries
became enlightened before the spirit of the judges was
illumined. What reflects disgi^ace on the province, it
was then doubtful, but is now certain, that there existed
no law in Massachusetts, for putting supposed witches
to death. And that monarch with a liberality which
does him credit refused his assent at a subsequent day
to an act passed to supply that defect. The Assembly
however did justice to the colony and to individuals
when at the distance of twenty years it granted to the
defendants of the innocent sufferers a compensation for
the loss of their estates ; since they could not restore the
lives which the present frenzy had taken away.^° The
enlightened few remarked : That Avhen we reflect on the
unerring assertions of holy writ, we must believe that
witches once were ; when we consider the numberless
delusions and impostors that have imposed on the wisest
nations we ought to disbelieve that witches any more
exist.

In the meantime the Indian war, so perplexing and
destructive continued. York, which of all the Towns
of the province of Main had alone escaped former de-
vastations was sacked in the beginning of the year 1692.
But a considerable party sent to its relief compelled the
enemy to retire "with loss and disgrace. In order to
avenge this insult the governor himself marched to the
frontiers with a greater force, when the French and
Indians disappeared, since they could not meet him in
battle. In pursuance of his orders he now rebuilt the

112 THE CONTINUATION OF

fort of Pemaquid, the ancient English boundary, on
that extremity of New England, at a considerable
expence : And here he placed a garrison, Avhich was
maintained at the charge of the province, though con-
trary to its inclinations, because it was deemed unim-
portant. He at the same time sent out parties to attack
the Indians in their fastnesses, who destroyed without
resistance the little that Indians possess. This decisive
conduct soon induced the Tribes to think of peace,
because they began to distrust the promises of France,
and were tired of a war which had already proved fiital
to so many of their chiefs. And it was on this occasion
that he obliged the Acadians whose consciences have so
often been the sport of fortune, to renew their oaths of
allegiance to the English Crown.*^

From these scenes of warfare Phips hastened to
meet the Assembly in November 1692. Among other
objects of importance he recommended "to settle sucli a
good body of laws that no person coming after him
might make them uneasy." At a former meeting for
the nomination of officers, in which the governor weakly
allowed others to exercise his power, the ancient laws
had been continued in force to the present time, because
it was supposed that the publication of the new Charter
had destroyed their efficacy. But to frame a system of
rules for a people is a task of all others the most dif-
ficult. And no complete code was enacted. Various
laws however were then established, which at an after
day engaged much the attention of the wisest ministers
of Engiand, either to approve as salutary, or to disallow
as improper. An act declaring the general privileges of
the province, and copied chiefly from the great Charter
of England, is extremely remarkable, because it was an
attempt to form a bill of rights. But it was dissented
to by those who ruled in the absence of William for a
singular reason : " Having exempted lands from escheat
or forfeiture, which with other privileges having never
been granted by his Majesty, it was not fit in his
absence to allow." The act establishing a naval office

CHALMERSES POLITICAL ANNALS. 113

was repealed: The Privy Council assigning this re-
markable cause; that the jDowers therein given are
reserved by divers acts of Parliament to such officers as
shall be appointed by the Commissioners of the Customs :
And Phips was at the same time warned that such an
officer had been appointed by them and he was ordered
to assist him in the execution of his duty. The system
of Criminal law was also repealed, because it had been
copied too much from the law of Moses and too little
from that of England. The act for securing the liberty
of the subject Avas dissented to for this memorable
reason ; that the benefit of a writ of habeas corpus was
a privilege which had not yet been granted to any of the
Colonies. It is difficult to decide whether the Assembly
or the Privy-Council were most to blame in this trans-
action : The former, by bringing into question the right
of the subject to personal liberty, the most valuable of
all privileges, by making an act where none was neces-
sary : The latter, composed of the most renowned states-
men and lawyers, among them sat Sir John Holt, in
supposing that an English Subject is entitled to freedom
from a grant of a King of England. Many laws of
local economy were either approved of or dissented to
for various reasons. Two of these not only mark the
spirit of the people but were probably the cause of effects
as lasting as they were beneficial : That for the distribu-
tion of intestates estates gave the same equal payment
to every creditor, and the same portion to all the chil-
dren except the Eldest whose share was double : That
subjecting the lands of the deceased to the payment of
every debt, while the equity of its provisions did honour
to the province, shewed a very dissimilar temper from
that of the Colonies of the South : ■*'- And to these salu-
tary regulations much of the populousness and commerce
must be attributed. From p>romoting internal happiness
by the wisdom of its laws the Assembly turned its atten-
tion to external defence : And it granted thirty thou-
sand pounds to put the frontiers in a state of security.
While Phips transmitted all these laws to the ministers

114 THE CONTINUATION OF

of William he informed them, that though a gratuity
of £500 was conferred on him "Yet no salary is
settled or intended." He transmitted a petition to that
monarch ; *^ begging for the royal recommendation which
he suggested would easily procure that establishment
which was so essential to his dignity and even to his
existence. But though Sir William had been formally
admitted into their Church little did he know the true
temper of the people over whom he presided, or the
deep policy, that was even then adopted, and that no
future King or governor has been able to change. The
miserable dependence in which that gentleman was kept,
by obliging him to depart not only from rigid duty but
even from common prudence was undoubtedly the true
cause of his subsequent ruin.

The conquest of Canada had been so often urged by
Phips and so much pressed by the Agents as absolutely
necessary for the safety of the Northern Colonies that
William resolved at length to send a powerful force,
which promised equally to promote the glory of his
reign and the security of his Colonial Subjects. He
had early despatched a small fleet and army to the West
Indies for their protection. In November 1692, he
transmitted orders to Admiral Wheeler to leave that
station and to repair to Boston with the troops under
Colonel Foulke ; so as to arrive at farthest by the
middle of the subsequent June. And that naval com-
mander punctually obeyed. On the 2 2d of February
1693, letters were transmitted to the governors of New
York and Massachusetts ; informing them of the royal
intentions, of the approach of the fleet and army ; and
requiring them to represent this measure to their as-
semblies, that they might cooperate in an enterprize
which had the advantage of all for its end. Lest any
accident should happen to these despatches. Cox, who
was described as a person of experienced prudence was
detached by a different vessel, in order to explain more
fully the intended measures. But he seems never to
have reached America; the letters were not received

Chalmers's political annals. 115

till July : And Wheeler brought himself the first intel-
ligence of the projected expedition. A contagious dis-
temper, so incident to the West India Climate had
unhappily reduced the soldiers to six hundred and. fifty,
and the usual complement of sailors to one half. But
change of climate had the most salutary influence on the
health of every one ; the ships were in perfect order ;
and ammunition and provisions abounded. All these
favourable circumstances the Admiral immediately
communicated to Phips and requested his opinion if his
remaining force was alone able to attack Queljeck.
Having acquired knowledge from his unfortunate ex-
pedition of 1690 he answered: That the fleet should
have sailed the first of July at farthest ; that four thou-
sand land forces were absolutely necessary ; that it was
not probable therefore that his armament could make
any impression on a city, the fortifications of wliich had
been considerably strengthened : But that the destruction
of the enemies' vessels at Newfoundland would be a
considerable service. The governor and Council at the
same time gave him the detail of a new expedition
against Canada for the information of his warlike King ;
requesting two thousand troops and an immense quan-
tity of arms and ammunition for the use of the militia,
to be sent from England in the subsequent year. Yet
the ardour of Wheeler seems not to have been quenched
by the coolness of his reception at Boston. Having
received authentic intelligence of the weakness of Pla-
centia in Newfoundland he determined to attack that
settlement, and asked a reinforcement of four hundred
men. But while Phips professed his readiness to do
anything in his power to promote his design lie declined
to grant his request: Assigning as reasons, "that the
militia could not be sent out of ^he province without the
consent of the Assembly; that an expedition whicli was
intended for the security of the eastern frontiers would
require a considerable number ; that the contagious
distemper had discouraged the people from entering on
board the fleet. Wheeler departed : Remarking in the

116 THE CONTINUATION OF

moment of chagrin, that the real want of early notice
furnished an insincere people with a fine excuse for
declining what they had no real intention to perform.
Thus miscarried an expedition, which cost England a
prodigious expence; partly owing to misfortune and
accident, arising from climate and distance, but more
to the want of zeal in Massachusetts which she had
formerly exerted when acting alone. William listened
with more than usual caution to the future professions
of men, whom he had found as liberal in promises as
parsimonious in execution.**

Nevertheless that province since the commencement
of the war had never enjoyed a situation in which it
might with so much safety have engaged in foreign
enterprizes. The Indians, overawed by the fort at
Pemaquid, reduced to distress by the destruction of
their scanty crops, and in some measure deserted by
France, made little impression on the borders during
the winter or beginning of the year 1693. Yet Convers
a renowned captain of those dajs, led against them an
army of five hundred men : He surprised a party which
had invested Wells. And he not long after compelled
them to sue for peace, by building a fort at Saco, which
commanded their hunting grounds. A treaty was ac-
cordingly signed at Pemaquid in August 1693. The
tribes of Kenebeck, of Saco, of Penopscot, acknowledged
themselves subjects of the Crown of England; they
promised future amity; they agreed to abandon the
French, to deliver up the caj^tives, to permit the
colonists to return to their former settlements : And they
delivered hostages to Phips for their iaithful perform-
ance. Yet the Indian negotiations over-reached tliose of
Massachusetts. For the tribes, considering no promise
either verbal or written as binding, which is not accom-
panied with the delivery of belts of Wampum, did not
long regard stipulations that they regarded as void or
informal.*^

The elevation of Phips seems to have engendered
that insolence, which unmerited good fortune generally

CHALMERS S POLITICAL ANNALS. 117

begets on vulgar minds. Without regarding the de-
corum of his station or the instructions of his sovereign,
he engaged in disputes with other royal officers, that
ended in his disgrace and death. Upon the reestab-
lishment of the government Brenton had been appointed
Collector of the Customs at Boston under the authority
of acts of Parliament in the room of Randolph, who
first discharged that obnoxious trust. An office so
adverse to the designs and principles of every one, had
been always viewed with jealousy, was now regarded
by the assembly as illegal, because that body either
overlooked the statutes of England or considered them
as void : And naval offices were erected in that colony by
the act, which we have seen disallowed by William,
because it was deemed contrary to law and destructive
of the power of the Collector. Actuated by the princi-
ples of his colony, and willing to acquire popularity,
though at the expence of duty, he zealously supported
the naval officers appointed by liimself in opposition to
him who had derived his authority from the Commis-
sioners of the Customs in England. Brenton having
seized a vessel because navigated contrary to the acts
of trade was ordered " to forbear meddling witli the
goods : " But he refused to obey commands which ap-
peared to him illegal. Influenced by his partiality to
a friend, and irritated by opposition, Pliips repaired
to the King s warehouse, where the merchandize was
lodged, assaulted the Collector, and forcibly carried off
the vessel and cargo. While the Commissioners of the
Customs formally presented this extraordinary transac-
tion to that monarch they prayed for the protection of
their officer, which involved the royal revenue ; for the
support of the laws and with them the authority of the
state. Yet powerful as this application was it probably
made not so deep an impression as an occurrence of a
very different kind. When subsequent to the Bevolu-
tion frigates were sent to the colonies to protect their
trade they were placed under the direction of the
governors, who were invested by their instructions with

118 THE CONTINUATION OF

the power of superintendence and suspension. The
Nonsuch commanded by Short, transported Phips to
Boston ; and a circumstance which ought to have pro-
duced mutual good will only begat future enmity. This
officer appears to have performed the general orders of
the governor, though perhaps with the indifference with
which the commands of a hated superior are always
obeyed. But when he required him to lend his sailors
to navigate the vessel of a merchant Short refused to
obey what he deemed contrary to the rules of the navy ;
though perhaps he had granted to the requests of the
man he esteemed what he refused to the orders of the
governor he hated. Altercation ensued. And Phips
with an illiberality unworthy of a gentleman caned the
officer whom his sovereign had honoured with his com-
mission. Not satisfied with suspending the captain and
permitting the lieutenant to succeed agreeably to his
instructions he persecuted Short with a rancour which his
feelings as a man should have forbid. The naval com-
manders felt themselves dishonoured by the insult offered
to this captain and they filled the Court of Willi-jm with
complaints against the conduct of the governor, which
they insisted would ruin the navy of England if permit-
ted with impunity. When the suspended officer at
length arrived he applied to a Monarch who had been
thus predisposed to favour his cause, for justice, for a
return of his property, for reparation of his wrongs.
The variety as well as the singularity of the complaints
against his oppressor determined their common sove-
reign to recal the governor. And the Committee for
colonies were ordered in lanofuao-e which evinces not
only the novelty of the case but the impression it had
made "to consider of a way to bring Phips to answer
in England."" In February 1694 he was informed of
the charges against him; he was directed to permit
depositions to be taken to support them ; he was ordered
to return immediately : And Stoughton the Lieutenant-
governor was commanded to assume the government,
and to take and transmit such evidences as should be

Chalmers's political annals. 119

produced by either party. ^^ Phips discovered when it
was too late that the ruler of a free people to be happy
must be moderate.

In the meantime the governor endeavoured to exe-
cute that part of his commission which gave him the
command of the military force of Rhode Island and
New Hampshire. But with a success in both in pro-
portion to the doubts that were entertained in each with
regard to the validity of it. The former refused to obey
the officers whom he appointed, because he despised his
person and derided his authority. The latter would not
permit him to publish his commission and refused to
admit him into the fort, because she feared his power.
And his authority as vice-admiral was equally opposed
by both, because similar inconveniences were .dreaded.*'
While these causes of weakness existed to so great a
degree never were Union and the force which it always
carries with it more necessary. The Eastern Indians seem
to have agreed to the truce of Pemaquid with design only
to recover their losses, and to renew hostilities with greater
vigour. And the}^ did not restore their prisoners accord-
ing to their stipulation. In July 1G94 they began their
murderous attacks on New Hampshire; either killing
or carrying into a lamentable captivity those whom the
weakness of age or of sex had recommended to a polished
enemy. And they soon extended their devastations to
a part of Massachusetts within forty miles of the capital.
Not long after Bomazeen a famous warrior of those
days came to Pemaquid under the protection of a white
flag, the signal of pacific conference. He informed the
commander that he had heard with sorrow upon his late
return from Canada of the mischiefs his countrymen
had done ; that he came to tie up the wounds which
they had inflicted, by a lasting pacification. But his
sincerity was probably distrusted. March " resolved j!t
any rate to seize a sachem " whose enmity had so often
proved fatal, and though he returned the signal of
treaty, though he " assured him of kind treatment," he
arrested that renowned warrior with the companions of

120 THE CONTINUATION OF

his embassy, and sent them prisoners to Boston : Insist-
ing that as the tribes observed neither promises nor
subscriptions, nor the law of nations, they deserved no
human respect. The governor disgraced the province
by adopting the unworthy sentiments and conduct of an
officer who merited punishment: Supposing "that the
prisoners ought to be treated as land pirates because of
their jDcrfidy." The French exclaimed : That the treach-
ery of the American English had degraded them to a
level with the most barbarous hords ; who have at all
times regarded the white flag as the guardian of personal
safety.*^ Sad experience convinced both parties that
perfidy seldom fails to inflict those evils which those
ought to suffer who attempt to gain by it.

When Phips received notice of his recal he prepared
with great diligence to meet his accusers at the Court
of England. He easily procured numerous depositions,
because it is easy to recriminate, when it is impossible
to justify. But it was with great difficulty that he
obtained a recommendatory address from the Assembly,
the members of which had experienced the effects of his
accustomed violence. In October 1694, that body re-
presented to William : That the colony was reduced to
the most deplorable state from a fresh desolation of the
Indians and fi-om a war which had cost the people
twenty thousand pounds, besides the loss of ships and
men; that while it was obliged to defend New Hamp-
shire, which could not otherwise exist, it was unable to
lend New York the required assistance : And it begged
that Monarch to allow no complaints of a personal con-
cern to be so improved as to deprive the province of a
governor of whose integrity for his service it was well
assured.*® Phips arrived in England in January 1695.
But before his conduct was inquired into he died in the
subsequent month, of a fever engendered by the violence
of passions that continually preyed on a mind rude and
uninformed.^'* Few regretted the governor because few
loved the man. And many rejoiced at his fall; because
few thought he merited elevation, because he had of-

CHALMERS S POLITICAL ANNALS. 121

fended numbers as he was prompted by his vehemence
to quarrel with every one with whom he disagreed.

Various pretenders instantly contended for an office
of little profit or power, because men are fond of pre-
eminence though even attended with vexation. Lord
Bellomout, the most conspicuous of any, since he had
lately impeached the chief rulers of Ireland, was named
the successor of Phips in June 1695, though difficulties
with regard to his salary seem to have prevented his
voyage thither for several years. In the meantime the
administration was conducted with great prudence and
ability by Stoughton, the Lieutenant governor, of whom
it was said even by his opponents, " that he was more
of a scholar than a soldier." He had the good fortune
to preserve great internal quiet, because expecting to
be daily superseded, he attempted nothing that could
offend individuals or rouse parties of his country. The
borders of New England were little infested by the
depredations of the Indians during the year 1695. One
of those contagious diseases, which has often proved
fatal to the Tribes raged among them, which disposed
them to peace at a time that several of their bravest
warriors were prisoners at Boston. They professed
their sorrow for the continuance of the war: They
avowed their inclination for peace : And while they pro-
posed an exchange of prisoners, they actually delivered
several captives as a mark of their sincerity. In order
to reestablish what every one desired so much. Depu-
ties were named by the General Court to adjust the
terms of future amity ; and a truce was agreed on. The
negotiators had no sooner assembled at Pemaquid than
the envoys of Massachusetts refused to treat unless the
Tribes should in the first pkice deliver up their prisoners.
But the Indians had not forgot the treacherous manner
in which their principal Avarriors had been seized the
year before ; they perceived that it would be impossible
to procure the freedom of their Chiefs, when they had
relinquished the only security in their power : And with
a spirit worthy of the wisest and bravest of nations they

122 THE CONTINUATION OF

broke off the treaty ; retiring abruptly into their woods,
in order to renew hostilities. It was in vain to give
warning to the inhabitants of a wide extended frontier
of an event, which policy as well as humanity should
have prevented. The tribes instantly renewed the war
with their usual promptitude, which they continued
with their wonted barbarity/^ And the miserable peo-
ple had sufficient cause during the remainder of the
year 1695, to lament the unfortunate politics of their
rulers.

Still fearful however for the fate of their friends at
Boston, the Tribes sent a deputation of Sachems to
Pemaquid in the begmning of the subsequent year, in
order to propose once more an exchange of prisoners.
But Chubb, the commander, regardless of the common
principles of union among men attacked those who
deemed themselves protected by the mutual confidence
of treaty, and while he put several to death, he seized
those who escaped the sword during the moment of his
barbarous zeal. At the same time that enthusiasts,
who did not consider the Indians as entitled to the
common rights of nature, praised this memorable act of
treachery as worthy of a patriot and soldier, the wisest
and best men of Massachusetts in some measure rescued
their country from indelible disgrace, by speaking of it
with horror as meriting punishment. ^^ Irritated by
these repeated provocations the Tribes spread their deso-
lations along the confines of New England and made
an unprotected people suffer for a crime, which all
ought to have joined in punishing, since the common
safety no less than justice required it.^^ The wisdom
of the French has at all times derived every advantage
from the misconduct of the English provincials: And
they were now enabled by the baseness of Chubb to
execute a project which they had for some time medita-
ted. Having sailed from Port Royal in Acadie with a
small squadron the experienced DTberville not only
dispersed a few English vessels sent to oppose him but
easily joined St. Castine who had collected two hundred

Chalmers's political annals, 123

Indians at Penobscot. And in July 1696, they invested
Pemaquid. This ancient fortification, which had been
built by Massachusetts at a considerable expence, rather
with a view to preserve possession of the country than
to defend the Eastern frontier was now mouldering into
dust, because the General Court neglected to repair
what it did not approve, and ninety men were left to
defend a distant post which could not easily be support-
ed. These were instantly summoned to surrender, since
resistance was deemed vain and dangerous : The French
Commander offering with the generosity of his nation
to send them to Boston in exchange for the same num-
ber of French and Indian prisoners. Perfectly informed
of the superior force of his opponent Chubb immediately
agreed to deliver up the Fort on the offered terms:
Insisting moreover for personal protection from the rage
of those whom his recent treachery had justly provoked.
Such was the fury of a people, who give full scope to
their revenge, that nothing but the prudence of D' Iber-
ville, in sending the garrison to an island under a strong
guard, saved Chubb and the instruments of his perfidy
from a dreadful retaliation. The French demolished
the fortification, and they prepared to lay waste the
coast as far westward as Portsmouth. But learning
that the English fleet, reinforced by frigates from Eng-
land and by provincial vessels, had sailed to revenge
the late disgrace, that troops had been detached to de-
fend the country, they retired to Penobscot. It was in
vain for the English commanders to pursue the enemy
in their retreat, because they were protected by fogs
and by shoals. And they returned to Boston : Morti-
fied that they could not wipe away recent dishonour by
a vigorous impression.^*

At the same time that Stoughton was extremely
disappointed at this event it did not abate his ardour,
because he really loved his country and felt for its
miseries. He perceived however that it would be im-
possible to protect the inhabitants living dispersedly
over a wilderness of great extent while the Acadians

124 THE CONTINUATION OF

gave aid to the Indians, and what was of more import-
ance their instructions : And he determined to chastise
the people whom he considered as rebels, because it had
been found more difficult to retain them in subjection
than to conquer. The ideal authority of Massachusetts
over that people, which had been acquired by irruption
of Phips in 1690, had been of short continuance, be-
cause neither garrisons were left to compel their obedi-
ence, nor lenient measures were used to conciliate their
good will. Villebon, who was sent thither in November
1691 by the French King, easily regained j^ossession of
a country which was already in arms to receive him.
And every attempt to reclaim a people who Avere
enthusiastically attached to their ancient usages and
religion who revered their sovereign had hitherto proved
fruitless. In pursuance of the orders of Stoughton
Colonel Church with a small armament during the
summer of 1696, ranged along the Eastern Coast as far
as St. Croix without seeing an enemy till he arrived at
Acadia. On his approach the wretched inhabitants
retired into their friendly woods: Refusing his terms
of submission, because they distrusted the men whose
perfidy they had formerly felt. And their houses were
burnt, their cattle were destroyed, their property was
plundered by the army. The fate of the Acadians has
been at all times pitied by the humane, who saw them
struggling with miseries, because they were attached to
a sovereign, who either did not sufficiently commiserate
their sufterings or was unable to give them effectual
relief Church soon departed for Boston without making
any attempt on the country around Saint Johns, where
the Governor resided, because he thought his force
unequal to the object. But Stoughton, hearing of his
intention, and anxious to remove Villebon from a post
which enabled him to annoy New England, sent a con-
siderable reinforcement with orders to attempt by an
animated exertion to accomplish what would promote
the glory and advantage of his country. That vigilant
officer was soon informed of the return of Church with

CHALMEKS'S POLITICAL ANNALS. 125

the real cause of his sudden change of measures and he
prepared to shew his antagonist an example of vigour
and perseverance. A feeble attack was nevertheless
made on St. Johns but easily repelled. And the
inclemency of the weather, the want of tents, the dis-
agreement of the Commanders, induced the assailants
soon after to embark and to direct their course once
more for Boston. While the forces had been thus with-
drawn from the frontiers to prosecute fruitless expedi-
tions at a distance, the inhabitants seeing no safety any-
where but under the cannon of the forts were neither
able to pursue their usual aiFairs nor to prosecute a war
with effect, which has been ever attended with great
personal fatigue and danger though with little profit
or glory. A scarcity amounting almost to famine en-
sued. The people emigrated to the more happy colo-
nies of the South, since they were loaded with taxes
and were yet unprotected.^^ When the enemy heard
of the universal complaints of their foes, they rejoiced
in proportion to their late success and their future ex-
pectation.

Information of all these disastrous events was com-
municated to the ministers of England towards the end
of the year 1696. The Assembly of Massachusetts at
the same time represented to William : That the prov-
ince had long languished under a war with the French
and Indians, by which the estates of his poor subjects
were much exhausted and their persons either led into
captivity or slain ; that while by the decay of their trade
their abilities were diminished the neighbouring colo-
nies of Connecticut, Rhode Island and New Hampshire,
contributed nothing to the support of a contest in which
all were equally interested : It prayed that these planta-
tions might be obliged to give a reasonable assistance ;
that a suitable supply of arms and warlike stores, and
an additional number of ships of war might be speedily
sent for its defence ; that Port Koyal and Saint Johns
in Acadie miprht be retaken and "-arrisoned with soldiers
at the expence of the royal exchequer : And it recom-

126 THE CONTINUATION OP

mended to the consideration of that Monarch the con-
quest of Canada, the chief seat of the French power,
and the unhappy fountain whence issued the waters of
New England's miseries ^^ Having considered the
dangerous state of Massachusetts the Lords Commis-
sioners of plantations recommended the appointment
of a governor skilled in military affairs. The proprietors
and traders of that province, deeply affected with the
lamentable progress of the French, petitioned " for the
establishment of some good form of government for
uniting under one head the many interests, occasioned
by the various separate jurisdictions." Every one per-
ceived the necessity of coalition for the general defence
against an enemy, politic and well directed : But no one
could point out how that desirable object could be ac-
complished consistent with such discordant pretensions.
New York, Connecticut, and New Hampshire, jealous
of their independence, vigorously opposed that incor-
porate Union, which was equally pressed for by Massa-
chusetts. The Lords Commissioners of Colonies repre-
sented to that prince the several proposals on this
imjDortant subject with the objections ; and they recom-
mended one governor for New York, Massachusetts and
New Hampshire who should be also commander of the
forces of Connecticut and Rhode Island durino; the war:
Giving as a reason what shews they knew little of the
temper of the governor ; " tha,t the various assemblies
by the prudent conduct of such a governor, may be
prevailed on to make such laws as will enable him to
execute the royal Commission." But when the Board
reflected, that Massachusetts of all the provinces was
the mosl considerable for numbers and wealth yet
contributed little to the public revenue, that its desire
of pecuniary aid from England was unprecedented ; the
Commissioners deemed it unseasonable to build fortifica-
tions or to form settlements in Acadie ; and prudently
advised that the several Colonies should be rather pressed
to exert their utmost endeavours for their own defence.
Yet an additional frigate for the protection of its trade

Chalmers's political annals. 127

and a considerable supply of warlike stores were sent to
Massachusetts with the succeeding governor, "as a mark
of the royal bounty." " Though Lord Bellomont was
appointed governor of this province in June 1695, yet
he seems to have been little desirous to solicit a com-
mission to which no fixed salary was annexed. But in
March 1697, he accepted of the command of those
several Colonies in pursuance of the representation before
mentioned, because the Agents of Massachusetts promised
him what they had not power to perform, an established
appointment, and much he relied on his own address.
He was pressed by his sovereign to hasten his departure
as he still lingered in England, soliciting further favours.^^
Men of discernment remarked how much more States-
men are at all times governed by present impressions
than by the experience of the past or by prescience of
events to come. The policy just mentioned had been
already attem]3ted during this reign, without success.
And we shall find, that as the same causes still existed,
thoug:h the man was changed, the ofovernors exertions
will prove equally unsuccessful.

Notwithstanding the repeated solicitations of Massa-
chusetts from the revolution to the present time for the
annexation of New Hampshire, a regard to the interest
and opposition of Allen, who Avas now the Proprietor,
since he had purchased the right of Mason, continued it
a separate government. And John Usher an illiterate
man, of little prudence, was appointed by him Deputy
Governor. But as the religious and political tenets of
the inhabitants of this inconsiderable district remained
unchanged, former disorders continued. Little obedience
or even respect was paid to the Deputy of a Proprietary,
who claimed to be universal Lord of the soil, and A\ho
was therefore hated by the people. The Assembly
constantly refused to grant mone}', either for the support
of such a government, or for the defence of a country
which was claimed by a stranger. Three men, Hinks,
Vaughan, and Waldron really governed the colony, as
they enjoyed the perfect confidence of the governed.

128 THE CONTINUATION OF

They at length seized the government towards the end
of the year 1696, on this plausible pretence; that the
present authority was expired since Partridge was ap-
pointed Deputy governor, though he had not yet taken
the oaths and given the security which the law demanded
as an essential qualification. Usher, fearing for his
life, fled to Boston. And he thence gave notice of this
unimportant revolution to the ministers of England:
Assurino- them as the true cause of an event so deo-rad-
ing to regular government; "that it was not his person
they hated but the prerogative of the king." The Lords
Commissioners of plantations in some measure adopted
his sentiment when they resolved ; " that the legal ad-
ministration was still invested in him, notwithstanding
the Commission of Partridge ; that the royal authority
ought not to be trampled on in his person." They
ordered him to return to his charge and to require every
one to obey his legal powers. They requested Stoughton
to support him with his credit and persuasions. And
Lord Bellomont was commanded to inquire into the
cause of these distractions; in order "that a course
might be taken to remedy the present and to prevent
future disorders." Usher obeyed ; because he deemed
passive obedience one of the greatest of virtues. But tlie
conduct of the Board was contemned and the commands
of the governor were despised, as there existed no real
power to give energy to either. ^^ Sagacious men per-
ceived the futility of these measures and regretted the
weakness which gave them birth, because they foresaw
the consequences.

When Fletcher arrived at New York in August
1692, he found those committed to his charge "a divided,
contentious and impoverished people." Two implacable
parties which had derived their existence from the
Revolution, continued to rend in twain that miserable
province. Though pardon of all past transgressions
was published, yet those who had unjustly suffered
from the violence of Leisler ceased not to prosecute the
men who had done them wrong under the authority of

Chalmers's political anj^als. 129

his commissions. And notwithstanding the laudable
endeavours of the governor to procure a reconcilement
which the happiness of all required, " neither party
shelved any disposition to be satisfied with less than the
necks of its adversaries." Nor were these the only
afflictions of New York. It sadly experienced all the
pressures which never fail to overwhelm every country
whose resources are not fully equal to its enterprizes.
With design to replenish a treasury which had never
been sufficiently filled, because the taxes had failed
Fletcher immediately called an assembly. This body
instantly transmitted an address to William expressing
its thankfulness for the royal care in sending arms and
warlike stores for the defence of the Colony. It repre-
sented how much the number of its people were dimi-
nished by emigration to other provinces that were
happily exempted as well from the calamities of war as
the payment of taxes : That those who remained were
reduced to the greatest poverty while their neighbours
subject to no duties, rob them of their trade. That
though Albany and the Indians dependent on it form
an ample barrier to the other provinces against the
incursions of the French, yet New York was left to
struo;o-le alone ao-ainst the common dano;er, while little
inclination was shewn by any to give to its prayers that
aid, which, if denied to justice, ought to be granted to
policy: And it begged the commiseration of the King
and Queen ; for a sufficient force from England, or
for special directions to the other colonies to assist " a
peo[)le who must otherwise sink under their load." ^^ But
while the assembly felt for itself, it did not reflect, that
England distracted by domestic faction and engaged
with a too potent rival, was little able to give tliat as-
sistance which the Colonies should have furnished during
her embarrassments to her. 'J'he legislature however
enacted laws "for satisfying the debts of the government;
for raising three hundred men for the defence of the
frontiers ; for discharging the necessary public charges ;
for granting a rate of one penny in the pound ot the

130 THE CONTINUATION OF

value of Estates as a present to the governor/' ^^ Yet
it is in vain to impose taxes unless the objects of them
are at the same time enabled to pay : And those that
were now assessed only added to the miseries of the
people without producing either the expected revenue or
doing credit to the intentions of the grantors. The gov-
ernor warned the Secretary of State " that it would be
impossible for them to support the war another year with-
out the contributions of their neighbours." Informed of
the distresses of New York and of what it dreaded in
future, Mary thought it both reasonable and necessary,
that the other colonies should contribute to the defence
of a frontier on which the safety of all depended : And
she transmitted a mandatory letter in October 1692;
signifying the royal will "that upon the request of the
governor of New York they should immediately send
him such aid in men or otherwise for the securit}^ of that
province against the French as the security of each should
permit."'"' But these measures hoAvever wise and just came
too late to ward off the severest stroke that the Indian
allies of England ever received, or were afterwards too
much neglected or contemned to afford the effectual re-
lief that had been anxiously asked.

In the meantime Count Frontenack being reinforced
with two thousand troops and a supply of warlike stores
from France and judging wisely that it was impossible
to protect the frontiers of Canada by defensive opera-
tions against an enemy no less remarkable for bravery
than enterprize, resolved to strike such a blow as should
at once convince them of his power, and excite their
contempt for the imbecility of their friends. And his
success was equal to his hopes, because his project was
executed with vigour and prudence. Six hundred men,
composed of the troops, of the Canadians, and Indians,
marched fi'om La Prairie in January 1693, under the
conduct of three lieutenants, Mantet, Courtmanche, and
La None : And by an exertion of zeal and perseverance,
which shews what man is capable of perfornung when
he is really in earnest, they arrived in the vicinity of

CHA.LMERS\S POLITICAL ANNALS. 131

Schenectady, after a melancholy march of twenty days
through the mtervenient forest, then covered with snow.
A deserter alarmed Schenectady. The news was in-
stantly carried to Albany : Bat, with an inattention
which evinces how much every one was surprised at
such a visit in the depth of winter, they gave no warn-
ing to the Mohawks of their danger, though their castles
stood at no great distance, though against them chiefly
the hatchet was lifted up. Three of their towns were
surprized successively; and three hundred prisoners
were taken, of whom one hundred were warriors. Never
had so great a calamity befallen the Tribes ; never did
any disaster make so deep an impression on minds,
which are trained to bear adversity with fortitude.
Schuyler, the commander of Albany, hastily collected
five hundred men, composed of the regulars, the militia,
and Indians. He pursued the enemj' with a vigour
which compensated for his late remissness, whom he
compelled to retire after various attacks. And he re-
covered upwards of forty prisoners. Few of the Cana-
dians had returned to glory in their success and suffer-
ings, but to the disgrace of colonial policy many of the
Five Nations, who flocked to the standard of Schuyler
in defence of their country, appeared without arms ; and
the Mohawks, dreading the fate of their friends, did not
engage with their usual ardour. On the ninth day from
that on which the French irruption was discovered,
Fletcher arrived at Albany, though distant one hundred
and forty miles, Avith three hundred men : The whole
regiment of the militia of the capital having offered
themselves as voluntiers with an ardour which shews
how much they preferred the safety of the state to the
gratifications of ease or of interest. The Indians as a
token of gratitude for the singular activity of Fletcher
called him for ever after, according to their manner,
"the great swift arrow." The reinforcement however
which the diligence of the governor had brought, was
of little real advantage. The severity of the w^eather
and the want of food compelled Schu}'ler to give over a

132 THE CONTINUATION OF

pursuit, which had well nigh proved fatal to the enemy.
And the French returned to Canada with the loss of
eighty men who died of fatigue, exclusive of a smaller
number who had fallen in the repeated assaults of their
animated pursuers. Fletcher "wiped away the tears
of the Mohawks ; " he provided them with houses and
provisions: And he advised them to convince the
Canadians, that misfortune had not damped a courage
that had so often proved fatal to their enemies. But
the Sa(;hems assured him, that the continuance of a war
long and disastrous, during which they had neither been
supported by their brethren the English nor supplied
with warlike stores, in the same manner as the French
furnished their Indian friends, had broken their strength :
Yet if all the colonies would join in good earnest
Canada might still be reduced. The governor hastened
back to New York: Leaving the frontiers distracted
and defenceless.®^ The assembly which soon after con-
vened, pleased with his zeal, not only returned him
thanks but gave him more substantial marks of regard.
And sensible of the public danger it granted six hundred
pounds for one year s pay of three hundred volunteers,
for the defence of the province, which late experience
had shewn might be so easily invaded.®* While New
York during this disastrous season lost the fur-trade
and paid the enormous interest of ten in the hundred
for money to support a feeble warfare, the colonies on
either side of her enjoyed the advantageous tranquillity
of the most profound peace, disregarding the miseries
of others. Pennsylvania declared she had only good
wishes to send. East Jersey gave two hundred and
forty-eight pounds and promised more. Connecticut,
though then able to bring five thousand men into the
field, refused either to detach her militia or to permit
the raising of recruits. All disregarded the acts of
navigation, while the trade of England was ruined
equally by the remissness of her rulers, and by the fatal
depredations of a war, on the success of which the com-
mon liberty depended. Judging of the future conduct

Chalmers's political annals. 133

of those colonies by the past Fletcher solicited his
master for two additional companies to be paid out of
the funds established for the English army, and for arms
and ammunition ; as absolutely necessary for the safety
of his province. While men of discernment deplored
the evils of disunion they exclaimed : " How shameful
that a handful of Canadians should be suffered to nestle
and to grow to maturity, while the noble colonies of
England were able to drive them into the sea." ^^ Eno;-
lish ministers have been at all times guided by the
plausibility of this remark, but they have generally acted
wrong, because it was untrue: They did not reflect,
that the few, animated by one soul, had at all times
conquered the many divided by a thousand factions.

When the representations of Fletcher before men-
tioned were communicated to William the apparent
weakness of New York, the divisions of the other prov-
inces, and the superiority of France made a permanent
impression on his mind. He instantly revoked the
commission which had been formerly given to Phips to
command the military force of Connecticut and trans-
ferred it to the governor of York : Assigning as a reason
what shews the extent of the present policy ; " that by
these means the one will be best protected fi'om the
attempts of its enemies and the other will be most ex-
peditiously aided upon any sudden irruption." But
though the legality of this plausible measure appeared
extremely clear to the wisest English lawyers, }^et we
shall find it disputed by Connecticut and its operation
therefore prevented. Upon the request of the governor
a considerable supply of warlike stores were sent to
New York, in order to enable him at the cost of Eng-
land to defend a province which was unable then to
protect itself ^^

In the meantime the more vigorous exertions of
France defeated every project which had for its end
either the annoyance of Canada or the defence of the
colonies or their Indian allies. To Count Frontenac
she sent reinforcements of men, supplies of warlike-stores

134 THE CONTINUATION OF

and presents to the Tribes who were attached to her
fortune. Through the instrumentality of the missioners,
who have been at all times extremely useful in promot-
ing her measures, she debauched the fidelity of the Five
Nations, who had suffered prodigiously from the war,
while they had received no real aid fi-om the colonies
which they had defended. This powerful confederacy
inclined therefore to peace. And the Oneyda tribe
actually ^ent a message to Canada. Fletcher heard
with concern of the intrigues of France and of the
probable defection of his most useful allies. And he
invited them to a conference at Albany in July 1693.
He apologized for not meeting them, according to his
promise, when the trees began last to bud ; he condoled
the loss of the brave warriors who had fallen in battle ;
he chid them for entertaining wishes for peace ; he
warned them of the perfidious conduct of France : And
having delivered the presents which he had brought
with him from England, he renewed the covenant of
friendship for all the colonies. They made answer:
That having been so long involved in bloody warfare
their castles were filled with sorrow; that in ancient
times on such occasions the propositions were only those
of peace, but so changed was the state of things, notliing
is now spoken of but war, to which each prompts the
other continually ; that they had heard with joy of pre-
parations for some time made to attack Canada with
vessels on the great river, which they had been ready to
assist b}' land, which by one vigorous effort had put an
end to destructive hostilities, but they were of late told
nothing of that design ; yet that though they might be
cast to and fro in storms they were determined to
remain stedfast to the last man as they had engaged in
the beginning of the troubles : And they ' returned
heart-felt thanks to the great King and Queen for send-
ing them arms and ammunition, when they were in
greatest need of them. To Fletcher the}^ gave a present
of furs as a mark of their esteem. But they delivered
no belt of wampum as a confirmation of sincerity, to

Chalmers's political annals. 135

convert their mutual speeches into a treaty by which
both parties were to consider themselves as bound.
They declared their intention of concluding a peace Avith
the Dionondadies, a powerful tribe in alliance with
Canada: Giving reason, which probably was not the
true one ; that it will both strengthen us and weaken
the enemy. Though the governor perceived the influence
of French intrigue he approved of a proposal so ex-
tremely wise and gave them a belt to deliver in his
name, that he also might be bound in the treaty as a
party. The colonies and England have had sufficient
cause to regret, that they have but too often treated as
children the confederated natiojis, who on the most try-
ing occasions have thought and acted like men. Fletcher
communicated the result of this treaty to the ministers
of England : Assuring them that while the French bade
high for a peace with tlie Five Nations, Admiral
Wheeler's disappointment at Boston liad given the
greatest dissatisfaction to warriors, who could not com-
prehend the cause, and who upbraided the neiglibouring
provinces with cowardice and sloth. And whilst he
gave warning, that should they lose the affections of
their Indian friends the southern colonies, however
secure at present, would be instantly steeped in blood,
he asked for additional presents to avert a catastrophe
more easy to prevent than afterwards to change lor the
safety of the people. ^'^ Thus whatever superiority Eng-
land and her colonies may have formed over that mighty
confederacy, they were really tlie tributaries of a peoi>le,
whose friendship has been at all times purchased since
they could not be conquered.

Fletcher hastened back to New York to meet an
assembly which was governed by very dissimilar princi-
ples. Two objects chiefly he reconnnended to the con-
sideration of the legislature : " The settling of an able
ministry ; " the establishment of the revenue during the
life of the King. And it seems to have paid a just re-
gard to both. The delegates having transmitted to the
Council a bill "for the establishment of a protestant

136 THE CONTINUATION OF

ministry," which gave the election of rectors to the
vestrymen and Church wardens, an amendment was
added investing the power of" collation in the governor :
But the representatives of the people refused to assent
to an alteration, which deducted so much weight from
the scale of popular power. And while the governor
passed a law, which contrary to his instructions thus
deprived the King of his prerogative and his successors
of influence, he reprimanded the delegates for their
dissent in terms degrading to both, because they were
such as a governor ought not to use nor the representa-
tives of freemen to receive. Yet this law Avas confirmed
by William at a subsequent day. It was couched in
such language as gave cause to the Church of England
to think that it was enacted for her establishment alone
and room for the dissenters to contend that it was passed
equally for the benefit of them. In April 1695, the
Delegates by a resolution, Avhich seems to have been
received as an exposition which every one ought to obey,
declared : That the Vestrymcm and Church wardens
have power to call a protestant dissenting minister, who
ought to be maintained as the law directs. ^^ The public
revenue which had been granted during the foregoing
session was continued for five years longer. And a law
was passed for restraining and punishing privateers and
pirates, which late irregularities had made necessary,
and which did not answer its end, because it contradicted
the spirit of the people.''^ When Fletcher was told how
much the inhabitants of the frontiers dreaded the ap-
proach of the Canadians he detached three hundred men
for the defence of Albany. But he at the same time
gave warning to the Lords of the committee of Colonies,
that an unproductive revenue would not be sufficient to
defray the expence of this little army ; that the prov-
inces had declined to settle their quotas of aid in pur-
suance of the royal requisition ; that the monej^ sent by
Virginia and Maryland had proved extremely inade-
quate, while East Jersey had contributed sixty-five men
and four hundred pounds in money, and the Colonies of

Chalmers's political annals. 137

New England had given a positive denial of any. He
enforced the necessity of another expedition against
Canada, in order to put an end at once to a consuming
war, Avliich the colonists though a numerous people,
from their disunion and factions were unable to prosecute
with effect. He solicited a reinforcement of troops and
a supply of stores of war for the defence of a province,
which, since the arrival of governor Sloughter had spent
twenty thousand pounds and on all occasions had stood
foremost in the day of battle.'^

The singularity as well as the importance of the
representations of Fletcher procured the attention of the
ministers of England. In the beginning of the year
1094, two additional companies of a hundred men each
were put upon the establishment of the English army,
and with recruits for the former two were sent to New
York for its protection. Artillery and amnmnition
were transported thither " notwithstanding the low state
of the Kino-'s mao-azines : " The Board of Ordnance
remonstrating against such an application of its funds
as seemed inconsistent with the grant of Parliament.
The Colonies having either refused or declined to furnish
that province with their proportions of aid, in conformity
to the Queens requisition of October 1692, the quota of
each was now apportioned and each was required to
furnish it to New York, whose extraordinary had
hitherto shielded the whole from the neatest of dancers.
But it soon appeared what wise men indeed foresaw,
that all requisition is vain where there exists no power
to compel the refractory or to punish the disobedient.

Fletcher departed for Connecticut the moment he
had prorogued the Assembly in order to assume the
command of the militia of that colony. But here he
encountered a peojjle who perfectly understood their
interest, and who little understood the principles, and
despised the practice of passive-obedience. He presented
the royal commission to the general court and required
its assistance in executing the King's intentions. It
however remarked ; that it did not tind any words in a

138 THE CONTINUATION OF

commission, of which it had no notice, superseding the
charter of the colony : It requested him therefore to
suspend the execution of his pretended powers till the
event of a proposed application for redress : And it
expressed a readiness to aid New York on just occasions
against the common enemy, offering six hundred pounds,
payable in the produce of the country as its quota.
Nevertheless while Fletcher disclaimed any interference
with regard to the civil government or with the Charter
he offered to grant the chief command of the military
force and to continue the former officers and he demand-
ed an effectual compliance with a power which had been
vested in the crown by act of Parliament and could not
be demised from the present king. That the right to
command the militia was inherent in the crown the
General Court freely admitted : But shrewdly insisted
that it had formerly been granted away to the Colony,
which it had enjoyed during the two preceding reigns.
This pointed argument was assuredly decisive. And it
is astonishing that the great lawyers and statesmen who
advised the commission did not see the subject in the
same light since the charter remained uncancelled. The
General Court adjourned. And Fletcher, forseeing a
tumult, and dreading personal affronts, returned to
New York, baffled and chagrined. Connecticut consid-
ering the dark aspect of the times, the great difficulty
with regard to present enjoyments, sent Winthrop, a
man of some talents and art, as agent to England, to
defend her privileges. She levied a considerable tax to
defray his expenses ; judging wisely that when all derive
a benefit all ought to pay. And she appointed a day
of fasting, and of prayer to seek the lord for his gracious
presence with him. Strengthened thus by the gold and
supplications of his countrymen he opened his business
by stating falsehood to his sovereign, by accusing-
Fletcher of attempting to seize the civil government,
which he had expressly disclaimed, because Winthrop
knew that it was safer to recriminate than to attack the
prerogative in the face of a Court attached to regal

Chalmers's political annals. 139

power. His petition, praying for securit}^ of the rights of
the colony, for an explanation of Fletcher s commission,
was however referred to the crown lawyers. After
hearing counsel they reported: That the Charter had
given the ordinary power of the militia to the governor ;
but that their majestys may nevertheless constitute a
commander-in-chief j with authority to order such portion
of each plantation, as may be thought fit, and in case
of invasion, maj^ with the advice of the governor com-
mand even that part of the military force of Connecticut
as shall remain within the Colony. William approved
of an opinion, which was so agreeable to him, which
was probably so framed as to please. And he appointed
one hundred and twenty men as the quota to be furnish-
ed by Connecticut during the war, which the agent
promised should be punctually given upon the request
of the governor of New York and which this officer was
empowered to command during their cooperation. The
ol)noxious commission of Fletcher was recalled. But
Connecticut having thus carried her favourite point,
found reasons enow for withholding the aid, which her
Sovereign had formally asked and her agent had solemn-
ly promised. And the authority of English government
was shaken, because it had been exerted improperly.
Winthrop artfully begged the royal approbation of the
civil government of his country; but though that
monarch promised effectual protection of its chartered
privileges he did not confirm what he did not approve."
How amusing is it to remark the difference of zeal with
which Connecticut defended her borders against the
irruption of a barbarous enemy, and opposed the in-
fringement of her supposed immunities: In this she
acted with ardour, because she contended for independ-
ence : In that, she was scarcely roused from her usual
repose, because she saw no real danger, being defended
by others.

While New York struo;o;led without effectual aid
against the difficulties of the war, hei" counsels were
distracted and her repose disturbed by two implacable

140 THE CONTINUATION OF

factions, which had grown out of the Revolution and
which no means had been yet found to extirpate.
Though in order to prevent the evils of discord, the
adherents of Leisler had been pardoned and their estates
restored ; yet it was in vain to offer indemnity to men,
who did not admit that they had ever committed a
crime: They even refused to sue out their pardons.
And some of them being chosen representatives, though
their attainders remained in force, the governor thought
this irregularity illegal and dissolved an Assembly which
admitted them to vote as legislators : What he deemed
a just exertion of prerogative, they resented as an act
of arbitrary power. On the other hand their opponents
insisted with equal vehemence : that it would be contrary
to every sound rule of justice and of policy, to admit
men to sit in the legislature, whom the laws had con-
demned lor the greatest of crimes ; that it was doing
injustice to the innocent to permit those to usurp their
privileges, who had forfeited their rights by their guilt.
The public tranquillity was wisely preferred to the
clamours of either party : And at a subsequent day a
pardon was passed under the great seal of England,
without payment of fees.'^ Fletcher exerted himself
with a laudable sj)irit to heal the wounds of the people
committed to his care. He forbad names of distinction ;
he set before them the blessings of concord; he did
equal justice to every one: And the public quietude
appeared to be again happily restored. But it was
merely that sullen indifference of the people which the
wisest statesmen dreaded as the certain indication of
approaching convulsions. He was roused by certain
information from all parts of frequent meetings ; where
violence soon begot resentment, where reflections were
thrown on those in power and reparation was demanded
for the blood of Leisler. During his surprize at a
change, unexpected and alarming, he discovered, " that
Sir William Phipps was the incendiary, who fanned
the dying embers of former discontents." Abraham
Gouverneur, convicted of murder in 1691, because he

Chalmers's political annals. 141

had aided Leisler in defending the fort, made his escape
into New England. And a royal governor degraded
his station when he protected a criminal who had fled
from justice. Through this man Phipps carried on
intrigues among a people, uninformed and therefore
vehement. At the same time that Fletcher demanded
satisfaction for a conduct so inconsistent with his duty
he sent a messenger to require that the criminal should
be delivered up to the animadversion of the laws. But to
the people of Massachusetts and their ruler the conduct
of Leisler and his adherents appeared as innocent, as
praiseworthy, as their condemnations were illegal and
therefore unjust. And when they remembered, that
both had acted the same part at the Revolution, they
exclaimed : If what Leisler and his followers have done
be ill, how came the King and Queen to sit upon the
throne. Far from delivering up one of the most zealous
partizans to punishment they resolved, not only to give
them protection at Boston, but to aid them with tlieir
influence in England, procure a parliamentary redress
of their wrongs." And they instructed their agents,
Ashurst and Phips, to promote their views. Invigorated
by this powerful support, Gouverneur and Leisler suc-
cessfully petitioned William towards the end of the year
1694, for leave to apply to Parliament to reverse the
attainder of Leisler, the father, and his adherents, long
after they had been pardoned under the great seal and
their estates restored. Constantine Phips framed the
bill ; Sir William Ashurst sat as chairman of the Com-
mittee to which it was committed : And it was passed
into a law in April 1695, though the most convincing
reasons were oft'ered against it by New York, though it
was in some measure opposed by the Court.''® The
agents gloried in their success, which they hoped would
be attended by a train of good consequences: They
boasted, that they should never do New England so
much good, as by getting this bill enacted.''" For, it
passed a kind of censure on the administration of a
province, which Massachusetts hated ever since the

142 THE CONTINUATION OF

arrival of Sloughter ; because it was composed chiefly
of the old counsellors of James 2d : It was supposed to
contain a Parliamentary recognition of the rectitude of
the violent proceedings at Boston that produced the
Revolution. How striking is the scene, in which we
behold the agents of New England soliciting the Parlia-
ment to reverse the judgment of a court of justice in a
neighbouring colony ; but the act would have passed to
little purpose had not the legislature been possessed of
the liighest of human authority : We see the King and
the great council of the nation made the instruments in
gratifying the little resentments of little men. Massa-
chusetts at the same time struck a more deadly blow at
New York. In pursuance of general expressions in her
charter she now took possession of Martha's Vineyard
and other islands in that vicinity, lying near the coast
of New England. Yet these had long formed depend-
encies of New York and paid taxes towards the support
of her power, because they had been granted to the
Duke of York while his pretensions however defective
could not easily be disputed. But, it was now in vain
for the Council to resolve, that these islands were not
included in the charter before mentioned; or for the
governor to threaten to defend the rights of his province
by force. The inhabitants preferred the government of
Massachusetts, and yielded a willing obedience to Phips,
because they entertained the same sentiments religious
and political as pervaded New England.^" And the
one province gained an augmentation of people and of
a revenue which the other now lost, though already too
defective with regard to both. While Massachusetts
rejoiced in the success of her intrigues, New York long
mourned the evils of personal altercation, which those
intrigues engendered on a credulous people, and of civil
distractions which the act of Parliament before mention-
ed long unhappily continued.

In the meantime the treaty of pacification, begun
towards the beginning of the year 1694, between the
Five Nations and the French, preserved the frontiers in

Chalmers's political annals. 143

an usual state of repose. And this measure was of the
greatest importance to the several colonies, which were
shielded from the incursions of their enemies by the
successful exertions of that gallant people. The governor
of New York informed the neighbouring provinces of
the reasons that had induced their Indian allies to in-
cline to peace: Assuring them, that it would be impos-
sible to prevent the tribes from making a separate treaty
unless the strongest assurances were given of real aid to
enable them to " carry on a war which they alone were
no longer able to support. And in order to promote
these views he invited Commissioners to meet the Five
Nations at Albany upon the return of their negotiators
from Canada. Massachusetts, Connecticut, and New
Jersey sent Deputies to attend Fletcher at the proposed
Indian treaty in Augiist 1694. Decanasora, the orator of
the Five Nations, gave a public account of his embassage
to Canada, which was more replete with eloquence than
with just information. Yet it did not escape the pene-
tration of Fletcher that it would be vain to amuse them
any longer with unsubstantial promises : And knowing
that it was not in his power, to give them assurances
of effectual aid, he invited the chief Sachems to a private
conference. He asked them if they had really concluded
a peace with Count Frontenac. They candidly answered ;
that as they were unable to carry on the war, the treaty
wanted only his approbation. Unable to blame a con-
duct which was prompted by necessity, he gave them
his consent on condition that the ancient chain of amity
with the English should remain unbroken and unstained.
He warned them however that the moment the}- suffered
the French to repossess fort Frontenac, situated in the
center of their hunting-grounds, their independence
must cease : And he promised to maix-h the whole force
of his government to their aid should their encroaching
enemies ever attempt it. In return they assured him,
that they had resolved to insist on what he now recom-
mended as an essential article of the ensuing pacifica-
tion. And they faithfully performed what they at

144 THE CONTINUATION OF

present agreed on, thougli we shall find, that he was
unable to fulfill the magnificent assurances which he
gave them, and upon the faith of which they too much
relied. The great Council at Onondaga, the body
politic of the Five Nations, with a firmness worthy of a
Roman Senate, determined, that no distress should
force them to depart from two points in the ensuing
treaty ; never to allow the French to regain fort Fron-
tenac ; never to include their Indian dependents. And
neither the presents, nor promises, nor threats of the
governor of Canada made any impression on a poor
but magnanimous people, whom it was so difiicult to
conquer, or corrupt, or frighten. The efforts however of
Count Frontenac gave the greatest satisfaction to the
Tribes who were attached to his fortune, because he dis-
dained to accept a separate peace, that had sacrificed
their interests to his quiet.^^ And men of discernment
remarked: that this conduct no less honourable than
just reflected disgrace on the policy of the English, who
neither gave the Five Nations the protection which is
due to subjects, nor furnished the aid that allies may
claim.

When by the firmness of both parties the conferences
that were to give peace to so many nations Avere broken
off the war was renewed with a vigour heightened by
disapi^ointment. The politest of nations remembering
what she had suffered, outdid the Warriors, whom she
denominated savages, in her cruelties to the miserable.
The confederates severely retaliated on the allies of
France. Amid the inhuman scenes that were then
acted by both parties, it did not escape the sagacity of
the experienced Frontenac, that it was the persuasions
and promises of Fletcher that had frustrated his projects
for the happiness of Canada; and he resolved by a
vigorous effort to expose the weakness of the English
to the eyes of a people who had confided in their wisdom
and aid. He prepared to attack the Mohawks, who
were the most attached to his enemy, and the borders
of New York, durino; the winter of 1694-5. Havino;

Chalmers's political annals. 145

penetrated his designs however Fletcher was enabled by
the Assembly to send a small reinforcement to Albany.
He asked the assistance of the neighbouring colonies
witli his wonted success. Indeed East Jersey sent him
thirty men on that urgent occasion : Yet he complained
to the ministers of England " that it made war on the
trade of New York by prohibiting the products of the
one from being sent to the markets of the other." But
with greater effect he asked his sovereign for presents
to the Indians and for punctual pay to the regular
troops. ^^ The governor of Canada, perceiving his
designs discovered and preparations made to repel his
incursions, turned his views to the great western lakes.
He detached several parties into that narrow country
surrounded by those immense collections of water, deno-
minated Erie and Ontario, partly in order to surprize
the Five Nations, while hunting in security, but more
to know the present condition of fort Frontenac which
had been abandoned during the year 1688. And he
succeeded in both his projects, because orders wisely
given were punctually executed. That intrepid people
soon took a severe revenge : They defeated a large body
of Indians friendly to France, as they marched into
Canada. The tidings of this disaster determined the
Governor of that Colony, to execute the measure he had
already resolved on. He knew the importance of the
fortress before mentioned, both as it secured in a great
degree the communications of the more Western country
around Missilimackinac and as it could be easil}' convert-
ed into a place of arms and retreat in the j)rojected
enterprizes against the confederated nations. In July
1695 the French easily retook possession of a fort, ^\■hich
was of equal advantage and importance during war and
peace, tliough this measure seems to have been contrary
to the commands of his sovereign. And this conduct
proved the fruitful source of vexation and expence to
the English, who seldom forsee and prevent Avhat gi\'es
them a fine opportunity to display to the world the
extent of their braver}- and wealth to regain. The Five
10

146 THE CONTINUATION OF

Nations sent immediate notice to Fletcher of what had
happened, of Avhat they could not frustrate : And they
demanded his promised aid. They desired him at the
same time to inform New England that many of the
Eastern Indians being then in Canada this opportunity
should not be lost to destroy those who remained at
home. In return he chid his friends for allowing the
French to take possession of what they had undertaken
to defend. He endeavoured to convince them of the
impossibility of dispossessing the French from a strong
post, situated upwards of four hundred miles from the
inhabited frontiers by an army which must march
through the intervenient desert, without roads, com-
munications or provisions. He advised them to invest
the garrison and cut off its supplies. And he condoled
them on their misfortunes by giving a present of unusual
value and use. But all their exertions ]3roved vain :
The persevering vigour of the French long retained
what their superior address had thus acquired.®^ Im-
pressed Avith a sense of the present danger the assembly
enabled the Governor to recruit the companies on the
English Establishment and to raise a few additional
soldiers " for securing the frontiers of the province." ^*
Agents were sent to England in the end of the year
1695 to ask for effectual aid. While the French were
thus pushing their warlike settlements southward, and
paving a way for future incursions on the more southern
colonies, Virginia and Maryland solicited their sove-
reign to be exempted from the burden of future quotas to
New York, because they were actuated by the supposed
pressiu-es of the present moment.^^

Count Frontenac having gained his first object with
regard to the plans which he meditated for closing at
once the war that had so long drenched Canada in
blood, prepared for an unusual enterprize. In July
1696, that nobleman in the seventy-fourth year of his
age, marched at the head of the whole regular troops,
the Canadian militia and his Indian allies against the
Country of the Five Nations, which was defended by

Chalmers's political annals. 147

almost impervious morasses and forests. Having as-
cended the river St. Lawrence he crossed Lake Ontario,
and at length entered the wilderness, that sheltered the
people whose destruction he designed, by the stream of
Oswego. The Onondagas alone gave him a defiance
according to their manner. They placed their women
and children in a place of safety. And they resolved
to defend their country with that undaunted spirit which
they had so often shewn on the most trying emergencies.
But, being informed by Indian deserters, that their ex-
asperated enemies were more numerous than the leaves
on the trees, that they brought with them uncommon
machines, which were described as spreading fire, and
bullets, and death at a prodigious distance, they retired ;
leaving their village in flames. Count Frontenac
m.arched up in battle array to the miserable remains of
what the fire had spared : And he destroyed the scanty
crops of a people who despise tillage as unworthy of
them. Here was found only one Sachem, who had
survived almost a century of years, who chose that time
to die : Thinking life no more worthy of his care, since
he could no longer contribute to the defence of his
countr}' by his arm or his counsels. He expired whh
a resolution characteristic of his nation amid torments,
wdiich none but the American Indian can inflict or suf
fer : Giving warning to his tormentors to prepare for
that vengeance which his numerous progeny would
certainly take. The want of provisions which could not
be procured in a desert obliged that general to retire
with precipitation, without effecting all that was intend-
ed. Far from dispirited by losses which could easily
be repaired the Onondagas hung on his rear and found
opportunities enow to revenge their late disgrace. Tlie
Five Nations suffered little fi-om this overbearing irrup-
tion when compared with the distresses of their invaders.
The harvest failed in Canada, because the Husbandmen
were employed either in this expedition or in guarding
its borders in the absence of the army ; and one of those
famines ensued, which had so often depopulated that

148 THE CONTINUATION OF

colony. ^^ When the inhabitants of New York heard of
the approach of the French they were seized with a
consternation, not in proportion to their real danger, but
to what they imagined they should feel and suifer in
case of an actual invasion. In this extremity Fletcher
repeatedly demanded the appointed quotas of the neigh-
bouring colonies : But as usual without success, because
they felt only for themselves. And he was now left to
defend his province with the four standing companies,
maintained by England at a considerable expence. He
no sooner heard of the loss sustained by the confederated
tribes, than he determined to alleviate misfortunes which
he could not prevent, since he could not give them ef-
fectual protection. And enabled by the liberal grants
of the Assembly he supplied them with corn during the
ensuing year. The Quakers of Pennsylvania, either
alarmed when they heard of the retreat of the Indians
southward along the river Susquehannah, or pitying
their misfortunes, sent two hundred pounds to Fletcher
to purchase them raiment and food.®'' But we shall find
that these attentions did not eradicate the impression
which late events had made on the firmest minds, be-
cause they as much feared the vigour of their enemies
as they despised the weakness of their friends.

In the meantime the Agents of New York represent-
ed to the ministers of England the deplorable imbecility
of this province, and the danger of losing for ever the
attachment of the Five Nations with the security which
this brought with it. They proposed as the surest
means to protect both from the incursions of the common
enemy to dispossess the French of Canada and to plant
there an English colony ; to erect fortifications on Lake
Ontario ; and to strengthen the frontiers with a thousand
regular troops. But in their solicitude for their province
they never reflected how much England had been debi-
litated by marking exertions beyond her strength, and
how unable she was to engage in fresh projects when
she knew from recent experience how little the Colonies
interested themselves in a contest that had their rio;hts

Chalmers's political annals. 149

as well as her own for its object. Yet she gave them a
new instance of" her parental care. More liberal presents
were sent to her Indian allies whom Fletcher was order-
ed to supply with necessary anmiunition during the
war ; military stores were sent to the colonies, that they
might be enabled to defend themselves : An Engineer
was ordered to repair their fortifications : And as the
provinces had not complied with the royal requisition
of quotas for the defence of New York, the safety of
which involved the fate of the whole, fresh instances
were made with greater earnestness.^^

While these salutary measures were pursued in order
to extricate New York from her present embarrassments
a desultory war continued on the frontiers, the events
of which deserve not to be now remembered, because
they were then of little consequence. But the Five
Nations wished for peace. They sensibly felt the in-
equality of their burdens ; they perceived the inability
of the English to protect them, because they did not
cooperate with each other; they even doubted from
what they had seen whether the war continued between
France and England : Yet with a laudable attachment
to treaties, which the most polished of nations ought to
imitate, they proposed to continue the contest, provided
Canada was attacked by sea. But no promises were
made by the governor, because he knew that they would
little regard what he had been hitherto unable to per-
form.^*^ The people on the borders were extremely
alarmed when they heard of a fresh irruption of the
Canadians, because they dreaded equally the depreda-
tions of friends and foes: And nothing prevented a
dereliction of the country, but the animated conduct of
Fletcher, who reinforced the frontiers, encouraged the
Indians, and placed himself in Albany during the
winter of 1696-7. Yet he was soon after recalled partly
owing to complaints against him, but more with design
to make room for a new plan of union of the Northern
Colonies, on which the safety of the whole was supposed
to depend.

150 THE CONTINUATION OF

Notwithstanding every inconvenience of the war, the
City of New York increased from various causes in
commerce, in wealth, and in populousness. The taxes,
which had been levied to a greater extent than it had
ever known betbre, were imposed with equity and col-
lected with moderation ; which by adding to the general
circulation promoted the general industry. The war
had put in motion a multitude of privateers and pirates,
to which that city afforded an asylum and which it
supplied with provisions ; exchanging these for gold and
other rich commodities, the plunder of the East. And
it found the greatest advantage in carrying on an illegal
traffic of great extent which supplied the demands of the
province; as those officers, whose duty required them
to execute the acts of navigation, turned their eyes from
irregularities that were criminal in proportion as the
commerce of England had been diminished by a war,
which was carried on for the benefit of all.

When the intrigues of William Penn since the,
Revolution were in the meantime remembered, when
his neglectful absence from his province and its exposed
state were considered, it was resolved to place it under
the care of Fletcher. In October 1692, he was invested
with the same powers of Government over Pennsjdvania
as had been given him over New York.^'^ The lords of
the Committee of Colonies having determined on the
rectitude of this policy, the Crown Lawyers, whose
official advice was asked, gave a sanction to the legality
of it. But neither seem to have reflected, that they
were depriving English subjects of Chartered rights, by
supposing facts to exist, which the law of England re-
quired, should have been previously affirmed by a
verdict of their peers. Far from consenting to measures
which deprived him of power, Penn gave warning to
Fletcher to beware how he trampled on the privileges
of an Englishman by executing a commission which he
deemed illegal : ^^ And he gave instructions to his friends
in Pennsylvania how to oppose his authority by under-
mining the governor's power. ^^

Chalmers's political annals. 151

Fletcher no sooner received these additional powers
than he repaired to Philadelphia to execute the trust
reposed in him. In April 1G93 he here published his
commission and assumed the government without op-
jjosition, because the Quakers obstruct by intrigue what
others oppose by force. He nominated ]\iarkham,
formerly secretary of Penn and President of the prov-
ince, Lieutenant-governor. He appointed eight Coun-
sellors and other otiicers. And he continued the Courts
of justice on the former plan. Considering justly that
his commission and instructions had superseded as well
the charter as the frame of government that had engaged
the affection of the Emigrants, he resolved to disregard
both in the manner of calling an Assembly, since he
was instructed to follow in all things the example of
New York. Much depended on the rectitude of this
measure, because the validity of the laws was to result
from it. Yet there were not wanting persons who,
instructed by Penn and deploring the loss of their own
consequence in the late change, opposed the proceedings
of the Governor, though in the peaceful manner that
their peculiar religion prescribes. Seven members of
the late Provincial Council on behalf of the freemen:
Desiring " that no other method may be used in calling
the legislative power than the received law of tlie Prov-
ince does provide." But no answer was given, because
the Governor and Council agreed "that it cannot be
consistent with the powers of the Commission to regard
an address which strikes at the foundation of their
authority." Yet the ancient form was in a great meas-
ure changed. When the Assembly at length convened
six members only appeared who without scruple took
the oaths which the law had provided for the security
of the State. The others Avere allowed to subscribe the
declaration of fidelity, in pursuance of the rojal instruc-
tions ; yet not till they entered on their journal, that
what was then permitted was merely an act of grace,
which should not be construed into a pretension of
right. From these notices we may determine with

152 THE CONTINUATION OF

regard to the religious tenets of the members ; with regard
to that policy which sacrificed so imich to warfare, yet
admitted into the legislature men who opposed the most
necessary violence as sinful. The Delegates now atten-
tively practised the lessons of opposition that the Pro-
prietary had taught them.^^ They opened their delibera-
tions ^vith a resolve ; " that the laws of the province that
were in practice before the arrival of the present gov-
ernor are still in force." Never advertino; durino- tlieir
zeal, that the principle of their resolution contained a
strong assertion not only of the illegality of the present
government, but of the consequent irregularity of their
own proceedings. Having insinuated that their present
change arose alone from the absence of the Proprietary,
the Governor laid before them the motives recited in
his commission, and with the bluntness of a soldier
assured them: "That the constitution of their majestys
government and that of Mr. Pen are in direct opposi-
tion to each other ; and if you tenaciously stickle for his,
it is a demonstration that you decline the other." It
was impossible to answer this perplexing argument.
And while they insisted, " that the reasons assigned for
superseding the Proprietary government were founded
in misrepresentation,'"' they admitted Fletcher to be their
lawful governor, " saving to themselves and those
they represented the privileges of both." Owing in
some measure to the novelty of the scene, but more
because neither of the disputants did justice to each
other, the session passed away in continual contention.
After some altercations he confirmed during the King's
pleasure a long list of laws. And they partly in return,
but more from the dread of " an annexation to New
York" with which they were menaced, gave a small
supply for the support of the provincial establishment.''*
There were many however of the well affected inhabit-
ants of Philadelphia, who declared themselves sensible
of the royal care in taking them under his immediate
government and avowed themselves ready to uphold it :
But these men perceived not the danger to real liberty

Chalmers's political annals. 153

from change wlien not strictly legal. In the height of
his chagrin Fletcher informed the Secretary of State ;
That no assistance was to be expected from the Quakers,
who little regarded the Queen s mandatory letter, who
had rather die than resist with carnal weapons, and
who, while they have neither arms nor ammunition,
will not suffer those few to be trained that shew an
inclination. He departed in June 1693: Giving up
the reins of the Pensylvanian government to Markham,
a man needy and profligate, but of great experience,
since he had been the first ruler. It did not escape the
sagacity of Fletcher, that the policy to which the rights
of Pen and the privileges of the people were unjustly
sacrificed, had now wholly failed. Far from adding
strength to the feebleness of New York his necessary
absence had only increased her embarrassments. He
gave notice to the ministers of England, that the trust
conferred on him "was merely a trouble" without an-
swering any of the important jjurposes of union and
energy. And he advised a complete annexation of
Pensylvania, of the Jerseys, of Connecticut, to New
York, as the only measure that could save the last from
the possession of France.'*^

Markham governed Pensylvania with the weakness
of dependent authority. He called an Assembh' in the
beginning of the year 1694. But a sudden prorogation,
which he made by order of his superior prevented a
redress of those grievances which naturally arose from
the confusion of the ancient Constitution and the inno-
vation of the new. Yet with the spirit of injured free-
men they transmitted a remonstrance to Fletcher. Com-
plaining of the late prorogation, and insisting among
other objects of grievance which evinces the extent of
their jealousy, that the supplies granted by the last
Assembly should be justty applied and accounted for to
the present. The Governor hastened from the confer-
ences held with the Five Nations in May 1694, to meet
the Assembly in person. He apologized to that body,
by urging the necessity of meeting the Tribes, wdio had

154 THE CONTINUATION OF

been endeavouring to make a peace with France, which
all wise men considered as equivalent to a confederacy
against the English. He laid before the Delegates the
proceedings at the late conference. He represented to
them the deplorable state of the frontiers of New York,
which had been in some measure abandoned, owing to
the want of the aid of neighbors rather than to the im-
pression of the enemy. While he praised East-Jersey
tor sending a quota of aid, he urged in prophetic lan-
guage, that the danger of Pensylvania was not the
less real because it was now distant, but if from their
abhorrence of war they would not levy money for the
general defence they ought at least to enable him to feed
the hungry and to clothe the naked. And he assured
them of his readiness to concur in anything that might
be useful to the province. Yet the session passed away
rather in altercation than in mutual endeavours to pro-
mote the real interest of the colony. The deputies
indeed passed a bill for raising a supply : But having
appropriated the money and appointed Collectors, the
Governor informed them of his positive instructions to
consent to no money bill, wherein the tax was not
granted to the King for the uses of the state, according
to Parliamentary Custom. It was apparent, that no
money could ever be raised, while the acceptance of the
one rendered him unworthy of future trust, and the
others insisted on their own terms, because the interest
of their constituents and their own consequence were
equally involved. While this fruitful source of dis-
agreement continued he insisted in vain for an answer
to the Queens requisition of aid for New York. The
Deleoates in return sent him a remonstrance with re-
gard to the state of the province and their own privileges.
And a fruitless session was soon after closed by a dis-
solution, which at all times has confirmed the resolution
rather than convinced the judgment or conciliated the
affections of popular assemblies. The same subject was
renewed at a subsequent meeting, when similar alterca-
tions ensued with the same success.''^ Representatives

Chalmers's political annals. 155

who withhold money from their rulers are generally
rewarded with the applause of the governed.

Meanwhile William Pen, who had secretly directed
the proceedhigs of the Delegates, successfully exerted
his usual address to reconcile himself to his new sove-
reigns, whom he had injured and therefore hated. In
July 1694, he represented with his accustomed art the
great prejudice that had ensued by the separation of the
government from the soil : And he prayed to be restored
to his former privileges. The CroAvn Lawyers Ward
and Trevor gave it as their official opinion, "that the
charter of Charles 2d had granted to the Proprietary
the right of government, civil and military, but subject
to the general sovereignty of the king over the province
and inhabitants."^^ Having gained this important
declaration in his favour, he assured the Lords of the
Committee of Colonies, that he was willing to subscribe
the declaration of fidelity to their majesty s. With a
saving of his principle, that he would speedily return to
Pensylvania and provide for its safety, that he would
transmit in the meantime to the assembly such orders
as should be given for the general defence, which he
doubted not they would dutifully obey, but if they did
not, he would submit the military affairs to the king's
pleasure. Pelying on these solemn promises the Com-
mittee recommended his restoration. And in August
1694 the commission of Fletcher was revoked, which
should have been never granted ; because the expected
good could not balance the certain evil of infringing at
once the rights of Pen and the privileges of the Pen-
sylvanians. The Queen wrote a second mandatory
letter; which, remarking his petition and restoration
and her appointment of the quota of aid, required his
compliance with the requisition of the governor of New
York,^^ Unable to return to Pensjlvania, or to make
a final settlement of its affairs, the Proprietary in the
subsequent November empowered Markham to rule his
province in his absence, according to loiown usages and
laws. And he gave him two assistants, who however

156 THE CONTINUATION OF

declined to act, by whose advice he was directed to
transact the public business. ^^ Thus w^as restored the
government of Pensylvania to its founder : Thus were
the people reinstated in their ancient privileges, after a
species of usurpation, since the late administration had
been established contrary to law. But we shall find,
that Pen either possessed not the power, or wanted the
inclination to perform stipulations on his part, which
he deemed perhaps improperly asked; because rights
unjustly taken away ought to be returned without con-
sideration.

Nevertheless Pensylvania remained for some time
in that political situation in \^^hich Fletcher had left it.
Under Markham it continued quiet and therefore un-
important. An Assembly was at length convened iu
the year 1696 under the irregular form which the change
of 1693 had introduced. The Deputy Governor recom-
mended to its attention the affairs of New York and
the distresses of the friendly Indians, the Queens requi-
sitions and the promises of the Proprietary before men-
tioned. The informality of the present convention did
not escape the penetration of the Burgesses. Yet they
unanimously declared their willingness to perform their
duty with regard to these recommendations, " if the
Governor would be pleased to settle them in their former
constitution.'" As men are never at a loss for expedients
when they are really disposed to comply a Committee
of the Council met one of the Delegates " to consider
how to promote that favourite object " : A bill for this
purpose and one for raising money were at the same
time prepared and passed. For the support of the
provincial administration and for the relief of the dis-
tressed Indians, the scanty sum of three hundred pounds
was granted. The present " act of settlement " did not
restore the old but introduced a new constitution. Yet
as its existence proved of very short duration, its regula-
tions deserve not to be now recollected. It saved former
rights whether derived from the charter or laws. And
with an absurdity proceeding from the pride of men it

Chalmers's political annals. 157

provided; "that no part of it should be altered without
the consent of the Governor and six j^arts in seven of
the freemen in Assembly met": ^^ As if the legislative
power can prohibit its successors fi-om abrogating what
the legislature has formerly enacted. Here we disco^^er
the reason why popular assemblies contend with so
much energy for the sole disposal of money : It is an
argument everywhere so absolutely decisive.

An assembly convened in the subsequent year in
conformity to the late act of settlement. The regulations
beforementioned were instantly confirmed, because their
validity had been doubted. Before the Delegates was
laid a fi^esh requisition of aid by the Governor of New
York ; but they refused to grant the promised quota :
Urging' in excuse, the infancy, the poverty, the incum-
bered state of the colony. ^"^ Pensylvania found cause
in after times to regret, that her representatives found
pretences to disregard equally the requisitions of the
Queen and the assurances of the Proprietary. Not-
withstanding the various changes she had undergone no
country was ever blessed with a more rapid increase of
industry and populousness, commerce and wealth than
this province from the Revolution to the present period.
Her government gave the same protection to the wealthy
emigrant and to the needy fugitive; her laws promoted
diligence, as a virtue of the greatest importance to an
infant state; she extended her traffic whithersoever
interest directed the navigator, as she disregarded the
arts of navigation: And the governor and inferior
magistrates countenanced and even protected pirates, as
men who augmented her wealth without injuring her
morals. The adjacent provinces, envying perhaps her
prosperity gave notice to the ministers of England of all
tliese disorders ; and begged for an adequate remedy
with the same zeal, as if a check given to the irregulari-
ties of one colony could alone promote the commercial
ardour of another."^

During the various innovations in Pensylvania,
and her rapid advance to greatness, measures were

158 THE CONTIlSrUATION OF

adopted to procure for Carolina, long depressed by
anarchy, a change equally desirable. When the Pro-
prietaries reflected on the continued distractions of this
turbulent colony and weighed the salutary advice that
had been given them by the governor and Deputies,
they did not hesitate to comply with the recommenda-
tion of sending thither one of their own body as chief
magistrate. At a full meeting of the Proprietors held
in June 1694, in order to consider of the state of the
country, John Archdale, a quaker, whose prudence
was equal to his great experience in colonial affairs, was
appointed governor general of both the Carolinas. He
was intrusted with larger powers than any of his pre-
decessors, because "the present exigency requires it and
he is in the nature of a Proprietor." He was instructed
to pursue former orders at the same time that he studied
in what manner to promote the improven;ent of the
Colonies; to review their constitutions and to recommend
to the Assembly such alterations as he might think for
the general interests. And he was introduced by the
Proprietors to their Deputies as a person who ardently
desired to establish a settlement of affairs, satisfactory
and permanent. Nevertheless his powers seem not to
have been equal to his own opinion of the extent of his
business. Having arrived in Virginia in June 1695
he wrote thence to his constituents for authority "to
appoint new Deputies, to grant an abatement of the
quit rents in arrear, to dispose of unlocated lands on
reasonable terms." All these were readily granted,
because they appeared to be absolutely necessary. He
was received in August 1695, with universal acclama-
tions, because the humility of his appearance offended
no ones pride, punishment was dreaded by none, much
was expected from his powers. And his endeavours
seem to have proved successful. The equanimity of his
conduct reconciled the various factions to each other ; his
acknowledged integrity prevented every suspicion of
sinister designs ; and his address procured a reformation
of most of the evils which disorders of long continuance

Chalmers's political annals. 159

had introduced. The Assembly, which he not long
after summoned, and which the mildness of his manners
extremely softened, zealously promoted his views, be-
cause the concessions before mentioned gratified the
members. They passed an act for the redress of sup-
posed grievances, for the settlement of the quit rents
and other manorial rights, that for so many years had
created the greatest dissentions. And they transmitted
an address of gratitude to the Proprietaries for a liberal-
ity of sentiment and action, which, they had few op-
portunities of admiring in each other. To the Indian
tribes, both foreign and domestic, he did that justice
which they had seldom -experienced before : And the
Colonists felt the benefit of this laudable policy, that
they have at all times but too seldom practised. Yet
this man's morality was somewhat corrupted by the
profligacy of the people and the times : He encouraged
an illicit commerce, so repugnant to the moral sense ;
he countenanced piracy, so contrary to every system of
laws. North Carolina remained during these transac-
tions in the South almost without any perceivable gov-
(jrnment, the general receptacle of the fugitive, the
smuggler and the pirate. At the expiration of two
years Archdale delivered the Carolinas, which now were
blessed with an unusual state of tranquillity, to the care
of Blake ; having justly acquired the honour of giving
equal satisfaction to his employers and to the people,
whose happiness he had thus promoted. Meantime
various complaints were made to the ministers of Eng-
land against these provinces, for seducing the inhabitants
of other colonies ; for trafficking contrary to law ; for
receiving pirates. And they wrote to the Proprietaries
in terms which evinced what impression these accusations
had made, "to take extraordinary care to discourage
such things hereafter, so as to prevent similar reflections
in future." ''^

At no period of the English annals had the national
commerce flourished more luxuriantly than during the
reigns of Charles 2d and his successor: At no period of

160 THE CONTINUATION OV

them had it ever declined with so much rapidity as during
the war of the Revolution. The exertions, that England
made during this contention, Avhich had her independ-
ence and freedom for its end, were greater than she had
ever made before, and beyond her abilities even when
aided by the one half of Europe. During the first years
of this momentous contest the merchants were deprived
of their sailors by the advice of the Commons, in order
to man the fleet that was to repel the invasion of the
late king aided by France: And their inadequate
Convoys were often delayed, sometimes refused, because
the French had worsted the fleet of England in several
rencounters, on her own coasts. The great demand for
money and the debasement of the coin had checked
universal circulation, and the unexampled taxes were
consequently less productive at the same time that they
ruined the industrious classes. The instability of the
new government, and the disaffection of many of the
great had a manifest influence on the national manufac-
tures, because the minds of the people were often alarm-
ed. Even after the decisive victory of La Hogue,
neither was the trade of the conqueror so fully protected
nor that of the conquered so completely ruined as might
have been expected from the acknowledged naval supe-
riority of the former. Ignorance, cabal, and treachery
directed the divided councils of William. The English
merchants, whose comj^laints are generally of all others
the most attended to, tilled the nation with accounts of
their losses as considerable as they were well founded.
In these calamities the colonial commerce fully partook,
because it was intimately connected with that of the
parent state. The conduct of the ministers was inveighed
against not only as a criminal neglect of the nation, but
as a treacherous sacrifice of her trade at the shrine of
foreign interests. All these causes contributed to intro-
duce this important subject into Parliament during the
session of 1695-6. And a motion Avas made to establish
a council of trade by an act of the legislature. But
while one party opposed a measure so interesting to a

Chalmers's political annals. 161

commercial kingdom, as infi-inging the prerogative of
the King, and thereby changing the nature of the Con-
stitution, and the other supported it, because favourable
to liberty and the rights of the subject, the discovery of
a conspiracy against the royal person closed the debate
and turned the attention of every one to an object more
alarming/*^^ In order to prevent the revival of a similar
motion that monarch not long after signified his inten-
tion to gratify the wishes of his people by the appoint-
ment of Commissioners, whose deliberations should have
the advantage of the Colonies and of Commerce for their
chief object/''^

From the Restoration to the present period the
superintendence of these distant settlements and the
mercantile interests of England had been placed in
various committees of the privy -council, though differ-
ently modified in proportion to the eventful changes of
the times. May 1G96 is the memorable epoch of the
esta1)lishment of the Board of trade and plantations on
its present footing. A commission then passed the
great seal, directed to the great officers of state and to
other persons of experience, for promoting the advantage
of commerce foreign and domestic, for watching over
the affairs of the Colonies. And the Commissioners
proceeded to discharge the trust reposed in them with
great zeal and ability. Various were the projects which
they received and considered for promoting domestic
industry, for urging foreign enterprize : Much time and
attention did they employ in corresponding with the
governors and other officers of the plantations ; in perus-
ing the various acts of different assemblies, which were
transmitted for the royal approbation ; in giving energy
to the laws of navigation, that it was found so difficult
to enforce.^"^ And nothing engaged more their deliberate
consideration in the year 1G9G, than the lamentable
state of the colonies, which had suffered equally from
the imbecility of internal divisions and the pressures of
a formidable foe. It was perceived indeed, " that there
were Englishmen enow not only to defend themselves but
11

162 THE CONTINUATION OF

even to drive their enemies from the northern continent."
But the provinces were so separated in jurisdiction, so
disunited by adverse interests and affections, that far
from ainioying their invaders they joined in no common
measure for the defence of the common frontiers.
Mutual Union had been recommended by Mary and
quotas of aid appointed by her, because it was thought
just, " that they should employ their own hands and
purses, in defence of their o^vn estates, lives, and families."
But her requests were listened to with indifference, as
each province felt only for itself, disregarding the com-
mon danger as unreal. How to unite and to bring into
action the strength of so many discordant colonies,
"while England spent so much blood and treasure in so
lasting a war," employed the deliberations of the Board
and exercised the thoughts of wise men. Much ought
we naturally to expect from the wisdom of Locke, from
the sagacity of Penn. The former however, aided by
the experience of sensible coadjutors, could only propose
the introduction of a military despotism, by investing
all power, legislative and executive, in a Captain General
of royal appointment. The last recommended the
establishment of a democracy, which would have soon
engrossed all authority and erected independent Empire.
Neither proposal was accepted ; because the one was
tyrannous ; the other was unsafe. When surrounded
with difficulties statesmen often find relief from perfect
inaction. Yet the ministers of William were urged to
apply a speedy remedy to those inveterate disorders
with the anxiety of men who feared it might come too
late to prevent the bad consequences that England and
her colonies might find full leisure to regret. Let us
not however cast hasty blame on the wisdom of that
reign: The same perplexing embarrassments have de-
scended mth little variation to the present times, yet no
man has been found who can unravel the intricate knot,
by making the advantages of union and the interests of
freedom coalesce.

Chalmers's political a^jnals. 163

AUTHOEITIES and NOTES.

' Andros's correspondence Yirg* Ent, 5 v, p. 223-40. —

* Laws p. 1Y3-5.— ' lb. 177. The revenue collected for the
College on the exportation of skins under the act before men-
tioned amounted to £251—0— 5 a year. Virg'' A. p. 95.—

* Virg^ Ent. 5 v. p. 244.—' The Stat, of the 10th & lltli W" 3
ch. 2L S. 29 declared : " That no tobacco shall be exported
from the Colonies otherwise than in cask or chest:" And this
law and the practice under it continued imchanged to the
present times. — ' The amount of the warlike stores then sent
to Virginia was £807. 4. 10. Sf. Virg* Ent. 5 v. p. 257 : other
stores were not long after sent amounting to £655. 12. 1. Id.
287.—' Id. p. 266-70.—' Laws p. 179.—' Yirg"^ Ent. 5 v. p.
299-301. — '" Id. The Governor seems to have been the only
man in Virginia who approved of sending the appointed quota
of aid to New York. The sentiments as well as the state of
that most ancient dominion will appear in a light sufficiently
striking from the following dispatch of Mr. Secretary Wormley,
a man of the greatest experience in its affairs, of the 10 June
1695 to the Committee of Council : " The revenue is in arrear
and not sufficient to pay contingent charges much less to aid
New York ; nor is there any probability of its being better
during the war. And the dependence of this country is not
so much upon New York as has been represented to require
such supplies ; considering how great a loss the want of two
hundred mens labour in this colony will be to the crown,
besides the weakening the country if attacked." lb. 295. —
" Yirg* Ent. A. p. 1-11-208. The Board of Trade having
informed Andros of its appointment and desired his answer to
queries, he transmitted in July 1697 the following ])articulars,
from which we may judge of the political state of the Colony.
The province had been then divided into twenty -three counties.
The numbers of the people had never been taken but only of
the taxables, which contained the white men upwards of six-
teen years of age, the white women who laboured in the fields,
the Negroes upwards of fourteen : From the year 1692 to 1696
all these had amounted to about 19,000 but' never to 20,000.
The militia consisted of 2020 horse and of 6278 foot ; in all

164 THE CONTINUATION OF

8298 men fit to bear arms : And there were constantly posted
at the head of each of the four great rivers as Eangers a Lieu-
tenant and eleven men. The people were chiefly employed
in planting tobacco, but the scarcity of goods of late had forced
them upon manufacturing woolen, liunen, and shoes, and a
few began to make tar. Besides tobacco they sent to Eng-
land skins, furs, and pipe-staves ; to the other colonies they
traded little : And the number of vessels belonging to the
Colony were two ships, four brigs, and nine sloops ; but there
were few or no sailors except those who came from other ports,
because they generally turned planters. The domestic Indians
were extremely free, and no means had ever been used to
convert them. And the general state of the country is plenty
and peace. Yirg* A. 40-115.

MARYLAND.

" Mar/ Ent. 1 Ent. 1-18.—'" The speech in Mary' papers
C. No. 5.—'* Bac. Laws 1692 ch. 4-20-42.— '^ Mar/' Pap. 0.
No. 5.—'" Laws 1692 ch. 17.—" Mar/ Ent. 2 v. p. 62.—
" 1692 ch. 2.—" Mar/ Ent. 3 v. 208-11.—=° 1692 cli 5.—=' 1692
ch. 84.—'= The address M. Ent. 3 v. p. 52.—" Id. p. 76 : Cop-
ley sent a trusty Messenger to Pensylvania, in order to view
its disorders, to inspect its trade, and to sound the inliabitants
how far they would consent to an incorporation with Maryland,
lb.— ^^ Virg^ Ent. 5 v. p. 244.—=^ Id. 288.—'" Laws 1694. ch.
6.-" Virg-^ Ent. 5 v. p. 266-7.—=' Mary^ Ent. 2 v. p. 130-50-
80-95.—'" Bac. Laws 1694, ch. 1-33.—=^ Mar/ Ent. 2 v. p. 178.
— '= The sum then sent was £333. 6. 8 ; which was said to be
towards maintenance of his majestvs troops at New York.
1695 ch. 27.—'' These addresses are in Mar/ A. 71-142.—
" Laws 1695, ch. 6.—'^ Mar/ A. 52-5.—"^ lb. 357.

Maryland had been already divided at the departure of
Nicholson in the year 1698, into 13 counties and into 30
parishes. The number of taxables, which contained neither
the old upwards of sixty, nor the young under sixteen, nor the
white women, amounted

in the year 1694 to 9747

in 95 10390

in 96 ^ 10776

Tlie taxables had increased in four years more to 12,214
The z^Titaxables to 20,044

The number of souls in 1700 32,258

Chalmers's political annals. 165

Nevertheless Nicholson wrote in July 1697 ; that the people
emigrated to Pensylvania, because thej expected superior
advantages ; that they manufactured linnen and woolen, though
the asseuibly would not confess this, least an act of Parliament
should he made to restrain them ; that he found difficulties in
getting ships condemned in the common law Courts, because
the Juries would not find for the King, and as a remedy he
proposed that the principal officers of the ships of war should
be sworn to execute tbe Acts of Trade ; and that tobacco had
become at length scarce from the greatness of the demand.
For the before mentioned notice see Mary^ Pap. A. p. 81-
150 ; E. p. 10. Ent. A. p. 138.

With regard to the laws passed in Maryland dm-ing the
years 1692-9-1—95-96 it is remarkable that they were not
formally considered by the ministers of England till October
1699, when many of them were repealed by the advice of
Trevor attorney General. This neglectful delay arose li'om
the procrastination of Ward his predecessor who retained them
till he was made chief Baron, and then returned them without
any report. Mary^ pap. A. 10-11-436-1:1.

MASSACHUSETS.

" Hutch, hist. 2 v. p. 12-15.—'* Ibid. 50-1.—'" N. Eng.
Ent. 3 V. 414-17-19.—" Hutch, hist. 2 v. 62; Neals. hist. 2 v.
ch. 12. — "' Neal. ch. 11. — " See the minutes of the Committee
of Council with regard to these laws N. Eng. Ent. 4 v. p, 187-
200. — *^ His letters and petition in the IN. Eng. pap. 6 v. —
*■* For all these things see the correspondence in N. Eng. Ent,
3 V, p, 454, — Pap. 6 v. D, 46-7. The force under Wheeler
consisted of two 3*^ rates, three 4*'' rates, three 5*^ rates, besides
a multitude of smaller vessels. Id. — " Neals N. Eng, 2 v. p.
491 ; see the treaty in N. Eng, pap, 6 v. ; — Colden, — *' For all
these facts see N. Eng, Ent, p. 76-92-100 : And Journ^ 7 v.
p. 259,—" Journ^ 7 v. p, 205-6.—" Hutch. 2 v, p, 83^.—" The
address in N. Eng. Ent. 4 v. p. 179. — '" Journ^ 7 v. p. 401-4.
— " Hutch. 2 V. p. 88-9,—^' Same p, 94,—" Neal 2 v. 552,—
" N, Eng. Ent. A, p, 51-2.—" Same 53-61.—" The address
in the same p. 93, — " These facts are contained in N, Eng.
Ent, A, 114-88. Ten pieces of ordnance and one hundred
barrels of gunpowder were sent to Massachusetts by Lord
Bellomont. — " Same p, 168-75. The commission of Lord
Bellomont was diflferent from those of other royal governments
in this respect ; that it was founded on the charter. The same
authority over the Captains of the Kings ships that had ruined

166 THE CONTINUATION OF

his predecessor was now conferred on that nobleman. He was
invested by his instructions with the sole power of pressing
seamen for the royal navy: And he was required to grant
warrants to procure men when requested. He was commanded
" to allow no printing press to be kept nor any book to be
printed without his leave. He was required to observe the
acts of Trade and to encourage the officers of the admiralty
and Customs. His commission and instructions were signed
by the Lords Justices — Canterbury — Somers — Eomney — Ox-
ford. The order with regard to the pressing of seamen was
" very acceptable to the people who gratefully acknowledged
his majesty's therein." Same p. 320. — '^ Same p. 48-186-208
-21.

NEW YORK.

"" K Yk. Ent. 3 v. p. 1-8.— ■» Laws p. 18.—" K Tk. Ent.
2 V. p. 450-2.—"' K Yk. Ent. 3 v. p. 8 ;— Colden ch. 9.—
" Laws 21.— '^ N. Yk. Ent. 4 v. p. 19-26 :— On this occasion
President Lloyd of Pensylvania wrote to Fletcher in January
1693-4, the subjoined characteristic note: "We can more
readily believe your burdens than give you relief herein : We
commiserate you, but supply you at this juncture we cannot.
The Delegates of the freemen have not thought it advisable
since our Proprietarys absence to consent to the raising of any
money either towards the requisite expence of government or
the accommodation of our neighbours. We shall lay your
requisitions before the Council but expect little success."
From N. Yk. Ent. 3 v. p. 60.—" N. Yk. Ent. 3 v. p. 29-32.
— "^ Colden ch. 10.—'° K Yk. Ent. 3 v. p. 56-9.—" Smiths
hist. p. 119.—" Laws p. 19-21.—" N. Yk. Ent. 3 v. p. 59.—
'' Same p. 71-83-150-1. The Estabhshment for the four
companies of 400 from the 1 April 1694 was £6081. 3. 4. a
year, payable out of the monies appointed for the pay of the
land forces of England. N. Yk. Ent. 3 v. p. 155. The follow-
ing state will enable the reader to form an opinion of the
respective strength of the various colonies dm-ing the wars of
William. From N. Yk. Ent. 3 v. 150-1.

An estimate of the general charge that is necessary for the
defence of Albany and securing the Lidians and adjacent
colonies from the attempts of the French.

600 men with their officers £16800 N. Yk. money,

Incidental charges 2000 at 30 per ct.
Gifts to the Indians 2000

£20,800

CHALMERS S POLITICAL ANNALS.

167

Supposed fighting men

Virginia

Maryland

Pensylvania

Connecticut

K England

Rhodelsland

New York

6000
4000
2000
3000
9500
1200
3000

28000

qu(

)ta

120 men

£4200

2800

1400

176

6160

840

100

3300

600

£20,800

Note by this scheme New York is to advance 40 men and
the sum of £1200 more than their quota proportionable to the
other provinces.

The quota of men or money to be furnished by the follow-
ing colonies as approved by the Lords of the Committee of
Colonies.

Connecticut

120 men

Rhode Island

Massachusets

350

Maryland

160

Virginia

240

New York

200

Pensylvania

1198 men

With the consent of the Proprietors of Jerseys
the Governor of New York is empowered by a
clause in his commission as governor of Pensylvania
to command any part of their [militia] as a quota

700

Standing forces at New York 1898 men

Secretary Trumbull communicated in August 1694 the Kings
commands with regard to these quotas to the Colonies before
mentioned N. Yk. Ent. 3 v. 142-6.

" These transactions with regard to Connecticut may be
seen in N. Yk. pap. F 36-59 ; N. Yk. Ent. 125-6-33.—"' N.
Yk. Ent. 3 v. 90-2. — " For these intrigues see the letters
transmitted by Fletcher to Sec'' Blathwayt in Januar}" 1693-4.
N. Yk. pap. E 23-5.—'* 6-7 Wm. 3 ch.' 30 (private) This is
one of those acts of Parliament, which recites falsehood : And
this circumstance is the more reprehensible in the members
to whom it was committed, because they had delivered to
them, by order of the house, the whole records and papei-s with
regard to these transactions in the plantation othce. These

168 THE CONTINUATION OF

may be seen ."N. Yk. pap. A.—'* Hutch. 2 v. p. 85-6.—'° N.
Yk. Ent. 3 V. 41.— '' Golden ch. 10.— '^ N. Yk. Ent. 3 v. p.
176 ; Presents were sent of the value of £200. Same 203. —
*' Golden ch. 11.—" Laws 25.—'^ iN". Yk. Ent. 3 v. 255-6.—
'" Golden 13.—" Laws 26 ; JST. Yk. A. 43-94.— «^ Same p. 1-19
-35-40.—^^ Same 152.

PENSTLVANIA.

'" The commission recites as the reasons of this extraordinary-
measure : " That by the great neglects and miscarriages in
the government of Pensylvania and the absence of the Pro-
prietor the same had fallen into great disorder ; whereby the
administration of justice is interrupted, there is a want of de-
fence, and Pensylvania and the adjacent Golonies are in danger
of being lost to the crown of Englaud.'" [N. Yk. Ent. 2 v. p.
403.] Though there was some truth in these suggestions, yet
they did not formally appear, because they had not been af-
firmed of a jury. And it ought to be remembered, that when
the charters of Maryland and Pensylvania were taken away
there was no other formal act than the mere appointment of
royal governors even contrary to the opposition of the Proprie-
taries of both.

"' The subjoined letter of "William Penn to Governor
Fletcher demonstrates the falsehood of the suggestion ; " that
this change was introduced probably in concert with him."
[In the K. Yk. papers F 24.] — "• Having assurance that a
commission goes to thee with this ship to command my prov-
ince at least during the war and in my absence, T thought it
fit by the same opportunity to give thee this caution, that 1 am
an Englishman and that country and government of it insepa-
rably my property, dearly purchased every way and much
indebted to me and my children ; yet, that there is no quo
warranto brought nor trial nor judgment judicially passed in
that affair : And therefore I must impute it to some informa-
tion given the Lords of the Gommittee of plantations and an
excessive care in them over the English territories. Therefore
hope thee will tread softly and with caution in this affair.

Thy friend— Wm. Penn."

" 5th October 1692."

" A letter sent about the same time by Penn to certain
persons in Philadelphia and transmitted by Fletcher to the
Lords of the Committee of plantations discovers the true springs
of the various movements during his administration in Pen-

Chalmers's political annals. 169

Bvlvania. There is a copy of the letter among K. Tk. papers
F23.

Insist upon your patent, says Penn, with wisdom and
moderation but steady integrity ; you are to bear and obey the
Crown of England speaking in the voice of the law; which
this is not, but sic volo sic jubeo, doubtless upon advice of
emulous neighbours that suggest that the French will make
away with the province. Set forth its singular situation ; your
charges and labours ; that the government was more your
motive than the land ; that it will tend to the ruin of the
Colony which brinois in Customs: And send this over to and.
both friends and omers will deliver your representation to the
Lords of the Committee of plantations or to the King in
Council, if you will but protest against the governor of 2^ew
York upon his arbitrary Commission.

°' For the foregoing facts see N. Yk. papers 4 v. F. —
'* Mod. Un. hist, 41 v. p. 10-12, — The laws then enacted under
the authority of Fletcher's administration being transmitted
to the ministers of England they required Penn's formal con-
firmation of them even after the attorney General had reported
in their favour. Pensy^ papers p. 179-85. — °' N. Yk. Ent, 3
V. p. 48.—°" Hist. Rev. p. 31-3 ; Mod. Un. hist. 41 v. p. 13.—
"' In July 1694 Sir Edward Ward and Sir Thomas Trevor
gave it as their formal opinion : That though the patent had
confeiTed the government civil and military on the petitioner,
yet that in cases of extraordinary emergency arising through
the default of the petitioner his majesty may constitute a
governor for the protection of the province ; and that upon the
grounds mentioned in Colonel Fletchers commission his majesty
may grant surth a commission, but when these reasons fail, the
right of government doth belong to the petitioner. Pensy^
pap. 173. Such was the opinion of the ablest Judges and
Lawyers during the reign of William ; though the notion of a
supjjosed necesi^ity justifying the prerogative had been exploded
in the famous case of ship-money ; though the Declaration of
right had affirmed, that the most trivial privileges of the sub-
ject shall not be taken awav by a King of England without
legal process.—"' N. Yk. Ent. 3 v. p. 134-46.— ^^ Prop. A. 1-
2.—'°" Hist. Eev. p. 33.—'" Mod, un. hist. 41 v. p. 13-15.—
'"' The letters of the governors Copley and Nicholson in Mary^
Ent. everywhere.

"' For all these facts see Car. Ent. 1 v. p. 113-18 ; 3 v. p.
17-35 ; Proprieties C. p. 4 ; and Plantations Gen' A. p. 39.

170 THE CONTINUATION OF

ENGLAND AND THE COLONIES.

"* Burnet O. T. 4 v. 239 ; D'Avenant's works, 3 v. p. 89. Id.
appears from accurate details in the Plantation office [Planta-
tions Gen^ A.] there was allowed to carry on the whole trade
of the Colonies during

The year 1690 229 ships, carrying 28,243 tons men 2508
1692 46,248 4111

Tlie whole exports to the continental colonies from Michaelmas

1696 to Michaelmas 1697 amounted only to £140, 132. 7. 6.

The imports during the same period 279, 854. 11. 9,

'"' Com. Journ^ 8 v, p. 156. — ""' In pursuance of the order
of the Commons in October 1696 and of that of the Lords in
February following, the Board laid before the two houses
copies of their commission and intelligent reports with regard
to national commerce and colonial affairs. Miscellanies plant,
off. 1 V. p. 1-50, — '"" It may gratify curiosity as well as disclose
a variety of useful information to lay before the public The
Mepreserdation of the Board to the Lords Justices in Sep-
tember 1696 with regard to the then State of the Colonies.
From Plant^ Gen^ A. 59.

In obedience to your Excellencies commands of the 26 of
August last we have read the paper thereto annexed which
leading us into the consideration of the present state of his
majestys plantations in the north continent of America we find
that his majesty hath been at the charge of sending four com-
panies from hence thither and for the maintaining of them
there for many years last past. We are also told (for we can-
not yet get a sight of the accomits) that that little province
[New York] besides the loss they have sustained at sea as
Colonel Fletcher their governor writes hath been at above
£30,000 [money of the province at the Exchange of 30 pet.]
charge in securing the frontiers against the attempts of the
French and the Indians joined with them. This great burden
having been thought too heavy to be born by this single prov-
ince, which was as it were the outguard to his majestys neigh-
bouring plantations m America, her late majesty of ever
blessed memory was pleased to write to the governors of
Virginia, Maryland Pensylvania and JSTew England to agree
upon a quota of men or other assistance to be given by each
colony or province for the defence of New York as occasion
should require but by the neglect or various pretences of the
several provinces the intended quota having not been settled

Chalmers's political annals. 171

and the Colonies concerned not having come to any agreement
according to her majestys direction, she was pleased for the
preservation of those plantations to establish the following
quota in 1694 viz.

Connecticut 120 Maryland 160 New York 200
Ehode Island 48 Virginia 240
Massachusets 350 Pensylvania 80

And to signify her pleasure to those provinces that that
quota of men or the value of the charges of maintaining them
should be the measure of assistance to be given by the said
provinces respectively for the defence and security of Kew
York ; which order of her majesty by reason of the distinct
and independent governments and of those of his majestys
provinces hath very uncertainly and imperfectly been complied
with, some of them having sent more some of them less in
proportion of their several quotas and some none at all.

His majesty has subjects enough in those parts of America
not only to defend themselves against all the attacks they
may apprehend from the French in Canada and the Indians
joined with them but even to drive them out from hence;
but they are so crumbled into little governments and so dis-
united in those distinct interests that they have hitherto alford-
ed but little assistance to each other and seem (as they now
are) in an ill posture and much worse disposition to do it for
the future. And it is almost incredible that his majestys
governor of New York in the middle of above 40,000 English
that he has in his neighbom'hood, should say as he does that
he has but the four companies his majesty sent and are in his
majestys pay there to rely on for the defence of tliat frontier
in case of any attempt from the French.

We having with our outmost care considered this whole
matter are humbly of opinion :

1st. That there is force enough in those plantations to
resist and repel all attempts that may be made upon them by
the neighbouring French and their Indians; nor can it be
imagined tliat so great a number of English there should
think it much to employ their own hands and purses in defence
of their own estates lives and families ; but should expect to
be wholly supported from England which hath spent so much
blood and treasure in the carrying on so lasting and expensive
a war.

21y. We humbly conceive that the strength of the English
there cannot be made use of with that advantage it ought for
the preservation of those Colonies unless they be united. Not

172 THE CONTINUATION OF

thoiigli his majesty should be at the charge to send more force
from hence. For if, as is pressed by the governor of New
Tork, the soldiers which his majesty lias there should be made
up full 500, that indeed might be a garrison to secure Albany
against the French, but not the other plantations ; since the
Fi-ench would certainly there decline that fortress and endea-
vour to make an impression upon some of the other provinces,
careless of their own defence and not so well guarded.

Sly. That a great part of that country being by grants
from the Crown in the hands of private proprietors, and so
cannot possibly be united under one government, we are
humbly of opinion, that there can be no other way of uniting
the forces of those several plantations to make them effectual
for the preservation of the whole, but by putting them all
under one military head or Captain General ; which that his
majesty has power to do ; both the necessity of the preservation
of his people in time of danger must needs satisfy every reason-
able man as well as the judgement of his majestys Attorney
and solicitor general given the 2d of April 1694, convinces us
that it may be done by law. Their words in answer to a re-
ference made to them concerning this matter are as followeth :
" We are humbly of opinion that the charters and grants of
these colonies viz, Connecticut, Rhode Island, East and West
Jersey do give the ordinary power of the militia to the respec-
tive governors thereof, but do also conceive that their majestys
may also constitute a chief commander, who may have autho-
rity at all times to command or order such proportion of the
forces of each colony or plantation as their majestys shall think
fit and further in times of invasion and approach of the enemy
with the advice of the Governors of the Colonies to conduct
and command the rest of the forces for the defence and pre-
servation and defence of such of those colonies as shall most
stand in need thereof, not leaving the rest unprovided of a
competent force for their defence and safety, but in time of
peace when the danger is over the militia within each of the
said provinces ought as we humbly conceive to be under the
government and disposition of the respective governors of the
said colonies according to their charters."

Whereupon we crave leave humbly to represent to your
Excellencies that we cannot conceive how it is possible that
those provinces should be preserved unless his majesty shall
be pleased to constitute and appoint during the war some
active vigilant and able man zealous for his service and govern-
ment to be Captain general of all his forces and the militia of
all the provinces colonies and plantations on the continent of

Chalmers's political annals. 173

North America with a power to levy arm muster command
and employ them on all necessary occasions for the defence
of tliose countries under such limitations and instructions as to
his majesty shall seem best for his service and the good of
those colonies aud also to appoint and commission officers to
train and exercise at convenient times such of the inhabitants
as are ht to bear arms that they may be expert and ready at
handling of their arms and military exercises ; since it will be
too late to begin to make them soldiers and fit them for the
defence of the country when the danger is come upon them.

But because the Quakers inhabiting some of those prov-
inces out of mistake or preteuce of conscience refuse their
personal aid in the use of force against their majestys and
their enemies it may be left to the prudence of the said Captain
General to receive from them in money their share of assistance
for the support of those men whom he shall find at any time
necessary to raise and employ in their and their neighbours
defence.

2ly. And we further humbly offer that we conceive it
necessary that the said Captain General should have the power
of governor of any of the said plantations immediately depend-
ing on the Crown whilst he is present in it.

Unless this be done we do not see how those provinces can
be preserved, for in the present state they are in, wherein they
do and always will refuse one another mutual assistance mind-
ing more their present profit than common defence it is not
conceivable how it can be avoided, but that they should fall
into the power of so active an enemy as France and one after
another be all destroyed. The Massachusets, Connecticut,
New Hampshire, Pensylvania, Maryland and Virginia, all
allege in excuse of their not sending aid to New York, '' that
they are all as much exposed to the enemy as that province : "
and yet we do not find that they are in a very good posture
of defence, much less can they be depended on for a timely
and vigorous assistance to one another in case of danger, unless
somebody be there on the place with power to compel them to
it. Whereas a vigilant general there having under his eye
the care of the whole would always be at hand to oppose the
enemy with so many of the forces that are nearest which would
be with greatest safety and least charge to those countries and
without any disturbance and expence to the remoter.

This he would be enabled to do by having constant intelli-
gence with the neighbouring Indians our friends of the motions
and designs of the enemy ; upon which consideration we must
crave leave further to represent, that the said Captain General

174 THE CONTINUATION OF

should be instructed to take all manner of care to keep the
Five Nations and what other Indians are yet in amity with us
firm in friendship ; for it is beyond question, that it would be
utterly impossible for his majestys subjects to subsist in those
parts, but they must inevitably be forced to leave them, if all
the neighbouring Indians should once be got over to the French
and become our enemies. To prevent that and to secure them
to his majestys interest it will be expedient that the said Cap-
tain General should from time to time make them such pre-
sents sent from hence as he should find necessary and that
some of the most leading and eminent amongst them should
be entertained and have constant pay as Ensigns or Lieutenants
of his majesty and be treated as his oflicers ; and next that they
should be rewarded for all execution done by them on the
enemy and the scalps they bring be well paid for. Further
that some lusty vigorous youths of the English should accom-
pany them in their expeditions, huntings and other exercise,
who by inhabiting amongst them and learning their language
grow acquainted with their woods, rivers and passes and come
in a little time to be able to endure their fatigues. All which
would be a means to familiarize them to us and strengthen
their union with us ; and to this those young men should be
encouraged by a certain assurance o^ rewards and preferment
which they should never fail of according to their deserts in
this service. That some of the bravest or most credited of our
Indian friends should be brought (if they can be persuaded to
it) into England to see the strength of his majestys forces by
sea and laud and the populousness of his dominions, especially
of this great City of London : the certain knowledge of which
would be of great force to confirm them in their union with
us ; and that captives of the Indian enemies should be brought
into England for the same purpose. The knowledge of his
majestys power and greatness serving to deter the one as well
as to hearten and animate the other.

And lastly, that efiectual means should be taken for the
conversion of them to the protestant faith ; for among these
here as well as among all other men, religion has been found
by experience to be one of the strongest bonds of Union : For
this good use we think the Governor and Company here in
London for propagating the gospel in ]^ew England and the
parts adjacent in America will be very ready to apply their
stock and revenue when they shall be made to see, that the
converting the Mohawkes and others of the Five Nations (to
which they have already contributed some small matter) is of
the greatest importance imaginable for preserving of those of

Chalmers's political annals. 175

the protestant religion who are in those parts as well as for
the gaining new converts to it.

These things relating to the Indians we think we may with
the more confadence recommend, they being with great care
and earnestness practised by the French for the gaining and
holding of the Indians in Canada, where if they go on by these
means to prevail on them as they have hitherto done 'tis to be
apprehended his majestys subjects shall not be long quiet and
safe in these his northern plantations. On the back of which
the French daily and with great industry extend themselves
and seem to have some other view than bare planting there ;
which gives us just reason to add, that we humbly conceive
some such effectual coxa-se as we have here proposed should
be speedily taken, for fear it should come too late ; for there
seems to us a great probability that the French will at this
time have some aim that way.

Tankerville John Locke
Ph. Meadows Abk. Hill
Whitehal 30 Sep*"® John Polexfen
1696
Remark. It seems unnecessary to point out the extravagant
illegality of the appointment of a Captain general here recom-
mended. That a King of England is generalissimo of the
state is acknowledged : And that he may appoint generals to
command the troops, which have been raised with consent of
the state, in every dominion belonging to the crown follows as
a necessary consequence. But of his own authority he cannot
levy an army and the money which must subsist it : And he
cannot therefore empower another to do so. It may however
gratify the public to peruse what that renowned legislator
William Penn recommended on this important subject. And
with this view is subjoined : A brief and plain scheme how
the English Colonies in the north parts of America, to wit
Boston, Connecticut, Rhode Island, New York, New Jersey,
Pensylvania, Maryland, Virginia, and Carolina may be made
more useful to the Crown and one anothers peace and safety
with an universal concurrence. [From Plant" Gen' A. p. 102.]
Istly. The several colonies before mentioned do meet once
a year and oftener if need be during the war, and at least once
in two years during peace, by their stated and appointed
Deputies to debate and resolve upon such measures as are
most advisable for their better understanding and their public
tranquillity and safety.

21y. That in order to it two persons well qualified for sense,
sobriety, and substance be appointed by each province as their

176 CHAL^rERS's POLITICAL AKNALS.

Representatives or Deputies; which in the whole make the
Congress to consist of twenty persons.

3ly. That the Kings Commissioner for that purpose specially
appointed should have the Chair and preside in the said Con-
gress.

4:ly. That they shall meet as near as conveniently may be
to the most central colony for ease of the Deputies.

51y. Since that may in all probability be JS^ew York ; both
because it is near the center of the Colonies and for that it is a
frontier and in the Kings nomination, the Governor of that
Colony may also be the Kings high commissioner during the
session, after the manner of Scotland.

61y. That their business shall be to hear and adjust all
matters of complaint or difference between province and pro-
vince : As 1st. ; where persons quit their own province and
go to another that they may avoid their just debts thougli they
may be able to pay them ; 21y. where offenders fly justice, or
justice cannot well be liad upon such offenders in the provinces
that entertain tliem ; Sly. To prevent or cure injuries in point
of commerce ; 41y. To consider of ways and means to support
the Union and safety of these provinces against the public
enemies ; in which Congress the quotas of men and charge wall
be much easier and more equally set than it is possible for any
establishment here to do. For the provinces knowing their
own condition and one anothers can debate that matter with
more freedom and satisfaction and better adjust and balance
their affairs in all respects for their common safety.

Tly. That in times of war the Kings high commissioner
shall be general or chief commander of the several quotas upon
service against the common enemy as he shall be advised for
the good and benefit of the whole.

Remark : When Pen delivered the above project to the Lords
Commissioners of Colonies on the 8th of February 1696-7,
" He further explained his meaning in it was principally for
adjusting the differences that might arise between any of those
Colonies in civil matters not military ; and that the determina-
tions to be made in the assembly by him proposed should be
by plurality of voices." Journ' A. p. 395. But this plausible
project was little regarded by the Board or by the public,
though recommended by the powerful pen of D'Avenant.

LETTEES

SMITH'S HISTOEY OF NEW YORK,

CADWALLADER GOLDEN.

NOTE

Cadwallader Golden, the author of the following letters,
will always be conspicuous among the distinguished men of New
York dui-ing the eighteenth century. Probably no American
scholar of his time was better, or more widely known, and his cor-
respondence with leading scientific men in Europe as well as Ameri-
ca forms a very important part of the collection of his manuscript
papers now in possession of the New York Historical Society,
and hereafter to be published in the series of volumes of which
this is the first. The collection embraces Colden's general as well
as official correspondence, beginning as early as 1710 and ending
only with his retirement from public life a few months before his
death in 1776.

" Governor Golden," says Verplanck, " was a scholar of vari-
ous and extensive attainments, and of a very great and unremitted
ardour and application in the acquisition of knowledge. When it
is considered how large a portion of his life was spent in the labors
or the routine of public ofiice, and that however great might have
been his original stock of learning, he had in this country no read-
ing public to excite him by their applause, and few literary friends
to assist or to stimulate his inquiries, his zeal and success in his
scientific pursuits will appear deserving of the highest admiration.
A great mass of manuscripts on mathematical, botanical, metaphy-
sical and theological learning, in addition to the works published
during his life, afford ample proof of the extent and variety of his
knowledge, and the strength, the acuteness, and the versatility of
his intellect."

The publication of the " Golden Papers " will insure a perma-
nent memorial of his fame — a lasting monument of his industry
and various acquirements, which may go far to redeem New York
from the sin of neglect, if not of ingratitude.

180 PREFATORY NOTE.

William Smith's History of New York was included in the first
series of publications of the New York Historical Society, being a
new edition of the original woi'k entirely revised by the author,
with a continuation making a second volume, from the author's
original manuscript. A subsequent volume of the Society's collec-
tions contains the direct correspondence of Lieut. Gov. Golden
with the father of the historian and the historian himself, respect-
ing certain alleged errors and misstatements in his History. This
was mainly with reference to the transactions between the Gov-
ernment of the Province and Captain Laughlin Campbell, which
grew out of a " scheme of Governor Clarke for settling the lands
in the vicinity of Lake George with a colony of Protestant High-
landers." This subject is further discussed in the letters now
printed.

These letters, copied from the originals and now first published,
have an interest in themselves which seems to warrant their sepa-
ration from the mass of the collection and present publication.
Although incomplete, and not intended at the time for the public
eye, they are eminently suggestive ; and as they throw gleams
of hght on many obscure passages of New York history, will un-
doubtedly be regarded with interest as materials of history not
less valuable from the want of reserve and freedom of treatment
characteristic of a familiar domestic correspondence.

THE GOLDEN LETTEKS ON
SMITHS HISTORY.

OADWALLADER GOLDEN" TO HIS SOK

[1Y59.]

Dear Son,

As I have been conversant in the public transactions
in this Province near forty years, and am now by my
age become unfit for action and retired I have thought
that I could not do better than to employ part of what
time I have remaining in writing Memoirs of the public
transactions for the use of my children wherein I was
privy to or could discover the true motives of action.
There is more to be learned from experience than can be
by precept, for the first makes a much stronger impres-
sion on us than the other and I am desirous that my
children if possible may have all the advantages of my
experience which perhaps I acquired too late in life for
my own advantage.

I designed at first to have ^vrote only loose memoirs
of what passed in my own time but having lately read
Mr. Smiths History of New York I think that as this
is the first and only History of this Province, it
probably may serve as a foundation for future History
and therefor I think it may be of use to j^ou to make
some remarks on it in the first place He has not been
informed of some things of other things he has been mis-
informed and I wish I could not add that some things
he seems to have willfully misrepresented. When I come
to my own times I shall intermix the remarks on that
Histor)' with the memoirs which I think may be of use
to my children.

182 THE GOLDEN LETTERS

Truth and Sincerity are so essential to History that
as an Historian would be laught at who should introduce
his History with I will tell you no Lye I will not de-
ceive you so when History is introduced more solemnly
with The sacred Laws of Truth have been infringed
neither by positive Assertions^ oblique^ insidious Hints^
wilful suppressions or corrupt n^isreprese^itations * the
author with men who know the world puts the reader
more upon his guard.

Mr Smith places the Value of his History on his
having extracted it from the Records of the Province no
doubt this is of great advantage for the ascertaining of
facts and chronology, but little can be learned from
thence of the Motives and Springs of Action and the life
of History the great use of it is in discovering these first
Motives and Springs of Action. There are many things
in his History of which he could have no information
from the Records.

Mr Smith o-ives the aro^uments at laro;e which the
Dutch Governor made use of to support the Pretensions
of the Dutch to the New Netherlands. This may be
grateful to the Descendants of the Dutch who live in
New York but it may be expected by the English that
he should have given the answers to these pretensions in
which he is silent. The Princes of Europe founded
their pretensions in America on the first Discoveiy and
in taking possession It was impossible to take posses-
sion of every part at once but by that of part with a
publick Declaration of the Territory they intended to
hold by this Discovery and actual Possession There is
no question that the first Discovery of North America
was under Commission from the King of England and
that the first settlement was made by the English with
a publick Declaration by the Kings letters Patent that he
claimed by that discovery and possession from the 39th
to the 45th degr. of Latitude. After this according to
the rules then and there observed among Potentates no

* Preface to Smiths History.

ON smith's history. 183

Nation in amity with England could settle within these
bounds without a Breach of the Amity between them
It must certainly [have] been on reasoning from these
Principles and the argument of superior force that the
Dutch expelled the Swedes from Delaware The Dutch
took advantage of the Intestine disorders and the civil
war in England to establish themselves in the country
claimed by the Crown of England and the English cer-
tainly were in the right to reclaim this Country as soon
as the publick tranquility permitted them to do it The
Dutch in a similar case would have done the like. The
cautious proceeding of the States general in giving their
Authority to the settling a Colony on Hudson s River
shews that that they were sensible of the Justice and
force of the English claim It is common on Declaration
of War to reclaim countries which had been yielded on
treaty for on a declaration of War all former treaties be-
come void and in such reclaiming either side is fond of
making use of the Historeans of the other side to justify
their claim.

The Dutch in this Province it is probable think the
Articles of Surrender are still in force and that any
breach of them is a piece of injustice to them and there-
for among other things they may in their own minds
justify themselves in carrying on the illicit trade with
Holland in opposition to the Laws of Trade which has
been carried on from New York for many years. But

1. It may be justly doubted whether these articles
could be construed properly to extend farther than to
the persons of the Dutch Inhabitants who then sub-
mitted

2. When afterwards the States General by Publick
Treaty quitted all claim to this country no regard is had
of these articles of surrender but the Country is absolutely
given up without condition

3. If these very persons who submitted to the Eng-
lish Government voluntarily and without force re-
nounced their allegiance and submitted a new to the
States of Holland they then forfeited without doubt all

184 THE GOLDEN LETTERS

the priviledges that they could claim by the articles of
surrender

That this was the case when the Dutch regained in
1673 what they called the New Netherlands I believe is
true I have been told by some of the Dutch Inhabit-
ants of New York who remembered the thing well, That
the Dutch Ships when they came under Staten Island
had no thoughts of attempting the conquest of New York
but only to take in wood and water knowing there was
not sufficient force to hinder them but that while they
were there the Dutch inhabitants invited the Dutch com-
modore to take possession of the place at the same time
informing him of the weakness of the English Garrison
the Govr. and the greater part of the Garrison being
then absent at Esopus on an occasion which I shall after-
wards mention

When the Dutch ships came up to' the town the In-
habitants all flocked to the shore to welcome them with
all the demonstrations of joy which they could make
The Inhabitants of Albany Esopus and on Delaware
river made their submission to the Dutch without the least
appearance of force When the case is thus truly set
forth the surrender without capitulation is not so extra-
ordinary nor the Lenity of the sentence against Manning
who commanded in the fort so ridiculous as it appears
to be according to the account given of it in Mr Smiths
History.

Mr Smiths account I know is founded on the records
of New York but can any man believe that Manning on
his trial would confess absolutely the charge exhibited
against him without excusing himself from the Disposi-
tion in which the Dutch Inhabitants w^ere and the weak-
ness of his own Garrison or that if he had not greatly
extenuated his crime that so mild a sentence could have
been pronounced against him and by which he was cer-
tainly absolved from all Treachery tho' found guilty of
Cowardice.

While Col Lovelace was Governor the Esopus Indians
made war on the Dutch Setlers there. The Indians

ON smith's history. 185

killed several and made many men and women prisoners
The remainder were forced into a small stockaded fort
where the}' defended themselves mth great difficulty
against the Indians till they were relieved by the Eng-
lish Garrison of New York the greatest part of which
Col Lovelace sent with some pieces of Cannon for their
relief While the Christians were besieged the Indians
burnt some of their prisoners alive in sight of the Fort
and while the Dutch of Esopus were in this distress sev-
eral of their own Countrymen from Albany came to a
place called Sagartie about 10 miles from the fort and
supplied the Indians with all kinds of ammunition Such
are the effects of having no other principle of action but
the Love of Money. The Dutch of Esopus to this day
remember this behavior of their Countrymen of Albany
and speak of them with the greatest Indignation

The Dutch of Esopus were all Farmers those of Al-
bany who supplied the Indians were Handlers (as the
Dutch call them) people who live by retailing goods to
the Indians

As soon as the English Soldiers arrived the Indians
fled into the Woods They were pursued and defeated
Peace was soon after concluded by which the Lidians
yielded all the land as far as any cannon had been car-
ried which was to the upper end of Marbletown Coll
Lovelace gave these conquered lands to his Soldiers and
called it Marbletown The Common men generally sold
their shares and dispersed but the families of the Officers
remain in that place to this day They were Broad-
head Garton Nottingham and Pawling

It may be observed to the honour of the English that
there is not one instance of their killing and destroying in
cold blood merely for their own security where their enne-
mies may have been thought too numerous. The Span-
yards in America and the Dutch in the East Indies have
acted otherwise Many thousand innocent people have
been Sacrificed to their Jealousy I was told of one in-
stance of the like nature in this Country

On a certain occasion, I walked from the North or

186 THE GOLDEN LETTERS

Hudson's Kiver to the east river at a little distance from
the town in company with the Mayor and several old
men who went on purpose to shew me the boundaries of
some lands as we passed over a piece of high ground be-
tween the place where Mr DeLancy the Lt Gr now lives
in the Bowery and the East River I was told by some of
them that in the Dutch time a great number of Indians
fled from the Eastward and encamped on this rising
ground in hopes of the Assistance and Protection of the
Dutch They were received friendly but a number of
the men of the town dressed themselves like Indians
in the night went out and fell upon the Indians while
they were a sleep murdered the greatest number of
them, while a few made their escape into the town as
to their friends and the Indians never discovered this
piece of treachery. The Dutch Historians generally pass
over these acts of cruelty in their own countrymen how-
ever necessary they may have been thought for their own
security and the condemning them to oblivion or secret-
ing them from all other nations is certainly most con-
sistant with this kind of Policy but as certainly it is as
much for the interest of other nations that they should
not be forgot especially to the English who abhor all
such cruelties

As to ]\Ir Smiths note at the bottom of page 32 with
regard to the Law post liminium I would ask this Ques-
tion if the Dutch by virtue of this Law could reclaim their
inheritance after they had reconquered this country could
the English by the same law reclaim their inheritances
if the Dutch after the English recovered the country

While I have freely censured some parts of Mr
Smiths History I cannot but take notice of an uncommon
impartiality in a Lawyer of applauding the exact admin-
istration of justice by Governors who ruled only by the
dictates of their own discretion. He seems to grant that
justice may be don under a despotic government but I
doubt whether it be possible that justice can be don
where the administration of it is in the hands of Lawyers
for tho' the Judgement given may be just it is allwise at-

ON smith's histokt. 187

tended with injustice in the expense and delay which
attends it.

The Governors of New York took on them the power
of granting divorces which has been in disuse at least
ever since the Revolution neither is there any court
in this province that can give this remedy tho' in the
neighboring Colonies a divorce is more easily obtained
than perhaps in any other Christian Country Query
whether this may not be for the advantage of a new
country which wants people It is certain that the natural
increase of People in New England has been very great
perhaps more than in any other of the English Colonies

Now I have taken notice of what has occur d to my
memory and which I think deserves your notice to the
time that the States of Holland renounced all claim to
this Country If I continue at leisure and in health you may
expect to have more on the same subject from,

CADWALLADER GOLDEN TO HIS SON.

Dear Son,

There are only one or two things in Mr Smiths
History before the revolution, that I shall observe upon,
more than what I have taken notice of in my preceeding
of the 15th. The first is his character of Sr Edmund
Andross which he gives in the following words " The
" Historians of New England where he was afterwards
" Governor justly transmit him to posterity under the
" odious character of a sycophantic tool to the Duke, and
"an arbitrary Tyrant over the people committed to his
" care. He Knew no Law, but the Will of his Master,
" and Kirk and Jeffries were not fitter instruments than
" he to execute the despotic projects of James II "

The facts which Mr Smith tells us in support of this
Character are, that the Duke of York recommended a
Dutch clergyman Nicholas Rensalacr, to Sr Edmund
for a living in one of the churches in New York or

188 THE COLDEN LETTERS

AXb'Awy^ probably to serve the popish cause. Is not this
an ohliqiie, insidious hiiit ? Could K James do nothing
without a view to serve popery ? Sr Edmund Andross
was a Protestant as many of the Dukes servants were
might not they be desirous of a Dutch minister who had
received ordination in the Church of England to preach
to the Dutch in New York in their oa\ti language,
where few of them understood English and might they
not do this without any design to promote popery ? Mr
Smiths next proof of Sr Edmunds tyrannic disposition
is that he summoned Newenhytt^ the Dutch minister at
Albany before the council treating him with contempt
and harassing him with an expensive attendance be-
cause Neimnhytt disputed Rensalaers right to administer
the sacrament which Mr Smith tells us he did because
Rensalaer had received Episcopal ordination and was
not approved of by the classis of Amsterdam Mr Smith
thinks this a small offence to deny that a person who
has received Episcopal ordination can administer the
Sacraments in an English Colony, and to set up a
Foreign Jurisdiction in Ecclesiastic matters, within the
Dominion of the crown of England. I say Mr Smith
thinks this a small oiFence when he complains of an ex-
pensive attendance on this account. Whatever he may
think as an Independent in Principle, he knows better as
a Lawyer. As to my part, according to Mr Smiths ac-
count of this matter, I think Sr Edmund shewd great
moderation, in referring it at last to the Dutch consistory
at Albany. The third instance of Sr Edmund's Tyranny-
is that he called the Magistrates of Albany before him,
because they had imprisoned Rensalaer for dubious
ivords delivered in a sermon. Had Sr Edmund im-
prisoned any person for dubious ivords., I think it would
have been a stronger proof of his Tyranny, than the
punishing the magistrates under him for doing it. Mr
Smith's last proof of Sr Edmunds Tyranny is, his
seizing and imprisoning the Governor of New Jersey. Mr
Smith does not tell us the reasons of this proceeding, and
I know them not. [But Mr Smith mistakes when he

ON smith's history. 189

says that Sr Edmund was removed from the Government
of" New York. His having the Government of New
England given him, while he was Governor of New
York if it prove any thing as to this point, shews that
his conduct was approved of Nicholson was only Lieut.
Governor of New York to act in Sr Edmunds absence
from New York.] Mr Smith is sensible of the weak-
ness of the proofs of Sr Edmund Andros' Tyrannical dis-
position from any thing in his administration in New
York and therefor he tells us it ivas through want of
more opportunities to shew himself in his true light an-
other oblique insidious hint and positive assertion. Mr
Smith lays the stress of his proofs of Sr Edmunds
Tyrannic and Sycophantic disposition on the New
England Historians. No doubt their being of the same
principles with himself gives them the greater credit
with him ; but whether his own History will, with
people of different principles add any thing to their
opinion of the veracity and candour of independent
Historians, must be left to the Judgement of the Keaders.
However this be, it is certain that at the time Sr Ed-
mund Andross governed the people of New England,
they were zealous republicans, bigotted independents,
having banished all others of different religious princi-
ples from among them, and persecuted some of them to
death. They were enthusiastic to a degree as appears
from their public proceedings in witchcraft. To all
which is to be added a stiff formal behavior different
from the rest of mankind. Among such a people it
must have been very difficult for a Gentleman of Sr
Edmunds education, and of his principles, both as to
religion and Politics, to behave so as to please them ;
for moderation often gives the greatest offence to bigots.
If it be considered likewise, that as Sr Edmund was ap-
pointed their Governor, in consequence of their having
had their charter vacated, in the court of chancery in
England, he by his comeing among them, at that time,
must be received with great disgust. He must be a
very extraordinary man indeed, who, in his circum-

190 THE GOLDEN LETTERS

stances, could at all times keep his temper among such
a people. These things I only observe in general ; for I
am, in no shape informed of -the particulars of Sr
Edmunds administration at Boston. The Revolution
opened a wide door for the People of New England to
make their complaints and to expose Sr Ednmnds char-
acter in the strongest colours ; yet notwithstanding of
this K William and his ministers, soon afterward, ap-
pointed Sr Edmund Andross Governor of Virginia a
more lucrative government than New York, and Massa-
chusetts Bay together. [Where he distinguished him-
self by putting the Secretaries Office and the Records in
good order which before he came had been in the great-
est confusion. This certainly shew'd that he had a re-
gard to the properties of the people whom he governed
to have them secured for he had no personal interest in
it On the whole of this character of Sr Edmund
Andross I shall leave it to the reflections of any impar-
tial reader how far the sacred laws of truth have been
infringed neither by positive assertions oblique insidious
hints willful suppressions or corrupt misrepresentatio7is.
When a man of candour finds a gentlemans charac-
ter aspersed with such odious epithets as A.rbitrary
Tyrant^ Sycophantic tool <fec, without proof to support
them, he cannot avoid to have his indignation raised, and
thereby a quite contrary efi^ect is produced from what the
Historian designed. From any thing I can learn in
Mr. Smiths History of Sr Edmunds Administration in
New York (for I disregard Positive Assertions) Sr Ed-
mund was a good Governor It is a public Injury to
have a good Governor represented as the worst.

My Dear Son Take special care that you be never
provoked to asperse any man^s character and to repre-
sent any man as a bad man without the clearest evidence ;
for it often happens that the Authors of Calumny only
expose themselves with men of candour, and thereby dis-
cover the badness of their oivii hearts in a manner that
could not otherwise be don. It is of use to reflect how
often we ourselves have don amiss and that under some

ON smith's history. 191

circumstances good men have don what they ought not
to have don. Remember what I now write is only for
your own private use, and that at my age, I am un-
willing to set dogs a barking. The noise of Discords is
more than ever disagreable to the ear of

Your Affectionate Father
Cadwallader Golden

There is only one thing more to remark in the His-
tory of New York before the Revolution it is this Mr
Smith takes notice of the advantageous turn in Coll
Dongans administration in favour of the Liberties of the
People by his calling an Assembly the Representatives
of the People for enacting of Laws. How comes it that
these laws are absolutely disregarded since the Revolu-
tion. It is certain that the acts of Parliament under
James the Second remainVl as much in force as those un-
der any of his predecessors or successors. How comes it
that the Acts of Assembly under his governor are not
of the same force as those under an}^ other of the King's
Governors I expected he would have answered this as a
Lawyer for it is as material as many things he has par-
ticularly observed but he is absolutely silent on this
head The only answer I can give to it is That when
Laws are made inconsistent with the well being of any
community no Authority can keep them in force. They
become Felo's de se* One of them I have been told
gave a perpetual Revenue and that Avas thought suffi-
cient to destroy all the rest If I mistake not such incon-
sistent with the good of the People are to be found
among the English Statutes entirely in disuse tho' not re-
pealed but I question that their Malignancy was des-

* The Scotch ITistorians tell us that the heads of Clans had hy Law the first
night of their Tenants Bride and That this Lnw remains unrepealed because
of its being so shameful iu itself. Mr Smith tells us Coll. Dongau was a good
governor and liud the Interest of the People at heart from whence came
these bad Laws which are to be sunk in oblivion from the Representatives
of the People.

192 THE GOLDEN LETTERS

tructive of all the other Statutes however beneficial they
might be which were enacted in the same Reign.

OADWALLADER GOLDEN TO HIS SON.

Coldengham, Sept. 25, 1759.

Dear Son,

You know that since my last to you on the
subject of Mr Smiths history of New York my
thoughts have been diverted to other matters. I shall
now begin where I proposed in my last in making re-
marks on that part of it where I had many opportuni-
ties of being well informed.

I know not on what authority Mr Smith says that
Mr Hunter when a boy was put aprentice to an Apothe-
cary it may be on as slender authority as many other
things he writes. When I knew Mr Hunter he was an
exceedingly well shaped and well proportioned man
tho' then advanced in years. In his younger years he
had been of uncommon strength and activity. He un-
derstood the Belles lettres well and had an intimacy with
the distinguished men of wit at that time in England
among them Dr Arbuthnot Queen Annes favorite
physician was his most intimate a,nd useful friend tho'
he and the doctor differed greatly in their political senti-
ments for Mr Hunter was a Stanch Whig. He wrote
some pieces in the Tatlers. When he was appointed Gov-
ernor of New York a very high compliment was made
in one ot the Tatlers to him under the name of Ehora-
censis. He wrote some elegant little pieces in poetry
which never appeared in his name He had an exceeding
pretty and entertaining manner of telling a Tale and
was a most agreable companion with his intimate
friends. He was fond of men of Learning and encouraged
them whenever he had opportunity. In short he was
a Gentleman of extraordinary abilities both natural and
acquired and had every qualification requisite in a Gov-
ernor.

ON smith's history. 193

The first appearance Mr Hunter made in tlie world
was at the Revolution as one of the gentlemen who served
as a guard under the Bishop of London to the Princess
Anne when she retired from her fathers court and he soon
afterwards received a commission in King William's
army He continued in the army all King William's
wars and Queen Annes till after the battle of Ramillies
in which time he gave many proofs of high courage.

One winter when part of the Duke of Marlboroughs
army was quartered in Holland Mr Hunter was Lt
Colonel and Commandant of the troops quartered in one
of their towns. The magistrates of this town had so far
incurred the displeasure of the people of the town that
nothing would satisfy them but the deposition of their
magistrates by a new election. The magistrates found
they could not by their interest prevent this and were
become very uneasy and afFrayd and therefor applied
to Coll Hunter to hinder the assembling of the
people for that purpose representing to him that they
had allwise been zealous in the interest of the confed-
eracy and that if new magistrates should be chosen they
would be in an opposite interest as Coll Hunter knew
that it was dangerous foi' the soldiery to interfere in the
civil government of the Republic he wrote to the Duke
of Marlborough for instructions. The Duke was cautious
in his answer but by it the Colonel understood that the
Duke would be well pleased to have the election pre-
vented. Notwithstanding all the efforts of the Magis-
trates the towns people at last met in the great Church
to proceed to a new election Coll Hunter called the
Regiment together privately without beat of drum and
marched them towards the great church and when he
was near it ordered all the Drums to beat The grana-
diers march. This so frightened the people in the church
that they rushed out by the doors and ^vind(n^'s
in the greatest fright and confusion. Many were
bruised and lamed and an end thereby put to the
attempt for a new election. Colonel Hunter marched
the regiment past the church (without taking the least
13

194 THE GOLDEN LETTERS

notice of what passed) to the place where the Reghnent
usually [)erforme(l their exercise. When after they had
gone through their usual exercise he dismissed them.

At the battle of Ramillies Mr Hunter was one of the
Duke of Marlboroughs Aid de Camps. In the time of
the battle Mr Cadogan as from the Duke ordered Col-
onel Hunter to go to the General of the horse on the
right and order him to carry all the horse from the
right and join the horse on the left and immediately at-
tack the French horse. This was such an extraordinary
order that Mr Hunter thought proper to repeat it aloud
in the hearing of several officers and asked if this was his
Graces order to which Mr Cadogan answered yes. When
Mr Hunter delivered these orders to the General of the
horse on the left he seemed surprised and after a little
hesitation swore he would leave one regiment which he
did and then put the orders he had received in execution
To this it is agreed by all both English and French
that the Victory was principally owing But what is
still more remarkable is that Mr Hunter believed as he
told me that Mr Cadogan had given the orders as from
the Duke without the Duke's privity and what makes
this the more probable is that the Duke about that
time was born down dismounted and for some time
in great danger so that he was not in a capacity to give
orders *

This was such a signal piece of service in Mr Cado-
gan without takeing the least honour of it to himself that
the Duke remained ever after very sensible of it. He
therefore resolved to give Mr Cadogan the honour of
takeing Antwerp the most considerable city in Flanders
and for that purpose the Duke gave him the command
of that part of the army which was to form the siege and
Mr Hunter had the command of the horse which were to
invest the place while the foot were on their march.
When Mr Hunter came before the town some of the
French officers came out to parley. While he was in

* Mr Huntei- tliis day tired out four horses in the execution of his duty.

ON smith's history. 195

discourse witli them and persuading them to surrender
as they could hope for no relief, a merchant of the town
came behind Mr Hunter and pulled him by the sleeve.
Mr Hunter turned and went aside with the merchant
S"" said the merchant it is to no purpose to talk with
these men but I believe you may have better success with
the Spanish Governor who commands in the citadel.
Mr Hunter asked by what means he could come to treat
with the Spanish Governor The merchant answered
that the Spanish governor is a good natured man and
entirely directed by his Secretary and added if you will
give me leave I will bring the Secretary to you. The
method of doing it was immediately settled. By the
Secretary's means Mr Hunter had a private conference
with the Spanish Governor and the terms agreed to viz :
that the Spanish Governor should be continued Governor
of Antwerp under K. Charles and that the Secretary
should have one of the Spanish regiments then in garri-
son. Mr Hunter informed the Dake, by express, of
these terms and he readily confirmed them. The French
having discovered that the Spanish Governor was re-
solved to admit the English troops into the citadel they
likewise capitulated for the town before the army under
Mr Cadogan could come up to form the siege. After
everything had been settled Mr Hunter highly pleased
with the service he had done went to wait on the Duke
but was surprised to be received very coolly. S'' said the
Duke I think you might have trusted to me to publish
the service you have done Mr Hunter protested that he
had not either by word or writing mentioned anything
of it to any person living and added as this affair could
not be carried on without the privity of several of the
officers who were along with him he could not answer
for what they may have done But as the Dake hereby
was disapointed in the honour he designed for his favorite
Mr Cadogan he resented it on Mr Hunter Perhaps the
Duke thought that Mr Hunter was too much in the
secret of what gained the victory at Ramillies and was
chagrined on that account Mr Hunter was highly dis-

196 THE COLDEN LETTERS

gusted on such treatment after so signal service and
thereupon left the army in the winter and went over to
London.

Here you have some material anecdotes in history
which T think are not to be found in any thing which is
printed, but they may be depended upon for I had them
from Mr Hunters mouth with every particular circum-
stance which attended them which would be too tedious
to relate here and I cannot sufliciently depend on my
memory

Mr Hunter had friends in Queen Amies court and
by their interest he obtained the government of Virginia
Mr Smith mistakes when he says that he was appointed
L* Governor of Virginia Mr Hunter had the commis-
sion of Governor in Chief but it was by a compromise
with the Earl of Orkney He w^as taken jDrisoner by a
French squadron in his passage to Virginia and carried
to France By his having lost the Duke of Marlboroughs
favour he could not easily obtain an exchange. He had
leave to return to England on his parole to solicit his
exchange and at last was exchanged for the Bishop of
Quebec after he had returned to Paris.

The Duke of Marlborough's influence over the Queen
began about this time to lessen and Dr Arbuthnot pre-
vailed with the Queen to name Mr Hunter for the gov-
ernment of Jamaica wdiich happened to be vacant with-
out consulting her Ministry who had designed that
government for another but Mr Hunter being apprehen-
sive that if he w^ent to Jamaica against the inclinations
of the ministry he would be made uneasy in his govern-
ment and the government of New York becoming vacant
at this time by the death of Lord Lovelace the Ministers
were willing that he should have the Government of New
York therefor Mr Hunter desired his friend to inform
the Queen that he would rather have the government of
New York than Jamaica and it was accordingly granted
him.

As Mr Hunter was without doubt a man of the
greatest abilities that ever governed New York I think

ON smith's history. 197

the relating these most remarkable incidents in his life
previous to his having the government may serve to
illustrate his character and this is a proper period to put
an end to this letter before I begin an account of his
government which if I continue in a humour to write,
you may soon expect from,

OADWALLADER GOLDEN" TO HIS SOK

I intend now to write most remarkable parts or inci-
dents in Mr Hunters administration which at this time
occur to my memory. About the time Mr Hunter was
appointed Governor of New York a great number of
Germans were encouraoed to come over to Eno-land
The ministiy thought it might be of public advantage
to send over a number of them with Mr Hunter to be
employed in makeing of Pitch and Tar. They were trans-
ported at the charge of the Government and finniished
Avith large Iron Kettles and other necessaries for that pur-
pose. Mr Hunter was to subsist them and to draw on
the Treasury for all necessary expenses Mr Hunter after
his arriA^al employed them accordingly and drew bills on
the treasury for the expense. But the Queen having
changed the ministry and the new ministry endeavoring
to make every measure of their predecessors as far as
they could unpopular this of importing and employing
foreigners was exposed to censure and among other things
that it contributed to put the church in danger which at
that time was the popular cry. The Treasury refused to
pay Mr Hunters bills and absolutely disapproved of the
agreement made with the Germans for their settling the
Colony of New York. This put Mr Hunter under great
difficulties in the beginning of his administration as all his
bills were protested and he became personally liable for
the payment and discredited him with the people of the
province The Germans looked to him only for their
subsistence and for the performance of the other parts of

198 THE GOLDEN LETTERS

the agreement made with them. Their chimours were
for some time abated by Mr Hunter s inlisting a consid-
erable number of them into the forces that were raised on
the expedition at that time intended agt Canada. After
this enterprise ended unsuccessfully these Germans were
disbanded and suffered to take their arms with them.
Now they not only became more clamorous but became
also mutinous.

Mr Hunter in his return from Albany where he met
the Five nations of Indians to compose their minds after
their disappointment by their failure of the enterprise
against Canada in Avhich they had been engaged stopt at
Mr Livingstons house near to which these Germans were
settled. The principal men among them came to him
and demanded the performance of the promises which
had been made them. Mr Hunter for some time reasoned
the matter with them by informing them of the reason of
their disappointment and how he had suffered more than
they had with a promise of using his best endeavors to
obtain them satisfaction but they continued turbulent
and he was at the same time informed that a great num-
ber of the Germans were together arrived in an adjoining
Avood

With some difficulty he put them oft' for two days
with a promise to think of some method to give them
satisfaction and an answer on the morning of the third.
Mr Hunter immediately sent an express to Albany which
is forty miles distant from the place where he was with
orders to the commanding officer to press sloops to carry
down immediately the two independent companies which
were posted there. They arrived in the night before the
time Mr Hunter was to meet the Germans. The officer
was ordered to land his men and keep them together
under the bank of the river near the house without shew-
ing themselves and on a signal to be given to march
them up briskly to the house with drums beating The
principal men of the Germans came as appointed and at
the same time the others shew'd themselves at a distance
in a body armed. Mr Hunter did not now treat them

ON smith's history. 199

Avitli all the complaisance he did before and one of them
beoinninii' to bluster with threatenino- lanouao'e the signal
was made for the soldiers to march. The Governor with
his own hands seized the fellow who had threatened him
and some other gentlemen who were with hhn seized the
rest. Upon the appearance of the soldiers the Germans
without doors immediately departed some of them dis-
charging their pieces as they went off. The soldiers
marched directly into the German village and disarmed
them.

Mr Hunter has been much blamed in respect to the
Germans as if he had broke the promise made them
whereas the breach was by the Ministry and Mr Hunter
was really a fellow sufferer with the Germans. But
after this riotous behavior with design to force a compli-
ance hy seizing the Governor's person he thought it im-
prudent and unbecoming in him to give them encourage-
ment.

Governor Burnet afterwards gave lands to many of
the Germans. They in general have proved industrious
useful members in the society and orderly. But Avhen
numbers of people think they have injustice done them
and have not legal means within their reach for redress
they commonly and naturally become mutinous and fly
to force. This has been the true reason of the cruel wars
with Indians lately and perhaps at all times.

Mr Smith makes such mention of Col Peter Schuy-
ler on several occasions tliat had you known him as I did
you would pay little regard to Mr Smiths characters
whether in panegyric or Satyre. Col Schuyler was a plain
country farmer who had on some occasions given proof
of his courage. This with strong connexions between
that family and some of the Mohawk tribe gave him a
considerable interest with the Mohawks but as to the
other tribes it was in no respect such as Mr Smith rep-
resents it. His whole exterior and deportment had
much of the Indian mixed with the sullen Dutch man-
ner. He was no way distinguished by abilities either
natural or acquired and you may Judge of his sense of

200 THE GOLDEN LETTERS

honour by his being prevailed on by Mr Nicholson to
join with him in the grossest imposition on the Queen
and the British Nation by carrying to England five or
six common Indians and making them personate one the
Emperor of the Five Nations and the others the kings
of each nation. He might have paid dear for such an
attempt had it not been that the Ministry were at that
time fond of amuseing the people with the eclat of such
an appearance at court for they might easily have been
informed if they knew it not that there is no such thing
among the Five Nations as either emperor or king. The
Five Nations so far resented it that they never afterwards
would suffer one of these Indians to appear in their pub-
lic councils. I saw several years after this one of these
Indians standing at a distance among the women and
young men while the Five Nations were at a public con-
ference with the Governor of New York. As I have no
thoughts of mentioning any thing particularly of the
Indians dureing Mr Hunters administration it may be
proper to observe that he had so great a diflEidence of all
the people at Albany that at the public meetings with
the Indians he had allwise a French woman standing by
him who had married one of our Indians to inform him
whether the interpreters had done their part truely be-
tween him and the Indians, notwithstanding that Col.
Schuyler was present at the same time. This woman
commonly called Madame Montour had a good educa-
tion in Canada before she went among the Indians and
was very usetuill to Mr Hunter on many occasions for
which reason she had a pension and was sometimes ad-
mitted to his table in her Indian dress It is certain that
the Indians have had at all times great diffidence in the
Interpreters being allwise taken from among the traders
who make a practice in deceiving the Indians.

Queen Anne changed her ministry soon after the time
that Mr. Hunter arrived in his Government and he
thereby lost the support of his best friends. Mr. Hun-
ter was far from being a high churchman in principle
Mr. Nicholson was a Zealous church man in the hiohest

ON smith's history. 201

sense of the word and at that time when The Church be-
came the jjopular cry and M^as the political ingine of the
ministerial faction, he was thought a proper person to
be employed and received a commission to command
the provincial forces which were to attack Canada by
land while the Forces from England attacked it by way
of St. Laurence river tho' he had nothing to recommend
him for that service besides his zeal for the church for he
was not bred a soldier nor had he seen any military ser-
vice which deserved the name. He was subject to ex-
cessive fits of passion so far as to loose the use of his
reason After he had been in one of these fits while he
had the command of the army an Indian said to one of the
officers The general is drunk no answered the officers he
never drinks any strong liquor. The Indian replied I
do not mean that he is drunk with rum He was born
drunk.

The greatest number of the inhabitants of New- York
were at that time of republican principles consisting of
Dutch and English Independents. The assemblies are
at all times fond of power and to have their Governor
dependent on them tho' they cover this view with differ-
ent pretences. At this time the Church clergy joined
in the design to distress the Governor in hopes of have-
ing the good churchman Col Nicholson appointed
governor. He had a crowd of clergymen all wise about
him who were continually extolling his merits among
the people and doing all in their power to lessen Mr
Hunter. Mr Hunter had then a hard task. His friends
in the ministry out of place his Bills to a great value
protested. Mr Nicholson and the Clergy who ought to
have assistec\ him endeavoring to undermine him and
the assembly refusing to grant any support on the terms
on which he could accept of it without breach of his in-
structions. Tho' he was at the same time so sensible of
the difficulties he was under as to say to some of his
friends that he expected to dye in a Jail he kept up his
spirits never suffered the least dejection or diffidence of
his affiiirs to appear in public. He kept up the dignity

202

THE GOLDEN LETTERS

of the Governor without lessening the expence which
attended it not^vithstanding of the difficulties he was under
as to money. At this time ^vhile Mr. Hunter had the
greatest reason to be shagreened and out of humour he
diverted himself in composing a Farce with the assistance
of Mr Morris which he called Androhorus (the man
eater) In this the general (Nicholson) the clergy and
the assembly were so humorously exposed that the
laugh was turned upon them in all conijjanies and from
this laughing humour the people began to be in good
humour with their Governor and to despise the idol of the
clergy.

A Violent party spirit had been kept up with great
animosity between those who joined with Leisler at
the Revolution and the others who opposed him. They
who were in opposition to Leisler generally had the
greatest influence in the assembly, and were in favour
vnth all the succeeding Governors except the earl of
Bellomont and Lt. Governor Nanfan. In the year 1713
Leislers party had a J^Iajority m the Assembly. There
were great complaints from numbers of people by their
want of payment for public services The Leisler party
thought they had been unjustly used by preceeding As-
semblies and therefor they took this opportunity of
doing themselves justice. When the assembly after hav-
ing granted a revenue for five years resolved to pay all
the Debts of the Government by striking Bills of Credit
for that purpose to the value of 27680 pounds to be sunk
in twenty one years by an Excise on strong liquors

In this Bill payment was made for services don in
the year 1687 and for services don in every year from
that time downward. Leislers son had 2025 pounds
allowed him for his fathers services and expenses at the
time of the revolution and most of his adherents had
allowances made to them. Wni Smith put in a de-
mand of 356 pounds 17s lOd^ for goods taken b}' force
li-om Gabriel Minvielle by Leisler and the assembly
gave six pence in full of all demands. From the pro-
ceedings at this time this conclusion I think may be fairly

ON smith's history. 203

drawn That either former assemblies had been unjust
in refuseing or neglecting to pay just debts so long due
or this assembly acted profusely in giveing away their
constituent's money in favour to their friends. Or per-
ha])s the former assemblies and this all of them acted
partially and more from favour or resentment than from
justice. Governor Hunter had all his demands paid In
the act it was declared that as public notice had been
made for every one to make his demands who had any
claim on the Government that all the joublick debts were
paid and that no claim for any past service should after
this be allowed. We shall soon see how well this was
observed. But by a clause in the act the Bills were
not to be issued until the act received the Koyal ap-
probation.

On the Queens death the assembly was dissolved and
a new assembly called in which the superiority of the
Leisler party was greater than in the former assembly
and resolved to make up for the suffering of their party
while the opposite faction had been so long in power.
They therefore resolved in contradiction to the former
act that many debts and services were left unpaid and
rewarded by that act which were as justly due as those
which were paid (Here they confirm the observation I
before made) and passed a bill which was afterwards
enacted for issuing bills to the value of 41517 ounces and
a half of Spanish coined plate or of 16607 pounds Cur-
rent money of New York at 8s p ounce as Spanish mone}'
at that time passed for the sinking and paying of which
the Excise on strong Liquors was continued from 1734
to 1739 and a Duty was laid on wine and spirits for
seventeen years from the time of passing the act.

All who had served under Leisler as soldiers or other-
wise were paid for their services and many others for
services since the year 1687 Each of the Council had
250 ounces each of the Assembly from 183 ounces to
275 The Governor had 2525 ounces 17 pennyweight and
a half for incidents and extraordinary disbursements They
calculated to half a penny weight in the allowance to

204 THE COI.DEN LETTERS

the Governor to shew how carefull they had been not to
allow him a half penny weight too much But the lead-
ing men in the council and assembly besides the common
allowance with some of their friends had considerable
payments made them generally for services don without
mentioning any particular service. Mr Livingston had
3710 ounces of plate. I believe he never was exceeded
in soliciting for himself, by any man

The assembly w^as not willing to trust so useful an
act to the Royal approbation as the former had been,
and therefor it was enacted to take effect immediately.
Indeed it never had the Royal approbation. In the
jn'eamble to the first act the assembly say that the debts
of the Government were occasioned by misapplication of
the funds and extravagant expending of the Revenue by
former Governors. Their saying so w^ould not be a suffi-
cient proof to any man that knew them. I have known
many things asserted in the public resolves which not
one of the leading members would assert to be truth
when singly by himself There has been a mighty
clamour at all times made in general terms of the mis-
application of public money by Governors but when they
were called upon to give particular instances I never
heai-d of any except of £1500 pounds granted for fort}'-
lying the Narrows on the river below New York which
Lord Cornbury applied to building a pleasure house on
Nutten Island for himself and succeedino- o-overnors to
retire to when he inclined to free himself from business.
But I believe it may be safely asserted that all the ex-
travagant expending of the Revenue by the Governors
of New York put together does not equal the profusion
of the public money by this assembly. Mr Smith passes
slightly over this extraordinary act of his favorite part
of our Constitution.

Mr Hunter was seized with a violent Rheumatism
in the winter of the year 1718 which ended in an obsti-
nate sciatica which made him lame. His Lady was
heir to the estate of Sr Thomas Orby and he was desirous
to secure that Estate for his children and he had hopes

ON smith's history. 205

of recovering what was due to him from the Treasury on
account of the Germans. But as he foresaw that the
leaving his Government if it was known some time be-
fore he did, might give occasion to intrigues he kept his
design absolutely secret from his friends and domestics
not a single man was informed of it till he communicated
it to the assembly after they had gone through the
business on which they were called. You may see by
their address in Mr Smiths History, on that occasion,
that no Governor could leave his Government with
greater reputation than he did. I cannot forbear to tell
you what he heard him say not many days before this
address with indignation in his countenance. People
think it a fine thing to be a governor. A governor by

a Tom Turdman's is a better office than to rake in

the dunghill of these peoples vile affections. You know
that the assemblies in North America consist generally
of a low rank of people who have no generous principles.
But it was much worse at that time Several of the
assembly were dutch boors grossly ignorant and rude who
could neither write or read nor speak English. This
puts me in mind of what happened to me some years
since I was at Newport in Rhode Island at the time of
their anniversary election of their Magistrates. I was
invited to a public entertainment usually given on that
occasion. After dinner one of the new elected council
while we sat at Table addressed himself to me saying
What would you give in New York for the privilege we
enjoy this day of electing all our officers from the Gov-
ernor to the constable. I begged leave to put a question
or two before I answered and then I asked him whether
every man had an equal vote He answered yes every free
man has an equal vote with the richest or best man in
the colony. I next asked him whether the election is
carried by majority of Votes which being answered in
the affirmative I again asked him whether the greatest
number in their colony were wise men or otherwise
which last Question produced a general silence. When
Mr Hunter came to his government he at first thought

206 THE GOLDEN LETTERS

that an American Assembly might be governed by
reason, but experience taught him that it was a vain
imagination. It may be a question whether mankind
in general can be governed otherwise than by their affec-
tions. For that reason wise legislators found means to
raise artificial affections to control the natural. But
my dear son that you may always regulate your affec-
tions by reason is earnestly recommended to you by your
affectionate Father

OADWALLADER GOLDEN TO HIS SON.

I have for some time been diverted from my memoirs
of the Government of New York I now return to them
Col Peter Schuyler as president of the council succeeded
in the administration on General Hunters going to Eng-
land Col. Schuyler was so ^^eak a man that Adolph
Phillipse perswaded him to lodge the Kings seal in his
hands that he might thereby be able to prevent any use
to be made of it without his consent. By the Kings
instructions the President of the Council was to receive
one half of the Sallary and all the perquisites. A dis-
pute arose whether the word half did not extend to all
the perquisites as well as to the Sallary In cases where the
perquisites were paid into the Secretarys office one half
was retained for the use of the Governor but when Col
Schuyler received the perquisites he retained the whole
for his own use

After Mr Burnet was appointed Governor he was in-
formed of this dispute relating to the perquisites and
mentioned it to one of the Clerks of the board of Trade
and Plantations who was to copy the Instructions for
l^Ir Burnet. On looking over the Instruction he told
Mr Burnet that it was easy to amend it and without
hesitation he ^vrote m the instructions to Mr Burnet
One half

*******

A portion of the original MS. is missing.

ON smith's history. 207

and the practice since that time has justified this last
opinion. The very persons who at that time insisted on
the illegality of continueing an assembly after the deter-
mination of a Governors commission who called them
advised the continuance of the assembly in the sairie cir-
cumstances when they could not be assured of having
persons in the same interests re-elected. The argument
which prevailed with Mr. Burnet to continue the assem-
bly was this. He was assured that the members of that
assembly would readily grant the support of Government
for five years, and tho' the gentlemen who wanted a
new assembly and expected to be chosen gave the like
assurances he thought the first to be more depended
on than the others because tho' the principal persons
might with some confidence expect to be elected for
the city they could not be assured of the generality of
the countrj^ members or that they would have a sufiicient
interest over them for it was certain that some of the
principal men in the opposite interest would be re-
elected

Mr Smith mistakes when he says that Col Schuyler
and Mr Phillipse were removed from the council board
because they had opposed in council the continuance of
the assembly This would have been too bold a

^ I;J !jC !jS ^ JjC ^

A portion of the original MS. is missing.

misrepresentation of the case between Mr Rou and
the French congregation. On reading Mr Smiths ac-
count of this affair one would be apt to imagine that
Mr Burnet had set up a high commission court in eccle-
siastic matters to the Jurisdiction of which Mr Smith's
father had pleaded

Mr Kou's case was this. When he came over to New-
York on the invitation of the French Protestants there,
he and some gentlemen trustees for the French congre-
gation entered into a mutual contract in writing he to
perform the duties of pastor of the french protestant
congregation of New York according to the rules which

208 THE GOLDEN LETTERS

had been used by the french protestants in France and they
in consideration of his services engaged yearly to pay
him a certain sum of money Qf this contract there was
only one authentic copy which was in the hands of the
trustees. Mr E,ou had only a copy of it without any
test of its being authentic On some disputes which
happened between Mr Rou and some of his congrega-
tion the trustees refused to pay him his sallary Mr Rou
insisted that he had don his duty and performed his part
of the contract but as he had no legal evidence of the
contract he was advised to sue in chancery in order to
oblige- the trustees to produce the contract. Accordingly
Mr Rou filed a Bill in chancery wherein he demanded
of the trustees whether they or any of them knew of a
contract in writing entered into between them and Mr
Rou and if they did to discover the contents of that
contract. The trustees answered on oath that we do not
know of any such contract. It is to be observed that
since the making of that contract some of the trustees had
been changed. Mr Ron's counsel objected to the suffi-
ciency of the answer alledging that they ought to answer
that we nor no one of us knew for though all of them may
not know one or more of them did. I was at that time
a master in chancery and it was referred to me to judge
whether the answer was sufficient After a tedious
hearing of counsel on both sides I said that on suppo-
sition that some of the Defendants were ignorant of the
contract while others knew of it, I could not conceive
how they who did know could with a safe conscience join
in the oath that they (meaning all of them) did not
know because in this case they must swear to the other s
ignorance which I thought a man who had a proper re-
gard to an oath could not do and all the defendants were
men of good reputation. Upon which Mr Alexander
who was counsel for Mr Rou replied. I do not wonder
S*" that you should be of this opinion but pulling out a
paper from his pocket he said, here S'" is a copy of the
contract in the hand writing of one of these gentlemen
tho' we cannot prove it. On which I declared the an-

ON smith's history. 209

swer insufficient and ordered that they should answer
more particularly as demanded in the Bill. On ^vhich
they answered True it is ^ve do not know but such of us
(naming the names) do know and the contents of the
contract are as follows

This made so strong an impression on me at the time
that I could never forget it to see men who had left
their native country and their all from a conscientious
scrupulousness in religious matters prevaricating in this
manner on solemn oath in a court of justice. The truth
of the fact I tell you will fuUy appear from the Bill and
answers which I suppose still remain among the chancery
papers

After an authentic copy of the Contract was obtained
Mr Rou was left in quiet possession of his pulpit and had
his Sallary paid him but as Mr Smith observes some of
the most considerable persons of his congregation left
their church. We may observe here likewise tliat some-
times private resentment is even of greater force than
that religious zeal which makes us leave our country
and all that is dear to us.

But before I leave this subject I cannot with Justice
to Mr Rou avoid taking notice of the Character J\Ir
Smith gives him. Mr Rou he says was a man of learn-
ing but proud pleasurable and passionate he sets Mr.
Moulinaar s character in contrast viz that he was of pacific
spirit, dull parts and unblameable life and conversation
Were it not for the contrast it may be difficult to say
what Mr Smith means by a pleasurable man being a
phrase seldom or never used in the English language
but as it is set in contrast here with unblameable life
and conversation the reader may naturally think that it
means a man of pleasure. I knew Mr Rou and I never
heard hiin reproached with any immorality. He ^vas
bookish and as such men frequently are, peevish and
had nothing of the courtly ]_)olite Frenchman. The
game of Chess was the only amusement he took and per-
haps was too fond of it. It was said that he wrote a
treatise on that game.

210 THE GOLDEN LETTERS

From what lias been said it will easily appear how
proper and discreet like a Lawyer the defence of the
trustees was in setting up the Jurisdiction of the consis-
tory, a Colloque and Synod of the French protestants in
France who at that time had no existence in opposition
to the Kings Courts of Justice & who had they existed
could have given Mr Rou no relief. Least in future
ages disputes might arise about the place of the birth of
this distinguished orator as formerly happened as to the
l:>irth place of Homer Mr Smith tells us in a note where
his birth place is

As J^Ir Burnets refuseing to qualify Mr DeLancey
after he had been elected a member for the city of New
York gave the first rise to the violent party struggles
which continued many years afterwards I think it may
be usefull to you to relate that affair more particularly
than Mr Smith has don

At that time the members of Assembly were all wise
qualified by the State oaths being administered to them
by the Governor but lately they have been qualified by
a Dedimus potestatem usually given to the Judges of
the supreme court or any one of them for that purpose
Mr DeLancey being chosen in the place of one of the
members for the city of New York who was dead he
was sent by the house to the Governor to be qualified as
usual. Mr Burnet by Mr Morris's advice (I make no
doubt) refused to qualify him as being a foreigner and
not naturalized. This gave a very general dissatisfaction
not only on Mr. DeLanceys private account who was
much esteemed in the place but on account of the great
niunbers who were in the like circumstances for the great-
est number of the inhabitants were foreigners Dutch and
French or the Descendants of such and this objection they
were affray'd might be extended to their real estates and
to their inheritances. I had been for some time from home
and did not return till the evening after this had hap-
pened. The next morning Mr Livingstone the Speaker
came to my house and began to talk with great concern
on what had happened the day before. I was absolutely

ON smith's history. 211

ignorant of it so far that I did not understand him till he
told me the particulars. In the afternoon I went to wait
on Mr Burnet while I was with him Col Hicks who was
much in the governors interest and a leading member
in the house came there and desired to speak with me
in private He told me that the house was in a ferment
that they looked upon the matter as a breach of their
principal privilege of being Judges of the qualification
of their own members and that the Governors friends
would oppose him in it. I informed Mr Burnet of what
Col. Hicks had told me and likewise the conversation
I had with the Speaker in the morning He was stag-
gered and immediately sat down to write a message to
the Assembly in which he yielded by halves and with
apparent reluctancy On reading what he had wrote I
told him I was convinced he must either yield or break
Avith the assembly and that if he did break it would be on
a very unpopular subject The privilege of the house
and on a subject in which great numbers would think
themselves and their families greatly interested. The
Governor then wrote a message wherein he said that he
had thought it proper to inform the house of the objec-
tion made to MrDeLanceys qualification but at the same
time he left it intirely to the judgment of the house.
Mr Burnet was certainly in the wrong in entering on a
matter of such consequence without being assured that
his friends would support him in it. Perhaps it was
thought that the objection would be a perpetual check
on Mr DeLanceys conduct but it had a contrary effect.
Mr DeLancey was a man of strong and lasting resent-
ment and his family seem to have taken a resolution
fi'om that time to have Mr Morris removed from the
office of Chief Justice if by any means it could be don.

I come now to the remarkable resolves of the
Assembly in the year 1727 against the Court of Chan-
cery which Mr Smith sets down at large in his history.
It may be safely affirmed that every fact set forth in
the preamble to the resolves is false or greatly exaggerat-
ed except the exorbitant fees and charges of the Lawyers

212 THE COLDEN LETTERS

attending the court without which Mr Smith tells us
the present Lawyers despise the practice. It is certain
however that the unreasonable length of the Bills
and answers and dilatory pleas put in by them were
real grievances and which it was not in the power
of the Chancellor to prevent but without these in
Mr Smiths Judgement the business of the Chancer}^
must rest and the people of this province be deprived
of relief in Equity.

Strangers to the men who compose our Assemblies
to their manner of proceeding, and to what has passe^
in that house may be apt to give the greatest credit to
what they solemnly assert whereas it really deserves
less than that of private persons. No one man in the
house thinks himself answerable for what passes there
and as a body they think themselves not accountable
to any other authority and for that reason often act
very unaccountably. It has been too frequent that
angry party men by their influence in the house take
this method to spread Slander and calumny with im-
punity. I shall therefor relate the circumstances which
attended these famous resolves.

Mr Philipse Speaker of the Assembly at the time
these resolves were made had been several years before
that time in partnership with one Codringtone in some
mercantile business. At the conclusion of their partner-
ship Mr Philipse gave Mr Codringtone his bond for
a considerable sum of money if I remember right
<£1500. Codringtone dyed Mr Philipse neglected to
pay either principal or interest and at last refused pay-
ment. Codringtones widow sued the bond at common
law in the supreme court of New York Mr Philipse
pleaded that the bond was paid before it was given. The
oddness of the plea became the discourse at the coffee
house one day while I was there I asked Mr Philipse's
attorney who happened to be then present what he
could mean by such a plea. He answered it was none
of his he kneAv better but that he was obliged to j^ut
it in by hi^ client. The plea was over ruled by the

ON smith's history. 213

court and Judgement given against Mr Philipse. Mr
Philipse made this plea with a resolution to remove
the suit into chancery. You know the Governor is
chancellor in this province. Mr Philipse some time be-
fore this suit was brought but while he expected it paid
unusual court to Mr Burnet his visits were remark-
ably frequent and as he was speaker of the assembly
Mr Burnet received him graciously. Mr Philipse in
his bill set forth that at the time he gave this bond
Mr Codringtone was indebted to him by accounts in a
much larger sum. Codringtone was many years before
this dead and perhaps none liveing who were privy to
the transactions between them. All the evidence
which Mr Philipse could produce was not sufficient to
convince Mr Burnet that a man of Mr Philipse's sense
and experience in business would give his bond for
1500 pounds to a man who owed him a greater sum
at the same time and therefor Mr Burnet dismissed his
Bill and left the matter to the common law as it stood
before. This happened a small time before these re-
solves. The method Mr Philipse took to obtain them
is no less remarkable.

The Assembly having finished their business it was
generally known that the Governor intended to put an
end to the session the next day at 12 of the clock by
giving his assent to the Bills then ready in the usual
form at which time the Governor calls the assembly
to be present as witnesses to his assent. The assembly
had adjourned to the usual time before noon but as the
business was over the members on such occasions did
not meet till the time they expected to be called up.
Mr Philipses having prepared liis friends they with
some others met at eleven and immediately ordered the
committee of Grievances to sit. They put Coll Hicks
who was the Governors friend into the chair and having
their resolves ready drawn in writing they imme-
diately voted them without allowing of any argument
and the Speaker taking the chair immediately after
they were reported and confirmed but the clerk had

214 THE GOLDEN LETTERS

not time to enter tliem in the minutes before they were
called to attend the Governor and he was left in the
house to complete them. Few of the Governors- friends
were present and they so much surprised that they
knew not how to act. Mr Burnet gave his assent to
the Bills and while the acts were as usual published he
was informed of what had passed by one of the mem-
bers and therefor instead of prorogueing the assembly
as he intended he dissolved them with some marks of
resentment. A feeble resentment which only served to
increase the popularity of the opposite party and to
increase their strength in the next election.

I have already extended this letter beyond the length
I had confined myself to in writing to you on this
subject and therefor shall delay what I have farther to
tell you of Mr Burnets administration to my next.

Yours.

Perhaps you'l think that I write with resentment to
Mr Smith the Historian. He is so assuming in his man-
ner especially in giving characters of the most distin-
guished persons often unfair allwise partial whether
his characters be favourable or otherwise biassed by his
connections either as to family or religious sect, that
some resentment is unavoidable. It is not fit that
Mr Smith's history should pass for a chronicle of the
Province of New York

OADWALLADER COLDEN^ TO HIS SON.

Coldengham, Deer. 31st 1759.
Dear Son

Mr Burnet after he had been some years at New
York applied himself to the study of Scripture prophecy
on Principles which he told me he had received from S""
Isaac Newton The prophets he said have a language
peculiar to themselves and that if their language be un-

ON smith's history. 215

derstood the prophecy becomes as easy to be understood
as other writings. He had a very extraordinary meraor}-
and he had read the prophecies so often over that he
coukl at once point out the chapter and verse in which
any subject was treated or any prophetical word was to
be found. For some time this study so intirely engrossed
his thoughts that upon all occasions he introduced it into
discourse even so far that his conversation became dis-
agreable to his best friends. He was zealous to convince
them for he said the evidence of Christianity stands on
Miracles and the Prophecies are perpetual miracles re-
newed every time any prophecy is accomplished. The
Evidence of the Miracles done by Christ grows daily
weaker by the length of time and therefor there is a
necessity of a perpetual renewal of miracles. But not-
withstanding of all the pains he Avas at and his publish-
ing his thoughts in print I know not that he at any
time made one convert, tho' perhaps he has wrote better
on that subject than any else has don. Studious men
are apt to fall into some kind of Enthusiasm or other
which surprises the rest of mankind to see men fall into
who on all other occasions discover an uncommon force
of reason and yet on some particular subjects to be uncor-
rigeably whimsical and unreasonable. The great S""
Isaac Newton in some instances is thought to have fallen
into this misfortune. How comes this about. Is it not
that they become somehow fond of some peculiar notions
and by continually insisting on them and presenting
them to their imaginations they strike their minds with
as much force as realities A man that often repeats a
lie of his own may at least believe it to be true. It is
thought several instances can be given to prove that this
really happens

Tho Mr Burnet was a zealous Christian he was not in
all points oithodox. If I mistake not he was Arian. I
heard him tell that after his fathers death he found
among his papers a letter from Archbishop Tillotson in
which the Archbishop wished the church could get
fairly rid of that Athanasian creed. He used often

216 THE GOLDEN LETTERS

to say that many Orthodox are knaves but he never
knew a heretick that was not an honest man.

Mr Smith is injurious to Mr Burnet's memory where
he insinuates that some thought his removal necessary
for the public tranquility. There was not the least ground
for this insinuation. The generality of the people were
not so insensible of Mr Burnets Merit tho' a faction had
the artifice to make some noise at the close of the last
session of Assembly in the manner before mentioned.
Mr Smith has given a pretty full account, how much
Mr Burnet studied the true interest of the province more
than any before him or any since. No instance can be
given of oppression in any shape. No man was more
free from Avarice. He was generous to a degree
so far that if he erred it was not in takeing sufficient care
of his private interest. He expended yearly consider-
able sums in private charitie, which he managed so that
none knew of them more than what could not be avoided
and thereby in some degree doubled the charitie to many
who received it.

That which excited the malice of a faction was merely
the effect of his great merit. The stopping the trade
which a few merchants had with Canada carried on to
the prejudice of Great Britain and of all the American
colonies and his giveing relief in Chancery against the
frauds of artful and rich men. Neither the ministry nor
the people of Great Britain at that time saw the conse-
quences of the Indian trade and of the ascendency over
the Indians which was thereby to be gained tho had they
considered that matter with the same attention ^vhich
Mr Burnet did it is probable the present war might have
been prevented No discovery of any kind can be prop-
erly valued by those who do not understand it and for
that reason new discoveries are never at first valued as
they are at some distance of time afterwards, because few
take the trouble necessary to understand them till they
have obtained a reputation by being espoused by men of
known and distinguished knowledge. There is some-
thing in the English Constitution which renders their

ON smith's history. 217

ministry short sighted They are so much emplojed in
expedients for the present time that they are unwilling
to think of things at a distance.

The true reason of Mr Burnets removal I had from
Coll Montgomerie his Successor. There had been a re-
markable misunderstanding between the present King-
when Prince of Wales and his father King George the
1st dureing which all the Princes'' servants who had offices
under the King were removed from their offices. Coll
Montgomerie was one of these When the Prince became
King the offices under him as Prince of Wales of course
fell and the officers were to be otherwise provided and
the King likewise thought it proper to recompense those
servants more particularly who had suffered by adhering
to him. For these reasons Coll l^.Iontgomerie had his
choice of several offices both at home and abroad. He
made choice of the Government of New York as the
most lucrative and attended with the least trouble.
New York being a more healthy climate made him pre-
fier it to Jamaica which was like^vise in his option.

When Mr Burnet heard that he was to be removed
he could not avoid entertaining some resentment He
knew that he had executed his office faithfully and with
a view to serve his King and Countr}'. The present
royal family had acknowledged some obligations to Bishop
Burnet the Governors father on his being the first person
that had named the house of Hanover to King William
as the next Protestant family in the succession to the
crown of Great Britain and K. William had given the
Bishop leave to make the first mention of it to that
family some }'ears before the act of Succession was ])assed
The princess Sophia in acknowledgement of this had
sent a present of a handsom silver gilt tea Equipage to
the Bishop which Gov"" Burnet had with him at New
York No man in Great Britain had been more zealous
for the succession in the house of Hanover than the
Bishop had been. Of which the Boyal family had often
declared themselves sensible. It is no wonder then that
Mr Burnet entertained some resentment on beinii- turned

218 THE GOLDEN LETTERS

out to make room for one who had only private merit in
personal services to give him a preference.

Mr Burnets friends at court obtained an audience of
the Queen in hopes by her influence to divert the King
from removing of Mr. Burnet. The Queen answered
them with courtly politeness that the King was very
sensible of Mr Burnets merit that the people of New
England were a troublesome people and therefor the
King thought it necessary to appoint a Gentleman
of Mr Burnets abilities governor of that colony of Mas-
sachusetts Bay. She knew she said that the government
of Massachusetts bay is not so lucrative as New York
but that the Kings service required Mr Burnets accept-
ing of it at present and that afterwards any loss he had
thereby in his private fortune should be made up. Not-
Avithstanding of this his friends were apprehensive that
he would refuse to accept of that Government and they
Avere therefor very earnest with him to accept of it.

The people of the Massachusetts government had for
sometime past continually quarelled with their Governors
and had refused to give them a reasonable support.
One of their Governors deserted his government and no
gentleman of any character was willing to accept of it.
When Mr Burnet arrived in his government he was re-
ceived with all the respect that they could show but he
carried with him a royal instruction which he foresaw
would be the source of dispute viz That he should insist
on their assembly's granting a thousand pounds sterling
yearly sallary to the Governor for an indetermined time
Mr Burnet advised with his friends in New York before
he went to his Government as to the part he was to act,
in inforceing this instruction. He then resolved to take
care that it might not become a personal quarrel between
him and the people but he did not observe this rule af-
terwards Whether it was by any advice whicli he
received there or from some thing in his natural temper
I know not for he loved an argument The Assembly in
their reasoning did not think it proper to declare the true
republican principles which swayed them and it was not

ON smith's history. 219

difficult for Mr Burnet to shew the fallacy and weakness
of the arguments which they used. He charged them
with disingenuity which he made appear from their man-
ner of arguing This produced angry replies and the
dispute became personal. The thing which by all means
he was to avoid because it served their purposes to make
it such. These disputes continued all the time of his
administration and made it vexatious and disagreable
to himself Before they were ended he died of a fever
without receiving any sallary.

Similar instructions have been since that time given
to the Governors of New York. It has seemed very odd
to me that the ministrv has insisted in orivino; such in-
structions without having it in their power to enforce
them and putting their Governors under the necessity
of either breaking the instruction or of starveing at least
of loosing the purpose for which they desire their Gov-
ernments. It is easy to guess which of these two all of
them have chosen Nothing has so much lessened the
Kings authority in the colonies as this impolitic step
has don.

Now you have everything relating to Mr Burnet
which I think may be of use to you to know so far as
has occurred to the memory of

OADWALLADER GOLDEN TO HIS SON.

Coldengham Jan'? 31st 1760

Mr Burnet had been acquainted Avith Col Mont-
gomerie in England and from the confidence he had in
their former friendship he continued in the Governors
house with a resolution to write Col Montgomerie to
lodge with him till he left New York but some of the
party who were in opposition to Mr Burnet went on
board the ship before Col Montgomerie came on shoar
told him of Mr Burnets design VI invitation and dissuaded
him from it so ett'ectually that he afterwards absolutely
refused Mr Burnets invitation and went into private

220 THE GOLDEN LETTERS

lodo;ino;s on which Mr Burnet removed from the Gov-
ernors house before night and carried away every thing
of his next day notwithstanding of which Col. Montgom-
erie did not go into the governors house till after Mr
Burnet left New York.

As we were walking in formality to publish Col
Montgomerie's commission I overheard him say to Mr
'Clark that he would absolutely trust to his advice and
he kept his promise to his death. Mr Clark by his hav-
ing been a considerable time Secretary of the Province
had experience in the public affairs and understood men
and business Mr Clark was likewise Deput}^ to Mr
Horace Walpole as auditor of the Bevenue in America
and probably it was by Mr Walpole's advice that Coll
Montgomerie placed his confidence in Mr Clark,

Col Montgomerie did not want natural abilities nor
any part of the education proper for a gentleman but he
had given himself up to his pleasures especially to his
bottle and had an aversion to business. He was likewise
the most diffident of himself of any man I ever knew.
He was much in debt and wanted to recover his fortune
by the profits of his government with as little trouble to
himself as possible. Mr Clark served him well for these
purposes

Mr DeLancey was at the head of the party in the
assembly which had been in opposition to Mr Burnet
and which had now the ascendant in that house. Mr
DeLancey was to be gratified in his resentment against
Chief Justice Morris and the Gov"" was to use his in-
terest to have the acts repealed which had been passed
in Governor Burnets Administration prohibiting the
direct trade to Canada with Indian goods In considera-
tion of these the Governor had his Sallary secured for
five years and all the perquisites which any Governor
before him ever had. Both sides punctually performed
their ingagements to each other. But it was surprising
to me how easily the Board of Trade and Plantations
were induced to recommend to the King the repealing
of the laws in favor of the direct trade with the Indians

ON smith''s history. 221

and which prohibited the furnishing the French with
goods to enable them to carry on that trade to the
prejudice to great Britain and of" the colonies after all
that had been laid before them by Mr Burnet on that
head. They probably thought that the people of New
York were only interested in the Indian trade and that
it did not concern Gr. Britain. They seem to have had
nothing in view at that time but to serve the private
purposes of a Governor. Mr DeLancey had the ad-
vantages of his own private trade in view which were
very considerable But as the resentment against Chief
Justice Morris was productive afterwards of violent
party struggles it may be of use to know all the circum-
stances attending it.

The fixing of the Sallaries of the officers of Govern-
ment had been for some time a matter of dispute be-
tween the Governors and Assembly. The assembly
thought that since they gave the money they have like-
wise the right of applying it to the several uses of Gov-
ernment and of determining what the officers sallaries
shall be. The Governors insisted that it is the right of
the crown to determine the rewards due to the servants
of the crowTQ. The matter was compromised in the
administrations of Brigadier Hunter and Mr Burnet.
The Assembly yielded to leave out of the support bill
the specifying the particular Sallaries to be paid to each
officer on the Governors o-ivino; his word of honor that
he would not grant Avarrants for a larger sum than what
was spe(dtied in a list privately presented to tlie Gov-
ernor by the Assembly before they passed the support
bill. After the Assembly at this time had agreed to
grant the usual support for five years in making up the
list of the officers Sallaries to be presented to the Gov-
ernor they lessened Mr Morris's salary as Chief Justice
by fifty pounds a year. Mr Morris was a membe]\ He
moved to know whether he had been guilty of an}-
neglect or misdemeanor in his office that made them
punish him by lessening his Sallary They declared that
it was not for that reason but from the poverty of the

222 THE GOLDEN LETTERS

Colony and if I mistake not he obtained an entry to be
made on their minutes accordingly Tho Mr Morris and
his friends used a good deal of argument with the Gov-
ernor to prevent his agreeing to the lessening of the
Sallary and he did do it. It was certainly allowing
private persons to have too great influence on the courts
of Justice since it was only don to gratify private re-
sentment. I remember that I used this argument Avith
Col Montgomerie on this occasion in Council. When
an assembly act merely from humor they act like children
" and like children the more they are humored the more
humorsome they grow This was verified in subsequent
times but at that time Col Montgomerie thought it best
to keep them in good humour who had the purse in their
hands However he was desirous if possible to prevent
all dispute and therefore desired Mr Alexander and my-
self to propose to Mr Morris from him that if Mr
Morris would forbear makeing any dispute with him
upon the head he would join his mterest to any repre-
sentation which Mr Morris should make to the Kings
ministers in order to have an instruction not to suffer
the lessening of the Chief Justices sallary by any vote
of the Assembly or something to this purpose. We did
so but could not prevail on Mr Morris

Mr Morris's eldest son was of the council. Wlien the
Warrant for his father's Sallary was proposed with the
abatement of .£50 he opposed the change from the usual
Sallary and in a premeditated speech, and among other
things said that the doing it was illegal, unwarrantable
and arbitrary. These were hard words which shocked
the Governor however he had till next council day to
explain himself when still insisting on what he had said
before, he was suspended with the consent of the Council
from his seat at the board till the Kings pleasure should
be known for useing such harsh expressions against what
was done with the consent of every branch of the Legis-
lature of the province. I was not in Council at the
time being m the Country. When I came to town Col
Montgomerie shewed me copies of all that passed and

ON SMITHES HISTORY. 223

declared Mr Morris had forced him to do a thing much
against his incUnation. On a hearing before the board
of trade the suspension was confirmed and Mr Morris
the younger removed from the Council.

Col Montgomeries view was to live as much as pos-
sible at ease and at the same time retrieve his fortune
and for that purpose his administration was intirely
directed to the Immours of those men who at that time
had the assembly under their influence except where he
apprehended any measure might lead him into public
dispute. Had he lived these condescensions to the
humours of others would have in time intirely defeated
his other view of living at ease for after these Gentle-
men had got all the offices in the hands of their friends
and dependants he became sensible of their neglect before
he died. His yielding to lessen the Chief Justice's Sallary
merely to gTatify a private resentment gave the assembl}'
such a sense of their influence on a Governor that all
his successors found the effects of it. For afterwards
assemblies did not so much as ask the Governors consent
to the officers sallaries but put them in their bill which
he must accept in the manner they offered it or loose his
o^vn Sallary and in this case they suffer no amendment
to the bill by the Council no not so much as a con-
ference on the subject. Hereby the Assembly claim the
sole power of rewarding all the officers of Government
and of Judging of the reward due for their Services

Mr Smith has in his history given a good general ac-
count of the agreement for a partition line between New
York and Connecticut. I think it may be of use to }ou
to know some particulars which probably Mr Smith did
not know. In 1725 Commissioners were appointed in
New York of whom I was one to meet commissioners
from Connecticut in order to run out and settle the
boundaries pursuant to the agreement between the two
colonies in 1683 as recited in Mr Smiths History. The
first thing we entered upon was the method to be pursued
in the Survey for running the lines. The ditficulty
cliiefly consisted how to run a line parallel to Hudson's

224 THE GOLDEN LETTERS

River every wnere twenty miles distant from it which
will be found difficult to do if it be not impi'acticable
where a river has manv turnino;s and windin";s so as
precisely to comply with the words of the agreement.
The Commissioners from Connecticut took every method
to perplex the matter and to evade the agreeing to anj^
method of Survey. After many fruitless meetings and
some adjournments to different times and places we
gave them notice that we intended to run the lines ex
j)arte and desired them to be present at our work and
witnesses of what we did. As I was sensible that every-
thing don in this case ex parte would be subject to
endless disputes and thereby the settling of the frontiers
would be obstructed When we had met to take a parting
glass I took one of their commissioners aside. I told him
that I suspected they had something at heart which they
were affrayed to discover. I promised that if he would be
free with me I would make no bad use of what he should
tell me, and perhaps we might fall on some method to
make them easy. He told me their whole concern was
for the people of Ridgeheld and that if we could make
them easy as to that part of the line adjoining to E-idge-
fielcl we should have no dispute as to any other part.
After informing my fellow commissioners of what had
passed and some discourse among ourselves we resolved
to renew the conferences. After which the method for
running the partition lines was agreed to without much
dis])ute. From this you will know the reason of the lines
being run in the manner they are. By the expense of
these frequent meetings and adjournments the money
given by the Assembly for running the lines was expend-
ed befoi-e they could be actually marked out upon the
land or the survey be made for that purpose

In the year 1730 Several of the Inhabitants of
Ridgetield made proposals to some gentlemen in New
York for running the Partition lines on private expense on
condition of having a quantity certain of the Equivalent
lands from Connecticut granted to them An agreement
was accordingly made between the Governor and Council

ON smith's history. 225

of 'New York on one part and several persons of New
York and Connecticut on the other part who were to
be at the charge of running the lines on condition of
having 50.000 acres of the equivalent lands granted to
them on the usual quitrents and fees for obtaining the
patent.

The Gentlemen in New York who had the principal
management of this affair had been Mr Burnets
friends in whom he confided in the time of his adminis-
tration Mr Harison had been of their number but
after he knew that Mr Burnet was to be removed he left
Mr Burnet and joined with those who had been in oppo-
sition to him in such manner that Mr Burnet said openly
that Mr Harisons ungratitude to him would not recom-
mend him to his successor for he had received many fa-
vours from Mr. Burnet. For this reason Mr Harison
was not invited to join in takeing a share of the Patent
He complained to the Governor of this neglect and at
the Governors desire he had the offer of a small share
which he accepted of with seeming thankful acknow-
legement but at the same time he was highly disgusted
by his discovery that he was despised both by the Gen-
tlemen whose friendsliip he had forfeited and by the
others whose friendship he had courted. He had some
how found access by letter to the Duke of Chandos. He
represented these Lands to the Duke not only as of great
value by the extraordinary goodness of the soil but by
their containing valuable mines and by their being con-
venient for carrying on an extensive fur trade and thereby
persuaded the Duke to solicit a grant of them from the
King for himself and some other Gentlemen in England
the names of the other gentlemen being only used in
trust for themselves and the Duke whose name did not
appear in the grant In this the Duke was exceedingly
deceived, because there were no mines in that land and
no fur trade could be carried on from that part of the
country and the soil of the lands was nothing better than
the generality of the country. The grantees in New
York could not obtain their patent till they had com-

226 THE GOLDEN LETTERS

pleted tlie partition lines between the Colonies of New-
York and Connecticut and near twelve months passed
before this could be done In the mean time the grant in
England passed and the Gentlemen in New York were
at all the expense of running the lines and of obtaining
a patent without knowing that any application had been
made in Eno-land for a grant of the same lands

As this aifair had a great influence on the publick
transactions during the administration of the succeeding
governor it is proper that you should know this aifair
more particularly than as it is told by Mr Smith in his
history

I have only one thing more to mention which may
serve for a little amusement Col. Montgomerie designed
to have been in New York in the fall of the year but the
ships were driven off by hard gales of Wind to Barba-
does where they continued till next Spring. I heard
Col Montgomerie tell that while he was at Barbadoes a
very old man died who on his deathbed confessed that
he was the person who cut off Kmg Charles' head.
That as soon as he had performed the execution he was
carried on board a ship bound to Barbadoes where he
had lived in good reputation to the time of his death.

Now you have all that you can learn of Col Mont-
gomeries administration from

OADWALLADER GOLDEN TO HIS SON.

Coldengham Feb'^ 21 1760
My Dear Son

In my last I had finished all that I intended to
write of the History of New York, within the period to
which Mr Smith confines his History : and I should
have concluded with what I have already wrote had not
Mr Smith, at the conclusion of his history made a large
stride to reach a matter of posterior date relating to one
Laughlin Campbell. Mr Smith has so grossly misrep-

ON smith's history. 227

resented this whole affair, by giving a false account of
every material circumstance, and what he has published
is so egregious a calumny of Mr Clark Lt Govr of
New York and of other persons interested in the grant of
lands in New York, that I cannot pass it over, without
giving you the true account of that affair ; in doing of
which I have had my memory much assisted by the
papers relating to it which remain on the Council file.

After great numbers of families had transported
themselves from the North of Ireland to Pennsylvania,
Laughlin Campbel in the year 1737 went over from the
island of Ila in Scotland to Pennsjdvania to learn on
what [terms] he could procure lands there, for a num-
ber of families which he proposed to bring over to settle
there. While he was at Philadelphia he was informed
of a proclamation ]:)ublished by Col Cosby the late Gov-
ernor of New York promising 100,000 acres of land
free of all charges excepting the survey and Quitrents, to
be granted in quantities in proportion to the numbers of
persons who should import themselves into this province
in order to settle and improve lands. Mr Campbell came
to New York from Philadelphia to inform himself of the
truth of this. But before I proceed farther it is neces-
sary to inform you that Col Cosby before his death had
found means to have a grant of this land for himself in
the name of other persons in trust for him However
iniquitously this may have been don it had put it out of
Mr Clarks power to grant that land and Mr Campbell in
a conference with Gov Clark and the Surveyor Genl of
Lands confessed that he could not obtain lands in Penn-
sylvania otherwise than at the rate of £15 for each hun-
dred acres, besides the quitrent and charges of survey.
He was then informed that the 100,000 acres was al-
ready granted, but that he could have other lands on
much easier terms than he can in Pennsylvania or any-
where else and they undertook that he should have lands
granted in proportion to the number of families imported
at the rate of £3 sterling for every hundred acres free
of the charge of Indian purchase survey and other ex-

228 THE GOLDEN LETTERS

pense of any kind except the Quitrent with which he
declared himself well contented However before he
returned to Scotland he went to Maryland to learn on
what terms he could obtain lands there.

The next year Mr Campbell brought over 30 families
and he was offered a grant of 19,000 acres for himself
free of all charges except the survej^ being all the lands
which remained of those which had been purchased which
he neglected to take for reasons which you will discover
from what follows afterwards. In August 1739 he
brought over 41 families more but it is false that he
brought any of them over on his own expense in such
manner that he or his family suffered thereby ; for all
of them either paid him for their passages and freight of
goods or bound themselves as servants as usual in such
cases for the payment and he disposed of these servants
■svith profit to himself as is usually don in America in
like cases.

When he came over the second time he was again
offered a sufficient quantity of land on the terms prom-
ised him before he imported any one person and with
which he had declared himself contented and the place
the land was to be set out for him was named to him
near where Fort Edward now stands but he insisted
on having the 100,000 acres promised by Col Cosbys
proclamation on the terms in that proclamation and
put in a petition to the Govr and Council to that pur-
pose which occasioned an inquiry and examination into
the transactions previous to that petition as will appear
by the reports of Committee of Council appointed for
that purpose and made the 18th and 22d of April 1741
still remaining on the file of the Council. The true rea-
son of Mr Campbells declining the terms to Avhich he
had agreed before these families were imported was
that he and the persons that he had brought over with
him were in no ability to comply with these easy terms
and much less in ability of settling and improveing new
lands till such times as they could mantain themselves
by their own labor. This inability was well known at

ON smith's history. 229

the time and may still proved by persons living who came
over with Mr Campbell. As this inability was an unan-
swerable objection to their having lands on any terms
Campbell was advised to apply to the Assembly for
their assistance to support his people till such time as
they should be able to support themselves which he did
but without effect For the Assembly after inquiry
found that the people he had brought over with him
were unwilling to settle under him as he proposed and
Mr Campbells behavior after he came into the Country
gave the Assembly a prejudice so far to his disadvan-
tage that they disliked his settling on the frontiers.
This being the case and it being at the same time well
known that no part of the 100,000 acres promised by
Col Cosbys proclamation had been settled pursuant to
that Proclamation he had nothing to say or no game to
play but to insist on the benefit of that proclamation
as a matter which the Government was absolutely
obliged to perform. Suppose the case to be so, yet cer-
tainly the intention of that proclamation was not to
give land to persons who were in no ability to settle
and cultivate the same But as the case then stood it
cannot be supposed that Gov Clark was under any per-
sonal obligation to be at the charge of making the In-
dian purchase and to be at all other necessary expenses
out of his own pocket. If the settling of the frontiers
at that time by these people had been of public benefit
it ought to have been at the public expense. Which
the assembly refused to do for the reasons before men-
tioned as most of the people who came over with
Mr Campbell were unwilling to settle on the frontiers
they met with no disappomtment They dispersed
themselves among the inhabitants and provided for
their families as others had usually don in like cases.
You knew that several of those who came servants with
Mr Campbell are now possessed of valuable farms in
their own right in fee simple Mr Campbell only was
disapointed of an unreasonable expectation by his not
obtaining lands at other people's expense in order to

230 THE GOLDEN LETTERS

make merchandise of them Mr Smith can never be
excused in making this publication without makeing use
of all the means which were in his power for a true in-
formation The minutes of Council he tells us were
open to him for his perusal They would have sho^vn
him that the account he had received of that matter can-
not be true He was a boy at the time these things
happened and he could have no knowledge of them and
therefor I cannot pass over the concluding sentence in
his narrative without particular notice viz But it un-
fortunately drop't through the sordid views of some per-
sons in power who aimed at a share in the intended
grant to which Cam^jbell who tvas a man of spirit would
not consent. It was impossible for Mr Smith to have
such evidence of this fact as to induce any man of the
least candor to publish so great a calumny on any gentle-
man, because of my own knowledge it is false and none
who knew Mr Campbell can believe it. From this and
many other parts of his history, Mr Smith appears to
be fond of calumny otherwise he would have made use
of the means of information which he owns were in his
power.

Mr Smiths history has been of use to me in the
chronology and in bringing things to my memory which
otherwise might have escaped me. The remarks which
I have made have helpt at times to fill up a vacant hour
and I flatter myself they may be usefull to any who in-
tend to write the hystory of New York when personal
prejudices are removed and posterity can judge impar-
tially. However this be I hope they may be of use to
you and that you will receive them as an instance of
Love from Your affectionate father

CADWALLADER GOLDEN TO HIS SON.

Dear Son

I finished in my last all that I intended to write on
that period of time to which Mr Smith confines his

ON smith's history. 231

History of New York and I should have concluded
with what I have already wrote had not Mr Smith at
the conclusion of his book made a large stride to reach
a matter of posterior date relating to Captain Laughlin
Campbell. Mr Smith has so grossly misrepresented this
whole affair by giveing a false account of every material
circumstance and so egregious a calumny of Mr Clark
and of other persons entrusted with the grant of Lands
that I can not pass it over without giveing you the true
account of this matter

Laughlin Campbell in the year 1737 arrived in Penn-
sylvania from Scotland in order to find what incourage-
ment he could have to settle lands in that Colony The
only terms on which he could obtain lands there as he
himself afterwards related were at the rate of .£15 for each
hundred acres besides the Quitrent and charges of sur-
vey and other officers fees While he was in Pennsylvania
he heard of an encouragement from Col Cosby which had
been offered for settling of 100,000 acres of land on the
frontiers of New York and therefor came to New York
to learn on what terms he could obtain lands there.
Col Cosby had published a proclamation with consent of
Council inviting protestants to transport themselves to
the province of New York with a promise of 100,000
acres already purchased of the Indians to be granted to
them at a certain rate or number of acres to each family
free of all charges. The particular account of this may
come properly in the history of Col Cosby's administra-
tion it is sufficient in the present case to tell that by
sinister means this land was granted by Col Cosby in trust
for himself and therefore at the time Mr Campbel came
to New York it was not in Mr Clark's power to grant
that land Mr Campbel was told that the 100,000 acres
of land mentioned in the publication made by Governor
Cosby had been already granted. He was in-
foniied of the usual method of obtaining lands in this
province viz By first purchasing the lands of the Indians
haveing the same surveyed and afterwards a patent un-
der the Kings seal for this province He objecting to the

232 THE GOLDEN LETTERS

difficulties which a stranger might have in making the
purchase and the other expenses which might attend the
procuring a patent for the same in order to incourage
the settling of the frontiers. The Governor and Sur-
veyor General of lands undertook to make the purchase
of the lands from the Indians and to be at the charge
of survey and the fees of the officers in obtaining a
patent at the rate of <£3 Sterling for every hundred
acres He was pleased with this proposal, and promised
to bring over a number of families to settle lands on
these conditions. Notwithstanding of this after he had
left New York he went to Maryland and finding that he
could obtain lands no where on so easy terms as in New
York he the next year brought over 30 families On the
importation of these families he was offered a grant of
19,000 acres of land free of all charges except that of the
survey which he neglected to take for reasons which you
will perceive by what follows afterwards. In August
1739 he brought over 41 families more but it is false
that he brought them over or any of them on his own
expense for all of them either paid him for their passages
and freight of their goods or bound themselves as servants
for the payment. He was so far from being a sufferer
that he made a considerable profit by the importation of
these people. After his arrival the 2d time he was
offered land on the conditions offered to him at his first
coming to New York with which he did not comply
and probably was not in any capacity to comply. But
what principally obstructed the Grant was that Capt
Campbel (as Mr Smith calls him) was in no ability to
settle these families either by himself or Avith the assist-
ance of those that came over with them. This
inability was notorious to all who knew Mr Campbell
and the persons who came over with them. He was advised
to apply to the assembly for their assistance to make
that settlement for security of the Frontiers but the
assembly declined giving any assistance because many of
those he had brought over with him refused to settle un-
der him saying that they had left their own country to

ON smith's histoky. 233

free themselves from the Vassalage they were under to
their Lords there and would not become vassals to Laugh-
lin Campbel in America and few or none of them were
willing to settle on the frontiers towards Canada The
Assembly at the same time entertained a bad opinion of
Mr Campbel as one not proper to be trusted. Mr Smith
says that the execution of this project so beneficial to the
province failed by a breach of private faith and public
honour through the sordid views of some persons in
power who aimed at a share in the intended grant to
which Mr Campbel who was a man of spirit would
not consent. This assertion to my own knowledge is
absolutely false When these things happened Mr Smith
was a boy and could have no knowledge of them
and it is impossible that he could have any evidence of
what he asserts such as could induce a man of the least
candour to publish such vile reflections of any other per-
son. It is true that Mr Campbel insisted on his pre-
tensions for a grant of Land pursuant to Col Cosby's
advertisement tho he had been told before he imported
any person that the lands mentioned in that advertise-
ment had been already granted by Col Cosby because he
had nothing else to found his pretensions on. There were
then no lands to be granted which had been purchased of
the Indians and the Government was persuaded that
Mr Campbel sued for a grant with a view only to make
merchandise of the same as he was incapable of settling
a large tract. This they thought intirely opposite to the
view they had of incouraging the settHng of the Fron-
tiers. No man will easily believe that Mr Campbel
would have refused any person a share with him who
had power or influence enough to obtain a grant of so
large a tract for him. What I now write I not only
assert on my own knowledge but I may refer to many
still living and particularly to the persons that Mr
Campbel brought over with tiim for contirniation of the
same. But the whole may be more easily cleared up by a
report of a Committee of Council the 18th and 2 2d of
April 1741 which was appointed to inquire and examine

234 THE GOLDEN LETTERS

into Mr Campbels pretensions. Mr Smith vouches his
having had the minutes of Council under his perusal
as vouchers for the truth of what he writes in his History
In the report of the Committee many particulars appear
to Mr Campbels prejudice which now he is dead I
choose not to repeat. But in this case the Council and
Mr Smith are in direct contradiction. When it is con-
sidered that the minutes of Council are transmitted to
the board of Trade and plantations it is not likely that
Mr Campbel could meet with what Mr Smith calls re-
dress there.

[As Mr Campbell in his petition allwise refers
to a publication by Col Cosby of 100,000 acres of land
allready purchased of the Indians which he promised
such as should transport themselves into this province I
do not pretend to justify what was don by Col Cosby
with respect to those lands All I say is that they were
granted before Mr Campbel came first to New York
and he knew that they were not then in the power of the
Government]

It appears by the remarks which I have made
on several parts of Mr Smiths history that his re-
publican and independent principles have so far preju-
diced him against Governors that in many instances he
slanders their administration without any foundation
and in none more than this for it appears evidently when
the truth is known that the Governor and Sur-
veyor General were at that time zealous in promoting
the settlement of the frontiers by the families which Mr
Campbel imported had it been in their power to do it
and had not he by his bad conduct and private sinister
views prevented the assistance which the assembly other-
wise might have given towards makeing that settlement
The agreement made with Mr Campbel by the Gov""
and Surv'' Gen' shews it was on much easier terms
than lands could be at that time obtained so easy
that they could not thereby propose any private ad-
vantage to themselves and yet he never mentioned this
agreement in any petition he made on this occasion tho'

ON SMITFl's HISTORY. 235

he confessed it before the committee because lie was not
in a capacity to comply it was inconsistent with the real
view he had of obtaining these lands for merchandise
Mr Smith by makeing the least reflection if he had in-
clined to have considered the matter impartially might
easily see that it could not be expected that the Gov-
ernor or other officers intrusted with the grant of lands
could make the purchase at their own expense and the
necessary surveys of such a large tract and far less at
their own expense go through all the charges necessary
for making the settlements and maintaining the people
till they could maintain themselves by their own labour
for it is most certain that Mr Campbel and his companj^
were in no capacity of settling themselves even supposing
the land had been given them free of all charges He
might on the least reflection see that their private for-
tunes were not sufficient for such an undertaking and
unless this expense could be some way provided for it Avas
impossible to make the proposed settlement and that
without this were previously taken care of the granting
of such a large tract of land could only serve private
and sinister purposes. Never was a laudable zeal for
the public benefit more grossly and injuriously misrepre-
sented than this has been don.

III.

DOCUMENTS

RELATING TO

THE ADMINISTRATION

JACOB LEISLBR.

NOTE

The Journals of the New York Council and Convention which
are here given are copies from the originals in the British Public Re-
cord Office ( Colonial Entry BooJc, No. 75), where they have hither-
to escaped the attention of students of our Colonial history. They
are mentioned in a letter of the Council of New York to the Earl
of Shrewsbury, with which they were transmitted to England
June 10, 1689 {N. Y. Col. Doe. III. 585), and in common with
most of the other documents which follow were procured by Mr,
George H, Moore, in the course of researches for his collection
of the Statutes at Large of N^ew- York from 1664 to 1691,

Of those which follow the Journals, the greater part have been
copied from the manuscripts of Pierre Eugene Du Simitiere, most
of which are preserved in the collection of the Library Company
of Philadelphia. Du Simitiere describes them as " Copies of
Original Papers relating to the publick transactions in the Province
of New York at the time of the Revolution and for several years
afterwards beginning [with the] latter end of the administration of
Lieut. Gov. Nicholson and during the Government of Capt" Jacob
Leisler, Colo. Slaughter, Maj. Ingoldsby, Gov. Fletcher and the
Earl of Bellomont containing the publick proceedings of Capt"
Jacob Leisler, of Major Ingoldsby, Col. Bayard and others, an ac.
count of Leisler and Milborne's tryal and execution and the
methods taken by his son Jacob Leisler in England to have the
attainder reversed and their estates restored to the family, with all
the petitions to the King, Queen, House of Lords, Lords of Com-
mittee of Trade and Plantations, &c. together with several acts
of Parliament and Assembly and many other original papers con-
cerning the said transactions. Copied from the originals in the
possession of Mr, Abraham Gouverneur of New York, great-grand-

240 PREFATORY NOTE.

son of Capt. Jacob Leisler, who favored me with the use of them
in August, 1769."

Mrs. Farmer, a daughter of Abraham Gouverneur who married
the widow of Milborne, also appears to have had some of the family-
papers in her possession in July, 1759, at which time she furnished
Smith the historian with a copy of the Act reversing the attainders,
which he added in a note to his revised work.

They were evidently the family papers of the Lei slers, collected
and preserved as the documents on which they relied for the vin-
dication of the sufferers and the support of their claims for redress.
(See '"''Loyalty Vindicated^'' etc., post, pp. 385-386.)

If the originals are still in existence, they seem to be unknown
to our historical students, who owe a large debt of gratitude to
the memory of the accomplished artist-stranger who devoted
himself with so great assiduity to the collection of materials to
illustrate the history of his adopted .country, and whose labors in
this field are hardly indicated in the extracts from them which
are presented in the following pages. A suitable biography of this
neglected and almost forgotten pioneer in American History
would be a just and honorable though tardy tribute to his fame,
creditable alike to its author and subject.

Some of the papers in the Du Simitiere collection were copied
many years ago, probably for the late Dr. Miller, and these copies
are in the Society's collection of MSS. As they have been printed,
with many additional documents fi'om the State archives in the
second volume of the Documentary History of New York, it is not
deemed advisable to reprint them here.

The Society is indebted to Mr. S. Alofsen for the translations
of the Dutch Documents which appear in the following pages;
and to Mr. Lloyd P. Smith, Librarian of the Library Company
of Philadelphia, for liberal facilities in the use of the treasures iu
his care.

DOCUMENTS RELATING TO
THE ADMINISTRATION OE LEISLEK

Minutes of the Councell att New Yorke from pmo
March to June the [eleventh] 1689.
Fortt James Frayday the first day of March 168|-.

Present :

The Leften* Govern"'* Nicholson
Major Eredrick Phillips
Major Steph. Van Cortlandt
Coll. NiCH. Bayard.

This (lay came Robertt Ewel and John Teysack from
Philadelphia and brought unto the leften* Gouverno""
Nicholson, a letter from Cap" John Blackwell Gouverno""
of Pensilvania with a copy off an examination off one
Zagharia Wliitepaine lately come from England. The
substance off which Examination is that the Prince off
Oranoe had invaded Eno;land and severall other trans-
actions there, as by said examination more att large
appeares.*

The said letter and examination being read Robert
Ewel and John Teysack ware examined about the pre-
mises, and said last Saturday night Zaghariah Wliite-
paine arrived att Philadelphia whereupon the said John
Teysack was commanded to call the councel there to-
gether. Who being mett the said Zaghariah White-

[* The examination is printed in tlie Minutes of the Provincial Council of
Pennsylvania, 24th February, 1688-9. Colonial Records : i. 246, 249. Whit-
paiue left Londoa on the luth or 12th of December, 1688.]
16

242 DOCUMENTS RELATING TO THE

paine was examined, and thatt the said Governor Black-
well r2;ave unto the said John Teysack the above said
letter to carry and deliver the same unto the Leitenant
Gouverno"" Francis Nicholson att New Yorcke.

The said Robertt Ewel and John Teysak alsoo
lirought severall letters for ^ticular Inhabitants in this
Towne beinge seaventeen in number w"^ they delivered
to this Board.

Resolved, that for the prevention off any tumult and
the divulging of soe strange news. The said letters be
opened to see if they contained the same substance off
England's being invaded, which was forthwith done, and
seen. That in a letter from John Blackwell directed to
William Blackwell Marchant att Boston alsoo one letter
from Le Tort directed to Isaack Des Champs march* att
New Yorcke, contained the same news which made this
Board give the more creditt to itt.

Whereupon it was further resolved forthwith to send
Expresses both by water and land, unto his Excellency
S"" Edmond Andros Governou'' in chieff to acquaint him
with this matter, and to send unto him a coppy off the
letter of Examination as alsoo the letter directed to
William Blackwell, and that the other letters except
that of IM"" Des Champs should be sent to the Post
house to be delivered to y^ owners w"^ was accordingly
done.

Soe copies ware taken and sent by water with Thomas
Broocks, and by land with English Smith, expresse sent
for this purpose with this following letter, viz" : —

New Yorcke 168| March the 2°"*.
Sr,

Yesterday morning was the Post John Perry dis-
patched from hence to your Excellency, since the Leften-
ant Gouvern*" received this morning a letter from GouV-
erno'' Blackwell from Pensilvania, a copy whereoff is
here inclosed together with the news that he relates was
come to his hands, which we find to be off thatt import
that we have thought it our Duty to communicate the

ADMINISTRATION OF LEISLER. 243

same to y"" Excellency by this Expresse Soe with all
humility desiring y'" Excellencies comands in these parts
wee Kemaine

S"" y"" Excellencies humble Serv**
F. Nicholson
Fred^ Phillips
Steph. Van Cortlandt
Nich. Bayard

Resolved, thatt M"" Matthew Plowman shall pay unto
English Smith six pounds in money to defray his charges
to Boston, and what he shall desei^^e more is referred to
his Excellency.

This Board considring thatt his Majesties money and
the contreis for the Tax in the hands off M'" Matthew
Plowman his Majesties collector is not safe at his lodging
being a private house and a great distance from the Fortt,

Resolved, that the said Collector bring all the said
money he hath in his hands into his Majesties Fort
James there to be locked up in a strong chest and sealed
by him for the better securing off the same till further
order from his Excellency.

New Yorcke, 1689, J._^m7 the W"
Whereas information hath been given unto the Lef-
tenant Governo'" off a ship being in distresse and having
lost his masts near Barnegate The Leftenant Gouver-
nour gave the following certificate and order to help the
said ship to be brought up, viz.

By the Leften* Gouvernor.
Whereas I am informed that a ship or vessel about
ten miles off from Sandy point is seen lying att ancor
without any masts and in distresse, These are therefore
to certifie all whom it may concerne that Cap* Benjamin
Blagge and M'' Gabriell Thomason in the sloope Hope-
well are sent downe to enquu-e after said ship or vessell
and to assist her (if need bee) as much as they are able
to doe.

244 DOCUMENTS RELATING TO THE

Given under my hand and seale in New Yorcke this
15*^day off Aprill A J 689.

Fr. Nicholson.

Pursuant to send orderBenjaminBlagge sailed thither
and found the ship to belong to Milfortt Samuel Fitz
Comander from Barbadoes, and came up with her to
New Yorcke.

Order was given to M*" Matthew Plowman to pay
unto M' Blagge and M"" Gabriell Thompson for sloop
hire & provision &c, the sum of foure pounds eight shil-
lings and six pence.

New Yorcke 1689— xlj^rzY the 26"^

The Leften* Governou'" conveaned those off the Coun-
cel here together and produced a declaration from the
gentlemen, marchants and Inhabitants off Boston, and
the Country adjacent dated Aprill the eighteenth 1689,
setting forth the reasons for their apprehending and tak-
ing in custody his Excellency the Gouvernor Sr. Edmond
An dross. Then one M"" Veasey an enseign off a Com-
pany in Brantry near Boston who brought the abovesaid
declaration to the Leftenant Gouverno'' appeared and
rescited thatt

His Excellency S"" Edmond Andros by the Inhabi-
tants off Boston the IS*'' instant was secured in the Fortt
att Boston, That they had taken the Castel and the Fri-
gatt, That they had seized Capt. George, Capt. Trifry,
Enseign Andros, M*" Randlph, West, Graham Palmer
ITscher, Leggit, Belliafant ond others and committed
them to the prison. That Capt. Winthrop, Coll. Srimp-
ton. Coll. Page, John Nelson, &c., ware the chief actors
in this affaire.

This news was a great surprizall to the Leftenant
Gouvernor and Councill, and being but foure in number
it was

Besolved, That the Mayer should call the Aldermen
and Comon Councill fortwith together to acquaint them
with this ill news, and to advise together what best is to

ADMINISTRATION OF LEISLER. 245

be done for his Majesties service and the quieting of the
Inhabitants in this conjuncture and troublesome times.

New Yorcke, 1689. Aiwil the 27'*
The Leften* Gouverno'' Nicholson.
Major Fredrick Phillips.
Coll. NicH. Bayard,
Stephanus Van Cortlandt.

Upon hearing the Revolutions att Boston and rumors
of war from abroad between England and French and
the number off the Councill being soe few, considring
the necessity that all affairs ought to be put m good
order, the peace kept and gouvernement secured from
invasion abroad

Its ordered and resolved,

That the Mayor, Aldermen and Conion Councell with
the Chief military officers be called together this after-
noone to meet the Leftenant Gou^ernor and Councill
att the Towne Hall. There to advise whatt need-
ful is to be done in this troublesome times for the
quietnesse off the people and security off the Gouvern-
ment.*

And some of the Councell informing the Gouverno'
of the jealousies and fears off the Inhabitants of this
Citty by reason of the small number off soldiers in the
Fortt, and most of them infirme and old and thatt it
would bee demanded by some off the Cap^^ off the mili-
tia That some off their soldiers might keep the guard in
the Fortt, to prevent the same, it was resolved to pro-
])ose the same to them To shew our willingnesse to de-
fend the fortt Citty and Gouvernmentt against any
comon enemy.

That alsoo the Justices off the peace and Cheeff mili-
tary officers in the severall Counties be sent for To tell
them of their duty and to be aiding and assisting to

[* The Minutes of the General Meetings held under this call on the 27th
April and subsequently until the 6th of June, 1689, follow these Council
Minutes in this volume: post: pp. 272-290.]

246 DOCUMENTS RELATING TO THE

keep the people in peace and to endeavour the welfare
and security off the government.

Then ihe following letter was sent.

New Yorcke 1689, Ap"" the 27*\
Gentlemen,

Having received the surprising news that the Inhabi-
tants off Boston have sett up a government for them-
selves, and alsoo off rumors of warr from abroad it is
thought necessary to convene some off the cheef officers
to meet us. These are therefore to desire That the sev-
erall Justices off the Peace Leften* Cornells, Majors and
Captaines now in Comission in your County, appeare
before us heare att New Yorke on

att two off the clocke in the afternoone to advise what
best is to be done for the safety and security off the
Province soe not doubting off your complyance
Pemaine y"" frinds

Fr. Nicholson

Fred. Phillips

Step. Van Cortlandt

Nich. Bayard.

This letter was sent to the severall Counties to meet
according to their distances from New Yorcke and not
to hinder them from their businesse att home, viz*,
Kings County to meet next Monday
Queens County Tuesday

Westchester County Wednesday

Bergen County Thiresday

Richmond County the same

Collonell Hamelton att Amboy ye same.

Monday the 29"' off Aprill
The Justices oft' the Paice, and Cap*' off the militia in
King's County came, and promised to doe all their en-
deavours to keep the people in quietnesse and defend
the country against the comon ennemy and resolved to
sett out a centry att Conny Island to keep a continuell

ADMINISTRATION OF LEISLER. 247

watch to looke out at sea, and if above two ships comes
together then to send an expresse to the Gouvernor to
acquaint his honor therewith, and that the forces of said
County should march to Nesack Bay to hinder any
landing, if an ennemy, and if it should happen that the
enemy should land, then the Gouvernor is resolved to
gether all the strengt he can to beat the ennemy from
Long Island. But if the ennemy should saile thorrow
the narrows up to New Yorcke then the forces off Kings
County are to march to New Yorcke and the boats at
New Yorcke shall be sent to bring them over. In mean-
time orders should be sent to the coimties of Westchester,
Queens, Bichmond, and Bergen County to assist us
with A\hat men they can.

Thursday the ^Oth off Aprill.
Major Willett, Capt. Jackson and other civil and
military officers from Queens County came and met the
Gouvernour & Councill and promised all the assistance
their country can afford, and would endeavour to en-
courage the inhabitants to peace and quietnesse.

Wednesday^ the first day of May.
Capt. Panton and other officers from Westchester
came and promised all assistance their county can aford
upon notice given and that they would endeavour to
keep their people in peace and quietnesse.

Thursday the '2d off May.
The Justices off the peace off Bergen County and
East Yarsay came and mett the Gouvernor, viz\ Coll,
Hamilton, Coll. Townly, Capt. Berry, Capt. Bowne &
Magistrates off Bergen all promising that they would be
aiding and assisting to reprias any comon eneni}' and
because there are noe military officers in comission in
the County or corporation off Bergen, Hans Diderich
was appointed Capt. Jurriaen Thomas Leftenant and
Claes Teers Enseigne off said Corporation and com-
missions given accordingly. A long debate was about

248 DOCUMENTS RELATING TO THE

setting up beacons upon the highland off Kensselaers
hoocke but nothing concluded.

Fnjday the ^d of May.

The civill and military officers from Richmond
County came and mett the Gouvernor and Coancell att
the towne-hall.

The Gouvernor recommended to them to be watch-
full with courage and if any ships above the number off
two should come within Sandy hooke to give us notice
thereoff and in meantime to keep peace and unity
amongst the people which they promised to doe.

It was alsoe the 27tli off Aprill past considering the
small number off' Councell that is remaining off thirty
nine, and not authorized to act as a greater number
could doe That the following letter be sent to the rest
of the Councell, viz\

New Yorcke, 1689 Aprill the 27th.

Sr. ^

Having received the surprizing news that the In-
habitants of Boston have sett up a Gouvernment for
themselves and disabled his Excellency the Capt. Gen-
erall and Gouvernor in Chieff from acting in the govern-
ment These are therefore to desire you That you would
come with all expedition to advise and consult with us
what proper is to be done for the safety and welfare off
the Gouvernment this Citty and part of the gouvernment
being resolved to continue in their station till further
order. Soe not doubting off y'^ complyance Remaine,
y friends & humble Servants
Fr. Nicholson
Fred. Phillips
Step. Van Cortlandt,
Nich. Bayard.

This letter was sent to

Major Generall Winthrop

Cornell Treat

Cornell Allen

Cornell Yonars

ADMINISTRATION OF LEISLEE. 249

Cornell Pinchere
Walter Clarke Esq.
Walter Newburry Esq.
Major Smith

To each of them a Letter.

New Yorcke 1G89, A2Drai 30''
The Leftent Gouvernor & Councill mett con sicl ring
the dangerous times and for the prevention off disturb-
ances did think it convenient to send the following let-
ters to the Magistrates off Albany and Ulster to desire
them to keep all people in peace and quietnesse, viz^

New Yorke 1689, Aprill the 30th.
Gentlemen,

Having heard the surprizing news that
the Inhabitants of Boston have seized upon the person
off his Excellency Sr. Edmond Andros the Gouvernor
in Chieffe and severall other persons off quality. These
are therefore to acquaint you therewith and to desire
all magistrates, justices of the peace, sherriftes Consta-
bles &c. to use their utmost endeavours to keep all per-
sons in peace and quietnesse and that all military officers
keep good watch and their men all well exercised, arm-
ed and equipt according to law, Soe remain Yr. friends
Fr. Nicholson
Fred. Philips
Steph. Van Cortlandt
Nich. Bayard
To the Civil and
Military Officers
att Ulster.

New Yorcke 1689, Ap. the 30*^
S'
Wee are hartly sorrow to acquaint you off the ill
news that the bastaines have seized his Excellency Sr.
Edmond Andros the Gouvernor with severall other
gentlemen. Wee are at quiit and hope it is so with
you, wee dajly expect to hear from England and

250 DOCUMENTS RELATING TO THE

further news from Boston, and as soon as it comes to
us, shall acquaint you therewith by the first opportunity
in meane time wee desire that you will doe your endeavor
to keep all people in peace and quiitnesse. Soe remain
Your frinds

Fr. Nicholson

Fred. Phillips

Step. Van Cortlandt.

Nich. Bayard.
To Major Baxter

one off the Councell and Coniander
att Fort Albany.

New Yorche, 1689. May the first.

The Left en* Gouverno'" and Councell mett thincking
it to be their duty to write the following letter to his Ex-
cellency S*" Edmond Andros the Gouvern"" in Chieff yv/}

May it Please Y"" Excellency.

It was an extraordinary surprizall for us to
hear off the Confusions that the Inhabitants att Boston
have occasioned in the Gouvernment by usurping that
part off the Gouvernment to themselves, and that they
have seized the person of your Excellency and soverall
off your officers. Wee cannott imagine that any such
actions can proceed from any person of quality amongst
them, but rather promoted by the rable. And that for
the safety off your Excellency's person those measures
have been taken, butt hope and doubt not before this
the furie of those ill psons may be allaied, and that your
Excellency and the rest off the ofiicers may be restored
to their former station. In the meantime wee can doe
noe lesse than as to condole your Excell"* troubles. And
as for this part off the gouvernment wee find the peoj^le
in generall to be inclined to peace and quietnesse and
doubt not will remaine loyall. The most troubles wee
meet withall is occasioned by the remouvall off the Ke-
cords off this part off the gouvernment to Boston for
the want off which severall psons have made their com-
plaints to us desiring our endeavours that the same may

ADMINISTRATION OF LEISLER. 251

be returned to this office, wee therefore desire that your
Excellency for the more quieting off the minds off our
people will take such measures that the said Records
with the first opportunity may be remitted to this place
wee are hourly in great hope to hear better news off
y Excellency and oft' your good health, which will be
most acceptable to us, who are as in duty bound your
Excellency's most humble Servants

Signed Fr. Nicholson

Fred. Phillips.

Steph. Van Cortlandt.

Nich. Bayard.

The Leftenant gouverneur & Councell did thitick it
alsoo to be their duty to write and send the following
letter to the gentlemen att Boston, viz*

To Simon Broadstreet & Wayt Winthrop Esq*"^ and
others att Boston,

New Yorcke, 1689, pm° May

Gentlemen,

It was an extraordinary surprizall to us
to hear off the confiisions the Inhabitants att Boston
have occasioned by taking that part off the gouverne-
ment to themselves, and that they have seized upon the
person off his Excellency and severall off the offi.cers.
Wee cannot imagine that any such actions can proceed
from any person of quality amongst them but reather
promoted by the rable. And that for the safety off his
Excellency's person those measures have been taken,
but hope and doubt not before this time the furie off
said psons may be allaid, and that his Excellency and
the rest off the officers may be restored to their former
stations, or at least have liberty to come heither, for this
part of the gouvernement Avee find the people in general!
inclined to peace and quiitnesse and doubt not but will
remaine in their duties. Wee doe not question but you
will send us a speedy answer, the matter being oft' so
great a consequence. Tending to the peace and quiet-

252 DOCUMENTS RELATING TO THE

nesse off us all which if you doe wee remaine Y"" frinds

& servants Fr. Nicholson

Fred. Philips
Steph. Van Cortlandt
Nicholas Bayard

Neiv Yorcke, 1689. Mciy the ^'^
Having heard off the troubles and disturbances in Suf-
folk County on Long Island, The Gouvernor and Coun-
cell did thinck itt necessary to write and send the follow-
ing letter to Major Howell att Southampton.

New Yorcke, 1689. May y" 4th.

Being informed that some disturbances have lately
hapened in your Pari . . . which hope is put to an end
ere this by your prudent management, and for the pre-
vention off the like in these parts. Wee use all our
endeavours to keej) the people in peace and quietnesse
and are daily bussie to fortify the fortt and Citty that
wee may bee in a fitt posture to resist any forraign en-
nemy. And that we may be the more able to doe the
same wee have desired the civill and military officers in
the counties neare to us to be aiding and assisting in soe
good a design who have all promised upon notice given
to be assistant therein that soe wee may jointly with
heart and hand reprices a comon ennemy. Wee have
to that effect sent a letter to Coll, Yongs with a desire
that he would speedly come to advice and consult with
us whatt is proper to be done for the safety and welfare
off the gouvernement. This letter was intended to be
sent before now but, hearing off one Stephen Bayley to
be in towne, come expresse to take notice and inspection
over our actions and proceedings here. Wee sent for
him who told us that it was all your desires that this
towne and fortt might be well fortifyed, and if wee de-
sired assistance off men, that the County of Suffolk
would help us with them if occasion. Wee ware also
informed that there are some great guns in your parts.

ADMINISTRATION OF LEISLER. 253

which might easily be had, wee therefore desire you to
acquaint us what quantity you have &c. on what terms
you would lett us have the same for fortifying this towne,
and if on reasonable terms wee will endeavour to agree
with you for the same. If two off the Justices and two off
the cheeffe military officers off your parts come heather
speedily to informe us off what condition you are in and
to see in whatt posture we are. In order to oppose the
French or any other forraigne ennemy it will be very
acceptable to your loving friends, signed

Fr. Nicholson
Fred. Phillips
Steph. Van Cortlandt
Nich. Bayard.

Neio Yorche, 1689, if 8"^ Matj
The Gouvemor & Councell thought itt very necessarj^
to write the following letter to Major Howel att South
Hampton to give them an Account off the affaires att
Boston and alsoo att Albany to give them an Ace' the
story off the Indians and French is not true, but all well
there.

New Yorcke, 8 May 1689.

S".

Since our last to you off the fourth instant by Stephen
Bayly offers here little off moment onely that the revenue
of the gouvernement is ordered to be applied towards
the fortityinge off this Citty against anj^ attack or inva-
sion that might be attempted by any forraign ennem}-.
And this very morning began the inhabitants to worke
upon the said fortifications by whole companies, from
Albany wee ware alarmed by the reports off" some
aproching danger off the Indians and French of Canada.
But by the last vessel which arrived here on Sunday
last wee have certaine intelligence by some off the chieff
traders' and magistrates there, that nothing off such
danger was feared by them, since the said re[)orts proved
to them altogether false, and our Indians dajly coming

254 DOCUMENTS RELATING TO THE

in with Beavers, promising this summer a good trade.
The Post John Perry came here on Monday nigt from
Boston with several! letters, by which wee understand,
that partt of the gouvernment to be in a great confusion
occasioned by their late rash proceedings, severall off
the persons of quality begin to looke backe and attribute
now all to the rable. That theire ships and vessells al-
ready loaden dare nott departt because none can obtaine
any clearings and that some doe intend very speedily
heither only to take out their said clearings. All the
Justices and cheeff military officers of the counties ad-
jacent have been advised in this conjuncture off time
what may produce most to the comon safety and have
unanimously promised upon the first allarm that shall be
given them, to come and assist the citty and fort with
all their forces. These are now further to desire that
you will be pleased to conveane the cheefFe off the civill
and military officers and communicate the premises and
off our desires that they will in like manner upon the
first allarm given afford this city and fortt all the assistr
ance imaginable by sending down their forces, with all
possible speed. And that due advertisement may be
given us off their willingnesse either by an answer from
yrselfe or by sending some person to us. Soe not doubt-
ing off your compliance wee remaine S^.
Y"". frinds and Servants

Fr. Nicholson
Fred. Philips
Steph. Van Cortlandt
Nich. Bayard.

New Yorcke, 1689. May the 9'
Major Thomas Willett and Cap* John Jackson ap-
peared and acquainted the gouvernor and Councell that
the men in Queens County that have been with Coll.
Thomas Dongan in the late expedition at Albany are all
in armes and the whole county in an uproar, desiring that
they might be paid money being raised for that purpose,
&c. After mature deliberation for quieting the minds off

ADMINISTRATION OF LEISLER. 255

the people and securing and keeping tlie peace off the
gouvernement it is ordered that an order be given to Mi-.
Matthew Plowman to pay unto Capt. Jackson aforesaid
the sume of one hundred and sixteen pounds thirteene
shillings, being the arrears due to the men that ware
prest out off said County. But hearing that said
County had paid unto the Collector aforesaid But iburty
two ])ounds tenn shillings and three pence on account of
their Taxt it is further ordered Thatt an order shall be
sent to the Justices of said County to call the severall
Collectors before them off said County, and to give them
an order to pay unto Capt. John Jackson aforesaid the
sume of seaventy foure pounds two shillings six pence
halfe penny which with the fourty two pounds tenn
shillings and three pence aforesaid compleats the whole
sume oft' one hundred sixteen pounds thirteen shillings
halfe penny.

Then this followino- order was o-iven

Whereas it hath been thought convenient by the Lef-
tenant Gouvernor and Councill that M'' Matthew Plo>v-
man should pay unto Capt. John Jackson the sume of
one hundred sixteen pounds thirteen shillings and halfe
a penny, to pay the arrearages of what is due to the sol-
diers that ware under his comand in the late expedition
att Albany. But finding that Queens County hath
brought in onely the sume of fourty two pounds ten
shillings and tenn pence, These are therefore to require
you to call before }'ou the severall Collectors off 3'our
County, and to order them to pay or cause to be paid
unto the said Capt. John Jackson the sume off seaventy
foure pounds, two shillings and six pence halfe a penny
in order to pay all his soldiers aforesaid for which this
order and his receipt shall be your discharge.

Dated att New Yorcke this 9'^ day off May 1689.
Signed

Fr. Nicholson
Fred. Phillips
Steph. Van Cortlandt
Nich. Bayard.

256 DOCUMENTS RELATING TO THE

New Yorche, May y' 12'^ 1689.
This morning the Leften^ Gouvernor received a letter
from the Mayor att Albany, That the Indians had gott
some jealousies in their heads which if not prevented
might cause greatt mischieff, it is therefore thought fitt
to send them the folloAving letter, viz'

New Yorcke, 12 May, 1689.

Gentlemen,

This morning came to our hands by these
bearers a letter from the Mayor att Albany acquainting
us off the affaires off the Inhabitants off thatt County in
regard off the Indians, occasioned by the jealousies
raised amongst them that Gouvernor Andros last win-
ter att the Eastward had agreed with those off Canada
to destroy the five cantons nations. Wee have cause to
beleeve that those jealousies are come over to them by
some ill affected persons from New England, since wee
about three months past had the news here from Boston
that severall libells ware disperst there to the same ef-
fect, and although the same is sufficiently contradicted
and is proved to be a mere falsehood, yett since itt is so
printed in the mindes off those heathens it will be in
vaine to be overpressing with them to d is wade them
thereoff, wee are off the same opinion with your selfe that
it would be most distructive to this gouvernment that
by occasion off said jealousies the said five nations
should joine with Canicla, you have therefore done very
well that you have already sent two persons to the
Maquaas land to endeavor by all possible meanes to re-
move any such jealousies and doe judge it further most
safe that you proceed in like manner by sending alsoo
to the rest off the nations as you conveniently can, and
to acquaint them either by y' selves or by such persons
as you shall thinck fitt and know to be most acceptable
to the Indians.

Imprimus^ that wee have news from beyond the
Zeas that the English and the Dutch nations are
joined together cheefily to curb the pride of France,

ADMINISTRATION OF LEISLEE. 257

and that wee clayly expect orders to be in warr with
them.

Secondly^ That from Boston wee had about three
months agoe intelligence that Sr, Edmond Andros had
joined with the French, But that it was since contra-
dicted, That he was now seized on att Boston, But thatt,
wee could not hear any such thing was laid to his charge
and thereby concluded to be a falsehood.

Thirdly^ That they might be assured off the entire
and old friendship off the Inhabitants off this gouvern-
ment Thatt wee are now fortifying off New Yorcke,
although wee doe not feare the French, only to be upon
our guard, and to be ready when orders comes from be-
yond Zea which we expect will be to figt the French as
our and their ennemy to bring them low.

Fourthly^ That the persons here made a stop to their
late victories against Canida are laid aside and that
they need nott to suffer any more abuses from those off
Canida. That the five nations therefore must stick to-
gether and not suffer any of them to goe to Canida for
to be deluded, poisoned or betrayed nor to suffer any
French to live amongst them.

Fifftly^ That if they shall see cause att their going in
warr against any off their ennemies, to leave their old
wives and childi'en amonghst the Christians near Albany,
That care will be taken for their maintenance and pro-
tection.

Sixtly^ To remove all jealousies which the French or
others might have raised against the gouvernra* and to
assure them of our fiiendship, you are to present to each
of the five nations one barrell of powder to be iraployed
if need be against our and their ennemy.

Gentlemen this is at presentt what wee can thinck
may bee convenient to bee offered, but since the tempers,
and the manners of the Indians are best knowne to your
selves, We leave to your menagement the wordings off
the proposalls and the adding off' what }'ou will find to
be more needfull tending for the comon satety of your
county in particular as well as tiie gouvernment in
17

258 DOCUMENTS RELATING TO THE

generall. But as for to suffer any to goe and trade in
the country wee thinck it not safe. And by all meanes
you most take prudent care that noe cause of offence be
given frora our side. And although any harme should
be done by any Indian (which God forbid) That you be
onely in the defensive part for to prevent an open warr.
But that you rather endeavour to quell any such offences
as criminalls and offenders against any knowne law of the
gouverneinent. In the meantime wee recomand you to
be watch full with courage and to diswade the people
from being allarmed att every idle Indian story. En-
deavour cheefly to preserve peace and unity amongst
yourselves which is alsoo our cheevest studie here, wait-
ing with 2^atience daily to receive orders from England.
In hopes whereoff wee remaine
Gentlemen

y frinds and Servants

Fr. Nicholson

Fred. Philips

Steph. Van Cortlandt.

Nich. Bayard.
This letter was comunicated to the Mayor Aldermen
Comon Councell militarie officers and the gentlemen
from Suffolk on Long Island, and approved off by them
all without any contradiction.

Fort James the 13*'^ day of May, 1689.

The Auditor Stephanus Van Cortlandt complaining
that the Collector M'" Matthew Plowman is much back-
ward in making up his acc*% and by his computa-
tion much indebted, and alsoo that the said Collector
refuses to pay a Bill drawne upon him by the Leftenant
Gouvernor to pay unto M"" Bristoll thirty pounds.

Its ordered that M"" Plowman be sent for, who coming
said he had noe money in Cash

Then it was further ordered that the Collector M
Plowman bring in the Secretaries office all his boockes, and
papers relating to his Majesties revenue both off receipts
and disbursements tog-ether with his Commission and

ADMINISTRATION OF LEISLER. 259

Instructions and to remaine and stay till he hath given
an exact account thereoff, and further order from this
Board.

Neiv Yorche 15 May 1689.

The Leften* Gouvernor and Councell being mett to-
gether did thinck it very necessary that an a*""- ought to
be given to the piincipall secretar}'- off State and the
Secretary off plata9ons, off the state and condi-
tion off this gouvernment, whereupon the followhig
letter was sent by John Corbett master off the ship
Beaver as p"" receit.

May it please y'' Honor.

Wee have received from severall parts most various
raports concerning the p-sent state off" affaires in Europe
and in particular off the unparaleld changes in England,
yett to this very day altogether distitute off any certain-
ty which wee hope to receive ere long. In the meane-
while wee have thougt it our duty by this opportunity
for to give your honour some ace* off the troublesome
state and condition off this Province and Gouvernm\

Your Hono'' will find by the inclosed printed sum-
mons and declaration upon what pretence some off the
Inhabitants marchants and gentry off Boston and places
adjacent have throwne downe all manner of gouvern-
ment there and set up for themselves. They have alsoo
seized the gouvernor S"" Edmond Andros with several
off his Councell officers and gentlemen which still are
kept in close custodie and prison, disbanded the standard
melitia and in fine (as it is reported) suffer the rabble to
comit severall insolences.

The Collonies off Rhoad Island and Connecticott
have followed their steps and as it is reported, have
chosen for them selves alsoo new Gouvernours in soe
much that this part off the dominion was onely inclined
to rest at peace, and quiet till orders doe arrive and
would undoubtedly soe continued unlesse the seed off
sedition had been blazed from thence to some outward
skirts off this province.

And at first in Suffolck County being the east end

260 DOCUMENTS RELATING TO THE

off Long Island all majestrates and military officers
ware put out by the people and others chosen by them.
The same patterne was alsoo followed by Queens-County
and County of Westchester.

This would not satisfie them, but upon hopes to find
the Inhabitants off this citty divided and on a faire
pretence to be exceedingly concerned and zealous for the
safety off the Citty and fortt against any attack or
invasion off the French, gi-eatt part off their melitie
have taken up armes and are now come at or neare
Jamaico about fourteen miFes from this place, in order
if they could to make themselves master off this Citty
and fortt to plunder as it is feared this Citty or at least
such members as they would see cause to expose to y®
rabble ; and to that end severall of them with the assist-
ance off some ill affected and restlesse spiritts amongst
us, used all imaginable meanes to stirr up the Inhabitants
off this Citty to sedition and rebellion, but God be
thanked who hath blessed our endeavours that wee have
hetherto prevented their dangerous designs, but know
not how long wee shall be able to resist their further
attempts.

But now wee ware anew allarmed fi'om Albany that
some Indians in that County ware jealous off this
gouvernment and that some Insolencies had been comit-
ted by them occasioned as wee suppose by meanes off
some libells and falsehoods lately come from Boston
possessing the Indians with feare that Sir Edmond had
joined with the French off Canida to cutt them off.

Its most certaine that the Gouvernor off Canida will
not slip this opportunity to inflame those jealousies and
all faire and plaiesable meanes endeavour to unite our
Indians to himselfe which would tend to the utter ruine
off all the English settlem*^ on this Continent.

Wherefore wee shall not be wanting to use our ut-
most endeavors for the removing off said jealousies and
the securing off our five Cantons and warlike Indian
nations to our selves. In the midst off all the troubles
within our selves wee ware dajly allarmed with rumors

ADMINISTRATION OF LEISLER. 261

off warr ^^dth France, which occasioned a resolve to be
made for new fortifying oflF this Citty since all the
former (for what reason wee know not) are suffered to
fail to ruine, if not for some part demolished, but how
to raise money for the accomplishing of any such forti-
fications noe way could be found to resolve us there in as
our condition is now.

Att this very conjuncture off time began severall off
the inarchants to dispute the paying off any costumes
and other duties as illegally established and seeing thatt
it was not possible to put a stop to their currant or to
uphold the revenue on the same foot wee conveaned all
the civell and military officers off this Citty and with
their consent and advise did order that the said revenue
arrizing by the customs, excise and weigh being from
this first day off this instant month off May should be
applyed towards the paying and defraying off the
charges off said fortifications by which meanes wee hope
in some manner to preserve the said revenue.

The Collector Matthew Plowman has been ever since
the five and twentieth day off March last dayly called
upon to give in his Ace* off the revenue till said date
according to order, and since he hath hetherto delayed
to perforrae said order as also for the more security wee
thought it most safe to call out off his hands and secure
in the fortt what little money off the revenue and the
contry tax was in his hands, which is sealed up by him
selfe in a chest.

The Auditor is now busie in auditing said accounts
but our time being wholy taken up in keeping all things
in order must be sent by the next opportunity.

In all these Revolutions and troubles wee have been
deprived off all advice and assistance off any other off
the members off the Councell soe thatt all the burthen
in this present conjuncture has onely laine on those few
members residing in New Yorcke.

Wee sent a letter to Gouvernor Andros since his
confinement as alsoo one to Simon Broadstreet and

262 DOCUMENTS RELATING TO THE

Waj't Wintlirop Esq" att Boston but have received noe
answer.

This part of the Gouvernment by occasion of said
revolutions deprived from its free course off justice since
the judges appointed for this circuit are alsoo in custodie
att Boston by which meanes many here suffer exceed-
ingly both in person and estate.

It would now alsoo bee very needful for to lay open
how fatall it hath been for this Citty and province off
New Yorcke soe to bee annexed to that off Boston which
if it had long continued would occasioned the totall
mine off the inhabitants oft' said province.

But since wee conject that the present conjuncture
off affaires in generall will not admit off any emediat
redres wee shall therefore not trouble yo"" Honor att
|)resent therewith onely hoping and most humbly pray-
ing that the inhabitants off this province may receive
that comon justice thatt nothing be determined to their
disadvantage before the severall greevances oft' this
province be heard, and that your honor will be pleased
to make such their complaints knowne to such as may
be able to give releeffe therem till wee can receive certaine
intelligences and needfull orders w"*" wee dayly expect
and shall in the interim remaine, May it please your
Honor

Your hon"^" humble Servants
The Lef Gou" and Councell now residing in New Yorcke.

Fr. Nicholson
Fred. Philips
Steph. Van Cortlandt,
Nich. Bayard.

Two letters off this tenure were sent, viz* : — One, to
the Bight Honorable the Princij^all Secretary oft' State
att Whitehall, and one to the honorab. The Secretary off
Plantations att his ofiice in London.

NeiD Yorcke, 1689, May the 18th
The rumors with France continuing The Leften*
Gouverno'" and Councell did thinck it necessary to send

ADMINISTRATION OF LEISLER. 263

the following letter to our neighbours the justices off the
peace and militarie officers in fearfield County the same
in New haven Count}- and the same in Hartford County.
Gentlemen,

Having this opportunity wee thinck it proper to
acquaint you thatt wee have received severall rumors
off warr with France for which reasons wee are now
fortifying this Citty, and shall desire that if any eiineui}'
should approch upon the first notice wee shall give you
thereoff that you will not faile to assist us with some
off your melitie, That soe wee may be able to repulls
any invaders soe not doubting your complyance there
in itt being for the comon safety off us all, wee re-
maine

y loveing frinds

Fr. Nicholson

Fred. Phillips

Steph. Van Cortlandt,

Nich. Bayard.

New YorcJce 1689, May the 18th.
Present the Lefteii'^ Gouvern'' and Councell, M''
Georo'e Wodderborne beiiio; come from Boston delivered
to the lieuten^ Gouvern'' and Councel the following
Instructions from his Excellency S"" Edmond Andross
Capt. Generall and Gouverno"" in cheeff Given him ver-
bally by his Excellency att Boston being under confine-
ment in the fort there, viz\

Verball Instructions Given by his Excellency S' Ed-
mond An dros Capt. Generall and Cheeff Gouvernor
over his majesties Territories and Dominion oft"
New England.
To George Wodderborne to communicate these fol-
lowing articles to Francis Nicholson Lieuten* Gouvernor
off New Yorcke.

Fii'st. That you call the Councell and intimate to
them the unjust proceedings oft' the people in Boston by
keeping his Excellency prizoner and the other gentle-

264 DOCUMENTS RELATING TO THE

men upon frivolous pretences off their owne without any
shadow off reason.

Secondly. His Excellency desires that you and the
Councell will send Coll. Hamilt n and Coll. Smith to
Boston with comission to demand his Excellency and the
other gentlemen to be att liberty that they may come
amonojst you.

Tliirdly. That you take speciall care to keep Albany
in quiett and endeavour not to lett the Indians know
that his Excellency is prisoner.

Fourthly. To send a sloope wel maned to Pemaquid
with some provisions for Major Brockhols, and order the
master to wait his motion for bringing off the soldiers
if Brockhols finds itt convenient

This is the true orders delivered by his Excellency
to mee seigned

George Wedderborne.

The Leften* Gouvernor and Councell takeing the
same into consideration doe think it very necessary thatt
George Wedderborne should declare upon oath the
truth off the above Instrnctions.

The Mayor Stephanus Van Cortlandt was ordered
to administer the same to him which was accordingly
done in the presence off the Councell.

New Yorcke, 1689, May the 18th
Then appeared the within mentioned George Wed-
derborne and declared upon oath thatt the within foure
verball Instructions ware ordered him by his Excellency
S"" Edmund Andross, the Capt. Geuerall and Gouvernor
in Cheef oft' New England k" to deliver unto the Leften-
ant Governor Francis Nicholson.

Sworne in Councell the day and yeare above written
before mee

Steph. Van Cortlandt, Mayor.
The Lieutenant Gouvernor & Councill taking these
Instructions into their deliberations ordered that in the
meantime the Kings Barke should be repaired if occasion

ADMINISTRATION OF LEISLER. 265

should bee to use her, and that the Mayor should see
the same done.

That the following letter should be sent to Coll. Hamil-
ton and Coll. Smith to advise with them concerning this
matter and the Leflen' and Councell will take the pmises
into their further consideration.

The follo-sving letter was sent to Coll. Hamilton and
to Coll. Smith.

New Yorcke, 1689. May the 18*^
S^

The Lieu* Gouverno'" and Councell have comanded
mee to send these few lines unto you desireing (if your
occasion will permit it) That you would be pleased to
come here att New Yorcke as soone as possible may bee,
There being for the publicq good off the Gouvernment oc-
casion off a gentlemans going on a jornay That will take
up two or three weekes time, The which if you be pleased
to undertake would be a singular favor to the gouvernm*,
& especially to the Gouvernor and Councill soe remaine-
frind and servant.
5y order of the Gouvern'' & Councell

Steph. Van Cortlandt

New Yorcke, 1689. May the 22'''
Coll. Hamilton and Coll. Smith being sent for as
above came to New Yorcke and declared their readinesse
to serve the king and country and appeared before the
Gouvernor and Councell.

Coll, Hamilton first speaking said That he is always
ready to serve S*" Edmond Andros and the Country, but
finds him selfe obliged by a Comission oft* S'' Edmond
Andros to be judge off" the inferior Courts off Comon
Pleas m East Yarsay, which are to be kept the first, se-
cond and third Wednesday in June and alsoo that the
people there is still in quiett and feares that his absence
from those Courts might throw the people in mutiu}^ or
rebellion and since he came in New Yorcke finding the
people all in an uprore and disaffected to his Excellency
by reason off the rumors they had from people coming

266 DOCUMENTS RELATING TO THE

from Boston did thinck it not advisable in these danger-
ous times to act any further for fear it would bring the
place in actual rebellion.

Col. Smith alsoo shewed and declared his willingnesse
to serve his Excellency S' Edmond Andros, The Leften*
Gouvernor having spoken to him in that behalfe Butt
hee living att Zeatalkett the middle off Long Island ware
the people already shoocke oft' this gouvernm* and
taking him to be a papist or a frind off them fears if hee
should goe to Boston that the people in his towne would
rise and plunder his house, if not offer violence to his
family, and for the rest is off the same opinion as Coll.
Hamilton.

The Leften* Governor and Councell taking the matter
in mature deliberation seeing the uprores in all parts off
the Gouvernm*. The people incensed against his
Eccellency by the libells and other reports from Boston
and alsoo having received a letter from Simon Broad
Street and Wayt Wintrop, Esq, att Boston wherein
they refuse to sett his Excellency att liberty. And alsoo
having heard that Major Brockhols, Major Mackgregorie
and George Lockard are taken att Pemaquid. The
Lieuten* Gouverno'' and Councell thinck it most safe to for
bear acting in the premises till they see the minds off"
the people better satisfied and quieted.

Neiv Yorcke 1689, May the 24'''
The Gouvernor havinge received a letter from the
Majestrates att Albany acquainting his honor that the
affaires with the Indians is in a pretty good state and
noe feare off any trouble with them. But that to the
contrary bet^veen sixty and seaventy young men thatt
ware two yeares agoe taken and plundered by the French
and kept in prison by them are gott together and
demand comission or letter off martt to goe to Canida
and take off the French subjects their estates so much
as will pay them for their goods taken with all dam-
ages, tfec.

The Gouvernor and Councell taking the same into

ADMINISTRATION OF LEISLER, 267

consideration did think it necessary to send them the
following letter, viz'

New Yorcke, 1689. May the 24*'^
Gentlemen,

Wee have received yours dated the 21'* off this instant
by M" Robert Livingston and have communicated the
same to all the magistrates oiF this Citty, who are all otf
one unanimous opinion that it is not safe for this gouvern-
ment to suffer or to give any comission or letter off
mart to the Youngman that ware at Attowawe, To goe
towards Canida or elsewheare, Because wee dayly expect
orders out off England and doe not know wether it is
warr or peace between England and France. But re-
commend their readinesse if occasion should bee, and
therefore you must in noe manner suffer their proceed-
ings. If att any time you have letters or messingers
from any part off New England you are to send them
to us, to prevent the stirring off division amongst you
and us. The further contents off your letter will be an-
swered att the returne off M*" Robert Livingston in meane-
time wee remaine Your friends

Fr. Nicholson.
Fred. Philips
Steph. Van Cortlandt
Nich. Bayard.

Neiv Yorcke, 1689. Mmj the 27''*
Major Jarvis Baxter one off the CouncellandComand-
er off the fortt att Albany arrived here this day from
Albany. And appeared before the Gouvernour and
Councell, acquainting and declaring unto them under
what circumstances those off" his perswasions are And
therefore for the quieting off' the minds of the people and
comon peace off" the Citty and Gouvernment, desired
off the Leftenant and Councell leave to withdraw him
selfe toward New Yarsay Philadelphia and Maryland
till further orders from England.
Which was approved off

268 DOCUMENTS EELATING TO THE

Neiu Yorcke, 1689. May the ^V
The Couricell being mett the U Gouvern'' acquainted
the board that most part off the Citty's melitia where in
rebellion, That noe comands, either from him selfe or their
Coll. ware in any ways regarded nor obeyed, That he
was credibly informed some oif the officers ware the In-
stigato" and Inflamers off it, and therefore desired the
Mayor to conveane this afternoone att the Citty hall the
Court of Mayor Aldermen Comon Councell and all the
military officers of this Citty for to advise with them off
this matter off great moment, which accordingly was
ordered. S*^

V: Cortlandt.

Neiv Yorckey Monday June the 3''
This morning the Gouvernour and Councell being
mett, a message was brought by Capt. Lodwick thatt an
expresse was come fi-om Long Island reporting that
foure or five ships ware seen in the Bay Severall mes-
sengers being sent to find out said expresse to appeare
before the Councell, yett was not to be found. Imme-
diately thereupon Caj)t. Jacob Laisler comanding in the
fortt gave the sign off an alarm by firing off guns and
beat of drums. Capt Lodwicke in the behalfe off some
of the other Captaines came and desired Coll. Bayard
that all would be pleased to give his comands to the
respective Captaines to appeare in armes for without his
orders none would appear.

Coll. Bayard made answer that he thought it not safe
for him to appear in armes otherwise then a private sol-
dier. Since his comands as well by officers and soldiers
had been soe often disobeyed and the gouvernment not
being in state to support his comission whilest the fort
was detained from the Leften* gouvernor by force.

Whereupon the Leften' Gouverno'' and Councell gave
order to the Colonel 1 since an allarme was made, and
not knowing otherwise but an ennemy was approaching
and to lett the people see that we Avhere reddy to defend
the place to the utmost, and since the Captaines refused

ADMINISTRATION OF LEISLER. 269

to appeare in arms without his comands. That said
Collonel should act in this conjuncture by vertue off his
comission as Collonell of the Regiment and give suitable
orders accordingly.

Neio Yorcke, Teusday the 4'^^

Collonell Baj'ard gave an ace* to the Councell in what
manner most part of the soldiers of Capt. Murville, Capt.
de Peyster, Capt. Lodwick and Capt. de Brujni on yester-
day being in armes att the place off Parade before the
fortt had been disobedient to the comands off their said
officers and in a rebellious manner left their said officers,
went to the fortt to side with Capt. Layster and com-
mitted insufferable insolences.

ThattM"" Dischington was arrived with his sloope from
Barbadoes, was att his landing not suffered to speake to
any person being forced by a tile off musqueteers to goe
into the fortt, and his gasetts, &c, taken from him.

That Nicolas Gerrits arriving alsoe from Barbadoes
(bringing the first certaine news that the most illustrious
prince William off Orange and princess Mary ware pro-
claimed att Barbadoes King and queen of England, <fec,
which alsoo was confirmed by a gasette off* their being
proclaimed in London) was served in like manner.

That they having intelligence thatt Phillip French a
marchant who lately arrived from England to Boston
would be here this night by land. A file of musquetteirs
was sent by the Capt. off' the fortt about a mile out of
the towne to seize and bring him into the fortt, which
accordingly was done.

That Nicolas de la Plyne arriving from Boston in his
vessel was served in like manner, all the letters he brought
demanded, and two letters directed to the Major Cort-
landt broke open and read in the fort and soe sent him.

Coll. Bayard made his complaint that being about
some business att the custome house Capt. Layslers
came in, and by filthy and scurrilous expressions called
him over and over You a Coll. off' a tirainiicall power,
with severall other threatning words, that he would see
him hanged &c.

270 DOCUMENTS RELATING TO THE

The said Coll. Bayard acquainted the Councell alsoo
that by the instigation off said Laisler the mabble was
sett an and so invetteritt against him because he would
not take the peoples part against the Leften* Gouvernour,
That by very credible hands he was informed that he
was in great danger to be devoured and his house pulled
downe, &c.

Thursday, the 6'^ of June.

The Leften* Gouvernor and Councell being mett itt
was the advice of the Councill that it was most safe for
the Leften* Governour to depart for England- by the first
ship, for to give an account of the desperate and deplor-
able state of the government, and to pray for some im-
mediate releese.

Resolved, that the Court of Mayor, Aldermen and
Comon Councill be conveaned and to desire their opin-
ions whether itt be not advisable to send to the severall
Captaines off the Citty, or such off them as have en-
couraged the rebellion of the people, and to protest against
them for all the losses, damages, detriments, and brood-
sheads that shall or may arrize by occasion of s*^ rebel-
lion and in particular, viz :

Imprimis. For the detaineing off the Fort James
from the L\ Gouvernor.

Item. For their suffering the standing melitia to be
disbanded.

Item. For the assaulting off the sheriffe off this citty
and county.

Item. For suffering severall off his now Majesties
protest ant subjects to be assaulted being threatned and
grossly abused by themselves and their soldiers.

Item. For enjoyning the Constables without any
consent off the civill gouvernment to execute the co-
mands off the militia.

Item. For detaining the moneys belonging to the
gouvernement and country being locked up in a chest in
the Lt. Gouvernors roome amounting to the sume of
seaven hundred seaventy three pounds twelff shillings.

ADMINISTRATION OF LEISLER. 271

Item. For disobeying the lawfull comands off the
civill magistrates.

Item. For forcing all masters of vessells and travel-
lers by a file off musqiieteers att their arrivall to be
brought before them, and not before the cheeff majestrates
as the Law directs.

Item. For seizing and opening of the Maj^ors letters
and reading off them ; and for severall other insolencies
and injuries committed ag* the comon peace and knowne
Laws off the gouvernment, &c.

The Court off Mayor, Aldermen and Comon Councell
was conveaned accordingly.

Neiv Yorche, 1689. June the W

The Leftenant Gouvernor & Councell being to gether,
M' Plowman &'' appeareing, The L* Gouvernor acquainted
him off his design to goe for England, theirfore recom-
mending him to observe and follow his comission and
Instructions. And the gentlemen off the Councell are
alsoo desired to bee aiding and assisting therein.

Itt is further resolved that the three gentlemen off the
Councell dispose off the Kings Barcke, woodboat and
pinace, either by sale or hire as they shall see cause since
the same ley upon decay.

Upon the advice of the Councill the 6*^ inst, The Lef-
ten* Gouvernor declared to the Councell his being re-
solved to departt for England. Whereupon two letters
ware prepared from the Councell to give an account off
the state of the country, one to the right honorable the
Secretary of state and one to the honorable the Secretary
of Plantations with the Copys off the minutts off Coun-
cell, &c., Avhich was accordingly done.

The Leftent. Gouvernour gave his hearty thancks to
the gentlemen off the Councell for the care trouble and
assistance in the management off the affaires off the
gouvernment in those troublesome times and desired
their continuation therein after his departure and in par-
ticular to his EccelP^ S'" Edmond Andros. And that they
would not be wanting to give by alt occasions suitable

272 DOCUMENTS RELATING TO THE

advise off whatt occurs to the Secretary off State and Sec-
retary off Plantations office, and whatt Letters be sent to
himself to himself, to direct them to either of their offices
and lastly that the gentlemen off the Councell will be
pleased to call the Collector to an Ace' for all the reve-
nues from time to time and to receive the moneys soe
collected by him ; for which their receipt shall be unto
the said Collector a sufficient discharge. The said gentle-
men of the Councell securing the said monnys till further
orders from his Majesty.

This is a true copy off the Minutts off Councell con-
taininge sixty seaven pages.

Attested by mee,

S. V: Cortlandt, Secry.
Indorsed: N. York, 1689.

Proceedings of the Councill from the 1'* of March
to y'' IP^ of June.
Rec"^ 29. August 168—.
P Capt. Nicholson.

Proceedings of y= Councill, Magistrates and Offi-
cers, &*', FROM THE 27 OF APRILL TO THE 6 JUNE.

Citty of New Yorcke. Att a Generall Meeting held att
the Citty Hall within said Citty on Satturday the
27'^ day of Aprill M 1689.
P'sntt :

His Hono' the Liev" Governo'"
S. V. Cortlandt, Esq" Mayo'" i
Frederick Phillips, Esq: v of the Councell.

Coll? Nicol. Bayard, )

John Lawrence ^
Francis Rombouts |
Wm. Merritt i Aur

Tho:Crundall ^Ald'men

Polus Richards
Johafies Kipp

{

Military Officers

ADMINISTRATION OF LEISLER. 273

Balthus Bayard

AneD.Mill (.CoSonCounciU

iheunis JJekey

Peter D. Lano}^
Majo"' Nich. D. Meyer
Capl* GM Munviell

Abr?' Dpeyster

Jacob Leisler

John D. Browne

Charles Lodwick

His Hono'' proposeing to this Board that they take
what care they can for y^ safety of this place in regard
of the late news from Boston and supposed Invasion
of the French.

This Board thereupon unanimously agreeing that the
Citty be forthwith fortifyed.

It is voted that Aldrman Tho : Crundall and Jo-
haiies Kipp Cap*.^ Abr!:^ Dpeyster Cap*.! Jacob Leisler,
My Balth : Bayard and Mf Peter De Lanoy view the
severall places about the Citty and to see where it may
be most necessary towrds fortifying the same makeing
their returne thereof on Munday next by nine of the
clock.

His Hono' proposeing to this Board whether it be
not expedient for the more security of the fortt since the
present garrison is but a very small number that some
part of the Citty militia keep the Guard in the fortt
w"^ was agreed on and thankfully accepted of by this
Board as being a meanes which undoubtedly would re-
move all the jealousies of the people, and thereupon
Coll! Bayard was recommended to give suitable orders
accordingly.

Citty of New Yorke. Att a General meeting held att
the Citty Hall within said Citty on Munday the 29"'
day of April A! 1689.
Psntt

His Hon', the Liev". Governor
Stephanus Van Cortlandt Esq"" Mayo'
18

274

DOCUMENTS KELATING TO THE

Frederick Phillips, Esq'.

Coll. Nichol: Bayard
John Lawrence
Francis Romboult
Wm. Merritt
ThorCrundall
Polus Richards
Johanes Kip
Balth : Bayard
Ant°. D. Mills
Theunis Dekey
Peter D Lanoy
Majo'" Nich. D. Meyer
Cap" G. Munviell

Abr™ Dpeyster
Jacob Leisler
John T). Browne
Charles Lodwick

!>-Ald''men

Comon Councill

Military Officers.

Ald'man Tho: Crundall & Johanes Kipp Cap*.' Abr°
Dpeyster Cap" Jacob Leisler, Mr Balth us Bayard, and
Mr. Peter D Lanoy makeing their returne according to
the order last Court five of them do think it very neces-
sary that the fortifications bee according to the bounds
of the ancient fortifications the other person being Cap".
Abr™ Depeyster doth think fitt that the fortification bee
according to the later bounds layd out being somewhat
further His Hono' proposeing that the Pevenue now
comeing be imployed for the Fortifying of this Citty

w"*" was by this board approved of and thankful-
ly accepted.

Ordered, that Ald'man John Lawrence Wm Mer-
ritt, M' Theunis Dekey and Peter D Lanoy doe take
the number of the Gunns and where most convenient to
be placed makeing their returne on Fryday morneing by
nine of y® Clock.

Citty of New Yorke. Att a General meeting held att
the Citty Hall within said Citty on Wednesday the
first day of May A". 1689.

ADMINISTRATION OF LEISLER.

275

Psntt :

His Hono'' the Leiv" Governo'
S. V. Cortlandt, Esq^ Mayo'
Frederick Phillips, Esq".
ColP Nicol : Bayard,

John Lawrence
Absent Francis Rombouts

Polus Pichards

Wm : Merritt

Tho Crundall

Johannes Kipp

Balthus Bayard

Anto. D. Mill

Theunis Dekey

Peter D. Lanoy

Ordered, that the former Order about the Indi-
ans be renewed and the sherifFe his Dep*^ and Constables
to see the same put in execucon.

It being put to the vote it is ordered by this Board
that no Pume be sould within this Citty & County to
the Indians untill further Order.

Citty of New Yorke. Att a Generall Meeting held att
the Citty Hall within said Citty on Fryday the
third day of May A". 1689.
Psntt:

His Honoy. the Liev!' Governo'
Stephf. V. Cortlandt, Esq' Mayof
Frederick Phillips, Esq.
Coll: Nicho: Bayard

John Lawrence ^

Francis Pombouts I

Polus Pichards, | Ald'men

WT Merritt J

Balthus Bayard

Ant^ D. Mill

Theunis Dekey f Comon Councill.

Peter D. Lanoy

276 DOCUMENTS RELATING TO THE

Vpon the complaint of John Merritt, & Frederick
Symonse against some Indians that made severall shott
at them in the Field. The Indians being examined
were checkt & forbidd drinking of Rume or to shoote
their guiis any where nigh Towne.

Ald'man John Lawrence, Wm. Merritt Mf Theu-
nis Dekey and Peter D Lanoy makeing their re-
turne according to a former Order doe find about
this Citty 17 Gunns without carriages and think
it most convenient that four of them be placed
against the Widdow Richardsons three to be placed
on a platt forme without the Batterie at the Watter
gate to be placed vnder the fortt and three or four
to be placed on the Wharfe by Coll" Dongan's House,
the other Gun ; or two on the Wharfe nigh the State
house.

Ordered that Peter King Andries Meyer, & John
Meyer carpenters Suert Olferts Derrick Vanderburgh &
Franse Vander Coope Masons are appointed to view the
places for to make the platt formes makeing their re-
turne what planks may be wanting or ought elce to be
finishing of the same their report to be made on Mun-
day morneing next.

Citty of New Yorke. Att a Generall meeting held att
the Citty Hall within said Citty on Munday the
6" day of May A?.- 1689.
Psntt.

His Hono"" the Liev" Governor
Steph^ V: Cortlandt, Esqr Mayo'
Frederick Phillips, Esq!:
Coll? Nicol. Bayard.

John Lawrence

Francis Rombouts

Polus Richards .-.jj.

Tho: Crundall Uld'men

Wm. Merritt

Johanes Kipp

ADMINISTRATION OF LEISLER.

277

Balth: Bayard
Theunis Dekey
Ant" D. Mill
Peter D^Lanoy
Cap!' Gabl' Munviells
Abr-™ Dpeyster
Jacob Leisler
John D. Browne
Charles Lodwick
Liev" Henry Cuyler
Isaac Van Vlecq
John Haynes
Hanns Keerslee
Ensig" John Dpeyster
Saml! Ba}ard
Isaac D Biemer

■Comon CouncilL

Military
Officers.

Mr Peter King Andries Meyer & John Meyer
Carpenters Suert Olferts Derrick Vandenburgh &
Franse Vander Coope Masons inakeing their returne
according to their Order last Court doe find wantnig
for the fortifying the Citty 300 ton: of Line 80 ps. of
Timber for posts and beames 12 foott Long 8 a 9 Inches
12000 Stockadoes for fillers for the batteries 6 ps. of
Timber 20 foott long for beames 8 a 9 inches 100 Sle-
pers for the platt formes 2000 of 2 Inch planks for y^
platt formes eleven pf of wheeles for the Carriages 10
foott long 14 inches broade, for 6 stiep Carriages 7 of
4 Inch planks 10 foott long 2 foott broad 4000 Stocka-
does for the brest Avorke 6 foott long 9 Inches att the
boote 6 ps. of Timber for the Gates 15 foott long 12
Inches square 500 foott of 2 Inch planks 12 foott long
for the Gates.

An Order for advanceing money out of the late Tax
for the souldiers sent up to Albany for to pay the ar-
rears due to the respective private soldiers now passed
this Board they all subscribing thereto except M!
Peter D® Lanoy, John Haynes, John Dpeyster &
Isaac D Hiemer.

278 DOCUMENTS RELATING TO THE

An Order that y* Revenue be imployed for the
fortifying of this City now passed this Board, th(iy sub-
scribing thereto except Cap". Abr™. Dpeyster, Cap"
Charles Lodwick, Cap". Jacob Leisler, M"^ Peter t>
Lanoy, M*" John Haynes & M*" John Depeyster, Frede-
rick Phillips, Esq*-. AkUman Tho : Crundall, M^ Theu-
nis Dekey & Capt, John D. Browne are appointed a
Committee for receiving the said revenue for said vse.

Coll°. Nicol Bayard AkFman Wm. Merritt Peter D^
Lanoy & Majo^ D. Meyer are appointed a Comittee to
provide the materialls for the fortifications.

Coll : Nicol : Bayard Ald'man Francis E-ombouts
M^ Balthus Bayard & M'' Isaac Van Vlecq are ap-
pointed a Comittee to inspect y^ Acco".! and Ticketts
of the Souldiers.

Ordered that the Proclamation for fortifying the
Citty be forthwith published and coppyes thereof put vp
att the State House and att the bridge.

The Order also for imploying the revenue be forth-
with published & coppyes thereof put up att the State
house and att the Bridge.

Citty of New Yorke. Att a General Meeting held att
the Citty Hall within said Citty on Fry day the Tenth
day of May, A? 1689.
Psntt :

His Hono' the Liev" Governo^
Steph. V. Cortlandt, Esq. Mayo-"
Frederick Phillips, Esq.
Coll". Nicol. Bayard.

John Lawrence "]
Francis Rombouts 1
Polus Richards !
"WT Merritt
Johanes Kipp
Tho: Crundall
Balth. Bayard "]
Anto : D. Mill
Theunis Dekey
Peter D® Lanoy

- AWmen

^Comon Councill

ADMINISTRATION OF LEISLER.

279

Majo' Nich D. Meyer
Cap^.^ Gab" Munviell
Abr"" D. Peyster
Jacob Leisler
John D. Browne
Charles Lodwick
LieV" Henry Cuyler

Isaac Van Vlecq
John Haynes
Ensig. Sam^i Bayard
John Dpeyster
Isaac D. Rieraer

Military Officers.

An Order for defending this place against all for-
reigne enemyes and suppressing mutinous persons nigh
us subscribed vnto by this Board, except Cap" John D.
Browne who was absent att the signeing thereof.

This Order to be forthwith published & Coppyes
thereof put vp att the State house and att the Bridge.

Citty of New Yorke. Att a General Meeting held att
the Citty Hall within said Citty on Satturday the
ir day of May A^ 1689.
Psntt :

His Hono'' the Liev" Governo'
Steph : V : Cortlandt, Esq"". Mayo.""
Frederick Phillips, Esq^
Coll? Nicol : Bayard.
John Lawrence
Francis Ronibouts
Polus Bichards
Wm. Merritt
Johanes Kipp
Th5: Crundall
Balth. Bayard
Anto. D. Mill,
Theunis Dekey
Peter D® Lanoy
Majo' Nich : D. Meyer

Y Ald'men

Comon Councill,

280 DOCUMENTS EELATING TO THE

Cap^>. Gab^. Munviell

Abr? D Peyster

Jacob Leisler

John D. Browne

Charles Lodwick
Liev" Henry Cuyler

Isaac Van Vlecq

John Haynes

Hans Keerstee
Ensig: John D Peyster

Sam" Bayard
Ab. Isaac D Biemer

M^ Ebinezar Piatt, M' Matthew Howell and M*: John
Wheeler of Suffolke County and Cap" John Jackson
of Hainpstead in Queen's County givemg an acco" of
the feares and jealousies of the people of the severall
Counties on Long Island.

Besolved that a Letter be sent to the severall Coun-
ties that they would send up to New Yorke 2 or 3 men
of every County whome they shall think most fitt (if
they see Cause) to joyne with vs in the Coinon Councill,
and if anything of moment offers to render acco" to
their severall counties as they think fitt.

Citt}^ of New Yorke. Att a General Meeting held at
the Citty Hall within said Citty on Thursday the
16! day of May A° Domi 1689.
Psntt:

His Hono' the Liev" Governor
Steph: V: Cortlandt, Esq. Mayo^
Frederick Phillips, Esq.
Coll^ Nicol. Bayard

John Lawrence
Francis Bombouts
Polus Bichards .,j-

absent Wm. Merritt
Johaues Kipp

ADMINISTRATION OF LEISLER.

281

Balth: Bayard
Ant*?. D. Mill

ab: Theunis De Key
Peter D** Lanoy

Majo' Nich: D: Meyer

Cap" Gab!! Munviell
Abr"" Depeyster
Jacob Leisler

ab. John D. Browne
Charles Lodwick

Liev" Henry Cuyler
John Haynes
Isaac Van Vlecq,

ab: Hanns Keerstee
Ensig: John Dpeyster
Sam!! Bayard
ab: Isaac D Biemer
Comett Jacob Van Cortlandt

Comon Councill

I Military Officers

Upon the peticon of Cap" Ab"^ Dpeyster Mi: Tho:
Coker and other the Inhabitants of this Citty that the
line for fortifying the said Citty might not run throuo;h
or before their Lotts of Ground.

The which peticon was in debate by this Board and
referred till the next sitting for a further consideration
therein:

Citty of New-Yorke. Att a Generall meeting held att
the Citty Hall within said Citty on Satturday the
18! day of May A? 1689.
Psntt:

His Hono"" the Liev" Governor ^
Steph: V: Cortlandt, Esq"" Mayo"^
Coll! Nicol: Bayard

John Lawrence
Francis Kombouts
Tho : Crundall
Wm. Merritt

Aid'

282

DOCUMENTS RELATING TO THE

Ant? D. Mill )

Theunis DeKey j

Majo'- Nich. D Meyer ]

Cap" Gabl! Munviell \

Jacob Leisler 1^

Abr'? Dpeyster

Charles Lodwick

Corn^.^ Jab. V. Cortlaudt ,

Comon Councill

Military Officers.

Vpon the Rumor of Warr and suppos*^ Invasion of
the French

Itt is ordered by this Board that the fortifications
for this Citty be layd according to the ancient bounds
agreeing with the late order returned by an appointed
Coiiiittee Irom this Board dureing this exigency of
time and in case of peace Itt is then the opinion of this
Board that the right owners may forthwith remove the
same and the materialls belonging to said fortifications
to bee returned for the vse of the Citty.

Ordered that the Inhabitants of this Citty concerned
in the peticou about y® fortifications appeare here on
Munday by two of y^ Clock.

Citty of New Yorke. Att a Generall Meeting held att the
Citty Hall within said Citty on Munday the 20*^
day of May A!. 1689.
Psntt :

His Hono!' the Liev" Governo'"
Steph: V: Cortlandt, Esq' Mayo""
Frederick Phillips, Esq
Coll! Nicol. Bayard

John Lawrence
Francis Rombouts
Polus Richards
Johanes Kipp
Wm. Merritt
Balth: Bayard
Theunis Dekey

Aid--

Comon Councill

ADMINISTRATION OF LEISLER.

283

Majoy Nich : D Meyer '
Cap?' Gab." Muiiviell
Abr™ Dpeyster
Jacob Leisler
John D. Browne
Charles Lod-wick
Liev" Henry Cuyler

Isaac Van Vlecq
_ Hanns Keerstee
Ensg : Sam !1 Bayard

Isaac D. Biemer

Military Officers

Ordered, that ColP. Bayard, AWman W^ Merritt,
Peter D'^Lanoy and Majof D. Meyer agree with M";
John Holwell or who elce they shall think convenient to
bee engineer.

This Board takeing it into consideracoii the greatt
difficulty for all of them to meet together so often as
occasion may require doe think fitt and accordingly or-
ders that a select number of them be made choice of to
represent the whole the following persons being by this
Board accordingly appointed, \dz" :

Majo:
Cap'.'

Francis Bombouts
Wm. Merritt
Theunis Dekey
Peter D'^Lanoy
Nich. D Mever
Gabli Munviell

Liev" John Haynes
Ensig Isaac D. Biemer

Ald'men
Comon Councill

Military Officers

City of New Yorke. Att a Generall Meeting held at
the Citty Hall within said Citty on Wednesday the
22'^ day ofMay A° 1689.
Psntt :

His Hono"" the Liev" Governo'"
Steph : V : Cortlandt, Esq' Mayo'
Frederick Phillips, Esq.'
Coll". Nicol : Bayard

284

DOCUMENTS RELATING TO THE

John Laurence
Francis Rombouts
Wm : Merritt
The: Crundall
Polus Richards
Johanes Kipp
Peter D^Lanoy
Balth: Bayard
Theunis Dekey
Majo"" Nich. D Meyer
Cap 5 Gab" Munviell
Jacob Leisler
Abr"" Dpeyster
Charles Lodwick
Liev" John Hajaies

Isaac Van Vlecq
Hanns Keerstee
Jacob V. Cortlandt
8am." Bayard
John Dpeyster
Isaac D. JRiemer

AWmen

Comon CounciU

Corn,
Ensg

Military Officers.

A Paper was brought to this Board by Coll? Bayard
which was delivered vnto him last night in the p^'sence
of the Liev" Govemo'' by severall of the Inhabitants of
this Towne containeing severall jealousies and demon-
strations of their disturbed minds.

Ordered that some of the people that delivered the
Peticofi to Coll: Bayard be sent for who refused to ap-
pear desireing (by the Marshall) to have an answer upon
their Peticoii in writing or their Peticofi returned to
them : Whereupon it was ordered that the Mayo"" Stephf
Van Cortlandt, Esq^ should goe to them to desire them
to sign their peticoii or send some of them to discourse
the matter or otherwise that the said Cortlandt should
enquire of them their intention who accordingly went
and gave them satisfaction of almost all their desires
except the last article concerning Coll? Dongan who
they desired might come and live in Towne as formerly

ADMINISTRATION OF LEISLER.

285

and not to depart this Government ; But notwithstand-
ing desired an answer in writeing or their peticofi re-
turned.

Ordered, that Capt" Leisler and Cap" Lodwick re-
tume the peticofi to the people and answer them verbal-
ly that two or three messengers shall be sent to Coll.
Dongan for to desire him to returne to this place to re-
move all jealousies of his departure provided they doe
promise vpon Oath to their respective Captaines that
they will doe no harme to his person.

As to the other grievances all Imaginable care shall
be taken to sattisfaction.

Citty of New Yorke. Att a Generall Meeting held att
the Citty Hall within said Citty on Fry day the 24!
day of May Al 1689.
Psntt :

His Hono*" the Liev" Governor
Steph: V: Cortlandt, Esq. Mayor
Frederick Phillips, Esq""
Coll? Nicol : Bayard.
John Lawrence
Francis Pombouts
Polus Richards

Tho: Crundall I Ald^men
Johanes Kipp
Wm. Merritt
Balthus Bayard

Peter D'^Lanoy y Comon Councill
Theunis Dekey
Cap" Gab'^ Munviell
Charles Lodwick
John D. Browne
Liev" Isaac Van Vlecq [ Military Officers.
Corn'! Jab: V. Cortlandt |
Ensig. John Dpeyster

Isaac D Kiemer J
The Letter from the Inhabitants of Albany dated
the 2V' day of May AZ 1689 by Mf Robert Livingston

286

DOCUMENTS RELATING TO THE

being read att this Board acquainting that the Tra-
ders of Ottowaw might have a Coihission or Letters
of mark from this place to warr with the French att
Cannedie.

Ordered, that they are wrote to in answer mention-
ing the approbacon this Board hath of their readyness
and forwardness therein, but withall requireing and
comanding they they would desist till further order from
England.

Ald'^men

Citty of New Yorke. Att a Generall Meeting held att
the Citty Hall within said Citty on Fry day the 31*
day of May A ° 1689.
Psntt.

His Honor the Liev" Governo""
S. V. Cortlandt, Esqr Mayor
Frederick Phillips, Esq.
Coll! Nicol : Bayard
John Lawrence
Francis Kombouts
Polus Bichards
Tho: Crundall
Johaiies Kipp
Wm: Merritt

Peter D^Lanoy. Comon Councill.

Cap^.' Gab'..' Munviell
Abr™ D Peyster
Charles Lodwick
Liev" John Haynes

Isaac Van Vlecq
Hanns Keerstee
Cor." J: V: Cortlandt
Liev" Henry Cuyler
Ensg John D Peyster
Isaac D. Biemer

Military Officers.

Vpon His Hono'"' declaring to this Board y® factious-
ness and rebelliousness of divers the Inhabitants of this
place John Lawrence, William Merritt Ak?men, and

ADMINISTRATION OF LEISLER. 287

Captt. Gab^I Munviell doe in p'"sence of this Board open-
ly protest against any such factions and rebellious
people, but do declare to the vttermost of their powers
they will stand vp for the good of the Government and
the Crowne of England the rest of the bord resolveing
the same.

Collo. Bayard declareing of the Rumors and jealou-
sies of the people concerning six or seaven private soul-
diers lately come to this Citty from Boston.

His Hono'' in answer proposeth to this Board that
any of them please to appoint lodging for them where they
shall think most fitt and that then he would be carefull
they might not want which was agreed on and Coll"
Bayard desired to provide Quarter for them.

Ordered, that AkFman Tho : Crundall, and M'"
John Haynes make inquiry of the severall Inhabitants
of this Citty what Quantity of Gunpowder they have
within their severall houses or elce where making their
returne to the Mayo"" by nine of the clock tomorrow
morneing and in the meantime that none bee shipt
off till further Order.

Citty of New Yorke. Att a general meeting held att
the Citty Hall within said Citty on Fryday in the
evening being the SP^ of May, A° 1689.
Psntt :

His Hono'' the Liev" Govemo'
S. V. Cortlandt, Esq!" Mayo'
Frederick Phillips, Esq''.
Coll" Nicol. Bayard

John Lawrence
Francis Kombouts
Wm. Merritt |.Ald''men

Tho : Crundall
Johailes Kipp

Peter D Lanoy, Comon Councill
Cap^.! Gab"^. Munviell
Abr? Dpeyster
John D. BroAvne

288

DOCUMENTS RELATING TO THE

Leiv" John Haynes

Hanns Keerstee
Cor** J. V. Cortlandt

Tlie Inhabitants of New Yorke ryseing this after-
noone have taken possession of the Fortt, disarmed
the souldiers, and came with a squadron armed in
Courtt demanding the keys of the Garrison and with
force would and will have them they forced Cap" Lod-
wick to come into the Towne hall and came there arm-
ed demanding the keys againe and would have them de-
livered to Cap" Lodwick, the Liev" Governo'' seeing him-
self forced asked the advice of this Board what to doe
in this confused businesse.

This Board for to hinder and prevent bloodshed and
further mischiefe and for endeavouring to quiett the minds
of the people think it best considering they being forced
to itt to let them have the keys.

His Hono"" proj^oseing to this Board what way or
whether any meanes may be found to reduce this
people from their riseing or what other method may
bee taken to bring them to their former obedience,
This Board are of opinion that there is noe way to re-
duce them by force but their advice is, since they
are rise on their owne heads without any aid that
they be lett alone for some time. His Hono"" also pro-
posing what might be most fitting to be done with the
money in the Fortt.

It is by this Board thought fitt itt bee removed into
the House of Frederick Phillips, Esqy

It is desired by his Hono^ that no officers head these
men.

Citty of New Yorke. Att a General meeting held att
the Mayo? house Steph : Van Courtlandt Esq"! on
Thursday the 6°. day of June A^ 1689.
Psntt:

His Hono^ the Liev" Governo'
S. V. Cortlandt, Esq' Mayor

ADMINISTRATION OF LEISLER. 289

Frederick Phillips, Esq^
Coll ? Nicol. Bayard.
John Lawrence
Polus Richards
Wm. l^Ierritt

[ Ald^'men.

Johannes Kip J

Whereas those persons now in possession of the Fort
have caused men to goe armed in a boate upon the ar-
rivall of a ves«ell and forced the persons comeing ashore
to gf>e up to said Fortt deliver their Letters breaking
them open ]:>articularly two letters of the May" S. V.
Cortlandt, Esq'! As also have caused a scentry to be
kept by land about one mile from the Towne and there
caused people to be stopt particularly one M"" Phillip
French who came from England by way of Boston and
other Insolencies have C omitted

Whereupon the Governor and Councill have thought
iitt and thereupon

Ordered, that Ald'man John Lawrence and W"^
Merritt do visitt the severall Capitaines desireing their
company to this Board.

Cap". Jacob Leisler being desired returned answer
he would not come neither to the Goveno": Councill
Mayo"" or AWmen nor had not any thing more to doe
with them.

Cap" John D. Browne desired to be excused being
upon y^ Guard but after his guard was over would
waite upon them.

Cap" Gabl^. Munviell was very willing to come but
was so indisposed could not, but if y® Coll° pleased to
send two or three words he would freely answer thereto.

Cap". Abr°? Dpeyster and Cap". Charles Lodwick
did returne answer they would send word Avhether they
come or not.

This Board haveing waited about an houre and no
answer coming from Cap" Dpeyster and Cap" Lod-
wick

Whereupon Itt is by this Board resolved that a pro-
19

290 DOCUMENTS RELATING TO THE

test be drawne against all the Captaines except Gab"
Munviell.

This Booke cent. 24 pages from foil. 1 to 24 is a true
coppy from the Originall Minutes of the Generall meet-
ings of the Liev" Governo'' & Councell Mayo'' Akl'men
Com on Councill and Military Officers att the Citty Hall
within the Citty of New Yorke.

Attested this 10* day of June A° 1689.
p J. Nicholls, Towne. CI
Indorsed N. York 1689.
Proceedings of y® Councill, Magistrates and Officers, &*;.

from the 27*^ of April to the 6 June.

Cap. Nicholson. Rec^ 29 Aug. 1690.

MATHEW PLOWMAN TO THE MARQUIS HALIFAX.

New Yorke the 7* June 1689.
May it please youre Lordsh?

I was to waite one youre Lordship by recommend of
my Lady Eliza*!' Pierepoint to youre Lady for sum Irn-
ploy at y^ Custom House when my Lord Rochester was
Treasurer ; 3^oure Lordship may please to Remember y*.
Lordship's answare was that something had happened be-
twixt you that youre recommend would stand me in very
little stead : Affter which with long attendance found this
jjlace voyde & have his Maj*^'' Patent under y^ Great
Scale for Collector of this place which cost upivards of
five hundred poundes & not possessed of it above fifteene
months coming from my famely and neere sixtee y cares
would bee my uter ruin. I maried Madam Cartwrigh
of Osington s neece : and am qualified to take the oathes
of his p'sent Majesty Soe hope that your Lordship will
bee pleased to give youre assistance to y® Lord Treasurer
or Comitioners of y® Tresurv as now it's maneged. A
Gentleman of y^ Temple Mr Andrew Barry and my very
good friende will M^aigh your Lordship's "favors in my

ADMINISTRATION OF LEISLER. 291

behalfe : iiF any Gov'" be designed for this must have at
leaste two hundred men in garrison to awe theese rebel-
lious Dutchmen which at present followe those at Bos-
towne y' have imprisoned oure Gov' S*^ Edmond Andross
and taken y® com*^ of \-^ forte from our L* Gov'' Capt Ni-
collson. With Impatience shall attend your Lord-
ships Com*! The Customs of this place will maintaine
the Garison.
(Coppy)

New Yorke the 14*^' August. 1689
May it please your Lordship

Ffearing y*' letter should mescarj- wrote to your
Lordship y^ 7 June last and having this opertunity as
obleged sende youre Lordship y*" coppy & hints of what
ocurs in this place since that time upon theire taking y^
Forte in theire Custody : which iff Capt. Nicollson oure
L* Gov' wood have taken advice in sending for those
men at y^ forte at Alban}' & joyned them with theese few
here would have prevented y^ burgars cuming in but
like Dutchmen once theire foot then theire whole Bodyes
& now arbitrary : y*' Sivill powar thay doe what tay
please with & for his Maj**"* revenues in Generall abso-
tely deny pay^ and noe remedy but wors and worse untill
a Governour comes amongst us which God grant sudin-
ly once more to put us in order: Sir Ed: Andrewes
as now cums y^ newes made his escape from y® Castle at
Boston to Koade Island intending for England but sur-
prised, wheather they will keepe or send him back to
Bostowne was then in Dispute : to the Eastward of
Bostowne the Indians are very numeroues and make
great sloughter amongst y^ Christians by hole famelies
iff not prevented will be of ill Consequence ; what I
prayed your Lordshipp for in my last as for my Imploy
now humbly intreate your Lordship's favor in its Conti-
nuance whare I doubt not but y* youre Lordship shall
heere of my Compliance in my duty as an honest man
ouo-ht. M' Blathwaite hath acc° from time of mv trance-

292 DOCUMENTS RELATING TO THE

actions & doubt not but to Satisfacktion ; Youre Lord-
ship's Com*^* I shall atend & am

Your Lordship's most

Copied from the original Letter which fnitllfnl Xt bnmhlp Sprv*

had beeu Sealed and was Bupersciibei lailUlUi Oi. llUIlIUlt; Ot;i V

Mathew Plowman
To Marquis Halifax
Lord p'sident of his maj"? preve
Counsell at Whitehall —

HENRY CUYLERS DEPOSITION CONCERNING GOVERNOR
NICHOLSON.

Henry Cuyi-er Leu* to y^ Company oif Cap"" Abr""
DePeyster aged about 52 years deposed that on y^ 30
day off May last past he conmianding half a Company
off the trained bands in the fort off New Yorke gave
order to one his Corp" to place a centinell at a certain sally
porte in the s'' fort but that the s*^ Corporall returning
declared to him the depon* that the Corporall of the
King s Souldiers in pay in the said fort would not suffer
him to place a centinell there and that afterwards the
Leu* Governor Cap*" Nicholson the then commander in
chief returning to the fort sent for him the said depo-
nent to come to him in his Chamber in the s*^ fort which
the s*^ depon* Imediately did and desired his corporall
Hendrick Jacobse to goe along with him because the
s^ Corporall could speak better English and that as soon
as he the said deponent did come into the chamber he
called for his s*^ Corporall who followed him to come
into the s*^ Chamber which he did and that as soone as
the Leut Governor saw the said Corporall he rose up in
a passion and sayd to the s*^ Corp" you rascall what doe
you here ? that the said Corp" returned answer that he
came to be interpreter to him the said deponent wher-
upon the s*^ Leu* Gov' tooke down a Pistol! which hung
by the wall and threatned to shoote him the s'^ Corp^^
and drove him out of the rocmi and that afterwards the
said deponent remaining still in y^ roome allone with
the s'^ Leut Gov'" the said Leut. Gov"" told him the &^

ADMINISTRATION OF LEISLER. 293

depon^ that there was so many rogues m the Town that
he was not sure of his Life nor to walke the streets and
that he the said Leu* Gov' said that before it wouhl goe
longer after this manner he would sett the town in f}Te
and furtlier sayeth not.

Signed Luy* Henry Cuyler.

Sworne before me this 10*^ of June, 1689 New Yorke

Signed Samuel Mulford Justice of y® Peace.

BY-LAWS OF CAPTIAN LODWICK S COMP AJTY OF SOLDIERS.

Translated from the original in Dutch, by 8. Alofsen, Esq.

We the undersigned Officers and Soldiers in the
Company under the command of Capt. Charles Lodwick
agree with one heai-t and consent to these afterfollowing
orders to be observed by every one of us when under
arms.

1. We all promise and bind ourselves to be faithful
to our Sovereign King W^illiam and Queen Mary.

2. We all promise and bind ourselves that upon
warning of our officers, and upon the first beat of drum
we will immediately present ourselves at our ren-
dezvouz to stand our guard, or send somebody else in
our stead.

8. Those of us be they officers or privates who shall
refuse to obey the lawful commands of their superior
officers shall pay for the first fault one piece of eight,
and for the second time two pieces of eight, and after-
ward at the discretion of the officers.

4. He who shall absent himself from guard or ren-
dezvous without having received lawful excuse or fur-
lough shall pay for this fault one half piece of eight.

5. He who shall come drunk upon the guard shall
pay two quarts (two little quarts).

6. He who upon the guard shall swear or curse or use
the name of the Lord in vain shall pay at the discretion
of the officers.

7. He wlio shall go away from the guard or from tbe
Company without furlough shall pay one quart (little

294 DOCUMENTS RELATING TO THE

quart) and for every hour he shall so remain away
he shall pay one quart (little quart) in addition.

8. He who shall rail at any one or make any distinc-
tion in Nationality or otherwise shall pay one quai't
(little quart).

9. He who shall have been found sleeping standing
guard shall pay one half piece of eight, and his gun shall
Ibe taken away (fi*om him), until he shall pay it.

10. He who shall draw a sword, threaten or beat any
one upon guard shall pay one half piece of eight, and
his musket shall be taken away, and further at the dis-
cretion of a Court Martial.

11. He who shall not present himself at the ren-
dezvous within half an houi- after the drum has gone
around without lawful excuse or having obtained per-
mission shall pay as if he had been absent.

All these orders we promise and bind oui-selves to
keep and maintain, and thereto give our free consent
without compulsion that if any one of us should break
any of the aforewritten orders we submit ourselves
freely to the penalt)^ and request that if any one of us
refuses presently to give satisfaction then a sergeant
and four privates may take possession of so much of our
goods as will make satisfaction, and we declare this to
be our willing desire without any force.

It is also by us agreed that if any one of us should be
necessitated to go from home, and if he has a fui-lough
under the signature of his Captain or lieutenants he
shall only pay one quart for every time he shall be
so absent under furlough, unless he shall put another
in his place and then he is free.

And these orders are to be continued until we re-
ceive further orders and direction from England from
our King through a lawful governor or otherwise and
not longer.

Witness our hands. In New York, 9 July, 1689.
Charles Lodwick, Cai9
Isaac van Vlecq, LL**"']

[This document also bears the signatures and hands of the memhers of the company,
some of which are illegible.]

ADMINISTRATION OF LEISLER. 295

CHARLES LODWICKS DEPOSITION CONCERNING GOVERNOR
NICHOLSON.

I Charles Lodwicke do declare upon my oath that
to y* best of* my memory, I did hear our late Lieut'. Gov-
ernor Capt. Nicholson say some time since that we here
meaning the Inhabitants of this Government, could but
account ourselves as a conquered people, and therefore
we could not so much claim rights and privileges as
Englishmen in England but that the prince might law-
fully govern us by his own will and apoint what laws
he pleases among us or words to that effect.

Signed Charles Lodwick.

Sworn this 25th day of July, 1689 in l^ew Yorke
before me.

Signed Gerard Beekman, Justice.

LEISLER S WARRANT AND INSTRUCTIONS TO JOHANNES PROVOST,
ETC.

These two papers are copied from the originals in the same spelling in the Possession
of Mr. Gerardus Duyckinck of New York. [Dc Simitiere.]

By the Capt Apointed to Secure y^ Fort in N : Yorke
for their majesties William and Mary King & Queen
of England, &'^.'^

Upon one urgent occasion is dispatched by me Mess.
Johannes Provost, Gerrit Hardenberg En Mess Gerrit
Deuken for Esopus en Albanj- with their Majesties Boatt
which I hereby Certifey ond all Persons are hierby re-
quired in their majesties name to be ayding & assisting
to them as there shall be occasion in furnishing them
with horses or Boatts in there Journey thither and re-
turning En to lett them passe without any manner of
Lett, hindrance or molestation whatsoever given onder
myn hand and Sealle in the Fort in N : Yorke 12 off
Aug. 1G89. Jacob Leisler.

296 DOCUMENTS RELATING TO THE

[Translated from the Original in Dutch by S. Alofeen, Esq.]

A 1689 In N. Yorke the 12 : Aug.
Instruction for Mr. Gerrit Hardenhergh and Mr. Gerrit
Deuken and Johannes Provost.

The Package of Letters for the Esopus deliver those
to Captain Beekman and Lieutenant Jacob Kutsen.

For Albany to Captain Johannes Wendell and Cap-
tain Bleeker. It is necessary at both places to make
them well and clearly understand the Interest they have
in the protocols and Records which have been carried
away which is a mean business and was accomplished
only by a conspiracy of the deputies and the recovery
from Boston of all or of a part can and ought to be tried
for their absence incapacitates us and themselves They
ought to acquaint us with all their oppressions for our
burghers have declared themselves for them as well as
for us, for we who know it but only had heard of it from
them have demonstrated by presenting a Petition but
the Petitioners have been condemned in a wicked penalty
which was executed in a godless manner. Louis Du
bois has with my knowledge been obliged to pay 700
Schepel wheat for a patent of his land and was fined
because he had not let all his corn rott upon it. The un-
heard of Imposition concerning the Albany Expedition
of not allowing for what had been delivered by force for
that Expedition. You must tell them by what wicked
Lies and evasions with antedated vouchers and Accounts
and abominable Lies de Meyer and several others have
tried to make us incapable to repair the King s fort but
by urging the Papist Collector u})on oath it was found
out that it was a forged Account and receipt to blind
our eyes.

So that by this oath we have found between 3 a 400
£. money received for Customs and about 400 of the
Country's money in the chest 413 <£ of the Country's
money in the hands of de Mayer which he tries to pilfer
from the country and pretends to pay himself for a fic-
titious debt which he claims to be due to him from Sir

ADJriNISTRATION OF LEISLER. 297

Edmoncl. 270 <£ Country's money still in the hands of
the Collector which he pays to his cronies without au-
thority deducting 20 per cent, that we daily find them
coUectino; money which does not belons: to them.

Further represent what you may judge necessary. If
at the Esopus you should determine to travel by land I
agree to pay to them or to others all expenses for horses
upon your order —

And if they Resolve to send some deputies ascertain
if they will come with you they shall not be obliged to
anything farther than wliat they together with us will
approve. I wish you a safe voyage good success and
God's Blessing, And remain

Your affectionate friend And Servant

Jacob Leisler.

STATEMENT, ETC., OF ENSIGN JOOST STOL.
[Translated from the original in Dutch, by S. Alofsen, Esq.]

New York, 1689 the 20 August.
List of the Pa'pers delivered in the hands of the Ensign

Mr. Joost Stol sent to England.
No. 1 <fe 2. An inventory of what was found and made
in the fort,
3 & 4. A List of the Soldiers in the service of his

Majesty and order to appear.
5 & 6. A declaration how the powder was and
now is.

7. An order to proclaim the King and queen.

8. A Deposition of Heudrick Cuyler.

9. A Deposition of Albert Bos.

10. The printed deposition of Lieutenant Cuylei'

with the declaration and order concerning
the matter of putting the fort in security
of which a law suit was had with Nihkelse
[Nicholson].

11. A declaration relating to Allesauder Euuis En-

glish Preacher.
13. An Abstract of what the Committees have
done, upon the order of his majesty.

298 DOCUMENTS RELATING TO THE

These above named writings delivered in the hands
of the Earl Shi-ewsbury who had been ordered to me
as Commissioner.

14. An account of what happened in New York

which at the request of the friends I had

had written for but found that I had

been ignored therein. —

[15.] A letter to Mijlord Crew : delivered by the

Duke of Monmoutli.
[16.] A letter to de gols (?) delivered in his own

hands.
[17.] A letter to his majesty from the Captain of

the fort.
[18.] A letter to his majesty in which is the ad-
dress of the Committee.
By the Earl of Monmouth introduced to his majesty
to deliver these letters, to salute his majesty and make
known our position; which I have done and deliver-
ed the letters into his majesty's own hand and kissed
his hands.

[19.] A letter to the four gentlemen : delivered

but not opened.
[20.] A letter to M? W? Wyting delivered into
his own hands and found there with him
the Domine of Boston (Increase Mather)
and the son of the Governor of Khode
Island and found them very favorable
towards us.
21. Was my instruction which has been well exe-
cuted and observed.
New York 1690 May 23

Then the paper Sworn before me

P. D La Noy, Mayor.

SAMUEL PAUL DUFOUE S DEPOSITION CONCEEN^ING
MR. RIGGS.

New York Jau^ 6*^ 1689 | 90.
The Deposition of Mons^ Samuel Paul Dueour aged

ADMINISTRATION OF LEISLER. 299

twentyfive yeares or thereabouts upon the holy evange-
lists make oath and saith

That y® Deponent being at Plymouth in the
beginning of October last or thereabouts in Company
with Capt" Clerck and Capt° Band there was a discourse
concerning M*" Griggs his carrying letters from y® King
over to Boston in New England : Capf Band replied hang
him he is but a Pittyfull fellow (meaning said Griggs) I
have seen all his direccons all his business is to deliver
y^ letters to them that have y® Government and then
his business is done (or words to this purpose) which
this deponent in few days afterwards acquainted y®
said Griggs withall who showed me his direccons before
Mrs. Grahame saying as soone as he should arrive in
Boston he would go to New Yorke in few days and carry
y^ letters directed thither. I y® deponent asked him
y® said Griggs to whom he would deliver them who
answered he knew not better than to M- Leisler, being
he was Governor there.

(Signed) Samuel Paul Dufour

Sworne y^ date above said in y® presence of Lieu* Gov""
Jacob Leisler, Peter de la Noy and Samuel Edsall
Councellors (Signed) Jacob Milborne, Sec^

COPY of RICHARD LNGOLDESBY S COMMISSION.

William R.

William and Mary by the Grace of God, King and
Queen of England, Scotland, France and Ireland, de-
fenders of the faith, &". To our Trusty and well beloved
Major Richard Ingoldesby, Greeting. Wee reposing
especiall trust and Confidence in your Loyalty, courage
and good Conduct, doe by these presents constitute and
appoint you to be Captain of that Company of Foot
lately raised for our Service in our Colonic of New
York in America, whereof Charles King was late Cap-
tain. You ai*e therefore to take the s*^ Comp^' into your
Care and Charge, and duly to exercise as well the Officers

300 DOCUMENTS EELATING TO THE

as souldiers thereof in Arms, and to use your best en-
deavor to keep them in order and discipline ; and we
hereby command them to obey you as their Captain,
and you to observe and follow such orders and direc-
tions from time to time as you shall receive from us,
Our Governor of New York now and for the time
being, or any other your superior officer according to the
rules and discipline of warr, in pursuance of the trust we
hereby repose in you. Given at our Court at Kensing-
ton the 10'^ day of September, 1690, in the second year
of our reigne.

By his Ma^^s Command
Nottingham.
I do certify this to be a true copy
Tho: Hopkins.

INGOLDSBYS LETTER DEMANDING THE FOET.

I have seen y^ Copy of his Maj*'.®* letter directed to
Lieu* Gov*" Nicholson &f^ but cannot find how you may
derive any authority to yo'" Selfe from thence. I want
not y® accomodacon you speciously olier to his Maj".^^
Souldiers under my Command Possession of his majesty's
fort is what I demand from you — and if you refuse that
I must esteem you no friend to their Maj*'.''^ King Wil-
liam and Queen Mary.

S'' y'' most humble Servant
(was signed) Eichaed Ingoldsby.

From on board y® Beaver
the 30 of Ja^ 169f
To Capf" Jacob Leisler
att y^ ffort in New York.

INGOLDSBY S WARRANT TO CAPT. SAMUEL MOOEE.

By virtue of a Commission from their Maj*'®^ King
William and Queen Mary to me I do will and require
you and every one of you in obedience to their s*^

ADMINISTRATION OF LEISLER. 301

Maj^i?? tliat you aid and assist us in all things and matters
concerning to and in fulfilling y^ s*^ Commission &, y*
you and every one of you do aid, Show & are ready at
all times & with speed to assist me in all things for
encompassing and overcoming of all that stand in Op-
osicon against their Maj''.^^ Commands and that you
cause these things to be published & made manifest
with all Speed as may be and that we shall Deeme &
account of all such that stand in Opposicon to be rebells
against their said Maj*'?' given under my hand and Seale
at Armes in New York this 30'*' 169°-.

(was signed) Richard Ingoldsbt.

To Cap* Samuel Moore

a true copy by me (was signed) Sajiuel Moore.

By the Lieut* Governour & C*
Whereas I am credibly informed y* the forces on
board a certain ship arrived from England now riding
within Sandy Hooke are ordered to be landed upon
Long Island.

These are to will & require you y* upon y® landing
of y® said forces you do Entertain them with all Courtesy
&, accommodation provided they appeare not in hostility
neithei' commit unlawfull acts upon any of their Maj*'*""
subjects or breake y^ peace of their Crowne and dignity
upon whose arrivall & behaviour you are to give me
immediate notice and observe no orders or commands
whatsoever but from myselfe and such as derive from
me (untill y^ arrivall of his maj*^'^ further orders) and
that you are always ready both horse and foote to doe
duty to his majesty and answer y^ trust reposed in you
for so doing this shall be your warrant given under my
hand and seale at Fort "William in New Yorke Feb^ 1**
] 69° and in y* second year of their maj"®' reigne.

(Signed) Jacob Leisler.

To Major Gerardus Beekman" and
all y*" militai-y officers & other y"
inhabitants of Kings County on Long Island.

302 DOCUMENTS RELATING TO THE

LEISLER S ORDER FOR REDUCING THE FORCES RAISED BY
THOMAS CLARKE AND OTHERS ON LONG ISLAND.

By the Lieut. Governor & Councill tfeca.

Whereas there hath arisen greate disturbances by
Mr. Thomas Clarke and others upon Long Island pre-
tending authority from the hon'''® Major Ingoldesby so
to doe, by confining several j^ersons and Seizing of my
orders for preserving their Maj*'"** peace notwithstand-
ing all possible endeavours have been used for prevent-
ing y® same which hitherto has proved ineffectual.

These are therefore in their Maj*'®* said names
Strictly to forbid all persons that pretend any Author-
ity from the said Major to raise forces <fe Quarter the
same upon his Majesties Subjects upon the said Island
or Committ any Acts of Violence or force whatsoever,
to persist therein but on the Contrary that they forth-
with retire of their several places of abode peaceable &
so remain as they will answer the contrary at their
perils, which being performed, all officers which are
Commissionated, are likewise commanded to dismiss the
forces which are raised for Subduing the same & like-
wise do repair to their several habitations as if Such dis-
orders had never been, & so to continue unless just
occasion should require the contrary & the Hon''^" Major
Ingoldsby is hereby advertised that what is requisite
to be done on his part may be instantly performed.
Given under my hand & Seal at fort W" this 5 of
Feby in the second year of their Majesties reigne Anno
Dom 166^.

IN THE FORT.

Fort William, Feb^ 14, 169^.
Sr.
Relating your message by M'' Milborne relating y"
prisonners in y^ fort I returne for answer That since your
arrivall great numbers of disaffected pei-sons to y® King's

ADMINISTRATION OF LEISLEK 303

interest, Papist & others who are fledd from justice
have taken encouragement to come into this city and
Comit insolencies agreable to their disposition which if
the prisoners now in durance should have access unto
them might reduce matters off such a state that it may
become impossible to conserve y^ peace of his maj*^'
subjects in this province having had large experiences
thereof and therefore determine that they remaine con-
figned until his maj*^' further orders arrive rather than
expose to a second hazard y® peace having hitherto been
secured God be thanked without bloodshed but shall
withhold nothing that may be for their comfortable
substinance nevertheless your charitable offer is em-
braced with due respect & all imaginable Courtesy by
S'' Your most humble Servant

Jacob Leislee.

LEISLER S ORDER CONCERNING PERSONS FROM ALBANY AND
ULSTER.

By the Lieut* Governor.

Whereas it is enacted by the hon^'® assembly Octo-
ber last that all persons inhabitants or freeholders who
should depart y® city and County of Ulster and Albany
without Especiall licence from ye authority Comission-
ated by me shall forfeit and pay the sum of one hundred
pounds tfec* and the same is not duly observed and his
maj"*'^ service thereby is obstructed.

These are therefore to will and command all persons
that are come from thence fortwith to repair to his
maj*^®' fort before me and shew just cause for their de-
parture else to be proceeded against as the law hath
provided in such case.

Given under my hand in fort William this lYth of
FeV in the third year of their Majesties reigne annoq.
Dom. 1690

(Signed) Jacob Leisler.

God -save King William and Queen Mary,

304 DOCUMENTS RELATING TO THE

LEISLER TO IN^GOLDSBY.

Fort William March V 169?-
Sr
Last niglit your men took in3on them to go the
rounds of this City under Character of y^ City Hall
rounds sundry times passing by this fort which is a
province that neither you or any under your direction
ought to tread in.

Therefore these are to advertise you that you do
suffer not y^ same any more to passe but wholy forbidd
it whereby the peace of his majesty's subjects and the
Constitucons of the said City may be preserved as of
Right belongs which is the needfull at present from
S*" Your humble Serv!

(Signed) Jacob Leisler.

LEISLER TO COLONEL DUDLEY.

Fort William March y« 4th 1690
S'
Capt" Bradshaw and another Gentleman came to
me this Evening with a message from certain gentlemen
nominated for his Maj*^^ Councell, off several particulars
which I cannot exactly remember, whereupon I addresse
myself to your Hands for a copy thereof as you shall
direct so sutable return may be made.
I am

Your humble Servant,
(Signed) Jacob Leisler.

To the Honourable CoP Joseph Dudley.

A DECLARATION OF THE FREEHOLDERS ^ND INHABITANTS
OF LONG ISLAND AND PARTS ADJACENTS.

Whereas we have Received an order from their
Maj''®^ Council at New York bearing date March 4**'
1690 declaring the many abuses put upon their Maj"^'

ADMINISTRATION OF LEISLER. 305

forces whlcli are sent over for our preservacon and
protection particularly in seizing and imprisoning a
Sergeant and three centinells hy Jacob Leisler and his
accomplices and the said Jacob Leisler declaring that
Major lugoldsby or any under his proteccou ought to
thread upon any of the earth of this Province of jSTew
Yorke and the said order desiring our assistance and
advice, we interpreting the sense of these words to be,
that the s^ Leisler preserveth this Province for some
foreign Prince or State, therefore to satisfy all their
Maj"''* King William and Queen Mary loving and loyal
subjects of our intent and designe, it is for no other end
but for to preserve their peace to defend and secure
their Maj*'®* forces and Comission from the rage tyrannies
and designes of their Maj''*"^ Ennemies and to assist and
advise with the forces y* their Maj*'^^ have sent, and
we do farther declare to all their maj*'^* good subjects
that we will not molest any persons on their Estates
that we do not find actually in arraes ag'* their maj''^*
coinission and y® peace of their Maj*'*" Crowne and
dignity.

(was Signed) Thomas Willett

Thomas Clarke
Daniel AVhitehead
Tho]mas Hicks
Samuell Moore

God save King William and Queen Mary.

A true copy examined by me

(signed) Johannes Van Ekelen.

leisler to ingoldsby.

• Fort William March 5th 1690
S'
In answer to your message with the drum last night
I send four men of yours who presumed to pass this fort
l)y Character of the City Hall rounds notwithstanding
they were challenged divers times by the Centinells and
20

306 DOCUMENTS RELATING TO THE

would not stand but proceed in despight thereof for
which I expect you do render an account I having
advertized you sufficiently to the contrary and farther
demand his niaj^* subjects which by you or your orders
are at present configned contrary to their maj^^* peace
and Quietness of the Province.

(Signed) Jacob Leisler.

LEISLERS DECLARATIOlSr OR PROTEST AGAINST INGOLDSBY.

Whereas almighty God through his wonderfull mercy
hath raised up their Maj"®^ King William and Queen
Mary to l)e y® glorious instruments of delivering their
Kingdoms & dominions both Church & State from y**
impositi(Mi of y*' romish religion and illegal and arbitrary
power exerced under y^ unhappy reigne of y'' late King
James which hath appeared in a more than ordinary
measure within this province of New Yorke under y®
Governm* of Col** Dongan (by letters patent from y^ s*^
King) a professed papist who together with seven coun-
cellors had power to make laws raise and levy taxes &
transport y^ inhabitants out of this province without
having any regard to advice or consent of y^ represent-
atives of y^ people, which said power was continued <fe
augmented by Commission from y" s^ King James ap-
pointing S"" Edmund Andros governor of this province
as well as New England (succeeding y® s^ Col° Dongan)
who together with thirty odd Councelloi's of which seven
made a Quorum did act accordingly and proceed in y®
vigorous prosecution of pernicious practices within said
province (as in due time will be made appear) untill
certaiue notice of their Maj"®^ Coronation arrived.

Y/hereupon many of y^ good inhabitants of this
province (zealous for the protestant religion and rejoic-
ing at so glorious an accession) to discover their loyalty
taking incouragement from his highness y® Prince of
Orange (now our most gracious Sovereigne) his excellent
memoriall and declarations, did secure his majestys' fort
displace and disenable y* lieut* Governor & his Councill

ADMINISTRATION OF LEISLER. 307

and Militia settled by the authority of said King James
in so much that a stop was pat to their further proceed-
ings to prosecute their maj"®^ & to preserve in their
loyalty did Elect representatives for each county in the
province who assisted forthwith to proclaime their
Maj""' William & Mary King & Queen of England,
France & Ireland & y® territories thereunto belonging
according to forme and becoming ceremonies in opposi-
con to y^ present power tfe"^ who used their utmost art
and diligence to prevent it making farther necessary
steps for securing y® s*^ fort City and Province in behalfe
of their s*^ Maj*'*"' untill their Koyall pleasure should be
known concerning us which accordingly arrived y® 10**"
December, 1689 his maj''^** letter bearing date July y*
30 foregoing directed to Francis Nicholson, Esq. & in
his absence to such for y® time being take care for pre-
serving y® peace and administering y® lawes in this
province to take upon them y® Gov""' of y® s*^ Province
requiring to do and perform all things which to y^ place
and office of our Lieut* Governor & Com*''"" in Chief of
our province of New Yorke doth or may appertaine as
you shall find necessary for our Service, &"'* untill farther
order from us.

Now so it is we are certainly informed & give full
credence thereunto that their present maj"^^ have Comis-
sionated his Excellency Col" Henry Sloughter to be
Govern, of this their Province of New Yorke who was
parted at sea fi-om several Ships arrived since in this
port with officers, souldiers & amraunicons for his Maj*^*
service as his s^ Excellency shall appoint who hitherto
has given no order or direction concerning the same,
nevertheless major Rich^ Ingoldsby hath presumeth to
raise men and levy forces within this pi'ovince whereby
hostilities and irregularities are Committed to y" in-
dignity of their maj'^* supremacy detraction of his
Excelpy' authority & perill & disturbance of y^ good
people therof notwithstanding he the &'' Maj"" hath had
repeated advertisements and Cautions to y'' contrary but
altogether disregarding the same hath persisted in y*

308 DOCUMENTS RELATING TO THE

said unwarrantable practices which are heightened &
emproved by certain gentlemen who have taken upon
them to sitt as councill issuing forth their orders (unto
persons who act by & assert y" authority of y® late King
James to be lawfull) for raising what forces can be
raised in Queens County &,(f to assist their maj"^* officers
in pursuance of their Comissions & Such who do not
appeare according to y® appointment to be deemed
Rebells besides other publick actes relating this province
without discovering or publishing any authority from
his majf or his Excell^^ Col" Sloughter for so doing
wich being very pernicious & of dangerous Consequence
unto their Maj*'°^ Interest &, y® good of y® Inhabitants
Justly creating in most loyall considerate persons doubt-
full apprehensions concerning y® effects hereof as to y®
security of y"" Lives and Estates which as they hitherto
have so frankly adventured so are ever ready to sacrifice
in asserting compassing in defending their pres* Maj^*''^
right and supreme authority in and over this province
in oppscon to y^ former power & government when y*
Papists and French as well as others notoriously dis-
affected to their Maj"^' Interest are not only embraced
but encouraged and enlivened to revenge themselves
upon those y' have suppressed & prevented their mis-
chievous accons &, enterprizes & for y^ more specious
canying on off their designes y* they may not be with-
out plausible pretences whereby to stirr up Exite and
gather people to their assistance have published a certain
manifest or declaration made at y® City Hall by Six
Esq"'^ of y® Councill and two Capt°' comanding his
Maj"^" forces wherein is comprehended divers falsehoods
and supposed matters which cannot be made out with
truth to render y® Lieut" Gov"" Leisler criminal and
odious amongst the inhabitants of this Citty & Province
which in due season will appeare to y® contrary not
douV)ting but to aprove both his Loyalty and integrity
for their Maj*'®* service and interest and y'' preservacon
& security of this province & y® good inhabitants thereof
against the domesticq. <fe foreign enemies notwithstand-

ADMINISTRATION OF LEISLER. 309

ing y^ malice and prejudice of his adversaries declaring
hereby y* he had no other designe Intent or purpose
whatsoever than service to their Maj*'^* y^ Conserv"" of
y® public wealth & security of this Colony untill y^ ar-
rival of his Excellency.

Wherefore y® s*^ Lt Gov"" is constrained to declare
& solemnly protest against all such irregular unwai'rant-
able proceeding before mention*^ & y® authors councellors
promoters & abettors of y® same as the causes of all
homicides, bloodsheds & other mischiefs and damages
that shall ensue thereupon & are hereby required forth-
with to disband their forces raised within this province
who are comanded to repair to their severall places of
abode & keep their maj"^^s peace &''^ this done and
published at Fort William y" 10th of March in y« third
yeare of the Reigne of our Sovei-eign Lord & Lady
William & Mary King & Queen of England, Scotland,
France & Ireland <fe* Defenders of the Faith anuoq
Dom 169"^.

LEISLER 8 LETTER TO COL. SLOUGHTER AT BERMUDA.

Fort William march y« 12^^^ 169?-
Sir.
Though your Excellency's absence & y® exorbitances
of Major Ingoldesby (encouraging y^ malice of Papists
& other ennemies to their Maj*'"^ accession to the Crowne
whatever they now pretend) Things are brought unto
such a disorder and evil Crisis which threatned the
destrucon of this province & Consequently great pre-
judice to the nabouring parts of America being not a
little heightned ; the nominated Geutl"^ of y^ King's
Councill issuing forth orders to increase such forces in
somuch that if an overruling Providence diverts not it
is impossible to continue in this state many days without
bloodshed which so happily hitherto has escaped it not-
withstanding our resolucons are firmly bent and as all
possible means hitherto hath been, so still shall be used
to prevent it, This being a reason which requires y*

310 DOCUMENTS RELATING TO THE

strictest union whereby y® common enemy might be
opposed & j" province better fortified and strengthened
for their maj*'"* service, pray God send your Excellency
amongst us Spedily, which that y"" Stars may be propi-
tious as it is our longing expectation So it shall be y**
dayly pi-ayers of your ExcelP^'s most humble servant
(Signed) Jacob Leisler.

LEISLER's order to CAPT. DUYKING COlSrCERNENG THE
BLOCK HOUSE.

By the Lieut* Governor Etc*

Whereas great disturbances and troubles have arisen
by Major Ingoldesby & his accomplices having obtained
forces who threatened this his Maj*'^^ and the block

house of this City to assault them.

These are in his Maj''^' name to will & command
you to secure the block house in y® behalf of their
Maj"^^ King William and Queen Mary against all or
any persons whatsoever that shall assault attack or
make any opposicon against it and do not behave them-
selves according to y® rules of war hereby empowering
and requiring to employ and use all forcible means and
hostilities against them for y® preservacon of that post
and y® destrucon of y® offenders for which this shall be
your sufficient warrant. Given under my hand and
scale at Fort William in New Yorke the 13'^ of March
in the third year of their Maj*'^' Reigne Annoq. Dom.
169J (Signed) Jacob Leisler.

To Capt° Garratt Duyking

Ensigne Abraham Brazier

Ensigne P. Dmill and
the rest of the officers.

SLOUGHTERS WARRANT TO INGOLDSBY TO TAKE POSSES-
SION OF THE FORT, ETC.
S'

You are hereby ordered to march your Company

ADMINISTRATION OF LEISLER. 311

of Foote before the fort of this City and againe demand
y^ delivery thereof instantly and when you are in Pos-
session, if Capf" Leisler and the persons call'd his Council
do not render themselves arrest them in their Maj""^
names and send them forthwith before me in Councill.

Your friend,

H. Sloughter.
New Yorke March 20 ^'^ 169?-
To Major Richard Ingoldesby.

ACCOUNT OF WHAT PASSED WHEN LIEUT. CHURCHER CAME
BEFORE THE COURT.

The following paper is copied in the same speUingaa the original before me. [Du Simitikre.]

An a Count of what past before the Court Concern-
ing of Lieut* Churel (Churcher) the presentment was
red he was asked wheather gilty or not gilty he said not
gilty Judg (Dudley) tould him he was Aparentary
Eliterate fellow y® line* answeared & said what he did
he was commanded to doe which Command he though
in Contions he ought to obay & that the fort was then
his abiding please & y" please he did then ofisuate he
had a Commistion for and furder he did dasier the
benefit of the act past y® King and Parliament datted
Jena 27. 1689. Judg Dudly asked him for his Com-
mistion which he gave him but Returned it not again.

ACCOUNT OF PROCEEDINGS IN COURT.

The following is an exact Copy of a Paper found amongst this Collection without any
name or date bo that it is impossible to assert which of the indicted persons it was.
[Do Simitikre.]

Wat ge passeerd is alsik voor de ^e?'^*kwam

my wierd een geschrift voor geleese

ik antwoorde dat ik het niet verstaan kon en vertogt
nee taalman

Stefanus ^ zeyde dat ik beschuldigh wierd van een J^i/ef "
en dat ik maar giltj '^ oi- not te segge hadde waer
toe zy my met alle man Sogtete persuadeere.

312 DOCUMENTS RELATING TO THE

ik antwoorde dat my niet Schuldig kost kenne in een
Saak daer Ek van de Koning en zyn Raade
Dankelyk voor vrygekend was

Zy begonne met een groote konfusy te roepe dat ik
Engels zonde Spreeke en verweete my elk het syne

ik versogt weeder een taalman en vroeg teegens Avien
dat ik most spreeke of pleyte, en dat ik gereed was
haar alle te antwoorde Zeggende datse liaar be-
hoorde te Scliaame datse een spot maakte van
haar eyg Tcoert" en dat het maar een Speultie voor
haar Scheen een men voor zyn lyf te treye"" of om
hals te brengen.

De Juts^ vroeg wat ik geseijd had

Dog wierd door Kortland ^ heel kwaad aardig vals en
vei-draagd vertaald

Zy zeyde ik most my aan de Barmhartigheyd van de
Coert'' oovergegeeve hebbe

ik antwoorde dat ik geen barmhartigheyd zoeke —
wildedaar ik wel wist dase niet en was hier wast
kruyst hem, kruyst hem, ik zey dat ik dat van te
vore wel ge weete hadde

Klerk^ viel met geweld op myn aan taste naar zyn
deegen dreygde my te doorstate : ik Rokte de
borst oopeen Zeyde dat hy een houwerd^ was dathy
niet dorst dat hem en kinde meuletie beeter als de
deege paste

EXPLANATIONS.

* Court, in Dutch een Hof or more properly een
gerecht Hof.

^ Stephanus Van Cortland, one of the Judges.

" Riot, in Dutch Ongebondenheijt.

^ guilty or not guilty, in Dutch schnldig of niet
scliuldig.

^ to try for his life, in Dutch iemants over een
liaalszaak te recJit Stellen.

^ Judge, in Dutch eenRecliter.

^ Klerk or Clerk, in Dutch KlerTc ofte Secretaris.

^ Coward in Dutch, een Bloodaard.

ADMINISTRATION OF LEISLER. 313

Translation of the foregoii.g by S. Alofsen, Esq.

Of what passed when I came before the Court.^

A ]3aper was read to me.

I answered that I could not understand it, and asked
for an interpreter.

Stefaaus'' said that I was accused of a riot," and
that I had only to say guilty or not guilty,* and they all
tried to pei'suade me thereto.

I answered that I could not acknowledge myself
guilty in a case in which I had probably been acquitted
by the King and his Council.

They began to cry out in great confusion that I
should speak English, and every one of them reproached
me.

I again desired an interpreter, and asked to whom
I had to address myself or to plead, and that I was
ready to answer them all, saying that they ought to be
ashamed of themselves that they made a mock of their
own Court, and that to them it only seemed to be a
sport to try^ a man for his life or kill him.

The Judge^ asked what I had said.

But this Kortland^ translated in a very mischievous,
false and perverted manner.

They said I ought to have submitted myself to the
mercy of the Court.

I answered that I did not wish to seek for mercy,
because I well knew that it was not here — here it was
crucify him crucify him. I said that I had already been
aware of this before.

The Clerk" violently seized me grasping his sword
and threatening to stab me : I bared my breast and said
he was a Coward,^ that he dared not, that a child's play-
thing suited him better than a sword.

EXPLANATIONS.

* Court, in Dutch eeii Hof^ etc, (Here Court means
een Gerechts-Hof.)
^ Stephanus, <fe?

314 DOCUMENTS RELATING TO THE

" Riot, in Dutch Oncjehondenlieid. (Here Riot means
Muitery.)

^ Guilty or not Guilty, etc.

^ To try for his life, in Dutch iemant (not as in the
MS. iemants) over^ etc.

^ Judge, etc.

^ Klerk or Clerk, in Dutch Klefh ofte Secretaris. The
word is GelieimscliryveT \ but this is obsolete, and we
now say Griffier.

^ Coward, in Dutch een Bloodaard.

AFFIDAVIT OF GEORGE DOLSTONE.

George Dolstone of the Province of New York in
America, marriner aged thi-ee and thirty years or there-
aboute maketh oathe that he this deponent did arrive at
New York afores^ from Bai'bados about a day or two
after y® revolution there when this Deponent found the
Inhabitants in armes and in Possession of the Fort, and
this depon* being a housekeeper was required to watch
in y® s*^ Fort in Capt. De Peyster's Comp^, which accord-
ingly he did and this depon* saith that y*" Capt"^ of
y" militia did command in y^ s^ Fort by Turns while
this depon* was at home he some few days after sayling
again for Barbadoes from whence he returned back to
New York the third of December, 1690: when Capt°
Leisler commanded in chief, having been appointed by
the Committee or general assembly in this depones
absence, with the consent and appi-obation of the inhabit-
ants and this deponent saith that he was present & did
see the s*^ Capt" Leisler proclaime their Maj""* King
William and Queen Mary and the s*^ Leisler did fortifie
ye gd Pqj.^ <;^jj(J q\^^j ^hich till that time were I'uinous
and did also provide in all respects for the safety and
defence of the Countrey much better than this depon*
ever knew done in the time of the three preceding
Governours And further saith that the said Capt" Leis-
ler did raise and send a sufficient number of souldiers

ADMINISTRATION OF LEISLER. 315

with Stores and Provisions for the succour of Albany
and the northern parts of the province against the
French from whom many people had fled for their pre-
servation to New Yorke, and this depon* further saith
that there were several meetings of y^ s*^ generall assem-
bly during the govei-nraent of the s*^ Cap* Leisler which
did grant to their Maj*'f* several taxes for y® defense
of y* government, part whereof was paid by this depon'
and was well approved by the well affected part of the
inhabitants and further saith that in y^ months of July
and August there came intelligence to New York that
a French fleet was upon y*' Coast and had taken Block
Island and two prizes, whereupon y^ s'' Cap*.° Leisler did
immediately fitt out four vessels well manned and pro-
vided with all things necessary to fight the s'^ French
fleet & to secure the coast and this depon* saith that
y^ s** Cap* Leisler did continue Comander in Chief with
great respectt from the people in general untill the later
end of January, 1690 : when Capt"" Rich'^ Ligoldsby ar-
rived there with some souldiers from England, who some
days after his arrival did send a Officer as this deponent
heard to demand possession of the s*^ Fort from Capt°
Leisler, whereupon the s*^ Capt" Leisler did send Mr. de
la Noy then Ma^-or of the City & Mr. Milborne to
waite upon y^ s** Capt" Ingoldesby to see his orders, this
depon* being then on board the s^ Cap* Ingoldesby's
ship, and this deponent did heare the s*^ Mr. de la Noy
& Mr. Milborne offer the s"^ Capt" Ingoldsby from Capt°
Leisler all sorts of accommodations for himself, his offi-
cers and souldiers which he refused and declared that
he would continue on board till the other ships that
were expected did arrive in case he should not have
y** possession of the Foi-t, and further saith that he saw
several people who had opposed the revolution & were
disaffected come on board the said ship and sometime
after y® said Ingoldesby landed with his souldiers and
marched into the city & tooke possession of the Town
Hall where they kept guard and from that time did hin-
der Capt" Leisler and the Burghers from going the

316 DOCUMENTS RELATING TO THE

rounds & keeping watch in the City : and this deponent
saith that the said Capt? Leisler did publish a Proclama-
tion & sent the Constables from house to house requiring
the people to give good reception and entertainment to
the s*^ officers & souldiers but y® s'^ Capt° Ingoldesby be-
ing joined by several disaffected persons did issue forth
warrants Commanding y® Inhabitants to take amies &
to assist him whereupon severall hunderd of men did
Joyne him and the s'^ Capt" Ingoldesby beseiged y® s^
fo]'t & planted greate guns against it on several batteries
and did block up most of the streets leading to y® s*^
f u't and did forbid all persons from Carrying any sort
of provision into y® s'^ fort, and this dep^ further saith
that he was compelled by y® s^ Capt° Ingoldesby's order
to take up armes and after to be a gunner in a battery
of eight guns against y® s*^ fort : and this deponent saith
that a boat with men coming from Long Island to the
Fort the s** Cap^ Ingoldsby one Mr. Symes his bi'other
in law and an officer in one of the Companies with order
to the said battery to load one of their best guns with
Ball and sinke y^ s^ boat if they could and immediately
thereupon fired at the s*^ boat & forced her to return to
y® 8*^ Long Island, which was the first shot that was
made on either side and afterwards from the same bat-
tery they fired at a boat which was sent from the s*^ fort &
wounded one of the men, and did after the return of
y® s*^ boat to the fort fire against the fort with great
violence for several hours both with great and small
shot, and this depon^ further saith that the guns of
y® fort might easily have battered down y^ town and
destroyed most of the men against it. But y® s*^ Capt"
Leisler as this depon* hath been told and believes gave
order that they should not fire to do any hurt and fur-
ther saith that three men killed and five wounded by
the accidental firing of a gun in one of Capt? Ingoldes-
by* men's battery against the fort and that one other
man was killed but whether by shot from the fort or
by Capt° Ingoldesby's party this depon'^ knoweth not
and this depon' further saith that some of Capt° Ingolds-

ADMINISTRATION OF LEISLER. 317

hy's men having heen taken hy Capt° Leisler's men as
they were going the rounds for not answering and affront-
ing the gnard the s*^ Cap* Ingoldesby discoursing there-
of in this depon'* hearing did say that y^ s^ Cap* Leisler
should die for y® same or he would die for him, and
further saith that Colo. Sloughter arrived, at N York on
the nineteenth of March last towards the evening and
sometime after Capt° Ingoldesby was sent to demand y*
Fort whereupon Cap*" Leisler did send Mr. De la Noy
and Mr. Milborne to be informed whether CoP Slough-
ter were really arrived, and if he were to wait upon him
& offer him possession of y^ Fort But the s*^ M*" De la
Noy & Mr. Milborne wore fortwith imprisoned by order
of y® s*^ Col° Sloughter not being heard speake and this
depon* saith that very early the next morning the s*^ Cap*
Leisler did write a letter to Col° Sloughter to come and
receive the foi't & accordingly he did deliver up the
same upon the twentieth of March last of his own accord
and without any Compulsion of the burghers who were
in garrison who layd down their arms by the order of
the said Cap* Leisler and this deponent saith the s** Cap*°
Leisler and divers others were made prisonners and the
burghers disarmed and the s*^ Capt° Leisler M'" Milborne
and divers others were afterwards indicted, for preten-
ded murther and high treason. Whereupon the s*^ Cap*
Leisler being arraigned did oftentimes desire to be in-
formed by the Court before he should plead to the in-
dictment whether y^ authority by which he had acted
by as commander in chief was lawfull or not to which
the Court refused to give a direct answer requiring him
to plead which he not doing they caused him to be
bound and pinnioned and afterwards pronounced sentence
of death against him which was accordingly executed in
this deponent's sight. And this deponent further saith
that great number of persons did petition y® s^ Col*'
Slorghter to reprieve y® s^ Capt" Leisler and other con-
demned persons and this depon* heard that several were
molested for so doing, And this depon* further saith
th.'it the s** M"" Leisler was a merchant of good Estate

318 DOCUMENTS RELATING TO THE

reall and personal! & bad very considerable dealings "be-
fore y^ s"^ Kevolution, and does verily believe that he
expended a greate deal of his own proper money iu
their Maj*'.*'* service for the defence of the said province,
and more saith not.

(Signed) George Dolstone

Jurat 19° FeV" 1691°

coram me magro Cancell : S. Keck.

AFFIDAVIT OF THOMAS DAWSON.

Thomas Dawson of the parish of St Paul Shadwell
in the county of Middlesex, marriner, aged nine and
thirty years or thereabouts, maketh oath, that he this
depon*. on or about the eight and twentyith day of
January did arrive with Capt° Richard Ingoldesby in
the ship. Beaver near to the City of New York and
presently after Stephanus Van Cortlandt and many
other persons came on board the said Ship who made
Complaints against Capt° Leisler and desired the said
Capt" Ingoldesby to land with his Souldiers and there-
upon they would raise men and join him and force or
pull Capt° Leisler out of the fort, and thereupon the
said Capt" Ingoldesby did send Lieut. Shanks and Mr.
Simmes brother in law to Capt° Ingoldesby to demand
the fort from Capt° Leisler whereunto the said Capt"
Leisler made answer that in case he had any commission
or orders from his Majesty or Colonel Sloughter he
would forthwith deliver the same but without such
orders he could not, and the said Capt° Leisler did very
kindly invite the said Capt° Ingoldesby to come on
shore with his Souldiers and did offer him the use of
his own houses for himself and officers and the houses
of the burgers for the soldiers with the best accommoda-
tion the Country could afford until the arrival of the
Governour but the said Capt" Ingoldesby refused the
same and continued on board about six or seven days till
Capt° Tregauy arrived with more soldiers from England

ADMINISTRATION OF LEISLER. 319

and in the mean time the said Ingoldeshy did send a
shore powder & ammunition to the people who had
promised to joyne him against Leisler and they being
ready the said Ingoldesby and Capt" Bradshaw with
all their soldiers did land & march into the said Gity of
New York and this deponent hath been credibly in-
formed they did besiege the said fort which he the rather
believes because he saw divers great guns planted
against it and this deponent further saith That he was
ordered by the captain of the said ship to move (sic)
her head and stern against the said block-House to bat-
ter the same, and afterwards there came about fifteene
men on board, who said they were sent to fire against
the Block house and that day the said Block House was
surrendered : and more deposeth not.

(Signed) Thomas Dawson".

Jurat 19 Feb«, 1691°,
coram me magfro Cancell. S. Keck.

AFFIDAVIT OF THOMAS JEFFERS.

Thomas Jeffers of the province of New York in
America aged thirty years or thereabouts maketh oath
that he this deponent in the month of November anno
Dni 1690: did arrive at the city of New York with a
Briganteen whereof he was master from Antegoa with
a letter from General Codrington to Capt° Jacob Leis-
ler then Commander in chief of New York at which
time the s*^ Capt" Leisler was raising of men & making
provision of ammunition <fe necessary stores to send for
the relief of Albany which was in great apprehension
of being invaded by the French so that great numbei-
of people withdrew themselves out of those parts to
New York and this depon' saith that the s^ Capt" Leis-
ler was acknowledged and owned by the inhabitants to
be Commander in Chief of tlie said Pi'ovince and did
thei'ein behave himself to the general satisfiiction, con-
tinually taking care of their Maj'*"'* interest and the

320 DOCUMENTS RELATING TO THE

safety of the country for whicli end the said Capt° Leis-
ler did very well fortify the Fort and City of New York
so that y^ same remained in great peace and quietness
till about y® later end of January, 1690, when Capf"
Eich'' Ingoldesby arrived there with some Souldiers from
England who thereupon as this depon* is informed and
believes did send to the said Capt" Leisler requiring the
possession of the fort upon which the said Capf" Leisler
did send Major Milborne aboai'd the ship where the s^
Ingoldesby was to wait upon 'him and see his orders for
I'eceiviug the said foi-t And upon the said Milborne's
return this depon* heard him declare that the s*^ Capt°
Ingoldesby had no orders to demand the possession of
the fort But had only a commission to be Capt° of a
foot company and this deponent afterwards heard the
said Capt" Leisler declare to the same purpose & there-
fore that he could not with safety surrender the fort
before the arrival of Col° Sloughter or orders from their
Maj^'f and in case of either he would readily yeld up
the same and this deponent further saith that the said
Capt" Leisler did offer all manner of accommodation for
the good reception and entertainment of the s*^ Capt
Ingoldesby and the soldiers and for that purpose did
publish a proclamation & did invite the s** Capf" Ingold-
esby & his officers to lodge in his own houses but the
said Capt" Ingoldesby refused the same and continued
aboai'd about seven days during which time divers per-
sones (who as this deponent was informed opposed the
revolution and after that the government of the s^
Capt" Leisler) did repaire on board to the said Capf In-
goldesby who thereupon landed with his soldiers and
drew them into the City Hall and there kept guard be-
ing joined with a great many men in ai-ms some of which
were papists and many french, and the s*^ Capf In-
goldesby did hinder and obstruct the said Capt" Leisler
and his men from going the rounds & keeping guards
in the City and the said Ingoldesby did afterwards
hold a Councell and thereupon did beseige the Fort and
planted divers great guns against it about which time

ADMINISTRATION OF LEISLER. 321

this deponent went with a letter from Capt" Leisler to
CoP Sloughter afores^ who was then supposed to be at the
Island of Bermudas but was sailed thence before this
depon*.' arrival there which letter was delivered to the
Governour of Bermudas, and this depon! saith that upon
his return to New York being about y^ middle of Aj^ril
he found Col° Sloughter there and the s*^ Capt° Leisler
M"" Milborne and several others in prison under the con-
demnation of death for some pretended high treason
and this depon' further saith that he did see the said
Capt" Leisler & M' Milborne put to death being first
hanged and then their heads cut off: and at the place
of Execution this depon* did heare the s^ Capt. Leis-
ler declare his innocency and that he died a martyr
for King William. And this deponent further saith
that he being in a house in New York where a min-
ister was taking subscriptions to a petition to be pre-
sented to the said Col! Sloughter for the reprieve of
the said CaptP Leisler and others condemned persons
Some officers belonging to the said Coll Sloughter did
seize upon the said minister and secure him as a pris-
onner for doing the same. And further saith that the
said Capt" Leisler was a merchant of a very consider-
able estate & dealing before the s*^ revolution and be-
lieves he expended considerable sums of his own proper
money in their Maj*!*"^ service for the preservacon of the
said province of New York and further doth not
depose.

(Signed) Thomas Jeffees.

Jurat 19° Feb^ 1691°
coram me magro Cancell. S. Keck.

affidavit of JACOB TELLER.

Jacob Teller of the Province of New York in Amer-
ica late Commander of a ship aged seven and thirty
years or thereabouts maketh oath, that about the month
of September, 1690, Capt. William Mason and Cap*"
Francis Goderis by virtue of a Commission from Capt°
21

322 DOCUMENTS KELATING TO THE

Jacob Leisler deceased who then commanded as Lieut*
Governor in the province of New York did seize and
take from the subjects of the French King six ships
which this Depon* saw brought into the port of "N'ew
York, and were afterwards condemned in a Court of Ad-
miralty constituted by a Commission from the said Capt°
Jacob Leisler as lawful prizes and further saith that some
short time after there was a publick vendue held for the
sale of the s*^ ships where this deponent was present at
which time one of the said ships then called the St.
Pierre and since the beare, was bought by Mr. Edward
Antell in the behalf of Capt" Jacob Mauritz as the high-
est bidder for the sum of five hundred pounds or there-
abouts which said ship this deponent did see delivered
to the said Captain Manritz by Capf" Goderis and other
persons authorized for that purpose, and doth verily be-
lieve that the said Capf" Mauritz did pay the said
summe of five hundred pounds for the s^ ship and fur-
ther saith that some short time after this deponent and
Mr. Isaac de Riemer did buy another of the said six
ships formerly called the St. Maria and afterwards the
Mason and since the Catharine for which they paid
seven hundred and fifteen pounds Current money of
New York which ship was delivered to this deponent
and the s*^ De Riemerwho enjoyed the same according-
ly, and this deponent afterwards went a voyage with
the s^ ship from New York to Barbadoes and came
thence to England where this deponent sold the said
ship to M'' Rich^ Starkey merch* in London for the sum
of eight hundred and forty pounds and this deponent fur-
ther saith that one William Baker a master imployed by
Mr. Frederic Flipsen of New York did acquaint this de-
ponent that the said Flipsen gave him order to off'er seven
hundred pounds on his behalf for the ship bought by
this deponent as afores*^ and said that the rest of the
said six ships were sold and disposed of to Capt" de
Peister and other persons and that one other ship was
taken from the French by Cap* George Bullon and
brought into the port of New Yorke and was there also

ADMINISTRATION OF LEISLER. 323

condemned and sold to the said Mr. Peister and part-
ners & is now Coinauded by Cap' Robert Sinclair, for
all which said ships the Kings tenth was paid in the
time of y" Government of Cap' Leisler as this deponent
has heard and more saith not. Jacob Teller.

Jurat 23die Feb'^ 1691 coram me Ad. Ostley.

AFFIDAVIT OF BOUDEWIJN DE "WIDT.

Boudewijn DeWidt of the province of New York in
America, Chirnrgien aged six and thirty years or there-
abouts maketh oath, that he this deponent was present
in the City Hall at New Yorke when Mr. Jacob Leisler
and Mr. Jacob Milborne both deceased were arraigned
upon an indictment or accusation for some pretended
Treason murder & felony, before Joseph Dudley S""
Robei't Robinson, Thomas Johnson, John Lawrence,
Jasper Hicks, Rich*^ Ligoldesby and several others who
sat as Judges and the s*^ M'" Leisler and M"" Milborne
being required to plead thereunto in order for their Try-
als. The s"^ M"" Leisler and M"" Milborne did desire to
know of the said Judges (as this deponent was credi-
bly informed by divers persons who were present) whe-
ther they did allow that the authority whereby y^ said
Leisler and Milborne had acted in the government of
the said Province was lawfuU or not. To which Question
the said Judges refused to answer, and y^ said M"" Leis-
ler and M*" Milborne did thereupon declare that if y^
said authority w.is disallowed sevei-al of the said Jud-
ges being their enemies they therefore could not plead
to y® said Indictment and this deponent was afterwards
present in Court and did hear y** s*^ M" Leisler and M""
Milborne for y^ reason aforesaid appeal from y® said
Judges to the King and Queen's majesty and desired to
be sent for England to answer what could be objected
against them, but this deponent saith that notwithstand-
ing the said appeal they were afterwards condenmed to
suffer death and were put to death accordingly, and fur-
ther saith that by reason of the disorders in ye s*^ prov-

324 DOCUMENTS RELATING TO THE

ince after ye arrival of Capt" Iiigolclesby and Col°
Slaughter great numbers of y® Inhabitants did leave the
same & withdrew into other parts, and also saith that
Capt.° John Hendrick de Bru3m this deponent's father
in law, divers times informed this deponent that after
the revolution was made & their pres* maj*'®^ were pro-
claimed in N Yorke Col° Nicholaes Bayard one of the
present council there did write a letter to him & Capt.
de Peister advising them not to be concerned in y* s^
Revolution for that King James and his authority was
in full power, a copy of which letter this depon* has
been informed was sent by Capt"' Leisler to England to
be represented to the Kings majesty and more saith
not. BouDEwijN De Widt.

Jurat 23die Feb'^ cor me Ad. Ostley.

AFFIDAVIT OF ISAAC DE RIEMER.

Isaac de Riemer of the City of New York in Amer-
ica, merchant aged six and twenty years or thereabouts
maketh oath that he was born in the s*^ city of New
York and that on or about the last day of May, 1689
This deponent then being a Commission Officer of a
militia Company The Burghers and Inhabitants of the
said City having extraordinary apprehensions of danger
did take arms and did enter into and seize y® fort there not
being to the best of this depon'* Judgement above forty
persons who did not Joine therein, and that upon the
seizure of the said Fort Captain Lodwick and other
militia officers did enter thereinto and the said Captain
Lodwick was sent by the people to demand the keys of
the fort from Capt. Nicholson, who was at that time in
the City and did accordingly deliver y® s*^ Keys to the
said Capt" Lodwick whereupon the said inhabitants did
declare for the Prince of Orange and the Protestant
power then reigning in England, and that Mr. Abraham
De Peyster another militia captain had the command of
the guard in the said fort that day and was that night

ADMINISTRATION OF LEISLER. 825

relieved by the said Capt" Lodwick and further saith
That Capt" Jacob Leisler was also a Captain of the
militia and came into the s** Fort that day and that for
about three or four weeks the Captains of the militia
did by equal turns command and keep guard in the s*^
fort tiie said Capt Nicholson some short time aftei- the
said seizure thereof having left the City and further
saith that during the said time the said Capt° Leisler
having in his turne the command of the said fort the
happy news of their present Majestys Accession to the
Crowne did arrive whei-eupon the same Capt" Leisler
forthwith proclaimed their Maj"!'^ King William <fe
Queen Mary and caused y" same to be done in other
parts of the province and that shortly after a general!
Committee of the representatives of the inhabitants of
the said province was chosen and did assemble in New
York aforesaid to consider and provide for the security
thereof, which committee did appoint and commission-
ate the s'' Capt" Leisler (as this deponent hath heard
and verily believe) to be Commander of the s*^ Fort till
further order from their Maj*'^^ and accordingly the s**
Ca})t" Leisler had the possession thereof and was ap-
proved by the generality of the people and thereupon
the s*^ Capt° Leisler did very well fortify the fort and
City and provided ammunitions &, Stores and made
other necessary preparations for their .defence to
the great satisfaction of all the people. And this
deponent saith that the said General Committee being
reassembled and they finding it necessary for their
Maj*'^* service and the safety of the country they did
likewise appoint and commissionate the said Capt" Leis-
ler to be Commander in Chief of the whole province of
New York till further orders from their Maj"/* and ac-
cordingly he had the Government of the said province
with the general good liking of the people. xVnd several
months after one Mr Riggs did arrive from England
with a letter from his majesty directed to Francis Nich-
olson, Esq. Lieut. Governor and in his absence to such
as for the time being take care for administering the

326 DOCUMENTS RELATING TO THE

laws and preserving y^ peace in the s*^ province or to
that effect, and the said Capt" Nicholson being long be-
fore departed from the said country the said Mr. Riggs
the next day after his coming to the city of New York,
went into the said foi't to Capt" Leisler, and immediate-
ly after Mr. Frederic Flipsen and Stephanus Van Court-
landt came there also, this deponent being the (sic)
present whereupon it was disputed between the s"^ Capf*
Leisler and the s*^ Mr Flipsen and M"" Van Courtlandt
before the s*^ M'" Riggs to whom the said letter did
properly belong and after the debate and Consideration
thereof the said M"" Riggs said to the said Capt° Leisler
that if he did demand the King's letter and would give
him a receipt for the same, he would deliver it to him
and accordingly the same was done without any force
or compulsion used to the s^ M"" Riggs and further saith
that shortly after a generall assembly was held in the
-s*^ City who did likewise own and approve the s^ Capt
Leisler to be Commander in Chief and did grant a
tax of three pence in the Pound to their Maj"®* and that
the s*^ Capt° Leisler at several times did send Souldiers, am-
munition, and necessary provisions for the defence of
Albany and the northern parts of the Pi'ovince against
the French who had made great destructions therein
and that the s"^ Capt° Leisler did upon that and other
occasions act in the office of Lieut Governor to the ut-
most of his power for the interest of their present
Maj"f* and the good of the country and further saith
that about the month of July, 1690, a Councell of War
was held in the said City for the fortifying thereof when
some persons did desire the members of y" s*^ Council of
War to intercede with Capt° Leisler to release certain pris-
oners then in the fort, which was desired of him accord-
ingly Whereunto the said Capt" Leisler [said] that if the
said prisoners would acknowledge the present govern-
ment and give bond for their good behaviour they
should be released wliereupon some of the officers went
and demanded of the said prisoners if they v^ould do
the same which they then refused and afterwards on

ADMINISTRATION OF LEISLER. 327

the same day divers persons who had opposed the rev-
olution declared they would rise and take the prisoners
out and accordingly they did a very riotous manner
assemble some of them having arms and went towards
the fort where this depou' heard and believes they met
Capt° Leisler and assaulted him but were afterwards
quelled and many of them committed to prison and
prosecuted and fined for y^ s^ Riot And this deponent
likewise saith that about September, 1690 Capt° Wil-
liam Mason and Francis Goderis by virtue of a Com-
mission granted by Capt° Leisler did seize and take
from the subjects of the French King six ships which
they brought into the port of New York where the
same were condemned by a Court of Admiralty held by
a Commission from the said Capt" Leisler as lawfuU
prize and afterwards at a publick vendue held for the
sale of the said ships (this deponent being present) M'
Edwai'd Antell did buy one of the said ships formerly
called the St. Piei-i-e (as this depon* heard) and since
the Beare for the use of Capt" Jacob Mauritz foi' the
sum of five hundred pounds or thereabouts and this
depon* saw possession of the said ship delivered to the
said Capt.° Mauritz by Capt" Gooderis and others im-
powered thereunto and doth believe the said five hun-
dred pounds was really paid by the said Capt" Mauritz
for the said ship and further saith that this depon* and
Capt" Jacob Teller did buy another of the said six ships
for which they gave seven hundred and fifteen pounds
Current Money of New York and since sold the same
to Mr. Starkey, Mercli* in London, for eight hundred
and forty pounds and this depon' believes that the
Kings tenth were paid for the said ships at New York
in the time of Capt" Leisler's government, and this
deponent saith the s'* Capt" Mauritz did repair his said
ship and loaded goods on boai-d her for England but this
deponent came shortly after from New York and more
saith not. (Signed) Isaac De Rie^ier.

Jurat 24die Febi-^' 1691
coram me magro Cancell. S. Keck.

328 DOCUMENTS RELATING TO THE

AFFroAVIT OF KILT A AN VAN RENSSELAEE.

Translated from the original in Dutch by S. Alofsen, Esq.

Kiliaau van Rensselaer aged about 25 years upon
his oatli taken upon God's holy Testament declares it to
be true and nothing but the truth —

That the attestor ai-rived in New York in America
in the month of May of the year 1690 in the ship the
Catryn Skipper Jacob Mauritz.

That he then saw that the person Jacob Leisler at
that time was governor of that province, and that as
such he had been by the majority of the acknowledged
and respected.

That the attestor also has seen that those of New
York by order of the said Leisler were very busy in
repairing and perfecting the defences of that City
against the enemy in which they continued as long as
he Leisler occupied the office of Governor.

That during the administration of the said Leisler
he caused much detriment to the enemies and especially
to the French and that for the maintenance of city and
province he has acted and acquitted himself as a brave
(braaft) soldier.

That even upon the least alarm, which took place in
the time of his administration (the witness being there
present) most of the militia upon his order and com-
mand immediately presented themselves and came under
arras.

That the abovenamed Governor Leisler considering
the necessities of the garrison at Albany as well of ac-
coutrements and clothing as of provisions for subsistence
found it necessary to send the Mayor Peter de La Noy
with a constable to some of the Merchants and Inhab-
itants of the City and to request them to supply him
therewith and temporarily to lend the King the funds
necessary for the same, which upon the proposed terms
they refused to do, but upon the said Mayor's guaranty
and surety of payment and restitution of the same they
willingly did.

That the said Leisler had returned to the above-

ADMINISTRATION OF LEISLER. 329

named Merchants of 'New York many invoices of goods
which they had sent him for said garrison, because the
same had been offered by them at too high a valu-
ation of cost.

That the above mentioned goods, by and through
the intervention of said Mayor in manner as above were
credited by the said Leisler to the Merchants, and actu-
ally and in verity were subsequently sent for the
service and use of the said Garrison of Albany.

That the attestor knows this full well, because he
himself with these goods and provisions sailed from
there in a sloop to Albany aforesaid, where the witness
also saw that then there was a good and sufficient
garrison, that also at that time cannon and a good quan-
tity of ammunition to defend and maintain that city
was being brought in, that between five and six hun-
dred men or thei-eabout were then in the city, who
with those of the city and province paid all respect and
obedience to said Leisler until the arrival of the so-call-
ed Capt.° Ingoldsby.

That the said Ingoldsby upon his arrival had sent
the Collector together with a lieutenant and the Ensign
Symms to demand the fort of the said governor Leisler,
showing nevertheless not the slightest order from His
Majesty or the Colonel Slaughter, whereupon this was
refused by the said Leisler, unless they would first show
him evidence of the order of the King or at least that
of the governor appointed.

That afterwards the said Ingoldsby having several
times demanded the surrender of the fort the said Leis-
ler had, among other things, let him know, and had re-
quested that he would be pleased to keep peaceful and
quiet, that he could come to his house whei-e he would
be treated and dealt with as a gentleman of his position,
and that his men meanwhile would be provided with
good quarters and board until the order of Governor
Slaughter should have arrived.

That the said Ingoldsby refusing to listen to the good
propositions and representations of the said Leisler,

330 DOCUMENTS RELATING TO THE

thereupon liad begun to attack the said Fort of New
York and further had issued warrants to enlist men
who should aid and assist him in his enterprize.

That the said Ingoldsby after he had picked up a
number of people and had armed several Papists and
Negroes had commenced to fire upon the said fort from
the batteries which he had erected, and had also turned
the cannon of the city towards the fort.

That he moreover had also caused to be imprisoned
several burghers and inhabitants of New York, who re-
fused to enter into his service and to assist him.

That the aforesaid Ingoldsby continued and persisted
in his hostilities, until Governor Slaughter- arrived
there.

That the said Leisler having surrendered to the said
Slaughter the Fort and City together with the govern-
ment of the province, the said Slaughter thereupon
made proclamation of an act, declaring every thing
which had been done by the aforesaid Leisler unlawful,
with further proclamation that the said Leisler and all
who had proclaimed the King were traitors, thieves,
and murderers.

That the said Slaughter further thereupon impris-
soned tlie said Leisler together with a multitude of
the principal inhabitants.

That the other Burghers of the place, seeing the
wicked proceedings of the said Slaughter and the mis-
fortune of their imprisoned fellow citizens, through fear
and menaces fled thence and left the province, retiring
elsewhere for their own security, so that a Company be-
fore under the government of the aforesaid Leisler of
about one hundred and twenty men strong could not
then muster fifty.

That the said Slaughter also caused to be removed
from the walls of the City twenty pieces of the best can-
non and sent them out of the country so that the depo-
nent declares that at his departure from there (which
was upon the fifth of September 1691) the said City of
New York remained in no state of defence w^hatever.

ADMINISTRATION OF LEISLER. 331

That during tbe administration of Jacob Leisler, he
Leisler sent several Ships to Canada to do damage to
the enemy which had taken various French ships
and brought them in at New York, and which sub-
sequently were sold at public auction and out of the
proceeds the King's tenths had been paid.

That the here aforesaid Captain Jacob Mauritz In-
habitant of New York of these Ships had bought and
paid for the ship named the St. Pierre de Bayone, and
afterwards the Beai-e, and having repaired the same
equipped and brought her into navigable condition had
freighted her with various goods and merchandise to
transport the same to England and Holland.

That the said Jacob Mauritz being nearly ready to
depart with said Ship the said Governor Slaughter
under pretext that it had not been lawfully condemned
had forcibly taken it away from him and had again sold
it to another namely Frederick Flipsen one of the
gentlemen of his council, without the said Jacob Maur-
itz having in any way been reimbursed or paid therefor,
to the great loss and ruin of himself and his family.

(Signed) K. V. Kensselaer.

Jurat Septimo Martij Anno Dni 169^

coram me magro Cancell. Ad. Ostley.

order in council upon the petition of jacob leisler

(the son).
Copie.

Att the Court at White Hall the 'Zth of January,
1691.

Cl s^ . Present

^ * '^ The King's most excellent Majesty

Upon reading this day at board the petition* of
Jacob Leisler Son of Capt" Jacob Leisler deceased
late Coiiiauder in Chief of their Maj''*"' Province of
New York in America, Complaining that his s^ father

[• The petition is printed In the Documentary History of New York, 11. 422-24, and
N. Y. Col. Doc, III. 826-26.]

332 DOCUMENTS RELATING TO THE

was unjustly put to death with Mr. Milborne y** Secre-
tary by Col° Slaughter at New York and six others
were condemned, but are reprieved, that their Estates
are confiscated & praying to be relieved and care taken
for y® preservacon of that Colony, as by y^ s*^ petition
more at large appears ; His MajY in Council was pleased
to refer y® s*^ petition (a copy whereof is annexed) to the
right hon^'^ the Lords of y® Committee for trade and
foreign Plantations, to examine the whole matter & re-
port y® same to his maj*^ at this board and then his
maj'7 will declare his further pleasure.

(Signed) Chae. Montague.

JACOB LEISLEES PETITION TO THE LOEDS OF TEADE AND
PLANTATIONS.

To the Right Hon^'® the Lords of the Committee for

ti-ade and foreigne Plantations.
The IJumble Petition of Jacob Leisler son of Capt.°

Jacob Leisler late of New York in America dec*^
Sheweth.

That whereas upon hearing and examining the mer-
rits of a petition proffered by your Petitioner to his
Sacred Maje*^ your Lordships have been pleased to re-
port your opinion touching part of the said Petition.*

Your petitioner doth most humbly pray that your
Lordships will be pleased to take into Consideration the
sums of money laid out by your petitioner's s*^ father for
their Maj*'?^ service and the other matters contained in
s"^ peti°.° and further represent unto her majesty the
deplorable condition of the six condemned persons now
remaining in prison at New York, and how that your
petitioner's said father had the chief command in the
said province for their Maj*^^ service from August 1G89
untill the arrivall of Col." Slaughter, which your peti-
tioner most humbly hopes did manifestly appear att the
s^ hearing, and that your Lordships will be pleased to

[•Tbe
III. 827.

The Order in Council upon this report (11 March, 1691,) is printed in the N. Y. Col. Doc,

ADMINISTRATION OF LEISLER. 333

intercede with her maj^7 that the Sev.'^ Judgements and
Attainders pronounced against your peti^'s s*^ father &
the s*^ Milborne & six others prisonners may be revers-
ed & made voyd, as shall be advised by their Maj*^'s
council learned

And your Petit/ as in duty bound sliall ever pray <&"*

Jacob Leisler.

PETITION of ABRAHAM GOUVERNEUE AND OTHERS UNDER
SENTENCE OF DEATH, TO THE QUEEN.

To the Queen's most Excellent Majesty
The humble petition of Abraham Gouverneur, Gerardus
Beekman, Mindert Courten, Thomas Williams, Jo-
hannes Vermillen and Abraham Brasier of New
York in America now remaining there in prison
under the Sentence of death
Sheweth,

That whereas your petitioners all who have faithful-
ly served your Maj'i!* were unjustly tryed and condemn-
ed for some pretended high treason against your Maj*7
upon consideration whereof your Maj*r has been gra-
ciously pleased to declare your Boyall intentions to
pardon yr petifr* & to restore their Estates unto them
as fitt objects of your Maj*^* mercy,

Your petitioners do therefore most humbly beseech
your Maj*/ to grant unto them and every of them
your Maj*If gracious pardon and also to grant and re-
store unto every of them respectively their estates real
& personal which have been seized and Confiscated by
colour of the said conviction.

And your petit" as in duty bound Shall ever pray

ORDER OF THE PRIVY COUNCIL.

At the Court at Whitehall y« 13*^ of May, 1692.

Present
The Queen's most excellent Maj*?" in Councell —
Whereas the right hon^'^ the Lords of the committee

334 DOCUMENTS RELATING TO THE

for trade and Plantations have this day reported to her
Maj*7 their opinion that the recognizances taken from
several persons bound over to appear in New York
about October or November last for joining with & as-
sisting Capt" Leisler whilst he took upon him the Gov*
of that province and kept y® fort there and upon no
other account, together with all proceedings thereupon
may be discharged, her Maj*^ in Councell is pleased to
approve the s*^ report and to order as it is hereby order-
ed that Colonell Fletcher Governor of New Yorke in
America doe give effectual directions that the Recogni-
zance which were taken from the severall persons bound
over to appear at New York about October or Novem-
ber last for joiniug with and assisting Capt'' Leisler
whilst he took upon him the Govern* of that province
and kept y® foi't there and upon no other account to-
gether with all proceedings thereupon be discharged
according to the said report. Rich. Colinge.

G. BEEKMAN AND M. COERTEN TO NICOLAS COLLEN.

P^anslated from the original in Dutch, by S. Alofsen, Esq.]

New Utrecht, the 29 Sept. 1693.
Mr. Nicolaes Collen

This serves to make it known to you that we are
still treated here with all manner of opprobrium and
scorn, and yet daily abused as rebels and traitors. Sev-
eral times I have been threatened by gov. Fletser him-
self that I was still under sentence of death and that he
could have me executed whenever it so pleased him.
He has several times offered to procure us a pardon
from their Maj*!!^ but we did not desire this from him,
because we are innocent of any evil deed. Why we are
treated here so hard by Mr. gov Fletser, is because the
old Council who always have been our bitter Enemies
are now again set as heads and Rulers over us and from
the Circumstances in which they are placed they know
that they are guilty of an evil deed insomuch as they
bring before the Gov.' such matter only as pleases him

ADMINISTRATION OF LEISLER. 335

well. So it is our friendly request that for us six con-
demned namely for myself & Myndert Coerten, Johan-
nis Vermilie, Thomas Wiljams, Abram Governeur
Abram Breyser you would please procure our freedom
and liberty as other inhabitants and that we may be dis-
charged from the sentence which has been passed upon
us and that here they may not release us upon recog-
nizance nor seek to regard it in its full vigor. What-
ever the costs may come to for the procuring of this
we will thankfully pay to you or to your order. We
hope that wqth the greatest speed you will use all dili-
gence to get us redressed and with the greatest speed by
a line in reply show us your friendly disposition. We
will not fail to give you every proper satisfaction —
meanwhile remaining, Gerardus Beekman.

Myndert Corten.

Your obedient and affectionate Friends and Servants
Please advise Mr. Leisler hereof and on our part with
much esteem greet him. All his friends are yet in a
good disposition.

Mr. Mcolaes Collen, Merchant at Dover.

PETITIONT OF THE WIDOW OF LEISLER, HER SON AND SIX
DAUGHTERS.

To the Queen's most Excellent Majesty
The humble petition of Alice the widow of Capf" Jacob
Leisler dec? late of New York in America and of
Jacob Leisler, Susanna, Catherine, Mary, Hester,
Frances and Margarett, the son &> daughters of the
dec^ Jacob Leisler, as also of Mary the widow of
Jacob Milborne likeVise deceased,
Sheweth

Whereas the deceased Capf" Leisler & Jacob
Milborne who did both faithfully serve your Maj'?'
for the securing and governing of the said province
near two years' time and wherein the s*^ Capt" Leisler
did expend 3000" of his own money have since suf

336 DOCUMENTS RELATING TO THE

fered death and their estates reall and Personall being
confiscated to the utter mine of your petit" your Maj*7
upon taking the same into your princely Consideration
has been graciously pleased to declare your royal inten-
tion to restore the said Estates unto their families as fitt
objects of your Maj^^'s mercy as is expressed in the order
of Councell hereunto annexed.

Your Petitioners who are the most distressed Wid-
ows and Children of the s** Jacob Leisler and Jacob
Milborne in all humility prostrated at your Maj'^'s royal
feets (sic) do most humbly implore your maj'^ to grant
and restore the real and personal Estates unto your
petitioners and that Maj*^ will be graciously pleased to
command the respective Judgements and Attainders
pronounced against the s*^ Capf Leisler and Jacob Mil-
borne to be reversed and made voyd as shall be advised
by your Maj^'^'s Council learned.

And your petitioners as in duty bound shall ever
pray ^'^

PETITION TO THE KING TO REVERSE THE ATTAINDERS.

The following Is from a rough copy with many erasements (sic) additions,

&Ca. [DU SiMITIERE.]

That your petitioner Jacob Leisler's late father being
commander in chief of your Maj^^'s fort in the s*^ Colony
of New York, was attainted of high treason for not
delivering y® s** fort to one Major Ingoldesby who pre-
tended a right to the command thereof by being a Capf^
of one of your Maj*'' foot Companies tho the s^ Major
Ingoldesby had neither in that nor any other account
any legall authority to demand y® possession of y^ s'' f )rt.
That Jacob Milborne, dec*^, you^ Petitioners Abraham
Gouvei'ueur, Gerard us Beekman Johanes Vermilie dec"^,
Mynart Coerten Tho. Williams & Abraham Brasher was
also attainted of high Treason & felony for adhering to
and assisting y^ s*^ Jacob Leisler y" Elder. That y® s^
Jacob Leisler y^ Elder and y"* s"^ Jacob Milborne were
executed for y® s*^ offences but that the execution of your
petitioner Ab™ Gouverneur and the rest of the said

ADMINISTRATION OF LEISLER. 337

persons so attainted was respited. That her late Majesty
being v^ery sensible of the hardship of y^ s^ case of your
petitioners and the rest of the persons before mentioned
was graciously pleased to direct that your petitioner
Jacob Leisler should be restored to y^ possession of his
s*^ father's estate and that y® widow of the said Jacob
Milborne should have and enjoy y® estate of her s'^ hus-
band and that y® severall Estates of your petif Abm.
Gouverneur & of y® rest of y® said persons before men-
tioned Should be restored to them respectively and also
that your Petitr Ab"' Gouverneur and y® rest of y^ s**
Persons should be discharged from their eraprisonment,
and accordingly grants passed y® great Seal for these
purposes and your petif and the s^ other persons or
some claiming from or under them have ever since en-
joyed some part of their respective estates tho a good
part thereof be still detained from them contrary to y®
s*^ Grant. That y^ s*^ several attainders & y*" con'uption
of blood which was wrought thereby remain still in force
& may turn to y® great injury and prejudice of your
petif and the rest of the aforesaid persons & their heirs.
Your petif therefore most humbly pray that your most
Sacred Maj*^ would be graciously pleased to give direc-
tions that y® residue of their respective estates may be
restored or some Satisfiiction made to them for y® same,
And also to give your petitioner leave to apply to y®
parliament in order to procure an act to pass for y« re-
versions of y® s*^ Severall attainders.

And your Petit/ <fe°*

PROCEEDINGS OF THE PRIVY COUNCIL ON THE PETITION
OF LEISLER AND GOUVERNEUR.

At y" Court at Kensington, y^ 28 Feb?' 1694.
Present y^ Kings most Excellent Majesty in Councill.

Upon reading this day at y^ board y® humble peti-
tion of Jacob Leisler and Abraham Gouverneur both
of N. York in America Setting forth y* services of y*

338 DOCUMENTS RELATING TO THE

petif Leislers late father J. L. in securing y^ province
of N. York for bis maj*^ in y® late revolution, and y*
upon his Maj*^^ letter directed (in y® absence of Capt"
Nicholson) to such as for y"* time being took care for pre-
serving y" peace & administering y® laws there y** s*^
Jacob Leisler y® Elder faithfully executed his maj'^'
commands, till the arrival of Capt.° Ingoldesby with one
Compan}' of foot who demanding y® fort of s^ Province
without any authority, which being refused by the peti-
tioner's said father, he laid Siege to it from y® 29th of
Janr^ to y" 19th March, 1690 being y^ day that CoP
Slaughter y® late Governour there arrived, unto whom
y^ s*^ fort Avas peaceably delivered Notwithstanding
which y*" said Jacob Leisler y® Elder and Jacob Mil-
borne were attainted & executed for high treason in not
delivering y^ fort to y^ s*^ Ingoldesby & his accomplices
& Pet' Ab™ Gouverneur, Ger*^"' Beekman, Joh' Vermi-
lie deceas*^ Mindert Coerten Th' Williams & Ab™ Bra-
zier attainted also for assisting the said Leisler. That
her late Maj*^' being sensible of the hardships of y® pet"s
Case was pleased to order a restitution of y^ estates of
y'" Petition'' & y^ Severall persons above mentioned with
a discharge from their imprisonment notwithstanding
a good part thereof is still detained and by y® s*^ attain-
der their blood is corrupted, and therefore praying to
be restored to y'' residue of their Estates and leave to
apply to y^ Parliament for reversal of their attainders.
It is this day ordered by his Maj*?' in Council that that
part of the petition for having y^ sev'"^ persons therein
mentioned restored to y^ remainder of their respective
Estates be and is hereby referred to the B. H. y^ Lords
of y^ Committee for trade and plantations, to examine
and consider there of & report to this board, Avhat they
judge fit to be done thereupon, and as to y® reversing
their severall Attainders they may apply themselves to
Parliament for obtaining y^ same, if they think fit.

John Nicholas.

ADmNISTRATION OF LEISLER. 339

PETITION OF LEISLER AND GOUVERNEUR TO THE HOUSE OF
LORDS,

To the Right Honourable the Lords Spiritual & Tem-
poral in Parliam' assembled
The humble petition of Jacob Leisler of N. York in

America &, Ab^T Gouverneur of y^ same place
Sheweth

That Capt.° Francis Nicholson being upon his Maj*^
and the late Queen's accession to the Throne Lieut*
Gov' of y® s'^ Province of New York and refusing to
declare for their maj^.^s or submit to their government
withdrew himself from y® s*^ Province.

That thereupon Jacob Leisler y® late father of yo'
Petitioner Jacob Leisler was by y® Generall Assembly
appointed Commander in chief of y® Fort & province
of New York to the general satisfiiction of y^ inhabit-
ants & afterwards by a letter from his Sacred Maj^^ con-
firmed in y^ s*^ Command untill his maj*^* pleasure should
be further known.

Thar y^ s"* Jacob Leisler by virtue of y*" s*^ authority
so given and confirmed to him Proclaimed their s*^
Maj*^' King and Queen and Secured y^ s*^ Province to
their Maj'^s interest & faithfully & duly executed y® s^
office.

That Col° Sloughter was afterwards by his Maj*7
appointed Governor of y^ s*^ Province, but about six
weeks before y" s*^ Col° Slaughter's arrival at New York
one Capt° Ingoldsby coming thither demanded y® pos-
session of y® s*^ fort pretending a right to y® same as
Capt° of a foot Company Tho he had no authority either
from his Maj\y or Col° Slaughter to demand the posses-
sion thereof

That the said Jacob Leisler refusing to deliver y*
possession of y® s*^ Fort to y® said Capt° Ingoldesby for
want of s*^ orders he y* s*^ Ingoldesby (together with one
M' Joseph Dudley now called Colonel Dudley and sev-
eral others that were of y^ Council to y® s'' Nicholson)
laid close siege to y® s*^ fort and raised batteries against

340 DOCUMENTS KELATING TO THE

it and Continued y® s"^ Siege from the 29th of January
1690 untill the 19th of March following at which time
CoP Slaughter arrived at y'' s*^ Province to whom the
said Jacob Leisler as soon as he had notice thereof of-
fered the possession of the fort and delivered the same
accordingly.

Notwithstanding which the s*^ Jacob Leisler the
elder and Jacob Milborne were attainted of high treas-
on for not delivering y^ s^ fort to y® s** Capt" Ingoldesby
& his accomplices before y^ said Joseph Dudley Chief
Judge, Capt° Ingoldsby and such their associates that
had been concerned in y" besieging y® s*^ fort as afores^
And y^ s*^ Leisler and Milborne were executed for y*
same. That your petitioner Ab™ Gouverneur — Ger-
ardus Beekman, John Vermillie dec.*^ Minart Coerten,
Thomas Williams & Abraham Brasher were also
attainted for assisting y® s^ Jacob Leisler and their
Estates seized.

That her late Maj*7 being very sensible of y® hardships
of your petitioner's case, was graciously pleased to direct
that the said persons should be restored to their estates.

That y'' s*^ attainders & y® corruption of blood which
was wrought thereby being still in force his Maj*/ was
graciously pleased by his order in Councill dated y®
28th of February last to give leave to apply to Parlia-
ment for the reversal of the attainders.

Your Petitioners therefore most humbly pray that
your Lordships would be pleased to take their case
into your serious consideration & also give leave y* a
bill be brought into this hon^''' house for y^ reversall of
y® s*^ attainders.

And your petitioners as in duty bound shall ever
pray &," (Signed) Jacob Leisler.

Abraham Gouveeneur.

PETITION OP JACOB MAURI TZ AND OTHERS TO THE KING.

To the King s most Excellent Maj 7
The humble petition of Jacob Mauritz, John Thomas,

ADMINISTRATION OF LEISLER. 341

and Jacob Willems and others on the behalf of
themselves and great numbers of your Maj'^* loyal
subjects in the province of New York in America.
Sheweth,

That your petitioners did to their utmost power as-
sist in securing the said province for your majV and
that Capt" Francis Nicholson (who was deputy govern-
or) having withdrawn himself Capt° Jacob Leisler was
by the freeholders and inhabitants Elected Commander
in chief untill your Maj*^s royall pleasure was known :
And that accordingly y^ s*^ Capt" Jacob Leisler with
great wisdom and Conduct did provide for y"* safety of
y*" said province, and did proclaime your Maj*7 and
your royal consort our gracious Si^veraign Lord &
Lady King & Queen and continued to govern the said
province with great regard to your Maj^^'^ interest & the
good of the Country, your Maj'^ having by your gra-
cious letter dated y^ 30th of July, 1689, been pleased to
confirme him in the said government till further orders,
that upon the 28th of Jaimary last Capt° Richard In-
goldesby arrived there from England with some soldiers,
who required the possession of y^ s*^ fort. But he hav-
ing no orders for that purpose, the said Capt" Leisler
was advised by the principall inhabitants not to surren-
der the same before the arrivall of Col° Sloughter (now
deceased) who your maj*^ had appointed to be Governor
& was shortly after expected, or till your Maj^^^ pleasure
was known. Whereupon y^ s'^ Capt" Ingoldsby in an
hostile and dreadfull manner, did assemble and arme
great numbers of French and Papists and others disaf-
fected persons, and besieged y"* s*^ fort, and continued to
be in arms to the great terrour of your Maj'-^s liege sub-
jects, about Six weeks till y*" s*^ Governor Sloughter did
arrive which was on the 19 th of March last. Where-
upon the said Captain Leisler, having notice thereof,
was willing to surrender y^ fort to Govern' Sloughter,
and accordingly did surrender the same, on the 20th of
March. But the s'^ Governor Sloughter and the s*^
Ingoldesby confederating witli divers wicked and dis-

342 DOCUMENTS RELATING TO THE

affected persons to your majesty did in an arbitrary and
illegal manner cause the said Cap" Leisler who had on
all occasions demonstrated great zeal and fidelity to your
Maj'^^ service, to be imprisoned and to be accused.
Tryed and condemned on the pretence of high Treason
and have since executed him and one Mr. Jacob Mil-
borne, and have sentenced to death several other of your
Maj^y* faithful subjects on the like false pretence, and by
divers illegal and unjust practices against your peti-
tioners and great numbers of your majesty's people in
the said province have most cruelly oppressed them,
Confiscating their estates and goods and forcing them
to depart the said province for the preservation of their
lives. By which barbarous and cruel proceedings the
said Country is like to become desolate, the greatest part
of the inhabitants having been necessitated to depart
the s'^ Province whereby they and your petitioners will
be utterly ruined, if your Maj*^ is not graciously pleased
to prevent y® same.

Your Peti" therefore humbly implore your most
sacred Maj*^ to take the premisses into your royal con-
sideration and in regard thereof (and of the French
neighborhood to the said province) to appoint a Governor
who is well experienced in Warr, and by whose wisdom
and conduct, the said Country may be restored and
settled in Peace, and the Inhabitants leaving y^ same,
and to make such further orders herein for the preserva-
tion of y^ s^ Province and for the relieff of your 2:)etition-
ers and their fellow sufferers as to your princely goodness
shall seem meet.

And 37our petitioners as in duty bound shall ever pray.
(Signed) Jacob Mauritz, Johannes Provoost,
John Thomas, Jacob Wyllems.

memorandum for AlSr AFFIDAVIT INCOMPLETE.

Dit Sijn de tergatoris van Jacop Maris die Ich heant-
woo7% heb ah- onder inH Jaer 1694 den 31 Julij.

That in or about y^ month of Feby. March, April,

ADMINISTRATION OF LEISLER. 343

May, or the beginning of June, 1689, news came that
J® Prince of Orange was Landed in England by Andrew
Grevenraet and since by Claes Gerrits' Sloop a Barbades
that he with y*" princess was proclaimed King and Queen
of England France and Ireland & of y® Dominions
thereunto belonging and Francis Nicholson the then L'
Governor left the Government of Niew York.

That in or about y® month of June, 1689, the chiefe
inhabitants of New Yorke did meet together to advise
what to doe, and Capt° Jacob Leisler & y® other Cap-
tyns with their advice proclaimed their Maj''^* Wm. &
Mary King & Queen of England France & Ireland &
the dominions thereunto belonging, whereupon the Com-
mittees for y'' province chosen by free votes of y"" people
did cliuse Capt" Jacob Leisler and made him Comander
of y" fort for service of their Maj''^'^' K. Wm. & :\I. till
orders should come & y® said inhabitants did promise to
assist him.

That in or about y^ month of August, 1689 the
said Comittees of y* People, did impower & made y*' s*^
Jacob Leisler Comander in Chiefe of y® province of
New Yorke, till orders should come from their Maj"^'
& y^ chief oif y*" people under their hands and seals did
engage to assist him.

That y^ s*^ Jacob Leisler by virtue of y^ premises
toke y** Govern' of s^ Province of New York upon him
and continued in y" possession for there maj"*"* service
severall months before any order came.

That in or about y^ month of December, 1689 came
here a warrant from the King to Francis Nicholson &
in his absence to such who for y" time being take care
for preserving y° peace & administering the laws in
New Yorke by one Mr. Riggs, w'''' warrant was by him
brought in y° fort, & discoursing in y'' presence of
Fredi'ick Phillips & Stephanus Van Cortlandt as alsoo
this deponent & more people, to Capt" Jacob Leisler
who was then in possession of y' Government & did say
I will not be hanged for you Mr. Phillips or for you
Mr. Cortlandt but if you Capt. Jacob Leisler demand it

344 DOCUMENTS RELATING TO THE

and give me a receipt, I shall deliver it to you which
was promised & done accordingly, & thereupon y® s*^
Capf" Leisler accept of y*' s*^ Govern* & with y^ Chiefe
ofy*' Inhabitants & in agreate number did proclaime their
majesties again including Scotland, w°^ before was not
expressed & did chuse sever^ Councellors & acted as
their lawful Gov'' giving out all sorts of commissions,
calling an assembly, making with them laws & orders
for y'^ government, remaining so in possession about one
yeare before any order came & y® principall of y® people
did subscribe to assist him in the same.

That Jacob Leisler when in possession of N. York
Government having received advice that war was
proclaimed in England against y'' French King &
his subjects, did also in New York, & did grant Comis-
sions & in particular to one Francis Goderis & Wm,
Mason to take of y® French King & his subjects Ships
& Goods & to bring them to New York for condemna-
tion.

That y^ s*^ Goderis did fitt out in May or June,
1690 two private men of war toke severall Ships of y®
French subjects and in Particular y" Ship Peter & did
bring them to New Yorke and did prosecute y® condemn-
ation of s'^ ship before y*' Judge of Admiralty there & other
members, whereof this depon' was one, and by examin-
ation found to be a ship belonging to y® Subjects of y*'
French King.

That in or about y'' month of September, 1690, a
publick Court of Admiralty was kept at y" Citty Hall
in y^ Citty of New Yorke Peter de la Noy Judge & this
deponent & other persons comissionated members &
there was a full and usual Tryall and by Sentence of
s*' Court y^ s"^ Ship was declared to be good prize.

That y® s*^ said ship y® St. Peter was changed of
name & called y^ Francis & Thomas and sold for y^ use
of y^ Privateers in a vendue by Jacob Milborne and
bought by Edward Antill for Jacob Mourits for five
hundred pounds according to common discourse and
was then called y'' Beare w*"^ I have painted atler s^

ADMINISTRATION OF LEISLER. 345

Ship and y® s*^ Jacob Mounts had s*^ ship in his
possession.

The above is copied from an original i)aper of that time in the possession
of Mr. Gerardus Duyukingin New York it appear (sic) to me to liave been
the rough copy of an aflSdavit of Jacob Maurits* when in England, & of
the same nature with those of Robert Sinclair and others. [See pages
314-31 and K Y. Doc. Hist, II. 402. Du Simitieee.]

DEPOSITION OF CITIZENS OF NEW YORK.

Wee underwritten Cittizens of New York, doe declare
and are ready to depose upon oath as followeth. That
in de beginning of June anno one thousand six hundred
and eighty nine the Lieut* Gov"" Francis Nicollson & the
inhabitants of New Yorke had public certain news that
their maj''''" Wm & Mary were proclaimd King and
Queen of England, &° and then said Nicholson left the go-
verning of New Yorke and withdrew from the execution
thereof, being not thereunto compelled or constrained;
but s*^ Nicolson before he went had some difference with
y" militia of y*" Citty (by him permitted to watch in y"
Fort whoe came there with half compagnies and drum
beating and relieved themselves every day by turnes)
about y'' stores of Powder and other ammunition, of
which they would have a vew and be satisfied in iff was
sufficient to resist an enemy, wherefore they were ill-
treated and called rebels, and also about placing of a
centry at y'' Saly port in y*" fort, and as hatz (sic) being-
deposed by several whereof y® deponents have seen y^
original depositions, did threaten in his passion to
pistoU one of their Corporalls and to Fire y" Townne,
which made a gj^eat noise and brought the burger mili-
tia to draw into y*" fort, and to send by their Serj', to y^
Citty Hall for y*" Key of the Fort or magazyn, because
they would inspect y*' stores, but he did refuse to deliver
y'' same to y'' Serjant, and ordered they should send a
Captain or Lieutenant & he would give him y'' Key,
then they persuaded Capt" Lodwyk (whoe that day had
y® watch in y^ fort) to goe whoe went with the Serjant
and some men, to y** Citty Hall and according to his

[* That this is an error is apparent from the title and contents of the paper itself.]

346 DOCUMENTS RELATING TO THE

promise did deliver y® Key to y® s*^ Capt°, which was (as
y*" deponents are ready to declare and have heard) a
small key to open a trunk or Cabinett where y® Keys of
y® fort or magazyn were in, and so they went peaceably
to y^ fort again, using no force or molestation against
him, all which was notorious and publick discoursed, and
y^ stores were examined and found defective, and most
of y" powder spoiled and unfitt to resist an enemy,
which was since mended by y'' powder maker. Since
that time said Nicollson absented himself from the fort,
and left it although desired by y^ Serjeant Churcher
that came for y'' Key with y" Capt" to come to y" fort
and that he could have y"" Key again and when he went
out to leave the same to y® Capt° in y" watch in y" fort
and he abided in y*" Citty the militia being in that con-
dition severall days did take a resolution to secure and
keep y^ fort till order should come from Engelandt in
tenor of a proclamation whereof made the third day of
June, anno one thousand six hundred eighty-nine, which
wee have seen. Then publick certain news came that
their Maj*'"' were proclaimed in Engeland King and
Queen of England, &", but s*^ Nicollson continuing after
this several days more in the city, did not declare for
their Maj"®' kept to his old Commission, praying pub-
lickly for y*" late King leaving his name in y*" Kings
arms and not discharging Popish officers, and finally y"
s'' Nicollson went unmolested out of y'' Citty and abided
severall days more in y" province, and then went away
with a vessell and so uncompelled and unconstrained left
y® government, and withdrew from y" execution thereof!
all which y^ most of y'' militia can declare.

In testimony of y" truth we have hereunto set our
hands in New Yorke y^ 22nd day of August, ao. 1694.

(Signed)
Leendert huygen Jacobus Goelet, Pieter Yacobsen

De Kleyn Albert Clock, Jan Tunese

Carsten Luersen, Albertus Ringo, Pieter Willemse

E,OOME

Johannes Tiebout, Poulus Turck, Juny?

ADMINISTRATION OF LEISLER. 347

New York y" 22^^ of August, 1694.
Then appeared before me Jacop Goelet, Lendert
Huygen, and all the above written persons and did de-
clare upon their oath and y^ holy Evangelists the above
mentioned writting and deposition to be true.

Will. Beekman, Justis.

DEPOSITION OF GERARDUS BEEKMAN.

New Yorkethe first day of Sepf, 1694.

Then appeared before me W™ Beakman Justice of
y° Peace for y^ City and County of New Yorke,
Gerardus Beekman and deposeth upon his oaths,
on the holy Evangelists, viz.' :
That at y^ arrival of y" govern"" Benj* Fletcher to
New Yorke the prisonner brought under Condemnation
delivered to him a petition, with congratulation and
gladness of his arrival, hoping he came with their
majesties order to release them of their miserable con-
feynment, which they had been forced to suffer for the
true service done for their Maj*""^' Whereupon he
called this deponent and Abraham Gouverneur at y^
Citty Hall in y" presence of Coll. Abraham de Peyster
and Sheriffe Thomas Codington y^ 31st August, 1692
and did say, you have petitioned to me without my
Councill. I know they are your enemies, but I must
rule the Country with them, you do justify yourselves
in y" petition, but their Maj"*"" have disapproved and
very ill taken y^ actions of Leisler, you are under y^ law
and sentence of death, in cause you will not acknow-
ledge by petition to me and Coimcil j^our fault I shall
execute y*' law against you. I am a man of my word. I
have no order from their Maj"''' to set you at Liberty and
shall write against you and Stop all wliat shall come in
your favour, but in case you do it I shall release you,
by y® threatenings of death y'' s'^ Prisonners made a
petition accordingly, expressing therein in cause their
Maj''"' were displeased in what was acted, then

348 DOCUMENTS RELATING TO THE

they were sorrow for it, and upon it they were sett
at Liberty. (Signed) Wm. Beekman,

Justis.

NOTES OF THE EXAMINATIONS BEFORE THE COMMITTEE OF

THE HOUSE OF COMMONS.

[TTie Bill for Reversing the Attainder of Jacoh Leisler and others was
delivered in to the Lords on the 2d April, 1695, and had a first reading on
the 3d. On the 4th. it was read a second time and its consideration com-
mitted to tliirty-four Lords or any five of them — the words " arbitrarily,
illegally and unjustly " being left out of the bill. Ou the 9th, it was
reported with amendments, which were read twice and agreed to, and the
Bill was ordered to be engrossed. On the 10th, it was read the third time
and passed. It was sent to the House of Commons on the same day, when it
was read a first time, and ordered for a second reading on the 11th. On
the 12th it was read the second time and referred to a Committee of forty
members. On the 16th it w;is reported without amendments, and recom-
mitted on the 17th. On the 18th. authority was given to the Committee
to senil for persons and papers. On the 22d a vote was passed that " all
that come to the Committee " should " have voices" — from which it appears
that members of the House who were not on the Committee were
interesting themselves in its proceedings. On the 80th April, the Bill was
again reported, without amendments, and on a motion to recommit the
House divided, and it passed in the negative — 88 to 84. On a motion that
the Bill be now read, there were 87 against it to 85 for it. On the 2d of
May, the motion that the Bill be read the third time prevailed by a vote of
49 to 36. It was accordingly read and then passed, and Sir Henry Ashhurst
was ordered to carry the Bill to the Lords and acquaint them that the
House of Commons " hath agreed to the same, without any amendments."
Being thus returned, — as the last act of the Session, which terminated on
the 3d of May, the Royal Assent was pronounced — " Soitfait come il est
desire.'''']

Informations taken by y^ Committee of y" House of
Commons before the passing off the Bill for the
reversal of Jacob Leister's attainder.

Mercurij 24 die Aprilis. [1695.]

The Comittee met and y^ Secretary of y^ Court of
Admiralty produced y® depositions and other papers
sent from New York. Then y*" Committee proceeded to
examine such persons as opposed y'' Bill, viz''
Mr. Dudley saith that he had no notice of this Bill
untill he saw it in y*^ votes.
That the persons to be restored are foreigners the
one a german and the other a frenchman and so
have no right to be restored.

ADMINISTRATION OF LEISLER. 349

Saith that Col" Nicholson was the Lieut* Govern'' _at
y** time that y^ bill suggested Leisler was Com-
ander in chief.

That y® King's letter was directed to Col° Nicholson
or to such persons as had the command there.

That Capt'^ Leisler was in y^ Fort before CoP Nich-
olson arrived.

That Major Ingoldesby arrived before Mr. Dudley
arrived and that he informed Leisler that Col"
Slaughter was coming but Leisler refused (to)
admit him.

Jovis 25° Apr.

That Col° Nicholson was Governor there at y^ time

ofy^ Revolution.
That y'' government was in y® prince and princess of

Orange.
That Capt° Leisler entered y^ fort and turned out

Nicholson and about 30 soldiers.
That y^ day after Nicholson went away Leisler

entred.
That he imprisoned severall that were of y® Kings

Councill.
That he broke y® peace and laws and committed

great abuses by taking away goods from y®

people, he thrust Nicholson out of the Castle and

put severall of y^ Councill into y^ dungeon.
That Major Ingoldesby arrived about six weeks

before Col" Slaughter and came and shewed his

Commission & desired entrance & that Maj""

Ingoldsbv had two Comp'^' of Grenadeers.
That upon y'^ 10*'' of March 1691 Capt" Leisler set

out a paper to let y™ know that if the soldiers

would not depart from y® town he would beat

y® town about their ears.
That Govern eur shot a poor man dead being y®

parish Clerk.
That he saw a poor Carter shot and another shot

through y® thigh.

350 DOCUMENTS EELATING TO THE

That Col° Slaughter sent Maj"" Ingoldesby to demand
y^ fort, who answered that there was no room for
Slaughter.
That he sent a 2^ time to demand y® fort & received
y^ same answer, but at last would admit him if
he would come in blindfold.
The 3*^ time he went to demand y® fort and that he

had y® same answer.
But y^ next day Capt° Slaughter put out a paper to
indemnify such as would quit y*" Fort and there-
upon they came out of y^ Fort and about 20 seized
him & delivered him up to C°'° Slaughter.
That a commission of Oyer & Terminer was issued
out to twelve genf" whereof he was one and
was eight days before y^ Court and refused to
plead upon which judgment was passed against
him.
That Col" Slaughter gave him a reprieve for 10
davs in all which time he never submitted to
Col" Sloughter.
That Col° Fletcher sent out a warr^ to apprehend

Gouverneur as a disturber of y^ peace.
That Col° Sloughter lay at anchor at y® time when

this disturbance happened.
That Col" Nicholson was turned out by Leisler and
y® rabble and he came into England and submit-
to his Maj'y
Q. What day Col" Slaughter came to anchor.
Ans. Saith that y® day after y^ people were killed in

y® town.
Q. When he landed.
Q. Whether Col" Sloughter opened his Commission

before he landed.
A. Kno\vs not.
Q. Whether he was present when his Commission was

read.
A. That he was present and heard it read.
Q. Whether (after the publication of his Commission)
Leisler refused to deliver y"" fort.

ADinNISTRATION OF LEISLER. 351

A. That he den3^ed it three times and held up his hat
and saith there was no room for Sloughter.

Q. Whether he was present when Ingoldesby demanded
y^ Castle of Leisler.

A. He was y® third time.

Q. Whether De la Noy and Milborne did not come out
to offer y' fort to Col° Sloughter.

A. That De la Noy and Milborne did not come to
offer any such offer.

Mr. Anthill. That he was Mr. Milborne's council and
that there was an Indictement ag** Gouverneur
for killing y® parish klerk wch. he saw and this
was about 4 days before Col° Slaughter arrived.

Q. Whether Leisler refused to plead when he was tryed.

Ans. That when they were called to plead they say they
could not submit to Col° Slaughter Com°
That Leisler and Milborne objected ag^' Mr. Dudley
and said that he was not a Competent Judge.

Q. Whether any question was put to the Court by
them wch. they desired to be resolved before
they pleaded.

Ans. That there was a paper delivered to y^ Court, but he
knew not y® contents.

Q. Whether all was ordered to withdraw upon y®
delivery of y® paper.
Saith yes.

Mr. Dudley when they came the second time they re-
fused to plead & the offered a paper & y* y**
contents of y^ paper was that they desired to be
tryed in England.

Q. What was the reason y® people was ordered to with-
draw

Veneris 26'' die Aprilis.

The Committee met and Mr. Povey produced a
letter from y'' Councill at New York to y** Lord
Shrewsbury.*

Adj*^ till 6 in y** afternoon.

[• See NewYork Colonial Doc, III. 585.)

352 DOCUMENTS RELATING TO THE

I*ost Meridiem.

Mr. Anthill saith in April '89 they had an account
of the p°® of Orange was landed in England
whereupon Coll° Nicholson called a Council!
A shipp arrived there laden with wines and that
there was a duty of 4 p^ a pipe to y® government
but Leisler refused to pay it, but got y^ wines
into cellars and upon this the rabble was up and
Leisler took y^ Fort and put out all y® souldiers
and afterwards Leisler sent out some people in
arms to demand y® keys of y® fort.

That he after joined w^*" a parcel of people wch.
he called his counsell and issued out warrants
to apprehend several of y® King's Council.

That he issued out orders to comand all who had
Commissions in y® former government to surren-
der their Commissions to him and some refusing
he put in prison several of them.
Q, Whether he was appointed Mr. Leisler councell.
Answ. He was.

That one Milborne afterwards arrived from Hol-
land who was made one of Leisler councell
he gave information that y*" Pr. of Orange was
landed in England and he encouraged tlie In-
surrection there.

That he said he was sorry that they left Nicholson
go away to England.

That Leisler declared himself Vice Admiral of the
Seas and granted Commissions to several.

That upon y® arrival of Major Ingoldsby the
Governour was gone to Bermudas & demands
Entrance into y® fort for his himself & soldiers
& y* Leisler refused and issued out a Proclama-
tion that whoever should adhere and assist CoP
Ingoldsby should be declared enemies.

That he raised rebellion there and several people
were shot to death others wounded and some
others injprisoned.

ADMINISTRATION OF LEISLER. 353

That when Col" Sloughter arrived he with the whole
Council went into y^ Staclt House and his
Com"" was read and he was sworne and then he
sent Col" Ingoldsby to demand y^ Fort who
made answer that he would call a councill and
consider of it & so Col'' Ingoldesby came and
demanded y® fort three times.
That that night several of Leisler men deserted &
y^ next day CoP Ingoldsby came to y^ Castle
and the gate was thrown open and Leisler stood
at y^ head of his men and CoP Ingoldsby bid
them lay down their arms.

Q. Mr. Nicholson at any time refuse to declare for y®
Prince of Orange.

Ans. He never did.

He saith that Leisler seized the fort before Nicholson

went off.
Nicholson lay severall days at Frederick Phillipse's

house after Leisler seized y® fort.
Saith that he seized the fort in the name of the
prince of Orange.

Q. Whether y'' man which was killed from y^ was was
(sic) before CoP Sloughter landed

Ans. It was before he landed.

Q. Whether there was any acts of hostility committed
b}^ CoP Ingoldsby.

Ans. Saith that some jruns were discharged.

Q. Whether any guns was planted against y^ fort.

An,'i. Saith there was.

Q. Whether the fort fired upon y* town or y*" town
against y^ fort.
Saith y^ fort fired upon y^ town first.

Q. Whether Major Ingoldesby shewed Leisler his Coin.

Ans. He cannot tell but he heard him say he had.

Q. Capt. Leisler did not offer to CoP Ingoldesby a
kind reception for him and his men.

Ans. He never heard he did.

Q. Whether a shot came from Town at one of Leisler
men in a boat.
23

854 DOCUMENTS RELATING TO THE

Ans. He did hear there was a man shot in a boat.
Q. What day did Leisler's prodamation come out.
Ans. It was as soon as ever Ingoldsby landed, Kesolu-

tions received.
Q. Whether these resolutions were after Capt" Leisler

was Tryed or before.
A71S.

Q. Whether those that made these resolutions . . .
Mr. Farwell that he arrived at New York in March
about a week before CoP Sloughter.
That a Com°° of Oyer & Terminer was issued out

to try Leisler & others.
And Leisler and Milborne were arraigned and they
refused to plead saying they had no power to
try them but desired to be sent into England.
That Capt'' Leisler desired before he pleaded to have

his Coin°° read. _

But y® Court said if he would plead that Com°° and
whatever else he had to offer to be read.
Q. Whether they were tryed upon one or two Indicte-
ments.
Saith it was upon two indictments.
That there was a Petition exhibited to y® Councill

and a hearing for severall days.
And upon y*" petition the Councell made a report
that Leisler and Milborne was executed accord-
ing to law.*
Saith that he hath seen a proclamation of warr
under Capf" Leisler and Milborne's hands de-
claring warr ag^ Ingoldsby and all his adherents.
And alsoe a letter writ by Leisler directed to one
Brazier wherein he had a design to destroy y"
whole Town.
Adjourned till tomorrow morning eight o'clock.

Sah'' 27 die Aprilis, 1695.
The Committee met and adjourned till 4 in y**
afternoon.

I* See 2f6W York Colonial Doc, IIL 827.]

ADMINISTRATION OF LEISLER. 355

Lune 29" die Aprilis^ 1695.
The Committee met and Mr. Dudley appeared.

Q. "Was asked Mr. Dudley how Mr. Anthill came to be
Mr. Leisler s Councill.

A. Mr. Leisler made choice of him.

Capt. Foster Saith that Leisler was in possession of y®
fort when he came there.
That he had laine at New York for six weeks very

quiet.
That there was a Complaint that some of CoP
Ingoldsby's Souldiers, had committed abuses in
y® town, for which complaint was made where-
upon Col° Ingoldesby appointed Soldiers to
walk the rounds for which Leisler was offended.
That afterwards there was a disturbance happened
and some guns was discharged from y® Fort &
some from y^ Town against y® Fort.
That there was no disturbance for a month or Six

weeks after Col" Ingoldsby came.
That when he landed he heard people say that
Leisler was Capt"" General or Governor.

Q. What Councell was it came aboard to Ingoldesby,

A. They were designed to be of Col. Sloughter.

Q. How Col° Leisler behaved himself after Col**
Sloughter arrived.

A. When he arrived he went to y® Stadt House his
Coirn°" read & he was Sworn & sent to demand
y® Fort.

Q. Whether Leisler delivered y" Fort peaceably.

A. Y* gates was opened the next morning and y^ fort
delivered.

Q. The Patroll was sent out by Capt"" Leisler or Col°
Ingoldesby.

Ans. Saith it was sent out by CoP Ingoldsby.

Q. Who he tooke to be the Chief Commander before
Col° Sloughter arrived.

Ans. Leisler was esteemed by some to be y* Chief
Governour.

356 DOCUMENTS RELATING TO THE

Q. Whether after Ingoldesby came those who were y**

Councell for Sloughter opposed.
Ans. They did not oppose.
Councell for Leisler.

Saith that if Capt" Leisler was constituted Chief
Governour by y® people then he committed no
Treason.

That what Col° Dudley has offered has been noth-
ing to the purpose.

That Col'' Slaughter landed y" 19th & y" indict* sets
forth y^ treason committed y® 17th and therefore
y^ indict* void.

That Nicholson refused to proclaim K. Wm. and
Q. Mary.
Mr. Gouverneur That he was in N York when news
came that K. Wm. was landed in England.

That he was one that was appointed to go y* rounds
& he said Nicholson was drawing (sic.)

That Leisler was appointed Governor of y® Fort
by y'' Government.

That Col° Ingoldesby arrived & Sent to demand y®
fort & Capt" Leisler answered y* if he had any
authority he should have y® fort.

That he found a protestation issued out by Ingoldes-
by to excite people to raise arms.

That he see severall guns planted by Ingoldsby
people.

That severall guns was discharged both from y® fort
and from y® Town.

March y^ 19th Major Ingoldesby came to y® fort and
demanded entrance & was admitted and Ingoldes-
by told Leisler y'' Col° Sloughter demanded y^
fort & Leisler answered that if CoP was arrived
and would show his Commission he was willing
to surrender his fort.

That when y® fort was delivered Capt° Leisler was
seized & about 27 more and were comitted to
prison eight da3's before a mittimus was made.

That when they came upon his Tryal he was told he

ADMINISTRATION OF LEISLER. 357

had a way to save his life that if he would y*
Leisler set him on. (sic)
Q. How long he lay in prison.
A. 17 Weeks and odd days.
Q. How came he out.
A. Col° Fletcher let him out b}^ y*' queen's letter.

When CoP Fletcher arrived he was in prison & he
petitioned him & he was called up before him &
asked how he dared to pet" him he ought to be
hanged & he should be hanged if he did not
acknowledge his offence wl^ereupon he was forced
to petition y^ Council.
Mr. Leisler That upon y' 31st of May the Capt°' of y'
militia took possession of y® fort & afterwards a
Gen^ Assembly was called & they chose Capt°
Leisler Commander in chief.
In Jan^ Ingoldesby arrived & demanded possession
of y® fort from Capt" Leisler who said if they
had any authority he would deliver it.
That he saw several guns planted against the fort.
That when Col° Sloughter arrived he sent Ingoldes-
by to demand y® fort & Capf Leisler sent two,
viz : Milborne and De la Noy to see whether
Col° Sloughter was come but they never come
back.
That he was sent to prison & remained 6 days
without a mittimus.

AN answer to the REASONS AGAINST LEISLER S BILL.

Annexed to a printed Act for Reversing the Attainder of Jacob Leisler and others, I found
the following printed on the same sheet. [Uu Simitiere.]

Humbly offered to the consideration of the Honourable
House of Commons.
The Preable of the said bill attirins these Particulars :
viz:
1st. The Inhabitants of New York in their general
assembly constituted Cai)t" Jacob Leisler their
Commander in chief, till their majesty's pleasure
should be known therein.

358 DOCUMENTS RELATING TO THE

2d. that the said Capf" Leisler was afterwards confirmed
in the said command by his Majesty's letter,
dated July 30, 1689.

3d. that the said Capt" Leisler having the administra-
tion of the said Government by virtue of the
said power and authority so given and confirmed
to him as aforesaid ; and being in the exercise
thereof, Cap. Ingoldsby in January, 1690 did
demand of the said Leisler, Possession of the
fort at New York, without Producing any legal
authority for such demand ; but the said Leisler
(pursuant to the Trust in him reposed) refused to
surrender to the said Capt" Ingoldsby the said
forts, and kept possession thereof till March then
following.

4th. that in the said month of March, Coll. Henry
Slaughter (being by their majesties constituted
Cap" General, and Governor in chief of the said
province) arrived at New York ; and as soon as
Capt" Leisler had received certain notice of his
arrival, he took immediate care for delivering up
the said fort to the said Coll. Slaughter's order,
which was accordingly done very early the next
morning.

5th. That the said Capt. Leisler, Jacob Milbourn,
Abraham Gouverneur and several others, were at
New York arraigned, convicted and attainted of
high treason and felony, for not delivering the
Possession of the said Fort to the said Pichard
Ingoldsby : and the said Leisler and Milbourn
were executed for the same.

The Peasons against this bill pretend, that all the said
particulars are mistaken in matter of fact, as
appears by the records of that Province.

Ans. Were all records in fact true, and never in Par-
liament to be contradicted, no attainders would
ever be there reversed : But for the gentleman
who opposed this bill, to produce copies of Records
(if any such can now be produced) to prove the

ADMINISTEATION OF LEISLER. 359

truth of the crimes, viz : the Treason, Felony,
&c. mentioned in the Records, in this he would
prove a thing by itself, but the falsity of those
facts is the thing in the bill complained of, and
for which reason his present maj'^ was graciously
pleased to give his royal leave, for the bringing
this bill into Parliament.
The state of the case, (as it was proved at New
York) is particularly thus, viz : When Capt° Nicholson
in Feb^ 1688 was Lieut. Gover"" of New York, he had
an account by Andrew Greverard, that his present
Majesty was arrived in England: Whereupon the said
Capf* Nicholson shew*^ a great dislike to that news, and
would do nothing in favor of then Prince of Orange's
interest. Some time after, Capt" Nicholson was informed
by persons that came from New England, that such as
were well affected to the protestant interest, had seized
Sir Edmund Andross the then Governor of New Eng-
land and New York, &c. and some others in authority
under him, and declared tor the then Prince of Orange.
As soon as Capt. Nicholson received the news from New
England, he turned the guns in the fort upon the Town,
and called a Council of Civil and Military Officers, in
which Council he then produced his Commission from
King James and declared he would stand by that Com-
mission and at the same time he without giving any
publick notice to that Council, privately dispatched a
messenf>;er for Eno;land. Some short time after this the
militia and inhabitants of New York, who were well
affected to the protestant interest unanimously took and
seized upon the fort & demanded of Capt° Nicholson
the keys thereof; which he did thereupon deliver. The
militia and other inhabitants thus in arms declar d for
the then Prince of Orange and protestant interest ; and
the Captains of the militia (of which Capt" Leisler was
one) by turns commanded in the fort. Some thne after
this Capt° Nicholson being at New York, (but not act-
ing in the government then as before, under the com-
mand of the militia) there came news that King William

360 DOCUMENTS EELATING TO THE

and Queen Mary in England were declar'd King and
Queen of England &c. Soon after which Capt° Nichol-
son left New York.

The militia having (as before observed) the govern-
ment in their hands, & by some Ships (but not from
authority) receiving the Proclamation, wherein the
King and Queen were proclaimed, the Captains and
Inhabitants proclaimed K. W. & Q. M. and thereupon
writ circular letters to all parts, to cliuse representatives
for a general assembly upon that juncture, which was
accordingly done, and in June, 1689, that assembly met,
and constituted Capt. Leisler Captain of the fort., for
their Majesties' service till order from their Majesties.

In August then following, that assembly met again ;
and then constituted the said Capt" Leisler Commander
in chief of the whole Province, till his majesty's pleasure
should be known in the })remises.

In the month of December, 1689, Capt. Leisler
being as above commander in chief, there was brought
to New York a letter from his majesty, thus directed,
(viz) to our trusty and well beloved Francis Nicholson,
Esq"" our Lieut*^ Gov"" & Commander in chief of our pro-
vince of New York in America. And in his absence to
such as for the time being, take care for preserving the
peace and administring the laws in our said province
of New York in America.

When this letter thus directed was brought to the
fort at New York, M'. Frederick Phillips and some
others that were of Capt. Nicholson's Council (whilst he
had the Government) demanded from the messenger the
said letter, which he refused, telling them that he
would not be hanged for any of them. But the said
messenger told Capt" Leisler that if he would demand
it, & give a receipt for the same, he should have the
letter, which Capt" Leisler agreed to, and thereupon
received the said letter.

By virtue whereof he did continue in the said
Government till Coll. Slaughter's arrivall.

All this was particularly proved at New York in

ADMINISTRATION OF LEISLER. 361

July last before tlie Commissioners appointed by the
Court of Admiralty ; the attorney general of New
York, three of the council, the Mayor of New York,
and three others being the Commissioners that took
these depositions, when all pei*sons whose interest it was
to have disproved those particulars were fairly heard.

Whereas it is pretended, that all but about 30 de-
serted Capt. Leisler that night Coll. Slaughter arrived
at New York, and the next morning the rest delivered
up Capt. Leisler prisoner : it is positively to be proved
that about 300 that very morning by Leisler's command
laid down their arms and then marched out of the fort.

Capt"" Ingoldsby by his commission was obliged to
obey such orders as he. should from time to time receive
from his Maj*^', and Coll. Slaughter (the Governor)
or the Commander in Chief for the time being.

Capt" Ingoldsby arrived at New York about six
weeks before Coll. Slaughter and (as before observed)
without producing any authorit}' under Coll. Slaughter s
hand demanded of Leisler y^ possession of y® fort.

It's humbly conceived before the arrival of Slaughter
within that province, of which he was constituted
Governour ; Capt. Ingoldesby was obliged to obey
the orders of Capt. Leisler, and not Capt. Leisler
subject to the command of Capt Ingoldesby for Coll.
Slaughter having not before his arrival at New York,
under his hand and seal given any authority to Capt.
Ingoldsby to demand that fort (not as is humbly con-
ceived legally could till his arrival within that Province)
Capt Leisler being the Commander in chief at New
York. Ingoldesby by his own commission was obliged
to obey Capt° Leisler s orders ; so that whereas Leisler
and others were tryed, convicted and executed, as tray-
toi-s for not delivering the fort to Capt Ingoldsby, It's
humbly conceived that had Cai)t" Ingoldesby (before the
ari'iyal of Col° Slaughter at New York) been arraigned
of high Treason for huing siege against that fort when
Capt Leisler was then there, as before, commander in
chief of the Province ; it might have gone in strictness

362 DOCUMENTS RELATING TO THE

of law, hard against Capt Ingoldsby, seeing in his so
laying siege he waged war against the commander in
chief of that Province to whose orders (before Coll.
Slaughter's arrival) by the express word of his com-
mission he owed subjection. But this very Capf"
Ingoldsby, who with several before Coll. Slaughter's
arrival at New York were in arms against the fort,
were some of the very judges before whom Capt° Leisler
and the rest were tried, convicted, and condemned as
traitors for the (pretended) crimes aforesaid.

As for the murder pretended to be committed by
Gouverneur in defense of the Fort against Capt. In-
goldesby, if any persons were killed in that defence,
before Coll. Slaughter legally demanded the Fort, its
humbly conceived that the Blood of him and of all
others so slain, ought properly and legally to be charg d
against them who were the criminals in that war. And
whether the then Commander in Chief, & such as acted
under his command or Capt"" Ingoldesby who (as before
observed) acted point blank against the Kings Com-
mission, were the offenders therein, will soon appear
before the honorable members to whose consideration
the premises are committed.

The Premises considered, it's humbly hoped that this
honourable house will now pass the bill, and not oblige
those interested in the passing thereof, to summon the
Persons from New York concerned in the trial of Capt"
Leisler to shew cause to the contrary, seeing such have
already been fully heard before the aforesaid Commis-
sioners at New York in July last, when and where the
particular narration was fully proved.

THE CASE OF MR. JACOB LEISLER.

That upon the late happy revolution the inhabitants
of his Maj^'''' Province of New York did desire y® then
Lieut Govern'' & Council to declare for his majesty
which was already done at Boston by the inhabitants
there, but y® same was denyed by them Capt" Nicholson

ADMINISTRATION OF LEISLER. 363

the Lieut* Governor alledofino- that he would own no au-
thority but that of y*" late King and would stand by the
Commission he had from s*^ King as long as he lived,
whereupon the inhabitants possessed themselves of the
fortress & examined y® stores leaving y^ Gov'" to consider
whether he would declare for his Majesty, which he did
not, & Avithdrew himself out of y" government y® in-
habitants thereupon in general assembly appointed
Capt" Leisler first Capt. of y^ Fort and afterwards
Commander in Chiefs untill his Maj*'*^^^ order should
arrive, who caused their majesties authority over said
province to be declared and built severall Fortifications
and so continued till one Mr. Riggs arrived from Eng-
land with a warrant from his Maj^'^^ directed to Francis
Nicholson and in his absence to such as for y® time
being take care for y* preserving of y® peace and ad-
ministration of y® laws in y® s'' province Capt° Nicholson
having in a manner aforesaid deserted y® government &
Capt. Leisler then Commander in chief it was resolved
that the execution of y® s^ warrant belonged unto him
which he accordingly did untill the 28th Jan^ 1690
when Capf" Ingoldsby arrived from England with some
soldiers who demanded the Possession of s*^ fort without
producing any authority from his Maj"®*, or Col"
Sloughter the then appointed Governor from whom he
parted at Sea & therefore was denyed y® same until y®
Gov" arrival or his Maj^'®^ Commands that thereupon
the said Ingoldsby together with Mr. Dudley, Philipse,
Cortlandt and others did in a dreadfuU & hostile assemble
to themselves negroes, papists, and other 2)ersons & so in
a warlike manner arrayed laid close to y^ s*^ fort Mr.
Dudley taking upon him to call to himself some persons
which were nominated of the Councell to collect and
with him to set as a Council before they had their war-
rants for y* same or the Governor was arrived who did
uphold y* s** Ingoldsby in his s*^ unwarrantable practices
notwithstanding the several declarations & protestations
made against them by the s"^ Leisler & so continued
in this terrible manner untill the 19th day of March

364 DOCUMENTS RELATING TO THE

then foll^ when Col° Slaughter arrived, Capt° Leisler
had no sooner notice thereof (altho' late at night) but
sent two gentlemen to congratulate his arrival & offer
the fort & govern* to hira or their maj*'^^ governour but
without being heard were committed to y^ common
goal y^ next morning at sunrise Capf" Leisler sent a
letter to y^ s*^ Governor desiring him to send some per-
sons to receive y® fort which he did but immediately
caused s^ Leisler and others to be committed to prison
& afterwards indicted for high treason & felony before
Joseph Dudley, Capf" lugoldsby &". Parties concerned
as aforesaid for not having delivered y'' s*^ fort to y® s*
Ligoldesby & his associates. M'. Leisler and M"". Mil-
borne demanded of y® judges whether y® authority
whereby they had acted was legall or not, which
question they desired might be resolved before they
pleaded, but they refused to resolve it. Mr. Leisler and
Milborne thereupon alledged that before it was resolved
they could not plead, but did appeal to the Kings
maj*^^^ desiring to be sent for England which was re-
fused, and they were by y** s*^ judges condemned as
mutes and afterwards barbarously put to death the six
other persons were in like manner indicted & pleading
not guilty were brought in guilty for having assisted
Capt° Leisler as aforesaid, y^ Judges and particularly
M^ Dudley alledging that Leisler had no legall authori-
ty at all.

[At the end of a ruff (sic) copy of the above case & mostly in the same
words, tho' appears to have been intented (sic) for the house of Commons,
is the following. Du Simitieee.]

& inasmuch as his Maj''^ being sensible of y® hardship
of y*" case of y^ s*^ Jacob Leisler, Jacob Milborne &
Abraham Gouverneur was graciously pleased to give
leave to bring y^ s^ bill in parliament & signed y** same
before it was brought into the house of Lords the s*^
Jacob Leisler Jacob Milborne Ab™ Gouverneur humbly
hope the s*^ bill will be jjermitted to pass this honorable
house and y® rather because by reasons of the oppres-
sions before mentioned they are reduced to such

ADMINISTRATION OF LEISLER. 365

bill should not pass this ses-
sion they will not be capable of raising money to pay
the fees for passing it another time.

LOYALTY VINDICATED.

[In the year 1698, a tract was printed and published in New York,
entitliid — " A Letter from a Gentleman of the City of New-Yorlc to Another,
Concerning the Troubles which happen'd in that Province in the Time of
the late Happy Revolution. Printed and Sold by William Bradfurd, at the
Sign of the Bible in Neic- YorJc, 1698." The letter was dated •' Jfew York,
December 31, 1697," and the pages following it give the King's Letter to
the Lieutenant Governor Nicholson, etc., dated 30 July, 1689, to which
succeed (a.) The Resolves of the House of Representatives dated April 17,
1691, signed Ja: Graham, Speaker, (b.) An Address to his Excellency
Colonel Sloughter, dated April 17, 1691, and signed Ja: Graham, Speaker.
(c.) "At the Court at Whitehall, the 17th of March, 1691,"— the Queen's
Order that the Estates of Jacob Leysler and Jacob Milborne be restored to
their families, siirned Richard Colinge.

This publication had the official sanction of Governor Fletcher and his
Council. " At a Ooimcil held at New York, 4th March, 1698. Tlie 01. of
the Council laid before this Board a Letter relating some transactions in
this Province found at the printer's wliich was ordered to be read. The
Council are unanimously of opinion that it contains nothing but truth,
and that it ought to be printed and published with the other papers men-
foned therein and do desire his Excellency will give direccons for the
printing thereof accordingly." Council Minutes : VIIL, 31. quoted by Dr.
O'Callaghan in N. 7. Col. Doc, IV., 315, note.

The '■'Letter'''' was rei)rinted in 1849, in the Documentary History of
the State of New YorTc, Vol. II., 425-35. Of the accompanying docu-
ments, the King's letter was printed in the iV. Y. Col. Doc, Vol. III.,
606— the Resolves and Address of April 17, 1691, are in the Journal of the
General Assembly, Vol. I., 5-6, — and the Queen's Order of 17th March,
1691, in the N. Y. Col. Doc, Vol. IIL, 827.

The following tract in reply is now for the first time reprinted, from
the original in the Lib>ary of the Society, entitled

Loyalty Vindicated; being an Answer to a Late False, Seditious and
Sciindalous Pamphlet, entituled, "J. Letter from a Gent., Etc.'''' Pub-
lished for the Sake of Truth and Justice, by a Hearty Lover of King
William and the Protestant Religion. 4:to. pp. 28. Boston, 1698. ]

Loyalty Vindicated from the Reflections of a Virulent
PamjMet called [A Letter from a Gentleman of
Neiv York., concerning the troubles which happened
in that Province^ in the time of the late happy
Revolution] wherein the Libellous Author falsely
scandalises those Loyal Gentlemen., who couragious-
ly threiv off the absolute Slavery that Province then

366 DOCUMENTS RELATING TO THE

lay under : and Declared for His present Majesty^
the Protestant Religion, and the English Laws.

Although to name but the Authors of this Pamphlet,
to give account of the time, manner, and design of its
Publication, would sufficiently confute it ; and were it
all Truth, take away its Credit : Yet I shall first by
plain proof of Fact and Reason, disabuse whom it may
have imposed on ; and then expose the Seducers them-
selves whose corrupt minds gave birth to this Ignis fat-
uus.

I know the Authors have triumphed, that their Libel
hath not hitherto been answered, but they will have but
little cause, when they consider it required some time to
recover the damp and stunn given to honest minds, by
the late corrupt Government of New York that publisht
it : and some time will always be naturally taken up for
the exults of joy ; that truth and honesty will now have
their turn of being protected by Authority.

It was with great dread known, that the late King
James was bound in Conscience to indeavour to Damn
the English Nation to Popery and Slavery, and there-
fore no wonder (since he made such large steps towards
it in his Kingdom's) that he took a particular care of
this Province, of which he was Proprietor, & at one
jump leapt over all the bounds, & Laws oi English Right
and Government ; and appointed a Governour of this
Province of New York, who (although he was a person
of large indowments of mind yet) gave active Obedience
to his Prince without reserve ; and accepted of a Com-
mission now on record in the Secretarys Office, giving
him power with consent of any Seven of his Council to
make Laws and to raise Taxes (as the French King doth)
without consent of the People, (for the Council are no
body, but whom pleases to name, and therefore could
represent nothing but the Kings pleasure). Hereby
the will of the Prince became the Law; and the
estates of the subjects became the Kings property. And
this Governour and Council were the tools to inslave
their Country, who pursuant to their Commission did

ADMINISTRATION OF LEISLER. 367

make Laws and Assessed Taxes accordingly, without any
Representatives of the People, as appears by the E-ecords
of the Council book.

This French Government being thus (by Commis-
sion) introduced, it Avas natural that Papists should be
employed in the highest Trusts ; such as the Council,
the Revenue, and the Military Forces ; and since no
Law was left alive to make them unqualifyed, therefore
this obedient Governour admitted major Brockholse and
major Baxter into the Council ; Matthew Plowman to
be Collector of the Revenue, and said Baxter and Russel
to Command Military Forces ; all professed Papists to
assist in making Arbitrary Placats, and forcing obedi-
ence to them from a Protestant free People.

This was the condition of Neiv York, the Slavery
and Popery that it lay under, until the Hand of Hea-
ven sent the glorious King WILLIAM to break those
chains, which would otherwise have fetter d all Europe.
And these were the reasons that moved the Gentlemen
concerned in the Revolution of New York, to be early
in shaking off their Tyrants, and declaring for their
Deliverer.

These things premised do make way for the answer
to the bold Assertions of the Libeller, who had the
Author Printed the Letter ten years before, viz. the
time of the Revolution, he would have come under the
penalty of spreading false News, which he in particular
knows, in Scotland is calfd Leesing, and deserves the
death calFd the Maiden.

[Pag. 3] * In the third page which is the first of the
Letter, he declares that Jacob Leisler and his accomijlices
committed great disorders iti the devolution. And was
ever Revolution made without them ? What, must the
noxious humours of the body natural, be loosned and
put a float, and very often with pangs and gripes, before
the Medicament can officiate the discharged & must not
the body politick suffer a. Convulsion to pluck up Spir-

[* Documentary nistory of Kew York, II. 426.]

368 DOCUMENTS EELATING TO THE

itual and Temporal Tyranny that was taking root in it?
But I pray explain yourself, was not the Revolution it
self the greatest disorder that could be given to you and
the Jacobite party ? and therefore you need not admire
nor wonder that all those that have a good opinion of
the Revolution, have so likewise of Jacob Leisler, and
other early Instruments of it in this Province : Nor is
it a wonder that it should be credited, that the persons
then in Commission in JVew York were Jacobites^ and
persons ill affected to the Revolution (which now the
Libeller dare not say otherwise than call happy) for their
very Commissions from King James were expresly
contrary to Law, and their persons unqualified to
serve in any Capacity in any English Government and
so that as Jacobites {i. e. obeyers of King James's Arbi-
trary Government) and as Papists they must naturall}^
be ill affected to the happy Revolution in England^ and
implacable Enemies to the well wishers thereof in New
York. The proof of this appears by the Printed account
of the State of the Government of Neiv York^ attested
by the Records of ^iv Edmund Andross^ Coll. Nicholson^
Mattheiv Plowman^ major Baxter and Bartholomew
JiusseVs Commissions ; which are Evidence undeniable
and point blanck contrary to the Testimony of the Lib-
eller, who calls himself a personal witness. But the
Author was safe at the time of Publishing the Letter,
for it was when the Province lay under the calamity
(more then in any other age) of Licensing this Letter,
which gives Authority for the palliating of Vice with
false glosses, and of criminating the Actions of the most
Just and Virtuous and pious persons, and when Truth
and Innocency were striped of all defence against the
malice, falsehood and calumny of Col. Fletcher, and his
complying Council.

We are told the Lieutenant Governour and Council
were Protestants^ and perhaps they were ; and so were
Frieiid^ Perkins^ Jejferys^ Herbert^ Bishop of Chester^
and Brian Haynes the player; therefore that is no

ADMINISTRATION OF LEISLER. 369

infallible Test that they were well affected to the Rev-
olution, if they had no other. But they resolved There-
upon to si(S2^e7id all Koman Catholicks from Comitiand
and places of trust in the Government. Well resolved,
though they did not perform it, as the Libeller after-
wards owns. But what means the word [^Thereupoii]
i. e.. King James was fled into France, the Prince of
Orange was Armed with considerable Forces in Eng-
land, and by consent and voice of the Nation declared
their Deliverer and King : and since King James could
not stand by them, and the Arbitrary Commissions he
had given them, and Old England would be sure to
Command Neiv-York : Therewpon they &c. No thanks
to them for their Thereupon. Besides if T am not mis-
taken, the execution of their Illegal Commissions (which
the}' held as long as they could) and their fear of ex-
asperations they had justly given to the People, by being
Voluntary slaves to King James his Will, and Author-
ised to make all under them to be likewise so : (as the
Devils would have all men Damn'd with themselves.)
For' these reasons these faint resolves were made and
ill executed. But we do not find that Thereupon they
declared for the Prince of Orange^ or the Protestant
Keligion. No, these Gentlemen had submitted so in-
tirely to such a blind Obedience to their Prince as
(notwithstanding their Profession) was never practised by
an}' Christians, but the Papists ; and think to hide their
nakedness by the fig leaf of turning a single Papist out
of the Council, just as their Master King James did,
when the Prince of Orange was landing ; the Nations
hearts alienated from him, and his standing Army likely
to run over to the Prince : Thereupon., he restored tlie
Charters of Corporations, and Magdalen Colledge of
Oxford., and declared to call a free Parliament : Just
with the same good will as these New York Thereupon-
men. [Pag. 4.] * But it is notoriously false and known
to be so by the Inhabitants of New York., that There-
upon these disbanded Pa})ists forthwith left the Prov-

[* Documentary History 0/ New York, II. 426.]
24

370 DOCUMENTS RELATING TO THE

ince : For Baxter stay'd here several Moneths, not "know-
ing whether it was a real Revolution or no; and
Russel stay'd and dyed in Neiv YorJc^ but Ploivma??
continued fix'd in the greatest Trust of Collector of
the Revenue, being intrusted by the Protestant Lieu-
tenant Governour and Council with the sinews of War
in his management, who would be sure as a strict I^a-
pist to employ it in the service of a Pj^otesfant Revolu-
tion, from the same good affection with themselves.

To proceed, this Libeller names three Dutch Gentle-
men of their Council, and tells you, that hut two of them
were most affectionate to the Royal house of Orange,
although Mr. Phillips (I believe) had the same affec-
tion with the rest : but the Libeller never tells you, that
any of them were pleased that the Prince of Orange^
had rescued from ruine our English Laws, Liberties and
i^rotestant Religion, and was become a Royal English
King : which was but a small reward to Him for the
Blessing it gave us : he only tells us, that as Dutch-
men they loved the Royal house of Orange : So I pre-
sume the late King Ja.nies doth, being tyed by blood
thereto; although he wishes him far enough from
England. I suppose those Dutch Gentlemen will give
the Libeller few thanks for his remarks on them. He
adds, that the said Lieutenant Gove7^nour and Council
Conve7ied to their Assistance., all the Justices of the Peace
and Civil Magistrates., and Military Officers. But they
had quite forgot the English Constitution of calling the
Representatives of the People : and whereas several of
this Convention were the Persons that were pitched
upon, and thought fit by the then Arbitrary Government
to have Commission, Office and Power to enslave the
subject. No wonder the People did not think themselves
safe in their hands, to be managed by the major Vote of
such a Convention.

Neither was the first thing they ordered, viz. Fortify-
ing the City of New York, any wise satisfactory ; since it

ADMINISTRATION OF LEISLEK. 371

was most proper that those persons who gave occasion for
a Kevolution, were most probable to make themselves
strong to oppose it. And therefore Coll. Bayard made
Coll. of the Militia by King daines^ was most liable to
obey and execute King James's order, and an unsure
Security for the Fort ; Especially having so often declared
in Words, and Letters, under his own hand to Mr.
West (&c. Tliat those who were in Arms for the Prince
of Orange were Rebels. But it is absolutely false, that
Coll. Bayards industry fbrtifyed the Fort ; for Capt.
Leisler opened the Well, which was closed up ; he it
was ordered the Batteries, that were made about the
Town, he mended the Breast works of the Fort, as like-
wise the Platforms, and Powder Boom ; all which were
in a. miserable Condition : and these great works took
up near a Twelve Moneths time, with Vigorous applica-
tion and industry of the Inhabitants, after Bayard was
out of the Power of betraying the Fort, which could
never have been defended in the posture he kept it, with
no Well open, nor any covering for it, defence or secu-
rity for their Ammunition. Besides when the Militia
Forces were on guard in the Fort, the Lieutenant Gov-
ernour in Passion altered their Orders given by their Offi-
cers, and told them, if they gave him any farther trouble
he would set the City on fire. This prooved by the Depo-
sitions of Albort Bosch & Henry Coyler. [Pag. 5.]'-'
And for their own sakes they appointed and continued
the Bevenue, as being very useful for men of any design :
which makes nothing for their cause.

It matters not what Letters were sent home by the
Lieutenant Governour, for it is plain neither Governour
nor Council would declare for the Prince of Orange^
pretending they wanted Orders ; No, they wanted good
will ; for without Orders this Libeller pretends they
turned out Baxter and Russel out of Commission. I
wonder how they dared to go so far, and no farther.
But no body but themselves know or care whither they
wrote or no, for it signifyed nothing, except to excuse

[* Documentarij History of New Yoik, II. 427. ]

372 . DOCUMENTS RELATING TO THE

themselves from declaring till an answer came, and they
knew who was uppermost. I suppose they had a mind
to stay to see who got the better in Ireland^ before they
would declare.

[Pag. 6.] * A Lying building must have a lying
foundation, & therefore the Libeller says, That Oapt.
Leisler unwilling to pay the Duty of his Wines stirred
up the People to Behellion. The case was thus, the Po-
pish Collector Ploumian was then continued in Office,
and Capt. Leisler did, even with him, make entry in the
Custom house for his Wines, and ingaged to pay the
Customs to such as should be legally qualified to receive
them ; which the Papist Plowman was not.

And now the people being exasperated by the delay
of the Governour and Council to declare for the Prince,
the greater body of the Militia with their Officers, did
Seize on the Fort, and did send and demand the Keyes
from the Lieutenant Governour ; and since they had
taken the Government on them, they did Seize what Pub-
lick Moneys they could find ; and took the Seven hundred
Seventy three Pounds from Coll. Nicholson^ which with
great prudence they did Expend for the safety and de-
fence of the Revolution : nor utere the People Drunk or
Mad : for no Man, Woman, or Child, was hurt by them
even in the very Convulsion of changing the Govern-
ment ; nay the very Papists then in Office, and others
who were justly suspected of designs of betraying the
Country to King James's faithful Allie, the French King
had not a hair hurt, except by the fright their own guilt
occasioned ; and these Pevolutioners must either be very
sober or loving in their drink, or these Jacobites had
never scap'd being Deivitted by a sufficiently provoked
People, who had the Power, but more grace than to
use it.

False Assertions without proof are sufficiently an-
swered by denj'ing them. This northern forehead

[* Documentary History of New York, II. 428.]

ADMINISTRATION OF LEISLER. 373

answers himself: for the Libeller says, the people cry' d
out that they disowned all Government^ and in the next
line tells you, they proclaimed Capt. Leisler their Com-
mander. Bat T suppose, he gives the contradiction as a
proof of the Peoples being drunk ; to be against all
manner of Government, and choose a Governour in the
same breath. Tis likewise notoriously false, that no
other CommissionM Officer was amongst them : for most
of the Officers of the Militia of the City joyned therein :
But had it been true, then Capt. Leisler as the only
Commission Officer ought to Command them ; and they
were just and sober in their choice, as well as prudent
in their Trust of so good and faithful a Person. But
Xho, fact of this was false, for Capt Leisler. though in-
strumental in shaking off the Tja-annical Government,
did not believe he had a Title to govern longer than the
Peoples Besolutions were known; and therefore, circular
Letters were carryed by Coll. Depeyster and Capt.
De Brayn to the several Counties ; whose Freeholders
chose their RepresentativCvS, who being met appointed
Capt. Leisler Commander in Chief under their Hands
and Seals, and appointed several to be of his Council,
under the name of a Committee of Safety to preserve
the Publick Peace of the Province : who did it so effectu-
ally, that those divested of the Governing power had no
other harm done to their persons ; and the late Lieu-
tenant Governour was permitted to withdraw himself
whither he pleased. And here I must remark that he
fared much better than Sir Edmund Andross at Boston.,
who was made close Prisoner and sent home to England.^
and yet no man was Executed or attainted there for that
act of Loyal Violence.

Boston having proclaimed King WILLIAM and
Queen MABY, and Netv York Fort and Government
possessed b}' Loyal Leisler and his party, and the
Lieutenant Governour withdrawn out of the Province
then the Libeller saith, Tliat the lute Council and their
Convention of Justices of the Peace & Officers., had a

374 DOCUMENTS RELATING TO THE

great mind to proclaim the King <& Queen, whom they
never had declared for, and we must take his word for
it : but he owns the Loyalists did proclame them, but
saith, it ivas very disorderly. I observe whatever made
for the Revolution, or against the late King (Tames, is
very displeasing to the Scribler : For when the People
took the Government out of their Arbitrary betrayers
hands, he saith, they were drunh or mad ; & now the
proclaiming of the King & Queen, was very disorderly,
in neither of which he gives one instance : [Pag. 7.] *
But thank God, they were proclaimed, & their goodness
will pardon small disorders which were the effects of
Loyal Zeal. Although the Jacobites will never forgive
them for it. Some of which Council and Magistrates
went to Coll. Bayards house and drank and rejoyced
that Leisler had done what they never could have the
heart to do, nor made one step towards. And we may
know what kidney these drinkers were of, by whose
Wine they drank : For Coll. Bayard having been a
complying tool all King James's Arbitrary Peign, you
shall judge of the rest by his opinion of the happy Rev-
olution, in his letter to Mr. Westoi the lUh oi January
1689,90. Wherein he calls them Philistines; calls
Leisler and his Loyal party, the Arch Behel and his
hellish crew ; wishes he had a sujfficient nnniber to sup-
iwess the Rebels, calls them usurpers of the Government,
and Sir Edmund Andross, his Excellency, and calls his
friends Loyal, and the whole tenour of the Letter is to
keep up King James s title to admit his Commissions of
Government to be of force, to brand all that declared
for the Prince of Orange, with the black name of Rebels ;
by which he owned King James was still in his heart,
and had he power equal to his will, would have kept
him still on the Throne, and therefore we may judge of
his and his Companies joy, on this occasion, and whose
Health they draiik : which, eight years after, they tell
us was King WILLIAM^S and Queen MARYS.

{* Documentary History of New York, II., 428-29.]

ADMINISTRATION OF LEISLER. 375

His Majesties Proclamation to confirm Sheriffs^ Col-
lectors, &c. in their Offices, being Published, the Con-
vention removed Mattheiv Plowman a Papist from being
Collector, but this is now when Capt. Leisler had res-
cued the Government, was possessed of the Fort, and
had proclaimed King WILLIAM and Queen MAPY.
Then the Convention (who had done none of these things
and were angry at those who did) they removed a Pap-
ist from his Office, about the middle of June^ who was
permitted by them to act above two Moneths from the
time that the Lieutenant Governour and Council re-
solved to remove Papists from Offices ; which (as the
Libeller in the first page of his Letter saith) ivas the he-
ginning of April : they kept him in as long as they
could, and now to mend the matter, they put others in
his place of the same principles as to King James, of
which the famous Bayard aforementioned was the Ping-
leader. And the Libeller brags, that they loere the first
in the Province that took the Oaths to their Majesties,
ap])ointecl hy Act of Parliament : It may be true ; but
it is as true, that they were the last and backwardest to
assist in the Revolution, or declare for the Prince of
Orange, which they never did ; but afterwards pursued
to death those that had done it. They were indeed most
forward to take Oaths, when they were to gain by them,
and to have the fingring of the Revenue. For the
carrying of the purse they will deny their old Master
Kjing James ; not out of hatred to him, but love to
Money ; being bound by solemn Oath to be true to their
own interest ; which Oath binds them closer than any
Oath of Allegiance.

These worthy Commissioners of the Revenue sate in
the Custom-house, but Capt. Leisler with the Inhabit-
ants who had possession of the Government and Fort,
demanded of them by what Authority they pretended
to act; who refusing to give Capt. Leisler any Account
they offered to turn him out of the Custom-house by
force ; on which tumult (made by three Jacobites) a guard

376 DOCUMENTS RELATING TO THE

of Inhabitants from the Fort came to defend their Cap-
tain. And the People in the Streets were so enraged at
Coll. Bayard (who they knew was as inveterate as any
Papist against the Revolution) that they certainly had
tore him to pieces, had not the good temper of Capt.
Leider been his protector, who was the only person capa-
ble of saving him in that extremity, and favored his
escape, and let him live to have afterwards a hand in
the Murdering his deliverer : So that the Violence of
Armed men and naked Swords, beating the Commis-
sioners from the Custom-house, was very modestly
done, for no man was hurt, not so much as a skin broke
of those who deserved the halter ; but they are still
alive ; some of them to watch another occasion to be-
tray their Country, when they can get a Popish King of
Engkmd to assist them.

[Pag. 8.] * Captain Leisler finding several Papists
and false Protestants in the Town, like a prudent Officer
kept good guards, sent parties to prevent any Conspi-
racy they might make to resume the Government ; and
to preserve the Peace ; which was dayly attempted to be
broke by declaring for King James^ and his Governour
Sir Edmund And joss, and clenj'ing the Authority of the
People, and Capt. Leisler intrusted by them, on which it
Avas wisely done of Capt. Leisler to secure in the Fort
those whom he found so troublesome to the publick
Peace, and as the heads of them he Imprisoned the
afore-mentioned famous Coll. Bayard and Mr. Nichols,
but without barbarity they were confined, and not in a
nasty Goal, but in handsome lodgings, such as now are
thought proper for the Captain of the Guard, the Store
keeper and the Secretary of the Province to lodge and
keep Office in. It is true that Coll. Bayard was put
in Irons, as he well deserved for his aversion to the Re-
volution, disturbing the Peace, and attacking Capt.
Leisler (then Commander in Chief) in the open Street,
as appears by several credible Oaths. Nor could it be

[* Uucumentary Bistary of New York, II., 429-30.]

ADMINISTRATION OF LEISLER. 377

safe to admit such fire brands to Bail ; and therefore
they were kept close from doing mischief, which is the
part of all good Governments to do, and was most
necessary in this Revolution.

Captain Leisler with the Committee of safety (ap-
pointed by the Representatives of the Freeholders of
the several Counties of the Province) ha\ang published
their Declaration for the Prince of Orange the Protes-
tant Religion, and the English Laws and Liberties, they
thought it prudent to discriminate the Well affected
from the Enemy, and therefore Summoned all the In-
habitants of the City to the Fort, to sign their names to
such a Declaration as owned the Authority of the Prince
of Orange. And the refusers must justly b}' him and
all mankind be deemed Enemies to the Revolution, to
His Majest}-, and their Country. And is this a crime
to kno^v the Sheep from the Goats, or to take all Rea-
sonable methods for the safety of the then Government :
but the Libeller is angry at every prudent stejj was
taken, nor is he satisfyed, although it is above Seven
years since he was gorg'd with their innocent blood
which he had a hand in shedding.

It is notoriously false that Capt. Leider opposed the
Collecting of the Revenue ; indeed he was not willing a
Papist should run away with our Protestant Kings
Mone}', nor did he think it safe in Bay arch' &c. hands.
But the Committee of safety (and not Capt. Leisler)
a[)pointed Mr. De Lanoy (in whom they durst confide)
to that trust, who received no Customs until December
following, when his Majesties orders arrived ; till then
he took only notes from tlie Merchants to pay the Cus-
toms when demanded. And 'tis well known that Mr.
DeLaTioy gave a fair and true Accompt of his Receipts
and payments of the Customs to Governor Slaughter :
whereb}- it appears he had expended five hundred Pounds
of his own Money above the Money of the Revenue,
ibr the Kings Service and the support of the Revolu-
tion ; which Money is not repaid him to this day through

378 DOCUMENTS RELATING TO THE

the iniquity of some Jacobites afore-mentioned, who
crept into power, and who have thereby gratifyecl their
revenge on men of greater sense and Loyalty than
themselves.

On the tenth of December one Riggs brought his
Majesties Letters which were delivered to Capt. Leisler\
as they ought according to their direction ; for Coll.
Nicholson (to whom they were first directed) had with-
drawn himself out of the Province, and iu his absence
the Letters were directed to such as for the time being
took care for the preservation of the Peace and Admin-
istring the laws ; [Pag. 9.] which was none other but
Capt. Leisle)\ who was appointed thereto by the Re-
presentatives of the Freeholders of the several Countyes
of the Province, and had the Command of the Fort ;
nor could those who called themselves of the Council be
intituled thereto, for they were the Persons that were
made use of in the late Arbitrary and Tyrannical Gov-
ernment, to the over-turning of all Laws, and Civil
Rights, and who gave Occasion for the Revolution in
New York^ and did never declare for the Prince of
Orange.

These Letters from His Majesty fully confirming
Capt. Leister in the Government, whereto he was chosen
by the Peo|)le's Representatives ; he indeavoured to ex-
ecute his trust faithfully, and on such an Emergency it
was the greatest wisdom and prudence to find Money to
support the Government, which he did as regularly as
the time would permit, by and with the consent of the
General Assembly of the Province fairly chosen by the
Freeholders ; this which seducer falsely insinuates were
only Selected and Appointed by Capt. Leisler. And by
and with their advice and consent Taxes were raised and
properly applyed. And 'tis observable the Libeller tells
us, that Oap)t. Leisler applyed these Sums to his own pri-
vate use, and yet the very next words tells us, it was to
maintain said disorders^ allowing private men Eighteen

ADMINISTRATION OF LEISLER. did

Pence per day : by disorders he means the Government
reposed by the People and confirmed by King WILLIAM
in Capt. Leisler which had disordered and routed the
former Slas^ery the People lay under; for it was disor-
der to none but Papists and Jacobites. And the
Eighteen pence a day was for the private use of the
private men to whom it was paid, for their subsistence
in defending the Government : and their defence was in-
deed of private use to Capt. Leisler^ as comprehended
in the Publick general good thereof: But the Revenue
was not sufficient to defray so great a charge, had not
Capt Leisler expended great Sums out of his own pri-
vate Estate, as others concerned with him likewise did,
for which he was repayed with a barbarous Death,
through the means of men who will never venture their
Lives or Estates to serve their Prince, Country, or Pro-
testant Keligion.

[Pag. 10.] * Nor could Coll. Bayard and Mr. Nichols
complain of their aforementioned confinement in the
Fort, since they would fly in the face of Government,
and give such vent to their invenomed passions as
appears by the Record of their Committment, and Coll.
Bayards confession in his Petition to Capt. Leisler.

But it is point blanck a lye, nor was it ever, or can
be proved that Capt. Leisler gave directions to any man
to p}lunder Coll. Bayards house., nor was any thing of
that sort done by his order to any house, but Commands
given to the contrary, and the Souldiers were compelled
to restore what could be made appear they had forcibly
taken from any man. Even so small a matter as a Hat
taken out of the house of Mr. Lambert^ was restored to
him.

Coll. Cortland and others might leave their houses
and families, but they would have had no occasion for
so doing had they peaceably and quietly minded their
own affairs and submitted to the Government ; for all

[* Documentary History of Neto York, II., 431.]

380 DOCUMENTS RELATING TO THE

such had no manner of disturbance given them, but
were protected.

[Pag. 11.] * The Protestant Ministers the Libeller
saith, could not scape Capt. Leislers Malice and Cruelty :
I am afraid those Ministers he mentioned, were Popish
Trumpets, to Preach \\]) the damn'd Doctrins of Pas-
sive Obedience^ and Non Besistance^ and to noise in our
Ears with their accursed breath, that we ought patiently
to hold our Protestant Throats to he cut hy the Command
of a Popish King : and when Capt. Leisler with his
friends had taken hold of that wonderful Deliverance
oifered immediately from God to Kedeem His People
irom Slavery upon Earth, and Popish Damnation in
Hell ; to have false Priests of Baal get up, and use their
wicked Eloquence to make the People believe a lye, even
in the house of the God of Truth ; and from the Pulpit,
to tell these Captains of our Temporal Salvation to their
faces, that being faithful to their God, their Country,
and their Laws, in the defence of the Holy Protestant
Peligion, and the Rights and Liberties of English
men, and their thankful declaring for the most glorious
Prince upon Earth their Deliverer : was the blackest of
Treason and Rebellion. Such Apostasy and base
Treachery hath deserved, and often met with severer re-
bukes than the friendly Verbal admonition given by
Capt. Leisler to the blind Seer, and had nothing of the
Malice and Cruelty in it of the Libeller, who wrote so
false a Pamphlet : and so the other time-serving Priests
(who were Protestant shooing horns to draw on Popery)
might have been more quiet, and left the result of the
Revolution to Divine Providence, and not pass such
hard Censures as to attaint blood and accuse of Rebel-
lion, all that would accept of Gods deliverance from the
two greatest plagues of mankind, Popery and Slavery.
But I hope they have repented and will be saved, other-
wise whilst they Preach to others they themselves will he
cast away.

[* Documentary History of New York, II., 4 .1-32.]

ADMINISTRATION OF LEISLER. 381

'Tis true Capt. Leisler sent to the Merchants of the
ToMMi to supply the Garrison with Provisions and other
necessaries, and sent without distinction to all People
who had Stores ; otherwise the Garrison might have
perished : but he honestly gave them Credit in the
Kings Books, and they have since (for the greatest part)
been satisfyed ; and Capt. Leisler (as he ought) did or-
der forcibly to break their Ware-houses open, where they
were refractory, and refused on so great Emergency to
afford support to the Government ; but exact Accompts
were kept of all such goods, and Entries made in Books
kept for that purpose ; so that it was not plunder, (as
the Libeller falsely calls it) but they were to be satis-
fyed, and paid for the same. And I believe it was never
knoAVTi in the Memory of man, that ever a Bevolution,
or change of Government, was more regular : or where
Military power would not force Victuals where it was
denyed them, when they wanted it : and therefore it was
for the special Service of King WILLIAM and Queen
MAHY, to keep alive those that were the only persons
in that Province, who declared early for Them, and
owned Their Authority. Nor can any proof upon
Earth be brought (except such as the Libeller) that one
Farthings Value of goods was ever converted to the
private use of Capt. Leisler^ or Transported by him to
the West Indies^ but the imposture of the whole book
depends on such positive falsehoods.

[Pag. 12.] * The Accompt of Thirteen Thousand
nine hundred fifty nine Pounds of damages done the
Province is made up by the Libeller himself; for no
man living of truth, hath ever demonstrated that Capt.
Leisler or his friends, evef made pillage of any man's
Estate, but I believe the Libeller reckons that he and
his Jacobite party had so much damage by the Revolu-
tion, which they might Arbitrarily have extorted from
the King's good Subjects, if it had not happened. Good
damages ! which I am glad of with all my heart. At

[• Documentary History of New York, II., 432-38.]

382 DOCUMENTS RELATING TO THE

this rate pray what damages had the Popish Clergy of
England and Ireland^ by King WILLIAMS hindering
their being restored to Ahhys^ Monastery s^ and Peter
Pence ; but it is better that the Jacohites should suffer
damage of their Estates and Lives too, than an English
Protestant People should have the damage of loosing
their Laws and Peligion, their Properties and their
Souls. And as for Coll. Willets losses, which the Libel-
ler magnifies, he could not })ut a particular Value on
them, they were so small. Had they been considerable
he would since have made a particular complaint, to
have reparation, which he never did, nor had occasion
for; but had he been ruined he would not have been
pittyed by good men, because he so far forgot that he
was an English man and Protestant : that he Executed
an Illegal Commission, and raised Forces to destroy all
those that declared for our Deliverer, that we might re-
turn to our Vomit, whicli was a Dog trick in him.

And thus the Libeller expatiates on Capt. Leister?,
Arbitrary proceedings over his Majesties Subjects Persons
and Estates, against the fundamental Laws of the Land ;
but he should have considered that all the fundamental
Laws of the Land were wholly subverted and trampled
upon by the Hellish, Popish, Arbitrary Government,
Established by King James's Commission ; so that Capt.
Leisler found no fundamental Laws to transgress ; and
was forced in discharge of his trust from the People, and
by and with the consent of those appointed by their Re-
presentatives, to use these violent methods which Heaven
gave him the power to make use of to restore those
fundamental Laws, which were abolished by tools of the
same temper with the Libeller.

Major Ingoldshy a Captain of a foot Company, ar-
rives near two years after, saith the Libeller, And with
several Gentlemen of the Council^ sends to Capt. Leisler,
that for the preservation of the Peace^ he might continue
to command in the Fort^ until Coll. Slaughter's Arrival^

ADMINISTRATION OF LEISLER. 383

and only desired tliat major Ingoldesby and the Kings
Souldiers anight he permitted to quarter^ and refresh
themselves in the City : hut instead of complying^ he in
passion told Mr. Brooke, on his acquainting him^ that
Mr. Phillips, Coll. Bayard, Coll. Cortland ^vere of the
Council., that they were Papist Dogs^ and if the King
should send Three Thousand of them, he ivould cut them
off; and without cause Proclaimed op)enWar ; on which,
said major Ingoldesby persivaded several of the Inhahit-
ants to joy n with him merely for self preservation. On
which several great and small Shot from the Fort hilled
and icounded several of His Majesties good Subjects., who
made no opposition.

This whole Paragraph I shall shew to be the great-
est complication of Iniquity, and fit to be the production
of a Monster begat by an Incubus on a Scotch Witch,
who had kindled his malice against Truth from the
flames he put to the holy Bible, thereby to become the
Adopted Son of the father of Lyes.

For major Ingoldesby having no Commission, nor
Authority to Command, on his Arrival, took on him the
Title of Commander in Chief, usurp VI a shew of Go-
vernment, calling a Council, and Issuing peremptor}^
orders, as appears by the Records of the Council Book :
nay quite contrary to the Romantick Account of the
Libeller, he sent a demand under his own hand, which I
have seen, wherein he acknowledges Capt. Leisters oifer
to him of his own Houses in the City for the Accommo-
dation of himself and Officers, and to appoint fit Quar-
ters for the Souldiers ; which major Ingoldesby under his
hand dcnyes to accept of, sa\ing, he demanded the Port
from him., which unless Capt, Leister would deliver up
to him, he would esteem him as an Enemy to King
WILLIAM and Queen MARY. I have likewise seen
Capt. Leisters Letter to major Ingoldesby full of Civility,
and true Reason, wherein he ac(|uaints him, that he held
the Fort and Commanded by Virtue of a trust reposed

384 DOCUMENTS RELATING TO THE

in him by the People, and confirmed by His Majesty, and
assuring him, that if he had any Commission from His
Majesty, or any Instruction or Order from Coll. SlaugJiter
appointed Governour of the Province, on his producing
it, The Fort should be immediately delivered to him,
but desired to be excused from resigning his trust,
till he found one qualifyed and authorized to receive it
from him. But this was not satisfaction to major In-
goldeshy who was prevailed with to take the Govern-
ment on him in opposition to Capt. Leisler^ and as
Governour in Chief (although never impoweredby King
or People) he issues orders to the several Counties to be
ready to attend and assist in opposing Leisler, and his
party with Arms ; which was the proclaiming open War ;
and pursuant thereto he sends his Rounds in the night,
and ordered or permitted his Pounds at all hours to
pass the guards and centrys on the Walls of the Fort,
and not to make answer, but by reproachful Language,
w^hen challenged by them, in order to provoke the draw-
ing of blood, and ingaging the People in a Civil War :
and farther, major Ligoldeshy ordered all the men under
his Command to wear Marks on their Arms, to distin-
guish them from those who joyned with Capt. Leisler.

During this Revolution and Civil War, I am told not
above two persons were killed, which happiness attended
the moderate temper of Capt. Leisler and the Committee
of Safety, who could not be raised to punish the Inso-
lence of the Tory party, suitable to what they gave just
occasion for.

Soon after, viz. in March., about a Month or five
Weeks after major Ingoldeshys usurpation, Coll.
Slaughter Arrived, who Summoned the Fort late at
night, and, contrary to the Libellers assertion, it was
never denyed to be delivered: but the delivery sus-
pended till next Morning, it not being proper (according
to Military Pules) to deliver a Fort in the night, and
then it was Surrendered by Capt. Leisler.^ who waiting

ADMINISTRATION OF LEISLER. 385

on the Captain General Coll. Slaughter^ instead of
thanks for the faithful Service he had done His Majesty
in defending the Fort and Province from the French
(our professed Enemies) and the Treachery of Papists
and Jacohites amongst ourselves, was immediately by
his order Seized with Mr. Milhourn^ and others of the
Loyal party, and bound over to answer at the next
Supream Court of Judicature ; where Capt. Leisler and
Mr. Milhourn pleaded to the Jurisdiction of the Court,
That whereas he was in possession of the Government
by the choice of the People, and confirmed in it by the
Kings Majesties Letters, that he was not bound by Law
to answer for his Mai Administration in Government, to
any Court or Authority, but to His Majesty, who had
intrusted him : but this was overruled by the Violence
of the Court, without reason or Law, and as Mutes
they were found guilty of High Treason and Murder ;
and although a Reprieve was granted them by Coll.
Slaitghter, untill His Majesties pleasure should be known
in the Matter : yet the Violence of the Jacobite party
(of which sort were most of Capt. Leislers Judges and
Officers of the Court) was such that they gave no rest
to Coll. Slaughter, untill by their Importunity they pre-
vailed with him to sign the Dead Warrant. And they
were Executed accordingly. So that the representation
of the matter, with an account of their Reprieve reached
His Majesty at the same time with the account of their
Execution and Death. So fell Capt. Leisler^ and Mr.
Milhou7'n men of known Integrity, Honesty and Loyalty,
and by a pretended course of Law, contrary to all Law
condemned, where their Judges were most of them vio-
lent Enemies of the happy Revolution, and therefore
resolved to revenge themselves on these Gentlemen who
were the most Early and Zealous Instruments of it;
and who had first expended great part of their Estates,
and tlien suftered Martyrdom for King WILLIAM and
Queen MARY, their Religion and Laws. The proofs
and papers referred to in this account remain in the
hands of Mr. Jacob Leisler only son of Capt. Jacob
25

386 DOCUMENTS EELATING TO THE

Leisler the Martyr to Jacobite Mevenge. The proof that
Capt. Leisler was legally Govern our of New York.
That major Ingoldeshy wia.s but a bear Captain of Foot,
and had no other command in that Province, nor au-
thority to demand the Fort from Capt. Leisler ; The
proof that Capt. Leisler did as a good Subject deliver
the Fort to Coll. Slaughter upon demand, and his Jus-
tification, is immediately expressed in the Act of Par-
liament of England which reverses their Attainders,
and restores their Families, in Blood and Estate.

So that this is the full and true account of this
Tragedy; New YorJc lay under the Curse of an abso-
lute Government by King James s Commission to Sir
Edmund Andros ; the people took courage on the first
News of the Revolution in England^ and shook off the
Oppressors, and declared for the Prince of Orange ; the
Lieutenant Governor, the Council, and Justices of the
Peace, which met and calFd themselves a Convention
(being Officers constituted by King James) would not
declare for the Prince of Orange ; Wherefore the people
did not think themselves safe in their hands, but Seized
upon the Fort, and chose Capt. Leisler Commander of
the Fort until Circular Letters had procured a return of
Pepresentatives of the Free holders of the several Coun-
ties of the Province, who on their meeting making a
Declaration for His present Majesty, did under their
Hands and Seals constitute Capt. Leisler Commander
in Chief until the Kings pleasure should be known ; and
likewise appointed him a Council, by the name of a
Committee of Safety. And in these Persons the Gov-
ernment was lodged, who proceeded to support them-
selves by the most moderate methods could be devised.

The Lieutenant Governour hereupon withdraws out
of the Province, major Ingoldshy Arrives with Author-
ity over none but his Foot Company ; and yet demands
the Fort, which Capt. Leisler durst not deliver to him
without betraying his Trust both to the King and People;

ADMINISTRATION OF LEISLER. 387

major Ingoldshy usurps the Title of Commander in Chiefs
lie Issues Orders and Warrants to the People to rise in
Arms to assist him to wrest the Fort out of Capt. Leis-
lers hands, and provokes Capt. Leislers men in the Fort
to Acts of hostility, by which means one or two men
were accidentally killed. Coll. Slcmgltter Arrives, de-
mands the Fort, whi(;h was surrendered to him immedi-
ately ; the Persons of Capt. Leisler and Mr. Milhourn
are Seiz'd, and soon after brought to Tryall ; their plea
to the Jurisdiction of the Court (which could not by
Law try them for Mai Administration in Government)
violently over ruled, and they Condemned as Mutes,
for High Treason and Murder ; they were Peprieved
until His Majesties pleasure should be known ; and
notwithstanding the Reprieve, the Warrant of Execu-
tion Signed, and they Executed.

But the Enemies to King WILLIAM, and conse-
quently to these Gentlemen, had not sufficiently grati-
fied their malice, by these mens innocent blood: but
they labour in England to get a justification for them-
selves, and a confirmation that the said unjust Judg-
ment was according to Law ; and when His Majesty
w^as in Flanders and several Ministers of State were in
place and trust in the Committee of Trade, which His
Majesty hath since thought fit to remove from His
Council and their Offices : a report was obtained from
the Committee of Trade affirming that these Loyalists
were Condemned and Executed according to Law.
But however the said Committee represented their Sons
as fit objects of Her Majesties mercy, to be restored to
their Fathers Estates ; which Her Majesty w^as gra-
ciously pleased to grant. And these malignant Confed-
erates so far prevailed with the Assembly of New York
to compliment and flatter their new Governour Coll.
Slaughter^ as to pass several Votes against the whole
proceedings of the happy Revolution, and to excuse the
barbarous Severity of the Illegal Condemnation and
bloody Execution which he had ordered. And this was

388 DOCUMENTS RELATING TO THE

the State of the Case until the Parliament of England
took the matter into their Consideration, and the honor-
able the House of Commons in the Sixth and Seventh
year of His present Majesties Reign appointed a Com-
mittee to examine all parties in relation to Capt. Leis-
lers Execution, where they were heard by their Council
at Law, and where Mr. Dudley (who formerlj^ applyed to
get Money by Magistracy and Government in A^ew
England, and set up for a Judge in matters of Blood in
the Tryal of Capt. Leisler at New Yo7'k) was heard to
make his defence, where his Cobb- Webb Eloquence was
too thin to put a vail over so black an Action, as created
horrour in the minds of that Honorable and Numerous
Committee ; who reported the matter fully to the House,
and thereupon an Act of Parliament passed the Poyal
Assent, wherein His Majesty, the Lords, and Commons
of England do recite the Legality of Capt. Leislers
Authority, and justifie his proceedings in the Govern-
ment, and more especially his refusing to deliver the
Fort to major Ingoldesby, being the Fact for which he
was Condemned ; and do absolutely reverse the Attain-
ders and restore the Blood and Estates of Capt. Leisler,
and those persons Condemned and Executed in Neiv
York ; which Act of Parliament is Printed at the end
of this Treatise.

And now after all, it being about Eight years since
these men dyed, when the Grave and Time should have
so buryed the Persons and Memories of these good, but
unfortunate Persons, that no Revenge should have room
to desire a farther gratification ; and when the Anni-
mosities between those of a Dutch extraction (who are
the most numerous. Loyal and Sober Subjects of that
Province) and the few English (who were most averse
and backward in the Revolution, but violent and bloody
in the Execution of Capt. Leisler, as well as the most
dissolute in their Morals) in this Province, had time to
cool, and might by a good Government have been wholly
heaFd. After all, I say, to have this fire again blown

ADMINISTRATION OF LEISLER. 389

up, to open these Wounds and to open the Graves of
the Dead, to disturb the Living ; was such an artifice of
the Devil as must give a more than usual abhorrence in
good minds ; which leads me to give an account of
the Occasion, the time, manner, and design of the
Publication of this fire brand callVl a Letter^ and with-
all take some notice of the supposed author.

It is evident in Neio York, and will soon be made
appear to His Majesty, that the late Government of
New York under the Administration of Coll, Fletcher
was a perfect sink of Corruption. And although he
was exalted to that Government from a poor mean re-
fugee of Ireland ; yet he soon forgot the hand that raised
him, and to satisfy his Soul, his Idol Gain, he made a
fast friendship with the few Papists, Jacobites, and dis-
solute English of Neiv York, who had opposed the Rev-
olution and revenged themselves on Capt. Leisler ; and
who to be supported in their hatred to the Loyal
Williamites, and connived at in their oj^en breach of all
the Acts of Trade, found great advantage to reward
Coll. Fletchers friendship by Presents from themselves,
and gifts from Pirates ; and complyed with him, and
consented to all things proposed to them by him ; to the
squandering of the Kings Revenue and (to the great
dishonour of the King) destroying all conveniences of a
Succeeding Governour ; and disposing of all the Lands
in the Province, that not one Inch is left to be given in
reward to any who may by their Services to His Ma-
jest}', desen-e ; or to incourage new Settlers, and that in
such quantities as will wholly make it impossible ever
to People the Province ; giving to one man Seventy
Miles in length; and to several Fifty, Forty and Thirty
Miles in length, and several Miles in breadth ; with
many other unjust, gross Mai Administrations.

On this bottom Coll. Fletcher joj-ned in the mortal
hatred to the lovers of the Loyal Leisler ; and when
several condemned to dye for their motions in that Re-

390 DOCUMENTS RELATING TO THE

volution were ordered by Her gracious Majesty of
Sacred Memory to be discharged, Coll. Fletcher did it as
an act of grace of his own^ and told them that although
he released them yet he could call for them when he
pleased, and hang them. And some time after told
them. That they dealt worse by him than the Lepers
cleansed by our Saviour, some of which returned to
thank him, but none of them ever did, meaning none of
them had given him a wicked Bribe or reward which he
was used to receive. These Truths Mr. Beehnan and
Mr. Gouverneur will attest. Coll. Fletcher likewise paid
that disregard to the Act of Parliament of England^
(Reversing the Attainders and restoring Capt. Leisler
and others condemned, in Blood and Estate) that he re-
fused the WidoAv Leisler to be repossessed of her Estate ;
nor had she that justice done her, during Coll. Fletchers
Government, nor untill my Lord BeUomont granted her
a Writ of Possession ; which was a year and half after
she was Entituled to it by Act of Parliament in Eng-
land^ Reprinted at New York. He likewise wholly
discouraged the generality of those who were active in
the Revolution, putting few or none of them into Office,
or Employment ; and wholly adhering to those that gra-
tifyed his Vanity, Pride, and Covetousness. For which
in return he gave them countenance in all matters, as
well as connivance at their unlawful Trade.

His Majesty having appointed the Earl of BeUomont
Governonr of Neiv York (whose great Honour and
Justice Coll. Fletcher both knew and dreaded) some
considerable time passed between his Patents being
passed, and his beginning his Voyage, which Coll.
Fletcher took the advantage of, therein to contrive me-
thods so to divide the People of the Government, that
in Publick disorder he himself might escape having
strict Scrutiny made into the Corruptions of his Gov-
ernment, he therefore not satisfyed with crushing the
Loyalists, during his Government, was resolved to assist
the Publishing this Libel, which might give such an

ADMINISTRATION OF LEISLER. 391

Account of the Revolution of New York^ as should Ex-
asperate to the highest degree, all that were concerned
in it, and at the same time assured his Jacobite party,
that it was necessar}^ such a book should be Licensed,
to possess the strangers who came with my Lord, with
such falsehoods as were useful to their party ; my Lord
being, as he feared, inclined to favour whoever was well
inclined to the Loyalty of Leisler. So that, as is sup-
posed, one Mr. Jamison was employed to frame this
Libel, who was Clerk of the bloody Court that Con-
demned Leisler ; a person most in the graces of Coll.
Fletcher^ who was in Scotland condemned to dye for
Atheism and Buriiing the Bible, and was banished to
New York ; where he was bj^ Contribution freed from
being a Servant, and permitted to teach School, and
being somewhat a Scholar, and having good natural
sense made the use of his wicked parts to teach Blas-
phemy, and Atheism, and to ridicule Sober Keligion,
till he got a E-eputation amongst the dissolute Church of
Migland men, whose Liturgie he then would and still
doth gabble over with great seeming devotion, and up-
lifted eyes a few hours after he had been Blaspheming
Christianity ; but his form of saying the Common
Prayer sufficiently recommended him to Coll. Fletcher,
so that the Secretary Clarkson was prevailed on to make
him his Deputy for a Hundred Pounds a year Rent ;
and Coll. Fletcher gave him Fifty Pounds per Annum
Salary out of the Kings Revenue as Clerk of the Coun-
cil, and through all his Government made use of his vile
Service, and afterwards recommended him to the Earl
of Bellomont, as one of the honestest men in the Gov-
ernment ; although at the same time he knew the said
Jamison was actually marryed to two Wives then liv-
ing. This man so qualityed was intrusted to do this
piece of Service, but 'tis believed the aforementioned
Coll. Bayard gave him some assistance in furnishing
him witli some Materials, & without doubt according to
orders, no falsehood was balk'd that could serve the cause,
and so this Libel was hammered out, in which there is

392 DOCUMENTS RELATING TO THE

scarce a Paragraph, but what contains one or more
Scurrilous Untruths, which are delivered with an High-
land modesty and peremptorily affirmed to be truth
without any proof, on purpose to Vilify the Transactions
of the Revolution, and l^iassacre over again the Repu-
tation of those, whose persons were murdered Eight
years before for their Loyalty, and withal the Villany
proper to persons who hate the present Government are
added to this Account some Servile Votes of the Assem-
bly of Neui York made to flatter their new Governour
Coll. Slaughter^ who signed these Loyalists Warrant for
Execution, and likewise is Printed an order or report
(God knows how obtained) of the Committee of Trade
for Justifying the said Condemnation and Execution.
But this Libeller, contrary to his duty, to truth, alle-
giance to His Majesty, and respect to Laws (for he
could not hide his Virulency to the present Govern-
ment) takes no notice of the Act of Parliament of
England Keversing the Attainders of these Condemned
Gentlemen, which gives the Lye to his whole Libel,
Justifies Capt. Leisler as Lawful Governour of New
YorJv^ and in full effect expresses that he was basely
Murdered, contrary to all Law and Reason, fur doing
his duty as His 3Iajesties Lawful Governour of New
York; which is the sence of the words of the said Act.
But the Libeller did as he was ordered, and the book
raised the flame it was designed to raise, and was car-
ryed to the Press by Mr, Brook (who although a Refugee
from Ireland and preferred by King WILLIAM to be
Collector and Receiver General of the Customes and
Revenue of Neiv York, and a new-comer thither, took
upon him to be one of the bloody Judges of this Roy-
alist ; but is since for betraying his said Trust and neg-
lect of his duty, suspended from all his Employs, even
that of being Judge, and one of the Council, by the
Right Honorable the Earl of Bellomont, who was his
Security for his Collectors place to the Commissioners
of the Customs of England, but could not bear his
treachery to that Trust which he himself had been In-

ADMINISTRATION OF LEISLER. 393

strumental to advance him to. And Mr. Wilson late
Sheriff of JVew York a hot headed despicable fellow,
who to serve the Tory party, contrary to his Oath, made
a most false Return of Assembly men to serve for the
Counties of New Yo?% and Orancje in the last Assembly.
For which palpable breach of his Oath and Trust, His
Excellency the Earl of Bellomont with consent of the
Council suspended him from being Sheriff of Neiv York.
But when this Libel was so midwived to the Press by
the Kings Collector (who was likewise one of the Coun-
cil) and this foresworn Sheriff, Then Coll. Fletcher
calls the Council where 'tis proposed (as appears by the
Minute of Council) that a book being found at the
Printers, giving an Account of the Revolution of JSFeio
York and contained nothing but Truth. Tis resolved
Nemine contradicente^ that it should be Printed. But
who were the Council who consented to this great piece
of Service to His Majesty ? Why Coll. Fletcher^ who is
supposed to have given orders for its being Written.
Coll. Bayard of whom enough is said plainly and trul}^
Mr. Brook who carryed it to the Press and was one of
Leislers Judges ; Mr. Pinhorn^ another of Leislers Judges
(who is since removed by His Excellency the Earl of
Bellomont from being Judge and of the Council, for
speaking most Scandalous false and reproachful
words of His most Sacred Majesty King WILLI A JM,
and for protecting and concealing in his house a Popish
Priest) and some other Enemies of the Revolution. So
that (to omit the false sordid flatteries given to Coll.
Fletcher, which are impertinent!}^ added by the Libeller)
it is apparent that there was a wicked conspiracy, by this
book to give distraction (by Printing it just before the
Earl of Bellomont'' s Arrival at Neiv York) and thereby
to divide the People and so to disturb Affairs under his
Government, that there should be no time or opportu-
nity of quickly inquiring into the Corruptions of Coll.
Fletchers manao-ements.

394 DOCUMENTS RELATING TO THE

This was the time and design of its Publication, these
the qualities of the supposed Authors, and of the Per-
sons who carryed it to the Press, and after this manner
(by Coll. Fletcher and the afore mentioned of the Council)
it was permitted to be Printed ; so that it is no wonder,
that this book was a Mine Sprung from Hell to blow up
the Peace of this Province, when so many Sons of Belial
in Office and Authority joyned in its Contrivance and
Publication, who must keep to their nature and not stick
at an}^ plain falsehood (although it fly in the face of the
King, Lords and Commons of England^ and Truth it-
self) that may Exasperate and raise a flame, and if pos-
sible Murder over again those Martyrs for their Loyalty,
Capt. Leisler and Mr. Milhourn^ who were barbarously
Executed for bravely Asserting the Rights and Liberties
of Englishmen against Popish and Arbitrary Govern-
ment ; and for their Early and Sincere Afl'ection to His
most Sacred Majesty KING WILLIAM, whom GOD
send long to Reign.

[Here follows a reprint of the official publication of the Act for Revers-
ing the Attainder <>/" Jacob Leisler and others — 6 and 1 Will. III. Anno
1695. Printed in the Documentary History of New York: II. 435-37.]

A BILL FOR RECONCILEING OF PARTIES.

Whereas there is nothing that doth more conduce
to y® quiet good and prosperity of any Kingdom Com-
monwealth, Colony, people or place than y'' hearty af-
fection unanimity agreement and mutual amity of its in-
habitants y^ defects whereof in this Colony for divers
yeares last past hath unhappily created great dissentions,
troubles and animosities, for y'' laying and appeasing
whereof Several good laws have been made Enacted and
Provided and amongst y° rest an act of the general as-
sembly made in y" third year of y" reigne of our now
Soveraigne Lord King William the third and of y"' late
Queen Mary of ever happy memory Entituled an act for
Quieting and Settling y*" disorders that have lately hap-
pened within this province and for y^ establishing and

ADMINISTRATION OF LEISLER. 395

Securing their Maj*'*'' present government against y^ like
disorders for y^ future, which on y® eleventh day of May in
the year of our Lord One thousand six hundred and
ninety seven by their excellencys the then Lords Justices
of England with the advice of y"" Privy Councill ^s ap-
proved confirmed finally enacted and ratified notwith-
standing which y'' good ends by y® same Act designed
and intended have not been attained but on y^ contrary
to y*" great displeasure and griefe of those who cordially
Love and desire y^ good and welfare of this Colony (it's
feared) y® heats and animosities between y^ inhabitants
of y^ same have been of late years industriously cherished
and fomented for y*' remedy whereof and to effect an
intire reconciliation among all y® good people of this
Colony, that all dissentions, differences in opinion, Con-
troversies, Strifes, heartburnings and animosities what-
soever may forever be obliterated, appeased extirpated
forgotten & extinguished and love Concord, union
mutual friendship, j^iety & Christian Charity, incited,
Confirmed, Benewed, promoted & Incouraged.

Be it enacted hy his Excellency the Governonr by
and ivith the consent of y^ Council & Assembly and hy y"
authority of the same^ That no felony, homicide, act of
Hostility Trespasse, assault, imprisonnient. Taking away
of goods and chattels wrong Injury or molestation
whatsoever advised, councelled, Comanded, appointed,
happened, acted or done by any person or persons
whatsoever within any i)art of this province from the
Eighteenth day of April which was in y* year of our
Lord 1G89 untill y^ 30*^ day of August in the year of
our Lord 1692 Shall at any time hereafter be brought
in Question or dispute but that y^ same be forgiven, re-
mitted, indulged. Released and put in utter oblivion and
that all prosecutions, appeals, and all personal actions
Suites, Claimes, and Demands whatsoever against any
person or persons whatsoever Body Corporate, Cities,
Townes, and Villages, and all his majestjs' subjects
whatsoever for or by reason of any act matter or thing
whatsoever as aforesaid done passed or transacted in

396 DOCUMENTS RELATING TO THE

any part of this Colony from said Eighteenth day of
April in the year of Lord 1689, untill y^ s'^ 30'^ of
Aug'* in the year of Lord 1692 and all Judgments and
Executions thereupon, already had or brought or to
be had or brought at any time hereafter are hereby and
from henceforth discharged and annulled, & declared to
be invalid & voyd to all intents Constructions and Pur-
poses any law, Statute or ordinance to y® contrary in
any ways notwithstanding.

Provided always that nothing here contained shall
be construed or intended to discharge & make void any
voluntary Contract or debts grounded upon any lending
or goods sold or by Speciall or any contract or Cove-
nant deed or Conveyance for any Lands, Tenements
Hereditements goods or Chattels between any person or
persons whatsoever within this province between y^ days
& times above limited and expressed. But that such
Contracts, Debts, Covenants & Conveyances shall be and
remaine in the same condition & of y^ same virtue and
force as if this act had never been made or passed, and
to y® end that the Quiet good & prosperity of y^ people
in this province may for y** future be maintained and
supported with hearty affection agreement and mutual
amity, and friendship and that all Strifes, heats, animosi-
ties, may be suppressed.

Be it Enacted hy the authority aforesaid that All and
every person or persons Avithin this province, that shall
hereafter charge and upbraid any of his Maj*^^ subjects
within y** s'^ province with any act of felony homicide,
hostility. Trespass, assault. Imprisonment takeing away
of Goods & Chattels, Avrong Injury or molestation done
or acted by any person or persons whatsoever A\ithin any
part of this province from y^ aforesaid 18th day of
April in the year of our Lord 1689 untill y^ aforesaid
30*^ day of Augs* 1692 or that shall disdainfully upbraid
any person or persons with y'' name of Leislerite or the
murdering or Killing of Leisler or any other opprobrious
words or terms by which the peace of y^ government
may in any measure be disturbed, such person or per-

ADMINISTRATION OF LEISLER. 397

gons offending in manner aforesaid shall for each offence
so by him committed and thereof convicted before any
Justice of the Peace within y® s*^ province (who are
hereby authorized and impowered to hear and determine
y® same) shall forfeit and pay the sum of forty shillings
to be levied by distresse upon the goods and chattels of
y^ person offending & convict as aforesaid, and if the
person offending shall not have goods and chattels suf-
ficient for the paying the said fine or forfeiture, then he
shall be ordered to sitt two hours of y® forenoone in the
Stocks in the Towne or place where such offence is com-
mitted, with an Inscription on his forehead reciting y®
words by him disdainfully uttered, one half of y® s*^ fine
or forfeiture to the Informer, the other half to the poor
of the place where such offense shall be committed.

Citty of New York, Die martis ante mer. Jun. 14"
1698, in the tenth year of his maj*^* reigne.
House of Representatives for the province of
New York.

This Bill having been read three times is passed &
ordered to be sent up to his Excellency the
Governor and Council for their assent.

By order of the House of Representatives,

Phillip French, Speaker,

ANSWER OF THE CHURCH WARDENS OF THE DUTCH CHURCH

CONCERNING THE REBURIAL OF LEISLER AND

MILBORNE IN THEIR CHURCH.

[Translated from the original in Dutch by 8. Alofsen, Ksq.]

Copy.

We the churchwardens having been requested by
Isaac de Riemer in the name of Mr. Jacob Leisler to
bury the corpse of his father and Milborne, in our
Nether-Hutch Church — give for answer, because we are
pressed by both parties in the Congregation and very
much desire to preserve peace and quiet in our Church,

398 DOCUMENTS RELATING TO THE

that we cannot consent thereto, but also that we shall
not hinder it.

In New York, 1698, Theunis DeKey,

October 14th. Johannes Kip,

Brandt Schuyler.

LETTER FROM MEMBERS OF THE DUTCH CHURCH IN NEW
YORK TO THE CLASSIS OF AMSTERDAM.

To the Right Reverend Olassis of the City of
Amsterdam, :

Right Reverend very learned Seigneurs Fathers and
Brothers in Christ.

In the beginning we would request your Reverences
to excuse us that in this account we are obliged to be
somewhat more tedious, than at first view would seem
to be necessary ; but by the continuation of the account
it will appear, that the one without the other would not
have had sufficient coherence. In particular do we
consider it an extraordinary favor of Heaven, that we
have this opportunity to lay our business (that it may
see the light of Heaven) before so Reverend and wise
an assembly. The sorrow and fear which we have had
during the last year of the Reign of our ex-King James,
have been unusually great and frightful, for hearing
with what violent strides the Popedom in England
was breaking forth and taking a stand, what greater
success the Dragonades in France had had, and seeing
how in these distant regions the foundation was being
laid to introduce the same here in every manner,
we could well imagine what was in store for us. The
Jesuits had already built a school here, under pretence
to teach the youth the Latin Language, to whifcli some
even of the most influential had already sent their chil-
dren ; and our Church Bell was tolled about eight
o'clock in the morning when the School began. Yes,
some whom one would not have suspected of it, had
already slily heard a low mass, although they afterwards

ADMINISTRATION OF LEISLER. 399

said that it was only througli curiosity. The Hoyal
order having arrived from England commanding us to
thank our Lord God in a solemn manner and burn bon-
fires over the happy delivery of the Queen of a Prince
of Wales it was executed with extravagant joy and the
utmost tokens of wanton gkidness, even of those who
were the Heads of our church ; whilst every man open
to reason, and reflecting upon the consequences, could
readily guess that the pretended birth of this prince was
a mortal stab for the Protestant Kelicnon in Eno;land,
and consequently for ours. For us therefore nothing
else was to be done than to possess our souls in patience,
and wait how God's Providence might please order it.
In such a condition of mind it can well be imagined that
our joy and gladness was still far greater than our sorrow
had been before ; when we received the certain intelligence
that His Royal highness the Prince of Orange, now our
blessed Monarch, had arrived in England with so power-
ful an army to release that country from Tyranny and
Popery ; and had been received by the principal inhabi-
tants with unusual joy and extreme affection. To which
was still added, to our greater contentment and assu-
rance the news that the inhabitants of our neighboring
Boston had also declared themselves for the Prince of
Orange, and had arrested their and our Governor Sir
Edmund Andi'os and his Council who had refused to do
so. All these reports, as we have said, coming at the
same time, the people could not be restrained. They cried
out that the magistrates here ought also to declare them-
selves tor the Prince of Orange, for we had more reason
to do so than those of Boston ; that his forefathers had
liberated our ancestors from the Spanish yoke and his
royal highness had now again come to deliver the king-
dom of England from Popery and Tyranny. Tliis they
said and demonstrated with that love and affection for the
royal house of Nassau,, which is natural to the Dutch
nation (as they are called here) although they have been
so deplorably rewarded therefor. Our Bulers were un-
willing and too timid to risk anything, thinking it might

400 DOCUMENTS RELATING TO THE

be a Monmoutli work : however the terrible outcries of
the people caused an assembly of the Civil a.nd Military
Council, where everybody was sworn not to divulge or
communicate among the people anything which might
there be discussed or resolved upon. Nevertheless it
leaked out that those who had dared to speak in favor
of the Revolution had been met very sharply and intim-
idated with menaces, and that the Lieutenant Governor
Nicholson had pulled from his pocket his commission
from King James and thrown it upon the table, swearing
with big oaths and protestations tliat he would live and
die by the same. A short time afterwards we saw in the
morning that the cannon of the Fort had been turned
towards the City, upon which the people flew into fury,
and the magistrates were obliged to grant them permis-
sion to inspect the magazine, and that the Militia with
one company should mount guard in the Fort at night.
Yet they were not allowed to place their sentinels over
the whole of the Fort, but all had to remain within the
limits of the park ; and it became known privately that
it was the intention of the magistracy to let the soldiers
whom they had ordered from Boston through a postern
into the fort, and then with those who were of their
opinion again to beat the Burgher Militia out. From all
this nothing was to be expected but a massacre over the
whole land, because the minds of the people were in the
highest degree exasperated, and those who were in
favor of the Revolution were certainly ten to one. The
Burghers seeing that nothing could be done with the
magistracy, and that the attempt would probably be
made in some way or other to overreach them, looked
earnestly for a leader, and at last persuaded Captain
Jacob Leisler to commence the work with the Burghers ;
not, however, with the intention to exclude the magis-
tracy or Lieutenant Governor, but solely to be master of
the work, and in case of an enemy from abroad (of which
they heard some rumors, which afterwards were also
found to be true) it would not be possible to force upon
them an agreement against their will. It was then un-

ADMINISTRATION OF LEISLER. 401

dertaken in this wise, Captain Leisler forced as it were
by the people marched into the Fort, and at the same
time all Companies of the Militia assembled in front of
the residences of their respective Captains. These and
some of the Lieutenants not having been found, they
conjunctly marched off led in order by subaltern officers
to the Plain of the Fort. Here whilst standing in order
the Captains and the Colonel (who was also one of the
Supreme Council) came and intimidating them with men-
aces tried to prevent the Militia from joining the corn-
pan}^ of Captain Leisler, but they remained steadfast,
and at last one of the Ensigns of the Militia had the har-
dihood to march in with his Company and was followed
by all the others. The Captains having been convinced,
also came in and signed in public upon a Drum (although
some rather backward) that they were in favor of the
Prince of Orange, but the Colonel was in no way to be
persuaded, to join the others, although he was very po-
litely invited to do so in the name of the entire Militia
and some private friends tried with much reasoning to
make it agreeable to him, because he well knew (yes, he
even said so,) that if he would but follow, all would
follow. When this to the great regret of the Militia did
not succeed, they tried to set things in order as well as
they could, called a meeting over the whole land, in
which it was resolved that the Captains in turns should
have the care of the Fort, and conjunctly write to Eng-
land of what had been done, requesting that the supreme
authority there would please to direct them what to do.
All this having been so softly and easily accomplished,
everything would have become quiet, until relief should
have arrived from higher hand, if the magistrates who
of themselves had retired from tlie administration, iiad
been contented to be quiet and wait for the order from
England : but they tried to upset everything, attempting
to expel those who then had tlie power of arms in their
hands, because their number was so small, and this
madness grew more and more, after it became known
that matters in England looked well, and that every-

402 DOCUMENTS RELATING TO THE

thing appeared there to lead to the desired result.
Now it is to be known that most of the magistrates or
those who were their friends, in particular those of the
Dutch nation were also elders and deacons and therefore
heads of our church. With these D" [Domine] Se-
lyns united himself allowing himself very imprudently
to be used by them, to advocate this cause from his
pulpit, accusing the People with the greatest bitterness
and partiality of Rebellion and riot against their high
Magistrates. This made the breach immediately incur-
able, for knowing that they had done everything in
uprightness and for a good cause, yes that the magis-
trates ought to have led them therein, they began to
greatly hate them. D" Selyns continued in this man-
ner for all the time the administration remained in the
hands of Commander Leisler, omitting nothing that he
knew could in the least exasperate the people, and flung
from the pulpit everything that was suggested to him by
the most furious partisans. The most prudent and
peaceful of the classis, certainly tried to reason with
him and to induce him to keep out of that work, and
not to soil his Ministerial calling, which was so highly
elevated above all this, with such insignificant things,
and to make his mission not at once entirely useless ;
that enough mistakes were being committed on both
sides, and that he ought to show every one his duty, and
keep himself aloof from partisanship: but to this he
could by no means be brought.

Commander Leisler being confirmed in the admin-
istration as well by the people as by the letter of his
majesty, in a very short time, brought the Fort and in
particular the City (whose Fortifications had entirely
fallen in decay) into a suitable position (having been
assisted therein with uncommon zeal by the people) and
notwithstanding the opposition of his Enemies put
thino;s in such order that the government came into its
full posture of defence, so that his name in the whole of
the West Indies became so respected in a short time that
here we had to fear for no enemy from abroad. Yes, if

ADMINISTRATION OF LEISLER. 403

we had been united among ourselves we would have
known of no war ; but at Albany where he could not
always be in person, the French and savages of Canada
were given fair play by his Enemies so that they took
advantage of the opportunity and surprized Schoonec-
tade (a place 12 miles distant from there) and massacred
and burnt it with the greatest fury in the world, in
which those of Albany were much to blame for violently
joreventing those from going who were for Commander
Leisler, and desired to march thither when the news
came that the French were advancing. Here the pious
D" Tassemaker was deplorably and barbarously mur-
dered ; and his head put upon a pole was carried in tri-
umph to Canada. The expedition which was afterwards
undertaken with very many people also from the neigh-
bouring Governments and so ably conducted that unless
bj^ special accident the design could not fail, was also
intentionally spoiled because he was unable to be per-
sonally present, and because they grudged him the
honor thereof

In the month of January Major Kichard Ingoldsby
arrived with his soldiers from England, to remain here
in garrison. Colonel Slaughter our Governor having first
gone to Bermudas. Allowing himself immediately to be
seduced by those who were against Commander Leisler,
he demanded the delivery of the Fort. Leisler asked
him for his authority either from the King, or from
Governor Slaughter, but he could show none, and
the Fort therefore was at once refused to him. Yet
he was with all manner of civility invited as long as
Governor Slaughter remained so tardy to make the house
of Commander Leisler his personal abode, where he
would be entertained with their utmost ability, and to
have his soldiers quartered among the Burghers, where
they also would receive all possible comfort ; but nothing
could satisfy him but the surrender of the Fort, although
he well knew that his order was, should he arrive here
sooner than the Governor, to remain with the soldiers
quietly on board until his arrival, or otherwise the Com-

404 DOCUMENTS RELATING TO THE

mander could order him to do so if it were necessary :
And also that Commander Leisler could not deliver the
Fort to him except upon an expressly written order after
the usages of war without betraying himself and making
himself culpable, so that they could have hung him as
a Villain in the gate of the Fort, which was their in-
tention if he had not known how to avoid this snare.
They then incited the whole country against him as
against a Rebel who refused to let the King's Soldiers
enter into his majesty's Fort, everything possible was
attempted to bring on a collision, saying amongst
themselves, we will continue to provoke the Dog until
he bites, and then we will have cause enough for an
action against him, doing their best to make him lose
his patience, and that in such a villainous and brutish
manner that we would be ashamed to write it down
upon paper. Some of the Consistory also did not find
it improper to march with their muskets in company
of all sorts of rascals against their fellow citizens and
members in the Fort ; by which it happened that a large
piece of cannon loaded with musket balls and small shot
in being pointed towards the Fort was fired imprudent-
ly, killing several people, among whom was an Elder and
a Deacon, and deplorably wounding others. These
friends had the Sunday previous been present at the love
feast of the Lord's Supper ; how did one another com-
pare after this ? Yes, D" Selyns having been asked b}^
an elder who was sickly, how the French did, said, they
are still full of constancy in this work. This accident
having happened they cried out that it was the fault
of that black Dog, he was a murderer of these poor
people. Yet the man meanwhile Avas keeping quiet,
with his men in the Fort, although it was in his power,
had he desired, to destroy everything in a short time, for
even had he wanted a thousand men or more, they could
have been had in a few hours. Relying upon his good
cause and having an abhorrence of the spilling of
Citizens' blood ; he had not the slightest idea that he
would have been condemned by his Enemies, and not

ADMINISTRATION OF LEISLER. 405

be allowed to defend himself before the King ; or that
the Governor would have approved such a sentence and
signed the Execution. A few days afterwards Gover-
nor Slaughter arrived, and because it Avas in the evening,
the surrender of the Fort was postponed until the next
morning. Meanwhile major Ingoldsby came calling
out at the Fort that if Leisler and the chief men should
be secured, the rest would be pardoned. Of this they
had not the least intention, which otherwise would
have been easy for them to do ; but they only tried to
come before his majesty and thus before the Fountain
of Justice to defend themselves. In the morning the
said Ingoldsby came into the Fort to Commander
Leisler, requesting that he would order his people who
were yet more than three hundred men strong to put
down their firearms and so to march out, in order to
prevent all commotions, and their arms should be im-
mediately returned to them, which he without suspicion
immediately caused to be done. The men thus coming
out in their side arms were at once attacked by the out-
side-standing crowd, scolded as being villains and traitors,
and robbed of everything, and that with such fury as if
they wanted to kill them : The officers meanwhile shout-
ino; and screaming — rob them! rob them! and take their
guns away from these rascals, they will otherwise murder
our wives and children ! Yes, one of these Heroes after-
wards said that he was sorry he had not ordered them to
be stripped and caused them to be scourged with walnut
rods out of the city. Commander Leisler was immedi-
ately afterwards brought before the Governor, who
allowed (having spoken but a very few words to him)
that he was spit in the face, and that he was robbed of
his wig, sword and sash, and of a portion of his clothes
which were torn from him, and that they abused him as
raging Furies, putting irons on his legs and throwing
him into a dark hole underground full of stench and filth.
His council and officers of the militia, and others whom
they found in the fort or caught among the Burghers
were treated in the same manner, and Governor Slaugh-

406 DOCUMENTS RELATING TO THE

ter afterwards never saw nor spoke to Leisler or any-
body else of the prisoners, but once when they were con-
fined in the casemate of the Fort and already been con-
demned, he came to them in the night being drunk, and
even then did he promise them that not a hair of their
head would be hurt. Although they and still six
others had been condemned by a picked jury com-
posed of youths and other bitter men, the Governor
could not be so readily persuaded to sign the ex-
ecution, which at last they got him to do after
having made him drunk and under promise of a
large sum of money ; for he was a poor man who
had been hunted up in England in order to play this
tragedy with. Everything was done to impress him
with the necessity of the moment. All the three Dutch
Ministers exaggerated in the pulpit as well as in their
conversation the pretended tyranny of Leisler, and de-
clared that an example ought to be made of him. Even
wives of principal men threw themselves at the feet
of the Governor begging him for the love of God
to have compassion on them and the country ; saying
that union nevermore would come, as long as those
villains were alive, and therefore he ought not to hesi-
tate to let them be hung, and then at once they would
have peace and union, which otherwise would be im-
possible. At last having hereto been in particular in-
duced by his covetous wife he reluctantly and with great
sadness signed the warrant of execution, crying aloud in
great oppression, O God ! how shall I be able to answer
for it before Your Majesty and my king, and so he had
from that time not one peaceful hour. The more because
he learnt from the High Sheriff by Avhom he had order-
ed the Execution with what Christian courage they had
died, protesting before God, that all they had done had
been for the protestant E/cligion, and for king William and
queen Mary ; praying that the Lord would grant them
a long and prosperous reign, praying also for him the
Governor (Slaughter) wishing hiin a peaceful adminis-
tration, forgiving all who were the cause of their death,

ADMINISTRATION OF LEISLER. 407

and begging if they had offended anybody that they
would also forgive them ; exhibiting in everything such
Christian patience, that D? Selyns himself was touched
by it, and confessed that they died as Christians, al-
though he previously in great passion had said that
Leisler was a Devil in the flesh, and never could be
saved ; for which he was reproved even by his wife and
others who stood by. The magistrates tried to dispel
this melancholy of Governor Slaughter by frequently
making him excessively drunk, but when the wine had
been slept out, the regret and despair again returned
uppermost. Keceiving from them, upon his rueful lam-
entations little better comfort than Judas received from
the High Priests, and after having been tossed to and
fro for some time by various passions and affections he
died suddenly of disease of the heart. If our three
Dutch Ministers had done the same as D° Daille (a
French Minister at Boston) was wont to do who think-
ing that something more mild could have been done, went
to the Commander Leisler and exhorted him to meekness,
and Avhen he was in prison and condemned did all his
devoir to dissuade Governor Slaughter from the execu-
tion, urging him not to let Leisler die. Now if these
three had done their duty, who does not see that this
murder could have been prevented "? but they were very
far from doing so. Being now in possession of the
Governors signature and consent to the execution
which they received on Thursday the 14*'' May, 1691,
D? Selyns let himself be used to announce to them their
death and came whilst they were sitting to take supper
together. Yet he had no patience to allow them to do
so, although he might well have been aware that such a
message would take away all their appetite : He there-
for delivered his message in a curious manner, saying
that he came to bring tliem good news, that not all of
them should die, but said he to Commander Leisler and
Secretary Milborn, you both shall die on Saturday
next, being the 16"" May, and you have to prepare
yourselves thereto. Thus in all the circumstances show-

408 DOCUMENTS RELATING TO THE

ing that in all these his actions he was not as much af-
fected as he well might have been, and afterwards he did
not visit them until the day they were executed. The
joy of those who desired to kill him [Leisler] was inex-
pressible, it was — where ? where shall we now put the
gallows f and when some told them that these things
coming to the ears of His Majesty, might yet be
changed, they answered, we will take good care that
the King shall not know it, as we have done thus far,
nobody will speak against it. The gallows was then
made of those pieces of wood which they had put in
readiness upon the walls of the Fort, with which to turn
away the storming enemy. To give an account of the
execution in all its details is unnecessary, because this
was sufficiently done in a short time after it occurred by
women who went hence to Amsterdam, we therefore will
only mention how D" Selyns and the two other ministers
behaved themselves afterwards. These every one in his
place were advocates for the necessity of the act, and
D". Selyns excelled therein, asserting that otherwise nei-
ther peace nor union could be expected among the
people ; which could result in nothing else than the con-
trary, for the people knowing that Commander Leisler
and all of them had done this work for the King and
for their liberty, began to feel an implacable hatred
against the instigators of the murder, and the others by
their manner increased this feeling as much as was in
their power. For as it is customary after the punish-
ing of the chiefs to proclaim and grant a perfect pardon
and amnesty for the rest, especially when the delin-
quents are large in numbers, here they did to the con-
trary, because they intended to take their full revenge,
as some had already said, that of those whose blood they
could not get they would have their goods. Now every
one who knows how far in England the law of Confis-
cation extends in England, can easily imagine what
they intended to do here, had not the fear of some day
being called to account kept them l)ack. In the Church
it was the same, those who were the most bitter in this

ADMINISTRATION OF LEISLER. 409

work were elected to the church offices, by which the
people got such an aversion to the public worship, that
at first only a tenth part enjoyed the Lord's Supper, and
some have to this day not enjoyed the same. Of this
T>° Selyns was the great cause, continuing constantly
to plead for the doings of the Magistrates, the people
ought to confess their fault or there could be no par-
don. This manner of doing brought the country into
the greatest confusion and peril in the world, for those
of the Magistracy thinking of nothing but revenge al-
lowed all the fortifications (which Commander Leisler
had kept in excellent order) to go to decay. The
strength of the country was gone, for those of the peo-
ple who in case of an enemy's appearance would have
been called upon to fight, had been disarmed, denounced
for villains and baffled in all sorts of ways, which in
times of a hostile surprise would have made them run
nearer to the enemy than to the Fort. Those of
the Magistracy seemed not to be afraid of the Fi'ench.
Some of them said that the French well knew where
they should go to. Yes, DP Varick, Minister at Mid-
woud, said he would go and meet them with a glass of
wine and bid them welcome — which agreed with the
saying of J)? Dellius (who was continually in corres-
pondence with the Jesuits of Canada) that the King of
France was not at war with tlie kingdom of England,
but onl}' with those who held it with the Prince of
Orange. D? Selyns continued to do nothing else but
on every occasion to enlarge the power of France and
to impress upon the people the impossibility of a good
result. From all this the miserable condition in which
we were can be seen, for the Magistrates instead of Fa-
thers had become Stepfathers only seeking for cause to
dispense punishment. In church frequently more
pleading was heard than preaching : and what was most
dreadful for us, if the enemy were to come we Avould not
have been treated as prisoners of war but as conquered
Rebels and Traitors, and would have been pointed out
to the Enemy by our own fellow citizens and believers.

410 DOCUMENTS RELATING TO THE

This many bitter people seemed to long for, for if it had
gone according to their mind, not two only but a great
many would have been hung, which the most envious
of them estimated at some hundreds. And that would
not have been done all at once, but now and then a
holyday would have been made of it. This evil now
having lasted for more than seven years it was high
time that with this joyful peace we also sliould at last
have peace among ourselves. This would certainly have
followed for a great part in the church if we could have
had besides D? Selyns a peaceful and impartial Minis-
ter, whom we would have found in D? Niecella had it
not been prevented by the other and his party as your
Reverences can learn from our Petition to our Gover-
nor My-lord Bellomont. However as it has now hap-
pened, that we enjoy the felicity of having our cause
examined before your Reverences' wise Assembly, so
have we perfect confidence, that the Reverend Classis
by their authority and wisdom will reconcile us — to
whose judgment we fully submit. We only request
that the calling of the Ministers for this congregation
shall be done in no other way than after the ancient cus-
tom and in equity, which has been sufficiently set forth

in our Petitions, especially as the call upon D°

has been made by these seven persons of the ordinary
consistory; and some of the old consistory, after it was
done and the letters were ready to be sent away, have
also consented thereto. But we in no way understand
that, should his Reverence decline the call, then
two partial men at Amsterdam shall provide us with a
young Pleader instead of a Preacher, which we know to
be the intention of D? Selyns and his party, judging
those persons incompetent to get for us an impartial
teacher ; for the one has been here a bitter enemy of the
Revolution and has done his best that things have come
to that extremity, which easily could have been pre-
vented. The other is so rash and partial in his judg-
ment of our cause, that before he had perfectl)' under-
stood the same, upon the bitter writing of D ° Selyns,

ADMINISTRATION OF LEISLER. 411

he condeianed D" Niecella from what he had done as
unworthy ever to enter the pulpit, as he has written to
his friends here. This need not be contradicted in any
other manner than that his congregation in general had
with much love received him again, disapproving entire-
ly the outrageous proceedings of some of their consis-
tory against his Reverence. Therefore if the nomina-
tion of D? is not confirmed no one is better

entitled to the place than the brother of D? Niecella,
Minister at Surinam, who would certainly have been
ours [our Minister] if the congregation had been al-
lowed to have its choice and if D? Selynsand his party
had not been opposed thereto, and we think it very ab-
surd that T> ? Selyns and his party are trying to prevent
that a Minister of our neighbourino; church should be
called here, or from Surinam, with which place we have
some commerce and consequently the opportunity to get
from there a Minister sooner and with less expense than
from Holland. Therefore our humble petition is that
the E-Gverend Classis would be pleased to order here as
well as in Holland through the Honorable West India
Company, that we and our neighbors may be at liberty
to do so.

Yesterday the 20*^ October both the corpses of Com-
mander Jacob Leisler and Jacob Milborne were here
with great solemnity again interred in our Dutch
Church, their arms and hatchments of honor were there
hung up, and they thereby as much as possible restored
in their Honor, for which his Honor's son Jacob Leisler
had received special permission from his majesty to the
inexpressible joy of their families and of the people
who under him had taken up arms for our blessed King
William. We hope that herewith the discords which
so long have tormented us will also be buried, to which
our right noble and wished for Governor, My-lord Earl
of Bellomont is doing his utmost devoir, who without
regard of persons with very great equity and mildness
tries to do justice, having now (to begin with the Lord
God) ordered over the whole land a solemn Day of Fast

412 DOCUMENTS RELATING TO THE

and Prayer exhorting the inhabitants by a grave proc-
lamation fervently to pray herefor to his Divine Maj-
esty, whereto we hope that the Lord will grant his
merciful blessing — which blessing and mercy we desire
for Your Reverences with all our Hearts.
N. York in America, the 2P' October, 1G98.

PETITION AND REMONSTRANCE OF THE NEW YORK HOUSE OF
REPRESENTATIVES.

To his Excel!. Richard of Bellomont Capt General (&
Gov"" in Cheif & Vice Admiral in & over his Maty'
Province of Neiv York in America &c.

The humble Peticon & Remonstrance of the Representa-
tives of this his Maty^ Province of New York, Oo7i-
vend in General Assembly.

Ma}^ it please yo"" Lordship.

We y" Representatives of his Maty^^ Province Con-
vened in General Assembly, do with all due Respect &
Humility, approach yo"" Lordship, to Assure you, that
y® same inviolable Loyalty w"'' has hitherto affected & in-
flamed our hearts towards y^ Crown & Goverm* of
England, will ever preserve us in a most Religious &
Steady Perseverance therein, being thoroughly sensible
how great a Blessing it is to be subject to y'' best &
greatest of Kings, & under so noble a Constution of
La^vs, as makes England this day y" Envy of all its
Neighbour Nations. Yet we cannot but with great
greif of heart represent to yo"" Lordship, that we have
not of late years enjoyed y® felicity of those Excellent
Laws, which in their own nature & designment arc to
Extent to all y^ Subjects of y® Crown, how remote so
ever, at least Virtually, & wherein y® Lives, Liberty es &
properties of y^ Subjects are concerned.

We were very uneasy under an Arbitrary Comis-
sion in y® late King James's Reigne, which gave y*'
Gov"" of this Province, among other Arbitrary powers,
that of Levying mony without calling an Assembly,

ADMINISTRATION OF LEISLER. 413

whereby we reckoned that our Lives, as well as Estates,
were subject to the Arbitrary will of a Gov*", contrary
to the known Laws of England ; & mony was actually
Levyed on us, pursuant to the illegal powers of the said
Comission. The exercise whereof & the dreadfull vio-
lence we also apprehended would be done to our Con-
sciences, in Respect of our Holy Protestant Religion,
from a Popish Arbitrary King, made us Unanimously
& heartily throw off y® yoke of Popish Tyranny, & de-
clare for his then Highness y^ Prince of ORANGE,
upon y® first News we had of his Glorious & Unparral-
led Expedition into England.

We acted then, as we conceived, on a Right Princi-
ple, & we were the more Confirmed in that Belief, because
we acted in Conceit & Conformity with y^ Glorious Peo-
ple of England. But to our great amazement and sor-
row we have suffered severely for our early services to
King William & y® Crown of England, most of us in
our Liberty & Estates, & five of our ffriends (who had
the Honesty & Courage to stand in y® Gap when others
shamefully drew back & deserted y^ Protestant Cause, &
were therefore by Universal Consent of the People
thought most worthy to be cheif in comand, till orders
should come from ENGLAND) who fell a sacrifice to
the Rage & Malice of y* Jacobite Party in this Province,
who tho' few in Number at that time, had Never the
less y® Power & influence to prevaile on y" weakest of
men. Col. Henry Slaughter, Gov"" of this Province, to
order a Tryal for those brave men, & appoint such a
sett of Judges, as by principle & prejudice, would not
faile to gratifie y^ malice of their Party, as they did un-
der a forme of Law, which made it the more Cruel &
Arbitrary, the said Tryal being ordered by the Gov'. &
managed by the Bench Contrary to all the Rules of
Justice & Humanity ; for we are able to make appear, if
thereunto required, that never a Revolucon was carried
on & mannaged with more moderation in any part of the
Christian World.

And further for instance y^ weakness as well as y*

414 DOCUMENTS RELATING TO THE

Cruelty of y^ said Gov", in appointing Nicholas Bayard,
William Nicolls (lately suspended by yo"" Lord'p from
his Matys Council) and Several others so mannag'd the
tryal against Cap^ Leisler, M^ Milbourn, & the other Six
Prisoners who were all their a Vowed Enemies, & bore a
mortal grudge to the saidCaj)t. Leisler, for their haveing
been by him imprisoned in y® Fort, for opposeing the
late happy Revolucon & endeavoring to raise a Tumult
among the People, & disturb y® peace of the Government,
and for telling Capt. Leisler to his face, That the Par-
liament of England Voting and enacting y® Thrones
being Vacant, was nonsence, that there was no such
thing possible in Nature, nor could be by y^ Laws of
England. Gov' Slaughter too by Lodging in Nicholas
Bayards house was the more pressed, & sooner prevail-
ed on by Bayards Importunity to sign the Warrant
of Execucon. And as an Infallible token of the share
he had in that Council, there was a fflag hung out of a
Window of his House for two days together, before the
day of of Execucon, as a Trophy & Signal of the Point
gained by him on y* said Gov*^, & of the Victory over
the Lives, not only of Innocent, but most deserving
men. In those days it was, when y® Protestant Subjects
were disarmed, & Papists Armed, Nay y® Publick faith
of Government was Violated ; for a Peprieve had been
sealed to respit y® Execution of those Gentlemen, un-
till his matys pleasure should be known ; yet before this
could be known his maty they were Executed. And
notwithstanding the Gov""* Proclamation, to invite such
as fled to shun y^ hard fate. Several whereof were never-
theless fined & Imprisoned ; & certainely more had un-
dergone y® hard fate of Capt. Leysler & Mr. Milbourn,
had it not been for Gov"" Slaughter s suddain Death, &
the reflection he had, tho' too late of this Barbarous &
unwarrantable strange Execution. This was y^ end of
Capt. Leysler & Mr. Milbourn, y^ former whereof has
Expended £2700 out of his own proper Estate, for y*
service of his maty, as was made appear to a Comittee
of this House. These were the Days of Wrath and

ADMINISTRATION OF LEISLER. 415

utter Darkness, so that we must say with y® Apostle,
Wo unto them, for they have gone in y^ way of Cain.

Then, Contrary to his Matys Letters Pattents,
Kichard Ingoldsby, a hot headed inconsiderate person,
& a Simple Capt of foot, is made Comander in Cheif ;
& in all the time of his Administracon, Oppression is
still continued. Nor could y® change of Gov'* remedy
y® same, by y^ coming of Coll Fletcher, who altho, no
"blood spilt, yet bruised y" Bone of y^ remnant left, and
made his Goverment an Entire mass of Corruption, by
Encourageing Pyracy & Unlawful Trade, & giveing away
almost all y" Vacant Lands in y* Province, to a few dis-
affected & undeserving men, neglecting y^ fi-ontieers of
this Province & packing Representatives to serve in Gen-
eral Assembly, Imbezilling & Squandering a way the
Revenue & other publick monys. Setting Atheistical
Persons in places of greatest Trust in y^ Goverm*. All
w^hich, & many more Instances of his male Administra-
tion, as we are informed, have been already transmitted
to England by yo"" Lordship.

The Representatives Convened in General Assembly,
takeing notice of what was done herein for releif, by that
most Senate, y® Parliament of England, in Reversing of
the Attainders of Jacob Leysler, M"" Milborn & others,
cannot but with y® greatest of Zeal, and fervency of
affection send up their Prayers to y^ great maty of Hea-
ven & Earth for y^ Preservation of his matys Roval Per-
son, & of that most Excellent Constution & for y®
Ministers of State, the influence of whose wdse & honest
Council, is felt, even at this vast Distance from England.
And in humble Confidence of his matys goodnes, we
humbly pray yo' Excell to lay before his maty this our
humble Peticon, hoping that the same good Angel who
led yo' Excell to attend his maty, when Prince of
Orange; in his Glorious Expedition for England, &
brought yo' Excell safe amongst us, to j^ut a stop to y*
oppressions we groaned under, will now move yo' Lord"
in our behalf, to interceed with his maty for our Relief
(although as Christians w^e would forgive our Enemies

416 DOCUMENTS EELATING TO THE

& oppressors) That lie would be graciously pleased to
Extend of his Royal Bounty & Favour on y® Families
of the said Leisler & Milbourn & also order y® Sum of
Two thousand Seaven hundred Pounds to be paid unto
her (& that care be taken to pay such Debts as are
owing for what was Expended in y" late happy Revolu-
con in this Province) in Consideracon of their suiferings
& services for his matys Interest & this Province.

That for y^ better Administracon of Justice five able
Judges be sent from England (& two or three able
Council, who have acquired to that noble profession by
study, & not by Usurpation) for the mainteinance
whereof we shall not be wanting.

That Coll. Fletcher s Coat of Arms may be pulled
down from y^ Kings Chappell in y^ Fort, & Trinity
Church in this Citty ; that since he left no monument
of Virtue & a Just Administration, those of his Nau-
tious & Insupportable Pride & Vanity, may not remain
to Posterity, especially since his birth was so mean &
obscure as that he was not entituled to bear a Coat of
Arms.

All w'''' y® Representatives again humbly move yo'
Excel! . to lay before his maty, together with our most
Inviolable Loyalty & Obedience to his Matys Comands.
By order of the House of Representatives.

Abra : GouvERNEUR, Speaker.
[May 15th, 1699.]

DEPOSITION OF ABRAHAM GOUVERNEUR.

The Deposition of Abraham Gouverneur of the City
of New York of full age being duly sworn on y® holy
evangelists of our Lord God deposeth and saith that
some time in the year of our Lord God One Thousand
Six hundred Eighty Nine and Ninety he this deponent
was in the city of New York and during y^ time of
Capt" Jacob Leisler's government, Clark of the Councill,
at which time this deponent did see that the said Leisler
did expend great sums of money on the King s account

ADMINISTRATION OF LEISLER. 417

out of the proper estate of him the said Leisler, and
particularly a briganteen of his being coming from Eng-
land the greatest part of what she brought for his ac-
count was sent to supply y*" souldiers on ye fronteers of
Albany, and some part to the Garrison of Fort William
Henry in this City, and he this deponent further saith
that of his knowledge the s'' Leisler when some mer-
chants were unwilling to credit the Government, he gave
his own bonds or notes to pay them, and this deponent
further declares that the said Leisler did often speak to
his son Jacob Leisler who kept the Books of y® s*^ dis-
bursement & account to see how much had been paid in
an account of the government and what was paid out
by him and accordingly some little time before the ar-
rival of Major Richard Ingoldesby, the said Jacob
Leisler did in the presence of him sum up the same and
found that the said Leisler had been out on account of
the government more than he had received either two
thousand seven hundred or two thousands five hundred
pounds. And this deponent further adds that the said
Leisler did often tell this to severall persons in this de-
ponent's hearing professing to shew it them in y® book
but their answer was generall that thej' did believe it
and that it could not be otherwise. And this Deponent
further says that the said acc*^* were kept in a large book
which had been brought from Port Royal by Capt° Go-
deris, it being one of the books of Records of that
place, the which said book to this deponent certain know-
ledge was by the said Leisler left in y^ fort amongst
many other Books and Papers, that very morning he
delivered y'' fort to Col'. Sloughter s order but since al-
tho a great many Endeavors have been used the said
Book is not to be found or heard of, and further this
depon' Saith not.

Abraham Gouverneur.
New York the 21*' Aug^' 99.

Then appeared before me Abraham D'Peyster, Esq^
one of his Majesty's council for the Province of New

418 DOCUMENTS RELATING TO THE

York the above named Abraham GDUverrieur and on
his Corporall Oath declared to the truth of this depo-
sition Witness my hand day and year above s'^.

A. D. Peister.
On the back was written
a true copy
Bellomont.

petition of JACOB LEISLER.

To the Kings most Excellent Majesty — The humble

petition of Jacob Leisler.
Sheweth

That Capt" Leisler deceased your petitioner's late fa-
ther was chiefly instrumental in promoting your maj^^'
interest at New York in America in y® late happy revo-
lution in which conjuncture he did not only expose his
life to y'' utmost hazard but did expend in buying armes
and other necessaries on that occasion above four
thousand pounds, of which sum there did appear
to y® Maj'^' assembly sufficient evidence of your peti-
tioner's Father disbursing two thousand seven hundred
pounds.

Yet notwithstanding such his signal services by the
influence and malice of your maj^^^ and his Enemies
who were deeply engaged in y" Interest of y® late King
James he Avas convicted under y'' forme of Justice for a
supposed high Treason which was easily found when some
of y^ Jury were reputed Papists under y^ direction
of y"" Maj^y'^ late gov"" Col° Henry Slaughter & Joseph
Dudley, president who ordered y® execution of your
petitioner s lal^e father without sending over for your
Maj^^' direction leaving Alice Leisler his relict and y'
Petif his only Son with six daughters in very deplora-
ble circumstances, having in a great measure exhausted
all their substance in supplying y^ publick necessities.

That upon application made to y*" Parliament here
in England, both houses were so fully satisfied upon y^
proofs made before them touching your petitioners said

ADMINISTRATION OF LEISLER. 419

late Fathers' services that an Act of Parliament had
lately passed for the reversing of his attainder, and y®
representatives for y® Province of New York Convened
in generall Assembly have signified likewise their sense
of your Petitioner's fathers services & sufferings & losses
for your Maj^^^^ Service, to his ExcelP^ Richard Earl of
Bellomont your majesty's governour of that Province
to y® end that the same may be humbly represented &
have recommended your Pet', as a fitt object of your
Maj*y' favor and bounty & that the same sum of two
thousand seven hundred pounds be paid to your Pe-
titioner.

Yo' Petit' therefore humbly prays that yo' Maj*''
would be graciously pleased to direct that y® s** money
may be paid to yo"" Pef at New York and that he may
receive suche farther marks of y' Maj'^^ great compas-
sion and Bounty as to your Maj^^, in your great wisdom
and Justice shall seem most meet.

And your Petitioner shall ever pray

Jacob Leisler.

THE earl of JERSEY TO THE EARL OF BELLOMONT.

Whitehall y' 6th February ]^ll
My Lord,

The King being moved upon y® petition of Mr. Ja-
cob Leisler and having a gracious sence of his father's
services and sufferings & y*" ill circumstances y** Peti-
tioner [& his family are] is thereby reduced to ; his maj'^
is pleased to direct that y* same be transmitted to your
Lordship & that you recommend his case to y* general
assembly of New York being y^ onl}' place where he
can be relieved and the prayer of his petition complyed
with. I am, my Lord, Your Lord'ps

Most obedient & most humble Servant

Jersey.

This letter was directed to the Earl of Bellomont and is inserted in Smith's History ofNeio
York,* page 100, only the words included in [brackets] are not to be found in it. It was
wrote by the Earl of Jersey. [Du Simitieee.]

[* Edition of 1757. P. 140, Ed. 1776; P. 141, Ed. 1829; P. 162, Ed. 1830.]

420 DOCUMENTS KELATING TO THE

JACOB MAURITZ'S BILL OF DISBURSEMENTS, ETC.

[Translated from the original in Dutch, by S. Alofsen, Esq.]

Copy of an Account rendered hy Capt. Jacob Mauritz
to the Commissioner appointed hy the Assembly to
examine the Accounts of the Government.

Account of Moneys Disbursed.

1692

31 May. At Sundry times to Jacob Leisler ;^88 6 6

10 June. To Jacob Leisler and Johannes Provoost 15 5

£\oz II 6

By Mr. John Manley advocate at sundry

times 54 i 10

By cash to Johannes Provoost 892

Jacob Willemse Roome Holland courant f. 6

Daniel De Klerck 200

For account of the Ship the Bear 17 11 6

By cash to John Thomas 6 10 o

For an order for the condemned and to take

recognizance and other expenses 29 4 6

By extraordinary Expenses for various dec-
larations and having been 12 times in
Whitehall sometimes more than 20 per-
sons and more other expenses for which
account the sum of /'50 pound sterling
and signed Jacob Mauritz

JoH. Provoost
Jacob Leisler
John Thomas 50 o O

Yet charged to me in account by Mr. Cullen

and obliged to make good to him by in-

terest on ^147 for 2 years amounting

to ;^l8

For a treat at Deal to Governor

Fletcher 5

Letter postage 6 10

29 10

Sum f. 6

£zox 13 6

Deduct for amount paid by Jacob Leisler to

Mr. Cullen ;i^i03 11 6

and that for account of the Ship the Bear 17 11 6

and of Daniel De Klerck 200

123 3 o

Sum total f. 6 ;^I78 10 6

1689 & 90 By cash to Joost StoU in England as per his
acct. and signature being ;^2i 4 6,

ADMINISTRATION OF LEISLER. 421

and are credited to me by Governor Leis-
ler and his Council the sum of about £2S °

■V- May By lb 300 fine and new gunpowder a 10 gl per lb 75 o

Yet fetched from my wife by Sergeant Johan-
nes Burger lb 100 sheet lead at 6d per lb 25

New York money ;^II2 5 O ^^^178 10 6

Holl'ds i 6
Yet for beef and Pork fetched into the fort
when Major Ingoldsby was blockading
the fort about lb. 200 a 300.
Doubt not but your Honor will take care and
take into consideration that the moneys
disbursed besides the Interest and other
losses suffered therefrom will be paid.

New York the 11 June Ao. 1701-0.

Errors Excepted

Jacob Mauritz.

JACOB LEISLER S PETITION TO THE GOVERNOR AND COUNCIL.
[Read In Council, etc. October ISth, 1701.]

To the Hon^^^ John Nanfan Esq"" Lieut* Govern'^ & Com-
mander in Chief of this Province of New York and
the hon^^^ Council of the Same in general assembly
convened.
The Humble Petition of Jacob Leisler Son and heir of

Jacob Leisler deceased.
Sheweth

That whereas the house of representatives now in
general assembly convened having taken into their serious
considerations his maj'^* directions relating to your peti-
tioner and considering his father s sufferings and dis-
bursements layd out by him and others his Maj^^* good
subjects of this province in the time of the late happy
revolution for the defence of this province in the late
warr, and have thereupon passed a bill to pay the debts
afores*^ Entitled an act for paying the debts of the go-
vernment made in y^ time of y^ late happy revolution
and finding by the votes of the house that the same is
sent up to your Honours,

He therefore humbly prayes your honours to take
your petition'"* Case into your serious consideration and

422 DOCUMENTS RELATING TO THE

that you would be pleased to give your assent to the
said JBill that your Petitioner and others may after so
long a time receive satisfaction for their honest ser-
vices and disbursements whereby your Petitioner hum-
bly conceives his majesty's directions may be complyed
with otherwise your petitioner will be frustrated (at
least for a long while) of his maj*^^ royal favour to him
in said orders Expressed.

And your Petition'' as in duty bound shall pray, k"^.

Jacob Leisler.

JACOB leisler S ACCOUNT OF THE DEBT OF THE COLONY OF
NEW YORK DUE HIM.

COLONY OF NEW YORK DR. TO JACOB LEISLER.

To divers Supplys and Supports of the government of the Colony
aforesaid and other Charges and Expenses made in the time
of the late happy revolution, amounting to the sum of Two
Thousand Seven Hundred Pounds, which said sum of Two
Thousand Seven Hundred Pounds was granted by an act of
the general assembly of the Colony aforesaid, Entituled an Act
for paying the debts of the government made in the time of the
late happy revolution to be payd to the said Jacob Leisler in
such manner and at such times as in and by the said [Act] was
regulated, but remaned unpayed hitherto. jC^joo O O

N. York, Feb^ i8'h 1712.

p"' Jacob Leisler.

On the back of the above account was written the Endorsement as in the Index [the title
of this paper] and underneath Lib. B. fol. 49, 50. Read y" 15th May, 1714. [Dtj Simitiere.]

PETITION OF JACOB LEISLER.

To the Hon'''" the House of Representatives for the Colo-
ny of New York now Convened in general assembly.
The humble Petition of Jacob Leisler.
Sheweth

That his late sacred Maj*^ King William in or about
y® month of February, iny'' year 1700, directed his then
Excellency the Lord Bellomont then Governour of this
Province to recomend your petitioner's Case to the then
Hon'''® House of Representatives for relief therein.
Whereupon y^ s* Hon'''® house on or about the year of our

ADMINISTRATION OF LEISLER. 423

Lord 1702 : passed an act for the payment of 2700*'
unto y'' Peti' which also passed the then Lieut* Gov' &
Council.

And y' Petit"" further sheweth unto your hon''* that
the said sum of 2 700** and every part thereof remaining
unpaid to your Petitioner, yo'" pef" lately brought in his
claim of the said debt to the Commissioners appointed
by this honourable house to inspect into the debts of the
government and y'' Pef is desirous to give your Hon""^ all
possible sattisfaction how and in what manner the said
sum became due, but the books papers and accounts relat-
ing thereunto by misfortune being destroyed y'' Petitioner
is unable to lay before your hon" the Particulars there-
of.

Your Hon" Petitioner therefore humbly prays yo'
hon''® to take into your Serious Consideration y'' Circum-
stances of yo'' Petitioners Case and to afford your hon"
petitioners such relief as to this hon^^® house shall seem
meet.

And your Hon'' petif Shall ever Pray, &*^-
24 April, 1714. Jacob Leisler.

On the back under the endorsement was ■written— Read 28 April and committed toy
Committee qfy trhote House to whom his Excellency'' s speech is referred. [Du Simitierb.]

MEMORANDA MADE BY DU SIMITIERE.

It appears by the different papers I have perused
relating to Mr. Jacob Leisler, Junior —

1. From Nicholas CuUen's letters in Mr. Ahm. Gouv-
er^ieur's possession^

That he was in London lodged at the White horse
in Birchin lane in August, 1695.

That Sir Henry Ashurst employed himself in his
behalf.

That Mr. Nicholas Cullen, merchant of Dover was
his correspondent and banker.

That Lord Bellomont at Sir Henry Ashurst's table

424 DOCUMENTS RELATING TO THE

asked Mr. Leisler if lie would go with him back to New
York. He was not at that time confirmed in his gov-
ern* beginning of August, 1695.

That Nicholas Cullen advised him to accept of the
offer.

That Ab™ Gouverneur was in London with Leisler in
April, 1696.

2. From Original Bill of Costs at Ahm. Gouv-
erneur's^

The bill of cost of Mr. Leisler prosecuting his bill in
Parliament after the recommitment amounted to about
18 Pounds sterling beside the trouble & pains of the
attorney to be what he please dated April 29 1685.

His case was printed in London.

3. From Original Quittance at Mr. Ahm. Gouv-
erneur s^

Jacob Milborne was in New York in 7'''" 1685 & had
then a letter of attorney of Sir Thomas Griffith, Knight
of London, dated the 24 day of April 1684 to receive
for him the sums due by Jacob Leisler which having
done he gave him a quittance dated y^ 30 T^'^ 1685 —
the original I have seen in the possession of Mr. Ab™
Gouverneur.

Neiv Yorh^ May 31. 1769. I have been informed by
Mr, Buvelot who had it from old W^. Boutecou's own
mouth that she came in New York from France during
the time that Leisler had the Government that she and
her family were well received by him, that he spoke
French, that he was a Swiss & that mentioning a S\viss
colonel in the french service at that time of the same
name, he said it was his brother.

Mrs. Farmer, daughter of Ab™ Gouverneur who
married Milborne's widow told Mr. Hartier a few days
after the above date, that Mr. Leisler had retired from
France for the persecution and was an elder of the
French Church in New York, but if so it must have
been long before the Hevocation of the Edict of Nants

ADMINISTRATION OF LEISLER. 425

as Mr. Leisler is mentioned in the list of taxables in
1674.

One Mrs. Latham about 30 years ago was living in
New York & said then to a lady of my acquaintance
that she lived in Leisler's family, that she helped at the
laying of him out & that his head was sewd to his neck,
that his body was open at the place of execution, &
the executioner was taking out the hart as it was said
to bring to a lady who had promised him a reward for
it but a gentleman present j)revented him from
doing it. Saying why he should offer such insult
to a man that never injured him. Milbourne was not
dead when the Executioner took him down from the
gallows & lifted up his arm as if to pare [parry] the
blow of the ax that was to cut his head off they were
buried in a ground belonging to Leisler to the east of
the Commons of the city near the corner of a street
caird George St. in the new Plan of the city it was also
said that a very short time before their Execution they
had assurances given to them by the Governour that
not a hair of their head should be touched, but the
Bayard party having invited him at a wedding enter-
tainment of one of their family they made him drunk
& then prevailed on him to Sign the death warrant &
they were hurried to the execution. Leisler apj)eared
insensible & said nothing but Milbourne kept up his
spirit & encouraged him, the governour's wife had often
at the instigation of the Bayard party upon her knees
expostulate the governour to put an end to their life
& it was said that after his death she lived in New
York obscure and miserable. Leisler people were
called Black 'people and Bayard's White People. Stories
were propagated of Leisler s apparition riding in a
Coach at the place he was buried. Leisler was a great
owner of lands at New Rochelle & one of the first
settlers.

I have from another person that it was said that at
the execution a woman took up the heart of Leisler &
said it was the heart of a traitor this seems improbable.

426 DOCUMENTS, ETC.

Leisler's warrant of Death [was] signed Thursday 14
May 1691 — him & Milbourne executed Saturday 16
do. It is said they sung at the gallows the 79th psalm.
[They were] Reburyed in the old Dutch Church on 20
8*^^'' 1698 during a very great Snow Storm as I was
informed by a person present who is still living 1769.

Nicholas Bayard opposed Leisler & was kept con-
fined in the fort 14 months, at his release he was
sworn one of the Council & not little instrument of
Leisler's ruin in Nanfan's time he was arrested for high
treason, tried, & condemned the Leisler party having
then the uppermost he was from time to time respited
owing as it was said to certain sums of money that were
from time to time paid by his family to the lieut. gov.
but according to the anecdote the children grew tired of
disbursing so much & expostulated with their father
that he should let himself be hanged (in Dutch Vadej^
hafigh maei\ at once for if he should continue longer
to pay for his life they would soon be all ruined.

From another Quarter I learned that Bayard
while under condemnation should have said that if
the walls of the prison should be made of paper he
would not come out because they were telling him he
might run away. Bayard was condemned for high
treason March 16. 1701. See his trial at large in the
State Trials Vol. V. from page 419 to 440.

INDEX.

Acadie, the attack on, 51, 53 ; the inhab-
itants of, aid the Indians in their at-
tacks on New England, 124 ; the
destruction of, 124; the capture of,
considered, 126.

Albany, N. Y., an estimate of the general
charge for the defence of, 166; the
Dutch of, supply the Esopus Indians
with ammunition, with which to mur-
der the Dutch at Esopus, 185; action
of the inhabitants of, at the Revolution
in Boston, 249, 259 ; state of affairs at.
May, 1689, 266 ; young men of, desire
to invade Canada, 266 ; Leisler's order
in reference to persons from, 303.

Albany Expedition, noticed, 296.

Albemarle County, N. C, refuses to com-
ply with the wishes of Ludwell, 82.

Alden, John, Captain, operations of, on
the Acadian Coast, 53.

Allen, Samuel (see New HampsWre),
127.

AUyn, John, Colonel (see Revolution in
Boston), 248.

American Colonies, Circular Letters to
the, from the Prince of Orange, 12,
36 ; orders of the Privy Council of
England to the governors of, Feb.
1689, 13, 36, 37 ; a new plan of Union
of the Northern, 149; the Mutual
Union of the, 162 ; lamentable state of
the, 161 ; the establishment of a De-
mocracy in, recommended, 162; Repre-
sentation of the Board of Trade to the
Lords Justices in September, 1696,
with regard to the then state of the,
170.

Amsterdam, the Classis of, Letter from
Members of the Dutch Church in New
York to, 398 ; the Classis of, noticed,
188.

Andros, Sir Edmond, the imprisonment
of, 27 ; his circular letter of Oct. 16,
1688, 20 ; appointed governor of Vir-

ginia, 48; leads his soldiers against
the Indians in New England, 50, 87 ;
noticed by Frontenac, 89 ; his admin-
istration in Virginia, 95 ; his disagree-
ment with the Virginia House of Bur-
gesses, 97 ; appointed provisional
governor of Maryland, 104 ; corres-
pondence of, quoted, 163; the charac-
ter of, considered by Cadwallader Col-
den, 187 ; his government a despotism,
187; his religious character, 188; im-
prisons the governor of New Jersey,
188 ; his education and principles,
189 ; his administration at Boston,
190; appointed governor of Virginia,
and his service there, 190 ; acquainted
with the invasion of England by the
Prince of Orange, 242 ; taken in cus-
tody by the people of Boston, 244 ;
action of the inhabitants of the Jerseys
on the seizure of, 247 ; letter from the
Lt. Gov. and council of New York to,
of May 1, 1689, 250 ; verbal instruc-
tions of, to George Wedderburne, 263 ;
noticed; 39, 61, 256, 257, 259, 261,
291, 306, 359, 368, 373, 399.

Andros, Ensign, seized at Boston, 244.

Annapolis becomes the capital of Mary-
land, 107.

Anne, Queen, change in the ministry of,
200.

AntiU, Edward, noticed, 322, 344, 351,
352, 355.

Antwerp, account of the capture of, 194.

Arbuthnot, Dr., his friendship for Gov.
Hunter, 196.

Arehdale, John, appointed governor of
Carolina, 158 ; his administration, 159;
his justice to the Indians, 159.

Articles of surrender, " do they justify "
illicit trade with Holland? 183.

Ashurst, Sir William, agent for Massa-
chusetts, 141.

Athanasian Creed, Archbishop Tillotson

430

INDEX.

wished the church could get fairly rid
of the, 215.

Baker, William, noticed, 322.

Baltimore, Lord, appearance before the
Committee of Plantations, Feb. 1689,
14 ; deposed, 17 ; the case of the for-
feiture of the charter of, 16, 77, 92;
deprived of his income, 101 ; taxes
are restored to him, 101.

Band, Capt. (see Riggs), 299.

Barry, Andrew, noticed, 290.

Bath, Earl of, member Privy Council,
William and Mary, noticed, 37.

Bayard, Balthazar, noticed, 273, 274,
275, 277.

Bayard, Nich., Col., noticed, 241, 243,
245, 284, 324, 370, 391; a "Ring-
leader " in the Revolution at New
York, 376, 376, 379 ; abused by Capt.
Laysler (Leisler), 269, 270; thinks it
imprudent for him to appear in arms
other than a private, 26,8.

Bayard, Samuel, noticed, 277.

Bayley, Stephen, noticed, 252.

Baxter, Jervas, Major, is allowed to with-
draw to New Jersey, 267 ; noticed,
368, 370, 371.

"Beaver," the ship, arrived at New
York, 318.

Beekman, Gerard, Justice of the Peace
in New York, noticed, 295.

Beekman, Gerardus, Major, Leisler's
warrant to, 301 ; under sentence of
death, petitions the Queen, 333 ; pro-
ceedings of the Privy Council on the
petition of, 337; Letter to Nicolas
Collen, Sept. 29, 1698, 334; deposi-
tion of, relative to the conduct of Gov.
Fletcher, 347.

Beekman, Capt., noticed, 296, 290.

Bellomont, Lord, aspires to the govern-
ment of Massachusetts Bay, 121; ap-
pointed governor of Massachusetts
Bay, 1 27 ; his delay in leaving Eng-
land, 127; (see New Hampshire), 128 ;
nature of his commission, 165 ; grants
a writ of possession to the widow of
Jacob Leisler, 390 ; Petition and Re-
monstrance of the New York House of
Representatives to, 412; noticed, 202,
391, 392, 393, 410, 411.

Berkeley, Sir William, noticed, 48.

Berry, John, Capt., of East Jersey, no-
ticed, 247.

Blackiston, Judge for Probate of Wills
in Maryland, noticed, 104.

Blackwell, John, Gov., misrule of, in
Pennsylvania, 75 ; noticed, 241.

Blackwell, William, merchant of Boston,
noticed, 242.

Blagge, Benj., Capt., noticed, 243, 244.

Blair, Rev. James, Commissary of the
Bishop of London, noticed, 49.

Blake assumes the government of Caro-
lina, 159.

Blathwayt, Wm., Secretary, his connec-
tion with the creation of the New
England Charter, 90 ; noticed, 167,
291.

Bleeker, Jan Janse, Capt., noticed, 296.

Board of Trade, the establishment of,
161, 163 ; Representations of the, to
the Lords Justices, in September,
1696, with regard to the then state of
the Colonies, 170.

Bomazeeu, the Indian warrior, the cap-
ture of, 119.

Boscawen, Hugh, noticed, 90.

Boscawen, J., member of Privy Council
of William and Mary, noticed, 37.

Bosch, Albert, noticed, 297, 370.

Boston, Mass., the Revolution at, 22, 23,
the "Council of Safety " of, 24; King
WilUam and Queen Mary proclaimed
in, 26 ; New York's " miserable union "
with, 74; The Revolution at, 142;
Administration of Sir Edmund Andros
at, 190; Declaration of the inhabitants
of, for taking Gov. Andros into cus-
tody, 244 ; Action of the Common
Council of New York, at the Revolu-
tion in, 245, 246 ; Some account of
the Revolution in 1689, 248 ; Arrival
at New York of soldiers from, action
thereon, 287 ; Proclamation of William
and Mary in, 373.

Bowne, John, Captain, of East Jersey,
noticed, 247.

Bradstreet, Simon, declared governor of
Massachusetts, 25 ; Letter of, to Lord
Shrewsbury, 88 ; retires from the gov-
ernment of Mass., 109 ; see the arrest
of Gov. Andros. 251 ; noticed, 261, 266.

Bradshaw, George, Capt., noticed, 304.

Brazier, Abraham, Leisler's orders to,
concerning the block house at New
York, 310 ; under sentence of death,
petitions the Queen, 333 ; noticed, 354.

Brenton, Mr., reinstatement of, as Col-
lector of Boston, 117.

Brockholls, Anthony, Major, noticed,
264, 266.

Brodhead, Daniel, settles at Marbletown,
185.

Bromfield, William ; see Quakers, 39.

Brook, Chidley, Mr., noticed, 392, 393.

Brooks, Thomas, noticed, 242.

INDEX.

431

Browne, John D., noticed, 273, 2*74, 289.

Bullivant, Benjamin, his diary noticed,
88 ; seized at Boston with Gov. An-
dros, 244.

Billion, George, Capt., noticed, 322.

Burnet, Bishop, Letters to, froni Leisler,
concerning the Quakers, 38 ; obliga-
tions of the royal family of England to,
2X1.

Burnet, Governor, his instructions in re-
ference to acting governor Schuyler's
" perquisites," 206 ; his reason for con-
tinuing the Assembly, 207 ; The Case
of Mr. Rou and the French Congrega-
tion in New York, 207 ; Refuses to
qualify Mr. De Lancey as member of
the Assembly, 210; The Case of Phil-
lipse and Codringtone, 213 ; His study
of the Scripture Prophecy, 214 ; His
Christian character, 215; His care for
the Province of New York, 216 ; Pre-
vents the trade with Canada, 216;
True reasons for his removal from
office, 217 ; Col. Montgomerie succeeds
him in office, 217 ; appointed governor
of Massacliusetts, 218 ; his course with
the people, 219; his death, 219;
donates land to the Germans, 199 ; see
Connecticut boundary line, 225.

Cadogan, Mr., at the battle of Ramillies,
194; at Antwerp, 194, 195.

Campbell, Laughlin, some account of his
settlement in America, 226, 231 ; re-
port of a Committee of Council on the
land grant case of, 233 ; his petition
to the Council, 234.

Canada, people of, revengeful against
New York, 68 ; Schuyler's expedition
into, 74 ; the conquest of, resolved on
by William, in 1692, 114; the failure
of the project, 116; distress in, after
Frontenac's expedition, 147 ; trade
with, prohibited by Gov. Burnet, 216 ;
prohibition on trade with, taken off,
220 ; the invasion of, desired by the
young men of Albany, 266 ; the in-
vasion from, noticed, 403.

Canterbury, Archbishop of, noticed, 90 ;
Lord Justice, noticed, 166.

Capel, H., member Privy Council of
William and Mary, noticed, 37.

Carohnas, the, action of, on the accession
of William and Mary to the throne of
England, 30; the 'pirates of, 159;
affairs in, in 1694, 158; Archdale ap-
pointed governor of, 158.

Carter, a, shot at the fort in New York,
349.

Cartwright, Madame, of Ossington, no-
ticed, 290.

Chalmers, George, Political Annals of the
United Colonies of America, 5.

Chandos, Duke of, his connection with
Connecticut boundary lands explain-
ed, 225.

Charter of the province of Massachusetts
Bay, 64.

Chaplains, generally ignorant of the
world, 57.

Charles the First, King, the executioner
of, 226.

Charlton, Francis, noticed, 90.

Chelseldyne, Mr., noticed, 100.

Chess, Mr. Rou's Treatise on the game
of, 209.

Chester, Bishop of (see Protestants),
368.

Christ, his miracles considered, 215.

Chubb, Capt., cruelty of, at Pemaquid,
122, 123.

Church, Colonel, destroys Acadia, 124.

Church, the, operations of, in New York,
201.

Church of England, her rights in Mary-
land, 101.

Churchill, Lieut., see New York, 346 ; ac-
count of what passed when he came
before the Court, 311.

Clarke, Thomas, Leisler orders the re-
duction of the forces raised by, on
Long Island, 302 ; see Long Island, 305.

Clarke, George, his intimacy with Gov.
Montgomerie, 220 ; his connection with
the promised grants of land to Laughlin
Campbell, 228, 231 ; account of land
grants to, 227.

Clarke, Walter, noticed, 248.

Clarkson, Secretary, noticed, 391.

Classis of Amsterdam, Letter from mem-
bers of the Dutch Church in New York
to the, 398.

Clerck, Capt. (see Riggs), 299.

Clock, Albert, noticed, 345.

Codington, Thomas, Sheriff, noticed, 347.

Codrington, Gen., noticed, 319.

Codringtone and Phillipse, the case of,
212.

Coerten, Myndert, Letter to Nicolas Col-
len, Sept. 29, 1693, 334 (see Courten).

Coker, Thomas, noticed, 281.

Colden, C.adwallader, His History of the
Five Nations quoted, 91 ; Letters to
his Son, on Smith's History of New
.York, 181, 187, 192, 206, 214, 219, 226,
23i) ; his views of the miracles of Christ,
215.

Colinge, Richard, noticed, 334, 365.

432

INDEX.

Collen, Nicolas, Letter from Gerardus
Beekman and Myndert Coerten to,
Sept. 29, 1693, 334.

Colleton, Gov., of South Carolina, " made
an example of for abuse of trust,"
81 ; noticed, 83.

Colliton County, Carolina, the French
refugees of, 84.

Connecticut, action of, in the Revolution
in New England, 1688, 28 ; Sir Wil-
liam Phips appointed governor of, 6*7 ;
refuses to aid New York against the
French, 73 ; Gov. Fletcher receives the
military command of, 133; conduct of
Gov. Fletcher in, 134, 135, 136, 139;
sends Winthrop as agent to England,
138 ; agreement for a partition line be-
tween New York and, 223 ; sets up a
new government, 259.

Convers, Capt., surprises a party of
French, at Wells, Maine, 116.

Coode, John, captures the State House,
at St. Mary's, Maryland, 16 ; appointed
commander-in-chief of the province of
Maryland, 18; the profligacy of, 108.

Cooke, Elisha, appointed agent for New
England, 61 ; representations in Eng-
land, 88; noticed, 91.

Copley, Colonel, rewarded with the gov-
ernment of Maryland, 77, 93 ; dissolves
the convention of Maryland, 99 ; death
of, 103 ; noticed, 102, 164, 169.

Cornbury, Lord, his pleasure house on
Nutten Island, 204.

Cortlandt, Col., the treatment of, by Leis-
ler, 379, 383 ; noticed, 363.

Cosby, Wm., Gov., his proclamation prom-
ising grants of land to emigrants, 22*7,
231; land grant of, 233, 234.

Council of Safety, the, of Massachusetts,
24.

Court of Chancery, account of the re-
solves of the New York Assembly
against the, 211.

Courten, Mindert, under sentence of
death, petitions the Queen, 333.

Courtmanche , Lieut, (see Fronte-

nac), 130.

Cox, , the messenger from William,

ordering the expedition against Cana-
da, in 1692, 114.

Coyler, Henry, deposition of, 370 ; (see
Cuyler), 297.

Crew, Lord, noticed, 298.

Cromwell, Oliver, noticed, 75.

Crundall, Thomas, noticed, 272, 274, 275,
276.

Culpepper, Lady, petitions for a confirma-
tion of title to lands in Virginia, 47.

Culpepper's Rebellion, noticed, 80.

Cuyler, Henry, Lieut., deposition concern-
ing Governor Nicholson, 370 ; noticed,
277.

Cuyler, Hendrick, noticed, 297.

Daille, Peter, Dominie, a French minister
at Boston, noticed, 407.

Danforth, Thomas, declared Lieut Gov.
of Massachusetts, 25.

Daniel, , of Carolina, excepted from

pardon, 84.

D'Avenant, works of, quoted, 1*70 ; re-
commends Penn's plan of union for
the colonies, 176.

Dawson, Thomas, aflBdavit of, on the
state of affairs at New York, January,
1691, 318.

De Bruyn, John Hendrick, Capt., mutiny
of the men of, at New York, 269 ; no-
ticed, 324.

De Brayn, , 373, (see De Bruyn).

Decanasora, the Indian chief, his account
of his embassage to Canada, 143.

Des Champs, Isaack, noticed, 242.

De Kay, Theunis (see Dutch church),
398 ; noticed, 273, 274, 275, 276.

De Kleyn, Leendert Huygen, noticed,
345.

De Lancey, James, Lieut. Gov., Dutch
massacre of Indians near the site of his
house, 18G; Gov. Burnet refuses to qual-
ify him as a member of the Assembly
of New York, 210 ; his party ascendant
in the New York Assembly, 220.

De La Noy, Peter (see George Dolstone),
317; noticed, 273, 274, 275, 276, 298,
299, 328, 351, 357, 377.

De La Plyne, Nicholas, seizure of, at New
York, "269.

Delamere, member of Privy Council of
William and Mary, noticed, 37.

Delaware River, inhabitants bordering on
the, surrender to the Dutch, 184.

Dellius, Godfrey, Dominie, noticed, 409.

De Mayer, , Leisler accuses him of

pilfering, 296.

Democracy, the establishment of a, re-
commended for the American colonies,
162.

De Peyster, , Capt., mutiny of the

men of, at New York, 269.

De Peyster, Abraham, petitions the city
not to run the line of fortifications
through his lands, 281 ; noticed, 273,
274, 277, 289, 292, 314, 322, 324, 347,
873, 417.

Depreciation of Securities, the effect on
nations as well as individuals, 59.

INDEX.

433

De Reimer, Isaac, affidavit of, in the case
of Leisler, 324 ; noticed, 322.

Deuken, Gerrit, noticed, 296 (see Duy-
king).

Devonshire, member Privy Council of
William and Mary, noticed, 37.

De Widt, Boudewijn, affidavit of, in the
case of Leisler, 323.

" Dewitted," the Jacobites escape being,
372.

D'Iberville, , French commander,

generosity of, at Pemaquid, 123.

Diderich, Hans, appointed capt. of the
Bergen Co. militia, 247.

Digges, , Col. action of, in the in-
surrection in Maryland, in 1689, 16.

Dionondadies, the Inuian tribe of, noticed,
135.

Dischington, , Mr. seizure of, at New

York, 269.

Divorce, power of granting, in New York,
187. a benefit to a new country, 187.

Dmill, P., Ensign, orders of Leisler to,
concerning the blockhouse at New
York, 310.

Dolstone, George, affidavit of, in reference
to the capture of the fort at New York,
314.

Dongan, Thomas, Gov., his administration
in New York, 191 ; his acts of assem-
bly, 191 ; his expedition noticed, 254;
the people of New York desire his re-
turn to the city, 284 ; Leisler's oppo-
sition to, 306.

DuBois, Louis,, noticed, 296.

Dudley, Joseph, Col, Leisler's letter to,
304 ; at the trial of Leisler, 323 ; the
" Cobweb eloquence" of, 388 ; noticed,
311, 348, 351, 355, 363, 388.

Dufour, Samuel Paul, deposition of, con-
cerning Mr. Giiggs, 298.

Du Simitiere, extracts from the Collec-
tions of, see Leisler, 364.

Dutch, the measures of, to appease the
Indians at Onondaga, 69 ; pretensions
of the, to the New Netherlands, 182 ;
the, of Albany ; their treachery at
Esopus, 185 ; inhumanity of the, at
New York, 185, 186 ; historians cover
up their cruelties, 186 ; join the Eng-
lish to " curb the French," 256.

Dutch Church, answer of the wardens
of the, in New York, concerning the
reburial of Leisler and Milborne in
their church, 397 ; letters from the
members of the, to the Classis of
Amsterdam, 398.

Dutchmen, rebeUious at New York,
291.

Dutch States General, surrender the gov-
ment of New York, 183.

Duyking, Garratt, Leisler's orders to, con-
cerning the blockhouse at New York,
310.

Duycking, Gerardus, notice of, 345.

Edsall, Samuel, noticed, 299.

Effingham, Lord, see Howard.

Elective Franchise, considered by Cad-
wallader Golden, 205 ; an American
Assembly cannot be governed by rea-
son, 206.

England, reign of James the Second
in, reviewed, 5 ; revolution of 1689-90,
5 ; accession of William and Mary to
the throne, 6 ; proceedings of the Par-
hament of, May, 1689, 10 ; the invasion
of, from Holland, King James' letter
thereon, 33; McPhei sou's Secret His-
tory of, quoted, 38 ; events in, in 1691,
94 ; the merchants of, discourage the
Maryland planters, 106 ; the kindness
of the ministry of, to the Five Nations,
148 ; deplorable condition of the com-
merce of, 160 ; the soldiers of, com-
pel the peace at Esopus, 185 ; inva-
sion of, by the Prince of Orange, 241 ;
list of papers sent to, by the hand
of Joost Stol, 297.

EngUsh, humanity of, displayed at Eso-
pus, 185 ; join the Dutch to "curb the
French," 256.

Ennis, Allesander, the English Preacher,
noticed, 297.

Episcopal Ordination, a cause of dissen-
sion in the Dutch church, 188.

Erie, Lake, operations of the French on
the, 145.

Esopus, New York, the inhabitants of,
surrender to the Dutch, 184; Indians
attack the Dutch at, 185.

Ewell, Robert, noticed, 241.

Excise on Strong Liquors, notice of an,
in New York in 1713, 202, 203.

Fairfax, Lord, petitions for a confirma-
tion of title to lands in Virginia, 47.

Fairfield County, Conn., letter from the
Lt. Gov. and Council of X. Y. on the
invasion by the French to the people
of, 263.

Five Nations, the negotiations of the, in
reference to the Canadian invasion,
131 ; Frontenac's expedition against
the, m 1696, 146 ; council of, at Onon-
daga, Dec. 1689, 69, 91 ; treaty with
France, 142 ; treaty with the EugUsh,
143 ; Gov. Hunter's interview with

434

INDEX.

the, concerning the expedition to Can-
ada, 198; noticed, 135, 175.

Fletcher, Benjamin, Col., appointed gov-
ernor of New York, 74 ; arrival of, at
New York, 128 ; the activity of, at the
invasion of New York, 131 ; his kind-
ness to the Mohawks, 132 ; commands
in Connecticut, 133 ; his promises to
the Five Nations, 143 ; his course with
them, 144 ; invested with power over
Pennsylvania, 150; his government in
Pennsylvania, 151, 152; extract from
the commission of, as governor of
Pennsylvania, 168; letter of Penn to,
168 ; order of Privy Council to, 333 ;
action of, in the case of Beekman's and
Gouverneur's petitions, 347 ; sanctions
the publication of " A Letter from a
Gentleman," etc., 365 ; character of the
administration of, see Bellomont, Peti-
tion to, 415 ; his administration con-
sidered, 389; noticed, 90, 107, 135,
136, 137, 140, 148, 149, 166, 167, 357,
390, 393.

Flipsen, Frederick, noticed, 322, 826,
331 ; see Phillipse.

Forat, , the deposition of, concern-
ing the Quakers, 38.

Foster, , Capt., noticed, 355.

Foulke, , Col., noticed, 114.

Free Schools, see Virginia, 48.

France, the intentions of, toM'ards New
York, 68 (see Frontenac); defeats every
project for the annoyance of Canada,
132,133; reinforces Frontenac, 133;
treaty between the Five Nations and,
142.

French, the threatened depredations of,
in Virginia, 45 (see Acadie, 51-55);
the Five Nations prepare against the
invasion of N. Y. by the, 69 ; form a
design upon Albany, 73 ; bravery of
the, at La Prairie, 74; depredations
and cruelties of the, in New England,
111; operations of, around the lakes
Ontario and Erie, 145 ; alarm at New
York, apprehending an invasion of the,
253.

French and Indian War, 124, 125.

French Congregation, in New York, the
case of Mr. Rou and the, 207.

French Refugees, the, of CoUiton County,
Carolina, 84.

French, Philip, seizure of at New York,
269 ; Speaker of the House of Repre-
sentatives of New York, 397.

Frontenac, Count. His defence of Que-
bec in 1688, 56; is sent to Canada
from France, 68 ; his answer to Sir

William Phips, at Quebec, 89 ; invades
New York, 130 ; reintbrced from
France, 133 ; expedition of, against the
Five Nations in 1696, 146 ; noticed, 143.

Garton, Thomas, settles at Marbletown,
185.

George, , Capt., seized with Gov. An-
dres, at Boston, 244.

George the First, misunderstanding with
his son, 217.

George the Second, noticed, 217.

Germans, imported to NewYork to make
pitch and tar, 197; enlisted in the
English army and sent against Canada,
198 ; industry and usefulness of the,
in New York, during the administration
of Gov. Burnet, 199.

Gerritts, Nicholas, seizure of, at New
York, 269.

Goderis, Francis, Capt., sails under a com-
mission from Leisler, 361 ; noticed, 827,
344.

Goelet, Jacobus, noticed, 345.

Gouverneur, Abraham, escape into New

■ England, 140 ; under sentence of death,
petition to the Queen, 333 ; proceed-
ings of the Privy Council on the peti-
tion of, 337 ; petition of, to the House
of Lords, 339 ; deposition of, 21st
August, 1699, 416; noticed, 364-390.

Graham, James, noticed, 365.

Graham, , Mrs. (see Riggs),-299.

Gfeenbury, , noticed, 104. '

Greverard, Andrew (see Leisler), 359.

HaUfax, Marquis of. Letter from Matthew
Plowman to the, 290, 291.

Halifax, C. P. S., noticed, 37.

Hamilton, Andrew, Col., partisan of
James the Second, noticed, 10, 247,
264 ; declares his willingness to serve
Gov. Andros, 265, 266.

Hampden, John, noticed, 90.

Hampden, R , member of Privy Council
of William and Mary, noticed, 37.

Handlers, the, definition of the, 185.

Hardenberg, Gerrit, noticed, 295, 296.

Harcourt, Sir Simon, referred to, 40.

Harison, Francis, action of, on the ques-
tion of the boundary between Connec-
ticut and New York, 225.

Hartford County, Conn., letter from the
authorities of New York, to the people
of, on the threatened invasion by the
French, 263.

Haynes, Bryan, the player (see Protes-
tants), 368.

Haynes, John, noticed, 277.

INDEX.

435

Hervile, , surprises Schenectady, 69.

Hicks, , Col. (see account of Gov.

Burnet's refusal to qualify De Lancey),
210, 211.

Hicks, Jasper, at the trial of Leisler, 323.

Hicks, Thomas (see Long Island), 305.

Hill, Abraham, noticed, 175.

Hinks, John (see New Hampshire), 127.

Holland, Duke of Marlborough's army in,
193 ; illicit trade with, justified, 183.

Holt, Chief Justice, action in the case
of Lord Baltimore's charter, 77, 78;
his letter in reference to the charter of
Lord Baltimore, 92; noticed, 113.

Howard (of EfiBnghani) Francis, Lord,
Gov. of Virginia, arrives in England,
and is called on to answer, 43 ; his
case described, 44 ; noticed, 48.

Howard, Ko : , member of Privy Council
of William and Mary, noticed, 37.

Howell, Matthew, Major (see Suffolk Coun-
ty, N. Y.), 252, 253.

Hudson's Kiver, the Dutch settlements
on the, 183.

Hunter, Robert, Gov., account of his
services, 192; his service in Holland,
193; at the Battle of Ramillies, 194;
at the capture of Antwerp, 195 ;
meets the displeasure of the Duke of
Marlborough, 195, 196; obtains the
government of Virginia, 196 ; captuied
by the French and returns to Eng-
land, 196 ; offered the governorship
of Jamaica, but declines, 196; ap-
pointed Governor of New York, 196;
his administration, 196, 197; The
" Pitch and Tar " manufactory, 197 ;
trouble with the Germans, 198; in-
terview with the Five Nations of In-
dians, 198 ; the Expedition to Canada,
199; his caution at public meetings,
200 ; not a High Churchman, 200 ;
his calmness under difficulties, 202 ;
composes the farce " Androborus,"
202 ; has his demands paid, 203 ; relin-
quishes his government, 204.

Hutchinson, Thomas, Gov., his History
of Massachusetts Bay noticed, 39 ;
History quoted, 165.

Indians, threatened depredations of, in
Virginia, 44, 45 ; commence hostiU-
ties on the frontiers of New England,
50 ; the reduction of, by liquor, 106 ;
wars of the, in New England, 111; ne-
gotiations with those of Maine, 116;
a fatal disease rages among those of
New England, 121 ; break their treaty
with New England, 1 22 ; massacre of,

at Pemaquid, 122 ; French presents to
the, 134; firmness of the, at Onondaga,
144 ; account of the tight at Esopus,
185; massacre of, by the Dutch at
DeLancey's farm, 186; Col. Peter
Schuyler's spurious sachems, 2uO ;
trade with the, recommen-ced, 221 ;
an invasion of New York by, appre-
hended, 253; intentions of the Lt.
Governor and Council of New York
towards the, 256, 258, 259; see Mo-
hawk Indians, 70 ; see Five Nations,
69, 91, 198; see Dionondadies, 135;
see John Archdale, 159.

Ingoldsby, Richiird, Major, assumes the
governorship of New York, 73 ; com-
mission of, as Captain, 299 ; his letter
demanding the fort at New York, 300 ;
his warrant to Capt. Samuel Moore,
30') ; Leislcr's declaration or protest
against Ingoldsby, 306 ; ordered by
Sloughter to take possession of the
fort at New York, 310; ut the trial of
Leisler, 323; "a hotheaded, inconsid-
erate person," 415; noticed, 302, 3(i9,
315, 316, 318, 319, 320, 323, 324,
329, 330, 339, 841, 349, 350, 352, 353,
354, 355, 357, 358, 361, 362, 863, 364,
382, 383, 384, 403, 405, 417.

Ireland, proceedings of, at the accession
of William and Mary to the throne
of England, 9 ; neglected by Prince
William, 9; Declaration of, Feb., 1689,
10; the government of, a "govern-
ment of rebels," 12; hand-in-hand
with Massachusetts in 1689, 31 ; emi-
grants from, to Pennsylvania, 227.

Jackson, John, Capt., of Queen's Co.,
N. Y., noticed, 247, 254, 255.

Jacobites, the followers of James the
Second, 368.

Jacobse, Hendiick, Corporal, account of
Gov. Nicholson's treatment of, 292.

Jacobsen, Peter, noticed, 346.

James the Second, review of the reign
of, ^ ; effect of his abdication, 6 ; ad-
monished by Louis the Fourteenth, 20 ;
the misconduct of, recited, 33 ; his
Circular Letter to the Colonies giv-
ing notice of an intended Dutch in-
vasion, 33 ; serves the Popish cause,
188 ; see Classis of Amsterdam, 398 ;
noticed, 187, 366, 369.

James the Sixth, the Scotch prerogatives
of, 9.

Jamison, David, the character of, 391.

Jeffers, Thomas, affidavit of, on the slate
of affairs in New York, 319.

436

INDEX.

Jephson, William, noticed, 36.

Jerseys, the, action of, on the accession
of William and Mary, 30 ; without a
gbvernmcnt, 30 ; the state of the, in
1689, 76; action of the inhabitants
of, on the seizure of Gov. Andros, 247.

Jesuits, see Classis of Amsterdam, 398.

Johnson, Thomas, at the trial of Leisler,
323.

Jowles, , Colonel, his action in

Maryland in 1689, 15; noticed, 100.

Keck, S., noticed, 318, 319, 327.

Keerslee, Hans, noticed, 277.

Kmg, Peter, noticed, 277.

King's County, New York, see Gerardus

Beekman, 301.
Kipp, Johannes, see Dutch Church, 398;

noticed, 272, 274, 275, 276.

La Hogue, the effect of the victory of, on
the trade of the Colonies, 160.

Lake Champlain, Winthrop's expedition
to, 55.

Land Grants, see Gov. Cosby's proclama-
tion, 227, 231.

LaNoue , Lieut, (see Frontenac), 130.

La Prairie, Canada, surprised by Schuy-
ler, 74.

Lawrence, John, alderman of New York,
272, 275, 276; see disturbances in
New York, 286, 289 ; at the trial of
Leisler, 323.

Lawrence, Sir Thomas, reinstated Sec-
retary of the province of Maryland,
104.

Laws of Trade in force in New York,
183.

Legal Affairs, see Court of Chancery, 211.

Leggit, , seized with Gov. Andros

at Boston, 244.

Leisler, Jacob, the usurpations of, 30;
letters to Gov. Bumet, relative to the
Quakers, noticed, 38 ; forgets to sup-
ply transportation across Lake Cham-
plain, for Winthrop's troops on route
for Canada, 56 ; his action after the
massacre at Schenectady, 70 ; his op-
position to Gov. Sloughter, 71 ; trial
and execution of, 72 ; the difficulties
of his administration, 202, 203 ; his
party in the Assembly increases, 203 ;
his soldiers and others who had served
under him, are paid their demands,
203 ; documents relating to the ad-
ministration of, 241 ; appointed a com-
missioner to ask Col. Dongan to return
to the city of New York, 285 ; letter
to Ingoldsby, March 5th, 1690, 305 ;

the adherents of, pardoned, 140 ; his
action on the appearance of shipping
in the bay of N. Y., 268 ; his answer
to the Council of New York, 289 ; his
warrant and instructions to Johannes
Provost, 295; witnesses Saml. Paul
Dufour's deposition, 299 ; see Richard
Ingoldsby, 300 ; warrant to Major
Gerardus Beekinan, 301 ; order for
reducing the forces raised by Thomas
Clarke and others on Long Island, N.
Y., 302 ; answer to Ingoldsby concern-
ing prisoners in the Fort at New York,
302 ; order concerning pei'sons from
Albany and Ulster, N. Y., 303 ; letter
to Ingoldsby of March 1, 169|, 304;
letter to Colonel Joseph Dudley, March
4, 1690, 304 ; declaration or protest
against Ingoldsby, 306 ; attempt to
make him odious to the province of
New York, 308; letter to Colonel
Sloughter, at Bermuda, 309 ; orders to
Capt. Garratt Duyking, Abraham
Brazier and others concerning the
blockhouse at New York, 310 ; affidavit
of George Dolstone in the case of, 314 ;
proclamation of William and Mary by,
314 ; affidavit of Thomas Dawson in
relation to, 318; afiSdavit of Thomas
JefFers in relation to, 319; affidavit of
Jacob Teller in relation to, 321 ; affi-
davit of Boudewijn DeW^idt in the case
of, 323 ; affidavit of Isaac De Reimer in
the case of, 324 ; French ships seized
by order of, 327 ; affidavit of Killian
Van Rensselaer in the case of, 328 ;
order in Council upon the petition of
his son, 331 ; order of the Privy Coun-
cil Oi the Queen, in the cases of per-
sons arrested for assisting, 333 ; peti-
tion of the widow and family of, to the
Queen, 335 ; petition to the King to
reverse the attainders, 336 ; state of
the case of, as proved at New York,
359 ; the case of, considered fully, 362 ;
a letter from a gentleman of the City
of New York to another, concerning
the troubles which happened in that
Province in the time of the late happy
Revolution, printed and sold by Wil-
liam Bradford, at the sign of the Bible,
in New York, 1698, noticed, 365;
order of the Queen that the estates of,
and Jacob Milbourne, be restored to
their families ; noted, 365 ; case of,
considered in the pamphlet, "Loyalty
Vindicated," &c., 367, 368 ; the "duty
on his wines a cause of the rebellion,
372 ; his declaration for the Prince of

INDEX.

Orange, 37*7; the question of the
application of taxes considered, 378 ;
his treatment of Bayard, Nichols and
Cortlandt, 378, 379 ; how he supplied
the garrison at New York, 381 ; farther
account of the disturbances at New
York, under, 385 ; writ of possession
granted to the wife of, 390 ; account
of a judge of, 393 ; the Bill for recon-
ciling parties in the Revolution in
New York, 394; answer of the Church
Wardens of the Dutch Church in New
York, concerning the reburial of
Leisier and Milborne, 397 ; see Classis
of Amsterdam, 400, 4u2 ; another
account of the case of, 405 ; the attain-
der of, considered, see petition of the
New York House of Representatives
to Lord Bellomont, 415, 416 ; the de-
position of Abraham Gouvemeur in
reference to the accounts of, 416;
noticed, 75, 141, 273, 274, 277, 311,
411, 414.

Leisier, Jacob, the younger, order in
Council upon the petition of, 331 ;
petition to the Lords of Trade and
Plantation, 332 ; petition to the King to
reverse the attainders, 336 ; proceed-
ings of the Privy Council on the peti-
tion of, 337 ; petition to the House
of Lords, 339 ; informations taken by
the Committee of the House of Com-
mons before the passing of the bill for
the removal of Jacob Leisler's attain-
der, 348 ; answer to the reasons against
his bill of attainder, 357 ; state of the
case of, as proved at New York, 359 ;
noticed, 388.

Le Tort , letter from, 242.

Letter, a, from a Gentleman of the City
of New York to another, concerning
the troubles which happened in that
Province in the time of the late happy
Revolution, etc., 365.

Letters of Marque, see Robert Livingston,
267 ; noticed, 286.

Limerick, Ireland, the capitulation of,
11, 94.

Livingston, Robert, see the invasion of
Canada, 269 ; a " good solicitor " for
himself, 204 ; German insurrection
near his house, 198 ; noticed, 267.

Liquor, duties levied on, in Maryland,
100.

Lloyd, Thomas, President of Pennsyl-
vania, letter to Gov. Fletcher, 166.

Lockhart, George, seized at Pemaquid,
266.

Locke, John, proposes a military despot-

ism in the colonies, 162 ; noticed,
175.
Lodwick, Charles, Capt., mutiny of the
men of, at New York, 269 ; see Don-
gan's return to New York, 285 ; see
the seizure of the fort at New York,

288, 289 ; By-Laws of his company
of soldiers, 293 ; deposition of, con-
cerning Gov. Nicholson, 295 ; noticed,

289, 273, 274, 277, 324.

Long Island, Leisier orders the reduction
of forces on, 302 ; a declaration of the
freeholders and inhabitants of, and
parts adjacent, 304; see New York,
240, 259.

Louis the Fourteenth, his admonitions to
James the Second, 20 ; determines
upon the conquest of New York, 68 ;
noticed, 41.

Lovelace, Francis, Col., Gov., account of
his fight with the Esopus Indians, 184.

Lovelace, John, Lord, death of, 196.

Loyalty Vindicated, being an answer to
a late false, seditious, and scandalous
pamphlet, entitled " A Letter from a
Gent.," etc., 365.

Ludwell, Phihp, agent of the Burgesses of
Virginia, noticed, 43 ; his failure to
convict Gov. Howard, 44 ; appointed
governor of Carolina, 80, Si, 82 ; his
administration, 82.

Luersen, Carsten,' noticed, 345.

Lying, its consequences, 372.

Macclesfield, , member Privy Coun-
cil of William and Mary, noticed, 37.

Madockawando, the Indian chief, arrives
in Boston to mediate a peace, 51.

Maine, Indian wars in. 111.

Manning, John, Capt., the case of, in the
surrender of New York to the Dutch,
184.

Manufactures, the advancement of, in
Virginia, 46.

Marbletown, New York, some account
of, 185.

March, John, the captor of Bomazeen,
119.

Markham, William, appointed Lt. Gov.
of Pennsylvania, 151 ; the character
of, 153; his government of Penn., 154.

Marlborough, Duke of, account of his
command in Holland, 193 ; see Ant-
werp, 195, 196.

Maryland, conduct of, on the accession
of William and Mary to the throne of
England, 14 ; revolution in, 15 ; in-
surrections of July, 1689, 16 ; accepts
the government of Wilham, 19; the

438

INDEX.

peaceful condition of, in 1692, 75 ;
Copley appointed governor of, 77 ; the
government of, seized by William, 99 ;
Nicholson appointed governor of, 104 ;
his prudent administration, 105 ; an
act for the encouragement of learning
passed the Assembly of, 106 ; the
number of souls in, in 17uO, 164.

Massachusetts, " noted for turbulence,"
20; action of, on the accession of
William and Mary to the throne of
England, 21, 22; address of the Con-
vention to William, 20th May, 1689, 25 ;
Simon Bradstreet declared governor
of, 25 ; " pious trick " of the Governor
and Council of, 27 ; hand in hand
with Ireland in 1689, 31 ; grant of the
Province Charter, 64 ; refuses to aid
New York against the French, 73 ;
deplorable condition of, in 1692, 109 ;
witchcraft in, 110 ; criminal law of,
derived from the law of Moses, 113;
luduui devastations in, 119 ; Governor
Burnet's administration in, 218.

Massachusetts Bay, the incorporation of,
64.

Mason, Wm., Capt., noticed, 321, 327.

Mather, Increase, looks to the " good of
New England," in 1688, 20; his in-
trigues in 1689, 22 ; the " Domine of
Boston," 298 ; noticed, 90, 91.

Mattapany-House, Maryland, capture of
the garrison at, 17.

Mauritz, Jacob, petition of, to the King,
340 ; memorandum for an affidavit of,
342 ; noticed, 322, 327, 328, 331.

Mantet, Lieut, (see Frontenac), 130.

McGiegorie, Patrick, Major, seized at
Peniaquid, 266.

McPherson, James, his secret History of
England, noticed, 38.

Meadows, Philip, noticed, 175.

Merritt, William, (see disturbances in
New York), 286; noticed, 272, 274,
275, 276.

Meyer, Andries, noticed, 277.

Meyer, John, noticed, 277.

Meyer, Nich. D., Major, noticed, 273, 274.

Milbourne, Jacob, secretary to Leisler,
_ noticed, 71,72; trial of, 323 ; petition
of the wife of, to the Queen, 335 ;
petition to the King to reverse the at-
tainders, 336 ; order of the Queen
that the estates of, and Jacob Leisler
be restored to their families, 365 ;
answer of the church wardens of the
Dutch church of New York, concern-
ing the reburial of Leisler and, 397 ;
noticed, 299, 315, 316, 321, 323, 332,

339, 341, 351, 354, 358, 364, 385,411,
414, 416.

Mill, Ant. D., noticed, 273, 274, 275 (see
Dmill).

MinvieUe, Gabriel, Capt., mutiny of the
men of, at New York, 269 ; noticed,
202, 273, 274, 277, 289.

Miracles of Christ, considered, 215.

Missilimackinac, operations of the French
around, 145.

Mohawk Indians, retaliate for the sacking
and massacre at Schenectady, 70 ; gal-
lantry of, at La Prairie, 74 ; (see
Schenectady, 131).

Monmouth, the Duke of, 298.

Montague, Chas., noticed, 332.

Montgomerie, John, Col., appointed gov-
ernor of New York, 217 ; his arrival at
New York, 219 ; rehance of, on Mr.
Clark, 220 ; his habits of life, 220 ; affair
of the salaries of the state officials, 221,
222 ; his detention at Barbadoes, 226.

Montour, Madame, Gov. Hunter's inter-
preter, account of, 200.

Moore, Samuel, Capt., Ingoldesby's war-
rant to, 200 ; (see Long Island), 305.

More, , of Carolina, excepted from

pardon, 84.

Morris, Lewis, Chief Justice, De Lancey's
enmity to, 220, 221, 210; speech of
his eldest son, in council, 222.

Morris, Frederick, speech in the council
and his removal, 223.

Mulford, Samuel, Justice of the Peace in
New York, noticed, 293.

Mutual Union for tl^e defence of the Col-
onies, 161, 162.

Nanfan, John, Lt. Gov., noticed. 202.

NaturaUzation, (see account of Gov. Bur-
net's refusal to qualify De Lancey),
210,211.

Nariows, the, the grant for fortifying
the, 204.

Neal, Daniel, his History of New England
quoted, 165.

Negroes in Virginia in 1697, 163.

Nelson, John, seizes Gov. Andros, 244.

New England, the action of, on the acces-
sion of William and Mary to the throne
of England, 20 ; an Indian war begins
in 1688, 50; distress of, after the
attack on Quebec, 58 ; solicits from
Parliament, a new charter, 61 ; fishing
on the coasts of, 65 ; Sir WilHani
Phips appointed governor of, 66 ; lists
of the mihtia in, in 1688, 87 ; the
criminal law of, altered, 113 ; the
Church in, 114 ; the distresses of, 126 .

INDEX.

439

deliberations of the Ministers of Eng-
land in reference tiiereto, 126, 127;
the natural increase of people in, con-
sidered, 187 ; the people of, " zealous
republicans, bigoted independents,"
189 ; witchcraft in, 189 ; the Revolu-
of 1689 in, 190 ; the people of,
" troublesome," 218 ; quarrel with their
governors, 218.

New Hampshire, action of, in the Revolu-
tion in New England, 1688, 28 ; In-
dian war in, 52 •, Sir William Phips
appointed Governor of, 67; Indian
depredations in, 119; account of the
government of, 127 ; the government
of, seized, 128.

New Haven County, Conn., letter from
the authorities of New York to the
people of, on the French invasion, 263.

New Jersey, the Governor of, imprisoned
by Sir Edmund Andros, 188; see the
Jerseys, 30.

New Netherland, pretensions of the
Dutch to, 182,

New Plymouth, Mass., action of, in the
Revolution in New England, 1689, 28.

Newton, Sir Isaac, his principles for the
study of Scripture prophecy, 214.

New York, the Revolution of 1689, at
29 ; Louis Fourteenth determined on
the conquest of, 68 ; the conduct of,
after the massacre at Schenectady, 70 ;
Major Ingoldesby assumes the gover-
norship of, 73 ; assisted with funds
from Virginia, 97 ; aided by Mary-
land, 107; jealousy of, 126; invaded
from Canada, 129, 130; administra-
tion of Fletcher in, 132, 133; the
unhappy condition of, in 1692, 128,
133 ; the establishment of a Protestant
ministry in, 136; prosperity of the
city of, 137; continued war on the
frontier of, 149 ; increase of the city
of, 150; Smith's History of, 181 ; laws
of trade of, 183; surrender of the
government of, by the Dutch States
General, 183; the manner of its re-
ception by the Dutch in 1673, 184 ;
law of divorce in, 187 ; Col. Dongan's
administration in, 191 ; Acts of the As-
sembly under Dongan's administration,
191 ; English Government sends Ger-
mans to, to make pitch and tar, 197 ;
the Dutch and English Independents of,
201 ; operations of the Church clergy
in, 201 ; Leisler's operations in, 203 ;
Assembly of, authorizes the issue of
bills, 203 ; amounts paid the officers
of the government of, 203 ; high-

handed measures of the Assembly of,
204 ; the first political " ring" in, 204 ;
character of Assemblies in, 205 ; rights
of foreigners in, 210 ; resolves of the
Assembly of, against the Court of
Chancery, 2il ; royal instructions to
the governors of, 219 ; Col. Mont-
gomerie appointed Governor of, 219;
the De Lancey party in the ascen-
dant in, 220 ; dispute about the sala-
ries of officials in the State of, 221 ;
agreement for a partition line between
Connecticut and, 223 ; method of ob-
taining lands in the Province of, in
1737, 231 ; Minutes of the Council
at, from March 1st to June 11th, 168^,
241 ; Aldermen and Council of, con-
vened to consider the arrest of Gov.
Andros, 244, 245 ; action of the au-
thorities of, in the Revolution at Bos-
ton, 247, 248 ; letter from the Council
of, to General Winthrop and others,
April 27, 1689, 248; letter from the
Lieut. Gov. and Council of, to Gov.
Andros, May 1, 1689, 250 ; letter
from the same to Simon Bradstreet
and Wayt Winthrop, 251 ; letters
from the Lt. Gov. and Council of, to
Major Howell, in reference to dis-
turbances in Suflblk Co., N. Y., 252,
253 ; letter from the same to the au-
thorities of Suffolk Co., N. Y., 256 ; Lt.
Gov. and Council of, examine into the
accounts of Matthew Plowman, 258;
letter from the Lt. Gov. and Council
of, to the authorities in England, 259 ;
letter from the same to the people of
Fairfield, New Haven, and Hartford
Counties, Conn., 263; Examination of
George Wedderborne, before the Lt.
Gov. and Council of, 264 ; action of the
Lt. Gov. and Council on the instructions
of Gov. Andros, 265 ; action of the Lt.
Gov. and Council of, on the seizures at
Pemaquid, 266 ; the Lt. Gov. and
Council of, decline to give letters of
marque to the young men of Albany,
who desire to invade Canada, 267 ; the
same allow one of the Council to with-
draw to New Jersey, 267 ; the militia
of the city of, refuse to obey the orders
of the Lieut. Gov., 268, 269 ; Leisler
orders the alarm to be given in the city
of, 268 ; disturbance in the city of,
May 4, 1689, 269, 270 ; news of the
proclamation of William and Mary, at
New York, 269 ; the Council of, advise
the departure of the Lieut. Gov. from
the country, 270 ; the same order the

440

INDEX.

sale of the King's property, 271 ; pro-
ceediugs of the Council, magistrates
and officers of, from April 27 to June
6, 1689, 272 ; fortification of the city
of, considered, 273, 274^ 277, 278,
282 ; proceedings of the Council, magis-
trates, and officers of, for the defence
of the city, 279, 280 ; the Council of,
empower a part of their number to act,
283 ; jealousies and disturbances in the
city of, 284-286 ; action of the Coun-
cil in reference to gunpowder in the
city of, 287 ; fort in the city of, taken
possession of by the inhabitants, 288 ;
action of the Coimcil of, 288 ; fortifi-
cation of the city of, ordered, 253, 257;
(see Sloughter), 307, 308 ; George Dol-
stone's affidavit in reference to affairs
in, 315 ; depositions of citizens of the
city of, relative to the disturbance m
June, 1689, 345 ; resolves of the House
of Representatives of, April 17, 1691,
noticed, 365 ; a letter from a gentleman
of the city of, to another, concerning
the troubles which happened in that
province in the time of the late happy
revolution, 365 ; remarks on three
Dutch gentlemen of, 37Q ; the fortify-
ing of, considered, 370 ; revolution in,
further considered, 371 ; rejoicings in,
on the accession of William and Mary
to the throne of England, 373; docu-
mentary history of, quoted (see Leis-

ler), ; the tumult at the custom

house in, 375 ; the damage done to the
province of, by Leisler, 381 ; number
killed in the disturbances at, 384 ; a
bill for reconciling parties in the
revolution in, 394 ; House of Repre-
sentatives of, pass the bill for recon-
ciling parties in the revolution in,
396 ; answer of the church wardens of
the Dutch Church, concerning the re-
burial of Leisler and Milborne in their
church, 397-411 ; account of the revo-
lution in, in a letter from the members
of the Dutch Church to the Classis of
Amsterdam, 398-412 ; petition and
remonstrance of the House of Repre-
sentatives of, to Lord Bellomont, 412.

NichoUs, J., town clerk of New York,
noticed, 290.

Nicholson, Francis, Lt. Gov. N. Y., sends
tidings of the revolution in Boston, to
England, 27, 28, 29 ; appointed Lieut.
Gov. of Virginia, 44 ; his administra-
tion, 45, 46 ; appointed governor of
Maryland, 104 ; appointed governor of
Virginia, 109 ; letter in reference to-

the State of Maryland, 165 ; desires the
governorship of New York, and ife sup-
ported by the church and the clergy,
201 ; his character, " born drunk,"
201 ; sends relief to a ship in distress
near Barnegat, 243 ; advised to leave
the country by the Council of N. Y.
270 ; Henry Cuyler's deposition con-
cerning Governor, 292 ; Charles Lode-
wick's deposition concerning, 295 ; let-
ter of the King to, dated July 30, 1689,
noticed, 365 ; (see Classis of Amster-
dam), 400; noticed, 90, 169,189,241,
243, 245, 291, 300, 324, 307, 349, 350,
353, 359, 360, 362, 363, 368.

NicoUs, William, imprisoned by Leisler,
376, 379, 383.

Non-resistance, the doctrine of, 380.

North America, first discovered by Eng-
hshmen, 182 ; character of assemblies
in, 205.

North Carolina, dispute with Virginia con-
cerning the boundary of, 46 ; condition
of, in 1689, 80; (see Carolinas), 30.

Nottingham, Earl of, noticed, 90, 299.

Nottingham, Broadhead, and Garton, set-
tlers at Marbletown, 185.

Nucella, Johannes Petrus, Dominie, no-
ticed, 410, 411.

Oakes, Thomas, appointed agent for New
England, 61 ; representative in Eng-
land, 88.

O'Callaghan, E. B. quoted. 365.

Olferts, Suert, noticed, 277.

Onondaga, firmness of the Indian Coun-
cil at, 144.

Onoudagas, bravery of, in opposing Fron-
tenac, 147.

Ontario, Lake, operations of the French
on the, 145.

Ostley, Ad., noticed, 323, 324.

Ottowa, the traders of, desire letters-of-
marque to war with the French, 286.

Oxford, Lord Justice, noticed, 166.

Page, , Col., seizes Gov. Andros,

244.
Palmer, Graham, seized at Boston with

Gov. Andros, 244.
Panton, , Capt., of Westchester Co.,

N. Y., noticed, 247.
Papacy, noticed, 306.
Papists, (see circular letter of the Prince

of Orange to the American Colonies),

12, 36; (see Leisler), 376; to rule

New York, 367 ; noticed, 296.
Paper-money, first issued within the

British Empire, 59, 89.

INDEX.

441

Partridge, William, appointed deputy-
governor of New Hampshire, 128.

Passive obedience, noticed, (see Leisler),
380.

Pawling, Henry, settles at Marbletown,
185.

Pemaquid, the capture of the garrison at,
52, 123 ; seizures at, 266.

Penn, William, appearance before the
Committee of Plantations, Feb. 1689,
14 ; prevents a revolution in Penn-
eylvauia, 19, 38 ; the intrigues of,
loO ; removal of, from the governor-
ship of Pennsylvania, 154 ; restored
to the government of Pennsylvania,
155, 156 ; recommends a democracy
in the colonies, 162 ; copy of his letter
to Governor Fletcher, 168 ; letter to
persons iu Philadelphia, 169; noticed,
39, 175.

Pennsylvania, occurrences in, at the ac-
cession of William and Mary, 15 ; con-
tinues its administration in the name
of James the Second, 19, 38 ; condi-
tion of, in 1689, 75 ; government of,
seized into the liing's hands, 150, 153 ;
the growth and progress of, 157 ; Irish
emigrants to, 227; Scotch emigrants
to, 228.

Pepys, Samuel, noticed, 39.

Perry, John, post-rider, noticed, 242.

Personal Liberty in New England, 113.

Phillipse, Frederick, Major, noticed, 241,
243, 245, 370.

Phillipse, Adolph, persuades Peter Schuy-
ler to let him keep the king's seal, 206.

Philipse, , Mr., noticed, 363.

Phillipse, and Codringtone, the case of,
212.

Phips, Sir William, his intrigue at the
time of the accession of William and
Mary, 22 ; returns from England,
26 ; commands the expedition against
Acadie, 53 ; sails for England, 59, 88 ;
his course in England, 63 ; commands
the expedition against Quebec, 55 ;
appointed governor of Massachusetts
Bay, 66 ; arrives at Boston, May, 1692,
109 ; his Witchcraft Commission, 110;
his domestic regulations in Mass., 112;
urges the destruction of French ships
at Newfoundland, 115; the insolence
of, his disputes, 117; his recall, 118;
his arrival in England, subsequent ac-
tions, and death, 120; military com-
missions of, revoked, 133 ; "an incen-
diary," 140 ; noticed, 57, 141.

Phips, Consiantine, frames a bill to re-
verse the attainder of Leisler, 141.

Pierepoint, Elizabeth, noticed, 290.

Pinhorn, William, Judge, noticed, 398.

Pitch and Tar, manufacture of, iu New
York, 197.

Plowman, Matthew, noticed, 24? ; order-
ed to bring the money of the Colony
into Fort James, 243 ; letter to the
Marquis of Halifax, of June 7 and
August 14, 1689, 290; noticed, 244,
255, 258, 368, 370.

Polexten, John, noticed, 175.

Popery, at New York and Albany, 188 ;
see Olassis of Amsterdam, 398 ; no-
ticed, 366, 380, 382.

Port Royal, Nova Scotia, an expedition
against, 53, 55 ; Phips' expedition to,
88.

Povey, John, noticed, 351.

Prince of Orange, accession of, to the
throne of England, 6 ; circular letters
to tlie American Colonies, 12, 36 ; see
Orange, 241, 369 ; see Classis of Am-
sterdam, 399.

Privy Council of England, orders of the,
to the governors of the American Co-
lonies in 1689, 13, 36, 37.

Provost, Johannes, Leisler's warrant and
instructions to, Aug. 12, 1689, 296,
296 ;- petition to the King, 340.

Protestantism in America in 1689, 17 ;
in Maryland, 103.

Protestants, see case of the forfeiture of
Lord Baltimore's charter, 77 ; who
were the ? 368 ; see Leisler, 376, 382 ;
see Classis of Amsterdam, 398.

Pynchon, John, Col., see Revolution in
Boston, 248.

Quakers, action of the, in the Revolution
of 1689, 30, 38 ; " excellent negotia-
tors," 39 ; send money to Gov. Fletch-
er for the Indians, 148.

Quebec, Sir William Phips' expedition
against, 55, 88.

Queen Anne, change in the ministry
of, 200.

Queen's County, New York, uproar in,
254 ; see Andros, 247, 259 ; action of
the Council of New York in reference
to the disturbances in, 280.

Ramillies, reason for the victory at, 194.
Randolph, Edward, Surveyor General of

Customs, in the Colonies, noticed, 38 ;

the removal of, from the Custom house

at Boston, 117 ; seized with Gov.

Andros at Boston, 244.
Religion, see Popery and Protestantism,

see Episcopal ; in New York, 136.

442

INDEX.

Renssalaer, Nicholas, "a Dutch clergy-
man," the case of, 187 ; imprisoned
for " dubious words," 188.

Revolution in Boston, some account of
the, 248.

Rhode Island, action of, in the Revolu-
tion in New England, 1688, 28 ; Sir
William Phips appointed governor of,
67 ; refuses to aid New York against
the French, 73 ; sets up a new gov-
ernment, 259.

Richards, Paulus, noticed, 272, 274, 275,
276.

Richmond County, N. Y., meeting of the
mhabitants of, to consider the Revolu-
tion in Boston, 248.

Ridgefield, Conn., people of, dispute the
boundary line between New York and
Connecticut, 224.

Riemer, Isaac D., noticed, 277 ; see De
Riemer.

Riggs, Ensign, conveys the news of the
Revolution at Boston to England, 27 ;
arrival of, from England, 299, 325,
363, 378.

Ringo, Alburtus, noticed, 845.

Robinson, Robert, at the trial of Leisler,
323.

Rochester, Lord, noticed, 290.

Rombouts, Francis, noticed, 272, 274,
275, 276,

Romney, Lord Justice, noticed, 166.

Roome, Pieter Willemse, noticed, 346.

Rou, Louis, Reverend Mr., the case of,
and the French Congregation, 207 ;
his character noticed, 209 ; his treatise
on chess, 209.

Russell, Bartholomew, noticed, 368, 370,
371.

Rutsen, Jacob, Lieut., noticed, 296.

Sawyer, , Attorney General, de-
nounces Gov. Andros, 22.

Schenectady, N. Y., surprised by Hervile
with his Canadians, 69 ; account of the
surprise of, 403 ; the surprise of, 131.

Schuyler, Brandt (see Dutch Church),
398.

Schuyler, Peter, Col., his operations with
the Five Nations, 69 ; surprises La
Prairie, and returns to Albany, 74 ; his
connection with the disaster at Sche-
nectady, 131 ; character of, portrayed,
199 ; imposes " upon the Queen and
the British Nation," with spurious
Indiiin Sachems, 200 ; acts as governor
of New York, 206 ; how lie construed
" perquisites," 206 ; Governor Burnet's
construction of " perquisites,"* 206.

Scotch Historians and Scotch marriage
laws, 191.

Scotland, the conduct of, on the acces-
sion of William and Mary to the throne
of England, 8 ; illicit trade between
Virginia and, 97 ; emigrants from, to
Pennsylvania, 228, 231, 233.

Selyns, Henricus, Dominie, imprudence
of, 402, 403, 404, 407, 408, 409, 410,
411.

Shanks, Matthew, Lieut., noticed, 318.

Short, , Capt., of the Nonsuch, the

case of, 118.

Shrewsbury, Earl of, member Privy
Council of William and Mary, noticed,
37 ; Gov. Bradstreet's letter to, in re-
ference to the Port Royal expedition,
88 ; list of writings delivered into the
hands of, 297.

Shrimpton, Samuel, Col., seizes Gov.
Andros, 244.

Simmes, , Mr., brother-in-law of

Capt. Richard IngoJdsby, 318.

Sinclair, Robert, noticed, 328, 345.

Slavery, in Virginia, 46 ; noticed, 366.

Sloughter, Henry, Col., named as gov-
ernor of New York, 68 ; arrival of, at
New York, 71 ; his administration, 71,
91; death of, 73; commissioned gov-
ernor of New York, 307 ; at Ber-
muda, 809 ; warrant to Ingoldsby
to take possession of the fort at
New York, 310 ; see George Dolstone,
317; removes the cannon from the
walls of New York, 330 ; action of
the New York Assembly in reference
to, 387; noticed, 142, 318,320,821,
324, 829, 330, 331, 339, 841, 351,
353, 355, 860, 361, 362, 3(J4, 378,
382, 384, 403, 406, 407, 417.

Smith, Enghsh, post-rider, noticed, 242.

Smith, Thomas, appointed governor of
CaroUna, 85 ; his advice to the Pro-
prietaries, 85.

Smith, William, Cadwallader Colden'a
letters on his history of New York,
181, 187, 192, 206, 214, 219, 226,
230 ; quotation from the preface to his
history, 182; his version of the case
of Newenhytt, considered, 188.

Smith, William, an allowance made to,
by Leisler's Assembly, 202.

Smith, , Major, see Revolution in

Boston, 249.

Smith, William, noticed, 264, 265 ; de-
clares his willingness to serve Gov.
Andros, 266.

Somers, Lord, see Revolution in New
England, 28 ; noticed, 61, 64, 91, 166.

INDEX.

443

Sophia, Princess of England, her present
to Bishop Burnet, 217.

Sothel, Seth, Gov. of Carolina, suspended
from office, 80.

South Carolina, (see Carolinas), 30;
convulsions and anarchy in, 80.

Spencer, Nicholas, Secretary of Virsinia,
letter to the Lords of the Committee
of Plantations, 37.

St. Albans, Lord, grants to, noticed, 47.

St. John's, N. B., the attack on, 125.

Starkey, Richard, noticed, 322, 327.

States General, the Dutch, cautious pro-
ceeding of the, in reference to the set-
tlement on Hudson's River, 183.

Stol, Joost, Ensign, statement of, and
list of papers delivered into the hands
of, and sent to England, 297-

Stoughton, WilUam, Lt. Gov. of Mass.,
see Witchcraft, 110; ordered to as-
sume the government of Mass., 1 1 8 ; his
prudent administration, 119; "more
of a scholar than a soldier," 121 ; see
New Hampshire, 128.

Suffolk Co., N. Y., disturbances in, in
May, 1689, 252,, 253, 256, 259.

Sunderland, Lord, his counsels to James
the Second, 20 ; see Circular Letter
of James the Second to the American
Colonies, 33.

Sunderland, the Countess of, noticed, 90.

Tankerville, , noticed, 175.

T;issemaker, Dominie, murder of, 403.

" Tatler," the. Governor Hunter's contri-
butions to, 192.

Teers, Claes, appointed Ensign of the
Bergen Mihtia, 247.

Teller, Jacob, affidavit of, relative to af-
fairs in New York, Sept., 1690, 321 ;
noticed 327.

Teschemacher, Dominie, murder of, 403.

Teysack, John, noticed, 241.

Thomas, John, petition to the King, 340.

Thomas, Jurraien, Capt., appointed Lt.
of the Bergen Militia, 247.

Thomason, Gabrielle, noticed, 243, 244.

Tiebout, Johannes, noticed, 346.

Tillotson, Archbishop, wished the Church
could get fairly rid of the Athanasian
Creed, 215.

Tobacco, tax on, under the statute of
Charles Second, 87.

Toleration, see CoUiton County, Caro-
lina, 84.

Townley, Richard, Colonel, of East Jer-
sey, noticed, 247.

Treat, , Col., see Revolution in Bos-
ton, 248.

Treby, Sir George, Attorney General, see
Revolution in New England, 28 ; action
of, in reference to the forfeiture of
Lord Baltimore's charter, 76, 77, 78,
93 ; noticed, 91.

Trevor, Sir Thomas, Attorney General,
noticed, 40, 101, 165 ; opinion on the
Charter of Penn, 1 69.

Trifry, , Capt. seized with Gov.

Andros at Boston, 244.

Trumbull, Sir William, Secretary of
State, noticed, 167.

Tunese, Jan, noticed, 346.

Turck, Paulus, jr., noticed, 346.

Tyrconnel, Lord Lieutenant of Ireland,
his conduct at the accession of William
and Mary to the Enghsh throne, 9, 35 ;
a change in his conduct, 10 ; note in
reference to the case of, 35.

Ulster, N. Y., action of the people of,
on the seizure of Gov. Andros, 249 ;
Leisler's order in reference to persons
from, 303.

Union in the Northern American Colo-
nies, 149.

Usher, John, see New Hampshire, 127 ;
appointed Deputy Governor. 127;
flees to Boston, 128 ; seized at Boston,
244.

Vandenburgh, Derrick, noticed, 277.

Yandercoope, Franz, noticed, 277.

Van Cortlandt, Stephen, Major, 241, 243,
245, 312, 326; complains of Matthew
Plowman's backwardness, 258 ; letter
to Cols. Hamilton and Smith, May 18,
1689, 265.

Van Ekelen, Johannes, noticed, 30.5.

Van Nieuwenhuysen, Wilhelmus, Domi-
nie, the case of, considered, 188,

Van Rensselaer, Killian, affidavit of,
in the case of Leisler, 328.

Van Vlecq, Isaac, Lieut., noticed, 277
294.

Varick, Rudolphus, Dominie, noticed,
409.

Vaughan, William, see New Hampshire,
127.

Veasey, , declaration of, in reference

to the seizure of Governor Andros,
244.

Vermillen, Johannes, under sentence of
death, petitions the Queen, 333.

Villebon, M., see Acadie, 124.

Virginia, the conduct of, on the accession
of William and Mary to the throne of
England, 13; "Lord and Lady" of,
proclaimed, 14 ; see Nicholas Spencer,

444

INDEX.

Secretary, ST ; state of, in 1689, con-
sidered, 43 ; the peaceful condition of,
after the accession of William and
Mary, 44 ; disputes concerning the
boundary of, with North CaroUna, 46 ;
manufactures in, 46 ; Sir Edmund An-
dros appointed Governor of, 48 ; erec-
tion of a free-school and college in,
48; the condition of, on the arrival
of Androsiu 1692, 95 ; administration
of, in, 95 ; burgesses of, refuse their
assent to laws, 96 ; illicit trade be-
tween Scotland and, 97 ; assists New
York with money, 97 ; Nicholson ap-
pointed Governor of, 109; the politi-
cal state of the Colony of, 163.

Waldron, Richard (see New Hampshire),
127.

Walley, John, conduct of, at (he attack
on Quebec, 57.

Walpole, Horace, Auditor of Revenue in
America, noticed, 220.

Ward, Sir Edward, opinion on the char-
ter of Penn, 169 ; (see Revolution in
New England), 28.

Wedderborn, George, instructions to,
■ from Gov. Andros, 263.

Wendell, Johannes, Capt., noticed, 296.

West, John, seized at Boston, with Gov.
Andros, 244.

Westchester County, N. T. (see Andros),
247, 259.

Wharton, Lord, noticed, 90.

Wheeler, Sir Francis, Admiral, his disap-
pointment at Boston, 135; noticed,
114.

Whitehead, Daniel (see Long Island),
805.

Whitepaine, Zagharia, examination of,
241.

William of Orange, the embarrassments
of, 41 ; (see Prince of Orange); his
course in reference to Massachusetts
Bay, 66, 67 ; self-denial of, in the case
of Lord Baltimore, 101 ; his orders in
reference to witchcraft in New Eng-
land, 111 ; resolves on the conquest
of Canada in 1692, 114 ; the " divided
councils " of, effect on the prosperity
of England, 160 ; invades England,

241 ; letter of, to Gov. Nicholson, July
30, 1689, noticed, 365.

WiUiam and Mary, accession of, to the
throne of England, 6; proclaimed
" Lord and Lady of Virginia," 14, 37 ;
formally proclaimed in Boston, Mass.,
•26 ; (see administration of Jacob Leis-
ler), 241, 333 ; proclamation of, in
Boston, 373 ; rejoicing in New York
on the accession of, 374 ; confirma-
tion of sheriffs, collectors, &c., in New
York by, 375.

WilUam and Mary College, the establish-
ment of, 96.

Williams, Thomas, under sentence of
death petitions the Queen, 333.

Willett, Thomas, Major, of Queens Co.
N. Y., noticed, 247, 254 ; (see Long Isl-
and), 305.

Willets, , losses of, in the Revolu-
tion in New York, 382.

Wilson, Ebenezer, sheriff of New York,
393.

Winchester, Earl of, member Privy
Council of William and Mary, noticed,
37.

Winthrop, Fitz John, refuses to com-
mand an expedition against the Indi-
ans, 50 ; his expedition to Lake Cham-
plain, 55 ; imprisoned by Leisler, 56 ;
sent to England as the agent of Con-
necticut, 138 ; his course in England,
139.

Winthrop, Wayt, Capt., seizes Gov. An-
dros, 244 ; refuses to release him,
266 ; (see the arrest of Gov. Andros,
251).

Witchcraft, account of, in Massachu-
setts, 110.

Wormley, Secretary, despatch from, to
the Committee of Council, June 10,
1695, 163.

Wyllems, Jacob, petition to the King,
341.

Whiting, William, noticed, 298.

Youngs, John, Col, (see Revolution in

Boston, 248).
York, the duke of, noticed, 187.
Yorke, Charles, his work on the Law of

Forfeiture noticed, 33.

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85.

Nehemiah Knight, BrooUyn.

128.

86.

William S. Thorne, N. Y. City.

129.

87.

Alex'r McL. Agnew,

180.

88.

Robert C. Goodhue.

131.

89.

George F. N'esbitt,

132.

90.

John E. Wool, Troy.

133.

91.

John P. Treadwell, Neio Mil-

134.

ford^ Conn.

135.

92.

Isaac Fryke, N. Y

City.

136.

93.

Charles J. Martin,

137.

94.

Franklin F. Randolph.

138.

95.

Samuel Coulter,

139.

96.

David Van Fostrand,

140.

97.

Addison G. Biokford,

141.

98.

Jonas G. Dudley,

142.

99.

Theodorus B. Taylor,

143.

100.

William Soott,

144.

101.

David Sloane,

145.

102.

Joseph G. Harbison,

146.

103.

Same,

147.

104.

Same, ■

148.

105.

Same,

'«

149.

106.

Edward Walker,

((

150.

107.

John C. Hewitt,

151.

108.

Charles I. Bushnell,

152.

109.

Giles F. Bushnell,

153.

110.

John C. Calhoun,

154.

111.

Thomas J. TiRE, Boston^

Mass.

155.

S. Whitney Phcbnix, IT. Y. City.

Same, "

Same, »

Same, "

Same, "
J. B. Bright, Waltham, Mass.

Robert L. Stuart, iV. Y. City.

Same, "

Alexander Stuart, "

Same, "

George T. Jackson, "

John A. Anderson, "

Charles P. Daly, "

Evert A. Duyckinok, "

Henry C. Carter, "

Andrew J. Smith, "

Mathias Bloodgood, "

J. ROMETN BrODHEAD, "

Jno. a. McAllister, Phila.., Pa.
¥ath. W. Hunt, N. Y. City.
Theo. S. Parker, Eoholcen^ N. J.
William M. Brown, K Y. City.
And. Brown, Middletown, iV. J.
Joseph B. Varnum, J^. Y. City.
Charles B. Cotten, "
Alvin a. Alvoed, "

Wm. Henry Arnoux, "
Same, "

Same, "

Albert Smith, N'e^o Rochelle.
M. C. Morgan, N. Y. City.
S. Howl AND Robbins, "
Francis Bacon, "

A. Spiers Brown, "

George 0. Colburn, "
John Calvin Smith, Manlius.

SUBSCRIBERS TO THE FUND.

451

BHARE

156.

W. n. Eager, Jr., K Y. City.

198.

157.

Isaac J. Geeexwood, •'

199.

158.

Frederic R. Fowler, "

200.

159.

Anthoi^y Det, Jr., "

201.

160.

Seymour J. Strong, "

202.

161.

Ebenezer J. Hyde, '

203.

162.

William B. Taylor,

204.

163.

Ferd. J. Dreee, Fhila., Pa.

205.

164.

Aug. Toetdeberg, Brooldijn.

206.

165.

Charles 0. Moreau, K Y. City.

207.

166.

Charles H. Hart, PMla., Pa.

208.

167.

Hexry Piiillips, Jr., "

209.

168.

Francis B. Hayes, Boston, Mass.

210.

169.

T. Staefoed Drowne, BrooTclyn.

211.

170.

Cortlandt De Peyster Field,

212.

K Y. City.

213.

171.

John S. Craig, K Y. City.

214.

172.

Charles H. Rogers, "

215.

173.

Maueioe Htlgee, "

216.

174.

E. A. Benedict, "

217.

175.

William Eveedell, "

218.

176.

Geo. R. Deowne, Boston, Mass.

219.

177.

J. Watts de Peyster, A^. Y.

220.

City.

221.

178.

James B. Andrews, A^. Y. City.

222.

179.

Constant A. Andrews, "

223.

180.

LoRiNG Andrews, Je., "

224.

181.

Walter S. Andrews, "

225.

182.

Clarence Andrews, "

226.

183.

William L. Andrews, "

227.

184.

Same, '•

228.

185.

John Aemsteong, "

229.

186.

Paul K. Weizel, B'JcIyn, K Y.

280.

187.

John F. McCoy, K Y. City.

231.

188.

Joseph B. Hoyt, "

232.

189.

James Benedict, "

233.

190.

J. Nelson Tappan "

234.

191.

Feancis Wigand, "

235.

192.

C. H. ISHAM,

193.

D. B. Fayeeweatheb, "

194.

John A. Hardenbergh, "

236.

195.

J. W. Weidmeyer, "

196.

Edwin Faxon, "

287.

197.

F. a. Gale, «

238.

John Caswell, A^. Y. City.
William C. Dornin, "
William P. Cooledge, "
John R. Ford,
Israel Corse, "

Daniel Morison, "

John Bridge, "

Wilson G. Hunt, "

Charles H. Smith, "

John P. Crosby, "

Erastus Corning, Albany.

Same, "

.James B. Colgate, A'. Y. City.
Samuel Marsh, "

Edwin Parsons, "

Robert J. Hubbard, "
J. Watts de Peyster, "
James A. Raynoe, "

Robeet j. Livingston, "
John C. Barron, "

Henry K. Brewer, "

John A. Nexsen, "

Marshall O. Roberts, "
William ?f. Blakeman, "
Herman C. Adams, '•

Thomas B. Gunning, "
Abraham Bogardfs, "
John E. Lauer, "

E. M. Ceawfoed, "

James C. Holden, "

Samuel Colgate, "

William B. Ross, "

William K. Hinman, "
John W. Quincy, "

James M. Bruce, "

Miss Annie Moreau, "
Lewis Hallock, "

The Library of the City of

Amsterdam, Amsterdam.^

Xetherla7uls.

Rs. Anna Boynton, N. Y.

City.
RuFus D. Case, N. Y. City.
Cyrus Butler, "

452

SUBSCRIBERS TO THE FUND.

239. EiCHARD S. Field, Princeton,

N.J.

240. A. O. Zabbiskie, Jersey City,

N.J.

241. Michael Lienatj, Jersey City,

N. J.

242. William A. Whitehead, .iVew-

avTc, N. J.

243. SiMEOx Deafer, N. Y. City.

244. Freeman M. Josselyn, Boston,

Mass.

245. Theodore W. Riley, N. Y. City.

246. John Boyd, Jr., "

247. George K. Sistare, "

248. J. Warren S. Dey, "

249. William II. Bridgman, "

250. Anson Phelps Stokes, "

251. William 0. Martin, "

252. A. Eobertson Walsh, "

253. Joseph A. Sprague, "

254. Charles A. Peabody, "

255. William H. Morbell, "

256. John V. L. Pruyn, Albany, N. Y.

257. Frederick James de Peyster,

K Y. City.

258. William H. Macy, N. Y. City.

259. Thomas Paton, "

260. David Stewart, "

261. David Stewart, Jr., "

262. John E. Williams, "

263. John P. Townsend, "

264. William H. Morrell, "

265. Homer Morgan, "

266. John Armstrong, "

267. Same, "

268. Same, "

269. Same, "

270. N. NoRRis Halstead, Harri-

son, Hudson Co., N. J.

271. Wm. 0. Tallmadge, iV: Y. City.

272. Howard Crosby, "

273. Mrs. Mary E. Brooks, "

274. Edward Hodges, "

275. Robert W. Rodman, "

277.
278.
279.
280.
281.
282.
283.
284.
285.
286.
287.
288.
289.
290.
291.
292.
293.
294.
295.
296.
297.
298.
299.
300.
301.
302.
303.
304.
305.
306.
307.

810.
311.
312.
313.
314.
315.
316.
317.
318.
319.

John L. Riker, N. Y. City.
Walter R. T. Jones, "
Claudius L. Monell, "
Byam K. Stevens, Jr., "
Francis Many, "

Henry M. Tabeb, "

T, M. Peters, "

John B. Cornell, "

S. Alofsen, "

Same, "

Robert B. Minturn, Jr., "
George Tugnot, "

RuFus S. Bergen, Oreen Point.
Benj'n W. Bonney, N. Y. City.
Benj'n W. Bonney, Jr., "
John S. H. Fogg, Boston, Mass.
John H. Wright, "

William Wood, N. Y. City.
F. G. Van Woert, "

Alex'r T. Stewart, "
John B. Cronin, "

Georgf D. Morgan, "
Homer Tilton, "

Samuel Frost, "

Same, "

James H. Pinkney, "

William T. Pinkney, "
Charles H. Phillips, "
James Eager, "

William Underhill, "
John D. Clute, • "

Abraham B. Embury, "
Charles L. Richards, "
William Beard, "

James H. Welles, "

John Gallier, "

Charles Le Boutillieb, "
Thomas Le Boutillier, "
John G. Lambebson, "
Russell C. Root, "

Clarkson Crolius, "

William Murphy, Chappaqua.
Daniel T. Willets, N. Y. City.
Charles Gould, "

SUBSCRIBERS TO THE FUND.

453

327.

330.
331.
332.

SHARK

320. John B. Bartlett, iV. Y. City.

321. Mathias Clark, '•

322. Robert M. Roberts, "

323. Jas. Hasbrouck Sahler, "

324. Frederic de Peyster, "

325. Same, "

326. Same, "
John J. Latting, *'
David Buffum, "
F. H. Parker,
George W. Thompson, "
Thomas F. Youngs, "
Oliver G. Barton, '•

333. Abram E. O0TTEE, Gharlestoic7i,

Mass.

334. William E. Lewis, K Y. City.

335. John H. Johnston "

336. William B. Cleeke, "
33T. John 0. Connor, "

338. Henry T. Morgan, "

339. Abeam A. Leggett, "
James Davett, "
Erastus S. Brown, "
AsHER Taylor, "

343. Edwaed Bill,

344. William H. Tuthill,

Cedar Co.., Iowa.
Henry S. Terbell, N. Y. City.
George W. Abbe, ''

Sidney Mason, "

Charles Shields, "

George B. Dorr, "

Gardiner Pike, "

John 0. Beatty, "

LoRA B. Bacon, "

Charles H. Ludington, "
James Brown, "

340.
341.
342.

345.
346.
347.
348.
349.
350.
351.
352.
353.
354.

Tipton^

355. Charles O'Conoe, "

356. Charles B. Collins, "

357. John H. Wright, Boston^ Mass.

358. Wm. S. Constant, N. Y. City.

359. Geo. W. Wales, Boston, Mass.

360. John L. Dean, K Y. City.

361. T. Matlaok Chbesman, "

362. Maximilian Rader, N. Y. City.

363. J. Hobart Herrick, "

364. Louis P. Griffith, "

365. Barrow Benrimo, "

366. Edward F. DeLanoey, "

367. Samuel L. Breese, "

368. D. Henry Haight, "

369. John Adriance, "

370. Same, "

371. Joseph W. Alsop, "

372. Henry Chauncey, "

373. Frederick Chauncey, "

374. William IIabirshaw, "

375. Henry A. Heiser, "

376. William H. Jackson, "

377. Elijah T. Brown, "

378. Henry K. Bogert, "

379. Addison Bkown, "

380. Ernest Fiedler, "

381. J. Watts de Peyster, "

382. William Remsen, "

383. Walter M. Underbill, "

384. Samuel W. Francis, "

385. George Livebmoee, Cambridge.,.

Mass,

386. Same, "

387. Same, "

388. Same, "
889. John F. Gray, N. Y. City.

390. Henry G. Griffen, "

391. Thomas S. Berry, "^

392. Calvin Durand, "•

393. Robert B. Minturn, "•

394. F. A. P. Barnard, "•

395. William Bryce, "

396. -James Beyce, "

397. Augustus Belknap, "

398. Andrew Wilson, "

399. William J. Van Duser, '•

400. John C. Havemeyer, **

401. John T. Ag^ew, •'

402. Same, "

403. Charles E. Beebe, "

404. Nathanlel W. Chateb, "

454

SUBSCRIBERS TO THE FUND.

405.

George C. Collins, K Y. Citi/.

447.

William B. Taylor, Jr., iV". Y.

406.

William II. Goodwin, "

City.

407.

OUA.HLES G. IIaEMER, "

448.

William V. Brady,

408.

William Hegeman, "

449.

Oliver Hoyt, "

409.

Peteh V. King, "

450.

Charles W. Leooije, "

410.

Geoege W. Lane, ''

451.

JohnH. Swift, "

411.

Louis F. Theeasson, "

452.

Hugh N. Oamp,

412.

IIeney F. Sewall, "

453.

W. WooLSEY Wright, "

413.

Miss Elizabeto Claekson Jay,

454.

Jed Frye, "

.V. 1'. City.

455.

Henry Owen, "

414.

William E. Dodge, "

456.

William A. Young, "

415.

William E. Dodge, Je., "

457.

John Buckley, Jr., "

416.

Geokge W. Robins, "

458.

D. Randolph Martin, "

417.

John D. Locke, "

459.

Samuel L. M. Barlow, "

418.

John McKesson, "

460.

E. W. Ryeeson,

419.

EicHAED M. Hoe, "

461.

Samuel Shethar, "

420.

Robert IIoe, "

462.

Geo. Beinley, Hartford, Conn.

421.

Petek S. Hoe,

463.

Augustus F. Smith, iV. F. City.

.422.

Augustus W. Payne, "

464.

William H. Huelbut, "

423.

William Oothout, "

465.

Henry A. Hurlbut, "

424.

Edwaed Oothout, "

466.

Mes. Sophie H. Scott, "

425.

Edwaed F. Hopkins, "

467.

The N. Y. Society Library,

426.

David E. Wheelee, "

New York City.

.427.

John H. Sprague, "

468.

Thomas K. Marcy, BrooMyn.

428.

Theodoee Van Norden,-'

469.

Jas. Y. Smith, Providence., R. I.

429.

George de Heart Gillespie,

470.

Wm. B. Bolles, Astoria, N. Y.

^. Y. City.

471.

Gouv. Morris Wilkins, New

430.

BexYjamin G. Aektold, "

Yorl City.

431.

Coeidon a. x\LVOED, "

472.

James T. Fields, Boston, Mass.

432.

Same, "

473.

Horace P. Biddle, Logansport,

433.

Same,

Indiana.

434.

Same, "

474.

A. L. Roache, Indiana2)olis, In-

435.

J. Otis Ward, "

diana.

436.

James Lenox, "

475

Miss Eliza S. Quinoy, Quincy,

437.

Same, "

Mass.

438

Jabez E. Munsell, "

476

Alfred Brookes, N. Y. City.

439

Arnold 0. Hawes, "

477

Henry Youngs, Jr., "

440

Jacob W. Feeter, "

478

Jeremiah Loder, "

441

Daniel Spring, "

479

Thomas 11. Aemsteong, "

442

John C. Geeen, "

480

William C. Bryant, "

443

David L. Holden, "

481

Matthew P. Read, "

444

Joseph W. Patterson, "

482

Manning M. Knapp, EacTcen-

445

Gordon W. Burnham, "

sacJc, N. J.

446

Samuel Wilde,. Je., "

483

. Lockwood L. Doty, Albany.

SUBSCRIBERS TO THE FUND.

455

SHARl

484.

485.
486.
487.
488.
489.
490.
491.

493.
494.
495.
496.
497.
498.
499.
500.
501.
502.
503.
504.
505.

506.
507.
508.
509.
510.
511.
512.
513.
514.
515.
516.
517.
518.
519.
520.
521.
522.
523.

Walter L. Newberry, Chicago.

Illinois.

Hamilton Fish, New Yorh City.

Wm. B. Towne, Boston, Mass.

Same, "

Sidney W. Dibble, K. Y. City.

Charles J. Seymour, Bing-

hamton, N. Y.
D. A. MoKnight, Plttshurgh.,

Penn. '

Chas. H. Hoxjsman, N. Y. City.
James H. Chichester, "
"William W. Greene, "
Francis F. Dorr, "

Charles W. Whitney, "
Egbert D. Hart, "

George H. Mathews, "
Thomas Addis Emmet, "
Andrew J. Smith, *'

William D. Maxwell, "
Charles A. Maoy, Jr., "
Thomas W. Field, ''

Charles Gorham Barney,

Richmond.^ Va.
Benj. B. Atterbury, If. Y. City.

PaCHARD W. EOCHE, "

Thomas II, Morrell, "
Smith Barker, "

EvERARDiis B. Warner, "
Augustus T. Francis, "
Wm. a. Stringerland, "
Eiley a. Brick, "

Same, "

Walter M. Smith, "

Henry Elsworth, "

John Hecker, "

Warren Ward, "

Charles G. Judson, "
J. Meredith Eead, Jr., Albany.
John H. Van Antwerp, "
Wm. M. Van Wagenen, "
Wm. T. Eyebson, K Y. City.

524. Edwin Hoyt,

525.

526.

527.
528.
529.
530.
581.
532.
533.
534.

K Y. City.

John Van Nest, ''
Clinton Gilbert, "

J. Carson Brevoort, BrooMyn.

Same, "

Isaac D. Eussell, iV. Y. City.

Henry Oothout, "

Alexander P. Irvin, "

Beriah Palmer, "

Egbert Scbell, "
Alfred T. Ackert, Rhinebech.

535. John H. Watson, N. Y. City.

536. Abraham Baldwin, "

537. Ezra A. Hayt, "

538. William L. Lambert, "

539. Charles S. Smith, ''

540. Charles A. Macy, "

541. Samuel Eaynor, "

542. Lucius Tuckerman, "

543. William Betts, "

544. William K. Strong, "

545. John D. Jones, "

546. Same, "

547. Thomas C. Doremus, "

548. EuDOLPH A. Witthaus, Jr.,

A^. Y. City.

549. Fred'k W. Macy, N. Y. City.

550. Joseph N. Ireland, "

551. William Montross, "

552. Samuel E. Mabbatt, "

553. Jacob S. Wetmore, "

554. Marvelle W. Cooper, "

555. Abraham M. Cozzens, "

556. Jacob Van Wagenen, "

557. John H. Eiker, «

558. Wm. Alexander Smith, "

559. George Dixon, Jr., "

560. Hamilton Odell, "

561. Charles B. Eiohardson, "

562. Horatio Nichols, "

563. George T. Hall, "

564. Henry A. Burr, "

565. Franklin H. Delano, "

566. James M. Deuel, "

456

SUBSCRIBERS TO THE FUND.

573.
574.
575.
576.
577.
578.
579.
580.
581.

567. Richard Irvin, Jr., K Y. Glty.

568. Dudley B. Fuller,

569. Henry A. Smythk,

570. JosiAH S. Leverett,

571. John S. Davenport,

572. Bronson Peok,
William A. Allen,
William Dowd,
David L. Baker,
John G. Shea,

Same,
David D. Field,
William H. Appleton,
Samuel J. Tilden,

Same,

582. Timothy Gr. Churchill,

583. Parker Handy,

584. Nathaniel Hayden,

585. John G. Holbrooke,

586. Robert H . MoCurdy,

587. Rush 0. Hawkins,

588. L. M. Ferris, Jr.,

589. Theo. Roosevelt,
J. Butler Wright,
George Palen,
George Griswold,
O. D. MUNN,
Frank Moore,
William H, Lee,

Same,
Henry E. Clark,

598. Jackson S. Sohultz,

599. John Carter Brown,

idence, B. I.

John Carter Brown, 2d, Prov-
idence, R. L

Peleg Hall, N. T. City.

590.
591.
592.
593.
594.
595.
596.
597.

600.

601.

Prov-

602. Charles L. Anthony, "

603. George W. Hall, "

604. J. T. Leavitt, "

605. Joseph Howland, Albany.

606. John W. Munro, N. Y. City.

607. Parker Handy, "

608. Same, "

609. Parker Handy, N. Y. City.

610. George Griswold, "

611. Willard Parker, "

612. Alex'r W. Bradford, "
618. Benjamin L. Benson, "

614. Edward Schell, '•

615. A. B. Kellogg, "

616. Joseph O. Brown, '•

617. E. B. Oakley, «

618. Nathaniel Jarvis, Jr., "

619. David S. Dunoomb, "

620. Augustus K. Gardner, '"

621. L. Bayard Smith, "

622. Louis de V. Wilder, "

623. William E. Bird, "

624. Franklin B. Hough, Lowville.

625. Thomas P. Rowe, N. Y. City.

626. Samuel Osgood,

627. Charles A. Meigs,

628. Edward H. Purdy,

629. Joseph F. Joy,
680. Hezekiaii Khstg,

631. Horace W. Fuller,

632. William H. Post,

633. Edward D. Butler,
684. Henry B. Dawson, Morrisania.

635. Almon W. Griswold, K Y. City.

636. S. TowNSEND Cannon. "

637. Theodore M. Barnes, "
688. Joel Munsell, Albany.

639. Same,

640. Thomas A. Bishop, N. Y. City.

641. Same, "

642. Nicholas F. Palmer, "

643. J. L. Leonard, Loioville.

644. David C. Halstead, N. Y. City.

645. Thomas Morton, "

646. J. F. Sheafe, "

647. Henry A. Bostwiok, "

648. Hiram D. Dater, "

649. George H. Williams, "

650. O. W. Reynolds, "

651. SiLVANus J. Maoy, "

652. Henry J. Soudder, "

SUBSCRIBERS TO THE FUND.

457

653. N. W. Stutvesant Oatlin, N.

r. City.

654. H. Tract Arnold, If. Y. City.

655. Benjamin R. Winthrop, "

656. Same, "

657. Benj. R. Winthrop, Jr., "

658. Egerton L. Winthrop, iV. Y.

City.

659. Franklin Edson, Albany.

660. Robert 0. Melvain, K Y. City.

661. Archibald Russell, "

662. William I. Paulding, Gold

Spring.

663. John Romeyn Brodhead, A^. Y.

City.

664. John L. Kennin, JSf. Y. City.

665. James Stokes, Jr., "

666. John A. Russell, "

667. E. M. Wright, "

668. EvERARDus Warner, "

669. Everardus B. Warner, "

670. John C. Hewitt, "

671. Peter Stryker, Phila., Pa.

672. Wilson M. Powell, JSf. Y. City.

673. Samuel H. Brown, "

674. Ellsworth Eliot. "

675. John T. Klots, "

676. Charles H. Dummer, "

677. Henry D. Bulkley, "

678. J. K.Hamilton WiLLOOx,"

679. Appleton Sturgis, "

680. William T. Salter, "

681. William Rockwell, "

682. E. H. Janes, "

683. Thomas B. Newbt, "

684. Louis de V. Wilder, "

685. Same, "

686. Samuel Coulter, "

687. Ralph Clark, "

688. Thomas F. De Voe, "

689. John Groshon, "

690. S. L. Boardman, Augusta, Me.

691. Charles J. Folsom, N. Y. City.

692. George Folsom, "

693. Everardus Warner, A^. F. Ciiy.

694. George C. Eyland, "

695. C. F. Hardon, "

696. F. Wiley, "

697. Alexander Wiley, "

698. John W. Scott, Astoria.

699. Edward Anthony, If. Y. City.

700. Ohaunoey p. Smith, Wolcoti.

701. H'y Camerden, Jr., If. F. City.

702. George Bancroft, "

703. Abraham R. Weaver, "

704. James W. Purdt, "

705. CuAS. CoNGDON, B'Hyn, K Y.

706. Long Island Historical Soci-

ety, BvooTdyn, N. Y.

707. Brooklyn Mercantile Library

Association, BrooMyn, If. Y.

708. New Bedford Free Library,

Ifew Bedford, Mass.

709. John David Wolfe, A^. F. City.

710. Miss C. L. Wolfe, "

711. George W. Cook, "

712. James L. Woodward, "

713. William Frederick Poole,

Boston, Mass.

714. Benjamin H. Field, If. Y. City.

715. CORTLANDT De PeYSTEU FiELD,

A^. F. City.

716. John Fitch, A'. F. City.

717. Same,

718. F. Augustus Wood, •'

719. John H. Dillingham, Haver-

ford College, Pa.

720. F. Augustus Wood, If. Y. City.

721. Charles A. Peabody, "

722. Edwin F. Corey, Jr., "

723. John G. Lamberson, "

724. Same, "

725. John E. Parsons, "

726. Gratz Nathan, "

727. B. F. De Costa, "

728. Henry 0. Potter, "

729. Henry Nicoll, ''

730. George E. Moore, "

45^

SUBSCRIBERS TO THE FUND.

Y31.

JoHxX F. Trow,

m Y. City.

741.

George H.

Moore,

K Y. City

732.

Same,

742.

Same,

783.

Same,

743.

Same,

((

734.

Same,

744.

Same,

735.

Same,

((

745.

Same,

736.

Same,

746.

Same,

((

737.

Same,

747.

Same,

738.

Same,

748.

Same,

((

739.

Same,

749.

Same,

740.

Same,

750.

Same,

SHAREHOLDERS BY TRANSFERS TO DECEMBER, 1868.

SHARE SHAKE

150. George H. Peeke, Jersey Gity^ 358.

N. J. 670.

167. John H. Thompson, New York 719.

City.

Robert S. Miller, N. Y. City.
Wm. p. Prentice, "

Haverford College Library,
HaverfoiYl College, Pa.