Skip to main content

Full text of "Collections of the New York Historical Society for the year .."

See other formats















46, 48, 50 Greene street. 


Officers of the Society, 1868 






























GEORGE H. MOORE, Secretary. 

[The President, Recording Secretary, Treasurer, and Librarian are 
members, ex officio., of the Executive Committee.] 






ANDREW WARNER, Secretary. 

[The President, Librarian, and Chairman of the Executive Committee 
are members, ex officio, of the Committee on the Fine Arts.] 


This volume is the first of a series of Collections ivhich 
the Neiv- York Historical Society proposes to issue, tender 
the provisions of its '"''Publication Fund.''' 

The p)reparation of this volume was entrusted by the 
Society to a Committee of three of its members^ 

George Bancroft, 
John Romeyn Brodhead, 
George Henry Moore. 

In executing their duty the Committee, after careful 
consideration, decided : 

I. That the general contents of this volume of Collec- 
tions shmdd illustrate, directly or relatively, the History 
of New York. 

II. That as the series is 7iot intended to be a history, 
but only materials for history, 7ieither chronological se- 
quence nor homogeneousness of subject is necessary. 

III. That the documents and p)apers given in the 
collection, shoidd be printed with literal fidelity to the 
origiiials, and without unnecessary annotation. 

The Committee believe that these p)rinciples have been 
faithfully observed. 


They further remarlc that the cojitents of this volume 
are mainly original^ and give information which schol- 
ars in American History must pronounce to he of a value 
not exceeded^ if equalled^ by oMy similar publication. 

With this conviction^ the first Committee of the 
Neiv-York Historical Society appointed under the re- 
quirements of its ^'"Publication Fund,'''' submit their work 
to public judgment. 

New York, December, 1868. 




Political Annals of the Present United Colonies. 

Book II. — Chapter I., 5 

Review of the reign of James 2d. — The abdication. — The 
RevohUion. — The accession of William and Mary. — Con- 
duct of Scotland. — Proceedings of Ireland, — Remarks. — 
Prince of Orange writes circular letters to the Colonies. — 
The orders of the Privy Council.— Subsequent conduct of 
Virginia. — A revolution in Maryland ; — and approbation 
of William. — Pennsylvania continues its former adminis- 
tration.— Affairs of Massachusetts : — Intrigues of the 
agents : — The consequences : — Revolution at Boston : — 
The Insurgents resume their ancient government. — Which 
is approved by William. — The conduct of the other Colo- 
nies of New England. — A revolution at New York ; — 
which ends unhappily for the principal agent. — The Jer- 
seys remain without any perceivable government. — The 
Carolinians proclaim William and Mary. — Observations : 
— And inference. 

Authorities and Notes, 33^ 

Chapter II., 41 

Embarrassments of William. — He prepares for wai\ — State of 
Virginia. — Its complaints against Lord Howard, the late 
governor, to that prince ; — to the Commons. — Nicholson 
sent thither Lieutenant-Governor. — His administration. — 



An Indian war begins in New England. — The conduct of 
Andros. — The proceedings of the Committee of Safety. — 
The attack on Acadie. — The French retaliate. — The ex- 
pedition against Quebeck. — Subsequent distress of New 
England. — The solicitation of a new charter. — Affairs of 
New York ; — and of Canada. — The five confederated 
tribes prepare against the French invasion. — Schenectady 
sacked. — Subsequent conduct of New York. — Governor 
Sloughter arrives here. — His administration. — Ingoldsby 
assumes the administration after his death. — State of the 
Jerseys ; — of Pennsylvania. — Affairs of Maryland. — ^A 
change of government. — Copley appointed governor. — 
Condition of North Carolina. — Distractions of South Caro- 
lina. — Ludwell appointed Governor. — His administration. 
— Is succeeded by Smith. — His prudent advice to the 
Atjthoriiies and Notes, ...... 87 

Ohaptek III., 94 

Affairs of England. — State of Virginia at tlie arrival of An- 
dros : — His administration. — Government of Maryland 
seized by William without legal process : — Commission 
and arrival of Copley, the first royal governor : — Proceed- 
ings of the Assembly ; — and disai^pointment of the prov- 
ince : — Provisional Commission of Andros : — And the pru- 
dent rule of Nicholson. — The miseries of Massachusetts 
at the arrival of Phipps; — his irregularities: — The Indian 
wars ; — and domestic regulations : — His recal. — Stough- 
ton succeeds as Lieutenant-governor : — His prudent con- 
duct : — Invasions and distress of the colony. — Delibera- 
tions of the ministers of England. — Aflairs of New 
Hampshire. — Unhappy state of New York. — Invaded 
from Canada. — Wars and negotiations of the Five Nations. 
— Troops and warlike stores sent from England. — Active 
administration of Fletcher : — His conduct in Connecticut. 
— Factions and intrigues. — ^Events of the War. — Prosper- 
ity of the City of New York. — The Government of Penn- 
sylvania seized into the King's hands. — Fletcher appointed 
governor in the room of Penn. — His administration. — He 



appoints Markham his deputy. — Public disputes. — Penu 
restored. — Subsequent proceedings. — Aifairs of Carolina : 
— Arclidale restores its tranquillity. — Deplorable state of 
the Commerce of England. — Complaints. — The Board of 
Trade established. — Projects for enabling the Colonies to 
defend themselves. 
Atjthokities and Notes, 163 


HISTORY, 1759-1760, ... I8i 



Minutes of the Council at New York, March 1 
TO June 11, 1689, 241 

Proceedings of the Council, Magistrates, and 
Officers, etc., April 27 to June 6, 1689, . . 272 

Letter of Mathew Plowman to the Marquis Hal- 
ifax, New York, June 7 and August 14, 1689, . 290 

Henry Cutler's Deposition concerning Gover- 
nor Nicholson, June 10, 1689, .... 292 

By-Laws of Captain Lodwick's Company of Sol- 
diers, July 9, 1689, 293 

Charles Lodwick's Deposition concerning Gov- 
ernor Nicholson, July 25, 1689, . . . 295 

Leisler's Warrant and Instructions to Johannes 
Provoost, etc., August 12, 1689, . . . 295 

Statement, etc., of Ensign Joost Stoll, August 
20, 1689, 297 

Samuel Paul Dufour's Deposition concerning Mr. 
RiGGS, January 6, 1689-90, .... 298 

Copy of Richard Ingoldsby's Commission, Septem- 
ber 10, 1690, 299 

Ingoldsby's Letter demanding the port, January 

30, 1690-91, 300 

Ingoldsby's Warrant to Captain Samuel Moore, 

30, 1690-91, 300 



Leisler's Warrant to Major Beekman, February 

1, 1690-91, 301 

Leisler's order for Reducing the Forces raised 

ON Long Island, February 5, 1690-91, . . 302 

Leisler's Answer to Ingoldsby concerning Prison- 
ers IN THE Fort, February 14, 1690-91, . . 302 
Leisler's Order concerning Persons from Albany 

AND Ulster, February 17, 1690, . . . . 303 
Leisler TO Ingoldsby, March 1, 1690-91, . . 304 
Leisler to Colonel Dudley, March 4, 1690-91, . 304 
Declaration of the Freeholders and Inhabit- 
ants OF Long Island and Parts adjacent, . 304 
Leisler to Ingoldsby, March 5, 1690, . . . 305 
Leisler's Declaration or Protest against In- 
goldsby, March 10, 1690-91, .... 306 
Leisler's Letter to Colonel Sloughter at Ber- 
muda, March 12, 1690-91, 309 

Leisler's Order to Captain Duyckinck, concern- 
ing the Blockhouse, March 13, 1690-91, . 310 
Sloughter's Warrant to Ingoldsby to take Pos- 
session OF THE Fort, etc., March 20, 1690-91, . 310 
Account of what passed when Lieut. Churchill 

came before THE Court, . . . . 311 

Account of Proceedings in Court, (in Dutch, 

with a translation,) 311 

Affidavit of George Dolstone, February 19,1691, 314 
Affidavit of Thomas Dawson, February 19, 1691, 318 
Affidavit of Thomas Jeffers, February 19, 16 91, 319 
Affidavit of Jacob Teller, February 23, 1691, . 321 
Affidavit of Boudewijn De Witt, February 23, 

1691, 323 

Affidavit of Isaac De Riemer, February 24, 1691, 324 
Affidavit of Kiliaan Van Renssalaer, March 1, 

1691-92, 328 

Order in Council upon the Petition of Jacob 

Leisler, (the Son,) January 7, 1691, . . 331 
Jacob Leisler's Petition to the Lords of Trade 

AND Plantations, 332 

Petition of Abraham Gouverneur and others, 
under Sentence op Death, to the Queen, . 333 



Order of the Privy Council, Mat 13, 1692, . 333 

Letter ofGeeardus Beekman andMyndert Coer- 
TEN TO Nicolas Collen, Sept. 29, 1693, . . 334 

Petition of the Widow of Leisler, her Son and 
SIX Daughters, 335 

Petition to the King to Reverse the Attainders, 336 

Proceedings of the Privy Council on the Peti- 
tion OF Leisler and Gouverneur, February 28, 
1694, 337 

Petition of Leisler and Gouverneur to the 
House of Lords, ...... 339 

Petition of Jacob Mauritz and others to the 
King, . . .340 

Memorandum for an Affidavit — incomplete, July 

31, 1694, 342 

Deposition of Citizens of New York, August 22, 
1694, 345 

Deposition of Gerardus Beekman, Sept. 1, 1694, 347 

Notes of the Examinations before the Committee 
OF THE House op Commons, April 24-29, 1695, . 348 

An Answer to the Reasons against Leisler's 
Bill, 357 

The Case of Mr. Jacob Leisler, .... 362 

Loyalty Vindicated, 365 

A Bill for the Reconciling of Parties, June 14, 
1698, 394 

Answer of the Church Wardens of the Dutch 
Church concerning the Reburial of Leisler 
AND Milborne in THEIR Church, October 14, 1698, 397 

Letter from Members op the Dutch Church in 
New York to the Classis of Amsterdam, Oc- 
tober 21, 1698, 398 

Petition and Remonstrance of the New York 
House of Representatives, May 15, 1699, . 412 

Deposition of Abraham Gouverneur, August 21, 
1699, 416 

Petition OF Jacob Leisler TO THE King, . . 418 

The Earl of Jersey to the Earl of Bellomont, 
February 6, 1699-1700, . . . . • 419 



Jacob Maueitz's Bill of Disbursements, etc., June 
11, 1700-01, 420 

Jacob Leisler's Petition to the Governor and 
Council, 421 

Jacob Leisler's Account of the Debt of the Col- 
ony OP New York due him, February 18, 1712, . 422 

Petition of Jacob Leislee to the New York As- 
sembly, April 24, 1714, 422 

Memoranda made by Du Simitiere, . . . 423 

Index, . . . 429 





George Chalmers, Fellow of the Royal Society and the Society 
of Antiquaries, Chief Clerk of the Committee of the Privy Council 
for the consideration of all matters relating to Trade and Foreign 
Plantations, Colonial Agent for the Bahama Islands, and author of 
many works in the several departments of literature, died in 
London, 31st May, 1825, aged 82 years. A native of Scotland, he 
was descended from the Chalmers's of Pittensear, in the County of 
Moray or Elgin-shire. He was born in the end of the year 1742, at 
Fochabers, and was educated, first at the Grammar-school of that 
town, and afterwards at King's College, Aberdeen, where the 
celebrated Dr. Reid was his preceptor. From thence he removed 
to Edinburgh, where he studied law, which he afterwai-ds practised 
in this country more than ten years, till the breaking out of the 
American Revolution. Returning to Great Britain, he settled in 
London, where he applied himself to literary pursuits. Chalmers 
first distinguished himself by the publication of his Political Annals 
of the Present Uviited Colonies^ which showed a thoi-ough know- 
ledge of colonial history, colonial law, and colonial policy. This 
was followed by several other works, which evinced his ability and 
intimate acquaintance with the principles of commei'ce and political 
economy which lay at the foundation of the British system; and led 
to his appointment, in 1786, to the responsible public office which 
he occupied till his death. His assiduous labor in the literary field, 
his large and valuable contributions to knowledge, his integrity, 
his patriotism and public spirit, fully entitled him to the character 
which was drawn of him by a friend as a " faithful servant of the 
public, who had spent a long and active life in the honorable 
discharge of public duties and the zealous dissemination of useful 


The work which is continued in the following pages is too well 
known to requii'e introduction or comment. Its first appearance 
challenged the admiration of historical scholars (even those 
who were hostile to the principles of the writer), as a substantial 
contribution to American History, illustrating the annals of the 
Colonies, and especially the relations in which they had stood to 
Great Britain from their origin, from original authorities — public 
records and state papers. The writer of the preface to the 
Revolt of the American Colonies, published in Boston in 1845, 
very justly said : " Notwithstanding the tone and object of 
Chalmers's Annals, the work has ever been quoted by American 
writers with entire confidence and respect, and this circumstance 
speaks clearly in favor of the author's candor and honesty. Judging 
from the free use which has constantly been made of this work, as 
well as from the matter it contains, we may justly regard it as 
holding an important place in our historical literature." 

The volume published in 1 780 brought the Annals down to the era 
of the Revolution of 1688, and disclosed the author's intention to 
continue the work ; but he changed his purpose, and nothing more 
appeared ; although, he left at his death the continuation in manu- 
script, which is now for the first time printed from the original in 
the handwriting of the author, carefully revised and prepared for 
the press by himself Continuing the Annals nearly to the close of 
the seventeenth century, its undoubted authenticity and its clearness 
of detail justify regrets that the work was not completed to a later 
period, and that it has not been published before. 

• Chalmers's Library and MSS. were sold by auction in London, 
in 1841 and 1842. This MS. with others then came into the posses- 
sion of Thomas Thorpe, the London bookseller, from whom it was 
purchased by Mr. Bancroft, io whose liberality the New York 
Historical Society is indebted for this precious addition to its 
manuscript treasures. 





FEACE of 1763. 

Compiled chiefly from Records, and authorized by the Insertion 
of State Papers, 

By G. C. 

"Anecdotes enow to glut the curiosity of some persons and to silence all the 
captious cavils of others will never be furnished by any portion of history : But 
he who is content to read and observe like a Senator and Statesman will find as 
imtch information as he wants." Bolingbrokb. 

BOOK 11. 




Review of the reign of James 'id. — The abdication. — The 
Hevoltition. — The accession of William and Mary. — 
Conduct of Scotland. — Proceedings of Ireland. — Remarks. 
— Prince of Orange writes circular letters to the Colonies. 
— The orders of the Privy Council. — Subseqtoent conduct 
of Virginia. — A Revolution in Maryland; — and appro- 
bation of William. — Pennsylvania continues its former 
administration. — A fairs of Massachusetts : — Intrigues 
of the Agents : — T}ie Consequences : — Revolution at Bos- 
ton : — The Insu7^gents resume their ancient government. — 
Which is approved hy William. — The conduct of the 
other Colonies of New England. — A Revolution at New 
YorTc ; — which ends unhappily for the principal Agent. 
— The Jerseys remain without any perceivable govern- 
ment. — The Carolinians proclaim William, and Mary. 
— Observations : And inference. 

FEW princes appear to have more justty merited the 
loss of the attachment of their subjects than did 
James 2d of England. Neither instructed by the sad 
example of a father, nor by the infelicities of a brother, 
to his natural aversion to popular rights he added that 
fondness for personal power, which he had acquired dur- 
ing his exile in his youth, and which had been confirmed 
during the prosperity of his riper years. Whatever 
may have been his private virtues, which as a man 


procured him justly the affection of his friends, his po- 
litical prepossessions and religious principles seem to 
have disqualified him for holding the scepter of a mon- 
archy, the forms of ^vhich were now so precisely ascer- 
tained as to deprive him of those justifications, that 
deducted something from the demerits of his predeces- 
sors. A course of uniform misrule,^ owing partly to 
his own bigotr}^, perhaj^s more to the profligate treachery 
of his ministers, all tending to a dissolution of the con- 
stitution, brought on a crisis, that constrained all parties 
in the nation to decide on the necessity of a revolution. 
Did the misconduct of that monarch amount in the judg- 
ment of every the "to an endeavor to subvert the gov- 
ernment,'' Hhe result of liis deliberate judgment had com- 
pletelj^ overthrown the subordinate systems of the colo- 
nies. And the provmcials had been already reduced to 
that deplorable state of servitude, Avhich the people of 
Great Britain only dreaded as the greatest of evils. 
The Prince of Orange, in order to promote his own views, 
brought deliverance to both, whicli tlie}' had sighed for 
in vain, but for his timely arrival.^ 

The moment James relinquished a government de- 
scended to him through a long line of ancestors, hi the 
ill-founded hope, that by introducing universal anarchy, 
it would be impossible to reestablish the administration 
in his absence, the Prince, by the request of an extra- 
ordinary assembly of peers and commons, assumed the 
reins which the infatuated King in despair had thrown 
away : And he summoned in his own name a conven- 
tion of the states of the realm. Wlien this memorable 
council assembled on the 2 2d of January, 1689, the 
commons made it only the work of one slight debate to 
decide this momentous question ; '• whether the kingly 
office was vacant :" Admitting at the same time the 
validity of this important proposition of constitutional 
law, that though James had fled the regal hrancli of the 
body politic still remained. For the whole fabrick of 
government must otherwise have fallen into ruins : The 
peers would have been degraded from their high sta- 


tion ; the electors of the commons must have lost the 
privilege of election ; every order in the state would 
have been reduced to a level : And the people must hava 
reared on new foundations an edifice in the room of the 
venerable pile which had been thus overthrown. But 
the prudent moderation of the wise happily tempered 
the inclinations of the vehement. And when the va- 
cancy of the regal office was at length decided by the 
agreement of the two houses of Parliament after various 
debates, it followed as a necessarj^ consequence that it 
must be again properly filled. The Prince and Princess 
of Orange were accordingly declared by them King and 
Queen of England, and the dominions to the same he- 
longing. All parties in the nation concurred in admit- 
ting the necessity of a revolution, and the wise of those 
days from this circumstance inferred the justice of it. 
England and her Colonies were equally benefited by this 
signal event ; because the sufferings of both were equally 

The change of an administration that was absolutely 
bad to one many degrees better was by no means the 
sole advantage which the nation derived from the Kev- 
olution. The nature and principles of the constitu- 
tion before extremely indefinite were not only ascer- 
tained, but the power of the legislature and the pre- 
rogatives of the supreme executive magistrate were 
asserted and established over every dominion of the 
crown. Both Whigs and Tories, suspending their 
mutual animosities in the moment of common danger, 
were obliged to confess : That though the wants of in- 
dividuals discovered the necessity of government, yet the 
different modes of it, which have been discovered in 
different countries and which were the result of accident 
or design, were not consequently founded in natural 
right : That those expedients which at length acquired 
the appellation of constitutional maxims, and Avhich 
public wisdom framed for the general benefit, must at 
all times be understood and re<iulated accordino- to the 
ends for which they were designed ; since otherwise the 


utility of tliem might be sacrificed to tlie means : That 
nations, being composed of numerous individuals, who 
in their associated state possess the natural rights of 
men, must in the same cases of urgent necessity be en- 
titled to the same powers for defence and preservation 
in the aggregate body : That from the plainest impos- 
sibility the people at large can neither deliberate nor 
act, except in their corporate capacity, which under the 
English constitution is vested in the different estates in 
various proportions : That as in these the power of the 
whole is invested all rules of mere positive institution 
must necessarily be subject to its controul : That as the 
representative of one estate had deserted his station and 
relinquished his high office, the power of the whole de- 
volved on the other two for the purpose of reestablish- 
ing the energy of government, because it was necessary 
at the unparalleled conjuncture. Such were the wise 
and salutary principles by which the rectitude of the 
mighty event beforementioned was defended, on which 
the present establishment was erected as the firmest 
foundations. These maxims were confirmed, and the 
rights of the nation declared * at the same time that the 
crown was tendered to the Prince and Princess of 
Orange ; while they accepted the one, the others they 
affirmed : And the prerogatives of the prince and the 
rights of the people were in future enjoyed under the 
same positive law which insured both. 

But though the Prince of Orange had thus acquired 
possession of the throne of England he derived not 
thereby any title to that of Scotland, because, both na- 
tions being equally sovereign and independent, the rules 
prescribed by the one enforced no obedience in the 
other. The same arts which had been used to procure 
the unanimity of the English were soon successfully em- 
ployed to insure the concurrence of the Scotch in a 
similar measure. The voice of the people sent to the 
Convention such members as favored the views of 
William, because the interests of both on that occasion 
happily coincided. This extraordinary assembly, unem- 


barrassed by the verbal disputations of the English, 
so unworthy of men contending for their rights, soon 
resolved in language, which shewed equally the former 
oppressions and present disposition of the nation : "That 
James 2d by his evil deeds had forfaulted his right to 
the crown," The scepter which had been thus struck 
from the hand of that deserted monarch was instantly 
tendered to his fortunate rival, accompanied with such 
conditions as the same authority had a right to prescribe., 
While the great were busied in promoting their various 
interested projects, men of discernment remarked : That 
as neither James 6th, nor his posterity had abdicated 
the government of Scotland by assuming the command 
of a neighboring kingdom, the late relinquishment of 
James 2d of his authority in England did not affect 
his Scotch prerogatives : That the transcendant power 
which now deprived him and his posterity of their 
hereditary titles might with equal propriety have given 
them to strangers to his blood, or recognized the con- 
tinuance of his rule. Ages have applauded the wisdom 
of a choice, which paved the way for a subsequent 
union of interests and affections, that have been suc- 
cessively strengthened Avith an anxiety which shewed 
the importance of them. 

Meanwhile though the Convention of England had 
recommended Ireland to the care of William, he resigned 
it to a neglect, which soon produced embarrassments 
that he found sufficient cause to regret. Not only the 
inhabitants, but Tyrconnel, the Lord Lieutenant, seem 
to have been ready to acknowledge the title and to obey 
the commands of their new sovereigns, had any rational 
measures been adopted to procure the one or to enforce 
the other.^ Entirely occupied with the factions of Eng- 
land, or with the foreign politics which continually 
floated in his mind, that prince would neither listen 
seriously to the informations brought liim from Ireland, 
nor attend to any proposals tliat were made him for its 
reduction : Reflecting probably that the dej^endencies 
of England must follow her fate, or temporizing per- 


haps because he knew his own weakness. But though 
he at length sent Colonel Hamilton, a known partizan 
of the abdicated King, to practise on the hopes and 
fears of Tyrconnel, it appears not that any official notice 
of the recent transfer of the Crown was transmitted to 
him, or any formal demand made either of recognition 
of the present government or resignation of his former 
authority. A declaration ^ indeed was issued in Feb- 
ruary, 1689; warning the crowds of Irish who had 
rushed to arms of their danger ; and requiring them to 
retire peaceably to their homes, on pain of being con- 
sidered as rebels, of being deemed answerable for the 
miseries of their country. It was the arrival of his com- 
petitor in Ireland, during the subsequent March, at- 
tended by many nobility and gentry, who adhered to his 
fortunes, and a few French officers, that roused the 
attention of William when it was too late. Tyrconnel 
had now taken a decided part in favor of his late master, 
and had pursued the most vigorous measures for put- 
ting his government in the most respectable state of de- 
fence ; because he deemed the offers of William unsuit- 
able to the extent of his ambition. Were we to judge of 
the sentiments of men by the complimentary addresses 
which were poured upon James, from all ranks of people, 
we ouo;ht to consider the felicitv of the Irish as abso- 
lutely completed by the presence of him whom they 
deemed their king.'^ Yet the happiness of this prince 
did not keep pace with the festivity of the multitudes, 
who now rejoiced at his arrival. And notAvithstanding 
his aversion to popular assemblies, he was constrained 
to convene a Parliament in l^iay 1689. The proceed- 
ings of this assembly have been transmitted b}' historians 
as specimens of the frantic acts of despair rather than 
the sober deliberations of legislation. Exulting in the 
presence of a king, and transported with " the prospect 
of independence of' England'' among otlier extraordinary 
laws it passed one " containing a recognition of his title, 
and an abhorrence of the usurpation of the Prince of 
Orange ;" another " declaring that the Parliament of 


England cannot bind Ireland, that no appeals ought to 
be allowed to her judicatories."^ In addition to the cir- 
cumstance of his being aided by a French force^ nothing 
was there now wanting to render James completely un- 
[)opular in England, because he wounded her pride, 
while he struck at her rights. And the English Parlia- 
ment, actuated partly by their antipathies, but more by 
a laudable desire "to assert the Sovereignty of the 
Crown " not long after declared : ^ "• That the conven- 
tion of persons lately met at Dublin, and pretending to; 
be a Parliament is a rebellious assembly, and its acts- 
illegal and void." To establish the validity of the very 
different laws of those memorable assemblies, the war 
of Ireland was commenced. After various events, which 
entailed innumerable miseries on this island, and which 
are now known to every one, the capitulation of 
Limerick, concluded in October 1691, at length decided 
the contest for preeminence, and established the former 
government of England. Happy had the terms of that 
famous pacification been adhered to with an attention 
and rectitude equal to the bravery with which they were 

Nothing can enable us to form a truer judgment of 
the nature and extent of the genuine authority of the 
Parliaments of England, of Scotland, and of Ireland, 
than the short notices before mentioned. Though the 
former had alone decided on the necessity of a Revolu- 
tion, and transferred the scepter to other hands more 
worthy of it, these resolutions did not affect the deter- 
minations of the second : But the decisions of the first 
were absolutely conclusive with regard to the various 
English dependencies, and all subordinate legislatures 
were bound to obey them. When it was once declared 
'that the throne was vacant by the abdication of James, 
he ceased to be the King of Ireland, and became an 
alien to its people and its laws. The moment legal 
notice ^^ was communicated to the Lord-Lieutenant of 
the demise of the crown by the accession of William 
and Mary, it became his duty to announce an event so 


interesting to every one, and to submit to the authority 
of his new Sovereigns by the administration of the 
government in tlieir names. The late King could thence- 
forth no more interfere in the execution of the laws than 
any other monarch of Europe. And we may now in 
the remarkable words of Parliament ^^ infer : " That as 
the Kingdom of Ireland was annexed to the Imperial 
Crown of England, all persons in Ireland that did not 
submit to the government thereof were rebels and guilty 
of high treason." 

If from Ireland we turn our views to the other 
provinces of the Empire beyond the Atlantic, we shall 
behold a very different scene, because they were animated 
by a very dissimilar spirit. The prince of Orange was 
no sooner requested to assume the direction of affairs 
than he fixed his attention on the Colonies, for the 
happy state of which he professed a particular care. 
He was not ignorant that tlie late King in the midst of 
his anxieties had given them notice of the intended 
invasion from Holland; and he thought it prudent to 
communicate the best intelligence of the event of it.^^ 
He wrote circular letters to the various governors ; 
directing that all persons " not being papists," lawfully 
holding offices civil or military shall continue to execute 
them ; requiring justice to be administered as formerly ; 
and commanding all degrees of men to support their 
authority.^^ But the cliaracteristic reserve of that 
prince appears in this transaction extremely conspicu- 
ous : He did not mention the name of the late King 
lest he should admit his authority or recall the attention 
of men to the unfortunate, which generally solicits 
their pity : Nor did he direct the colonial governments 
to be administered in his own name, lest he should have 
assumed a power that did not yet belong to him. And 
by giving general directions he left the several governors 
to follow the dictates of their peculiar inclinations. As 
there was no demise, since there was yet no transmis- 
sion of the crown, thej'' acted on that uncommon occa- 
sion it should seem in strict conformity to law, when 


they continued the administration of affairs in the name 
of the abdicated monarch, long after he had deserted the 
nation and ceased to be king. 

But the colonies happily did not continue long in a 
state of uncertainty, which proved extremely inconven- 
ient to all, and in some produced numerous disorders 
that they found abundant cause to lament. The Privy 
Council in February, 1G89, informed the governors of 
the accession of the Prince and Princess of Orange to 
the Crown of England and of the territories to the same 
belonging ; directing them at the same time to proclaim 
William and Mary according to the form inclosed with 
the requisite solemnities on the like occasion. The 
royal pleasure was signified that every one should con- 
tinue in office till further orders. And copies of the new 
oaths to the government were transmitted with direc- 
tions to cause them to be administered in the place 
of the former oaths of Supremacy and Allegiance.^* 
Tidings however of the extraordinary change in Eng- 
land, though imperfect in proportion to the distance, 
soon reached Virginia. And there were not wanting 
numbers, who, forming their opinions from what they 
wished, flattered themselves, that as there was no longer 
any king in England, there was now no government 
within that dominion. The interested with their usual 
industry spread reports tlie most incredible, which the 
multitude believed with their wonted credulity. Being 
told " that the papists of Maryland and Virginia had 
machinated to introduce foreign Indians to destroy the 
protestants " this story, however groundless and wild, 
while it awakened former jealousies, so terrified a people 
accustomed to Indian massacres that they ran to arms 
with the promptitude of men urged by a mixture of 
hatred and fear. Though this rumor soon appeared to 
be groundless, others equally void of foundation sprung 
up in succession, and agitated a credulous people. The 
prudent vigilance of the council and principal inhabi- 
tants for the present extinguished the spark whicli began 
to kindle. But their utmost exertions could not lono^ 


have prevented what had been only smothered from 
blazing out anew, had not the orders before mentioned 
been timely received, "which gave a check to unruly 
spirits." William and Mary were accordingly pro- 
claimed, in April, 1689, "Lord and Lady of Virginia," 
with the same readiness and acclamations as if they had 
succeeded by a course of descent long foreseen, and uni- 
versally approved.^^ We may thence date the demise 
of the cro^yn and a variety of important consequences. 
The allegiance of the colonists was transferred without 
their consent from their former prince to their new 
sovereigns by an act of Parliament which gave those 
monarchs the power to command, and obliged every 
subject to obey ; in their names every act of government 
was now performed ; all yielded willing obedience to an 
administration, which was agreeable to the inclinations 
of the people, under the highest penalty known to the 
law of England : And the repose of the colony was once 
more established, with the usual blessings which flow 
from internal tranquillity. 

Had the same official orders been transmitted to 
Marjdand by the same fortunate conveyance they had 
probably prevented a civil war with its attendant evils. 
But Lord Baltimore and William Penn, having appear- 
ed before the Lords of the Committee of plantations on 
the 18 of February, 1689, "were informed that it was 
expected of them, that they should cause their ]).lajestys 
to be proclaimed in Maryland and in Pennsylvania:" 
Both promised to obey any commands from that board. 
And soon after the same orders and proclamations as 
had been sent to Virginia were delivered to them by 
the Privy Council. ^^ But the letters which they trans- 
mitted owing to the irregularity of conveyance during 
those days, were never received. The rulers of Mary- 
land, actuated partly by their regard to forms but 
perhaps more by their principles, did not think them- 
selves authorized l^y the example of their neighbours to 
proclaim the King and Queen. Though this conduct 
may have been more strictly legal than altogether 


prudent, a different proceeding, however inconsistent 
with rigid duty, had been extremely acceptable and 
recommended to favour. Meanwhile intelligence of the 
designs in favour of the Prince of Orange having found 
its way into Maryland, men of active tempers pre- 
pared to draw from the distractions of England those 
advantages to themselves which had been at all times 
done on similar occasions. On the pretence that three 
thousand Indians had invaded the province, as early as 
the 25th of March, 1689, Colonel Jowles requested the 
Deputy Governors to send hira arms to enable the 
})eople to repel the invaders of their countr3\ Darnel, 
one of the governors, repaired himself soon after with a 
becoming spirit to the supposed scene of action : And 
finding the inhabitants in arms offered to lead them in 
person against the enemies of their peace. But though 
various rumors were traced, which many believed and 
more affected to do so, " upon the most diligent search 
no Indians anywhere appeared." The apprehensions 
of the multitude being now in a great measure removed 
tlie country enjoyed till the 16th of July its accustomed 
repose. The sagacious now suspected what was un- 
doubtedly the truth : " That the whole had only been a 
contrivance of designing men who under this pretence 
wanted only to raise an insurrection." ^^ 

The President of Virginia in the meantime informed 
the Ministers of England, that the King and Queen had 
not been proclaimed in Maryland. It was to no 
purpose for Lord Baltimore to affirm that he had 
transmitted express orders for that purpose: With a 
promptitude equal to the importance of the business, he 
was ordered in August, 1689, "to send duplicates of his 
letters by a special messenger at his own expense." 
The same orders were then given to Penn. And in the 
vehement spirit of those times both were threatened 
\\dth the loss of their charters by a Parliamentary- 
inquiry into the nature of their rights and the rectitude 
of their administrations.^^ Yet these orders were un- 
happily transmitted too late to preserve Maryland from 


the miseries of anarchy, the proprietary government 
from destruction, and his private rights from invasion. 
As usual in times of Iiigh passion the length of delay 
added proportionably to the anxieties of the people ; 
whose minds were extremely inflamed by the repetition 
of stories which had been often proved groundless, and 
which were again believed, because they were repeated. 
The various endeavours of the governors to silence clam- 
our and to preserve peace were turned ag-ainst themselves 
by the arts of their opponents, because during the season 
of discontent the multitude readily believe whatsoever 
is reported of their rulers. Various insurrections broke 
out in Maryland during July, 1689. And John Coode, 
a man of abandoned principles, who had been formerly 
prosecuted for seditious practices, marched with seven 
hundred men to St. Mary's, the capital, and easily 
seized the State-house ; since a guard of a hundred men, 
commanded hy^ Colonel Digges, refused to defend it, 
because they were animated by the same spirit. The 
Governors endeavored in vain to raise the militia, who 
considered the insurgents as friends whose intentions 
were to preserve the country from the savages and 
papists and to proclaim the King, rather than as ene- 
mies to be feared. Observing how much the minds 
of all were terrified with an apprehension of the In- 
dians, they offered to appoint Colonel Jowles, now the 
second in command to Coode, general of the militia. 
They offered a pardon to those now in arms on condition 
of their returning peaceably to their private affairs. 

But they soon found what James bad sadly experi- 
enced in England, that when the confidence of subjects 
is withdrawn a fallino- o-overnment meets with few 
supporters. Jowles declined a command which he per- 
ceived was not offered from good will, and which he 
already possessed from a very different title : The people 
were persuaded to regard the offered pardon as an 
insult rather than a favour, because it supposed that they 
had committed a crime. With an alacrity that during 
insurrection is always decisive, Coode marched against 

Chalmers's political annals. 17 

Mattapany-house, which the governors possessed with a 
small garrison : And refusing all personal conference in 
the hearing of his army, because he foresaw that it 
might make an impression on the multitude, often prone 
to pity the unfortunate, he compelled them on the 1st 
of August, 1689, to accept the terms dictated by him- 
self: He promised them security for their estates, and 
protection for their persons ; which however were after- 
wards little regarded, because men who depart from 
strict duty in their zeal for innovation generally prove 
faithless. ^^ 

Having obtained the object of their wishes, the 
leaders of the insurgents assumed the reins of govern- 
ment which they had thus snatched from the hands of 
the Proprietary deputies. They immediately published 
a declaration of the reasons for this conduct, because 
they were conscious that it would appear extraordinary 
to the neighboring Colonies : This paper was plainly 
drawn by the hand of party, and contains among a 
great variety of motives two which in the present times 
must appear very singular ; that it had been held 
criminal to assert the Sovereignty of England over this 
province ; that the ill-usage offered to the King's officers 
of his Customs shewed the bad designs of the govern- 
ment. A convention of the freemen was assembled on 
the 24th August, 1689, notwithstanding several of the 
counties refused to send deputies, because they disap- 
proved of the measure. It however immediately ordered 
the names of William and Mary to be used in all future 
public proceedings instead of that of Lord Baltimore, 
whom it now deposed, because it deemed him no more 
entitled to obedience. It appointed naval officers for 
the collection of the usual revenue. And it levied ten 
thousand pounds of tobacco, which were given to the 
soldiers as a reward for their late services in effecting 
the revolution. While bounty was thus conferred on 
friends, punishments were inflicted on opponents. And 
many were imprisoned, notwithstanding the late capitu- 
lation, for no other reason, it should seem, than that 


they did not approve of the present system of govern- 
ment. Forgetting that all its present importance and 
power were procured chiefly by practising on the credu- 
lity of the multitude, it now complained bitterly of 
malicious reports ; so apt are men to condemn the same 
arts in others which themselves have used. Having 
appointed a Committee of Secrecy, it proceeded with 
the accustomed unfairness of all partial inquiries to 
establish the truth of a popish-plot, which never existed 
but in the stories of the factious ; in order to inflict a 
mortal Avound on the proprietary government: Thus 
like the zealots of England with regard to the birth of a 
son to James, placing the Revolution, which they had 
achieved in favour of the Sovereignty of England and the 
protestant religion, that ought to have been founded on 
the natural and social rights of men, on a basis which 
disgraced it, because it was false and unstable. It is 
remarkable, that there was neither evidence nor resolve 
to evince that the Deputy Grovernors had received the 
orders of the Privy Council for the proclamation of 
William and Mary ; though the proof of this fact, by 
fixing on the objects of their hate the guilt of high 
treason, would have at once ruined them, brought on 
the forfeiture of the charter, and justified the conduct 
of the insurgents in the eyes of the world and in notion 
of law. But this important circumstance is not mention- 
ed, because it did not exist and the use to which it 
might have been applied seems not to have occurred : 
The leaders of the Revolution had suflicient inclination 
but were destitute of talents. The convention trans- 
mitted loyal addresses to William ; congratulating his 
accession and begging for approba,tion and favour. It 
communicated to the neighboring colonies the reasons 
of its late conduct, and solicited mutual friendship. 
And it appointed Coode, who possessed nothing to 
recommend him but his zeal, commander-in-chief of the 
province, as a reward for his forward services. ^"^ In- 
formation of all these interesting transactions reached 
London in December, 1689. The lords of the Com- 


mittee of plantations, after perusing the letters trans- 
mitted to Lord Baltimore, and the addresses of the 
Convention, approved of the conduct of those who had 
seized the government and proclaimed the King and 
advised that they should be directed to continue the 
administration in the King's name till the royal pleasure 
should be known. William approved of an advice so 
consistent with his temper and his views.^^ But he 
lived to experience mortifications and anxieties, which 
probably made him regret, that he had disturbed the 
reigns of his two predecessors, though to gain a crown, 
that he now countenanced proceedings which deprived 
an individual of his rights and offered a dangerous 
example to posterity, though to acquire the government 
of a province. 

Actuated by that laudable spirit of peace, which is 
so respectable even when productive of inconvenience, 
and animated by the principles of William Penn, whose 
attachments to the late King are sufficiently known, the 
Pennsylvanians continued the administration in the 
name of James long after his power had vanished. And 
the consequences either good or evil, which resulted from 
this circumstance were so little felt or resented in Eng- 
land, that history and records are silent with regard to 
the precise time when the kingship of William and 
Mary was first recognized in Pennsylvania.-^ Yet the 
proclamation of these monarchs was of more real 
importance here than in Maryland. The charter of the 
former had not established a palatinate and thereby 
invested its proprietary with royal rights : That of the 
latter had conferred the honour of both. In the first the 
powers of government had been executed from the 
beginning in the name of the King : In the other the 
appellation of Baltimore was substituted for that of the 
Sovereign in all public proceedings. In Maryland 
therefore the proclamation of William and Mary would 
have had no other perceivable effect than to give notice 
to the people with regard to whom they owed their 
allegiance : And no provincial commissions were vacated 


by the demise of the Crown, hecanse they had not 
derived their existence or vigour from the royal authority. 
The peaceful prudence of Pennsylvania prevented those 
animosities which the revolution of Maryland long en- 
tailed on her, and saved a waste of treasure that she 
long felt, and complained of And while the one 
province was sunk into that lifeless state of inaction, 
which necessarily results from great public convulsions, 
the other extended her commerce, encouraged domestic 
industry, and engaged in every pursuit, which tends to 
make a country wealthy and great. 

If from a colony remarkable for quietude we turn 
our attention to one generally noted for turbulence we 
shall perceive the successful result of projects deeply 
laid and ably conducted. Mather and other agents who 
had appeared in England in the beginning of the year 
1688, and who agreeably to instructions requiring them 
" to take advantage of times and of circumstances for 
the good of New England," had derived every benefit 
from the infatuation or favour of James 2d, beheld now 
with satisfaction the approach of the prince of Orange 
in October, 1688 : They rejoiced in proportion as they 
saw that their beloved Massachusetts must gain what- 
ever might be the event of his expedition. When the 
friendly admonitions of Lewis 14 at length roused 
James from the dream of security into which he had 
been lulled by the insidious counsels of Sunderland, he 
gave notice of the intended invasion to Andros, the 
governor, by a circular letter, of the 1 6th of October : ^^ 
Requiring him in a magnanimity of language, which 
his future conduct shewed he was unable to support, to 
repel the invaders of the extensive dominion committed 
to his charge. By the same opportunity the agents not 
only transmitted the result of their solicitations, but 
informed their friends of what they saw and heard ; and 
warned them to prepare the minds of the people for an 
interestino- chano-e. The vessel which carried all these 
different dispatches arrived at Boston in the beginning 
of January, 1689.-^ Unrestrained by winter severities 

Chalmers's political annals. 21 

from defending his province against the dangerous in- 
cursions of the Indians, Andros was then at Pemaquid 
on the extremity of the Eastern frontier, performing all 
the duties of a vigilant officer. In pursuance of his 
orders he issued on the 10th of January a declaration; 
reciting the commands of his Sovereign, requiring " all 
persons to be vigilant upon the approach of any fleet or 
foreign force and to prevent an invasion." ^ But he 
gave commands in vain to men, whose minds had been 
long alienated equally from their Sovereign and his 
representative whom they abhorred as the author of 
their ills, and Avhose zeal would have prompted them to 
receive those proscribed invaders with acclamations as 
allies, rather than with enmity as foes. In conformity 
to the suggestions of the agents, a variety of rumours 
were scattered among the vulgar: Now, that King 
James had fled to France and there died of vexation. 
Anon, that the Prince and Princess of Orange had been 
proclaimed King and Queen of England."^ And Andros 
unsuspicious that the train was laid to the mine which 
was so soon to blow his government in air, remained 
meantime at Pemaquid till towards the end of March ; 
when he returned to Boston, in consequence of the 
reports that had reached him : Leaving the frontiers in 
a respectable state of defence.^*^ 

Meanwhile, the Prince of Orange with a view " to 
preserve the peace of New England to prevent the 
inconveniences that might otherwise arise," wrote to 
that governor on the 12th of January, 1689 ; command- 
ing that " all persons then lawfully possessed of any office 
shall continue as formerly ; that all orders lately given 
by legal authority shall be fully obeyed till further 
directions." Mather and the other agents, saw and 
dreaded the consequences of this prudent measure, which 
appeared so fatal to their schemes ; and they hastened 
to prevent the transmission of an order, that would have 
involved their constituents in considerable difficulty ; 
because it had reduced them to the dilemma of either 
submitting for a few months longer to the government 


of Andros, or of overturning his authority though sup- 
ported by the Prince. Accordingly " upon the applica- 
tion of Sir William Phips and Mr. Mather the letter 
was countermanded." ^^ To these men's interested in- 
trigues New England owed much of the misery which 
soon after ensued : To them were m a great measure to 
be attributed the Indian irruptions that followed, the 
blood which was spilt and the devastation of the 
country ; because the leaders of the insurgents disbanded 
the army which Andros had wisely placed for its 
defence. The instant the new King and Queen were 
placed on the throne the Committee of plantations pre- 
pared a letter for the governors of the several colonies ; 
directing them to proclaim their new Sovereigns and to 
continue all officers till further orders. 

William approved of all except only of that for 
New England; the further consideration of which he 
postponed till the business of taking away the charters 
should be considered." ^^ Encouraged by these successes 
and by the favor of Mary, which had been dexterously 
gained before her departure from Holland,^® Phips 
and Mather presented a petition on the 20th Feb- 
ruary ; praying "that the colonies of Massachusetts, 
New Pljanoutli, Coimecticut, and Rhode Island may 
have their charters restored ; that their magistrates may 
be permitted to take upon them the government as 
formerly.*" ^° But the committee of plantations to whom 
this application was referred, having heard as well the 
agents by their counsel as Sawyer the late attorney- 
general, who had been ordered to give an account of the 
cancellation of the charters, reported two days there- 
after ; that a governor should be forthwith sent to New 
England in the room of Andros, with a provisional 
commission and with instructions to proclaim the King 
and Queen ; that such a further and lasting establish- 
ment should be prepared for it as shall preserve the 
privileges of the people and such a dependence on the 
Crown as shall be thought requisite." Actuated how- 
ever by secret influence which arose from causes that 

Chalmers's political annals. 23 

may be easily guessed though they cannot be clearly 
developed, William disregarded the salutary advice of 
his ministers and in a few days commanded: That 
instead of a governor two Commissioners shall be ap- 
pointed to take upon them the administration ; that the 
Committee should j^repare a new Charter in conformity 
to the before mentioned advice.'^^ Yet, as this measure 
was contrary to the opinion of the Committee, as it was 
not pressed by the agents, because it was inconsistent 
with their views, and had probably been suggested by 
them to defeat the intention of the ministers, no Com- 
missioners were sent: As the desire of their petition 
was not literally granted or rather refused, the Agents 
gained time for their other projects to ripen to maturity. 
And we shall find that the adjustment of the terms of a 
new charter was the work of considerable labour, diffi- 
culty and intrigue. Phips soon after sailed for Boston 
to give an account of all these negotiations and to sug- 
gest future measures. 

While these transactions passed in England, the 
seeds of innovation had been sown in Massachusetts 
with a liberal hand. As vessels frequently sailed from 
Holland directly to Boston during the winter, the lead- 
ing men received regular notice from their correspond- 
ents of every event in Europe. ^^ And they circulated 
their informations on their fictions as best suited the 
conjuncture and their views. Being at length assured 
of the rapid tide of success which had run in favour of 
the Prince of Orange and the minds of all being now 
wound up to a painful state of anxiety, the spark which 
had been so carefully fanned blazed out into insurrection 
on the 18th of April, 1689. The men who deemed it a 
duty to follow the patterns which had been set them in 
England, demanded the fortresses and the government 
of Andros in language which admitted of no denial ; 
that both might be disposed of, " according to directions 
from the Crown of England." As in Maryland tJiere 
was here no formal Capitulation and he submitted to a 
force that he perceived it was to no purpose to resist 


Though " promised all security from violence to himself 
or any of his gentlemen or soldiers, in person or estate," 
they were all imprisoned ; though they offered bail, the 
distinguishing privilege of Englishmen, they were detain- 
ed in rigorous confinement, till relieved by the command 
of William, in the beginning of the subsequent year,^^ 
because the spirit of insurrection is always jealous and 
severe. The government of Andros being thus over- 
whelmed and a royal frigate and the forts secured, the 
helm was seized by those who liad chiefly raised the 
storm, under the famous name of "a Council of safety." 
But William and Mary were not proclaimed. Though 
their names had been borrowed to delude the vulgar of 
every denomination, their interests were now little 
regarded by any, because the Revolution at Boston was 
achieved with very different intentions than had been 
that of England : The acquisition of power was the great 
object of both ; the one however was to obtain independ- 
ence, the other a Crown. The Council soon requested 
an assembly to meet in the subsequent May. But 
during this anxious interval the people were distracted 
by altercations with regard to the nature of the ad- 
ministration which should be then adopted. Zealots 
clamoured for a resumption of their ancient form : The 
moderate insisted " that things should continue as they 
were till they received directions from the King and 
Queen of England." Influenced, however, by their 
ministers, ever prone to violent counsels, the great body 
of the people instructed their representatives in favour 
of the former project. And when the Delegates con- 
vened on the 24th of May, they therefore resolved, "to 
settle a government according to cliarter-rights and to 

In support of this important determination they 
reasoned : That since there is a necessity for civil gov- 
ernment, without which they could not enjoy safety or 
peace, since the method of settlement lieth wholly at 
this conjuncture in the voice of the people, the reestab- 
lishment of that civil jurisdiction, which in former days 


they had rejoiced in, was correspondent to the noble 
undertaking of the prince of Orange in the late settle- 
ment of affairs in the renowned English Nation. 
Agreeably to those independent views they declared the 
aged Brad street governor, the experienced Danforth, 
Deputy governor, and those persons assistants, who had 
been chosen in the year 1686, under their pristine con- 
stitution ; requesting them to take the present care of 
the people, according to ancient custom ; And it was 
finally resolved that this method of government shall be 
found among them when orders should arrive from the 
higher powers in England.^ In this concluding resolve 
we at length perceive the real designs of the Agents : 
That there might be no obstacle to the favourite object 
of their hearts they had carefully prevented the trans- 
mission of the orders of the Prince to Andros, and of 
that oificial notice of the demise of the Crown, which it 
was the duty of the privy council to announce to every 
province of the Empire. 

The convention on the 20tli of May framed an 
Address to William, which exhibits a fine picture of its 
embarrassments between its principles of independence 
on the one hand, and its dread of dependence on Eng- 
land, " to which it stood so nearly related," and its fear 
of offending the higher powers, on the other : The 
address gives an account of the steps that had been 
pursued to accomplish the revolution ; it speaks to that 
monarch botli as Prince of Orange and as sovereign of 
England : And it is silent with regard to his proclama- 
tion in Massachusetts.^^ A vessel which arrived from 
England on the 26th of May, brought a full confirma- 
tion of the final settlement of the affairs of that Nation. 
And now the insurgents perceived their hopes of the 
establishment of a commonwealth wholly cut off, which 
they lamented in proportion to the vehemence of their 
zeal, because they had been taught to believe that the 
v^^ews of the prince of Orange had been the same with 
their own, yet William and Mary were not even now 
proclaimed. Three days thereafter Sir William Phipps 


at length arrived at Boston. ^^ He gave complete in- 
formation of the zealous proceedings of the agents for 
the service of their country. "While he destroyed the 
little hope which was still fondly entertained by some, 
because " the first intelligence induced them to expect a 
reestablishment of government in the old form," he 
convinced them of the necessity of making their senti- 
ments of freedom bend to the circumstances of the times, 
since their future favour and expectations from England 
depended entirely on their declaring explicitly for the 
Revolution by formally proclaiming the King and Queen 
without further delay. On the same day the proclama- 
tion was accordingly made in Boston, with more than 
usual ceremony. ^^ And the unconcerned remarked; 
that the present affectation of joy and pomp were in 
proportion to the disappointment of their late hopes, 
and of their expectation of events to come. The general 
Court again convened, after a new choice of Delegates 
on the 5th of July, 1689. And it was resolved once 
more ; that affairs should be conducted " according to 
the charter, till orders should be received from England." 
Two days after it voted an address to William and 
Mary ; congratulating their accession ; informing them 
of their joyful proclamation ; and praying for a restora- 
tion of the ancient government. The felicitations, as 
well of the late convention, as of the present general 
Court, were jjresented to those monarchs in the subse- 
quent August : And as the defects of the former were 
overlooked during their attention to the compliments 
of the latter, they were received with more than common 
expressions of grace. ^* Men of discernment however 
observed that William by his inattention to essential 
irregularities of conduct gave countenance to a spirit 
that sapped the foundations of the throne on which he 
then sat. Orders were instantly given "for a letter to 
be sent to the government of Boston: signifying the 
royal approbation of their 7'eadines8 to proclaim tlje 
King and Queen ; and empowering those now in power 
to continue the administration in their names till orders 

Chalmers's political annals. 27 

should be given for the settlement of government. "^^ 
But tidings of the Revolution at Boston had in the 
meantime reached London. Ensign Bigg, a special 
messenger, had arrived on the 16th of July with Dis- 
patches from Lieutenant-Governor Nicholson, at New 
York ; informing the Lords of the Committee of planta- 
tions of the imprisonment of Andros, and of the dis- 
banding of the troops. Various petitions were immedi- 
ately presented on behalf of the prisoners. And on the 
29th of July, a royal letter was transmitted to Boston ; 
commanding that they should be sent to England to 
answer what might be objected against them.^" The 
Commissioners of the Customs having soon after repre- 
sented to the Committee the irregularities of the trade 
of New England, a royal mandate was sent thither, " to 
admonish all to observe the acts of navigation." *^ The 
former was obeyed after some delay, because it gratified 
the spleen of the people : the latter was disregarded 
because it did not their interest. 

Meanwhile the new rulers at Boston distracting 
their own authority, though it had been conferred by 
the people, guided the helm committed to their charge 
with feeble and unsteady hands. Their authority was 
impugned and derided, because it was perceived that 
they doubted their own powers. And crimes of every 
kind, which never fail to result from public commotions 
prevailed to so great a degree, that they at length 
thought it necessary "to draw the sword of justice 
against them." Bradstreet, the governor, apologized 
for this conduct in lan2;uao;e which shewed how much 
he feared giving " offence to his Majesty." ^^ Yet rigid 
moralists, who doubted the authority of human judica- 
tories to put fellow-men to death, exclaimed; that the 
execution of criminals by a jurisdiction so extremely 
questionable could be considered only as legal murders. 
When the royal letter before mentioned arrived at 
Boston, on the 4th of December, 1089, the governoi 
and council considered it, as an explicit confirmation of 
their authority, and endeavored by a pious trick ^^ to 


give it the force of a charter under the great seal, which 
the multitude had been so often taught to expect, as 
the ultimate reward of their own violence and of their 
agents' intrigues. The domestic troubles being at length 
calmed the colony continued to be ruled "according to 
ancient forms," till the arrival of a new Charter some 
years after. 

The other plantations of New England had long 
regarded Massachusetts as a pattern on all difficult 
emergencies, because she was considered as the most 
powerful, perhaps as the most sanctified. As the insig- 
nificant province of New Hampshire had never enjoyed 
the pleasures of a formal patent, she in some measure 
sheltered herself under the wings of her potent neigh- 
bour and waited patiently for the decision of her fate 
from England. New Plvmouth, Rhode Island and 
Connecticut, considering the imprisonment of Andros 
as an emancipation from bondage, instantly reestablished 
their ancient governments, because they were urged to 
this measure by the persuasions of the leading men at 
Boston, who wished for the countenance of numerous 
associates in the same cause. Actuated by their hopes 
of future benefit, rather than by attachment to their 
cause, they in due season proclaimed William and Mary 
and transmitted addresses ; professing their loyalty and 
begging for approbation of their conduct and confirma- 
tion of their patents.^ 

But to these little attention was paid, because no 
agents interested themselves on their behalf and the 
objects of their prayers were never obtained, since they 
were never properly asked. Yet still anxious with re- 
gard to the validity of Charters "svhich they insisted had 
neither been formally surrendered nor legally taken 
away Connecticut and Bhode Island consulted Ward 
and Treby and Somers, who concurred in opinion "that 
such a submission as is put in this case " doth not inval- 
idate the patents.^^ And under the authority of the 
opinion of these eminent lawyers they enjoyed them to 
the present times, though not without a variety of future 

Chalmers's political annals. 29 

attacks. Inhabited by a different people, who were 
animated by very dissimilar principles, New York 
ardently regretted her conjunction with New England, 
because she felt her degradation, and she had unceas- 
ingly begged for disunion, since she wished to enjoy the 
pleasures of separate government. The dissolution of 
the administration of Andros confirmed the hopes which 
the invasion of the Prince of Orange had raised, and all 
men looked forward to the day when they should be 
disjoined from a hated rival as the consummation of 
their happiness. When Lieutenant-governor Nicholson s 
dispatch of the 15th of Ma)^, 1689, was received by the 
ministers of England, informing them of the revolution 
at Boston, and of what he dreaded from what he saw, 
the royal orders were transmitted commanding him, or 
those who for the time preserved the peace, to proclaim 
the King and Queen, and to continue the administration 
in their names. But before these were received the 
contagion of change had extended its unhappy influence 
from New England to New York and produced similar 
innovations though on principles extremely different. 
The insurgents of the latter actuated by the zeal of 
partizans, rather than by the interested caution of the 
ambitious, declared at once for the Prince of Orange, 
seized the fort in his name, and avowed their reso- 
lution to hold it for him till demanded by his authority. 
Equally attached to him and monarchy the people 
of this colony differed only in their manner of shewing 
their affections, and William and Mary were again and 
again proclaimed with every demonstration of unfeigned 
joy. Nevertheless experience seems to have decided in 
favour of the sentiments of those, who, dreading all 
popular innovations, because genuine freedom is but too 
often injured by them, contended for waiting in qaiet 
till official orders from the governors of England for 
their final settlement should arrive. New York long 
groaned under the complicated miseries which never 
fail to result from a government conducted by weakness, 
intemperance, and bigotry.*® And the usurpations of 


Leisler and of the rulers of Massachusetts concluded in 
a manner directly the reverse of each other ; the one 
unhappily, because it had been guided by the hand of 
folly ; the other successfully, because it had been con- 
ducted with singular talents and address. 

The Jerseys copied the peaceful conduct of Penn- 
sylvania, because they were inhabited by a similar peo- 
ple, rather than the frantic proceedings of New York 
while ruled by the fanatic Leisler ; and waited in tran- 
quillity the decision of their fate from the government 
of England. As the Proprietors of East-Jersey had 
formally surrendered their powers of government to 
James 2d, as the greater number of the Proprietors 
of both the Jerseys were attached to his interests, 
because they were Quakers, they hesitated long with 
regard to the Course they should follow. From 
June, 1689, to August, 1692, there existed in these 
provinces no perceivable administration. And Wil- 
liam and Mary were not proclaimed, because their 
enterprize had wounded the prejudices of the people. ^^ 
Yet if their singular choice has afforded fewer materials 
for history than the extraordinary exertions of their 
neighbours they were not divided by those factions, 
which long embittered the spirit and distracted the 
attention of the others. And the prudence of the former 
for some years profited greatly of the folly of the 

Already under the dominion of anarchy, the Caro- 
linians seem to have little regarded the intrigues which 
placed William and Mary on the throne and transferred 
their allegiance, because they were unsuitable to their 
views. And no sooner did their Proprietaries transmit 
those orders and proclamations that had been given 
them in charge by the Privy Council than their new 
Sovereigns were announced with a promptitude and joy, 
which shewed how little they had interested themselves 
in the affairs of England.^^ Yet as the officers of gov- 
ernment had derived their authority from the Proprie- 
taries in whose names all legal proceedings were con- 

Chalmers's political annals. 31 

ducted that extraordinary demise of the Crown made 
no perceivable change in Carolina. 

Of all the English Colonies, Maryland and New 
York alone acknowledged the title of William and Mary 
by express laws.^^ When in after times the Assemblies 
of both regularly convened, they passed " acts of recogni- 
tion " declaring : " That their majestys were and of right 
ought to be by the laivs of the realm of England^ their 
sovereign liege lord and lady, King and Queen of Eng- 
land, and the Dominions thereto helonging.'" That conduct 
of the other Colonies, which we have so lately reviewed, 
spoke a language equally explicit and decisive, though 
without the compliment of legislative acknowledgement. 
The laws of England then gave a sovereign lord and 
lady to the Colonists, because they were English sub- 
jects : Yet no assemblies were called to determine on 
propriety of transferring their allegiance; no consent 
was asked : All were concluded by the memorable resolu- 
tions of Parliament, in which the will of every English- 
man was then supposed to be contained. For in the 
judgment of those days, and of those Colonial assemblies, 
the moment the transmission of the Crown was decided 
by the Sovereign legislature and that decision was 
properly made known, it followed by necessary inference 
that in judgment of law William and Mary " became 
thereby rightfully invested with the royal dignity and 
jurisdiction," within the various territories of the 
Empire. And this flowed from the just consideration, 
that since there could be only one authority in the state, 
invested with sufficient power to determine that momen- 
tous question, " ivhether James had relinquished the 
goveriiment^^'' all her subordinate dominions must be 
necessarily concluded by its resolution. Yet Ireland 
and Massachusetts of all the English provinces either 
denied the wisdom or doubted the validity of the 
memorable decision before mentioned. The former 
animated by the presence of the person who had once 
held the scepter of Irish monarchy, declared in favour 
of James in opposition to that vote of abdication which 


had placed William and Mary on his throne, and con- 
tended with arms for that Independence which superior 
force could alone establish. The latter actuated by 
similar motives resolved : " That the settlement of its 
affairs lay wholly in the voice of its people ; *" though it 
incongruously admitted at the same time its dependence 
on England : Never reflecting that the spirit of this 
Resolution would have justified those men to continue 
themselves subjects of James to choose any other king, 
or to erect a sovereign state. And the convention did 
establish an independent commonwealth, which exerted 
every act of sovereignty from the 18th of April to the 
29th May, 1689. What the supreme legislature enact- 
ed with regard to the Irish Parliament, men of rigid 
principles applied to the general Court of Massachu- 
setts, during that short period of independence : "That 
it was an unlawful and rebellious assembly." ^^ When 
we reflect, that the allegiance of the Provincials was 
changed ; that sovereigns, who were intrusted with the 
whole executive power, who were invested with a sul> 
stantive vote in the legislature, were imposed on them, 
it must be admitted, that the Parliament of England, 
when it gave them a King and Queen exerted the high- 
est of human authority. Yet there were not wanting 
wise and good men during those times, who mistaking 
the quality of the kingly estate, because they deemed 
it something divine, rather than the mere creature 
of social laws, and therefore like all rulers of society, 
subject to the controul of the legislature, disputed the 
sufficiency of Parliamentar}^ jurisdiction to establish 
that most important change. The Revolution however 
hath ascertained irrevocably the nature of the constitu- 
tion and the extent of the supreme power over every 
territory of the English Empire. 

Chalmers's political annals. 33 


' The misconduct of James is particularly recited in the 
declaration of rights. 1 Wm. & Mary 2 Session ch. 2.—'' The 
constitutional principles on which the Revolution was origin- 
ally established and hath since been defended are finely explain- 
ed in the considerations of the law of forfeiture, p. 118-9, 
written by the late Charles Yorke ; which every Englishman 
should not only read but study. 

' On the same day that the Prince of Orange took leave of 
the states of Holland at the Hague James 2d wrote the sub- 
joined circular letter to the governors of the Colonies ; giving 
notice of the intended Dutch invasion. From Yirg." Ent. 4 v. 
p. 229. It ought to be remembered that the Secretary who 
countersigned this memorable dispatch imparted the Secrets 
of his master to the invader of his kingdom. 

James Eex 

Right trusty and well beloved We greet you well. We 
have received undoubted advice that a great and sudden inva- 
sion from Holland with an armed force of foreigners and 
strangers will speedily be made in a hostile manner upon this 
our kingdom. And although some false pretences relating to 
liberty, property, and religion, contrived and worded with art 
and subtlety maybe given out (as shall be thought useful upon 
such an attempt) it is manifest however (considering the great 
preparations that are making) that no less matter is intended 
and by this invasion is proposed than an absolute conquest of 
these our kingdoms and the utter subjecting us and all our 
people to a foreign power, which is promoted (as we under- 
stand although it may seetn almost incredible) by some of our 
subjects, being persons of restless and wicked spirits, impla- 
cable malice and desperate designs, who having no sense of 
former intestine distractions, the memory and misery whereof 
should endear and put a value upon that peace and happiness 
which have long been enjoyed, nor being moved by our reiter- 
ated acts of graceaud mercy wherein we studied and delight- 
ed to abound towards all our subjects and even towards those 
who were once our avowed and open enemies do again endea- 
vour to embroil this kingdom in blood and ruin to gratify their 


own ambition and malice, proposing to themselves a pray and 
booty in siicb a public confasion : We cannot omit to make it 
known that although we had notice sometime since that a 
foreign force was preparing against us, yet we have always 
declined any foreign succours, but rather have chosen (next 
under God) to rely upon the true and ancient courage faitli 
and allegiance of our own people with whom we have often 
ventured our life i'or the honour of this nation and in whose 
defence against all enemies we are firmly resolved to live and 
die : And therefore we solemnly conjure our subjects to lay 
aside all manner of animosity, jealousies, and prejudices and 
heartily and chearfully to unite together in the defence of us 
and their native country, which thing alone will (under God) 
defeat and frustrate the principal hope and design of our ene- 
mies, wlio expect to find our people divided, and by publish- 
ing perhaps some plausible reasons of their coming hither as the 
specious though false pretences of maintaining the protestant 
religion or asserting the liberty and property of our people do 
hope thereby to conquer this great and renowned kingdom. 
But albeit the design hath been carried on with all imaginable 
secrecy and endeavours to surprize and deceive us we have not 
been wanting on our part to make such provision as did become 
us, and by God's blessing we make no doubt of being found in 
so good a posture that our enemies may have cause to repent such 
their rash and unjust attempt. All which we do hereby charge 
you to make known in the most public manner to our loving 
subjects within our plantation under your government, that 
they may be the better prepared to resist any attempts that 
may be made by our enemies in those parts and secured in their 
trade and commerce with this kingdom. To which end you 
are to take care that upon the approach of any fleet or foreign 
force the militia of that our plantation be in such readiness as 
to hinder any landing or invasion that may be intended to be 
made within the same. And further we do require you to 
give all necessary directions that the ships and vessels trading 
from thence do either put themselves under convoy or sail in 
such number and fleets and take such other precautions as 
may best prevent their falling into the hands of our enemies 
until you shall receive further information from us of their 
proceedings with such assistance by ships or otherwise as upon 
occasion we shall find requisite for the safety and protection 
of our subjects under your government. And so not doubting 
of your care in all things relating to our service herein we bid 
you heartily farewell. From our court at Wliitehall the ICth 
of October 1688. — By his majesty's command 


Chalmers's political annals. 35 

Eemark : It was afterwards made the chief charge against 
Andros the governor of New England by the agents of this 
colony that ho had published this formal dispatch. 

' 1 Win. & M. 2d Sess. ch. 2.—^ Lei. hist. 4 v. 235-6.—° See 
the collection of proclamations during the reign of William. — 
' Lei. hist. 4 V. p. 243.— 'lb. 260-3.—^ 1 Wm. & M. 2 9. 

'" The Conrts of Justice in "Westminster hall take judi- 
cial knowledge of what king reigns over them without for- 
mal information of the decease of the person of the prince. 
Lord Raymond's Reports, 2 v. p. 811. But the law of England 
with peculiar good sense adopting it as a maxim " that no one 
shall be obliged to take notice when it is impossible to do so," 
obliges no officers of distant provinces to know anything of the 
demise of the crown but what is communicated by official in- 
telligence. And- nothing is legal notice of an event so inter- 
esting but a proclamation of the accession of a new sovereign, 
which constitutes the demise, signed by the Privy Council and 
transmitted by the Secretary of State. For those great min- 
isters are responsible to the nation for any accident or negli- 
gence, because they are intrusted. And length of continued 
practice has confirmed the validity of this reasoning. Though 
we are informed " that Hamilton was sent to summon Tyrcon- 
nel to submit to the present administration," yet it does not 
appear that such notice as the law required had been trans- 
mitted to the Lieutenant of Ireland at the arrival of the late 
king. Had Tyrconnel, directed only by general report, pro- 
claimed William andMary, his forwardness had been extreme- 
ly acceptable and probably met with reward. But as he 
adhered to the interests of his late master there was no acces- 
sion in Ireland, it should seem, and consequently there could 
be no demise of the crown long after these happy events had 
taken place in England. For as demise necessarily imports 
transfer it is not the decease of the natural body alone which 
constitutes the transmission of the regal office : And the Rev- 
olution offers a remarkable example that there may be a trans- 
fer of the kingdom without the death of the royal person. 
Had the war of Ireland ended differently, discussions of great 
nicety might have arisen in a country governed by rigid law, 
with regard to the exact point of time when the allegiance of 
the people of Ireland was transferred from James their late to 
AVilliam and Mary their new sovereigns. — " 1 Wm. & M. 2 
Sess. ch. 9. 

" Journ. Plant. Off. 6 v. p. 187-8.—'' The following circu- 
lar letter from William to the Governors of the Colonies will 
show with what anxiety he regarded their quiet and his own 
interest. From Virg." Ent. 4 v. p. 233. 



William Henry by the grace of God Prince of Oi-ange &c. 
Whereas upon onr coming into this kingdom, the Lords spirit- 
ual aTid temporal, the Knights, Burgesses, and Citizens hereto- 
fore members of the Commons house of Parliament during the 
reign of King Charles 2d, residing in and about London and 
the Aldermen and Members of the Common Council of the 
said City in their assembly in this extraordinary conjuncture 
have by their respective applications desired that we would 
take upon us the administration of public affairs both civil and 
military and the disposal of the public revenne for the preser- 
vation of the peace and for other good ends and purposes in 
their said application mentioned ; we desiring the happy state 
and peace of this nation and the dominions thereunto belong- 
ing and intending to promote by the best means the particular 
good and welfare of the Colony and dominion of Virginia and 
to prevent by the care and circumspection of the officers and 
Magistrates in that government the inconveniences that other- 
wise may arise ; we do hereby constitute direct and appoint 
that all persons not being Papists who at the receipt of these 
letters shall be duly and lawfully possessed of or interested in 
any office or place of authority or government civil or military 
within that colony and dominion shall be and hold themselves 
continued in the said offices or places under the same condi- 
tions as formerly the^^ held and enjoyed the same until other 
orders shall be received from England or that other provision 
be made in pursuance of the powers of government committed 
to you : And that in the meanwhile for the preservation of 
the state and necessary proceedings in matters of justice all 
the said persons in whatsoever degree or condition do not fail 
every one severally according to his place and office or charge 
to proceed in the performance of all duties thereunto belonging 
as formerly appertained unto them. And we do further here- 
by charge and require that all orders and directions lately 
made or given by any legal authority shall be obeyed and per 
formed by all persons as fully as the same should have been 
obeyed and done according to the purport thereof until further 
orders aforementioned. Given at St. James's the 12th Janu- 
ary 1688-9. 

By his Highnesses command 

Wm. Jephson. 

'* Tt is apparent from the following letter transmitted by 
the Privy Council to the various governors how much more 
the Colonies were regarded than Ireland and what an extra- 
ordinary change they underwent without their consent. From 
Yirg.^ Ent. 4 v. 236. 

Chalmers's political annals. 37 

After our very hearty commendations. 
Whereas William and Mary rrinee and Princess of Orange 
have with the consent and at the desire of the Lords spiritual 
and temporal in parliament assembled at Westminster been 
proclaimed King and Queen of England France and Ireland and 
of the territories and dominions thereto appertaining we have 
thought fit hereby to signify the same unto you with directions 
that with the council and other principal officers and inhabi- 
tants of Virginia you proclaim their most Sacred Majestys 
according to the form here inclosed with the solemnities and 
ceremonies requisite on the like occasion. And we do further 
transmit unto yon their Majesty's most gracious proclamation, 
signifying their Majesty's pleasure that all men being in offices 
of government shall so continue until their Majesty's further 
pleasure be known. We do in like manner will and require 
you forthwith to cause to be proclaimed and published, as also 
that you do give order that the oaths herewith sent be taken 
by all persons of whom the oaths of supremacy and allegiance 
might heretofore have been required ; and tliat the said oaths of 
allegiance and supremacy be set aside and abrogated within 
your government. And so &c. 

From the Council Chamber the 19th February 1688-9. 
Halifax, C. P. S. Shrewsbury Macclesfield 
Bath H. Capel J, Boscawen 

Winchester Devonshire Delamere 

Ro. Howard P. Hampden. 

" The subjoined letter from the Secretary of Virginia to the 
Lords of the Committee of plantations shows the sentiments 
and conduct of tlie Virginians at the Pevolution in their true 
colours. From Virg.'' Ent. 5 v. p. 3. 

May it please your Lordships 
The duty incumbent upon the office of Secretary in this 
dominion, in which I have had the honour some years to serve, 
obliges me to give your Lordships an account of the present 
state of affairs, and to let your Lordships know such occur- 
rences as have happened, viz. ; that the mutations of England 
have extended their influence as far as these remote dominions : 
For no sooner did the news of the late admired transactions 
arrive here, though but imperfectly noised, and that with little 
probability of truth, but it began to be in the mouths of tlie 
mobile, that there was no king in England, and consequently 
no government here. Upon this surmise followed rumours 
that the papists of Maryland together with those among us 
had machinated to bring great numbers of foreign Indiaiis to 
the destruction of the inhabitants of both domimons and had 


prefixed a certain time when this blow was to be given. These 
though false and groundless reports raised great fears and 
jealousies in the miuds of the multitude and soon Itrought 
them together in arms to repel the supposed designs ; and so 
great a llame was kindled by the blastsof popular breaths that 
if it had not been timely prevented by the vigilance, care, and 
])rudence of some of the Council and others in the ver>' begin- 
ning of it, must have unavoidably proved fatal to both do- 
minions ; and thougli it soon appeared that these rumours were 
vain and idle and the people in some sort quieted, yet others 
like hydras heads sprung up in their places to the great dis- 
quiet of the government ; and it was rationally believed that 
the difiiculties of keeping tliis dominion free from tumults, 
divisions, and depredations would have been insuperable had 
not the news of the happy accession of the Prince and Princess 
of Orange to the crown of England arrived here with orders 
from their Majestys most honourable privy council for the 
proclaiming of the same given check to unruly spirits ; which 
proclamation was effected at James City with all possible 
speed and with as great solemnity as the shortness of time and 
the necessity of present circumstances would admit of; and 
the proclamations are now going forth into all connties of this 
dominion that none may be ignorant of it, and the great cause 
of their tumults — viz. the belief that there w^as no king in 
England and consequently no government here may be re- 
moved ; and peace and tranquility restored and established 
amongst them, which that it may succeed is the daily pra^^er 
of all loyal subjects and particularly of &g. 

Nicholas Spencee. 

" Journ. Plant. Off. 6 v. p. 147-8-200.—" Maryland Pap. 
vol. .— '^ Journ. Plant. Off*. 6 v. p. 265-8-302.—'" Maryland 
Pap. vol. . — '" See an account of all these things in the same 
papers.—" Journ. Plant. Off. 6 v. p. 304. 

''" Edward Randolph, the surveyor general of the Customs 
in the Colonies, informed the ministers of England in February 
1700-1 : " That neither former governors nor Pen since his 
arrival here [Pensylvania] have proclaimed King William." 
Plant* Gen^ B. p. 474. This must be understood of a foniKd 
proclamation ; because the Quakers were enemies to pomp. 
For the laws had assuredly been administered for several 
years in the name of William and Mary. Mr. McPherson has 
published a paper in liis secret history of England 1 v. p. 603, 
which demonstrates that the Quakers were universally " the 
friends of James 2d." The deposition of Forat among the 
Pennsylvania papers, and the letters from Leisler to Bishop 


Burnet, among the New Jersey and New York papers, show that 
the representations transmitted from England on this subject 
to that prince were just. William Bromtield, a quaker, wrote 
from Ostend in February 1710-11 to Lord Dartmouth, Secre- 
tary of State : That for conscience towards God and without 
any self-interest he had served the late King James in his 
exile during his life, and would have returned to England 
upon the accession of Queen Anne, but had been imprisoned 
by means of the representations of Lord Middleton, the Secre- 
tary of the late king, though Queen Mary had nothing to ob- 
ject against him. He offered if he were released to shew the 
Queen how to attain her ends at a much less expense of blood 
and treasure [Paper Office]. That this man was. acquainted 
with secrets was probably the chief cause of his misfortune. 
And Middleton was too well informed not to know, that the 
Quakers were then deemed excellent negotiators. The Board 
of Trade, in reporting to the Queen in September, 1709, the 
laws lately passed in Pennsylvania, observe : "■ That in none 
of the acts of this province there is any clause for renouncing 
the Pretender or declaring their allegiance to your Majesty : 
And therefore we humbly offer that your Majesty be pleased 
to signify your pleasure to Mr. Pen, that he endeavour to get 
a law passed for that purpose." Proprieties F. p. 151. 

" See this, ante, — " Randolph's correspondence with the 
ministry and other accounts. N. Eng. Pap. Bundl, 5. p. 31- 
94. — ""^ This proclamation which was made the chief article of 
complaint against Andros, because it most immediately af- 
fected the feelings of William, may be seen among the same 
papers. — '"" Captain George's letter to Pepys. Same jjapers, 
p. 34. — "' There is a very particular account of the posts that 
he established and of the garrisons which he left, among the 
same papers.—" N. Eng. Ent. 3 v. p. 43.-- ' Jour. Plant. Off. 
6 V. p. 197-8. — "'See an address which was presented to Mary 
in Holland on behalf of New England among the same 
papers.— =" N. Eng. Ent. 3 v. p. 200-1.—=' Journ. Plant. Off. 
6 vol. p. '200-4.— =^N. Eng. Papers.— =' lb.— =* NeaPs N. 
Eng. 2 V. p. 242-7. — '" The address is among the N. Eng. 
papers. — '"Captain George's letter beforementioned. — " Hutch. 
Hist. 1 V. p. 387. — ^* The address and the mode of its recep- 
tion may be seen among the N. Eng. papers. — "" Jour. Plant. 
Off. 6 V. p. 247.—" lb. 245.—" lb. 209.—" Hutch. Hist. 1 v. p. 
389. — " Randolph informed the Committee of Colonies of this 
circnmstance and transmitted a copy of the proclamation 
graced with the print of the great seal, which may be seen 
among the N. Eng. papers. 

" These arc among the N. Eng. papers. — *' Hutch. Hist. 



1 V. p. 406. — " For these things see the N. York papers, 
Yol. 2. — " Proprieties B. 333-41 ; and ]^. Jersey papers, 
Vol. 1.—" Car. Ent. 2 v. p. 167-8-71.—^" Laws of Maryland, 
1692, ch. 1. Laws of N. Yk. p. 1. Of the act of Mary- 
land just mentioned it ought to be observed, that among 
various other laws it was not finally considered by the 
ministers of England till October, 1699. The Attorney-Gen- 
eral Trevor then reported : " Thait he found nothing in them 
contrary to law or to the Prerogative." [Maryl. pap. D. p. 7.] 
Yet the assembly having found an act recognizing Queen 
Anne in the same spirit of zeal [1704, ch. l.J it was among 
other laws referred to Sir Simon Harcourt, a lawyer of pro- 
founder judgment and deeper research, who gave it as his 
opinion : " That though the act of recognition was an instance 
of the fidelity of the inhabitants ; yet in regard the said prov- 
ince is entirely dependent on the Crown of England and no 
such law has been thought proper to pass in England since 
her majesty's accession, such a law is improper to be passed in 
the Assembly of this Province." [Maryland Pap. 11. p. 48.] 

^° Such are the emphatical words of the statute 1 Wm. & M. 

2 Sess. ch. 9. 



JS/nibarrassmcnts of William. — He prepares for War. — State 
of Yirginia. — Its complaints against Lord Howard., the 
late governor to that prince j — to the Commons. — Nichol- 
son sent thither Lieutenant Governor. — His administra- 
tion. — An Indian War begins in New England. — The 
conduct of And COS. — The proceedings of the (Jommittee of 
Safety. — The attach on Acadie. — The French retaliate. — 
The expedition against Queheck. — Subsequent distress of 
New England. — The solicitation of a new Charter. — 
Affairs of New Yorh ; — and of Canada. — The five con- 
federated tribes prepare against the French invasion. — 
Schenectady sacked. — Subsequent conduct of New York. 
— Governor Sloughter arrives here. — His administration. 
— Ingoldsby assumes the administration after his death. 
— State of the Jerseys / — of Pensylvania. — Affairs of 
Maryland. — A change of government. — Copley appointed 
governor. — Condition m North Carolina. — Distractions 
of South Carolina. — Ludwell appointed governor. — His 
administration. — Is succeeded by Smith. — His prudent 
advice to the Proprietaries. 

nVT"0 sooner had William thus acquired possession of 
_L>l the throne of England, and with it the government 
of her various dominions, than he discovered what seems 
not to have been foreseen during the flutter of expecta- 
tion, that the one was encompassed with danger, that 
the exercise of the other was attended with vexation. 
Those factions which common danger had rather allay- 
ed than extinguished, soon revived, because many were 
dissatisfied with their own conduct, and more were dis- 
appointed, since every one could not be gratified. In 
return they thwarted the measures of the prince whom 
they had just invested with the |)ower to command, be- 
cause disappointment necessarily begets opposition. 


And he found the Crown sit uneasy on his head, because 
though supported by positive hiw it was not upheld by 
that best of all securities the aflections of the people. 
To domestic infelicities were superadded the appreheii- 
sions of foreign war, which he foresaw was inevitable, 
which perhaps he encouraged. The late king was not 
only received by Lewis 14 with the cordial affection of 
a friend, but with those assurances of effectual aid, 
which proceeded no less from his attachment to the one 
prince, than his hatred of the other. And while the 
assistance of that mighty monarch enabled James to 
land in Ireland it afforded William the opportunity 
which he probably wished for, of animating an English 
Parliament against a Sovereign, whom almost all Eu- 
rope either detested or dreaded. The moment that 
spirited assembly was informed, that the abdicated king 
had appeared in Ireland, at the head of a French force, 
in order to recover his former rights by means of the 
Irish, than forgetting its usual contentions it hastened 
to assure William of its zealous support in a war against 
France ; which was soon commenced without considera- 
tion, carried on without ability or success, and ended 
without glory.^ And the nation sadly felt tliose embar- 
rassments, which every people and every individual 
must deplore, who engage in enterprizes beyond their 

As early as the middle of April 1689, that war- 
like prince gave formal notice to the governors of 
the several plantations " of the preparations then mak- 
ing for a speedy war with the French" king; " he warn- 
ed them " to put every thing in a condition to resist 
any attempt of the enemy;" he assured tliem not only 
of such assistance as should render them secure, but to 
(jblige France to make reparation for her violences : 
Assigning as reasons what seemed finely calculated to 
strike the imaginations of the Colonists and to gain their 
co-operation ; the frequent injuries received from the 
French by his sul)jects in apparent violation of treaties ; 
the interruption of" their commerce ; and the invasion of 


the kings territories in America.^ But the Colonies 
were in no condition, because they had no experience of 
any attacks from European foes, either to repel the 
attempts of enemies or to give aid to friends in the war, 
which was soon after declared against a potentate, no 
less powerful from the greatness of his resomxes, than for 
the ability of his otiicers and the zeal of his subjects. 

Scarcely had Lord Howard the governor of Vir- 
ginia, arrived in England, accompanied by Ludwell, 
the agent of the Burgesses, when he was called on to 
answer at the tribunal of his new sovereign for the op- 
pressions committed under the authority ©f his late 
master. In March 1G89, the agent complained to Wil- 
liam : That his loyal subjects in that colony had for 
some years been grievously oppressed though three suc- 
cessive assemblies had applied to the governor and 
Council for relief: Tliat the late governor had imposed 
various fees of office without the consent of the assem- 
bly ; that he had revived laws formerly repealed, 
merely because the act of repeal was refused the royal 
assent ; that he had rendered no account to the assem- 
bly of the fines and forfeitures. Having heard both 
parties, having received the opinion of Treby and 
Somers, the attorney and solicitor general, that monarch 
decided several questions of constitutional law against 
the assernbty, because they were favourable to the pre- 
rogative : He declared that when a repealing law is 
itself repealed, the abrogated act instantly revives ; 
that the governor and Council had sufficient power un- 
der the authority of a royal instruction to impose reason- 
able fees ; yet Avith the usual policy of Courts, he ad- 
judged that the law in question should ])e deemed void 
in future, because it was complained of; that fees lately 
established should be no longer demanded, because they 
had been found inconvenient ; that the fines and for- 
feiture should thereafter be aj)plied to the support of 
government.^ But Ludwel fixiled in what was probably 
the chief end of his embassage ; since Lord Howard was 
soon after declared governor of Virginia, as these com- 


plaints were deemed questions of policy, rather than 
accusations afFecthig his reputation/ Disappointed in 
his hopes and dissatisfied with the judgement of his 
prince, Ludwell five days after appealed to the Com- 
mons of England, who then acted as the protectors of 
every dominion of the state. To them he presented " a 
petition on behalf of the Commons of Virginia ; " com- 
plaining of similar grievances ; and praying for relief. 
But though he was called on to shew his authority and 
a committee was appointed to hear his complaints it 
appears not that any redress was given. ^ Thus at that 
great era " the Commons of Virginia" were not too high 
minded to beg for the consideration of the commons of 
England, when dissatisfied with the judgement of Wil- 
liam ; to confess their superiority, since they admitted 
their jurisdiction, when they stood in need of their aid. 
Too zealous to despond because he was disappointed, 
Ludwell in September 1689, once more complained to 
that monarch of other grievances, which he asserted 
were equally oppressive, though the Burgesses had not 
formerly insisted on ihem, " because of the terror they 
were under." But it now appearing that this long list 
of afflictions were presented rather with a view to pre- 
vent the return of the late governor, than from a real 
sense of injury the present application was attended 
with still less success than the first. And as Lord 
Howard shewed no great inclination to revisit a people, 
who so little wished for his presence, Francis Nicholson, 
who had lately arrived from New York was soon after 
dispatched as Lieutenant governor to rule Virginia in 
his absence,^ 

When Nicholson arrived in May 1690, he discovered 
that the dominion committed to his charge had remained 
since the accession of William and Mary in profound 
peace ; though " there had not been wanting ill-disposed 
persons who endeavoured to disturb its repose." News of 
the French and Indian devastations on the Northern Col- 
onies having meanwhile reached Virginia, the people fear- 
ed for their safety, in proportion only as they heard of 


the calamities of war, from afar. The governor thought 
it prudent however to visit the frontiers, where an at- 
tack only was apprehended, the defence of which he 
perceived would be difficult, because they were thinly 
inhabited ; to inspect the places of strength, which de- 
served not the name of fortifications ; to review the 
militia, Avhich were neither disciplined nor armed, be- 
cause they were poor. And he put the country in the 
best state of defence, that an entire want of warlike 
stores would admit ; to the great encouragement of the 
inhabitants, who determined to repel any attempts on 
their borders. But he gave warning at the same time 
to the ministers of England that it was impossible to 
protect effectually a level country, so intersected by 
navigable rivers, except by ships of war, which would 
not only defend it from depredations by sea, but pre- 
vent illegal traffick so destructive of the real interests of 
the state. Partly owing to the want of the spii'it of 
industry, but more to embargoes frequently laid on the 
trade of Virginia during the war, and to the distresses 
of England, the commerce of that dominion suffered 
still more than that of the parent country. The Vir- 
ginians were neither sufficiently supplied with the accus- 
tomed necessaries nor was their tobacco their only staple 
and resource wholly exported, and the public revenue 
diminished in proportion as the wants of the people in- 
creased. To the Committee of Colonies the (jlovernor 
and Council with a laudable spirit represented : That 
were not means found to send thither a greater number 
of ships in the subsequent year, with abundant supplies 
of clothing, tlie inhabitants would assuredly apply to 
manufactures and the taxes must continue to decrease : 
That the greatest inconvenience had been found from 
the absence of officers, whose actual residence should be 
insisted on as an essential condition of their appoint- 
ment. Nor were those the only infelicities which were 
then felt and lamented. The Virginians had disputes 
with North Carolina relative to boundaries : On tlie 
north the inhabitants of that immense peninsula, bound- 


ed by the E,appahannock and Potomack, were disquiet- 
ed by Lord Culpepper's pretensions. And it was now 
represented, that were " the northern-neck" placed under 
a settled government it would greatly contribute to the 
safety of the whole, because the interests and affections 
of all would be thereby united.' 

The assembly of Virginia convened for the first time 
since the Kevolution in April 1691. And the circum- 
stances of the province directed its attention to those 
objects which most immediately required their legislative 
care. It passed various acts,^ for the better defence of 
the country ; for the more effectual suppression of vice ; 
and for a free trade with the Indians ; which had for- 
merly been restrained., What had been so lately pre- 
dicted, now actually happened: The obstructions to 
commerce obliged the people to endeavour to supply 
themselves with the most useful manufactures : And the 
assembly, among other regulations of domestic economy, 
passed an act "enjoining the planting of flax and hemp ; 
one for the advancement of the manufactures of this 
country ; and one for the establishment of Ports : But 
laws are made in vain when they militate against the 
spirit of a people, and the dispensations of nature. The 
multitude of navigable creeks which are so advantageous 
to a commercial nation, have hitherto prevented the rise 
of considerable towns, or the establishment of Ports : 
And the haughty masters of innumerable slaves have not 
yet dAvindled into skillful manufacturers. The assembly 
transmitted an address to William ; congratulating his 
accession to the tln'one ; thanking him for his seasonable 
supply of warlike stores ; and praying for a continuance 
of the old, and an addition of further privileges, for an 
application of the estal:>lished revenue to secure the 
country, and for a settlement of the affairs of the penin- 
sula before mentioned, which had been long in confusion, 
which occasioned a dangerous separation. Nicholson 
enjoyed the rare felicity of giving at the same time satis- 
faction to his prince and to the people over whom he 
presided : And the assembly presented an address to that 

Chalmers's political annals. 47 

monarcli in his favour; begging permission to make 
him a present of three hundred pounds. The governor, 
sensible what offence it has always given to England 
to behold manufactures established in her colonies, 
because it strikes at the foundation of her power, apolo- 
gized to the committee of plantations with regard to 
the act for planting flax and hemp, by saying " that it 
was only to please the inhabitants, who the moment 
they are sufficienth' supplied with merchandiz(3s will 
mind nothing but tobacco." And he solicited in language 
which shewed the commercial distresses of the country, 
•' that a few ships may be allowed to bring supplies with 
X comfortable account to keep the people in hopes." ^ 

Meanwhile, Lady Culpepper and Lord Fairfax, who 
had married her daughter, equally anxious for a termi- 
nation of the disorders of the northern-neck, which so 
greatly affected their interest, presented a petition to 
William in May 1691 : Stating the original grant of 
that immense region to Lord St. Albans and others, 
who conveyed it to their predecessor for a valuable con- 
sideration, and the confirmation of the late king in Sep- 
tember 1688 : And praying not only for approbation of 
their rio-ht but for directions to the jxovernment of Vir- 
ginia to protect their agents. The committee of planta- 
tions, having heard the petitioners'' counsel, thought it 
prudent to send the representation on this business to 
the governor and Council; in order that they might 
support their objections to the patent, because it 
was granted during the late reign. After hearing all 
parties, Somers the attorney general at length reported ; 
" that nothing had been made out to him sufficient to 
vacate the letters patents, which had been granted in 
the usual form and Avhich were consequently valid in 
point of law." His opinion was approved, because it 
was just. And William gave orders in January 1692 : 
"That the petitioners be alloAved to enjoy their grant, 
provided they keeped strictly to the tenor thereof" 
Thus the tranquillity of so large a part of Virginia was 
again restored. Lord Fairfax enjoyed in future the 


soil, the quit rents, the manorial rights. And the pow- 
ers of government were now equally extended over the 
whole, because " the northern-neck " equally formed 
part of the same dominion.^'' Though Lord Effingham 
had been continued governor of Virginia he neither 
shewed any anxiety to assume the management of a 
charge from whicli he derived so great a revenue, nor 
prepared to remove thither even long after his sovereign 
had been repeatedly put in remembrance of the bad policy 
of allowing colonial officers to reside in England. And 
Sir Edmond Andros, whose talents as a soldier were 
respected by William and whose liigh political princi- 
ples were congenial with his own, was appointed governor 
in February 1692. Meantime a large quantity of war- 
like stores had been granted to the prayers of the as- 
sembly. And upon the application of Andros arms were 
sent with him for the militia. ^^ Thus England during 
her arduous struggle for the Kevolution and liberty 
gave aid to her distant subjects who were unable to 
procure the means of defence for tbemselves during the 
days of their supposed indigence ; because she deemed 
them lier sons, who, when they should arrive at man- 
hood, would repay her cares with filial gratitude and 
effectual support. 

While these various transactions occurred in Eng- 
land, the assembly of Virginia again convened in April 
1G92. And after passing a few laws -^^ redressive of 
domestic inconveniences, it transmitted an address to 
William : Thanking him for the warlike stores and 
frigates lately sent for their defence, and promising to 
lay down their lives and fortunes in defence of his inter- 
est and the laws.^^ When that body reflected on the 
want of the seminary of learning which Sir William 
Berkeley had formerly hoped might not be established 
for a century, which Nicholson however now recom- 
mended to their attention, it dispatched a trusty mes- 
senger to England " to beg leave of their majestys to 
erect a free School and College by granting a charter 
with accustomed privileges." And he executed his trust 

Chalmers's political annals. 49 

with great zeal and address. To the ministers of Eng- 
land, Blair, the Commissary of the Bishop of London, 
represented : That the Virginians had already subscrib- 
ed two tliousand pounds, and though the assembly relied 
much on the King and Queen for endowing an estab- 
lishment, so much wanted, and so much desired, yet 
thought it indecent to prescribe the manner : And that 
when the legislature of the Colony has seen the amount 
of the royal munificence it will contribute what should 
be further necessary by impositions on the Colony. He 
prayed that there might be granted for this purpose 
what had been suggested by Nicholson, and was at pres- 
ent of little value : two thousand pounds of the quit 
rents, which both Charles 2d and James had promised 
should be applied to the use of the province ; a tax of 
a penny a pound granted by pai-liament on the export 
of tobacco to any other colony from the place of its 
growth, which was then absorbed in the collection ; two 
thousand acres of the immense territory then unlocated, 
which would be thankfully received ; the office of sur- 
veyor general, who partook in the profits of his deputies ; 
the escheats as they should arise ; and the patronage of 
churches. The Lords of the treasury, Somers, the 
attorney general, the commissioners of the Customs ; all 
did honour to tliemselves by reporting in favour of a 
project which had for its end the propagation of religion 
and the interests of science. Mary with peculiar pleas- 
ure ap[)roved of their advice, and gave orders in Sep- 
tember 1G92, to grant all that was asked, except only 
the escheats; because Somers and Trevor gave it as 
their opinion " that it was doubtful if the king could 
give them away before they fell, and it would not be 
advisable to place the forfeitures for treason in other 
hands."" '* Yet the men of cautious tempers even then 
hoped : " That the planters never will make use of the 
generous encouragement tliat had been thus afforded 
them by their mother country, for disputing the depend- 
ence and allegiance they owe her." '^ Animated by 
these liberal favours Virginia enjoyed a profound tran- 


quillity, which Nicholson endeavoured with a laudable 
spirit to ensure in case of an attack, by improving the 
discipline of the militia. The only danger which then 
threatened the inhabitants arose from the scarcity of 
merchandize to suj^ply their wants, of vessels to carry 
away their productions. And the northern Indians and 
Canadians were either too distant, or too busily engaged 
with the Eastern Colonies to give any disturbance to a 
people who acted no part in the bloody scenes of the 
war that involved the interests of every part of the 
English Empire in its final success. 

Urged by those motives of enmity, which have at 
all times existed between the Aborigines and Colonists, 
the Indians began hostilities on the Eastern frontiers 
of New England, as early as autumn 1688, while peace 
with the French yet continued. Upon intelligence of 
this event, Andros with his accustomed vigour hasten- 
ed from New York to Boston. He dispatched a part 
of the standing companies, as a reinforcement, with war- 
like stores, while he sent vessels to secure the coast and 
fisheries. He hastily collected about six hundred men, 
and upon General Winthrops declining the command, 
he conducted them to the scene of action, "through frost 
and snow : '' " Taking upon himself his full share of the 
hardships " of the march, because it alleviated the 
fatigues of soldiers little accustomed to discipline. But 
on his approach the Indians according to their usual 
policy retired into their fastnesses. Nor were these suf- 
ficient to protect them against the several parties which 
he detached to destroy their settlements, their warlike 
stores, their provisions : And they were reduced to the 
greatest distress and were ready to sue for mercy. In 
order to preserve that superiority, which his good con- 
duct had thus acquired, he judiciously placed seven 
hundred men in twelve fortlets and smaller j^laces of 
arms, along the skirts of the province under experienced 
officers. And neither devastation nor injury was com- 
mitted during the winter and ensuing spring.^*' While 
discontent possesses the people, they contemn the best 


judged measures of their hated rulers for their preserva- 
tion : The rational exertions of Andros were " univer- 
sally condemned, as we are assured,^' because the men 
were exposed to hardship without any prospect of 
service."" Yet the county of Cornwall and province of 
Main, which were exposed the most and acquired secur- 
ity from his exertions, did justice to his merit by ac- 
knowledging themselves fully protected till tlie insurrec- 
tion in Massachusetts again exposed them to danger. ^"^ 

No sooner was the success of the Revolution at Bos- 
ton decided than the Committee of Safety with a singular 
imprudence or infatuation sent orders to persons on 
whom it could rely "to cashier the officers of the com- 
panies upon the English establishrftent ; to take the 
command ot the forces on the Eastern frontiers ; to de- 
tain as many as the circumstances of affaii-s required ; 
and to send home the remainder." The order was 
executed on the 27 of April, with that rigour, which 
the extreme jealousy of the rulers required. In Pema- 
([uid, which the ministers of England had long deemed 
the ostensible evidence of the English possession towards 
the boundaries of Acadie, there remained only eighteen 
men. And from the other stations the soldiers were 
either drawn off, or they seized their officers and desert- 
ed their posts, because their fidelity had been corrupted. 
In the meantime Madockawando, a sachem no less re- 
markable for the greatness of his sagacity than for his 
rooted enmity to the colonists, arrived at Boston about 
the middle of April 1G89; in order to mediate a peace. 
Here he was treated with an attention due to his merit, 
and he was soon after sent home, that he miglit fullfil 
his promises to promote a pacification. But he had noted 
with care the uncommon anarchy which prevailed ; he 
perceived, that the General who had so lately repelled the 
inroads of his countrymen, by a singular reverse of 
fortune, was now closely imprisoned. And when he 
reached the frontiers he found the Army disbanded and 
the forts deserted. The tribes, who had been repulsed 
rather than subdued, heard his information with pleas- 


ure, and received his counsels with avidity. And they 
renewed hostilities with fresh ardour and augmented 
numbers, because they were animated equally by re- 
venge and by hope of j^lunder. In April 1689, they 
began their murderous attacks on the higher settlements 
of New Hampshire around the river Piscattaqua, where 
they but too well gratified both those passions, since the 
inhabitants were unprotected and helpless. Pemaquid, 
Saco, and Casco-bay were successively taken. The 
whole country as far westward as that river was either 
deserted or laid waste with those circumstances of un- 
distinguishing cruelty so natural to that barbarous ene- 
my. Before October 1G89, that line of coast extending 
from the river St. Croix southwestward one hundred 
and twenty miles had felt the cruelty of their depreda- 
tions, and was wholly resigned to the French and their 
Indian allies. The damages sustained by the miserable 
colonists were computed at ten thousand pounds. The 
fishery and commerce of lumber were lost, because the 
coasts were moreover infested by numerous privateers 
fitted out fi^om Acadie. During several months of 
complicated misery the exertions of the Governor and 
Council were extremely feeble, because their authority 
was disputed, and though every means were tried to 
procure soldiers to repel their invaders, i'ew were pro- 
cured, as the stabilit}^ of their power was doubted. The 
General Court indeed considered it rather as a favour 
than a duty to defend New HamjDshire and Main, since 
they lay without its jurisdiction.^^ But the numerous 
Ptefugees who were compelled to desert their habitations, 
filled Massachusetts with their complaints, and in the 
height of their anguish exclaimed : That the men, who 
from motives of ambition or revenge had deprived them 
of the blessings of government, were answerable to God 
for the blood that was shed, and owed to the undone 
commiseration and relief. 

The general Court was conscious in what glowing 
colours these melancholy events would be painted in 
England, and during the winter of 1689-90, it medi- 

Chalmers's political annals. 63 

tated some enterprize, tlia.t should at once convince the 
world of its power and confer celebrity on its arms. 
And in imitation of the wise of antiquity it determined 
to defend New England by attacking the French in 
Acadie. The conquest of Port-Royal was at lengtli 
resolved on. Lately initiated into all the mysteries 
of independency, religious and political, Sir William 
Phipps was a})pointed generalissimo of the expedition 
in opposition to all competitors. As an encouragement 
to voluntiers the General Court oifered the one half ol' 
the ])lunder, and payment of the arrears of pay to the 
relations of the slain. ^° Seven hundred and thirty seven 
men embarked on board a small fleet, the largest ships 
of which carried forty two guns, which sailed from Nan- 
tasket road the 28 of April and happily arrived before 
the object of their destination the 10th of May. Phips 
instantly summoned not only the Fort, but the inhabit- 
ants of the country to submit to the Cro^vn of England : 
Offering security for their lives, their freedom and their 
property upon laying down their arms, delivering up 
the fortifications, and taking an oath of allegiance. 
These terms were too flattering to men who were unable 
to resist to be refused, which on their part were literal- 
ly performed : But these promises had been made to 
the unsuspecting, with an intention to deceive when 
they could no longer resist. The French soldiers were 
instantly made prisoners ; detachments were sent out 
by land and by water to plunder, because by the spoils 
of Acadie, the expence of the expedition was to be 
chiefly discharged. And the religious troops of Massa- 
chusetts, never once reflecting that places appro})riated 
to the worship of the Deity, are by men of every persua- 
sion held sacred, " riffled the Church, cut down the 
cross, prostrated the high altar, and broke tlie images." 
The general detached Alden with a few ships along the 
Acadian coast to oblige the French and Indians to ac- 
knowledge themselves subjects of William and Mary. 
When the inhabitants on the river of Port lloyal had 
sworn allegiance to the English Crown they were direct- 


ed to choose a President and Council, who were ap- 
proved of and instructed by Phips, and who "were 
ordered to give an account of their proceedings to the 
general Court." The fort dismantled, and the spoils 
collected, the fleet departed and arrived at Boston the 
30 of May.^^ Indifferent spectators of these events 
inquired : " What mighty good had resulted from an 
expedition, that, when the value of the plunder was 
deducted from its expence left the conquerors £3,000 
in debt ? For as no garrisons were placed to retain 
actual possession, the sovereignty of the Crown of Eng- 
land was as nominal now as it had formerly been : And 
the Acadians, who have been at all times placed in un- 
happy situations, considered Oaths imposed by men, 
Avho were themselves regardless of the most solemn 
conventions, as of little validity. Owing to those causes 
Port-Royal was easily retaken by a French frigate dur- 
ing the year 1692. In the mean time the French and 
their Indian allies destroyed by fire and the sword what 
their former devastations had spared, because they were 
now animated by fresh incentives. While Phipps was 
busied in imposing nugatory engagements and erecting 
an ideal government, subordinate to Massachusetts, they 
again took and burnt the town and Fort of Casco-Bay. 
The wretched planters, whom it was impossible to pro- 
tect, because the country was thinly inhabited, were 
either carried into a deplorable captivity or obliged to 
desert habitations, which were no longer tenable : And 
the whole province of Main, except only the town of 
York, was relinquished to their implacable enemies. 
Yet the people of Boston carried on a constant trade 
with the French and Indians, during this horrid war- 
fare, exchanging for peltry, arms, ammunition and 
clothing, because they were actuated entirely by the 
true commercial spirit. ^^ Elevated nevertheless by the 
easy ca})ture of a fort and settlement incapable of resist- 
ance, the General Court was emboldened to attempt a 
conquest of greater magnitude. It considered a vigor- 
ous impression on Canada not only as the best means for 

Chalmers's political annals. 55 

putting an end to the lamentable devastations which it 
had hitherto been unable to prevent : But above all it 
hoped to recommend the people to the favour of a King 
who was fond of soldiers, and to obtain the reestablish- 
ment of their chartered rights, since their exertions 
would shew, they were worthy of tliem.^^ As early in- 
deed as the first of April it had detached an express to 
England, in order to inform the administration of its 
preparations against Port-Royal, to solicit a supply of 
warlike stores, and to give assurances of its resolution 
of affording their utmost assistance in the reduction of 
Canada, should the King think proper to attempt it. 
These informations and professions were received on the 
20 of May, and an order was soon after issued, permit- 
ting the merchants to export arms and ammunition to 
Boston. As however the design upon Quebec was 
built not only on the final success against Port-Royal, 
but the coopei'ation of William, no notice was taken of 
a project, which was urged with difiidence and depended 
on so many contingencies.^* Yet without reflecting that 
an eftectual answer to requisitions transmitted the l)e- 
ginning of April could not be expected before the first 
of September, the General Court made the most vigor- 
ous preparations for the intended expedition. And as 
it did not escape its sagacity how much the ultimate 
success of its measures depended on an attack at the 
same time against Montreal, it had the address to procure 
the concurrence and aid of New York and Connecticut. 
Having waited with anxiety for supplies from England till 
the 9th of August, Sir William Phipps sailed with a 
fleet of 30 vessels, the largest of which carried forty four 
guns, for the conquest of Quebeck with two thousand 
three hundred men, newly raised and badly appointed : 
But he relied much on his own courage, on the zeal of 
his troops, on the weakness of that city of which he had 
received information. Meanwhile five hundred men, 
levied by the two provinces before mentioned, with fil- 
teen hundred Indians were conducted by Winthrop 
through the desert to the margin of lake Champlaui. 


But here he discovered, what he probably foresaw, that 
it was impossible to cross this mighty barrier without 
vessels and provisions, which Leisler the ruler of New 
York had promised to provide, yet unhappily foro;ot to 
perform. That general returned on his steps to Albany, 
because he could not remain long in a wilderness with- 
out food. And now from commanding an army he was 
confined by Leisler in jail, till forcil:)ly released by his 
soldiers, and he was rewarded by Connecticut, his native 
country, because it approved of his conduct, as much as 
it blamed his adversary. The Canadians governed by 
one officer, and animated by one spirit, derided the 
efforts of men and of Colonies, whose disputes prevented 
the energy of Union, whose factions led them generally 
to controul established authority, rather than to annoy 
the common enemy. 

The badness of the weather and the want of pilots 
prevented Phipps from arriving before Quebec sooner 
than the 8th of October ; when the winter had already 
commenced with the severity of that cliraate.^^ Had he 
arrived a few days earlier he had probably acquired 
possession of that City without resistance, and before 
Count Frontenac, who was then at Montreal, had 
heard of his approach. But the tediousness of his voy- 
age gave time to that great Commander to complete 
the defences of the town, and an opportunity to the 
Militia headed by a gallant gentry to assemble around 
him, for the defence of all that is dear to men. Noth- 
ing could be more wise than the plan adopted by 
Count Frontenac for the safety of that Capital. While 
he detaclied his irregulars either to line the coast, or 
to lie in ambush to harrass his enemies in their ap- 
proach, he took post with his army between the river 
Charles, and the town ; in order to entice them to cross 
that dangerous stream which is only fordable uj^on the 
recess of the tide, to fall upon tliem during the disorder 
which this would naturally produce, and to prevent 
their retreat while he insured liis own." Pliipps soon 
sent a summons to the governor general, dictated by the 

Chalmers's political annals. 57 

Chaplains of the army with that ignorance of the world 
and of a-ffairs peculiar to gownsmen which has so often 
proved fatal to armies : Demanding a surrender of the 
town, of the royal and private stores, of all their estates 
and persons to his disposal ; assuring him however, that, 
this performed, he might expect mercy as a Christian, 
according to what may be found for his Majestys ser- 
vice, and the subjects security. But Sir William did 
not advert in the height of his zeal, that he had only 
offered those terms to gallant men, who were prepared 
to repel his assault, which humanity woidd grant to the 
disarmed in the moment of victory. And his proposals 
were received with that mixture of contempt and indig- 
nation which confident rudeness always excites in the 
wise and brave. The younger officers exclaimed : That 
the messenger should be treated as the envoy of a Cor- 
sair, since Phips bore arms against his lawful sovereign, 
and had acted at Port Royal as a true pirate, because 
lie had violated a ca]3itulation contrary to his promise 
and to the law of nations. ^^ But though there was but 
too much foundation for these reproa(^iies. Count Fron- 
tenac answered with a moderation more worthy of him :^^ 
That as he considered the Prince of Orange as an usurp- 
er he could acknowledne no other kino- of Enoiand than 
James 2d, who was honoured with the protection of his 
master ; that were he disposed to accept of such humil- 
iating terms his brave officers would not consent, but 
would rather advise him to give no faith to the words 
of a man who had broken a capitulation and violated 
the faith which he owed to his prince. Both parties 
now prepared, the one to assault, the other to defend 
Quebeck. On the subsequent day, about fourteen hun- 
dred men were landed under the conduct of Walley 
who was instantly attacked but easily secured his land- 
ing. He advanced towards the river Charles, yet 
though he was assailed on all sides by the light troops 
he bravely repelled his enemies. He now discovered 
however that though he had driven back the advanced 
parties, it would be extremely imprudent to engage the 


main body, which was formed under excellent com- 
manders ready to dispute his progress. Phipps in the 
mean while gallantly attacked the town with his ships, 
which after a severe cannonade were obliged to retire in 
confusion, because their force was unequal to the object. 
Their scanty ammunition was now nearly expended ; 
sickness began to prevail ; the climate fought against 
them : And on the third night after their landing, the 
troops were reimbarked with precipitation ; leaving live 
field pieces to the French as trophies of victory.^" When 
the liberal minded of other nations heard of this event 
they rejoiced ; that politeness, bravery, and conduct had 
triumphed over barbarism, rashness, and folly. Scarce- 
ly had the fleet departed for Boston when one of the 
usual storms of that season heaped innumerable afllic- 
tions on the unfortunate, and the admiral alone arrived 
on the 15 of November, to give his countrymen the sad 
tidings of the event of an enterprize, so contrary to the 
expectations of every one, because all had been confi- 
dent of that success for which the faithful had ardently 
prayed. Few of the troops had felt the stroke of the 
enemy in proportion to the numbers that afterwards 
perished with disease, wliich was the more deplorable, 
because it infected the inhabitants and spread desolation 
among a dispirited people. ^^ 

The loss of reputation was not the only misfortune 
which the General Court had now to lament. The 
expences of the expedition were calculated at one hun- 
dred thousand pounds, for the payment of which no 
funds had been provided, nor was it possible to raise 
taxes equal to the demands that were earnestly made ; 
because the soldiers as they arrived clamoured for their 
well earned pay. Extreme parsimony generally defeats 
its own aims : While that body flattered itself with the 
hopes of conquering Canada, and expected in return 
every favour from a warlike prince, it relied too mu^h 
on the plunder of an unconquered enemy to defray tlie 
expence of the conquest. Had the government and 
officers contined their views to success alone they would 

Chalmers's political annals. 59 

have generously offered Count Frontenac and his troops 
the honours of Avar, to the Canadians their privileges 
and estates : But the terms proposed to that gallant 
commander wounded his pride, the conditions dictated 
to the people confirmed their resolution. Amid the vex- 
ations of disappointment and the cries of distress tlie 
General Court passed a law in December 1690;^^ ap- 
pointing commissioners " to grant printed bills to ])ev- 
sons desiring them in payment of debts due by the 
country ; " declaring the paper of equal value as treasure 
and as such to be received in payment. It ought to be 
remembered that this was the first paper-money which 
had been issued within the English Empire : And it 
did not surprize any one when those disorders ensued 
which never fail to result fi'om innovations in political 
economy. " The notes we are assured would not com- 
mand money, nor commodities at money -price : The 
soldiers got no more than twelve or fourteen shillings in 
the pound ; " though tliey are said to have afterwards 
become better than specie, the discount was not made 
upJ^ The rigid moralists exclaimed : That it is always 
unjust to compel the creditor to accej^t that as a pay- 
ment Avhich is subject to depreciation, since nations as 
well as individuals equally become bankrupts when they 
pay less than they owe. Sir William Phipps soon after 
departed for England to plead his own and his countrys 

The conduct of Massachusetts has been at all times 
so much above the common rules of human action that 
there seems an impropriety in judging of its late trans- 
actions by those principles commonly acknowledged in 
the world. Yet if we consider that colony merely as a 
subordinate territory, which ought to have waited in 
quiet the decision of the parent-state, the revolution 
must be deemed no less irregular in theory than perni- 
cious in its j^ractical efl:ect. With the caution natural 
to William, he gave his approbation only to that part 
of its jDroceedings which liad for its end the proclama- 
tion of his title ; and he conferred no other authority 


on the government which the colonists had established 
for themselves, than to preserve internal peace till fur- 
ther orders. Since aggregates of men however, as well 
as individuals, possess the right of self defence the gen- 
eral court acted properly in defending the country, 
though the disbanding of that part of the late army which 
was on the English establishment was altogether inde- 
fensible : Nor could the depredations before mentioned 
without special authority from the sovereign be justified 
by any just maxim of subordination, and were therefore 
considered by foreign nations as piracies. The estab- 
lishment of governments inferior to the jurisdiction of 
Massachusetts, as Acadie was, and Canada would have 
been, was perfectly consistent with those projects of in- 
dependence on which it acted as much now, though the 
names of William and Mary were used, as it anciently 
did, when the regal power was contemned. Let us not 
however think meanly of those expeditions, though we 
ought not to approve of the spirit of aggrandizement 
whence they proceeded. The other colonies conjoined, 
w^ere then unable to have made so considerable exertions. 
And they will remain monuments to posterity of what 
small communities are able to perform, when left to their 
own management, and the spirit of the people concur ; 
though the attack on Canada ended as might have been 
expected from the rashness of the undertaking and from 
the means employed being wholly unequal to the end. 
The most sagacious of those days did not forsee, that a 
descendent of Lewis 14th, Avho considered William as an 
Usurper and his adherents as traitors, would in so little 
a period of years be leagued with the posterity of the 
invaders of Canada ; in order to destroy that power 
Avhich had given them existence, protected their infancy, 
and reared them to manhood. 

While tlie war was thus prosecuted with various 
fortune, and Massachusetts felt the complicated distress 
which the rashness of her rulers had entailed on her, it 
required tlie usual address of the General Court to ward 
off the blows aimed by its opponents in England to prose- 


cute successfully the restoration of the former, or the con- 
cession of a new charter, because every loss or misfortune 
was attributed rather to misconduct than to weakness. 
In January 1G90, Oakes and Cooke were appointed addi- 
tional agents to those already in England : And they 
Avere empowered in language which shewed the extent 
of its views, generally to defend the conduct of the 
colony, with regard to the revolution, and to negotiate 
the public affairs, but particularly " to solicit in Parlia- 
ment^ or otherwise, the continuation of the ancient 
charter and the addition of new privileges." ^* Prompt- 
ed either by a sense of former wrongs or by the fear of 
present injury, should Andros and the other state-pris- 
oners appear at court during that critical season, pre- 
tences were found to detain them for two months after 
it had received orders to send them to England. ^^ 
When all parties at length appeared before the Lords 
of the Committee of plantations, the agents declined to 
make any formal complaint against them, because their 
Counsel, the modest and learned Somers, assured them, 
that their accusations could not be supported. William 
dismissed a prosecution "that was neither signed nor 
owned," and discharged the prisoners. It is remark- 
able, that the accusation was levelled rather against the 
validity of the commission and instructions of Andros 
than the irregularity of his conduct, as inconsistent with 
either : The attack was on the form of government 
rather than the oppressions of the governor.^® Thus 
ended a prosecution from which the artful had taught 
the credulous to expect that their wrongs would be 
avenged by shedding the blood of the objects of their 
hate. The real friends of liberty lamented : That while 
the zealous asserted lier rights, they should have de- 
prived others of freedom in a struggle which had the 
natural and social rights of men for its object. 

The real cliaracter of William had not escaped the 
sagacity of Mather. And from the moment that the 
committee of plantations gave its opinion against the 
restoration of the original charter, so beloved and 


deplored, he despaired of procuring a restitution from a 
prince whose attachment to prerogative he beheld with 
regret. As a faithful agent of his country he now turn- 
ed his unwearied attention to the securing of several of 
the nobility, the principal commoners, the whole body 
of dissenting ministers ;^^ in order to procure from the 
Parliament what he could not obtain from the King. 
Leagued with the Whigs, who with a view to secure for 
ever their present power, introduced in December 1689 
the famous corporation -bill, the agents had the influence 
to jjrocure a clause for restoring the Charters of New 
England. But the ministers not only opposed this pro- 
ject, because it no less affected the prerogative than the 
dependence of the colonies, but by throwing the influ- 
ence of the court into the scale of the Tories the bill was 
finally rejected, in January 1690 : — while the Whigs 
were mortified, the hopes of the agents were for ever 
dashed. ^^ Thus at that great era Massachusetts attempted 
with the aid of the Revolution Whigs to establish her 
government on the solid foundation of an act of Parlia- 
ment. Yet it is not easy to perceive what good could 
have resulted to the colony from this measure, had not 
the Sovereignty of the supreme legislature been admitted 
and the efficacy of its power to bind every commission 
of the Crown been acknowledged. As there now re- 
mained no expectation of procuring the restoration of 
their ancient charter it was long debated among the 
Agents whether to apply for any. But, since it is the 
duty of wise men to accept what is in their power to 
obtain, it was at length determined to solicit a new 
grant, with as many of the ancient privileges as possible. 
As a King of England could exert no legislative autlior- 
ity over the people of New England, because they were 
subjects ; as a local legislature was therefore necessary 
for local purposes, they were constitutionally entitled to 
a vote in the making of laws for themselves : But of 
right they could claim no more ; they were entitled to 
no portion of the executive power. And good policy 
should have given to them the same rational constitu- 

Chalmers's political annals. 63 

tion under which the other English colonies had long 
flourished, because they were free. We shall find the 
subsequent struggle between William and the Agents 
to consist of mutual endeavours, the one to retain what 
he had a right to enjoy, the others to regain for their 
countrymen as large a share of the executive authority 
as could be wrung from a prince, jealous of his power. 

The petition and proposals of the Agents were at 
length delivered in December 1690, though one of them 
refused to concur. But as it did not escape the pene- 
tration of the Committee of Colonies, to whom they 
were referred, that what was now asked under the form 
of a new grant contained the old with additional privi- 
leges, it was deemed prudent to request the determina- 
tion of that monarch, whether he would have a governor 
of his -own appointment or confer the power of making 
laws wholly on the people and the officers appointed by 
them. William, as probably was foreseen, preferred the 
former alternative. Agreeably to this intention the 
attorney general prepared a sketch, which was corrected 
by the Committee. But as the agents insisted on vari- 
ous alterations, tending to raise the power of the people 
V)y defalcations from the prerogative of the prince, 
Mary ordered the whole to be transmitted to Holland 
for the royal pleasure. Meanwhile Sir William Phips 
made that political use of the expedition against Que- 
bec for which probably it had been only intended : He 
stated that the former services of Massaclmsetts, which 
was ready to engage in another expedition, were the 
proposed assistance given and her former rights restored, 
so as to empower her to raise men and money : Nor did 
he forget to name himself for commander, because he 
had acquired knowledge from experience. The Secre- 
tary of State not long after informed the Committee 
that the King had approved of their proceedings ; and 
that the agents had ac(|uiesced in the royal pleasure :^^ 
Thus prudently submitting after violent debates among 
themselves to what they perceived it was in vain any 
longer to oppose, and exerting themselves to the last to 


procure for their countrymen as large a portion of power 
as that tenacious monarch coukl be induced to relin- 
quish. Yet it will be found that the Charter which 
was not long after granted did little honour to his polit- 
ical sagacity or to the prudence of his ministers. 

The terms of the patent being at length settled to the 
satisfaction of all parties passed the seals on the 9th of 
October 1691, after a discussion rather tedious than 
attentive of ten months/" It recited the Charter to the 
Plymouth Company ; the subsequent grant of Charles 
1st ; the judgement of the Court of Chancery by which 
it was cancelled ; and the application of the agents for 
such privileges as should most conduce to the royal ser- 
vice and to the welfare of New England. It incorporat- 
ed Massachusetts, New Plymouth, Main, Nova Scotia, 
and other territories into one province by the name of 
Massachusetts-bay ; to be holden of the manor of East 
Greenwich in common soccage. And there were at the 
same time confirmed all lands and hereditaments former- 
ly granted to individuals or to corporate bodies. Of 
these extensive countries the legislative power Avas in- 
vested in a general court, which should meet annually 
in ]^.Iay, which should be composed of a governor, of 
twenty eight assistants, and of assembly men chosen by 
every town : And it was empowered to make laws for 
the government of the people and for defence of the 
Country ; so as they should not be repugnant to the 
jurisprudence of England, and should be transmitted to 
England for the royal approbation within three years ; 
to impose reasonable taxes on the persons or estates of 
the proprietors to be disposed of by the governor and 
council : The assistants were to consist of such persons 
holding lands within the province as should be chosen 
by the Assembly and approved by the governor. But 
the power of appointing the governor. Deputy governor, 
and Secretary was reserved to the Crown, because Wil- 
liam deemed this reservation sufficient to preserve his 
own power and the dependence of the people. The 
governor was empowered to nominate Judges, justices 

Chalmers's political annals. 65 

of the peace, Sheriffs and other officers belonging to the 
Council or to the Courts of justice with the advice of 
his assistants. Yet the General Court was authorized 
to appoint all other officers ; to erect courts of justice 
for the decision of affairs civil and military, but with an 
appeal to the King in council in matters of the value of 
£300 sterling : And it was empowered to grant the lands 
included in these extensive dominions. The governor and 
council however were enabled to take probate of wills 
and to grant letters of administration. Appointed Com- 
mander of the Militia was authorized to array the in- 
habitants and to conduct them against their enemies and 
to pursue them even beyond the limits of the province : 
But martial law was not to be executed without the 
consent of the Council, nor were the inhabitants to be 
carried out of the province without their consent. In 
the absence of the governor and Lieutenant governor 
the greater number of the Council were empowered to 
assume the administration. The admiralty jurisdiction 
was reserved to the hio-h admiral of Eno-land. Persons 
born or residing within the province were declared to 
be entitled to the immunities of natural subjects. ^^ To 
all Christians liberty of conscience was gTanted except 
only to papists. Freedom of Fishing on the Coasts of 
New Eno-land, of takino- wood and of erectino- buildinsrs on 
waste lands was reserved to every subject of the Crown. 
And for the better providing of masts for the royal 
navy all trees then gi'owing on lands not granted to pri- 
vate persons were reserved to the Crown. 

Such then is the substance of the charter which was 
conceded to the solicitation of the agents after so much 
deliberation : And thus was Massachusetts for the first 
time erected into a province of the English Empire, and 
its inhabitants were acknowledoed to be Eno-lish sub- 
jects. Yet no good reason was then assigned for grant- 
ing what good policy should have sternly refused. Had 
the interest of England rather than the influence of 
intrigue decided with regard to the reestablishment of 
the government of this colony, the principles of the peo- 


pie, their opposition to the laws of England, and their 
desires of inclependence should have been chiefly regard- 
ed. Far from granting larger privileges to them than 
to the other plantations, more friendly to England, a 
proper balance should have been erected to counteract 
the spirit of democracy, so continual in its operations 
and so baneful in its effects. These views would have 
led to the appointment of a governor and Council by a 
Commission and instructions, similar to those of other 
provinces, because they might have been changed and 
improved, rather than by a charter, which, having once 
passed the great Seal, was irrevocal)le by the grant- 
or, however inconvenient or dangerous. If we com- 
pare the present with the ancient patent of Massa- 
chusetts we shall find it greatly su^^erior, because more 
liberal and extensive ; if we compare it with that 
of Pensylvania we shall find no cause to prefer tlie 
production of the politic William to that of the careless 
Charles : In the last the rights of the nation and the 
powers of the legislature were reserved with an accuracy 
which does honour to the illustrious judge who revised 
it : Not a clause of the former but has given rise to con- 
troversy, owing partly to its defects, but perhaps more 
to the contentious spirit of the people to wliom it was 
given. Yet the opinion which they formed of it seems 
to evince how prone mankind are to attach their venera- 
tion to names rather than to the essence of things, and 
the preference which they gave their ancient charter 
and government shews that they regarded both witli 
the ardent zeal of enthusiasts. Happy had they at all 
times exercised the extraordinary privileges then con- 
ferred with a moderation and regard to the laws equal 
to the singular address Avith which they had been 

In addition to these favours, William permitted the 
Agents to appoint for the present those officers whose 
nomination had been reserved to the Crown. The ser- 
vices and zeal of Sir William Phipps, a native of New 
England, of mean birtli, and of meaner accomplishments. 


were now therefore rewarded with the government *^ of 
a province, the fame and power of which he had endea- 
voured to extend. And in November 1691, he received 
a commission and instructions,^^ tliat were founded on 
the Charter and that varied from those of other gover- 
nors only as they were more restrained, because the 
executive poAver had been extremely curtailed. The 
strength of Canada had been lately felt, while the de- 
fenceless state of the colonies of New England notwith- 
standing their populousness Avas perceived and lamented. 
In order therefore that the protection of all might result 
from the union of all, Phipps was at the same time 
appointed commander in chief of the militia and fortifi- 
cations of Rhode Island, Connecticut, and New Hamp- 
shire :'^^ The crown lawyers, who approved of this com- 
mission never reflecting, that though the military com- 
mand within every dominion of the crown of right 
belonged to the crown yet that the predecessors of 
William with a regretted impolicy had transferred 
it to those who were too tenacious to part easily with 
their Chartered privileges. And to tlie prayers of a 
people, who have boasted that they had never re- 
ceived any assistance from England, were granted Ord- 
nance, Warlike Stores, and Ships, which were placed 
under the command of the governor for the protection 
of their coasts. ^*^ But at the same time that Phipps 
sailed with a charter for the procurement of which the 
good people of Massachusetts had so long fasted and 
prayed a foundation was then laid for future controver- 
sy ; which Cooke, one of the discontented Agents, then 
commenced, by warning his countrymen " to be careful 
not to perpetuate any public revenue, or any officers 
salary, or large fees."*^ The great reach of thought 
which then enlightened the leading men of that colony 
placed William and his ministers in a light extremely 
obscure and therefore disadvantageous : Sagacity, per- 
severance, and address are virtues, which must at all 
times be admired wherever they are found. 

During these various transactions, civil and military, 


similar causes produced similar events within the neigh- 
bouring colony on the southwest. Information was no 
sooner received in England from the late Coimcil of the 
revolution at New York, of its dangerous situation, of 
the inconveniences of its union with New England, than 
it was determined to establish a separate government, 
and to send thither not only a governor but two compa- 
nies of soldiers in the room of those which had lately been 
disbanded. But though Colonel Sloughter was named 
for that office in September 1689, so disordered were 
the aifairs of England that the frigate which had been 
appointed to carry him beyond the Atlantic was sent as 
a convoy to Ireland.*^ And the people of that Province 
had a fine opportunity during the long misrule of Leis- 
ler to decide whether despotism or anarchy is the last 
evil. Happy had the miseries of civil discord been the 
only ills which they soon had reason to deplore. When 
the bonds of alliance between England and France 
were dissolved by the Revolution and the neutrality of 
the colonies had ceased, Lewis 14th determined on the 
conquest of New York, iDecause he was animated no less 
by resentment than by hopes of making an early acqui- 
sition of a country rendered weak by its distractions. 
Often had the Canadians felt the stroke of the hatchet ; 
lately had their country been desolated by the five con- 
federated tribes : And while their distresses moved the 
pity of their prince they implored that protection which 
he alone could grant. It was at the same time suggest- 
ed to him, that vain was it to think of extending the 
boundaries of Canada while the five nations formed a 
barrier to his progress, because they were influenced by 
the governors of New York. In order therefore to pro- 
mote all his views he sent the experienced Count Fron- 
tenac to Canada during the summer of 1689, to whom 
he confided the execution of his projects. But the 
French fleet intended for the attack on New York was 
happily delayed by one of those storms, which have so 
often proved fatal to the naval armies of France on the 
American coast. While the arrival of that aged noble- 

Chalmers's political annals. 69 

man inspired the Canadians with fresh vigour : "While 
he employed every art to reestablish peace with the 
confederated Indians their most formidable foes, he de- 
tached parties, composed of hunters and savages to fall 
on Albany and New England during the winter. And 
he foresa^v, that the incurable dissentions of his enemies 
would expose them feeble and unprotected to their 

Meanwhile the Five nations perceived the prepara- 
tions which were made to give weight to his proposals 
of peace without dismay. And the}^ convened a great 
Council at Onondaga, in December 1689, to decide 
whether they should accept of peace or continue the 
war : Inviting thither their favourite Schuyler tl\e 
Mayor of Albany, because they had predetermined with 
a spirit worthy of polished nations ^'to resolve nothing 
without tbe consent of those bound in the chain of ami- 
ty witli them."" On this interesting occasion the magis- 
trates of that town, with an inattention which proceed- 
ed from the distraction of the times sent messengers, 
who possessed neither talents nor consideration, to dis- 
suade that sagacious people from listening to the flatter- 
ies of Frontenac : And with the true spirit of Dutch- 
men they transmitted by their envoys a quantity of 
merchandize to be sold at Onondaga. But no measure 
could have given greater offence to warriors, who, judg- 
ing of all traders by the conduct of those with whom 
they had trafficked, deemed them unworthy of trust, 
because they considered all merchants as unfit to be 
emploj'cd in public affairs. And with the accustomed 
good sense of that assembly it resolved to preserve the 
friendship of the English, but to keep the means of 
making peace with the French in its own power. ^° After 
a march of incredible perseverance and fatigue through 
a desert covered with snow the Canadians, conducted 
by Hervile, surprized Schenectady, which was then the 
frontier settlement in February 1690. And regardless 
of the boasted humanity of their nation they carried 
the torch through its streets : They massacred sixty 


unresisting persons without distinction of age or sex. 
Yet this barbarous enterprize, which, while it dishon- 
oured their King, brought so little advantage to their 
country, passed not wholly unavenged. A hundred 
Mohawks pursued the invaders of their country and re- 
taliated on their rear-guard what they had inflicted on 
others. Amid the triumph of victory these gallant 
warriors exclaimed with a mixture of pity and con- 
tempt: How feeble and helpless are the children of 
labour while the storm of war passes over them as a 
whirlwind. When the deputies of the five nations ar- 
rived not long after at Albany "to wipe away the tears 
of the afflicted " according to their custom, they found 
the inhabitants preparing to abandon their town and to 
seek shelter in their capital. But the timely appearance 
of tlie friends of their adversity inspired a resolution 
worthy of men who listened with satisfaction to coun- 
sels which recommended to the various colonies " vigour 
and unanimity." ^^ Roused at length by this fatal in- 
cursion a convention of delegates for a great part of 
the province assembled under the authority of Leisler in 
April 1690. But it was in vain for this body to impose 
taxes for the defence of the Colony, because the legality 
of the imposition by such an authority was denied. And 
an explanatory ordinance was passed at a subsequent 
dav because " the people had not obeyed the former." 
Yet little good could be expected from these measures 
while Leisler was obliged to use the decisive influence 
of military force to preserve his power even within the 
city of New York over those who detested his person 
and abhorred his usurpation. As he owed liis present 
elevation chiefly to the counsels and intrigues of New 
England he now experienced an attention and aid, which 
she seldom gave to governors of royal appointment. 
Connecticut promised to send two companies of soldiers 
for the defence of Albany. And Massachusetts, New 
Plymouth, New York and Connecticut, agreed in May 
1690 to raise 855 men for mutual preservation. But 
neither the prudent admonitions of their Indian allies 

Chalmers's political annals. 71 

nor a sense of danger could moderate the frantic tem- 
per of Leisler or reconcile the minds of men to his com- 
mand who deemed themselves insulted and oppressed/^ 
And the confederate tribes were left to struggle alone 
against the implacable enemy of all parties, because to 
the animosities of all the interests of all were sacri- 

Amid these distractions Sloughter was joyfully re- 
ceived by every one, except only the friends of Leisler, 
in March 1691. And he found that great numbers had 
drawn their swords to support the royal authority and 
at the same time to pull down what they deemed a 
tyranny, since they had never consented to its establish- 
ment. He immediately published his commission in 
the usual form. He found the province groaning under 
the pressure of its contentions foreign and domestic; 
the Mohawks, who were weary of a disastrous war, were 
ready to accept of any terms of peace from their potent 
enemies, because they had been unsupported : Yet he saw 
people enow who were capable to destroy all their foes 
" were it possible to do anything with them while divid- 
ed into so many factions." The same passions which 
had prompted Leisler to overturn the late government 
now urged him to levy war against the prince for whom 
he had lately contended, by holding the fort against his 
representative, because the zealous friends of the revo- 
lution had been wholly overlooked in the establishment 
of government as unworthy of trust. Forsaken by his 
soldiers in the hour of trial that infatuated leader was 
soon compelled to submit at discretion. A special Court 
was soon after appointed to try the most guilty. Several 
plead, were found guilty, and were commended as ob- 
jects of that pardon which they afterwards received. 
But Leisler and Milbourne, his Secretary and principal 
adviser, refused to plead, because with a mixture of 
ignorance a,nd enthusiasm they denied the authority of 
the Court, they were adjudged guilty of treason. Though 
the governor at first prudently resolved to leave their 
ultimate fate to the royal decision, yet by the request of 


the two houses of assembly, they were almost immedi- 
ately executed, because many clamoured for their fall. 
Of the fairness of their trial, the nature of their crime, 
or the justness of their sentence no doubt can be rea- 
sonably entertained ; since they were not indicted for 
the part they had acted in the revolution or in the sub- 
sequent violences, but merely for holding a fortress by 
arms against the legal governor, which in judgement of 
law was levying war against the King : But the prudence 
of the measure may be justly questioned, because ill-timed 
examples only weaken the power which they are meant to 
support. William declared in favour of the validity of 
the judgement ; yet ordered their estates to be returned 
to their children, because the services of the fiithers re- 
quired some attention to the sons.^^ The first assembly 
convened meantime in April 1691. At the same time 
that it recognized " their majestys just title according 
to the law of England," it transmitted them thanks " for 
restoring a true English government and the former 
liberty of an assembly ; " and for these favours it vowed 
future gratitude and support. It declared the ancient 
boundaries of the province from the river Connecticut 
to the bay of Delaware, and it solicited that the whole 
might be annexed to its government.^* And it enacted 
a variety of laws^^ to heal the late and prevent the re- 
turn of future disorders. It passed an Act " for settling 
the disturbances that have lately happened, by setting 
up a power without authority from the Crown, which 
had greatly debauched the minds of many people." It 
declared " what are the rights of the subjects of this 
province ; " asserting among other remarkable particu- 
lars, " that no tax ought to be required of them without 
the consent of the assembly." They were prompted 
possibly to this measure, because they had once been a 
conquered people, and had lately been compelled to pay 
duties which those who were now in power had disputed 
as illegal. But to this bill William afterwards dissent- 
ed, because he deemed it incongruous for a subordinate 
legislature to declare " what are its own privileges." 


The assembly granted £2000 for the expense of one hun- 
dred fusileers during one year. It established a revenue 
for defraying the public charge for two years. And in 
order to close the wounds of the state, it passed an Act 
" pardoning such as have been active in the late dis- 
orders." From an assembly which deserves to be re- 
membered as the friends of their country, Sloughter 
hastened to Albany where he met the sachems of the 
Five Nations, to whom he delivered the presents that 
he had brought with him from England. He renewed 
with them the covenant of peace for all the Colonies. 
And in their turn they assured him of their resolution 
to prosecute the war against the French while they lived, 
and never to speak of peace but with the common con- 
sent. Yet they observed with a shrewdness which hit 
most of those who were then present : That the late 
disorders of the province had like to have confounded 
all their affairs, while several of their brethren had de- 
serted Albany in the hour of danger, but hoped that 
neither would happen in future. Scarcely had Sloughter 
performed a service from which the Colony derived so 
many advantages when he died : Leaving the province 
in a critical state no less from internal faction than from 
foreign warfare. 

Disregarding the late act of assembly which declared 
" that the first of the council in nomination shall pre- 
side in case of the decease of the governor," that body 
with a laudable disinterestedness declared Major In- 
goldsby, who possessed the oldest royal commission, 
commander in chief of the province, till the Kings 
pleasure should be known. And he was immediately 
called into action. Information was no sooner received 
by the Council that the French liad formed a design 
upon Albany than it wisely determined to prevent their 
attack by invading Canada. With this view it asked 
aid of Massachusetts, Rhode Island, Connecticut ; " but 
they flatly denied what was anxiously asked." In this 
extremity it represented to the Committee of the Colo- 
nies the state of the province, Avhich had groaned under 


insupportable pressures since its miserable union with 
Boston : It recounted as not the least of its infelicities, 
that New England since their late unhappy junction had 
poisoned those western-parts, which had formerly been 
signal for their attachment to Monarchy, with her sedi- 
tious and anti-monarchical principles : " and it begged 
for a supply of warlike stores in language which shewed 
the wants and inabilities of the people. ^^ In the mean 
time, Schuyler, the Mayor of Albany, who was justly 
celebrated as no less brave than honest, conducted into 
Canada about four hundred Indians and Provincials. 
Though his intentions had been discovered by the scouts 
of the enemy he crossed Lake Champlain and surprized 
La Prairie. Here he was encountered however by the 
Canadians and their Indian allies. The French officers 
shewed their men how to conquer, and bravely died, 
because they would not survive their late disgrace. 
Owing to the usual prowess of the Mohawks Schuyler 
obliged his gallant opponents to retire into their fort ; 
which he immediately assaulted though with a success 
unequal to the vigour of his conduct. But fearing from 
what he saw and heard that his retreat would be cut 
off he prudently retired and reconducted his men in 
triumph to Albany. His countrymen received him with 
more than usual applause, because he was the first Eng- 
lish officer who had led an army into Canada across 
Lake Champlain and had revenged the massacre of 
Schenectady.^^ Animated by this exertion and success 
and by the presents and promises of Ingoldsby, the 
Five Nations alone continued their vigorous attacks on 
the Canadians, and generously acted as the protectors 
of New York, while it was unsupported by the neigh- 
bouring colonies, while it could only maintain the garri- 
son of Albany, because its resources were exhausted,^^ 

Colonel Fletcher, a soldier of fortune, a man of 
profligate character, but a zealous officer, was appointed 
governor of that province in January 1692. Perfectly 
informed of the state of his government, he solicited 
warlike stores, presents for its Indian allies, and two 

Chalmers's political annals. 75 

additional companies of soldiers for its defence. Every 
thing was granted to his prayers with an alacrity in 
proportion to the importance of them. And in order 
to restore that internal peace, which the inconsiderate 
zeal of Leisler had destroyed, a general pardon was 
gi'anted, and all prosecutions on account of the late dis- 
orders were prudently discharged. The governor de- 
parted for New York on board a frigate, which was 
ordered to remain for the protection of its coasts. ^"^ 

But the continual solicitation of that province for the 
annexation of the Jerseys proved not equally successful, 
because this measure was opposed by the Proprietaries, 
who claimed a right to a power of government which, 
they were too feeble to exercise. ^^ And those Colonies 
remained for several years in a state of independent 
insig-nilicance, since they were protected by their neigh- 
bours from external attacks, and exhibited no domestic 
scenes that attracted the notice of the world. 

As early however as May 1689, Pensylvania was 
deemed worthy " of the consideration of Parliament, for 
bringing it into a nearer dependence on the Crown." 
But other more interesting objects engaged the attention 
of the legislature at tliat critical period. And this 
province continued till February 1690, under the mis- 
rule of Blackwell, who, though trained under Cromwell, 
was unable to govern the Quakers, because he did not 
regard their principles, who deserted a colony, which he 
could neither frighten nor command. The ministers of 
England, perceiving how easily such a people might be 
conquered by an enemy no less politic than daring, de- 
termined in October 1691 to annex Pensylvania to some 
neighbouring province, and to take it into the " immedi- 
ate oovernment of the Kino;." ^2 

If from Pensylvania, which continued nevertheless 
under the peaceful, and therefore unimportant adminis- 
tration, of a President and Comicil till April 1693, we 
look southward to Maryland, we shall lind a similar 
policy adopted, more steadily pursued, and attended 
with more lasting effects. The Revolution was scarcely 


atchieved when the English ministers perceived that 
nothing could be more impolitic than to suffer distant 
j)rovinces to be governed by men over whom a King of 
England could exercise only a feeble jurisdiction, where 
the most vigorous authority was the most necessary : 
And that remedy was advised, which could alone effect- 
ually eradicate a distemper which had grown inveterate 
from the length of its continuance. When the Lords 
of the Committee of plantations reflected on the present 
condition of Maryland and of other chartered Colonies, 
which neither held themselves subject to the Kings im- 
mediate government, nor deemed themselves account- 
Sible for their proceedings, they advised their master, in 
May 1689, to recommend to the consideration of Par- 
liament objects so worthy of its care. But engaged 
wholly in projects which were deemed more interest- 
ing because more splendid, or distrusting the concur- 
rence of the Commons, who were then deeply engaged 
in political warfare among themselves, William de- 
clined to pursue that salutary advice. And in the fol- 
lowing September the Attorney General Treby was 
desired "to discourse the Speaker about Lord Balti- 
mores patent." ®^ Yet he probably received little en- 
couragement to bring those complicated objects, where- 
in the rights of individuals and the prerogative of the 
crown were closely interwoven, before a jurisdiction, the 
wisdom and power of which were only equall to the ardu- 
ous task of doing ample justice to both. And the tidings 
of the revolution in Maryland, and of the anarchy that 
ensued, were therefore received in December 1689 with 
a satisfaction equall to the anxiety with which a pre- 
tence was sought to justify predetermined measures. 
This extraordinary change was soon approved of, be- 
cause it was wished for ; and those who had produced 
it were directed to continue the government in the Kino-s 
name till further orders, because this policy relieved the 
ministers from their late embarrassments.'^* And they 
determined at length in October 1690 to send thither a 
governor of royal appointment. But the unquestionable 


rights of a nobleman, the stubborn principles of English 
law, stood as mighty obstacles in the way. To be re- 
lieved however from those difficulties they consulted 
Holt, the renowned Chief Justice, who perhaps detract- 
ed from the greatness of his reputation when he gave it 
as his opinion ;^^ "that though the forfeiture of Lord 
Baltimore's charter had not been found by the inquest 
of a jury, yet heing in a case of necessity^ the King may 
constitute a Governor by his sole commission : " Never 
reflecting, that the same statute, which had placed the 
crown on the head of William, declared; " that all grants 
of forfeiture before conviction are illegal ;" that the plea 
of necessity had been often urged by the worst men for 
the worst purposes. 

The zeal of Colonel Copley, who had secured the gar- 
rison of Hull for the prince of Orange, who had been 
since censured by the Commons^® "for his arbitrary 
proceedings," was nevertheless rewarded in Germany 
1 690-1, with the government of Maryland. Yet his com- 
mission was drawn in the name of the Proprietary with 
the approbation only of the King, according to the advice 
of the Chief Justice, who distrusted his own opinion.*'^ 
Lord Baltimore however with a firmness worthy of a 
subject of England refused to sign it, because he deemed 
it destructive of the rights of his charter. But with a 
prudence equal to his resolution he ofi^'ered for the satis- 
faction of William to appoint a protestant governor of 
undoubted credit, to name protestant Counsellors, to 
place the power of the militia with the public arms 
in protestant hands. The church of England wrote the 
Bishop of London in favour of the Proprietary govern- 
ment from which she had derived security and freedom; 
addresses from the protestant inhabitants of every part 
of the province were transmitted in similar language:®* 
But in vain. The ill founded accusations of the insur- 
gents were credited, because it was hoped they were 
true. And a commission in the King's nanie was soon 
after submitted to Treby the attorney general for his 
approbation. Yet still distrusting the ground on which 


the measure was founded, he refused his recommenda- 
tion : Assigning as a reason what had done him infinite 
honour had he stood firm; "that as he understood the 
seizure of the government to be for necessity, he kneAv 
not the particulars of what was sent him were agreeable 
to the established laws or government of Maryland or 
absolutely necessary for its preservation." ^^ The Com- 
mission, which that officer now refused to approve, not- 
withstanding his scruples and the vigorous opposition 
of Lord Baltimore was adopted by the Court'" in Feb- 
ruary 1690-1, and signed by the Queen : Yet the minis- 
ters of William, still fearful of offending those laws which 
all were bound to revere, procured the explicit appro- 
bation of Holt, and even of Treby, whose objections had 
been removed in the mean time.'^ Nevertheless so con- 
scious were the men of those days of the irregularity of 
this transaction that the Commissioners of the Privy 
Seal refused to pass the commission, till peremptorily 
ordered to proceed. ^^ The great neglects of the govern- 
ment, whereby the peace is broken and the administration 
of justice is violated ; the utter want of defence of the 
country, which is like to be lost to the Crown of Eng- 
land ; the impossibility of defending it by any other 
means than taking the government into the immediate 
care of the crown : All were the reasons assigned by the 
commission for seizing the administration of Maryland, 
for justifying that signal exertion of power. The zeal- 
ous fi^iends of the Revolution exclaimed : " That it is a 
part of the liberties of England, because the safety of the 
subject requires it, that the King may not enter upon 
any man's possessions upon bare surmise without the 
intervention of a jury." '^ Had the recited facts been as 
true as they were assuredly groundless, they ought to 
have been proved to the satisfaction of his peers before 
Lord Baltimore's rights were taken away. Few countries 
had been governed with more real wisdom than Mar}- 
land during the long period from its settlement to the 
Revolution, and no people could enjoy more tranquillity 
and freedom than its inhabitants, till the demon of fac- 

Chalmers's political annals. 79 

tion broke loose to destroy its peace and to distract its 
affairs. And to charge that nobleman with the anar- 
chy which ensued was converting misfortunes that he 
lamented into crimes that others committed. At a sub- 
sequent day, long after the laws had been invaded with 
the approbation of those who ought to have defended 
them, a prosecution was ordered against Lord Balti- 
more, with a view to procure that verdict of a jury which 
ought to have preceded the seizure of his rights. But 
owing partly to the difficulty of supporting the facts, but 
more to the continued scruples of Treby, who refused 
to proceed without a formal order from the Privy Coun- 
cil, it seems to have been never carried on with effect: 
And on this occasion probably it was, that Lord Balti- 
more was outlawed hy mistake.''^ While the powers of 
government however were thus taken away his private 
rights were not directly invaded. His lands, the quit 
rents of the soil, and all profits that Avere supposed to be 
attached to his person independent of his government 
were reserved to him. And royal orders had been trans- 
mitted CO the insurgents "to suffer the Proprietarys 
agents to receive his revenue and to transact his affairs." 
But the Committee of Safety, who then directed the af- 
fairs of Maryland found means to elude orders that it 
dared not disobey, because the members of which it was 
composed found the delight that mean men enjoy from 
the mortification of the great in showing their triumph 
over their late lord. Destitute of protection during the 
misgovernment of the insurgents, the friends of tlie an- 
cient constitution prayed for the reestablishment of a 
government of laws and of their former happiness, with 
a zeal in proportion to the wrong that they suffered from 
a power, which they deemed an usurpation, because they 
had never consented to a change that they tliought 
illegal. Copley departed for Maryland in the beginning 
of the year 1G92. And to him the ministers of England 
referred the redress of the grievances complained of, 
which we shall find no longer remembered amid the 
tumult of party and the gratification of interest." 


Though causes similar to those \\'hich introduced into 
Maryland the remarkable change before mentioned, had 
long existed in North and South Carolina ; though their 
condition had been proposed as equally deserving the 
consideration of Parliament; the administration was suf- 
fered to continue in the hands of the Proprietaries ; be- 
cause it was not deemed prudent to attack the rights of 
English nobles, who possessed the privilege of complain- 
ing, who could have interested a powerful body in their 
favour. North-Carolina seems never to have perfectly 
recovered from the fatal distractions, which Culpepper's 
rebellion had introduced, which were afterwards con- 
tinued rather than moderated by the absurd tyranny of 
Sothel. And while the Proprietaries "abhorred the 
unjust actions of their governor" they endeavoured to 
promote their prosperity and peace by a salutary ad- 
ministration. With this honourable design they sus- 
pended Sothel, who had enfeebled their authority by 
disgracing it, and in December 1G89 appointed Colonel 
Ludwell in his room, who to his vigour and talents added 
a perfect knowledge of the people. But with the quer- 
ulous spirit of party his commission was questioned by 
some and his character was libelled by others. Under 
the government of a ruler who attended in some measure 
to the prejudices of the governed, they enjoyed how- 
ever a considerable share of tranquillity ; because they 
compared their present condition with their recent 
misery under a governor whom they had been obliged 
to expell.^^ 

While this colony began to relish in some degree the 
blessings of order and regular government, because she 
had lately tasted the infelicities of anarchy. South Caro- 
lina plunged into fresh convulsions, since she was not yet 
convinced of the danger of innovation. A Country which 
claimed it as lier chief privilege to l^e governed only by 
stated laws enjoyed at the era of the Revolution no acts of 
a provincial legislature as rules of conduct. She was then 
governed by martial -law, because her rulers dreaded the 
invasion of the Spaniards, though a dissatisfied people 

Chalmers's political annals. 81 

feared nothing for themselves. And Colleton was de- 
tested by those committed to his charge in proportion to 
his endeavours to reform their manners, which is always 
dangerous, to his attempts to rule them contrary to their 
principles. During this state of the minds of men, So- 
thel, who had been justly expelled by the sister colony 
on the north arrived at Charlestown. Relying on sup- 
posed powers, as one of the Proprietaries, for which there 
was some foundation, and encouraged by the acclama- 
tions of a people who wished for change because they 
hated their present ruler, he assumed the administration 
in the beginning of the year 1690, notwithstanding the 
protest of the established governor and council who feebly 
endeavoured to support the authority of the other Pro- 
prietors. With the usual temper of usurpers he readily 
engaged to gratify the passions of those who had con- 
tributed to his elevation : And with this view he con- 
vened a Parliament in December 1690: An act of Banish- 
ment and incapacitation was immediately passed against 
Colleton ; subjecting him to the same punishment as had 
lately been inflicted on Sothel by others. The Propri- 
etary-Deputies who had refused to countenance the pre- 
sent usurpation, who had been arbitrarily displaced, were 
at the same time punished by fine and imprisonment. 
Thus shewing to the world, how little ashamed are collec- 
tive bodies of men to sanctify those resolutions of interest 
or of faction, which as individuals they would reject 
with contempt or abhorrence. When the Proprietaries 
heard of those signal proceedings they recalled Sothel, be- 
cause they considered his conduct treasonable, and in May 
1691 they required his speedy return to England to jus- 
tify pretensions, which a mind the most irregular could 
only have found. They dissented at the same time to 
the acts of Parliament before mentioned, as unconstitu- 
tional in their creation and unjust in tlieir provisions. 
And with a spirit which does them honour they declared, 
" that had the cliarges against Colleton been proved they 
had made him an example to all future governors how 
they abused their trust." Fully satisfied at length of 


the deplorable condition of this inconsiderable cok>ny 
the Proprietaries extended the commission of Ludwell 
over the whole province of Carolina in November 1691. 
When they reflected that Sothel and the people had 
acted contrary to the fundamental constitutions, the va- 
lidity of which was denied, they wisely determined " to 
make his instructions suitable to their charter." He was 
directed to inquire " of what grievances the inhabitants 
complain, and to let them know that right may be done ; " 
to restore money illegally collected of them : But should 
he find the late offenders so numerous that it would be 
dangerous to punish them, to grant a general pardon, 
excepting a few of the most guilty, who were reserved 
for the animadversion of the law. From the era of the 
constitutions of Locke "the grand council" had ex- 
ercised under their authority a very extraordinary power, 
similar to that of the Lords of articles in the Scottish 
Constitution, of preparing exclusively all bills for the 
consideration of parliament. But a law, so contrary to 
the genius of freedom, which gave that body the po"\v-er 
of negativing resolutions before debate, had ever been 
viewed with jealousy and submitted to with reluctance. 
And the people now clamored for an abolition of this 
badge of Slavery, because the pulse of independence beat 
high. The governor was therefore instructed "to call 
no such council till they consent that it may exercise the 
powers allowed by the constitution, since any other use 
of it was not easily discerned." The impolicy of erect- 
ing within the same province several distinct and inde- 
pendent governments was now fully perceived: And 
Ludwell was directed to summon delegates from every 
part of Carolina to meet him in assembly at Charles 
Town. But, independence is so flattering to the pride 
of men, that the ancient county of Albemarle refused 
to comply, because it chose to retain the power and 
to enjoy the pleasure of governing itself: And in 
this event he was empowered to appoint a deputy gov- 
ernor of North Carolina, who for some years ruled it 
with the feeble authority incident to delegated powers. 

Chalmers's political annals. 83 

Thus Carolina underwent a change of considerable con- 
sequence during the year 1691 : While the people of 
the South were exalted by the degradation of the grand 
Council, those of the North felt all the inconveniences 
of a government weak and unsteady, because it was de- 
pendent. That the Carolinians might no longer be se- 
duced from their duty the Proprietaries announced the 
suspension of Sothel and required their obedience to 
Ludwel under the highest penalties known to the law."'' 
The vigorous conduct of the Proprietors ensured an 
easy reception to their new governor in the beginning 
of the year 1692. But he soon discovered that this 
wretched colony was divided into two factions, besides 
smaller cabals, which contended for superiority, which 
embittered private enjoyment, and disturbed the public 
quiet : The one resolved " to oppose all that the Pro- 
prietors should offer," because it hoped for the gratifica- 
tion of every passion from a royal government: The 
other pleaded its late sufferings, and present attach- 
ments as its title to favour. By endeavouring to gain 
both Ludwel had not the good fortune to please either, 
because his manner was haughty, and he had little to 
bestow. The same snare which had ruined his prede- 
cessor, Colleton, was now laid for him, though not with 
the same success : He was offered a donation of a thou- 
sand pounds if he would consent to an act of indemnity 
for late offences. This fascinating charm seems to have 
so far biassed his better judgment as to induce him to 
prevent the effect of private suits brought for redress of 
private wrongs : But he was reprimanded by his mas- 
ters, who, while they warned him of the fate of the late 
governor, assured him with a becoming spirit, tliat they 
never would consent to stop the course of justice. From 
the year 1689 the quitrents had remained in arrear, be- 
cause the tenants were dissatisfied with their grants : 
And even the Proprietary-Deputies, who had lately suf- 
fered persecution for their attachment, were equally dila- 
tory, because men only wish for a pretence to refuse 
payment of money. Though " the greatest enemies of 


the Proprietaries denied not their right to the soil, yet 
they did not admit that they could dispose of it on such 
conditions as they thought proper." In order to close 
the wounds of a country, which, owing to all these 
causes, was then in no small danger of fresh convulsions, 
a Parliament was convened in October 1692. But the 
current of law flows to little salutary purpose when the 
source is polluted, because the fountain itself is corrupted. 
The Parliament soon appointed a committee " to draw 
up what they would have as a system of government ;" 
But this effort was derided by the Proprietors as an in- 
stance of weakness in men, " who had disrespectfully 
rejected the excellent constitutions of Locke." The gov- 
ernor refused to concur in an act of general pardon, 
because his instructions had denied him power. The 
Proprietors dissented to an act with regard to the qual- 
ification of jurymen, because it was unreasonable, to one 
giving a vote to every man whose riches amounted to 
ten pounds, because it was dangerous : But they cheer- 
fully consented to " an act for better keeping the Lords 
day, and wished it were strictly executed." When they 
considered the lamentable state of their province in April 
1693, they granted a general pardon for crimes com- 
mitted prior to the publication of Ludwells commission, 
excepting Daniel and More ; "in hopes that it might 
beget a resolution in the people to become strict observers 
of the laws in future." They ordered their receiver to 
compel every one to pay his quit rents ; without reflect- 
ing that they by this means laid the foundation of future 
controversy. And they determined to govern according 
to the powers granted by the Charter, " till the 'people 
are disposed to be more orderly," because they "thought 
this policy safest and best." They listened at the same 
time with commiseration to the complaints of the French 
refugees, who inhabited Colliton County, whose religion 
and property were attacked while the legitimacy of their 
ofi"spring was denied by the furious party-men of that 
province: But while they assured the afllicted, "that 
they would always find the Proprietors their best pro- 

Chalmers's political annals. 85 

lectors," they put the present complainants in remem- 
brance, that they had formerly joined their oppressors 
in opposition to the laws, who would again deceive, be- 
cause they had formerly misled them. Neither these 
arts of the Proprietaries however, nor the futile endeav- 
ours of Ludwel proved successful, because former causes 
of dissention produced similar distractions. And he not 
long after abandoned a province, which he could neither 
please nor govern. Thomas Smith, a Cacique of Caro- 
lina, who had been appointed governor in November 
1690, though he never assumed the office, who was 
esteemed by his countrymen for his good qualities, was 
now chosen by the Proprietary Deputies as his Success- 
or, till the pleasure of their lords sliould be known. 
And he was appointed governor by the Proprietaries in 
November 1693. As the unalterable constitutions had 
been lately laid aside, because the people had contemned 
a system which had contributed to their misery, and had 
desired to be ruled only according to the charter, a form 
of government Avas now established by instructions ex- 
tremely similar to that of the other colonies ; though the 
former courts of justice and many of the ancient customs 
remained. But the payment of quit rents which were now 
some years in arrear, and the tenure of lands which were 
extremely uncertain, because no common principle was ty 

acknowledged by the tenants and lords, formed a never 
ceasing cause of dissention in that turbulent colony. 
Every means were tried in vain to heal those disorders 
that the Proprietaries feelingly deplored, because the colo- 
nists were gratified by convulsions. And as the governor, 
though "a wise and sober man," could not satisfy the 
demands of the people, since it is impossible to gratify 
men who complain without any adequate cause, he gave 
warning in the beginning of the year 1694, to his con- 
stituents in language which paints tlie distractions of 
the times : "That it would be impossible to settle the 
Country except a proprietary was sent thither with full 
power to hear their grievances." ^^ Placed during those 
distractions at a happy distance from the French on the 


North, and living in amity with the Spaniards and In- 
dians on the South, because the governors had been con- 
stantly directed to avoid hostility with both, Carolina 
was not afflicted with the evils of foreign war in super- 
addition of the miseries of domestic discord. And the 
Carolinians neither contributed to the assistance of other 
colonies nor gave aid to England while she struggled in 
an unequal contest for the safety of all. 

Chalmers's political annals. 87 


' Ralpli and his authorities. — " Lord Shrewsburys circular 
letter. Virg* Ent. 4 v. 244-6.— ' Yirg* Ent. 4 v. p. 247-83. 
During the examination of these complaints against Lord Ef- 
fingham, he informed the Lords of the Committee of Colonies : 
That he had left Yirginia in peace and plenty under the ad- 
ministration of the i*resident of the Council, and that the 
militia which he had lately reformed amounted to 3000 foot 
and 1300 horse ; consisting of tlie free holders and house keep- 
ers. Yirg* Ent. 5 v. p. 1. — " Journ^ plant, off. 6 v. p. 218. — 
* Com« Journ^ 10 vol. p. 138.—' Virg* Ent. 4 v. 283.— Nichol- 
sons commission was general and concise ; empowering him to 
govern Virginia till the arrival of the Commander in chief: 
And he was allowed as a salary £500 from his appointment 
till his arrival in his province ; from that event till the arrival 
of the chief governor at the rate of £1000 a year ; and after- 
wards £300 a year. lb. p. 302-4. — ' The letters and addresses 
of the governor and Council in Yirg* Ent. 5 v. p. 10-27. — 
' Laws ]). 155-69. — ' Yirg* Ent. 5 v. p. 84. In consequence 
of the address of the assembly there were ordered to be sent 
to Virginia in October 1691, two hundred barrels of gunpow- 
der with ball and other stores in proportion. lb. p. 99. — '° lb. 
p. 68-218.— "lb. 99-107, 146-7.— '= Laws p. 169.— '^ See the 
address in Virg* Ent. 5 v, p. 156.—'" Virg'' Ent. 5 v. p. 178- 
183, 193-4 : The commissioners of the Customs remarked on 
this occasion ; " that the penny a pound on tobacco exported 
to the other colonies and imposed by the statute of Charles 2d 
was not granted so much for raising a revenue as for prevent- 
ing an unlimited trade to other plantations and thence to Eu- 
rope." lb. 189-90.—" Mod. Un. hist. 41 v. p. 544. 

'" See those facts in the state of New England under the 
government of Andros presented to the committee of Colonies 
'in May 1690. N. Eng** pap. 5 v. p. 223.— The subjoined lists 
of the militia of New England as they were returned by their 
respective officers to Sir Edmond Andros in the year 1688 will 
shew the strength of that Country at the revolution. The de- 
tail is in N. Eng. pap. 5 vol. p. 202. 




. 6570 

New Hampshire 

4 Companies 

. 250 

Main . 

. 2 Companies 


County of Cornwal . 

3 Companies 

. 201 

County of Bristol 

. 7 Companies 


County of Plymouth 

6 Companies 

. 606 

County of Barnstaple 

. 4 Companies 


Ehode Island . 

4 Companies 

. 328 

Providence . 

. 5 Companies 


Connecticut . 


. 3715 

The whole . 

. 13,529 

" Hutch, hist. 1 V. 370.— '' Tlie address is in I^. Eng. Ent. 3 v. 
182. — " A. copy of the order is in the same papers p. 49. — 
" The notices sent to the ministry from Boston. lb. 50-96. — 
" Bullivants curious diary in the same papers. — " Had these 
facts been recorded only by Charlevoix their authenticity might 
have been justly questioned, because they seem so extremely 
improbable : But the Conquerors were not ashamed to publish 
upon their return to Boston Adiat degraded themselves ; and 
this relation is literally copied from their printed Journal 
among the N. Eng. pap. vol. 5. — "' Private letters from Boston 
among the IST. Eng. pap. v. 5. — " Hutch, hist. 1 v. p. 397-8. 

^^ The address from the General Court to William of the 
29 of March 1689-90 informed him : That the little warlike 
stores found at the Ee volution and a considerable addition 
since made were now nearly expended ; and that the principal 
ships suitable for any naval expedition were now in England, 
The letter from Governor Bradstreet inclosing this address 
to Lord Shrewsbury, the Secretary of State, after speaking of 
their distresses, says : " We have resolved upon an expedition 
by sea to Port-Eoyal and other places adjacent under the con- 
duct of Sir William Phips ; it being the general opinion that 
there can be no end put to the Indian war without dislodging 
those ill neighbours the French : God succeeding this present 
attempt, it will greatly encourage an attack upon Canada, if 
his majesty be pleased to countenance the same and to afford 
assistance of shipping, with a speedy supply of ammunition of 
which we are in great want and can hardly spare sufficient to 
furnish this present expedition." On the 30 of May 1690 
the Agents, Cooke and Oakes, represented to the Lords of the 
Committee of plantations : That as our Stores are lessened our 
necessities increase : We therefore humbly propose a Vessel to 
be dispatched with convoy with arras and ammunition, where- 
by we shall be enabled to defend ourselves : And if his majesty 

Chalmers's political annals. 89 

shall think fit to attempt the reduction of Canada (now so 
prejudicial to their majesty's Colonies in America) we shall 
with all cheerfulness give our outmost assistance thereto. The 
Committee soon after reported to William the various allega- 
tions of every one with regard to the state of New England ; 
proposed that the merchants might be allowed to export thither 
a specific quantity of arms and ammunition ; and that the ad- 
miralty should send a ship of defence for that Country. N. 
Eng. Ent. 3 v. 215-22 : N. Eng. pap. 5 v. 453.— But the ex- 
pedition .against Canada was not mentioned, because it had 
been fain tly proposed. It did not escape the military judg- 
ment of William, that a people whose ships suitable to any 
naval expedition were then at the distance of three thousand 
miles, whose arsenals were so empty, could engage in no con- 
siderable enterprize. And he did not bestow one thought on 
the conquest of Canada, because he was then engaged in a 
more important object the reduction of Ireland. 

"JN. York pap. 2 v. — " Phip's short account of this expe- 
dition N. Engl p^p_ 5 ^ — 27 ciiarlevoix 3 v. p. 118-19.—'' lb. 
p. 1 17. — °^ As the remarkable answer of Frontenac was not 
given in writing it has occasioned all the misrepresentations 
and controversies which verbal communications generally pro- 
duce. The people of New England during those times lost no 
opportunity of wounding the reputation of Andros, their late 
governor, because they hated him as a tyrant. Actuated by 
this unworthy spirit Phipps assured the ministers of England : 
" That Count Frontenac had reviled him and those with him 
as traitors, for having taken up with an usurper and seized 
upon our governor, that good Christian Sir Edmond Andros^ 
who i/f he had continued in his government the French and 
English in those jyarts had been all one.'''' [Phipps short ac- 
count of this expedition N. Eng. pap. 5 v.] But Charlevoix 
has published the real answer " word for word from the letter 
written to De Seignelay, the minister of the marine :'' [3 v. 
p. 117:] And the Paris Gazette of the 5 February 1(591, 
confirms his relation. — ^° Private letters from Boston in De- 
cember 1690.— N. Eng. pap. 5 v. p. 308.— '' lb.— '* There is a 
copy of this law among the N. Eng. pap. vol. 5 : It recites that 
a considerable public debt had been contracted in defending 
their majestys interests against the enemy which they were 
willing to pay : But that the present calamity and poverty of 
the country were great : The emission was prudently limited 
to £7000 ; which the colony engaged to pay " as the Treasury 
was enfeebled ; " and no bills were to be under 5s. or higher 
than £5, Tliey who have a curiosity to view one of the first 
paper bills issued within the British dominions may see one 


N. Ena;. pap. 5 V. p. 361 : Mr, Hutchinson saw a five shilling 
bill of this emission in the year 1749 which was tlien only 
equal to eight pence lawful money. — ^^ Hutch, hist. 1 v, p. 
402.— ^^ lb. 395.— ''1^. Eng. Ent. 3 v. 158.—=^ The papers on 
this subject are recorded in K. Eng. Ent. 3 v. p. 188-96. 

" Among other great persons, who promoted the designs 
of the agents, were the notorious Lord Wharton and that re- 
nowned political lady the Countess of Sunderland. Hutch, 
hist. 1 V. p. 389, 2 v. p. 13. Though the real causes of the 
disagreement between William and his ministers witli regard 
to New England, or of the extraordinary influence of Mather, 
cannot be clearly demonstrated, yet they may be easily guessed. 
The general Court, writing to this Agent in January 1689-90, 
say : " We have endeavoured to make some provision by this 
conveyance for the discharge of our jtist debts in England, and 
refer it to yourself and others our friends joined with you in 
Commission, to make some suitable ^present unto such of those 
honourable gentlemen who ham befi'iended and assisted our 
affairs at the Court ^ unto divers of whom we have written par- 
ticularly." [Col. of pap. relat. affairs of Mass* by Mr. Hutch- 
inson p. 576.] The governor and Council wrote in 1692, to 
the archbishop of Canterbury, the Earl of Nottingliam, the 
Countess of Sunderland, Hugh Boscawen, John Hampden and 
Francis Charlton, " thankfully acknowledging tlie favour Mr. 
Mather the Agent had received from them"" Hutch, liist. 2 v. 

&13. Nicholson and Fletcher, the governors of Virginia and 
ew York, informed the ministers of William of what perhaps 
was not very agreeable to them ; " that it was the universal 
opinion in New England, that any thing could be' procured at 
Whitehall fo-r money. ''^ [See their letters among the papers 
of those Colonies.] 

^^ See the various writings on this subject, which gave rise 
to a public controversy. N. Eng^ pap. 5 v. p. 247-317. — "" For 
all these facts and the solicitations of the charter see Journ' 
pi. off. V. 7:— and N. Eng. Ent. 3 v. 210-85.— " There is a 
copy of this Charter annexed to the laws of the province. .The 
draught of this patent has been attributed to several persons ; 
to Somers, Locke and to others : "It is more probable that it 
should come from Mr. Blathwayt, says Mr. Hutchinson, be- 
cause there are so many inaccuracies in it." Hist. 1 v. 411. 
There is the Draught of the charter proposed by the attorney 
general, the 8 June 1691. N. Eng. pap. 5 v. p. 543. That 
which was finally settled by Treby and signed by him the 6 
of September is in the same v. p. 621 : And there is a memo- 
randum on it in Blathwayts hand : " This is Mr. Attorney's 
draught." And it was finally prepared by the Committee for 

Chalmers's political annals. 91 

Colonies and presented to the Queen in Council, who ajDproved 
of it. K Eng. Ent. 3 v. 298.—" The agents prayed : That 
the assembly might be empowered by express words to raise 
reasonable taxes for the necessary support of the plantation." 
N. Eng. Ent. 3 v. p. 256. For the General Court under the 
ancient Charter had no such authority. But could a King of 
England grant what he did not himself possess? The agents 
also proposed what is very remarkable : " That the cliarter 
should be confirmed by act of Parliament." lb. — " There is 
a paper of "observations on the intended charter for New 
England " in N. Eng. pap. 6 v. — worthy of the pen of Somers 
and probably written by him ; which of this clause of the 
patent remarks : " The inhabitants to be considered as natural 
born subjects : But a right determined by the common law is 
of no advantage to be inserted here." — " It appears from the 
minutes of a conversation which still remains in MSS. between 
Mather and Cooke, the two principal Agents, with regard to 
the appointment of the first governor : That the former having 
urged, that they ought to procure as good a man as possible, 
the latter made answer : IS'O. The worse the better ; because 
it will make the people rise. That firm and Sagacious repub- 
lican used his influence for upwards of twenty years after "to 
make the people rise," because he did not approve of the 
Second Charter, and detested regal government as an Usurpa- 
tion. " The Commission and instructions are in N. Eng. Ent. 
3 V. p. 353-65 : The concluding direction is remarkable : " As 
inconveniences may arise from printing, you are to })rovide 
that no person keep a printing press, nor print any book " &c, 
without special leave. The same clause was inserted in the 
instructions to all other Governors during the reign of Wil- 
liam. — "" Treby approved of this strange measure on the 27 
of November 1691, because the sole command of the militia 
had been conferred on the King by 13 Cha: 2"^ Ch. 2. N. Eng. 
Ent. 3 V. 364. The colonists at an after day admitted the law : 
But shrewdly contended that the King had granted his power 
to them.—" lb. 398.—" Hutch, histy. 1 v. p. 412. 

" N. Yk. Ent. 2 V. 204-83. The two companies of soldiers 
then sent to New York were to be paid out of the revenue of 
England, till provision should be made for them at New York, 
lb. 246. One hundred pounds was sent for presents to the 
Indians. lb. 24T. — " Coldens hist, five nations p. 91-100. — 
"• lb. 107-13.—" lb. ch. 4.—^^ See the proceedings of the Con- 
vention and other transactions N. York pap. 2 v. p. 118 ; 337- 
8-60-449-94.—" Sloughters letter to the Secretary of State 
N. Yk. Ent. 2 v. p. 204-387-8.—" The address. lb. 301.— 
*'Laws p. 1-8.— '"lb. 299, and Colden hist, five nations p. 


124.—" See the Councils letter to the committee of Colonies 
N. Yk. Ent, 2 v. p. 304-8. — "" Schuylers journal in the Volume 
of Indian papers pi. oflF.— '^^ Smith'p. 108-9.— '°N. Yk. Ent. 2 
V. 321-62-8-423.— '^ Journ^ plant. 7 v. p. 91.—"' lb. p. 63.— 
" Journ' plant, off. 6 v. p. 217-20-302.—" lb. 304.—" The 
subjoined letter from the renowned Chief Justice Holt to Lord 
Carmarthen President of the Council, will exliibit a sad ex- 
ample how much the attentions of the great shake the finnest 
minds. [The original in the Maryland papers Vol 2. p. 9.] 

My Loed, 

I think it had been better if an inquisition had been taken 
and the forfeiture committed by the Lord Baltimore had been 
therein found before any grant be made to a new governor ; 
yet since there is none, and it being in a case of necessity ^ I 
think the King may by his Commission constitute a governor 
whose authority will be legal, though he must be responsible 
to Lord Baltimore for tlie profits. If an agreement can be 
made with Lord Baltimore it will be convenient and easy for 
the governor that the King shall appoint. An Inquisition 
may at any time be taken if the forfeiture be not pardoned of 
which there is some doubt. I am &c. 

J. Holt. 

Sergeants Inn, 

3"^ June 1690. 

Lord Baltimore having refused to sign a Commission ap- 
pointing Governor Copley in his name with the Kings appro- 
bation in conformity to the advice of Holt, because it was de- 
structive of the powers of the Charter, a Commission of a very 
different kind was referred by the Lords of the Committee of 
Colonies to Treby the Attorney General in August 1690. And 
the following paper will not only shew his sentiments on that 
occasion, but that his temper was not quite so complying as 
Holts. [Same papers, No. 14-15.] 

May it please your Lordships. 
In obedience to your Lordships order of reference I have 
perused the draught of the commission therein mentioned and 
am of opinion as followeth : I understand the seizure of tlie 
government to be for necessity, as being the only means for 
preserving the province. The nature of the seizure only is, to 
take the government out of liands that neglected and en- 
dangered it into the Kings hands : But the laws and customs 
and the properties of the inhabitants are to be preserved as far 
as may be. I do not know whether or how far the particulars 
in this draught are agreeable to the laws and manner of gov- 


emment which have been settled there or may be prejudicial 
to the interests of the inhabitants. 1 did draw a Commission, 
general, reciting the confusion that was now there and the 
danger of losing the province to the Enemies, and the ne- 
cessity of taking it into his majestys hands and thereupon 
constituting a governor there to govern according to the laws 
of the place (and as the administration ought to have been by 
the former governor) and to defend the province and take and 
apply the public revenue to that purpose. And I see no cause 
to depart therefrom, or to recommend this present Draught 
hereunto annexed ; not knowing that the particulars therein 
contained are agreeable to the settled orders of government 
there, or absolutely necessary for the preservation of the prov- 

All which is humbly submitted to your Lordships great 
wisdom. Geo Teeby. 

1 September 1690. 

'' Ealph. hist. Eng.— " On the 15 of January 1690-1, the 
Privy Council ordered : That the Lord Chief Justice Holt and 
Mr. Attorney General do settle a draught of a Commission 
from His majesty ; Lionel Copley to be governor of Maryland, 
according to such directions as were this day given them by 
his majesty at this Board. [Copy of the order in the paper 
office No. 23, p. 16,] — °' See these facts in Maryland pap. 
plant, off. vol. 2. p. 45. — '° See Trebys report before mention- 
ed.—'" Paper off. No. 23. p. 7.—" There is a copy of this Com- 
mission among the Maryland pap. 2 v. with these words in- 
dorsed : I approve of this commission — John Holt — and lower — 
Geo Treby.— " On the 2'^ April 1691, The Privy Council or- 
dered : Tliat the Commissioners of the Privy seal do forthwith 
dispatch the Commission of Lionel Copley as governor of 
Maryland, unless they have any reason for any further delay 
of it ; in which case they are to acquaint the Lords of the 
most honourable Privy Council on tuesday next with their 
reasons for so doing. Paper off. No. 23, p. 11. — " Hobarts 
rep. 317; — Giberts Excheq'' 132; Commentaries 3 v. p. 259. — 
'"It was enacted by the Statute 11-12 Wm. 3 ch. §26, that 
Charles Lord Baltimore may reverse his outlawry, being out- 
lawed by mistake. — " Journ^ plant, off. 6 v. p. 359 ; 7 v. 1-2. 

" Joiirni plant, off. 6 v. p. 211 ;— Car. Ent. 2 v. p. 157- 
201.—" For those facts see Car. Ent. No. 2, p. 172-198.—" lb. 
212-17-223-25-26.—" Car. Ent. No. 3, p. 1-12. 



Affairs of England. — State of Virginia at the arrival of 
Andros : His administration. — Government of Maryland 
seized hy William without legal process: — Commission 
and arrival of Copley the first royal governor : — Proceed- 
ings of the AssemHy / and disappointment of the province : 
— Provisional Commission of Andros : — And the prudent 
rule of Nichohon. — The miseries of Ma!<sachusetts at the 
a/rrival of Phipps ; — his irregularities : The Indian wars; 
— and domestic regulations : — His rccal. — Stoughton 
succeeds as Lieutenant-governor : — His prudent conduct: 
— Invasions and distress of the colony. — D either ations of 
the ministers of England. — Affairs of New Hampshire. 

— Unhappy state of New York. — Invaded from Canada. 

— Wars and negotiations of the Five nations. — Troops 
and warlike stores sent from England. — Active admin- 
istration of Fletcher : His conduct in Connecticut. — 
Factions and Intrigues. — Events of the War. — Prosperity 
of the City of New York. — The Government of Penn- 
sylvania seized into tJie king'' s hands. — Fletcher appointed 
governor in the room of Penn. — His administration. — 
He appoints Markham his Deputy. — Public disputes. — 
Penn restored. — Subsequent proceedings. — Affairs of 
Ca/rolina : — Archdale restores its tranquility. — Deplora- 
Me state of the Commerce of England. — Complaints. — 
The Board of Trade established. — Projects for enabling 
the Colonies to defend themselves. 


UKING the various transactions before recited 
Events occurred in England, among the most 
interesting in her annals. Though the contest for the 
dominion of Ireland was closed by the capitulation of 
Limerick in October, 1691, a consuming war un- 
attended with the gratifications of victory continued. 
The national counsels were weak and unsteady, because 
the interested divisions of the great embarrassed every 

Chalmers's political annals. 95 

department; the exertions by sea and land were feeble and 
unprosperous, because the secrets of the state were be- 
trayed by men, who in achieving the revolution seemed to 
have renounced all moral principle as unworthy of politi- 
cians. The interests of commerce suffered beyond the 
example of former times, because it was unprotected and 
the minds and pursuits of men were turned to the singular 
objects which were then held up to the ambition of men. 
Amid the dissatisfaction and complaint, which, owing to 
these causes, pervaded every part of the three kingdoms, 
the greatest power of Europe attempted to restore the 
abdicated king by a powerful invasion, because it was 
hoped that his restoration would restore the former 
system of peace and good offices. Yet England, partly 
by accident perhaps more by exertions to which she had 
been thought unequal, not only repelled her enemies 
but cherished and defended even her transatlantic 
provinces the fate of which was mvolved in her own. 
When governor Andros arrived in September, 1692, he 
found Virginia in a state of tranquility. Yet owing to 
the distresses of the war, perhaps to the interestedness 
of the English merchants, the planters were extremely 
distressed, because neither their usual wants were sup- 
plied nor was their onty staple purchased with the 
accustomed avidity. And while the exertions of every 
one were thus discouraged he found the public revenue 
greatly in arrears, because it decreased in proportion 
as the commerce of the colony was interrupted. He 
distributed among the militia the arms and ammunition, 
which William had granted equally to the prayers of the 
assembly and to his solicitations, which tlie endeavours 
of his predecessor had been unable to discipline. Yet 
during this unfavourable state of things he gave aid to a 
distressed neighbour. He transmitted £500 to the 
governor of New York, who asked for that aid which 
the common Sovereign of both had commanded him to 
give, from a fund already overburdened.^ In order to 
consider the state of the colony the Assembly was con- 
vened in March 1693. It suspended the execution of 


the act for ports, because it thouglit that innovations in 
political Economy during domestic distresses are danger- 
ous. It passed an act " for the encouragement of Full- 
ing-Mills ; " in order to procure at home a supply of 
clothing which the manufacturers of England seemed 
unwilling to provide. And it strengthened the frontiers 
against Indian attacks by " continuing the rangers at the 
heads of the four great rivers :" Judging wisely that it 
was of more importance to prevent misfortune than to 
alleviate distress.^ 

Andros again called an Assembly in October 1693 ; 
in order to submit to its consideration the Queens com- 
mands. It continued to encourage the manufactures 
of the colony, though a late act, proceeding from similar 
policy had been dissented to in England, because it was 
deemed inconsistent with her interests. With a laudable 
spirit it " ascertained the place for erecting the college 
of William and Mary ; " establishing at the same time a 
small revenue for its support.^ 

But to two laws recommended by their Sovereign 
the Buro-esses refused their assent : assignino; as reasons 
what shews the state and prejudices of the province ; 
that as to the bill for ports they deemed it burdensome 
during the present distresses ; that as to that prohibit- 
ing the exportation of bulk-tobacco, it would be equally 
prejudicial to the interests of their Majesty and the 
country.* Thus the Burgesses sternly denied to the 
requests of the gentle Mary which they had refused to 
the ungracious James : And thus evincing to all rulers 
that it is in vain to recommend laws to a people unless 
they are previously instructed in their policy, or are 
convinced of their use. Yet at a future day we shall 
behold the supreme legislature of the state applying that 
remedy to a disease which wasted the national commerce 
which was now asked for from a territorial assembly 
without success.^ In the meantime the defenceless state 
of Virginia had been regarded in England as meriting 
attention. Arms and warlike stores of great value were 
sent thither, in consequence of the solicitations of the 

Chalmers's political annals. 97 

Governor, who was ordered to pay for them out of the 
royal revenue of quit rents, because that dominion then 
complained of its poverty.'' But informations having 
been received that an illicit trade was carried on with 
Scotland and other countries Andros was directed " to 
hire vessels to cruize against illegal traders." And 
every endeavour to procure colonial aid for New York 
having failed of the desired success, as the several pro- 
vinces had either refused or neglected to adjust their 
several proportions, the various quotas of men and 
money were apportioned by William in August 1694, 
and the governor was ordered to furnish that of 
Virginia.' It was deemed just, that as New York 
formed a barrier which ensured that dominion an ad- 
vantageous peace during the war, it ought in return to 
grant equivalent aid. 

With a view therefore to lay the requisitions of his 
sovereign before the assembly Andros again convened 
it in April 1695. To its consideration he now recom- 
mended the supplies for New York, suitable salaries for 
the clergy, and proper encouragement for the College. 
The Burgesses tliought however the established stipends 
of the ministers sufficient. They referred the provision 
for the college to a future assembly. But while they 
regretted the poverty of their own country, and the 
annual expence in defending its frontiers, they could 
not perceive the advantages which was supposed to 
result to them from the exertions of their neighbour 
which did not protect their borders. And they declined 
to comply. Yet the importunity of the governor at 
length extorted a law empowering him with the advice 
of the Council to apply £500 sterling to the assistance 
of New York, should it be found necessary.^ And to 
William they represented in language, which evinces as 
well the state of the colony as the spirit of the people : 
That though the safety of New York may add to their 
security, yet being reduced to a very low condition by 
their debts, and the daily apprehension of an attack 
from foreign Indians, putting them to great charge to 


secure their borders, together with the poverty of the 
inhabitants owing to the low price of tobacco, they are 
become utterly incapable of affording any aid to that 
Colony: And they prayed therefore to be exempted 
from all contributions of that nature. In conformity to 
this request Andros was ordered at an after day to 
transmit the i^500 granted by the Assembly, which 
should be considered as the quota before mentioned till 
further orders.^ Nevertheless the Burgesses with a 
becoming spirit not only supported the usual number 
of rangers at the head of the four great rivers, James, 
York, Rappahannock, and Potomack, but granted a 
supply for an additional company ; which had been 
raised during the preceding year upon the appearance 
of " strange Indians " on the skirts of the Colony. They 
conceded what was usual and necessary ; they refused 
what was new and of uncertain utility. But before the 
orders of William granting an exemption arrived, the 
pressing solicitations of the governor of New York had 
induced Andros to direct the quota of men to be sent 
thither by sea, because he had received repeated orders, 
which as a Soldier he deemed it a point of honour to 
obey. The Burgesses however who assembled in the 
beginning of the year 1696 disapproved of a measure 
that it thought "of evil consequence : " And arguments 
were used to no purpose to persuade them to grant any 
further aid to a distressed neighbour, since they saw 
not the good that was to result to the Virginians from 
her exertions.^'' Andros considering the before men- 
tioned supply of the Assembly as inadequate either to 
its ability or to the wants of New York transmitted 
thither £600 with directions to levy men in that colony ; 
without reflecting that it was already exhausted. Sensi- 
ble of the royal favours in suspending the quota, in 
paying for warlike stores and in supplying the defi- 
ciencies of the ordinary revenue, and of the quit rents, 
the Council gave thanks to that monarch, grateful not 
so much in proportion to the amount of the sums which 
he contributed to the public service, as to his ability to 

Chalmers's political annals. 99 

give. During the administration of Anclros Virginia 
enjoyed the blessings of profound tranquillity, attended 
however with that insignificance, which neitlier affords 
matter to the Annalist, nor adds anything to the renown 
of nations : She neither complained of grievances nor 
felt any ; except the depreciation of her only staple 
which necessarily arose fi^om European warfare ; except 
from the distresses that must ever result from the indo- 
lence of a people who feel not the energy of the com- 
mercial spirit. And Andros has ^Titten his own pane- 
gyric by ruling a placid province with that success as 
to transmit few materials to history whicli has been 
unjust to his fame.^^ 

The neighbouring Colony on the north had mean- 
while imdergone a considerable change. Governor Cop- 
ley found the convention of Maryland sitting when he 
arrived in April 1692. And having announced his new 
authority he instantly dissolved it While his commission 
and instructions seemed to respect the laws, the fabrick 
of government which was now erected was built on the 
supposition that neither the Charter nor ancient Consti- 
tution had any existence. With the same spirit which 
dictated this unworthy policy, the Council and the 
various offices were filled with those who liad been most 
active in procuring the present change ; excluding from 
the government the most experienced and respectable 
of the inhabitants. In pursuance of his powers he soon 
called an assembly ; which during the present ferment 
was filled with those who were ready to support with 
their votes Avhatever should be given them in charge.^- 

Copley harangued them in language extremely suit- 
able to the present state of the minds of men. lie 
enveighed : When the King upon your address to have 
a protestant governor had declared his gracious inten- 
tions of sending me among you, you are sensible of the 
restless endeavours of some persons to obstruct it : Yet 
tlie difficulties and hazards I run through did not at all 
daunt me from hastening to you, proposing chiefly to 
myself the satisfaction of seeing a foundation laid for a 


lasting happiness to you and your posterity: The 
making of wholesome laws and the laying aside of 
animosities will go far towards it. And he concluded 
with what formed the substance of all speeches during 
those days, with a demand of liberal supplies for sup- 
porting the honour of tlie post with which the king had 
honoured him.^^ And the Delegates not only returned 
him thanks, but with an uncommon strain of liberality 
rewarded " his hazards and dangers " with what was of 
more real importance. They gave him a present of one 
hundred thousand pounds of tobacco ; they conferred on 
him alone by an indefinite law the revenue of one shil- 
ling on each hogshead of tobacco exported, which from 
the year 1671, had been a competent salary for the 
governor and a suitable encouragement to the counsel- 
lors ; they gave him an additional duty of three pence 
on every hogshead during three years ; while taverns 
were regulated the money thence arising was added 
during the same term ; at the same time that naval 
offices were established considerable fees were ordered to 
be paid to liim : And as if there could be no end to their 
bounty the fees of officers being regulated he Avas allowed 
considerable perquisites.^* Yet amid this unexampled 
profusion, the old remembered the speech of Lord Balti- 
more's last governor, who informed them in very dif- 
ferent language, that he had nothing to ask, but was 
ready to assent to such salutary laws as tliey might 
think proper to enact. Nor did the Burgesses stop 
here : They conferred one hundred thousand pounds of 
tobacco on Chelseldyne, the speaker, and ten thousand 
pounds on Jowles, the commander of the troops, because 
to their zeal and activitj^ the present change was greatly 
owing.^^ A duty of four pence a gallon on liquors 
imported was imposed ; as well for discharging " the 
debts of the late government by a committee of safety 
and the pay of the soldiers, as for the repairing of Court 
houses and prisons, for the raising a better allowance to 
Counsellors and judges of the provincial court and the 
payment of an agent in England."" Copley with a dis- 

Chalmers's political annals. 101 

ingenuity unworthy of his station but characteristic of 
the man, concealed that part of his instructions which 
required him " to permit Lord Baltimore to receive the 
duty of fourteen pence a ton on shipping." This revenue 
which had been received from the year 1661, as a part 
of the private estate of that nobleman, was now invested 
by the assembly in their Majestys for the support of 
government : The Burgesses stoutly insisting tliat many 
of them remembered " how the same was granted for 
the countries use, which ever was called fort duties and 
not port duties, and according to the intention of the 
law-makers doth belong to the Crown."" Lord Balti- 
more's agents were ordered to collect no longer those 
taxes till the royal pleasure should be known. ^^ But 
that nobleman's spirit was not so broken Ij)^ misfortunes 
as to sink under a persecution as unjust as it was un- 
merited. And he applied to William for protection. 
The solicitor general Trevor reported : That upon the 
words of the act this duty belongs to Lord Baltimore 
to be received to his private use, and it would be of 
most dangerous consequence to admit parole proof of 
the intention of the law-makers, different from the words 
of the law, so the assembly admitted that this duty 
belonged to him by desiring the ro}-al assent to an act 
to invest it in their Majestys. The privy-council did 
honour to itself when it confirmed this report in 
February 1693.^^ And the self-denial of William in 
refusing thougli he was poor the spoils of an individual 
when pressed on him by a popular assembly actuated 
by unworthy motives adds more to his fame, than the 
most glorious of his victories. The assembly in its 
hatred of popery at this time laid the foundation " of 
the establishment of the protestant religion : " The 
counties were for the first time divided into parishes 
laid out; Vestries were established; forty pounds of 
tobacco were imposed on every taxable for the use of 
the minister : And the ChuR^h of England was declared 
" to have and enjoy all her rights and liberties wholly 
inviolate as she now is or shall be established by law.'' 


Yet it required a considerable length of years to perfect 
this system, because it was opposed by protestant dis- 
senters, who thought their zeal ill-requited in being re- 
duced nearly to a level with papists. Among a variety 
of other regulations this law enacted ; " that the great 
charter of England shall be observed in all points." ^* 
But when the acts of this session were laid before the 
Solicitor General Trevor at a subsequent day he found 
no objection to any except the clause introductory of the 
great Charter: Giving as a reason what sliews how 
little he had studied the jurisprudence of Maryland; 
"that he knew not how far the enacting thereof will be 
agreealile to the Constitution of the province or to the 
royal prerogative." And this law was disallowed by 
William, because he was advised " that the clause ob- 
jected to by Trevor was of a different nature than what 
is set forth in the bill." ^^ When the real patriots of the 
colony looked back on former times they remarked with 
a sigh : That under the great founder of the Colony, 
and his successor against whom they lately revolted, the 
colonists had enjoyed Magna Charta as the corner- 
stone of the Constitution. The present rulers, conscious 
of the arts by which they had got into power and 
anxious least similar means should he used to lessen their 
importance, procured a law "against the divulgers of 
false news." ^'^ Having thus provided for internal quiet, 
they thought it prudent to guard against foreign invasion, 
by "regulating the militia." A long list of various 
regulations, either redressive of present evils or intro- 
ductive of useful regulations, was closed by an "act re- 
pealing all laws theretofore made." '^^ Nor could any 
measure be more necessary in a province, where so great 
a change had been introduced directly contrary to the 
charter and to the fundamental laws. The assembly 
did not forget, because Copley was their faithful monitor, 
" to return their humble thanks to William for redeem- 
ing them from a tyrannical popish government; for 
taking tliem under his immediate protection ; for sending 
them a protestant governor, whose loyalty and integrity 

Chalmers's political annals. 103 

had been experienced ; for transmitting the Colony a 
supply of warlike stores." ^"^ Yet it was asked by the 
aged, what had Maryland acc[uired besides a protestant 
governor? The ancient Constitution under which it 
had flourished was shaken to the center ; that unanimity 
so often recommended by Cecilius the wise, which had 
given it wealth and greatness, was destroyed; unex- 
ampled taxes were imposed for the gratification of un- 
worthy objects, the indubitable right of the provincials 
to the great Charter and the invaluable piivileges which 
it declares and enforces, had been denied. This province 
adds one more example to the numbers to be met with 
in history of countries, which amid their public distrac- 
tions, have thrown behind them the substance they 
possessed, in order to grasp the shadow they could not 

Notwithstanding the various reports of an intended 
invasion of foreign enemies which the late council of 
safety had propagated to terrify the people, Maryland 
happily did not feel the miseries of that dreadful scourge 
in superaddition to the infelicities of civil discord. 
Agreeably to the laudable custom of ancient times 
Copley renewed the annual league with the domestic 
tribes. The province only felt the common inconveni- 
ence experienced by every part of the Empire, by having 
her commerce interrupted and the price of her cliief 
commodity considerably diminished. The governor and 
Council, hearing of the distresses of New York contri- 
buted one hundred pounds towards their alleviation, 
and with a spirit worthy of imitation they professed 
their readiness to give further su]j[)lies in proportion to 
their abilities. While Copley extended liis inquiries to 
other colonies he gave warning to his Sovereign that the 
province over which he presided "never would be 
happy till Lord Baltimore's interest was bought out," 
because wliile his coimexion continues his party will be 
considerable.-^ The decease of the governor in the sub- 
sequent year extricated Maryland from an administra- 
tion as remarkable for its violence as for an interested- 


ness that had sullied the reputation of a man but dis- 
graced the mao;istrate. 

When former inconveniences as well as the critical 
state of Maryland were considered it was deemed prudent 
to give Andros a provincial commission as commander- 
in-chief over this province, in case of the death or 
absence of the governor. Upon the decease of Copley 
in September 1693, he hastened thither; as this event 
had given energy to a power which had meanwhile lain 
dormant. What sagacity had forseen, experience now 
discovered to be perfectly just. For "the greatest 
contests liad arisen who should be President of the 
Council," and thereby exercise the chief authority, be- 
cause man is everywhere ambitious and contends for 
preeminence. But all submitted to the commission of 
Andros to which there could be no objection. He dis- 
solved the Assembly which was then sitting ; he decided 
the controversy with regard to the Presidency in favour 
of Greenbury ; he confirmed all officers, except Blackis- 
ton the judge for probate of wills, who had neglected 
his duty.^* In pursuance of the orders of his Sovereign 
he transmitted to New York an aid of =6250 sterling 
from the revenue for the support of government. And 
he soon departed, leaving the province in peace, under 
the care of the President of the Council. He returned 
thither however in May 1694. And he reinstated Sir 
Thomas Lawrence, the Secretary, who had been over- 
born by the violence of Copley, who was now appointed 
Chief Justice and President of the province. Under 
the administration of this man, no less remarkable for 
his good sense than for his spirit and moderation, 
Maryland enjoyed great tranquillity till the arrival of 
Nicholson, who was not long after appointed his suc- 
cessor.^^ Nevertheless the Assembly, animated at an 
after day by a spirit of caution, which often creates a 
doubt with regard to the validity of transactions that 
admit of none, passed a law " for confirmation of pro- 
ceedings, judicial, civil, and military, from the decease 
of Copley, till the arrival of the present governor." ^^ 

Chalmers's political annals. 105 

In the meantime Maryland profitted from an illegal 
traffick. The merchants of London complained that a 
direct commerce was carried thence to Scotland and 
Ireland, which was equally injurious to them and to the 
revenue of the State. And orders were transmitted 
" to hire a light vessel to prevent this in future," because 
their complaints appeared to be just." Situated at an 
envied distance from Canada and protected by tlie 
mighty barrier formed by the North Eastern colonies 
but above all by the Five Nations, Maryland during the 
present war never felt the stroke of an enemy. 

Nevertheless the departure of Maryland from that 
prudent policy which had reared her to youth ga\e the 
neighbouring colonies an opportunity of profitting from 
her rashness. Nor did the arrival of Nicliolson, who 
was appointed her ruler in December 1693, because he 
had given satisfaction in Virginia, stop the emigrations 
that had been put in motion by the late disorders : They 
contmued, because the friends of the ancient Constitution, 
though tlie descendants of the original planters, were 
oppressed by the subsequent administration, composed 
of new men and therefore insolent. And that gentle- 
man found the province greatly indebted even from the 
dissolution of Lord Baltimore's government, and dis- 
tracted by divisions, which he tried to no purpose to 
unite. In vain lie tried expedients to remove what he 
greatly deplored, while those whom he described as 
" the ablest men for parts and estate " were unjustly 
excluded from trust and even deprived of the common 
rights of Englishmen. To these infelicities others were 
added of a very distressing nature. A considerable 
part of the only staple of the province remained imsold 
" for want of ships to carry it away." A languid com- 
merce was little able to supply the inhal)itants with 
those various domestic necessaries which they Avanted 
the most. And infected by the example of Pennsylvania 
they attempted to establish maiuifactures and continued 
an illicit trade, as contrary to the laws as to the interests 
of England, whilst unaided she was lighting their battles. 


At tlie same time that Nicholson informed the ministers 
of William, "that the English merchants discouraged 
the planters" the former complained of the otliers 
irregularities so inconsistent with their views. And 
the governor was instantly commanded " to hire vessels 
to cruize against illegal traders," because the clamour 
of merchants is in England attentively heard. It was 
to little purpose to apply to the provincial Courts of 
justice, since it was almost impossible to find judges or 
juries to condemn that as unlawful which was univer- 
sally deemed so convenient.-^ 

In order however to apply remedies to these and to 
other evils Nicholson called an Assembly in September 
1694. To the Delegates he recommended what pro- 
moted at once his own popularity and gained the favour 
of his prince. The public proceedings from the death 
of Copley were now confirmed, thougli it seems not easy 
to frame any valid objection. An act was passed "for 
the encouragement of learning and advancement of the 
natives of the Province : " By excluding those from 
offices of trust who had not resided for three years in 
the Colony this first drew an unjust distinction, between 
colonists and Englishmen which was afterwards felt and 
complained of. The public quiet and private peace 
were both ensured by a law " for quieting possessions." 
External security was promoted by an act " for appoint- 
ing Rangers for the defence of the province." Though 
the domestic Indians had been reduced by European 
diseases and vices to a number extremely insignificant, 
it was now deemed prudent "to prohibit the inhabitants 
from carrying liquors to their towTis." Whilst a mode 
was established for procuring speedy justice for small 
debts, an act was past "for the relief of Debtors." 
"Free-schools" were for the first time erected and taxes 
imposed for their maintenance. Punishments were 
inflicted on crimes dangerous to the purity of manners : 
Regulations favourable to the provincial connnerce were 
introduced. But at the same time that the intentions 
of the Assembly were laudable it did not always pursue 

Chalmers's political annals. 107 

the steps which good policy directed : Far from check- 
ing the desire of Emigration, it imposed duties on the 
importation of white servants and negroes ; and the 
general rule of taxation was on the products of the 
Colony exported rather than the importation of foreign 
luxuries or the estates of the iidiaLitants. As if the 
former revenue was not sufficient there w^as now granted 
to the governor three pence a hogshead on all tobacco 
exported for the term of three years. This session is 
remarkable not only for the good sense of its poli(;y but 
for adopting preparatory measures for reinoving the 
ancient seat of government from the Cit}' (jf Saint 
Marys to Annapolis the present Capital. But as JMary- 
land was happily exempted from the vicissitudes of war 
and imanimity reigned in the legislature, since exemp- 
tion from grievances promoted confidence, the adminis- 
tration of Nicholson will contribute few materials to 

In the meantime however the Queen repeated her 
injunctions to send a specific quota of aid to New York 
upon the requisition of its ruler. ^^ Tliough this colony 
had experienced in some degree the former bounty of 
Maryland, Fletcher did not think it equal to what his 
ardent mind had fondly expected. And during the . 
summer of 1695 he repeatedly demanded the one hun- 
dred and sixty men, which had lately been appointed as 
the measure of assistance by the Sovereign of both. The 
administration of Maryland, fearful of attacks from 
foreign Indians, and feeling her weakness, refused to 
comply. Yet the assembly in October 1695 gave a 
small sum ^^ of money in lieu of what had been clamour- 
ously asked. And it resolved at the same time in 
language which shews the temper of the people "that 
no further answer or assistance be sent to New York 
till the King s determination should be known." To 
William the assembly transmitted an address ; " thank- 
ing him for his former favours, and requesting to be 
exenq^ted from further payments to New York, because 
of the indigency of his poor subjects." It represented 


to the Lords Commissioners of Trade, " that the sums 
formerly remitted had extremely impoverished a people, 
who, in the war with the Indians which was daily ex- 
pected, saw nothing but ruin : And in the plaintive tone 
of those days it begged for pity and for intercession with 
the King for his discharge from further aid to a neigh- 
bour, as they could scarcely defend themselves."^'' Nor 
was this the mere voice of declamation, which is too 
often substituted for truth. Maryland was then debili- 
tated no less by the successive failure of two crops, than 
by her total want of commercial ardour. And engaged 
in the establishment of the Church of England and in 
the erection of a new Capital, various taxes had been 
imposed for the completion of projects that were perhaps 
beyond the abilities of a feeble community.^ Amid 
these infelicities the colonists had the satisfaction to be 
told by the Lords before mentioned, that while the other 
colonies disgraced the English name by their piracies, 
no imputation had been cast on them. Yet a species 
of illegal trade had rooted in their policy, had grown up 
to maturity, the fruit of which was at length claimed as 
part of the common law of the country. And the 
governor in the moment of his zeal solicited a general 
pardon for men, who did not deem themselves criminal.^ 
The public tranquillity was in some measure interrupted 
during the year 169 7, by the profligate intrigues of 
John Coode, who had commanded the insurgents that 
atchieved the revolution, and who attempted a similar 
change by overturning the government of William ; 
since he was too wicked to be rewarded. But he was 
not now supported by the same popularity, and similar 
arts were at this time unavailing because every one yet 
felt the sad consequences of recent occurrences. Being 
indicted of treason and blasphemy that restless incendiary 
was driven at length unpitied and friendless from a 
province, whence he had so lately obliged others to flee.^^ 
The governor gave warning to the ministers of England, 
that wdiile any hopes remained of the restoration of 
Lord Baltimore's government Maryland would enjoy 


perfect repose. During the four years that Nicholson 
ruled over Maryland he enjoyed the singular felicity of 
acquiring equally the approbation of his sovereign and 
the affections of the people. And his good conduct was 
rewarded in the year 1698 by his promotion to his 
government of Virginia. He departed : Leaving Mary- 
land in profound peace, extricated from her late em- 
barrassments, and cultivating a gainful commerce, un- 
exampled in her annals. 

Meantime few countries were ever reduced to a 
condition more truly deplorable than was Massachusetts 
in the beginning of the year 1692. Its North-Eastern 
borders had been frequently ravaged by a cruel and 
well directed enemy, whose depredations could not be 
prevented or even avenged ; its coasts continued to be 
infested by the cruizers of France, which ruined its 
commerce ; the imprudent expedition against Canada 
had involved it in debts, which affected the general 
credit, and made it difficult to raise the supplies for 
carrying on a war from which so little advantage is ever 
acquired ; its internal quiet was disturbed by the arts 
of a powerful party that was enthusiastically attached 
to the pristine charter and forms: But above all "the 
apprehension that tlie Devil was let loose among them " 
affected greatly the minds of a people who had long 
reprobated every recreation as sinful. Amid all these 
embarrassments Sir William Phips arrived at Boston 
in May 1692. And he was received with affected pomp 
by men, who had prudently resolved to derive every 
benefit from an innovation that they could not prevent. 
The new Charter and the royal Commission were soon 
formally published. But the old beheld Avith sorrow 
the venerable Bradstreet, who had for such a length of 
years conducted the administration under tlie ancient 
government, resign the chair of authority to his unwel- 
come successor. The present change was however 
scarcely perceptible : Almost the same men continued 
in power ; the laws and customs of former times remain- 
ed : And the spirit of the people, which has everywhere 


SO great an influence independent of all municipal rules, 
had undergone little alteration.^^ 

The first attention of the governor was attracted to 
a kind of madness which had for some time afflicted the 
province. As early as February 1692 many persons 
accused of witchcraft had been committed to prison ; 
though the late administration animated with an un- 
usual moderation, had permitted none to be tried. 
But Phips in an evil hour was prevailed on to issue a 
special commission, at the head of which was placed 
Stoughton the Lieutenant-governor, a man of prudence 
and capacity, to inquire into the truth of accusations, 
that threatened the destruction of the Colony. During 
the first session an ancient female was alone found 
guilty upon evidence which satisfied a credulous Court ; 
and was soon after executed. Yet the governor enter- 
taining some scruples thought it prudent to follow the 
practice of primitive times and to consult the principal 
ministers on the State of the province. With a rashness 
unbecoming their function these men resolved ; " that 
the people were then suffering by molestation from the 
invisible world : " And with a spirit unworthy of the 
ministers of peace, they recommended the "vigorous 
jDrosecution of such as had rendered themselves obnox- 
ious, according to directions given in the laws of God 
and the wholesome statutes of the English nation for 
the detection of witchcrafts."^^ Invigorated by an 
advice which had the effect of commands, the Court 
proceeded with the greatest zeal and despatch. And 
nineteen miserable objects were found guilty and exe- 
cuted : Protesting their innocence with their last l^reath. 
The governor having however at length discovered what 
he ought to have foreseen, " that the devil had taken 
upon him the shape of persons to his certain knowledge 
of good reputation," because Lady Phips was struck at, 
put an end to prosecutions that had already raised a 
prodigious ferment, till he should receive the royal 
directions. Foreseeing that an unextinguishable flame 
might be kindled he prudently prohibited the printing 

Chalmers's political annals 111 

of discourses on this perplexing subject. William was 
no sooner informed of the miseries of Massachusetts 
than he gave orders, " that in future trials for witch- 
craft the greatest moderation and care be used, as far as 
the same may be no impediment to the ordinary course of 
justice: " Approving at the same time of the endeavours 
of the governor for putting an end to the afflictions of 
his people. ^^ Yet it was not till from the numbers and 
quality of the accused that the feelings of many were 
touched, that the thick cloud began to pass away. And 
what is extremely remarkable, the minds of the juries 
became enlightened before the spirit of the judges was 
illumined. What reflects disgi^ace on the province, it 
was then doubtful, but is now certain, that there existed 
no law in Massachusetts, for putting supposed witches 
to death. And that monarch with a liberality which 
does him credit refused his assent at a subsequent day 
to an act passed to supply that defect. The Assembly 
however did justice to the colony and to individuals 
when at the distance of twenty years it granted to the 
defendants of the innocent sufferers a compensation for 
the loss of their estates ; since they could not restore the 
lives which the present frenzy had taken away.^° The 
enlightened few remarked : That Avhen we reflect on the 
unerring assertions of holy writ, we must believe that 
witches once were ; when we consider the numberless 
delusions and impostors that have imposed on the wisest 
nations we ought to disbelieve that witches any more 

In the meantime the Indian war, so perplexing and 
destructive continued. York, which of all the Towns 
of the province of Main had alone escaped former de- 
vastations was sacked in the beginning of the year 1692. 
But a considerable party sent to its relief compelled the 
enemy to retire "with loss and disgrace. In order to 
avenge this insult the governor himself marched to the 
frontiers with a greater force, when the French and 
Indians disappeared, since they could not meet him in 
battle. In pursuance of his orders he now rebuilt the 


fort of Pemaquid, the ancient English boundary, on 
that extremity of New England, at a considerable 
expence : And here he placed a garrison, Avhich was 
maintained at the charge of the province, though con- 
trary to its inclinations, because it was deemed unim- 
portant. He at the same time sent out parties to attack 
the Indians in their fastnesses, who destroyed without 
resistance the little that Indians possess. This decisive 
conduct soon induced the Tribes to think of peace, 
because they began to distrust the promises of France, 
and were tired of a war which had already proved fiital 
to so many of their chiefs. And it was on this occasion 
that he obliged the Acadians whose consciences have so 
often been the sport of fortune, to renew their oaths of 
allegiance to the English Crown.*^ 

From these scenes of warfare Phips hastened to 
meet the Assembly in November 1692. Among other 
objects of importance he recommended "to settle sucli a 
good body of laws that no person coming after him 
might make them uneasy." At a former meeting for 
the nomination of officers, in which the governor weakly 
allowed others to exercise his power, the ancient laws 
had been continued in force to the present time, because 
it was supposed that the publication of the new Charter 
had destroyed their efficacy. But to frame a system of 
rules for a people is a task of all others the most dif- 
ficult. And no complete code was enacted. Various 
laws however were then established, which at an after 
day engaged much the attention of the wisest ministers 
of Engiand, either to approve as salutary, or to disallow 
as improper. An act declaring the general privileges of 
the province, and copied chiefly from the great Charter 
of England, is extremely remarkable, because it was an 
attempt to form a bill of rights. But it was dissented 
to by those who ruled in the absence of William for a 
singular reason : " Having exempted lands from escheat 
or forfeiture, which with other privileges having never 
been granted by his Majesty, it was not fit in his 
absence to allow." The act establishing a naval office 


was repealed: The Privy Council assigning this re- 
markable cause; that the jDowers therein given are 
reserved by divers acts of Parliament to such officers as 
shall be appointed by the Commissioners of the Customs : 
And Phips was at the same time warned that such an 
officer had been appointed by them and he was ordered 
to assist him in the execution of his duty. The system 
of Criminal law was also repealed, because it had been 
copied too much from the law of Moses and too little 
from that of England. The act for securing the liberty 
of the subject Avas dissented to for this memorable 
reason ; that the benefit of a writ of habeas corpus was 
a privilege which had not yet been granted to any of the 
Colonies. It is difficult to decide whether the Assembly 
or the Privy-Council were most to blame in this trans- 
action : The former, by bringing into question the right 
of the subject to personal liberty, the most valuable of 
all privileges, by making an act where none was neces- 
sary : The latter, composed of the most renowned states- 
men and lawyers, among them sat Sir John Holt, in 
supposing that an English Subject is entitled to freedom 
from a grant of a King of England. Many laws of 
local economy were either approved of or dissented to 
for various reasons. Two of these not only mark the 
spirit of the people but were probably the cause of effects 
as lasting as they were beneficial : That for the distribu- 
tion of intestates estates gave the same equal payment 
to every creditor, and the same portion to all the chil- 
dren except the Eldest whose share was double : That 
subjecting the lands of the deceased to the payment of 
every debt, while the equity of its provisions did honour 
to the province, shewed a very dissimilar temper from 
that of the Colonies of the South : ■*'- And to these salu- 
tary regulations much of the populousness and commerce 
must be attributed. From p>romoting internal happiness 
by the wisdom of its laws the Assembly turned its atten- 
tion to external defence : And it granted thirty thou- 
sand pounds to put the frontiers in a state of security. 
While Phips transmitted all these laws to the ministers 



of William he informed them, that though a gratuity 
of £500 was conferred on him "Yet no salary is 
settled or intended." He transmitted a petition to that 
monarch ; *^ begging for the royal recommendation which 
he suggested would easily procure that establishment 
which was so essential to his dignity and even to his 
existence. But though Sir William had been formally 
admitted into their Church little did he know the true 
temper of the people over whom he presided, or the 
deep policy, that was even then adopted, and that no 
future King or governor has been able to change. The 
miserable dependence in which that gentleman was kept, 
by obliging him to depart not only from rigid duty but 
even from common prudence was undoubtedly the true 
cause of his subsequent ruin. 

The conquest of Canada had been so often urged by 
Phips and so much pressed by the Agents as absolutely 
necessary for the safety of the Northern Colonies that 
William resolved at length to send a powerful force, 
which promised equally to promote the glory of his 
reign and the security of his Colonial Subjects. He 
had early despatched a small fleet and army to the West 
Indies for their protection. In November 1692, he 
transmitted orders to Admiral Wheeler to leave that 
station and to repair to Boston with the troops under 
Colonel Foulke ; so as to arrive at farthest by the 
middle of the subsequent June. And that naval com- 
mander punctually obeyed. On the 2 2d of February 
1693, letters were transmitted to the governors of New 
York and Massachusetts ; informing them of the royal 
intentions, of the approach of the fleet and army ; and 
requiring them to represent this measure to their as- 
semblies, that they might cooperate in an enterprize 
which had the advantage of all for its end. Lest any 
accident should happen to these despatches. Cox, who 
was described as a person of experienced prudence was 
detached by a different vessel, in order to explain more 
fully the intended measures. But he seems never to 
have reached America; the letters were not received 

Chalmers's political annals. 115 

till July : And Wheeler brought himself the first intel- 
ligence of the projected expedition. A contagious dis- 
temper, so incident to the West India Climate had 
unhappily reduced the soldiers to six hundred and. fifty, 
and the usual complement of sailors to one half. But 
change of climate had the most salutary influence on the 
health of every one ; the ships were in perfect order ; 
and ammunition and provisions abounded. All these 
favourable circumstances the Admiral immediately 
communicated to Phips and requested his opinion if his 
remaining force was alone able to attack Queljeck. 
Having acquired knowledge from his unfortunate ex- 
pedition of 1690 he answered: That the fleet should 
have sailed the first of July at farthest ; that four thou- 
sand land forces were absolutely necessary ; that it was 
not probable therefore that his armament could make 
any impression on a city, the fortifications of wliich had 
been considerably strengthened : But that the destruction 
of the enemies' vessels at Newfoundland would be a 
considerable service. The governor and Council at the 
same time gave him the detail of a new expedition 
against Canada for the information of his warlike King ; 
requesting two thousand troops and an immense quan- 
tity of arms and ammunition for the use of the militia, 
to be sent from England in the subsequent year. Yet 
the ardour of Wheeler seems not to have been quenched 
by the coolness of his reception at Boston. Having 
received authentic intelligence of the weakness of Pla- 
centia in Newfoundland he determined to attack that 
settlement, and asked a reinforcement of four hundred 
men. But while Phips professed his readiness to do 
anything in his power to promote his design lie declined 
to grant his request: Assigning as reasons, "that the 
militia could not be sent out of ^he province without the 
consent of the Assembly; that an expedition whicli was 
intended for the security of the eastern frontiers would 
require a considerable number ; that the contagious 
distemper had discouraged the people from entering on 
board the fleet. Wheeler departed : Remarking in the 


moment of chagrin, that the real want of early notice 
furnished an insincere people with a fine excuse for 
declining what they had no real intention to perform. 
Thus miscarried an expedition, which cost England a 
prodigious expence; partly owing to misfortune and 
accident, arising from climate and distance, but more 
to the want of zeal in Massachusetts which she had 
formerly exerted when acting alone. William listened 
with more than usual caution to the future professions 
of men, whom he had found as liberal in promises as 
parsimonious in execution.** 

Nevertheless that province since the commencement 
of the war had never enjoyed a situation in which it 
might with so much safety have engaged in foreign 
enterprizes. The Indians, overawed by the fort at 
Pemaquid, reduced to distress by the destruction of 
their scanty crops, and in some measure deserted by 
France, made little impression on the borders during 
the winter or beginning of the year 1693. Yet Convers 
a renowned captain of those dajs, led against them an 
army of five hundred men : He surprised a party which 
had invested Wells. And he not long after compelled 
them to sue for peace, by building a fort at Saco, which 
commanded their hunting grounds. A treaty was ac- 
cordingly signed at Pemaquid in August 1693. The 
tribes of Kenebeck, of Saco, of Penopscot, acknowledged 
themselves subjects of the Crown of England; they 
promised future amity; they agreed to abandon the 
French, to deliver up the caj^tives, to permit the 
colonists to return to their former settlements : And they 
delivered hostages to Phips for their iaithful perform- 
ance. Yet the Indian negotiations over-reached tliose of 
Massachusetts. For the tribes, considering no promise 
either verbal or written as binding, which is not accom- 
panied with the delivery of belts of Wampum, did not 
long regard stipulations that they regarded as void or 

The elevation of Phips seems to have engendered 
that insolence, which unmerited good fortune generally 


begets on vulgar minds. Without regarding the de- 
corum of his station or the instructions of his sovereign, 
he engaged in disputes with other royal officers, that 
ended in his disgrace and death. Upon the reestab- 
lishment of the government Brenton had been appointed 
Collector of the Customs at Boston under the authority 
of acts of Parliament in the room of Randolph, who 
first discharged that obnoxious trust. An office so 
adverse to the designs and principles of every one, had 
been always viewed with jealousy, was now regarded 
by the assembly as illegal, because that body either 
overlooked the statutes of England or considered them 
as void : And naval offices were erected in that colony by 
the act, which we have seen disallowed by William, 
because it was deemed contrary to law and destructive 
of the power of the Collector. Actuated by the princi- 
ples of his colony, and willing to acquire popularity, 
though at the expence of duty, he zealously supported 
the naval officers appointed by liimself in opposition to 
him who had derived his authority from the Commis- 
sioners of the Customs in England. Brenton having 
seized a vessel because navigated contrary to the acts 
of trade was ordered " to forbear meddling witli the 
goods : " But he refused to obey commands which ap- 
peared to him illegal. Influenced by his partiality to 
a friend, and irritated by opposition, Pliips repaired 
to the King s warehouse, where the merchandize was 
lodged, assaulted the Collector, and forcibly carried off 
the vessel and cargo. While the Commissioners of the 
Customs formally presented this extraordinary transac- 
tion to that monarch they prayed for the protection of 
their officer, which involved the royal revenue ; for the 
support of the laws and with them the authority of the 
state. Yet powerful as this application was it probably 
made not so deep an impression as an occurrence of a 
very different kind. When subsequent to the Bevolu- 
tion frigates were sent to the colonies to protect their 
trade they were placed under the direction of the 
governors, who were invested by their instructions with 


the power of superintendence and suspension. The 
Nonsuch commanded by Short, transported Phips to 
Boston ; and a circumstance which ought to have pro- 
duced mutual good will only begat future enmity. This 
officer appears to have performed the general orders of 
the governor, though perhaps with the indifference with 
which the commands of a hated superior are always 
obeyed. But when he required him to lend his sailors 
to navigate the vessel of a merchant Short refused to 
obey what he deemed contrary to the rules of the navy ; 
though perhaps he had granted to the requests of the 
man he esteemed what he refused to the orders of the 
governor he hated. Altercation ensued. And Phips 
with an illiberality unworthy of a gentleman caned the 
officer whom his sovereign had honoured with his com- 
mission. Not satisfied with suspending the captain and 
permitting the lieutenant to succeed agreeably to his 
instructions he persecuted Short with a rancour which his 
feelings as a man should have forbid. The naval com- 
manders felt themselves dishonoured by the insult offered 
to this captain and they filled the Court of Willi-jm with 
complaints against the conduct of the governor, which 
they insisted would ruin the navy of England if permit- 
ted with impunity. When the suspended officer at 
length arrived he applied to a Monarch who had been 
thus predisposed to favour his cause, for justice, for a 
return of his property, for reparation of his wrongs. 
The variety as well as the singularity of the complaints 
against his oppressor determined their common sove- 
reign to recal the governor. And the Committee for 
colonies were ordered in lanofuao-e which evinces not 
only the novelty of the case but the impression it had 
made "to consider of a way to bring Phips to answer 
in England."" In February 1694 he was informed of 
the charges against him; he was directed to permit 
depositions to be taken to support them ; he was ordered 
to return immediately : And Stoughton the Lieutenant- 
governor was commanded to assume the government, 
and to take and transmit such evidences as should be 

Chalmers's political annals. 119 

produced by either party. ^^ Phips discovered when it 
was too late that the ruler of a free people to be happy 
must be moderate. 

In the meantime the governor endeavoured to exe- 
cute that part of his commission which gave him the 
command of the military force of Rhode Island and 
New Hampshire. But with a success in both in pro- 
portion to the doubts that were entertained in each with 
regard to the validity of it. The former refused to obey 
the officers whom he appointed, because he despised his 
person and derided his authority. The latter would not 
permit him to publish his commission and refused to 
admit him into the fort, because she feared his power. 
And his authority as vice-admiral was equally opposed 
by both, because similar inconveniences were .dreaded.*' 
While these causes of weakness existed to so great a 
degree never were Union and the force which it always 
carries with it more necessary. The Eastern Indians seem 
to have agreed to the truce of Pemaquid with design only 
to recover their losses, and to renew hostilities with greater 
vigour. And the}^ did not restore their prisoners accord- 
ing to their stipulation. In July 1G94 they began their 
murderous attacks on New Hampshire; either killing 
or carrying into a lamentable captivity those whom the 
weakness of age or of sex had recommended to a polished 
enemy. And they soon extended their devastations to 
a part of Massachusetts within forty miles of the capital. 
Not long after Bomazeen a famous warrior of those 
days came to Pemaquid under the protection of a white 
flag, the signal of pacific conference. He informed the 
commander that he had heard with sorrow upon his late 
return from Canada of the mischiefs his countrymen 
had done ; that he came to tie up the wounds which 
they had inflicted, by a lasting pacification. But his 
sincerity was probably distrusted. March " resolved j!t 
any rate to seize a sachem " whose enmity had so often 
proved fatal, and though he returned the signal of 
treaty, though he " assured him of kind treatment," he 
arrested that renowned warrior with the companions of 


his embassy, and sent them prisoners to Boston : Insist- 
ing that as the tribes observed neither promises nor 
subscriptions, nor the law of nations, they deserved no 
human respect. The governor disgraced the province 
by adopting the unworthy sentiments and conduct of an 
officer who merited punishment: Supposing "that the 
prisoners ought to be treated as land pirates because of 
their jDcrfidy." The French exclaimed : That the treach- 
ery of the American English had degraded them to a 
level with the most barbarous hords ; who have at all 
times regarded the white flag as the guardian of personal 
safety.*^ Sad experience convinced both parties that 
perfidy seldom fails to inflict those evils which those 
ought to suffer who attempt to gain by it. 

When Phips received notice of his recal he prepared 
with great diligence to meet his accusers at the Court 
of England. He easily procured numerous depositions, 
because it is easy to recriminate, when it is impossible 
to justify. But it was with great difficulty that he 
obtained a recommendatory address from the Assembly, 
the members of which had experienced the effects of his 
accustomed violence. In October 1694, that body re- 
presented to William : That the colony was reduced to 
the most deplorable state from a fresh desolation of the 
Indians and fi-om a war which had cost the people 
twenty thousand pounds, besides the loss of ships and 
men; that while it was obliged to defend New Hamp- 
shire, which could not otherwise exist, it was unable to 
lend New York the required assistance : And it begged 
that Monarch to allow no complaints of a personal con- 
cern to be so improved as to deprive the province of a 
governor of whose integrity for his service it was well 
assured.*® Phips arrived in England in January 1695. 
But before his conduct was inquired into he died in the 
subsequent month, of a fever engendered by the violence 
of passions that continually preyed on a mind rude and 
uninformed.^'* Few regretted the governor because few 
loved the man. And many rejoiced at his fall; because 
few thought he merited elevation, because he had of- 


fended numbers as he was prompted by his vehemence 
to quarrel with every one with whom he disagreed. 

Various pretenders instantly contended for an office 
of little profit or power, because men are fond of pre- 
eminence though even attended with vexation. Lord 
Bellomout, the most conspicuous of any, since he had 
lately impeached the chief rulers of Ireland, was named 
the successor of Phips in June 1695, though difficulties 
with regard to his salary seem to have prevented his 
voyage thither for several years. In the meantime the 
administration was conducted with great prudence and 
ability by Stoughton, the Lieutenant governor, of whom 
it was said even by his opponents, " that he was more 
of a scholar than a soldier." He had the good fortune 
to preserve great internal quiet, because expecting to 
be daily superseded, he attempted nothing that could 
offend individuals or rouse parties of his country. The 
borders of New England were little infested by the 
depredations of the Indians during the year 1695. One 
of those contagious diseases, which has often proved 
fatal to the Tribes raged among them, which disposed 
them to peace at a time that several of their bravest 
warriors were prisoners at Boston. They professed 
their sorrow for the continuance of the war: They 
avowed their inclination for peace : And while they pro- 
posed an exchange of prisoners, they actually delivered 
several captives as a mark of their sincerity. In order 
to reestablish what every one desired so much. Depu- 
ties were named by the General Court to adjust the 
terms of future amity ; and a truce was agreed on. The 
negotiators had no sooner assembled at Pemaquid than 
the envoys of Massachusetts refused to treat unless the 
Tribes should in the first pkice deliver up their prisoners. 
But the Indians had not forgot the treacherous manner 
in which their principal Avarriors had been seized the 
year before ; they perceived that it would be impossible 
to procure the freedom of their Chiefs, when they had 
relinquished the only security in their power : And with 
a spirit worthy of the wisest and bravest of nations they 


broke off the treaty ; retiring abruptly into their woods, 
in order to renew hostilities. It was in vain to give 
warning to the inhabitants of a wide extended frontier 
of an event, which policy as well as humanity should 
have prevented. The tribes instantly renewed the war 
with their usual promptitude, which they continued 
with their wonted barbarity/^ And the miserable peo- 
ple had sufficient cause during the remainder of the 
year 1695, to lament the unfortunate politics of their 

Still fearful however for the fate of their friends at 
Boston, the Tribes sent a deputation of Sachems to 
Pemaquid in the begmning of the subsequent year, in 
order to propose once more an exchange of prisoners. 
But Chubb, the commander, regardless of the common 
principles of union among men attacked those who 
deemed themselves protected by the mutual confidence 
of treaty, and while he put several to death, he seized 
those who escaped the sword during the moment of his 
barbarous zeal. At the same time that enthusiasts, 
who did not consider the Indians as entitled to the 
common rights of nature, praised this memorable act of 
treachery as worthy of a patriot and soldier, the wisest 
and best men of Massachusetts in some measure rescued 
their country from indelible disgrace, by speaking of it 
with horror as meriting punishment. ^^ Irritated by 
these repeated provocations the Tribes spread their deso- 
lations along the confines of New England and made 
an unprotected people suffer for a crime, which all 
ought to have joined in punishing, since the common 
safety no less than justice required it.^^ The wisdom 
of the French has at all times derived every advantage 
from the misconduct of the English provincials: And 
they were now enabled by the baseness of Chubb to 
execute a project which they had for some time medita- 
ted. Having sailed from Port Royal in Acadie with a 
small squadron the experienced DTberville not only 
dispersed a few English vessels sent to oppose him but 
easily joined St. Castine who had collected two hundred 

Chalmers's political annals, 123 

Indians at Penobscot. And in July 1696, they invested 
Pemaquid. This ancient fortification, which had been 
built by Massachusetts at a considerable expence, rather 
with a view to preserve possession of the country than 
to defend the Eastern frontier was now mouldering into 
dust, because the General Court neglected to repair 
what it did not approve, and ninety men were left to 
defend a distant post which could not easily be support- 
ed. These were instantly summoned to surrender, since 
resistance was deemed vain and dangerous : The French 
Commander offering with the generosity of his nation 
to send them to Boston in exchange for the same num- 
ber of French and Indian prisoners. Perfectly informed 
of the superior force of his opponent Chubb immediately 
agreed to deliver up the Fort on the offered terms: 
Insisting moreover for personal protection from the rage 
of those whom his recent treachery had justly provoked. 
Such was the fury of a people, who give full scope to 
their revenge, that nothing but the prudence of D' Iber- 
ville, in sending the garrison to an island under a strong 
guard, saved Chubb and the instruments of his perfidy 
from a dreadful retaliation. The French demolished 
the fortification, and they prepared to lay waste the 
coast as far westward as Portsmouth. But learning 
that the English fleet, reinforced by frigates from Eng- 
land and by provincial vessels, had sailed to revenge 
the late disgrace, that troops had been detached to de- 
fend the country, they retired to Penobscot. It was in 
vain for the English commanders to pursue the enemy 
in their retreat, because they were protected by fogs 
and by shoals. And they returned to Boston : Morti- 
fied that they could not wipe away recent dishonour by 
a vigorous impression.^* 

At the same time that Stoughton was extremely 
disappointed at this event it did not abate his ardour, 
because he really loved his country and felt for its 
miseries. He perceived however that it would be im- 
possible to protect the inhabitants living dispersedly 
over a wilderness of great extent while the Acadians 


gave aid to the Indians, and what was of more import- 
ance their instructions : And he determined to chastise 
the people whom he considered as rebels, because it had 
been found more difficult to retain them in subjection 
than to conquer. The ideal authority of Massachusetts 
over that people, which had been acquired by irruption 
of Phips in 1690, had been of short continuance, be- 
cause neither garrisons were left to compel their obedi- 
ence, nor lenient measures were used to conciliate their 
good will. Villebon, who was sent thither in November 
1691 by the French King, easily regained j^ossession of 
a country which was already in arms to receive him. 
And every attempt to reclaim a people who Avere 
enthusiastically attached to their ancient usages and 
religion who revered their sovereign had hitherto proved 
fruitless. In pursuance of the orders of Stoughton 
Colonel Church with a small armament during the 
summer of 1696, ranged along the Eastern Coast as far 
as St. Croix without seeing an enemy till he arrived at 
Acadia. On his approach the wretched inhabitants 
retired into their friendly woods: Refusing his terms 
of submission, because they distrusted the men whose 
perfidy they had formerly felt. And their houses were 
burnt, their cattle were destroyed, their property was 
plundered by the army. The fate of the Acadians has 
been at all times pitied by the humane, who saw them 
struggling with miseries, because they were attached to 
a sovereign, who either did not sufficiently commiserate 
their sufterings or was unable to give them effectual 
relief Church soon departed for Boston without making 
any attempt on the country around Saint Johns, where 
the Governor resided, because he thought his force 
unequal to the object. But Stoughton, hearing of his 
intention, and anxious to remove Villebon from a post 
which enabled him to annoy New England, sent a con- 
siderable reinforcement with orders to attempt by an 
animated exertion to accomplish what would promote 
the glory and advantage of his country. That vigilant 
officer was soon informed of the return of Church with 


the real cause of his sudden change of measures and he 
prepared to shew his antagonist an example of vigour 
and perseverance. A feeble attack was nevertheless 
made on St. Johns but easily repelled. And the 
inclemency of the weather, the want of tents, the dis- 
agreement of the Commanders, induced the assailants 
soon after to embark and to direct their course once 
more for Boston. While the forces had been thus with- 
drawn from the frontiers to prosecute fruitless expedi- 
tions at a distance, the inhabitants seeing no safety any- 
where but under the cannon of the forts were neither 
able to pursue their usual aiFairs nor to prosecute a war 
with effect, which has been ever attended with great 
personal fatigue and danger though with little profit 
or glory. A scarcity amounting almost to famine en- 
sued. The people emigrated to the more happy colo- 
nies of the South, since they were loaded with taxes 
and were yet unprotected.^^ When the enemy heard 
of the universal complaints of their foes, they rejoiced 
in proportion to their late success and their future ex- 

Information of all these disastrous events was com- 
municated to the ministers of England towards the end 
of the year 1696. The Assembly of Massachusetts at 
the same time represented to William : That the prov- 
ince had long languished under a war with the French 
and Indians, by which the estates of his poor subjects 
were much exhausted and their persons either led into 
captivity or slain ; that while by the decay of their trade 
their abilities were diminished the neighbouring colo- 
nies of Connecticut, Rhode Island and New Hampshire, 
contributed nothing to the support of a contest in which 
all were equally interested : It prayed that these planta- 
tions might be obliged to give a reasonable assistance ; 
that a suitable supply of arms and warlike stores, and 
an additional number of ships of war might be speedily 
sent for its defence ; that Port Koyal and Saint Johns 
in Acadie miprht be retaken and "-arrisoned with soldiers 
at the expence of the royal exchequer : And it recom- 


mended to the consideration of that Monarch the con- 
quest of Canada, the chief seat of the French power, 
and the unhappy fountain whence issued the waters of 
New England's miseries ^^ Having considered the 
dangerous state of Massachusetts the Lords Commis- 
sioners of plantations recommended the appointment 
of a governor skilled in military affairs. The proprietors 
and traders of that province, deeply affected with the 
lamentable progress of the French, petitioned " for the 
establishment of some good form of government for 
uniting under one head the many interests, occasioned 
by the various separate jurisdictions." Every one per- 
ceived the necessity of coalition for the general defence 
against an enemy, politic and well directed : But no one 
could point out how that desirable object could be ac- 
complished consistent with such discordant pretensions. 
New York, Connecticut, and New Hampshire, jealous 
of their independence, vigorously opposed that incor- 
porate Union, which was equally pressed for by Massa- 
chusetts. The Lords Commissioners of Colonies repre- 
sented to that prince the several proposals on this 
imjDortant subject with the objections ; and they recom- 
mended one governor for New York, Massachusetts and 
New Hampshire who should be also commander of the 
forces of Connecticut and Rhode Island durino; the war: 
Giving as a reason what shews they knew little of the 
temper of the governor ; " tha,t the various assemblies 
by the prudent conduct of such a governor, may be 
prevailed on to make such laws as will enable him to 
execute the royal Commission." But when the Board 
reflected, that Massachusetts of all the provinces was 
the mosl considerable for numbers and wealth yet 
contributed little to the public revenue, that its desire 
of pecuniary aid from England was unprecedented ; the 
Commissioners deemed it unseasonable to build fortifica- 
tions or to form settlements in Acadie ; and prudently 
advised that the several Colonies should be rather pressed 
to exert their utmost endeavours for their own defence. 
Yet an additional frigate for the protection of its trade 

Chalmers's political annals. 127 

and a considerable supply of warlike stores were sent to 
Massachusetts with the succeeding governor, "as a mark 
of the royal bounty." " Though Lord Bellomont was 
appointed governor of this province in June 1695, yet 
he seems to have been little desirous to solicit a com- 
mission to which no fixed salary was annexed. But in 
March 1697, he accepted of the command of those 
several Colonies in pursuance of the representation before 
mentioned, because the Agents of Massachusetts promised 
him what they had not power to perform, an established 
appointment, and much he relied on his own address. 
He was pressed by his sovereign to hasten his departure 
as he still lingered in England, soliciting further favours.^^ 
Men of discernment remarked how much more States- 
men are at all times governed by present impressions 
than by the experience of the past or by prescience of 
events to come. The policy just mentioned had been 
already attem]3ted during this reign, without success. 
And we shall find, that as the same causes still existed, 
thoug:h the man was changed, the ofovernors exertions 
will prove equally unsuccessful. 

Notwithstanding the repeated solicitations of Massa- 
chusetts from the revolution to the present time for the 
annexation of New Hampshire, a regard to the interest 
and opposition of Allen, who Avas now the Proprietor, 
since he had purchased the right of Mason, continued it 
a separate government. And John Usher an illiterate 
man, of little prudence, was appointed by him Deputy 
Governor. But as the religious and political tenets of 
the inhabitants of this inconsiderable district remained 
unchanged, former disorders continued. Little obedience 
or even respect was paid to the Deputy of a Proprietary, 
who claimed to be universal Lord of the soil, and A\ho 
was therefore hated by the people. The Assembly 
constantly refused to grant mone}', either for the support 
of such a government, or for the defence of a country 
which was claimed by a stranger. Three men, Hinks, 
Vaughan, and Waldron really governed the colony, as 
they enjoyed the perfect confidence of the governed. 


They at length seized the government towards the end 
of the year 1696, on this plausible pretence; that the 
present authority was expired since Partridge was ap- 
pointed Deputy governor, though he had not yet taken 
the oaths and given the security which the law demanded 
as an essential qualification. Usher, fearing for his 
life, fled to Boston. And he thence gave notice of this 
unimportant revolution to the ministers of England: 
Assurino- them as the true cause of an event so deo-rad- 
ing to regular government; "that it was not his person 
they hated but the prerogative of the king." The Lords 
Commissioners of plantations in some measure adopted 
his sentiment when they resolved ; " that the legal ad- 
ministration was still invested in him, notwithstanding 
the Commission of Partridge ; that the royal authority 
ought not to be trampled on in his person." They 
ordered him to return to his charge and to require every 
one to obey his legal powers. They requested Stoughton 
to support him with his credit and persuasions. And 
Lord Bellomont was commanded to inquire into the 
cause of these distractions; in order "that a course 
might be taken to remedy the present and to prevent 
future disorders." Usher obeyed ; because he deemed 
passive obedience one of the greatest of virtues. But tlie 
conduct of the Board was contemned and the commands 
of the governor were despised, as there existed no real 
power to give energy to either. ^^ Sagacious men per- 
ceived the futility of these measures and regretted the 
weakness which gave them birth, because they foresaw 
the consequences. 

When Fletcher arrived at New York in August 
1692, he found those committed to his charge "a divided, 
contentious and impoverished people." Two implacable 
parties which had derived their existence from the 
Revolution, continued to rend in twain that miserable 
province. Though pardon of all past transgressions 
was published, yet those who had unjustly suffered 
from the violence of Leisler ceased not to prosecute the 
men who had done them wrong under the authority of 

Chalmers's political anj^als. 129 

his commissions. And notwithstanding the laudable 
endeavours of the governor to procure a reconcilement 
which the happiness of all required, " neither party 
shelved any disposition to be satisfied with less than the 
necks of its adversaries." Nor were these the only 
afflictions of New York. It sadly experienced all the 
pressures which never fail to overwhelm every country 
whose resources are not fully equal to its enterprizes. 
With design to replenish a treasury which had never 
been sufficiently filled, because the taxes had failed 
Fletcher immediately called an assembly. This body 
instantly transmitted an address to William expressing 
its thankfulness for the royal care in sending arms and 
warlike stores for the defence of the Colony. It repre- 
sented how much the number of its people were dimi- 
nished by emigration to other provinces that were 
happily exempted as well from the calamities of war as 
the payment of taxes : That those who remained were 
reduced to the greatest poverty while their neighbours 
subject to no duties, rob them of their trade. That 
though Albany and the Indians dependent on it form 
an ample barrier to the other provinces against the 
incursions of the French, yet New York was left to 
struo;o-le alone ao-ainst the common dano;er, while little 
inclination was shewn by any to give to its prayers that 
aid, which, if denied to justice, ought to be granted to 
policy: And it begged the commiseration of the King 
and Queen ; for a sufficient force from England, or 
for special directions to the other colonies to assist " a 
peo[)le who must otherwise sink under their load." ^^ But 
while the assembly felt for itself, it did not reflect, that 
England distracted by domestic faction and engaged 
with a too potent rival, was little able to give tliat as- 
sistance which the Colonies should have furnished during 
her embarrassments to her. 'J'he legislature however 
enacted laws "for satisfying the debts of the government; 
for raising three hundred men for the defence of the 
frontiers ; for discharging the necessary public charges ; 
for granting a rate of one penny in the pound ot the 


value of Estates as a present to the governor/' ^^ Yet 
it is in vain to impose taxes unless the objects of them 
are at the same time enabled to pay : And those that 
were now assessed only added to the miseries of the 
people without producing either the expected revenue or 
doing credit to the intentions of the grantors. The gov- 
ernor warned the Secretary of State " that it would be 
impossible for them to support the war another year with- 
out the contributions of their neighbours." Informed of 
the distresses of New York and of what it dreaded in 
future, Mary thought it both reasonable and necessary, 
that the other colonies should contribute to the defence 
of a frontier on which the safety of all depended : And 
she transmitted a mandatory letter in October 1692; 
signifying the royal will "that upon the request of the 
governor of New York they should immediately send 
him such aid in men or otherwise for the securit}^ of that 
province against the French as the security of each should 
permit."'"' But these measures hoAvever wise and just came 
too late to ward off the severest stroke that the Indian 
allies of England ever received, or were afterwards too 
much neglected or contemned to afford the effectual re- 
lief that had been anxiously asked. 

In the meantime Count Frontenack being reinforced 
with two thousand troops and a supply of warlike stores 
from France and judging wisely that it was impossible 
to protect the frontiers of Canada by defensive opera- 
tions against an enemy no less remarkable for bravery 
than enterprize, resolved to strike such a blow as should 
at once convince them of his power, and excite their 
contempt for the imbecility of their friends. And his 
success was equal to his hopes, because his project was 
executed with vigour and prudence. Six hundred men, 
composed of the troops, of the Canadians, and Indians, 
marched fi'om La Prairie in January 1693, under the 
conduct of three lieutenants, Mantet, Courtmanche, and 
La None : And by an exertion of zeal and perseverance, 
which shews what man is capable of perfornung when 
he is really in earnest, they arrived in the vicinity of 


Schenectady, after a melancholy march of twenty days 
through the mtervenient forest, then covered with snow. 
A deserter alarmed Schenectady. The news was in- 
stantly carried to Albany : Bat, with an inattention 
which evinces how much every one was surprised at 
such a visit in the depth of winter, they gave no warn- 
ing to the Mohawks of their danger, though their castles 
stood at no great distance, though against them chiefly 
the hatchet was lifted up. Three of their towns were 
surprized successively; and three hundred prisoners 
were taken, of whom one hundred were warriors. Never 
had so great a calamity befallen the Tribes ; never did 
any disaster make so deep an impression on minds, 
which are trained to bear adversity with fortitude. 
Schuyler, the commander of Albany, hastily collected 
five hundred men, composed of the regulars, the militia, 
and Indians. He pursued the enemj' with a vigour 
which compensated for his late remissness, whom he 
compelled to retire after various attacks. And he re- 
covered upwards of forty prisoners. Few of the Cana- 
dians had returned to glory in their success and suffer- 
ings, but to the disgrace of colonial policy many of the 
Five Nations, who flocked to the standard of Schuyler 
in defence of their country, appeared without arms ; and 
the Mohawks, dreading the fate of their friends, did not 
engage with their usual ardour. On the ninth day from 
that on which the French irruption was discovered, 
Fletcher arrived at Albany, though distant one hundred 
and forty miles, Avith three hundred men : The whole 
regiment of the militia of the capital having offered 
themselves as voluntiers with an ardour which shews 
how much they preferred the safety of the state to the 
gratifications of ease or of interest. The Indians as a 
token of gratitude for the singular activity of Fletcher 
called him for ever after, according to their manner, 
"the great swift arrow." The reinforcement however 
which the diligence of the governor had brought, was 
of little real advantage. The severity of the w^eather 
and the want of food compelled Schu}'ler to give over a 


pursuit, which had well nigh proved fatal to the enemy. 
And the French returned to Canada with the loss of 
eighty men who died of fatigue, exclusive of a smaller 
number who had fallen in the repeated assaults of their 
animated pursuers. Fletcher "wiped away the tears 
of the Mohawks ; " he provided them with houses and 
provisions: And he advised them to convince the 
Canadians, that misfortune had not damped a courage 
that had so often proved fatal to their enemies. But 
the Sa(;hems assured him, that the continuance of a war 
long and disastrous, during which they had neither been 
supported by their brethren the English nor supplied 
with warlike stores, in the same manner as the French 
furnished their Indian friends, had broken their strength : 
Yet if all the colonies would join in good earnest 
Canada might still be reduced. The governor hastened 
back to New York: Leaving the frontiers distracted 
and defenceless.®^ The assembly which soon after con- 
vened, pleased with his zeal, not only returned him 
thanks but gave him more substantial marks of regard. 
And sensible of the public danger it granted six hundred 
pounds for one year s pay of three hundred volunteers, 
for the defence of the province, which late experience 
had shewn might be so easily invaded.®* While New 
York during this disastrous season lost the fur-trade 
and paid the enormous interest of ten in the hundred 
for money to support a feeble warfare, the colonies on 
either side of her enjoyed the advantageous tranquillity 
of the most profound peace, disregarding the miseries 
of others. Pennsylvania declared she had only good 
wishes to send. East Jersey gave two hundred and 
forty-eight pounds and promised more. Connecticut, 
though then able to bring five thousand men into the 
field, refused either to detach her militia or to permit 
the raising of recruits. All disregarded the acts of 
navigation, while the trade of England was ruined 
equally by the remissness of her rulers, and by the fatal 
depredations of a war, on the success of which the com- 
mon liberty depended. Judging of the future conduct 

Chalmers's political annals. 133 

of those colonies by the past Fletcher solicited his 
master for two additional companies to be paid out of 
the funds established for the English army, and for arms 
and ammunition ; as absolutely necessary for the safety 
of his province. While men of discernment deplored 
the evils of disunion they exclaimed : " How shameful 
that a handful of Canadians should be suffered to nestle 
and to grow to maturity, while the noble colonies of 
England were able to drive them into the sea." ^^ Eno;- 
lish ministers have been at all times guided by the 
plausibility of this remark, but they have generally acted 
wrong, because it was untrue: They did not reflect, 
that the few, animated by one soul, had at all times 
conquered the many divided by a thousand factions. 

When the representations of Fletcher before men- 
tioned were communicated to William the apparent 
weakness of New York, the divisions of the other prov- 
inces, and the superiority of France made a permanent 
impression on his mind. He instantly revoked the 
commission which had been formerly given to Phips to 
command the military force of Connecticut and trans- 
ferred it to the governor of York : Assigning as a reason 
what shews the extent of the present policy ; " that by 
these means the one will be best protected fi'om the 
attempts of its enemies and the other will be most ex- 
peditiously aided upon any sudden irruption." But 
though the legality of this plausible measure appeared 
extremely clear to the wisest English lawyers, }^et we 
shall find it disputed by Connecticut and its operation 
therefore prevented. Upon the request of the governor 
a considerable supply of warlike stores were sent to 
New York, in order to enable him at the cost of Eng- 
land to defend a province which was unable then to 
protect itself ^^ 

In the meantime the more vigorous exertions of 
France defeated every project which had for its end 
either the annoyance of Canada or the defence of the 
colonies or their Indian allies. To Count Frontenac 
she sent reinforcements of men, supplies of warlike-stores 


and presents to the Tribes who were attached to her 
fortune. Through the instrumentality of the missioners, 
who have been at all times extremely useful in promot- 
ing her measures, she debauched the fidelity of the Five 
Nations, who had suffered prodigiously from the war, 
while they had received no real aid fi-om the colonies 
which they had defended. This powerful confederacy 
inclined therefore to peace. And the Oneyda tribe 
actually ^ent a message to Canada. Fletcher heard 
with concern of the intrigues of France and of the 
probable defection of his most useful allies. And he 
invited them to a conference at Albany in July 1693. 
He apologized for not meeting them, according to his 
promise, when the trees began last to bud ; he condoled 
the loss of the brave warriors who had fallen in battle ; 
he chid them for entertaining wishes for peace ; he 
warned them of the perfidious conduct of France : And 
having delivered the presents which he had brought 
with him from England, he renewed the covenant of 
friendship for all the colonies. They made answer: 
That having been so long involved in bloody warfare 
their castles were filled with sorrow; that in ancient 
times on such occasions the propositions were only those 
of peace, but so changed was the state of things, notliing 
is now spoken of but war, to which each prompts the 
other continually ; that they had heard with joy of pre- 
parations for some time made to attack Canada with 
vessels on the great river, which they had been ready to 
assist b}' land, which by one vigorous effort had put an 
end to destructive hostilities, but they were of late told 
nothing of that design ; yet that though they might be 
cast to and fro in storms they were determined to 
remain stedfast to the last man as they had engaged in 
the beginning of the troubles : And they ' returned 
heart-felt thanks to the great King and Queen for send- 
ing them arms and ammunition, when they were in 
greatest need of them. To Fletcher the}^ gave a present 
of furs as a mark of their esteem. But they delivered 
no belt of wampum as a confirmation of sincerity, to 

Chalmers's political annals. 135 

convert their mutual speeches into a treaty by which 
both parties were to consider themselves as bound. 
They declared their intention of concluding a peace Avith 
the Dionondadies, a powerful tribe in alliance with 
Canada: Giving reason, which probably was not the 
true one ; that it will both strengthen us and weaken 
the enemy. Though the governor perceived the influence 
of French intrigue he approved of a proposal so ex- 
tremely wise and gave them a belt to deliver in his 
name, that he also might be bound in the treaty as a 
party. The colonies and England have had sufficient 
cause to regret, that they have but too often treated as 
children the confederated natiojis, who on the most try- 
ing occasions have thought and acted like men. Fletcher 
communicated the result of this treaty to the ministers 
of England : Assuring them that while the French bade 
high for a peace with tlie Five Nations, Admiral 
Wheeler's disappointment at Boston liad given the 
greatest dissatisfaction to warriors, who could not com- 
prehend the cause, and who upbraided the neiglibouring 
provinces with cowardice and sloth. And whilst he 
gave warning, that should they lose the affections of 
their Indian friends the southern colonies, however 
secure at present, would be instantly steeped in blood, 
he asked for additional presents to avert a catastrophe 
more easy to prevent than afterwards to change lor the 
safety of the people. ^'^ Thus whatever superiority Eng- 
land and her colonies may have formed over that mighty 
confederacy, they were really tlie tributaries of a peoi>le, 
whose friendship has been at all times purchased since 
they could not be conquered. 

Fletcher hastened back to New York to meet an 
assembly which was governed by very dissimilar princi- 
ples. Two objects chiefly he reconnnended to the con- 
sideration of the legislature : " The settling of an able 
ministry ; " the establishment of the revenue during the 
life of the King. And it seems to have paid a just re- 
gard to both. The delegates having transmitted to the 
Council a bill "for the establishment of a protestant 


ministry," which gave the election of rectors to the 
vestrymen and Church wardens, an amendment was 
added investing the power of" collation in the governor : 
But the representatives of the people refused to assent 
to an alteration, which deducted so much weight from 
the scale of popular power. And while the governor 
passed a law, which contrary to his instructions thus 
deprived the King of his prerogative and his successors 
of influence, he reprimanded the delegates for their 
dissent in terms degrading to both, because they were 
such as a governor ought not to use nor the representa- 
tives of freemen to receive. Yet this law Avas confirmed 
by William at a subsequent day. It was couched in 
such language as gave cause to the Church of England 
to think that it was enacted for her establishment alone 
and room for the dissenters to contend that it was passed 
equally for the benefit of them. In April 1695, the 
Delegates by a resolution, Avhich seems to have been 
received as an exposition which every one ought to obey, 
declared : That the Vestrymcm and Church wardens 
have power to call a protestant dissenting minister, who 
ought to be maintained as the law directs. ^^ The public 
revenue which had been granted during the foregoing 
session was continued for five years longer. And a law 
was passed for restraining and punishing privateers and 
pirates, which late irregularities had made necessary, 
and which did not answer its end, because it contradicted 
the spirit of the people.''^ When Fletcher was told how 
much the inhabitants of the frontiers dreaded the ap- 
proach of the Canadians he detached three hundred men 
for the defence of Albany. But he at the same time 
gave warning to the Lords of the committee of Colonies, 
that an unproductive revenue would not be sufficient to 
defray the expence of this little army ; that the prov- 
inces had declined to settle their quotas of aid in pur- 
suance of the royal requisition ; that the monej^ sent by 
Virginia and Maryland had proved extremely inade- 
quate, while East Jersey had contributed sixty-five men 
and four hundred pounds in money, and the Colonies of 

Chalmers's political annals. 137 

New England had given a positive denial of any. He 
enforced the necessity of another expedition against 
Canada, in order to put an end at once to a consuming 
war, Avliich the colonists though a numerous people, 
from their disunion and factions were unable to prosecute 
with effect. He solicited a reinforcement of troops and 
a supply of stores of war for the defence of a province, 
which, since the arrival of governor Sloughter had spent 
twenty thousand pounds and on all occasions had stood 
foremost in the day of battle.'^ 

The singularity as well as the importance of the 
representations of Fletcher procured the attention of the 
ministers of England. In the beginning of the year 
1094, two additional companies of a hundred men each 
were put upon the establishment of the English army, 
and with recruits for the former two were sent to New 
York for its protection. Artillery and amnmnition 
were transported thither " notwithstanding the low state 
of the Kino-'s mao-azines : " The Board of Ordnance 
remonstrating against such an application of its funds 
as seemed inconsistent with the grant of Parliament. 
The Colonies having either refused or declined to furnish 
that province with their proportions of aid, in conformity 
to the Queens requisition of October 1692, the quota of 
each was now apportioned and each was required to 
furnish it to New York, whose extraordinary had 
hitherto shielded the whole from the neatest of dancers. 
But it soon appeared what wise men indeed foresaw, 
that all requisition is vain where there exists no power 
to compel the refractory or to punish the disobedient. 

Fletcher departed for Connecticut the moment he 
had prorogued the Assembly in order to assume the 
command of the militia of that colony. But here he 
encountered a peojjle who perfectly understood their 
interest, and who little understood the principles, and 
despised the practice of passive-obedience. He presented 
the royal commission to the general court and required 
its assistance in executing the King's intentions. It 
however remarked ; that it did not tind any words in a 


commission, of which it had no notice, superseding the 
charter of the colony : It requested him therefore to 
suspend the execution of his pretended powers till the 
event of a proposed application for redress : And it 
expressed a readiness to aid New York on just occasions 
against the common enemy, offering six hundred pounds, 
payable in the produce of the country as its quota. 
Nevertheless while Fletcher disclaimed any interference 
with regard to the civil government or with the Charter 
he offered to grant the chief command of the military 
force and to continue the former officers and he demand- 
ed an effectual compliance with a power which had been 
vested in the crown by act of Parliament and could not 
be demised from the present king. That the right to 
command the militia was inherent in the crown the 
General Court freely admitted : But shrewdly insisted 
that it had formerly been granted away to the Colony, 
which it had enjoyed during the two preceding reigns. 
This pointed argument was assuredly decisive. And it 
is astonishing that the great lawyers and statesmen who 
advised the commission did not see the subject in the 
same light since the charter remained uncancelled. The 
General Court adjourned. And Fletcher, forseeing a 
tumult, and dreading personal affronts, returned to 
New York, baffled and chagrined. Connecticut consid- 
ering the dark aspect of the times, the great difficulty 
with regard to present enjoyments, sent Winthrop, a 
man of some talents and art, as agent to England, to 
defend her privileges. She levied a considerable tax to 
defray his expenses ; judging wisely that when all derive 
a benefit all ought to pay. And she appointed a day 
of fasting, and of prayer to seek the lord for his gracious 
presence with him. Strengthened thus by the gold and 
supplications of his countrymen he opened his business 
by stating falsehood to his sovereign, by accusing- 
Fletcher of attempting to seize the civil government, 
which he had expressly disclaimed, because Winthrop 
knew that it was safer to recriminate than to attack the 
prerogative in the face of a Court attached to regal 

Chalmers's political annals. 139 

power. His petition, praying for securit}^ of the rights of 
the colony, for an explanation of Fletcher s commission, 
was however referred to the crown lawyers. After 
hearing counsel they reported: That the Charter had 
given the ordinary power of the militia to the governor ; 
but that their majestys may nevertheless constitute a 
commander-in-chief j with authority to order such portion 
of each plantation, as may be thought fit, and in case 
of invasion, maj^ with the advice of the governor com- 
mand even that part of the military force of Connecticut 
as shall remain within the Colony. William approved 
of an opinion, which was so agreeable to him, which 
was probably so framed as to please. And he appointed 
one hundred and twenty men as the quota to be furnish- 
ed by Connecticut during the war, which the agent 
promised should be punctually given upon the request 
of the governor of New York and which this officer was 
empowered to command during their cooperation. The 
ol)noxious commission of Fletcher was recalled. But 
Connecticut having thus carried her favourite point, 
found reasons enow for withholding the aid, which her 
Sovereign had formally asked and her agent had solemn- 
ly promised. And the authority of English government 
was shaken, because it had been exerted improperly. 
Winthrop artfully begged the royal approbation of the 
civil government of his country; but though that 
monarch promised effectual protection of its chartered 
privileges he did not confirm what he did not approve." 
How amusing is it to remark the difference of zeal with 
which Connecticut defended her borders against the 
irruption of a barbarous enemy, and opposed the in- 
fringement of her supposed immunities: In this she 
acted with ardour, because she contended for independ- 
ence : In that, she was scarcely roused from her usual 
repose, because she saw no real danger, being defended 
by others. 

While New York struo;o;led without effectual aid 
against the difficulties of the war, hei" counsels were 
distracted and her repose disturbed by two implacable 


factions, which had grown out of the Revolution and 
which no means had been yet found to extirpate. 
Though in order to prevent the evils of discord, the 
adherents of Leisler had been pardoned and their estates 
restored ; yet it was in vain to offer indemnity to men, 
who did not admit that they had ever committed a 
crime: They even refused to sue out their pardons. 
And some of them being chosen representatives, though 
their attainders remained in force, the governor thought 
this irregularity illegal and dissolved an Assembly which 
admitted them to vote as legislators : What he deemed 
a just exertion of prerogative, they resented as an act 
of arbitrary power. On the other hand their opponents 
insisted with equal vehemence : that it would be contrary 
to every sound rule of justice and of policy, to admit 
men to sit in the legislature, whom the laws had con- 
demned lor the greatest of crimes ; that it was doing 
injustice to the innocent to permit those to usurp their 
privileges, who had forfeited their rights by their guilt. 
The public tranquillity was wisely preferred to the 
clamours of either party : And at a subsequent day a 
pardon was passed under the great seal of England, 
without payment of fees.'^ Fletcher exerted himself 
with a laudable sj)irit to heal the wounds of the people 
committed to his care. He forbad names of distinction ; 
he set before them the blessings of concord; he did 
equal justice to every one: And the public quietude 
appeared to be again happily restored. But it was 
merely that sullen indifference of the people which the 
wisest statesmen dreaded as the certain indication of 
approaching convulsions. He was roused by certain 
information from all parts of frequent meetings ; where 
violence soon begot resentment, where reflections were 
thrown on those in power and reparation was demanded 
for the blood of Leisler. During his surprize at a 
change, unexpected and alarming, he discovered, " that 
Sir William Phipps was the incendiary, who fanned 
the dying embers of former discontents." Abraham 
Gouverneur, convicted of murder in 1691, because he 

Chalmers's political annals. 141 

had aided Leisler in defending the fort, made his escape 
into New England. And a royal governor degraded 
his station when he protected a criminal who had fled 
from justice. Through this man Phipps carried on 
intrigues among a people, uninformed and therefore 
vehement. At the same time that Fletcher demanded 
satisfaction for a conduct so inconsistent with his duty 
he sent a messenger to require that the criminal should 
be delivered up to the animadversion of the laws. But to 
the people of Massachusetts and their ruler the conduct 
of Leisler and his adherents appeared as innocent, as 
praiseworthy, as their condemnations were illegal and 
therefore unjust. And when they remembered, that 
both had acted the same part at the Revolution, they 
exclaimed : If what Leisler and his followers have done 
be ill, how came the King and Queen to sit upon the 
throne. Far from delivering up one of the most zealous 
partizans to punishment they resolved, not only to give 
them protection at Boston, but to aid them with tlieir 
influence in England, procure a parliamentary redress 
of their wrongs." And they instructed their agents, 
Ashurst and Phips, to promote their views. Invigorated 
by this powerful support, Gouverneur and Leisler suc- 
cessfully petitioned William towards the end of the year 
1694, for leave to apply to Parliament to reverse the 
attainder of Leisler, the father, and his adherents, long 
after they had been pardoned under the great seal and 
their estates restored. Constantine Phips framed the 
bill ; Sir William Ashurst sat as chairman of the Com- 
mittee to which it was committed : And it was passed 
into a law in April 1695, though the most convincing 
reasons were oft'ered against it by New York, though it 
was in some measure opposed by the Court.''® The 
agents gloried in their success, which they hoped would 
be attended by a train of good consequences: They 
boasted, that they should never do New England so 
much good, as by getting this bill enacted.''" For, it 
passed a kind of censure on the administration of a 
province, which Massachusetts hated ever since the 


arrival of Sloughter ; because it was composed chiefly 
of the old counsellors of James 2d : It was supposed to 
contain a Parliamentary recognition of the rectitude of 
the violent proceedings at Boston that produced the 
Revolution. How striking is the scene, in which we 
behold the agents of New England soliciting the Parlia- 
ment to reverse the judgment of a court of justice in a 
neighbouring colony ; but the act would have passed to 
little purpose had not the legislature been possessed of 
the liighest of human authority : We see the King and 
the great council of the nation made the instruments in 
gratifying the little resentments of little men. Massa- 
chusetts at the same time struck a more deadly blow at 
New York. In pursuance of general expressions in her 
charter she now took possession of Martha's Vineyard 
and other islands in that vicinity, lying near the coast 
of New England. Yet these had long formed depend- 
encies of New York and paid taxes towards the support 
of her power, because they had been granted to the 
Duke of York while his pretensions however defective 
could not easily be disputed. But, it was now in vain 
for the Council to resolve, that these islands were not 
included in the charter before mentioned; or for the 
governor to threaten to defend the rights of his province 
by force. The inhabitants preferred the government of 
Massachusetts, and yielded a willing obedience to Phips, 
because they entertained the same sentiments religious 
and political as pervaded New England.^" And the 
one province gained an augmentation of people and of 
a revenue which the other now lost, though already too 
defective with regard to both. While Massachusetts 
rejoiced in the success of her intrigues, New York long 
mourned the evils of personal altercation, which those 
intrigues engendered on a credulous people, and of civil 
distractions which the act of Parliament before mention- 
ed long unhappily continued. 

In the meantime the treaty of pacification, begun 
towards the beginning of the year 1694, between the 
Five Nations and the French, preserved the frontiers in 

Chalmers's political annals. 143 

an usual state of repose. And this measure was of the 
greatest importance to the several colonies, which were 
shielded from the incursions of their enemies by the 
successful exertions of that gallant people. The governor 
of New York informed the neighbouring provinces of 
the reasons that had induced their Indian allies to in- 
cline to peace: Assuring them, that it would be impos- 
sible to prevent the tribes from making a separate treaty 
unless the strongest assurances were given of real aid to 
enable them to " carry on a war which they alone were 
no longer able to support. And in order to promote 
these views he invited Commissioners to meet the Five 
Nations at Albany upon the return of their negotiators 
from Canada. Massachusetts, Connecticut, and New 
Jersey sent Deputies to attend Fletcher at the proposed 
Indian treaty in Augiist 1694. Decanasora, the orator of 
the Five Nations, gave a public account of his embassage 
to Canada, which was more replete with eloquence than 
with just information. Yet it did not escape the pene- 
tration of Fletcher that it would be vain to amuse them 
any longer with unsubstantial promises : And knowing 
that it was not in his power, to give them assurances 
of effectual aid, he invited the chief Sachems to a private 
conference. He asked them if they had really concluded 
a peace with Count Frontenac. They candidly answered ; 
that as they were unable to carry on the war, the treaty 
wanted only his approbation. Unable to blame a con- 
duct which was prompted by necessity, he gave them 
his consent on condition that the ancient chain of amity 
with the English should remain unbroken and unstained. 
He warned them however that the moment the}- suffered 
the French to repossess fort Frontenac, situated in the 
center of their hunting-grounds, their independence 
must cease : And he promised to maix-h the whole force 
of his government to their aid should their encroaching 
enemies ever attempt it. In return they assured him, 
that they had resolved to insist on what he now recom- 
mended as an essential article of the ensuing pacifica- 
tion. And they faithfully performed what they at 


present agreed on, thougli we shall find, that he was 
unable to fulfill the magnificent assurances which he 
gave them, and upon the faith of which they too much 
relied. The great Council at Onondaga, the body 
politic of the Five Nations, with a firmness worthy of a 
Roman Senate, determined, that no distress should 
force them to depart from two points in the ensuing 
treaty ; never to allow the French to regain fort Fron- 
tenac ; never to include their Indian dependents. And 
neither the presents, nor promises, nor threats of the 
governor of Canada made any impression on a poor 
but magnanimous people, whom it was so difiicult to 
conquer, or corrupt, or frighten. The efforts however of 
Count Frontenac gave the greatest satisfaction to the 
Tribes who were attached to his fortune, because he dis- 
dained to accept a separate peace, that had sacrificed 
their interests to his quiet.^^ And men of discernment 
remarked: that this conduct no less honourable than 
just reflected disgrace on the policy of the English, who 
neither gave the Five Nations the protection which is 
due to subjects, nor furnished the aid that allies may 

When by the firmness of both parties the conferences 
that were to give peace to so many nations Avere broken 
off the war was renewed with a vigour heightened by 
disapi^ointment. The politest of nations remembering 
what she had suffered, outdid the Warriors, whom she 
denominated savages, in her cruelties to the miserable. 
The confederates severely retaliated on the allies of 
France. Amid the inhuman scenes that were then 
acted by both parties, it did not escape the sagacity of 
the experienced Frontenac, that it was the persuasions 
and promises of Fletcher that had frustrated his projects 
for the happiness of Canada; and he resolved by a 
vigorous effort to expose the weakness of the English 
to the eyes of a people who had confided in their wisdom 
and aid. He prepared to attack the Mohawks, who 
were the most attached to his enemy, and the borders 
of New York, durino; the winter of 1694-5. Havino; 

Chalmers's political annals. 145 

penetrated his designs however Fletcher was enabled by 
the Assembly to send a small reinforcement to Albany. 
He asked the assistance of the neighbouring colonies 
witli his wonted success. Indeed East Jersey sent him 
thirty men on that urgent occasion : Yet he complained 
to the ministers of England " that it made war on the 
trade of New York by prohibiting the products of the 
one from being sent to the markets of the other." But 
with greater effect he asked his sovereign for presents 
to the Indians and for punctual pay to the regular 
troops. ^^ The governor of Canada, perceiving his 
designs discovered and preparations made to repel his 
incursions, turned his views to the great western lakes. 
He detached several parties into that narrow country 
surrounded by those immense collections of water, deno- 
minated Erie and Ontario, partly in order to surprize 
the Five Nations, while hunting in security, but more 
to know the present condition of fort Frontenac which 
had been abandoned during the year 1688. And he 
succeeded in both his projects, because orders wisely 
given were punctually executed. That intrepid people 
soon took a severe revenge : They defeated a large body 
of Indians friendly to France, as they marched into 
Canada. The tidings of this disaster determined the 
Governor of that Colony, to execute the measure he had 
already resolved on. He knew the importance of the 
fortress before mentioned, both as it secured in a great 
degree the communications of the more Western country 
around Missilimackinac and as it could be easil}' convert- 
ed into a place of arms and retreat in the j)rojected 
enterprizes against the confederated nations. In July 
1695 the French easily retook possession of a fort, ^\■hich 
was of equal advantage and importance during war and 
peace, tliough this measure seems to have been contrary 
to the commands of his sovereign. And this conduct 
proved the fruitful source of vexation and expence to 
the English, who seldom forsee and prevent Avhat gi\'es 
them a fine opportunity to display to the world the 
extent of their braver}- and wealth to regain. The Five 


Nations sent immediate notice to Fletcher of what had 
happened, of Avhat they could not frustrate : And they 
demanded his promised aid. They desired him at the 
same time to inform New England that many of the 
Eastern Indians being then in Canada this opportunity 
should not be lost to destroy those who remained at 
home. In return he chid his friends for allowing the 
French to take possession of what they had undertaken 
to defend. He endeavoured to convince them of the 
impossibility of dispossessing the French from a strong 
post, situated upwards of four hundred miles from the 
inhabited frontiers by an army which must march 
through the intervenient desert, without roads, com- 
munications or provisions. He advised them to invest 
the garrison and cut off its supplies. And he condoled 
them on their misfortunes by giving a present of unusual 
value and use. But all their exertions ]3roved vain : 
The persevering vigour of the French long retained 
what their superior address had thus acquired.®^ Im- 
pressed Avith a sense of the present danger the assembly 
enabled the Governor to recruit the companies on the 
English Establishment and to raise a few additional 
soldiers " for securing the frontiers of the province." ^* 
Agents were sent to England in the end of the year 
1695 to ask for effectual aid. While the French were 
thus pushing their warlike settlements southward, and 
paving a way for future incursions on the more southern 
colonies, Virginia and Maryland solicited their sove- 
reign to be exempted from the burden of future quotas to 
New York, because they were actuated by the supposed 
pressiu-es of the present moment.^^ 

Count Frontenac having gained his first object with 
regard to the plans which he meditated for closing at 
once the war that had so long drenched Canada in 
blood, prepared for an unusual enterprize. In July 
1696, that nobleman in the seventy-fourth year of his 
age, marched at the head of the whole regular troops, 
the Canadian militia and his Indian allies against the 
Country of the Five Nations, which was defended by 

Chalmers's political annals. 147 

almost impervious morasses and forests. Having as- 
cended the river St. Lawrence he crossed Lake Ontario, 
and at length entered the wilderness, that sheltered the 
people whose destruction he designed, by the stream of 
Oswego. The Onondagas alone gave him a defiance 
according to their manner. They placed their women 
and children in a place of safety. And they resolved 
to defend their country with that undaunted spirit which 
they had so often shewn on the most trying emergencies. 
But, being informed by Indian deserters, that their ex- 
asperated enemies were more numerous than the leaves 
on the trees, that they brought with them uncommon 
machines, which were described as spreading fire, and 
bullets, and death at a prodigious distance, they retired ; 
leaving their village in flames. Count Frontenac 
m.arched up in battle array to the miserable remains of 
what the fire had spared : And he destroyed the scanty 
crops of a people who despise tillage as unworthy of 
them. Here was found only one Sachem, who had 
survived almost a century of years, who chose that time 
to die : Thinking life no more worthy of his care, since 
he could no longer contribute to the defence of his 
countr}' by his arm or his counsels. He expired whh 
a resolution characteristic of his nation amid torments, 
wdiich none but the American Indian can inflict or suf 
fer : Giving warning to his tormentors to prepare for 
that vengeance which his numerous progeny would 
certainly take. The want of provisions which could not 
be procured in a desert obliged that general to retire 
with precipitation, without effecting all that was intend- 
ed. Far from dispirited by losses which could easily 
be repaired the Onondagas hung on his rear and found 
opportunities enow to revenge their late disgrace. Tlie 
Five Nations suffered little fi-om this overbearing irrup- 
tion when compared with the distresses of their invaders. 
The harvest failed in Canada, because the Husbandmen 
were employed either in this expedition or in guarding 
its borders in the absence of the army ; and one of those 
famines ensued, which had so often depopulated that 


colony. ^^ When the inhabitants of New York heard of 
the approach of the French they were seized with a 
consternation, not in proportion to their real danger, but 
to what they imagined they should feel and suifer in 
case of an actual invasion. In this extremity Fletcher 
repeatedly demanded the appointed quotas of the neigh- 
bouring colonies : But as usual without success, because 
they felt only for themselves. And he was now left to 
defend his province with the four standing companies, 
maintained by England at a considerable expence. He 
no sooner heard of the loss sustained by the confederated 
tribes, than he determined to alleviate misfortunes which 
he could not prevent, since he could not give them ef- 
fectual protection. And enabled by the liberal grants 
of the Assembly he supplied them with corn during the 
ensuing year. The Quakers of Pennsylvania, either 
alarmed when they heard of the retreat of the Indians 
southward along the river Susquehannah, or pitying 
their misfortunes, sent two hundred pounds to Fletcher 
to purchase them raiment and food.®'' But we shall find 
that these attentions did not eradicate the impression 
which late events had made on the firmest minds, be- 
cause they as much feared the vigour of their enemies 
as they despised the weakness of their friends. 

In the meantime the Agents of New York represent- 
ed to the ministers of England the deplorable imbecility 
of this province, and the danger of losing for ever the 
attachment of the Five Nations with the security which 
this brought with it. They proposed as the surest 
means to protect both from the incursions of the common 
enemy to dispossess the French of Canada and to plant 
there an English colony ; to erect fortifications on Lake 
Ontario ; and to strengthen the frontiers with a thousand 
regular troops. But in their solicitude for their province 
they never reflected how much England had been debi- 
litated by marking exertions beyond her strength, and 
how unable she was to engage in fresh projects when 
she knew from recent experience how little the Colonies 
interested themselves in a contest that had their rio;hts 

Chalmers's political annals. 149 

as well as her own for its object. Yet she gave them a 
new instance of" her parental care. More liberal presents 
were sent to her Indian allies whom Fletcher was order- 
ed to supply with necessary anmiunition during the 
war ; military stores were sent to the colonies, that they 
might be enabled to defend themselves : An Engineer 
was ordered to repair their fortifications : And as the 
provinces had not complied with the royal requisition 
of quotas for the defence of New York, the safety of 
which involved the fate of the whole, fresh instances 
were made with greater earnestness.^^ 

While these salutary measures were pursued in order 
to extricate New York from her present embarrassments 
a desultory war continued on the frontiers, the events 
of which deserve not to be now remembered, because 
they were then of little consequence. But the Five 
Nations wished for peace. They sensibly felt the in- 
equality of their burdens ; they perceived the inability 
of the English to protect them, because they did not 
cooperate with each other; they even doubted from 
what they had seen whether the war continued between 
France and England : Yet with a laudable attachment 
to treaties, which the most polished of nations ought to 
imitate, they proposed to continue the contest, provided 
Canada was attacked by sea. But no promises were 
made by the governor, because he knew that they would 
little regard what he had been hitherto unable to per- 
form.^*^ The people on the borders were extremely 
alarmed when they heard of a fresh irruption of the 
Canadians, because they dreaded equally the depreda- 
tions of friends and foes: And nothing prevented a 
dereliction of the country, but the animated conduct of 
Fletcher, who reinforced the frontiers, encouraged the 
Indians, and placed himself in Albany during the 
winter of 1696-7. Yet he was soon after recalled partly 
owing to complaints against him, but more with design 
to make room for a new plan of union of the Northern 
Colonies, on which the safety of the whole was supposed 
to depend. 


Notwithstanding every inconvenience of the war, the 
City of New York increased from various causes in 
commerce, in wealth, and in populousness. The taxes, 
which had been levied to a greater extent than it had 
ever known betbre, were imposed with equity and col- 
lected with moderation ; which by adding to the general 
circulation promoted the general industry. The war 
had put in motion a multitude of privateers and pirates, 
to which that city afforded an asylum and which it 
supplied with provisions ; exchanging these for gold and 
other rich commodities, the plunder of the East. And 
it found the greatest advantage in carrying on an illegal 
traffic of great extent which supplied the demands of the 
province; as those officers, whose duty required them 
to execute the acts of navigation, turned their eyes from 
irregularities that were criminal in proportion as the 
commerce of England had been diminished by a war, 
which was carried on for the benefit of all. 

When the intrigues of William Penn since the, 
Revolution were in the meantime remembered, when 
his neglectful absence from his province and its exposed 
state were considered, it was resolved to place it under 
the care of Fletcher. In October 1692, he was invested 
with the same powers of Government over Pennsjdvania 
as had been given him over New York.^'^ The lords of 
the Committee of Colonies having determined on the 
rectitude of this policy, the Crown Lawyers, whose 
official advice was asked, gave a sanction to the legality 
of it. But neither seem to have reflected, that they 
were depriving English subjects of Chartered rights, by 
supposing facts to exist, which the law of England re- 
quired, should have been previously affirmed by a 
verdict of their peers. Far from consenting to measures 
which deprived him of power, Penn gave warning to 
Fletcher to beware how he trampled on the privileges 
of an Englishman by executing a commission which he 
deemed illegal : ^^ And he gave instructions to his friends 
in Pennsylvania how to oppose his authority by under- 
mining the governor's power. ^^ 

Chalmers's political annals. 151 

Fletcher no sooner received these additional powers 
than he repaired to Philadelphia to execute the trust 
reposed in him. In April 1G93 he here published his 
commission and assumed the government without op- 
jjosition, because the Quakers obstruct by intrigue what 
others oppose by force. He nominated ]\iarkham, 
formerly secretary of Penn and President of the prov- 
ince, Lieutenant-governor. He appointed eight Coun- 
sellors and other otiicers. And he continued the Courts 
of justice on the former plan. Considering justly that 
his commission and instructions had superseded as well 
the charter as the frame of government that had engaged 
the affection of the Emigrants, he resolved to disregard 
both in the manner of calling an Assembly, since he 
was instructed to follow in all things the example of 
New York. Much depended on the rectitude of this 
measure, because the validity of the laws was to result 
from it. Yet there were not wanting persons who, 
instructed by Penn and deploring the loss of their own 
consequence in the late change, opposed the proceedings 
of the Governor, though in the peaceful manner that 
their peculiar religion prescribes. Seven members of 
the late Provincial Council on behalf of the freemen: 
Desiring " that no other method may be used in calling 
the legislative power than the received law of tlie Prov- 
ince does provide." But no answer was given, because 
the Governor and Council agreed "that it cannot be 
consistent with the powers of the Commission to regard 
an address which strikes at the foundation of their 
authority." Yet the ancient form was in a great meas- 
ure changed. When the Assembly at length convened 
six members only appeared who without scruple took 
the oaths which the law had provided for the security 
of the State. The others Avere allowed to subscribe the 
declaration of fidelity, in pursuance of the rojal instruc- 
tions ; yet not till they entered on their journal, that 
what was then permitted was merely an act of grace, 
which should not be construed into a pretension of 
right. From these notices we may determine with 


regard to the religious tenets of the members ; with regard 
to that policy which sacrificed so imich to warfare, yet 
admitted into the legislature men who opposed the most 
necessary violence as sinful. The Delegates now atten- 
tively practised the lessons of opposition that the Pro- 
prietary had taught them.^^ They opened their delibera- 
tions ^vith a resolve ; " that the laws of the province that 
were in practice before the arrival of the present gov- 
ernor are still in force." Never advertino; durino- tlieir 
zeal, that the principle of their resolution contained a 
strong assertion not only of the illegality of the present 
government, but of the consequent irregularity of their 
own proceedings. Having insinuated that their present 
change arose alone from the absence of the Proprietary, 
the Governor laid before them the motives recited in 
his commission, and with the bluntness of a soldier 
assured them: "That the constitution of their majestys 
government and that of Mr. Pen are in direct opposi- 
tion to each other ; and if you tenaciously stickle for his, 
it is a demonstration that you decline the other." It 
was impossible to answer this perplexing argument. 
And while they insisted, " that the reasons assigned for 
superseding the Proprietary government were founded 
in misrepresentation,'"' they admitted Fletcher to be their 
lawful governor, " saving to themselves and those 
they represented the privileges of both." Owing in 
some measure to the novelty of the scene, but more 
because neither of the disputants did justice to each 
other, the session passed away in continual contention. 
After some altercations he confirmed during the King's 
pleasure a long list of laws. And they partly in return, 
but more from the dread of " an annexation to New 
York" with which they were menaced, gave a small 
supply for the support of the provincial establishment.''* 
There were many however of the well affected inhabit- 
ants of Philadelphia, who declared themselves sensible 
of the royal care in taking them under his immediate 
government and avowed themselves ready to uphold it : 
But these men perceived not the danger to real liberty 

Chalmers's political annals. 153 

from change wlien not strictly legal. In the height of 
his chagrin Fletcher informed the Secretary of State ; 
That no assistance was to be expected from the Quakers, 
who little regarded the Queen s mandatory letter, who 
had rather die than resist with carnal weapons, and 
who, while they have neither arms nor ammunition, 
will not suffer those few to be trained that shew an 
inclination. He departed in June 1693: Giving up 
the reins of the Pensylvanian government to Markham, 
a man needy and profligate, but of great experience, 
since he had been the first ruler. It did not escape the 
sagacity of Fletcher, that the policy to which the rights 
of Pen and the privileges of the people were unjustly 
sacrificed, had now wholly failed. Far from adding 
strength to the feebleness of New York his necessary 
absence had only increased her embarrassments. He 
gave notice to the ministers of England, that the trust 
conferred on him "was merely a trouble" without an- 
swering any of the important jjurposes of union and 
energy. And he advised a complete annexation of 
Pensylvania, of the Jerseys, of Connecticut, to New 
York, as the only measure that could save the last from 
the possession of France.'*^ 

Markham governed Pensylvania with the weakness 
of dependent authority. He called an Assembh' in the 
beginning of the year 1694. But a sudden prorogation, 
which he made by order of his superior prevented a 
redress of those grievances which naturally arose from 
the confusion of the ancient Constitution and the inno- 
vation of the new. Yet with the spirit of injured free- 
men they transmitted a remonstrance to Fletcher. Com- 
plaining of the late prorogation, and insisting among 
other objects of grievance which evinces the extent of 
their jealousy, that the supplies granted by the last 
Assembly should be justty applied and accounted for to 
the present. The Governor hastened from the confer- 
ences held with the Five Nations in May 1694, to meet 
the Assembly in person. He apologized to that body, 
by urging the necessity of meeting the Tribes, wdio had 


been endeavouring to make a peace with France, which 
all wise men considered as equivalent to a confederacy 
against the English. He laid before the Delegates the 
proceedings at the late conference. He represented to 
them the deplorable state of the frontiers of New York, 
which had been in some measure abandoned, owing to 
the want of the aid of neighbors rather than to the im- 
pression of the enemy. While he praised East-Jersey 
tor sending a quota of aid, he urged in prophetic lan- 
guage, that the danger of Pensylvania was not the 
less real because it was now distant, but if from their 
abhorrence of war they would not levy money for the 
general defence they ought at least to enable him to feed 
the hungry and to clothe the naked. And he assured 
them of his readiness to concur in anything that might 
be useful to the province. Yet the session passed away 
rather in altercation than in mutual endeavours to pro- 
mote the real interest of the colony. The deputies 
indeed passed a bill for raising a supply : But having 
appropriated the money and appointed Collectors, the 
Governor informed them of his positive instructions to 
consent to no money bill, wherein the tax was not 
granted to the King for the uses of the state, according 
to Parliamentary Custom. It was apparent, that no 
money could ever be raised, while the acceptance of the 
one rendered him unworthy of future trust, and the 
others insisted on their own terms, because the interest 
of their constituents and their own consequence were 
equally involved. While this fruitful source of dis- 
agreement continued he insisted in vain for an answer 
to the Queens requisition of aid for New York. The 
Deleoates in return sent him a remonstrance with re- 
gard to the state of the province and their own privileges. 
And a fruitless session was soon after closed by a dis- 
solution, which at all times has confirmed the resolution 
rather than convinced the judgment or conciliated the 
affections of popular assemblies. The same subject was 
renewed at a subsequent meeting, when similar alterca- 
tions ensued with the same success.''^ Representatives 

Chalmers's political annals. 155 

who withhold money from their rulers are generally 
rewarded with the applause of the governed. 

Meanwhile William Pen, who had secretly directed 
the proceedhigs of the Delegates, successfully exerted 
his usual address to reconcile himself to his new sove- 
reigns, whom he had injured and therefore hated. In 
July 1694, he represented with his accustomed art the 
great prejudice that had ensued by the separation of the 
government from the soil : And he prayed to be restored 
to his former privileges. The CroAvn Lawyers Ward 
and Trevor gave it as their official opinion, "that the 
charter of Charles 2d had granted to the Proprietary 
the right of government, civil and military, but subject 
to the general sovereignty of the king over the province 
and inhabitants."^^ Having gained this important 
declaration in his favour, he assured the Lords of the 
Committee of Colonies, that he was willing to subscribe 
the declaration of fidelity to their majesty s. With a 
saving of his principle, that he would speedily return to 
Pensylvania and provide for its safety, that he would 
transmit in the meantime to the assembly such orders 
as should be given for the general defence, which he 
doubted not they would dutifully obey, but if they did 
not, he would submit the military affairs to the king's 
pleasure. Pelying on these solemn promises the Com- 
mittee recommended his restoration. And in August 
1694 the commission of Fletcher was revoked, which 
should have been never granted ; because the expected 
good could not balance the certain evil of infringing at 
once the rights of Pen and the privileges of the Pen- 
sylvanians. The Queen wrote a second mandatory 
letter; which, remarking his petition and restoration 
and her appointment of the quota of aid, required his 
compliance with the requisition of the governor of New 
York,^^ Unable to return to Pensjlvania, or to make 
a final settlement of its affairs, the Proprietary in the 
subsequent November empowered Markham to rule his 
province in his absence, according to loiown usages and 
laws. And he gave him two assistants, who however 


declined to act, by whose advice he was directed to 
transact the public business. ^^ Thus w^as restored the 
government of Pensylvania to its founder : Thus were 
the people reinstated in their ancient privileges, after a 
species of usurpation, since the late administration had 
been established contrary to law. But we shall find, 
that Pen either possessed not the power, or wanted the 
inclination to perform stipulations on his part, which 
he deemed perhaps improperly asked; because rights 
unjustly taken away ought to be returned without con- 

Nevertheless Pensylvania remained for some time 
in that political situation in \^^hich Fletcher had left it. 
Under Markham it continued quiet and therefore un- 
important. An Assembly was at length convened iu 
the year 1696 under the irregular form which the change 
of 1693 had introduced. The Deputy Governor recom- 
mended to its attention the affairs of New York and 
the distresses of the friendly Indians, the Queens requi- 
sitions and the promises of the Proprietary before men- 
tioned. The informality of the present convention did 
not escape the penetration of the Burgesses. Yet they 
unanimously declared their willingness to perform their 
duty with regard to these recommendations, " if the 
Governor would be pleased to settle them in their former 
constitution.'" As men are never at a loss for expedients 
when they are really disposed to comply a Committee 
of the Council met one of the Delegates " to consider 
how to promote that favourite object " : A bill for this 
purpose and one for raising money were at the same 
time prepared and passed. For the support of the 
provincial administration and for the relief of the dis- 
tressed Indians, the scanty sum of three hundred pounds 
was granted. The present " act of settlement " did not 
restore the old but introduced a new constitution. Yet 
as its existence proved of very short duration, its regula- 
tions deserve not to be now recollected. It saved former 
rights whether derived from the charter or laws. And 
with an absurdity proceeding from the pride of men it 

Chalmers's political annals. 157 

provided; "that no part of it should be altered without 
the consent of the Governor and six j^arts in seven of 
the freemen in Assembly met": ^^ As if the legislative 
power can prohibit its successors fi-om abrogating what 
the legislature has formerly enacted. Here we disco^^er 
the reason why popular assemblies contend with so 
much energy for the sole disposal of money : It is an 
argument everywhere so absolutely decisive. 

An assembly convened in the subsequent year in 
conformity to the late act of settlement. The regulations 
beforementioned were instantly confirmed, because their 
validity had been doubted. Before the Delegates was 
laid a fi^esh requisition of aid by the Governor of New 
York ; but they refused to grant the promised quota : 
Urging' in excuse, the infancy, the poverty, the incum- 
bered state of the colony. ^"^ Pensylvania found cause 
in after times to regret, that her representatives found 
pretences to disregard equally the requisitions of the 
Queen and the assurances of the Proprietary. Not- 
withstanding the various changes she had undergone no 
country was ever blessed with a more rapid increase of 
industry and populousness, commerce and wealth than 
this province from the Revolution to the present period. 
Her government gave the same protection to the wealthy 
emigrant and to the needy fugitive; her laws promoted 
diligence, as a virtue of the greatest importance to an 
infant state; she extended her traffic whithersoever 
interest directed the navigator, as she disregarded the 
arts of navigation: And the governor and inferior 
magistrates countenanced and even protected pirates, as 
men who augmented her wealth without injuring her 
morals. The adjacent provinces, envying perhaps her 
prosperity gave notice to the ministers of England of all 
tliese disorders ; and begged for an adequate remedy 
with the same zeal, as if a check given to the irregulari- 
ties of one colony could alone promote the commercial 
ardour of another."^ 

During the various innovations in Pensylvania, 
and her rapid advance to greatness, measures were 


adopted to procure for Carolina, long depressed by 
anarchy, a change equally desirable. When the Pro- 
prietaries reflected on the continued distractions of this 
turbulent colony and weighed the salutary advice that 
had been given them by the governor and Deputies, 
they did not hesitate to comply with the recommenda- 
tion of sending thither one of their own body as chief 
magistrate. At a full meeting of the Proprietors held 
in June 1694, in order to consider of the state of the 
country, John Archdale, a quaker, whose prudence 
was equal to his great experience in colonial affairs, was 
appointed governor general of both the Carolinas. He 
was intrusted with larger powers than any of his pre- 
decessors, because "the present exigency requires it and 
he is in the nature of a Proprietor." He was instructed 
to pursue former orders at the same time that he studied 
in what manner to promote the improven;ent of the 
Colonies; to review their constitutions and to recommend 
to the Assembly such alterations as he might think for 
the general interests. And he was introduced by the 
Proprietors to their Deputies as a person who ardently 
desired to establish a settlement of affairs, satisfactory 
and permanent. Nevertheless his powers seem not to 
have been equal to his own opinion of the extent of his 
business. Having arrived in Virginia in June 1695 
he wrote thence to his constituents for authority "to 
appoint new Deputies, to grant an abatement of the 
quit rents in arrear, to dispose of unlocated lands on 
reasonable terms." All these were readily granted, 
because they appeared to be absolutely necessary. He 
was received in August 1695, with universal acclama- 
tions, because the humility of his appearance offended 
no ones pride, punishment was dreaded by none, much 
was expected from his powers. And his endeavours 
seem to have proved successful. The equanimity of his 
conduct reconciled the various factions to each other ; his 
acknowledged integrity prevented every suspicion of 
sinister designs ; and his address procured a reformation 
of most of the evils which disorders of long continuance 

Chalmers's political annals. 159 

had introduced. The Assembly, which he not long 
after summoned, and which the mildness of his manners 
extremely softened, zealously promoted his views, be- 
cause the concessions before mentioned gratified the 
members. They passed an act for the redress of sup- 
posed grievances, for the settlement of the quit rents 
and other manorial rights, that for so many years had 
created the greatest dissentions. And they transmitted 
an address of gratitude to the Proprietaries for a liberal- 
ity of sentiment and action, which, they had few op- 
portunities of admiring in each other. To the Indian 
tribes, both foreign and domestic, he did that justice 
which they had seldom -experienced before : And the 
Colonists felt the benefit of this laudable policy, that 
they have at all times but too seldom practised. Yet 
this man's morality was somewhat corrupted by the 
profligacy of the people and the times : He encouraged 
an illicit commerce, so repugnant to the moral sense ; 
he countenanced piracy, so contrary to every system of 
laws. North Carolina remained during these transac- 
tions in the South almost without any perceivable gov- 
(jrnment, the general receptacle of the fugitive, the 
smuggler and the pirate. At the expiration of two 
years Archdale delivered the Carolinas, which now were 
blessed with an unusual state of tranquillity, to the care 
of Blake ; having justly acquired the honour of giving 
equal satisfaction to his employers and to the people, 
whose happiness he had thus promoted. Meantime 
various complaints were made to the ministers of Eng- 
land against these provinces, for seducing the inhabitants 
of other colonies ; for trafficking contrary to law ; for 
receiving pirates. And they wrote to the Proprietaries 
in terms which evinced what impression these accusations 
had made, "to take extraordinary care to discourage 
such things hereafter, so as to prevent similar reflections 
in future." ''^ 

At no period of the English annals had the national 
commerce flourished more luxuriantly than during the 
reigns of Charles 2d and his successor: At no period of 


them had it ever declined with so much rapidity as during 
the war of the Revolution. The exertions, that England 
made during this contention, Avhich had her independ- 
ence and freedom for its end, were greater than she had 
ever made before, and beyond her abilities even when 
aided by the one half of Europe. During the first years 
of this momentous contest the merchants were deprived 
of their sailors by the advice of the Commons, in order 
to man the fleet that was to repel the invasion of the 
late king aided by France: And their inadequate 
Convoys were often delayed, sometimes refused, because 
the French had worsted the fleet of England in several 
rencounters, on her own coasts. The great demand for 
money and the debasement of the coin had checked 
universal circulation, and the unexampled taxes were 
consequently less productive at the same time that they 
ruined the industrious classes. The instability of the 
new government, and the disaffection of many of the 
great had a manifest influence on the national manufac- 
tures, because the minds of the people were often alarm- 
ed. Even after the decisive victory of La Hogue, 
neither was the trade of the conqueror so fully protected 
nor that of the conquered so completely ruined as might 
have been expected from the acknowledged naval supe- 
riority of the former. Ignorance, cabal, and treachery 
directed the divided councils of William. The English 
merchants, whose comj^laints are generally of all others 
the most attended to, tilled the nation with accounts of 
their losses as considerable as they were well founded. 
In these calamities the colonial commerce fully partook, 
because it was intimately connected with that of the 
parent state. The conduct of the ministers was inveighed 
against not only as a criminal neglect of the nation, but 
as a treacherous sacrifice of her trade at the shrine of 
foreign interests. All these causes contributed to intro- 
duce this important subject into Parliament during the 
session of 1695-6. And a motion Avas made to establish 
a council of trade by an act of the legislature. But 
while one party opposed a measure so interesting to a 

Chalmers's political annals. 161 

commercial kingdom, as infi-inging the prerogative of 
the King, and thereby changing the nature of the Con- 
stitution, and the other supported it, because favourable 
to liberty and the rights of the subject, the discovery of 
a conspiracy against the royal person closed the debate 
and turned the attention of every one to an object more 
alarming/*^^ In order to prevent the revival of a similar 
motion that monarch not long after signified his inten- 
tion to gratify the wishes of his people by the appoint- 
ment of Commissioners, whose deliberations should have 
the advantage of the Colonies and of Commerce for their 
chief object/''^ 

From the Restoration to the present period the 
superintendence of these distant settlements and the 
mercantile interests of England had been placed in 
various committees of the privy -council, though differ- 
ently modified in proportion to the eventful changes of 
the times. May 1G96 is the memorable epoch of the 
esta1)lishment of the Board of trade and plantations on 
its present footing. A commission then passed the 
great seal, directed to the great officers of state and to 
other persons of experience, for promoting the advantage 
of commerce foreign and domestic, for watching over 
the affairs of the Colonies. And the Commissioners 
proceeded to discharge the trust reposed in them with 
great zeal and ability. Various were the projects which 
they received and considered for promoting domestic 
industry, for urging foreign enterprize : Much time and 
attention did they employ in corresponding with the 
governors and other officers of the plantations ; in perus- 
ing the various acts of different assemblies, which were 
transmitted for the royal approbation ; in giving energy 
to the laws of navigation, that it was found so difficult 
to enforce.^"^ And nothing engaged more their deliberate 
consideration in the year 1G9G, than the lamentable 
state of the colonies, which had suffered equally from 
the imbecility of internal divisions and the pressures of 
a formidable foe. It was perceived indeed, " that there 
were Englishmen enow not only to defend themselves but 


even to drive their enemies from the northern continent." 
But the provinces were so separated in jurisdiction, so 
disunited by adverse interests and affections, that far 
from ainioying their invaders they joined in no common 
measure for the defence of the common frontiers. 
Mutual Union had been recommended by Mary and 
quotas of aid appointed by her, because it was thought 
just, " that they should employ their own hands and 
purses, in defence of their o^vn estates, lives, and families." 
But her requests were listened to with indifference, as 
each province felt only for itself, disregarding the com- 
mon danger as unreal. How to unite and to bring into 
action the strength of so many discordant colonies, 
"while England spent so much blood and treasure in so 
lasting a war," employed the deliberations of the Board 
and exercised the thoughts of wise men. Much ought 
we naturally to expect from the wisdom of Locke, from 
the sagacity of Penn. The former however, aided by 
the experience of sensible coadjutors, could only propose 
the introduction of a military despotism, by investing 
all power, legislative and executive, in a Captain General 
of royal appointment. The last recommended the 
establishment of a democracy, which would have soon 
engrossed all authority and erected independent Empire. 
Neither proposal was accepted ; because the one was 
tyrannous ; the other was unsafe. When surrounded 
with difficulties statesmen often find relief from perfect 
inaction. Yet the ministers of William were urged to 
apply a speedy remedy to those inveterate disorders 
with the anxiety of men who feared it might come too 
late to prevent the bad consequences that England and 
her colonies might find full leisure to regret. Let us 
not however cast hasty blame on the wisdom of that 
reign: The same perplexing embarrassments have de- 
scended mth little variation to the present times, yet no 
man has been found who can unravel the intricate knot, 
by making the advantages of union and the interests of 
freedom coalesce. 

Chalmers's political a^jnals. 163 


' Andros's correspondence Yirg* Ent, 5 v, p. 223-40. — 

* Laws p. 1Y3-5.— ' lb. 177. The revenue collected for the 
College on the exportation of skins under the act before men- 
tioned amounted to £251—0— 5 a year. Virg'' A. p. 95.— 

* Virg^ Ent. 5 v. p. 244.—' The Stat, of the 10th & lltli W" 3 
ch. 2L S. 29 declared : " That no tobacco shall be exported 
from the Colonies otherwise than in cask or chest:" And this 
law and the practice under it continued imchanged to the 
present times. — ' The amount of the warlike stores then sent 
to Virginia was £807. 4. 10. Sf. Virg* Ent. 5 v. p. 257 : other 
stores were not long after sent amounting to £655. 12. 1. Id. 
287.—' Id. p. 266-70.—' Laws p. 179.—' Yirg"^ Ent. 5 v. p. 
299-301. — '" Id. The Governor seems to have been the only 
man in Virginia who approved of sending the appointed quota 
of aid to New York. The sentiments as well as the state of 
that most ancient dominion will appear in a light sufficiently 
striking from the following dispatch of Mr. Secretary Wormley, 
a man of the greatest experience in its affairs, of the 10 June 
1695 to the Committee of Council : " The revenue is in arrear 
and not sufficient to pay contingent charges much less to aid 
New York ; nor is there any probability of its being better 
during the war. And the dependence of this country is not 
so much upon New York as has been represented to require 
such supplies ; considering how great a loss the want of two 
hundred mens labour in this colony will be to the crown, 
besides the weakening the country if attacked." lb. 295. — 
" Yirg* Ent. A. p. 1-11-208. The Board of Trade having 
informed Andros of its appointment and desired his answer to 
queries, he transmitted in July 1697 the following ])articulars, 
from which we may judge of the political state of the Colony. 
The province had been then divided into twenty -three counties. 
The numbers of the people had never been taken but only of 
the taxables, which contained the white men upwards of six- 
teen years of age, the white women who laboured in the fields, 
the Negroes upwards of fourteen : From the year 1692 to 1696 
all these had amounted to about 19,000 but' never to 20,000. 
The militia consisted of 2020 horse and of 6278 foot ; in all 


8298 men fit to bear arms : And there were constantly posted 
at the head of each of the four great rivers as Eangers a Lieu- 
tenant and eleven men. The people were chiefly employed 
in planting tobacco, but the scarcity of goods of late had forced 
them upon manufacturing woolen, liunen, and shoes, and a 
few began to make tar. Besides tobacco they sent to Eng- 
land skins, furs, and pipe-staves ; to the other colonies they 
traded little : And the number of vessels belonging to the 
Colony were two ships, four brigs, and nine sloops ; but there 
were few or no sailors except those who came from other ports, 
because they generally turned planters. The domestic Indians 
were extremely free, and no means had ever been used to 
convert them. And the general state of the country is plenty 
and peace. Yirg* A. 40-115. 


" Mar/ Ent. 1 Ent. 1-18.—'" The speech in Mary' papers 
C. No. 5.—'* Bac. Laws 1692 ch. 4-20-42.— '^ Mar/' Pap. 0. 
No. 5.—'" Laws 1692 ch. 17.—" Mar/ Ent. 2 v. p. 62.— 
" 1692 ch. 2.—" Mar/ Ent. 3 v. 208-11.—=° 1692 cli 5.—=' 1692 
ch. 84.—'= The address M. Ent. 3 v. p. 52.—" Id. p. 76 : Cop- 
ley sent a trusty Messenger to Pensylvania, in order to view 
its disorders, to inspect its trade, and to sound the inliabitants 
how far they would consent to an incorporation with Maryland, 
lb.— ^^ Virg^ Ent. 5 v. p. 244.—=^ Id. 288.—'" Laws 1694. ch. 
6.-" Virg-^ Ent. 5 v. p. 266-7.—=' Mary^ Ent. 2 v. p. 130-50- 
80-95.—'" Bac. Laws 1694, ch. 1-33.—=^ Mar/ Ent. 2 v. p. 178. 
— '= The sum then sent was £333. 6. 8 ; which was said to be 
towards maintenance of his majestvs troops at New York. 
1695 ch. 27.—'' These addresses are in Mar/ A. 71-142.— 
" Laws 1695, ch. 6.—'^ Mar/ A. 52-5.—"^ lb. 357. 

Maryland had been already divided at the departure of 
Nicholson in the year 1698, into 13 counties and into 30 
parishes. The number of taxables, which contained neither 
the old upwards of sixty, nor the young under sixteen, nor the 
white women, amounted 

in the year 1694 to 9747 

in 95 10390 

in 96 ^ 10776 

Tlie taxables had increased in four years more to 12,214 
The z^Titaxables to 20,044 

The number of souls in 1700 32,258 

Chalmers's political annals. 165 

Nevertheless Nicholson wrote in July 1697 ; that the people 
emigrated to Pensylvania, because thej expected superior 
advantages ; that they manufactured linnen and woolen, though 
the asseuibly would not confess this, least an act of Parliament 
should he made to restrain them ; that he found difficulties in 
getting ships condemned in the common law Courts, because 
the Juries would not find for the King, and as a remedy he 
proposed that the principal officers of the ships of war should 
be sworn to execute tbe Acts of Trade ; and that tobacco had 
become at length scarce from the greatness of the demand. 
For the before mentioned notice see Mary^ Pap. A. p. 81- 
150 ; E. p. 10. Ent. A. p. 138. 

With regard to the laws passed in Maryland dm-ing the 
years 1692-9-1—95-96 it is remarkable that they were not 
formally considered by the ministers of England till October 
1699, when many of them were repealed by the advice of 
Trevor attorney General. This neglectful delay arose li'om 
the procrastination of Ward his predecessor who retained them 
till he was made chief Baron, and then returned them without 
any report. Mary^ pap. A. 10-11-436-1:1. 


" Hutch, hist. 2 v. p. 12-15.—'* Ibid. 50-1.—'" N. Eng. 
Ent. 3 V. 414-17-19.—" Hutch, hist. 2 v. 62; Neals. hist. 2 v. 
ch. 12. — "' Neal. ch. 11. — " See the minutes of the Committee 
of Council with regard to these laws N. Eng. Ent. 4 v. p, 187- 
200. — *^ His letters and petition in the IN. Eng. pap. 6 v. — 
*■* For all these things see the correspondence in N. Eng. Ent, 
3 V, p, 454, — Pap. 6 v. D, 46-7. The force under Wheeler 
consisted of two 3*^ rates, three 4*'' rates, three 5*^ rates, besides 
a multitude of smaller vessels. Id. — " Neals N. Eng, 2 v. p. 
491 ; see the treaty in N. Eng, pap, 6 v. ; — Colden, — *' For all 
these facts see N. Eng, Ent, p. 76-92-100 : And Journ^ 7 v. 
p. 259,—" Journ^ 7 v. p, 205-6.—" Hutch. 2 v, p, 83^.—" The 
address in N. Eng. Ent. 4 v. p. 179. — '" Journ^ 7 v. p. 401-4. 
— " Hutch. 2 V. p. 88-9,—^' Same p, 94,—" Neal 2 v. 552,— 
" N, Eng. Ent. A, p, 51-2.—" Same 53-61.—" The address 
in the same p. 93, — " These facts are contained in N, Eng. 
Ent, A, 114-88. Ten pieces of ordnance and one hundred 
barrels of gunpowder were sent to Massachusetts by Lord 
Bellomont. — " Same p, 168-75. The commission of Lord 
Bellomont was diflferent from those of other royal governments 
in this respect ; that it was founded on the charter. The same 
authority over the Captains of the Kings ships that had ruined 


his predecessor was now conferred on that nobleman. He was 
invested by his instructions with the sole power of pressing 
seamen for the royal navy: And he was required to grant 
warrants to procure men when requested. He was commanded 
" to allow no printing press to be kept nor any book to be 
printed without his leave. He was required to observe the 
acts of Trade and to encourage the officers of the admiralty 
and Customs. His commission and instructions were signed 
by the Lords Justices — Canterbury — Somers — Eomney — Ox- 
ford. The order with regard to the pressing of seamen was 
" very acceptable to the people who gratefully acknowledged 
his majesty's therein." Same p. 320. — '^ Same p. 48-186-208 


"" K Yk. Ent. 3 v. p. 1-8.— ■» Laws p. 18.—" K Tk. Ent. 
2 V. p. 450-2.—"' K Yk. Ent. 3 v. p. 8 ;— Colden ch. 9.— 
" Laws 21.— '^ N. Yk. Ent. 4 v. p. 19-26 :— On this occasion 
President Lloyd of Pensylvania wrote to Fletcher in January 
1693-4, the subjoined characteristic note: "We can more 
readily believe your burdens than give you relief herein : We 
commiserate you, but supply you at this juncture we cannot. 
The Delegates of the freemen have not thought it advisable 
since our Proprietarys absence to consent to the raising of any 
money either towards the requisite expence of government or 
the accommodation of our neighbours. We shall lay your 
requisitions before the Council but expect little success." 
From N. Yk. Ent. 3 v. p. 60.—" N. Yk. Ent. 3 v. p. 29-32. 
— "^ Colden ch. 10.—'° K Yk. Ent. 3 v. p. 56-9.—" Smiths 
hist. p. 119.—" Laws p. 19-21.—" N. Yk. Ent. 3 v. p. 59.— 
'' Same p. 71-83-150-1. The Estabhshment for the four 
companies of 400 from the 1 April 1694 was £6081. 3. 4. a 
year, payable out of the monies appointed for the pay of the 
land forces of England. N. Yk. Ent. 3 v. p. 155. The follow- 
ing state will enable the reader to form an opinion of the 
respective strength of the various colonies dm-ing the wars of 
William. From N. Yk. Ent. 3 v. 150-1. 

An estimate of the general charge that is necessary for the 
defence of Albany and securing the Lidians and adjacent 
colonies from the attempts of the French. 

600 men with their officers £16800 N. Yk. money, 

Incidental charges 2000 at 30 per ct. 
Gifts to the Indians 2000 




Supposed fighting men 





K England 


New York 





120 men 















Note by this scheme New York is to advance 40 men and 
the sum of £1200 more than their quota proportionable to the 
other provinces. 

The quota of men or money to be furnished by the follow- 
ing colonies as approved by the Lords of the Committee of 


120 men 

Rhode Island 








New York 




1198 men 

With the consent of the Proprietors of Jerseys 
the Governor of New York is empowered by a 
clause in his commission as governor of Pensylvania 
to command any part of their [militia] as a quota 


Standing forces at New York 1898 men 

Secretary Trumbull communicated in August 1694 the Kings 
commands with regard to these quotas to the Colonies before 
mentioned N. Yk. Ent. 3 v. 142-6. 

" These transactions with regard to Connecticut may be 
seen in N. Yk. pap. F 36-59 ; N. Yk. Ent. 125-6-33.—"' N. 
Yk. Ent. 3 v. 90-2. — " For these intrigues see the letters 
transmitted by Fletcher to Sec'' Blathwayt in Januar}" 1693-4. 
N. Yk. pap. E 23-5.—'* 6-7 Wm. 3 ch.' 30 (private) This is 
one of those acts of Parliament, which recites falsehood : And 
this circumstance is the more reprehensible in the members 
to whom it was committed, because they had delivered to 
them, by order of the house, the whole records and papei-s with 
regard to these transactions in the plantation othce. These 


may be seen ."N. Yk. pap. A.—'* Hutch. 2 v. p. 85-6.—'° N. 
Yk. Ent. 3 V. 41.— '' Golden ch. 10.— '^ N. Yk. Ent. 3 v. p. 
176 ; Presents were sent of the value of £200. Same 203. — 
*' Golden ch. 11.—" Laws 25.—'^ iN". Yk. Ent. 3 v. 255-6.— 
'" Golden 13.—" Laws 26 ; JST. Yk. A. 43-94.— «^ Same p. 1-19 
-35-40.—^^ Same 152. 


'" The commission recites as the reasons of this extraordinary- 
measure : " That by the great neglects and miscarriages in 
the government of Pensylvania and the absence of the Pro- 
prietor the same had fallen into great disorder ; whereby the 
administration of justice is interrupted, there is a want of de- 
fence, and Pensylvania and the adjacent Golonies are in danger 
of being lost to the crown of Englaud.'" [N. Yk. Ent. 2 v. p. 
403.] Though there was some truth in these suggestions, yet 
they did not formally appear, because they had not been af- 
firmed of a jury. And it ought to be remembered, that when 
the charters of Maryland and Pensylvania were taken away 
there was no other formal act than the mere appointment of 
royal governors even contrary to the opposition of the Proprie- 
taries of both. 

"' The subjoined letter of "William Penn to Governor 
Fletcher demonstrates the falsehood of the suggestion ; " that 
this change was introduced probably in concert with him." 
[In the K. Yk. papers F 24.] — "• Having assurance that a 
commission goes to thee with this ship to command my prov- 
ince at least during the war and in my absence, T thought it 
fit by the same opportunity to give thee this caution, that 1 am 
an Englishman and that country and government of it insepa- 
rably my property, dearly purchased every way and much 
indebted to me and my children ; yet, that there is no quo 
warranto brought nor trial nor judgment judicially passed in 
that affair : And therefore I must impute it to some informa- 
tion given the Lords of the Gommittee of plantations and an 
excessive care in them over the English territories. Therefore 
hope thee will tread softly and with caution in this affair. 

Thy friend— Wm. Penn." 

" 5th October 1692." 

" A letter sent about the same time by Penn to certain 
persons in Philadelphia and transmitted by Fletcher to the 
Lords of the Committee of plantations discovers the true springs 
of the various movements during his administration in Pen- 

Chalmers's political annals. 169 

Bvlvania. There is a copy of the letter among K. Tk. papers 

Insist upon your patent, says Penn, with wisdom and 
moderation but steady integrity ; you are to bear and obey the 
Crown of England speaking in the voice of the law; which 
this is not, but sic volo sic jubeo, doubtless upon advice of 
emulous neighbours that suggest that the French will make 
away with the province. Set forth its singular situation ; your 
charges and labours ; that the government was more your 
motive than the land ; that it will tend to the ruin of the 
Colony which brinois in Customs: And send this over to and. 
both friends and omers will deliver your representation to the 
Lords of the Committee of plantations or to the King in 
Council, if you will but protest against the governor of 2^ew 
York upon his arbitrary Commission. 

°' For the foregoing facts see N. Yk. papers 4 v. F. — 
'* Mod. Un. hist, 41 v. p. 10-12, — The laws then enacted under 
the authority of Fletcher's administration being transmitted 
to the ministers of England they required Penn's formal con- 
firmation of them even after the attorney General had reported 
in their favour. Pensy^ papers p. 179-85. — °' N. Yk. Ent, 3 
V. p. 48.—°" Hist. Rev. p. 31-3 ; Mod. Un. hist. 41 v. p. 13.— 
"' In July 1694 Sir Edward Ward and Sir Thomas Trevor 
gave it as their formal opinion : That though the patent had 
confeiTed the government civil and military on the petitioner, 
yet that in cases of extraordinary emergency arising through 
the default of the petitioner his majesty may constitute a 
governor for the protection of the province ; and that upon the 
grounds mentioned in Colonel Fletchers commission his majesty 
may grant surth a commission, but when these reasons fail, the 
right of government doth belong to the petitioner. Pensy^ 
pap. 173. Such was the opinion of the ablest Judges and 
Lawyers during the reign of William ; though the notion of a 
supjjosed necesi^ity justifying the prerogative had been exploded 
in the famous case of ship-money ; though the Declaration of 
right had affirmed, that the most trivial privileges of the sub- 
ject shall not be taken awav by a King of England without 
legal process.—"' N. Yk. Ent. 3 v. p. 134-46.— ^^ Prop. A. 1- 
2.—'°" Hist. Eev. p. 33.—'" Mod, un. hist. 41 v. p. 13-15.— 
'"' The letters of the governors Copley and Nicholson in Mary^ 
Ent. everywhere. 

"' For all these facts see Car. Ent. 1 v. p. 113-18 ; 3 v. p. 
17-35 ; Proprieties C. p. 4 ; and Plantations Gen' A. p. 39. 



"* Burnet O. T. 4 v. 239 ; D'Avenant's works, 3 v. p. 89. Id. 
appears from accurate details in the Plantation office [Planta- 
tions Gen^ A.] there was allowed to carry on the whole trade 
of the Colonies during 

The year 1690 229 ships, carrying 28,243 tons men 2508 
1692 46,248 4111 

Tlie whole exports to the continental colonies from Michaelmas 

1696 to Michaelmas 1697 amounted only to £140, 132. 7. 6. 

The imports during the same period 279, 854. 11. 9, 

'"' Com. Journ^ 8 v, p. 156. — ""' In pursuance of the order 
of the Commons in October 1696 and of that of the Lords in 
February following, the Board laid before the two houses 
copies of their commission and intelligent reports with regard 
to national commerce and colonial affairs. Miscellanies plant, 
off. 1 V. p. 1-50, — '"" It may gratify curiosity as well as disclose 
a variety of useful information to lay before the public The 
Mepreserdation of the Board to the Lords Justices in Sep- 
tember 1696 with regard to the then State of the Colonies. 
From Plant^ Gen^ A. 59. 

In obedience to your Excellencies commands of the 26 of 
August last we have read the paper thereto annexed which 
leading us into the consideration of the present state of his 
majestys plantations in the north continent of America we find 
that his majesty hath been at the charge of sending four com- 
panies from hence thither and for the maintaining of them 
there for many years last past. We are also told (for we can- 
not yet get a sight of the accomits) that that little province 
[New York] besides the loss they have sustained at sea as 
Colonel Fletcher their governor writes hath been at above 
£30,000 [money of the province at the Exchange of 30 pet.] 
charge in securing the frontiers against the attempts of the 
French and the Indians joined with them. This great burden 
having been thought too heavy to be born by this single prov- 
ince, which was as it were the outguard to his majestys neigh- 
bouring plantations m America, her late majesty of ever 
blessed memory was pleased to write to the governors of 
Virginia, Maryland Pensylvania and JSTew England to agree 
upon a quota of men or other assistance to be given by each 
colony or province for the defence of New York as occasion 
should require but by the neglect or various pretences of the 
several provinces the intended quota having not been settled 

Chalmers's political annals. 171 

and the Colonies concerned not having come to any agreement 
according to her majestys direction, she was pleased for the 
preservation of those plantations to establish the following 
quota in 1694 viz. 

Connecticut 120 Maryland 160 New York 200 
Ehode Island 48 Virginia 240 
Massachusets 350 Pensylvania 80 

And to signify her pleasure to those provinces that that 
quota of men or the value of the charges of maintaining them 
should be the measure of assistance to be given by the said 
provinces respectively for the defence and security of Kew 
York ; which order of her majesty by reason of the distinct 
and independent governments and of those of his majestys 
provinces hath very uncertainly and imperfectly been complied 
with, some of them having sent more some of them less in 
proportion of their several quotas and some none at all. 

His majesty has subjects enough in those parts of America 
not only to defend themselves against all the attacks they 
may apprehend from the French in Canada and the Indians 
joined with them but even to drive them out from hence; 
but they are so crumbled into little governments and so dis- 
united in those distinct interests that they have hitherto alford- 
ed but little assistance to each other and seem (as they now 
are) in an ill posture and much worse disposition to do it for 
the future. And it is almost incredible that his majestys 
governor of New York in the middle of above 40,000 English 
that he has in his neighbom'hood, should say as he does that 
he has but the four companies his majesty sent and are in his 
majestys pay there to rely on for the defence of tliat frontier 
in case of any attempt from the French. 

We having with our outmost care considered this whole 
matter are humbly of opinion : 

1st. That there is force enough in those plantations to 
resist and repel all attempts that may be made upon them by 
the neighbouring French and their Indians; nor can it be 
imagined tliat so great a number of English there should 
think it much to employ their own hands and purses in defence 
of their own estates lives and families ; but should expect to 
be wholly supported from England which hath spent so much 
blood and treasure in the carrying on so lasting and expensive 
a war. 

21y. We humbly conceive that the strength of the English 
there cannot be made use of with that advantage it ought for 
the preservation of those Colonies unless they be united. Not 


thoiigli his majesty should be at the charge to send more force 
from hence. For if, as is pressed by the governor of New 
Tork, the soldiers which his majesty lias there should be made 
up full 500, that indeed might be a garrison to secure Albany 
against the French, but not the other plantations ; since the 
Fi-ench would certainly there decline that fortress and endea- 
vour to make an impression upon some of the other provinces, 
careless of their own defence and not so well guarded. 

Sly. That a great part of that country being by grants 
from the Crown in the hands of private proprietors, and so 
cannot possibly be united under one government, we are 
humbly of opinion, that there can be no other way of uniting 
the forces of those several plantations to make them effectual 
for the preservation of the whole, but by putting them all 
under one military head or Captain General ; which that his 
majesty has power to do ; both the necessity of the preservation 
of his people in time of danger must needs satisfy every reason- 
able man as well as the judgement of his majestys Attorney 
and solicitor general given the 2d of April 1694, convinces us 
that it may be done by law. Their words in answer to a re- 
ference made to them concerning this matter are as followeth : 
" We are humbly of opinion that the charters and grants of 
these colonies viz, Connecticut, Rhode Island, East and West 
Jersey do give the ordinary power of the militia to the respec- 
tive governors thereof, but do also conceive that their majestys 
may also constitute a chief commander, who may have autho- 
rity at all times to command or order such proportion of the 
forces of each colony or plantation as their majestys shall think 
fit and further in times of invasion and approach of the enemy 
with the advice of the Governors of the Colonies to conduct 
and command the rest of the forces for the defence and pre- 
servation and defence of such of those colonies as shall most 
stand in need thereof, not leaving the rest unprovided of a 
competent force for their defence and safety, but in time of 
peace when the danger is over the militia within each of the 
said provinces ought as we humbly conceive to be under the 
government and disposition of the respective governors of the 
said colonies according to their charters." 

Whereupon we crave leave humbly to represent to your 
Excellencies that we cannot conceive how it is possible that 
those provinces should be preserved unless his majesty shall 
be pleased to constitute and appoint during the war some 
active vigilant and able man zealous for his service and govern- 
ment to be Captain general of all his forces and the militia of 
all the provinces colonies and plantations on the continent of 

Chalmers's political annals. 173 

North America with a power to levy arm muster command 
and employ them on all necessary occasions for the defence 
of tliose countries under such limitations and instructions as to 
his majesty shall seem best for his service and the good of 
those colonies aud also to appoint and commission officers to 
train and exercise at convenient times such of the inhabitants 
as are ht to bear arms that they may be expert and ready at 
handling of their arms and military exercises ; since it will be 
too late to begin to make them soldiers and fit them for the 
defence of the country when the danger is come upon them. 

But because the Quakers inhabiting some of those prov- 
inces out of mistake or preteuce of conscience refuse their 
personal aid in the use of force against their majestys and 
their enemies it may be left to the prudence of the said Captain 
General to receive from them in money their share of assistance 
for the support of those men whom he shall find at any time 
necessary to raise and employ in their and their neighbours 

2ly. And we further humbly offer that we conceive it 
necessary that the said Captain General should have the power 
of governor of any of the said plantations immediately depend- 
ing on the Crown whilst he is present in it. 

Unless this be done we do not see how those provinces can 
be preserved, for in the present state they are in, wherein they 
do and always will refuse one another mutual assistance mind- 
ing more their present profit than common defence it is not 
conceivable how it can be avoided, but that they should fall 
into the power of so active an enemy as France and one after 
another be all destroyed. The Massachusets, Connecticut, 
New Hampshire, Pensylvania, Maryland and Virginia, all 
allege in excuse of their not sending aid to New York, '' that 
they are all as much exposed to the enemy as that province : " 
and yet we do not find that they are in a very good posture 
of defence, much less can they be depended on for a timely 
and vigorous assistance to one another in case of danger, unless 
somebody be there on the place with power to compel them to 
it. Whereas a vigilant general there having under his eye 
the care of the whole would always be at hand to oppose the 
enemy with so many of the forces that are nearest which would 
be with greatest safety and least charge to those countries and 
without any disturbance and expence to the remoter. 

This he would be enabled to do by having constant intelli- 
gence with the neighbouring Indians our friends of the motions 
and designs of the enemy ; upon which consideration we must 
crave leave further to represent, that the said Captain General 


should be instructed to take all manner of care to keep the 
Five Nations and what other Indians are yet in amity with us 
firm in friendship ; for it is beyond question, that it would be 
utterly impossible for his majestys subjects to subsist in those 
parts, but they must inevitably be forced to leave them, if all 
the neighbouring Indians should once be got over to the French 
and become our enemies. To prevent that and to secure them 
to his majestys interest it will be expedient that the said Cap- 
tain General should from time to time make them such pre- 
sents sent from hence as he should find necessary and that 
some of the most leading and eminent amongst them should 
be entertained and have constant pay as Ensigns or Lieutenants 
of his majesty and be treated as his oflicers ; and next that they 
should be rewarded for all execution done by them on the 
enemy and the scalps they bring be well paid for. Further 
that some lusty vigorous youths of the English should accom- 
pany them in their expeditions, huntings and other exercise, 
who by inhabiting amongst them and learning their language 
grow acquainted with their woods, rivers and passes and come 
in a little time to be able to endure their fatigues. All which 
would be a means to familiarize them to us and strengthen 
their union with us ; and to this those young men should be 
encouraged by a certain assurance o^ rewards and preferment 
which they should never fail of according to their deserts in 
this service. That some of the bravest or most credited of our 
Indian friends should be brought (if they can be persuaded to 
it) into England to see the strength of his majestys forces by 
sea and laud and the populousness of his dominions, especially 
of this great City of London : the certain knowledge of which 
would be of great force to confirm them in their union with 
us ; and that captives of the Indian enemies should be brought 
into England for the same purpose. The knowledge of his 
majestys power and greatness serving to deter the one as well 
as to hearten and animate the other. 

And lastly, that efiectual means should be taken for the 
conversion of them to the protestant faith ; for among these 
here as well as among all other men, religion has been found 
by experience to be one of the strongest bonds of Union : For 
this good use we think the Governor and Company here in 
London for propagating the gospel in ]^ew England and the 
parts adjacent in America will be very ready to apply their 
stock and revenue when they shall be made to see, that the 
converting the Mohawkes and others of the Five Nations (to 
which they have already contributed some small matter) is of 
the greatest importance imaginable for preserving of those of 

Chalmers's political annals. 175 

the protestant religion who are in those parts as well as for 
the gaining new converts to it. 

These things relating to the Indians we think we may with 
the more confadence recommend, they being with great care 
and earnestness practised by the French for the gaining and 
holding of the Indians in Canada, where if they go on by these 
means to prevail on them as they have hitherto done 'tis to be 
apprehended his majestys subjects shall not be long quiet and 
safe in these his northern plantations. On the back of which 
the French daily and with great industry extend themselves 
and seem to have some other view than bare planting there ; 
which gives us just reason to add, that we humbly conceive 
some such effectual coxa-se as we have here proposed should 
be speedily taken, for fear it should come too late ; for there 
seems to us a great probability that the French will at this 
time have some aim that way. 

Tankerville John Locke 
Ph. Meadows Abk. Hill 
Whitehal 30 Sep*"® John Polexfen 
Remark. It seems unnecessary to point out the extravagant 
illegality of the appointment of a Captain general here recom- 
mended. That a King of England is generalissimo of the 
state is acknowledged : And that he may appoint generals to 
command the troops, which have been raised with consent of 
the state, in every dominion belonging to the crown follows as 
a necessary consequence. But of his own authority he cannot 
levy an army and the money which must subsist it : And he 
cannot therefore empower another to do so. It may however 
gratify the public to peruse what that renowned legislator 
William Penn recommended on this important subject. And 
with this view is subjoined : A brief and plain scheme how 
the English Colonies in the north parts of America, to wit 
Boston, Connecticut, Rhode Island, New York, New Jersey, 
Pensylvania, Maryland, Virginia, and Carolina may be made 
more useful to the Crown and one anothers peace and safety 
with an universal concurrence. [From Plant" Gen' A. p. 102.] 
Istly. The several colonies before mentioned do meet once 
a year and oftener if need be during the war, and at least once 
in two years during peace, by their stated and appointed 
Deputies to debate and resolve upon such measures as are 
most advisable for their better understanding and their public 
tranquillity and safety. 

21y. That in order to it two persons well qualified for sense, 
sobriety, and substance be appointed by each province as their 


Representatives or Deputies; which in the whole make the 
Congress to consist of twenty persons. 

3ly. That the Kings Commissioner for that purpose specially 
appointed should have the Chair and preside in the said Con- 

4:ly. That they shall meet as near as conveniently may be 
to the most central colony for ease of the Deputies. 

51y. Since that may in all probability be JS^ew York ; both 
because it is near the center of the Colonies and for that it is a 
frontier and in the Kings nomination, the Governor of that 
Colony may also be the Kings high commissioner during the 
session, after the manner of Scotland. 

61y. That their business shall be to hear and adjust all 
matters of complaint or difference between province and pro- 
vince : As 1st. ; where persons quit their own province and 
go to another that they may avoid their just debts thougli they 
may be able to pay them ; 21y. where offenders fly justice, or 
justice cannot well be liad upon such offenders in the provinces 
that entertain tliem ; Sly. To prevent or cure injuries in point 
of commerce ; 41y. To consider of ways and means to support 
the Union and safety of these provinces against the public 
enemies ; in which Congress the quotas of men and charge wall 
be much easier and more equally set than it is possible for any 
establishment here to do. For the provinces knowing their 
own condition and one anothers can debate that matter with 
more freedom and satisfaction and better adjust and balance 
their affairs in all respects for their common safety. 

Tly. That in times of war the Kings high commissioner 
shall be general or chief commander of the several quotas upon 
service against the common enemy as he shall be advised for 
the good and benefit of the whole. 

Remark : When Pen delivered the above project to the Lords 
Commissioners of Colonies on the 8th of February 1696-7, 
" He further explained his meaning in it was principally for 
adjusting the differences that might arise between any of those 
Colonies in civil matters not military ; and that the determina- 
tions to be made in the assembly by him proposed should be 
by plurality of voices." Journ' A. p. 395. But this plausible 
project was little regarded by the Board or by the public, 
though recommended by the powerful pen of D'Avenant. 








Cadwallader Golden, the author of the following letters, 
will always be conspicuous among the distinguished men of New 
York dui-ing the eighteenth century. Probably no American 
scholar of his time was better, or more widely known, and his cor- 
respondence with leading scientific men in Europe as well as Ameri- 
ca forms a very important part of the collection of his manuscript 
papers now in possession of the New York Historical Society, 
and hereafter to be published in the series of volumes of which 
this is the first. The collection embraces Colden's general as well 
as official correspondence, beginning as early as 1710 and ending 
only with his retirement from public life a few months before his 
death in 1776. 

" Governor Golden," says Verplanck, " was a scholar of vari- 
ous and extensive attainments, and of a very great and unremitted 
ardour and application in the acquisition of knowledge. When it 
is considered how large a portion of his life was spent in the labors 
or the routine of public ofiice, and that however great might have 
been his original stock of learning, he had in this country no read- 
ing public to excite him by their applause, and few literary friends 
to assist or to stimulate his inquiries, his zeal and success in his 
scientific pursuits will appear deserving of the highest admiration. 
A great mass of manuscripts on mathematical, botanical, metaphy- 
sical and theological learning, in addition to the works published 
during his life, afford ample proof of the extent and variety of his 
knowledge, and the strength, the acuteness, and the versatility of 
his intellect." 

The publication of the " Golden Papers " will insure a perma- 
nent memorial of his fame — a lasting monument of his industry 
and various acquirements, which may go far to redeem New York 
from the sin of neglect, if not of ingratitude. 


William Smith's History of New York was included in the first 
series of publications of the New York Historical Society, being a 
new edition of the original woi'k entirely revised by the author, 
with a continuation making a second volume, from the author's 
original manuscript. A subsequent volume of the Society's collec- 
tions contains the direct correspondence of Lieut. Gov. Golden 
with the father of the historian and the historian himself, respect- 
ing certain alleged errors and misstatements in his History. This 
was mainly with reference to the transactions between the Gov- 
ernment of the Province and Captain Laughlin Campbell, which 
grew out of a " scheme of Governor Clarke for settling the lands 
in the vicinity of Lake George with a colony of Protestant High- 
landers." This subject is further discussed in the letters now 

These letters, copied from the originals and now first published, 
have an interest in themselves which seems to warrant their sepa- 
ration from the mass of the collection and present publication. 
Although incomplete, and not intended at the time for the public 
eye, they are eminently suggestive ; and as they throw gleams 
of hght on many obscure passages of New York history, will un- 
doubtedly be regarded with interest as materials of history not 
less valuable from the want of reserve and freedom of treatment 
characteristic of a familiar domestic correspondence. 




Dear Son, 

As I have been conversant in the public transactions 
in this Province near forty years, and am now by my 
age become unfit for action and retired I have thought 
that I could not do better than to employ part of what 
time I have remaining in writing Memoirs of the public 
transactions for the use of my children wherein I was 
privy to or could discover the true motives of action. 
There is more to be learned from experience than can be 
by precept, for the first makes a much stronger impres- 
sion on us than the other and I am desirous that my 
children if possible may have all the advantages of my 
experience which perhaps I acquired too late in life for 
my own advantage. 

I designed at first to have ^vrote only loose memoirs 
of what passed in my own time but having lately read 
Mr. Smiths History of New York I think that as this 
is the first and only History of this Province, it 
probably may serve as a foundation for future History 
and therefor I think it may be of use to j^ou to make 
some remarks on it in the first place He has not been 
informed of some things of other things he has been mis- 
informed and I wish I could not add that some things 
he seems to have willfully misrepresented. When I come 
to my own times I shall intermix the remarks on that 
Histor)' with the memoirs which I think may be of use 
to my children. 


Truth and Sincerity are so essential to History that 
as an Historian would be laught at who should introduce 
his History with I will tell you no Lye I will not de- 
ceive you so when History is introduced more solemnly 
with The sacred Laws of Truth have been infringed 
neither by positive Assertions^ oblique^ insidious Hints^ 
wilful suppressions or corrupt n^isreprese^itations * the 
author with men who know the world puts the reader 
more upon his guard. 

Mr Smith places the Value of his History on his 
having extracted it from the Records of the Province no 
doubt this is of great advantage for the ascertaining of 
facts and chronology, but little can be learned from 
thence of the Motives and Springs of Action and the life 
of History the great use of it is in discovering these first 
Motives and Springs of Action. There are many things 
in his History of which he could have no information 
from the Records. 

Mr Smith o-ives the aro^uments at laro;e which the 
Dutch Governor made use of to support the Pretensions 
of the Dutch to the New Netherlands. This may be 
grateful to the Descendants of the Dutch who live in 
New York but it may be expected by the English that 
he should have given the answers to these pretensions in 
which he is silent. The Princes of Europe founded 
their pretensions in America on the first Discoveiy and 
in taking possession It was impossible to take posses- 
sion of every part at once but by that of part with a 
publick Declaration of the Territory they intended to 
hold by this Discovery and actual Possession There is 
no question that the first Discovery of North America 
was under Commission from the King of England and 
that the first settlement was made by the English with 
a publick Declaration by the Kings letters Patent that he 
claimed by that discovery and possession from the 39th 
to the 45th degr. of Latitude. After this according to 
the rules then and there observed among Potentates no 

* Preface to Smiths History. 

ON smith's history. 183 

Nation in amity with England could settle within these 
bounds without a Breach of the Amity between them 
It must certainly [have] been on reasoning from these 
Principles and the argument of superior force that the 
Dutch expelled the Swedes from Delaware The Dutch 
took advantage of the Intestine disorders and the civil 
war in England to establish themselves in the country 
claimed by the Crown of England and the English cer- 
tainly were in the right to reclaim this Country as soon 
as the publick tranquility permitted them to do it The 
Dutch in a similar case would have done the like. The 
cautious proceeding of the States general in giving their 
Authority to the settling a Colony on Hudson s River 
shews that that they were sensible of the Justice and 
force of the English claim It is common on Declaration 
of War to reclaim countries which had been yielded on 
treaty for on a declaration of War all former treaties be- 
come void and in such reclaiming either side is fond of 
making use of the Historeans of the other side to justify 
their claim. 

The Dutch in this Province it is probable think the 
Articles of Surrender are still in force and that any 
breach of them is a piece of injustice to them and there- 
for among other things they may in their own minds 
justify themselves in carrying on the illicit trade with 
Holland in opposition to the Laws of Trade which has 
been carried on from New York for many years. But 

1. It may be justly doubted whether these articles 
could be construed properly to extend farther than to 
the persons of the Dutch Inhabitants who then sub- 

2. When afterwards the States General by Publick 
Treaty quitted all claim to this country no regard is had 
of these articles of surrender but the Country is absolutely 
given up without condition 

3. If these very persons who submitted to the Eng- 
lish Government voluntarily and without force re- 
nounced their allegiance and submitted a new to the 
States of Holland they then forfeited without doubt all 


the priviledges that they could claim by the articles of 

That this was the case when the Dutch regained in 
1673 what they called the New Netherlands I believe is 
true I have been told by some of the Dutch Inhabit- 
ants of New York who remembered the thing well, That 
the Dutch Ships when they came under Staten Island 
had no thoughts of attempting the conquest of New York 
but only to take in wood and water knowing there was 
not sufficient force to hinder them but that while they 
were there the Dutch inhabitants invited the Dutch com- 
modore to take possession of the place at the same time 
informing him of the weakness of the English Garrison 
the Govr. and the greater part of the Garrison being 
then absent at Esopus on an occasion which I shall after- 
wards mention 

When the Dutch ships came up to' the town the In- 
habitants all flocked to the shore to welcome them with 
all the demonstrations of joy which they could make 
The Inhabitants of Albany Esopus and on Delaware 
river made their submission to the Dutch without the least 
appearance of force When the case is thus truly set 
forth the surrender without capitulation is not so extra- 
ordinary nor the Lenity of the sentence against Manning 
who commanded in the fort so ridiculous as it appears 
to be according to the account given of it in Mr Smiths 

Mr Smiths account I know is founded on the records 
of New York but can any man believe that Manning on 
his trial would confess absolutely the charge exhibited 
against him without excusing himself from the Disposi- 
tion in which the Dutch Inhabitants w^ere and the weak- 
ness of his own Garrison or that if he had not greatly 
extenuated his crime that so mild a sentence could have 
been pronounced against him and by which he was cer- 
tainly absolved from all Treachery tho' found guilty of 

While Col Lovelace was Governor the Esopus Indians 
made war on the Dutch Setlers there. The Indians 

ON smith's history. 185 

killed several and made many men and women prisoners 
The remainder were forced into a small stockaded fort 
where the}' defended themselves mth great difficulty 
against the Indians till they were relieved by the Eng- 
lish Garrison of New York the greatest part of which 
Col Lovelace sent with some pieces of Cannon for their 
relief While the Christians were besieged the Indians 
burnt some of their prisoners alive in sight of the Fort 
and while the Dutch of Esopus were in this distress sev- 
eral of their own Countrymen from Albany came to a 
place called Sagartie about 10 miles from the fort and 
supplied the Indians with all kinds of ammunition Such 
are the effects of having no other principle of action but 
the Love of Money. The Dutch of Esopus to this day 
remember this behavior of their Countrymen of Albany 
and speak of them with the greatest Indignation 

The Dutch of Esopus were all Farmers those of Al- 
bany who supplied the Indians were Handlers (as the 
Dutch call them) people who live by retailing goods to 
the Indians 

As soon as the English Soldiers arrived the Indians 
fled into the Woods They were pursued and defeated 
Peace was soon after concluded by which the Lidians 
yielded all the land as far as any cannon had been car- 
ried which was to the upper end of Marbletown Coll 
Lovelace gave these conquered lands to his Soldiers and 
called it Marbletown The Common men generally sold 
their shares and dispersed but the families of the Officers 
remain in that place to this day They were Broad- 
head Garton Nottingham and Pawling 

It may be observed to the honour of the English that 
there is not one instance of their killing and destroying in 
cold blood merely for their own security where their enne- 
mies may have been thought too numerous. The Span- 
yards in America and the Dutch in the East Indies have 
acted otherwise Many thousand innocent people have 
been Sacrificed to their Jealousy I was told of one in- 
stance of the like nature in this Country 

On a certain occasion, I walked from the North or 


Hudson's Kiver to the east river at a little distance from 
the town in company with the Mayor and several old 
men who went on purpose to shew me the boundaries of 
some lands as we passed over a piece of high ground be- 
tween the place where Mr DeLancy the Lt Gr now lives 
in the Bowery and the East River I was told by some of 
them that in the Dutch time a great number of Indians 
fled from the Eastward and encamped on this rising 
ground in hopes of the Assistance and Protection of the 
Dutch They were received friendly but a number of 
the men of the town dressed themselves like Indians 
in the night went out and fell upon the Indians while 
they were a sleep murdered the greatest number of 
them, while a few made their escape into the town as 
to their friends and the Indians never discovered this 
piece of treachery. The Dutch Historians generally pass 
over these acts of cruelty in their own countrymen how- 
ever necessary they may have been thought for their own 
security and the condemning them to oblivion or secret- 
ing them from all other nations is certainly most con- 
sistant with this kind of Policy but as certainly it is as 
much for the interest of other nations that they should 
not be forgot especially to the English who abhor all 
such cruelties 

As to ]\Ir Smiths note at the bottom of page 32 with 
regard to the Law post liminium I would ask this Ques- 
tion if the Dutch by virtue of this Law could reclaim their 
inheritance after they had reconquered this country could 
the English by the same law reclaim their inheritances 
if the Dutch after the English recovered the country 

While I have freely censured some parts of Mr 
Smiths History I cannot but take notice of an uncommon 
impartiality in a Lawyer of applauding the exact admin- 
istration of justice by Governors who ruled only by the 
dictates of their own discretion. He seems to grant that 
justice may be don under a despotic government but I 
doubt whether it be possible that justice can be don 
where the administration of it is in the hands of Lawyers 
for tho' the Judgement given may be just it is allwise at- 

ON smith's histokt. 187 

tended with injustice in the expense and delay which 
attends it. 

The Governors of New York took on them the power 
of granting divorces which has been in disuse at least 
ever since the Revolution neither is there any court 
in this province that can give this remedy tho' in the 
neighboring Colonies a divorce is more easily obtained 
than perhaps in any other Christian Country Query 
whether this may not be for the advantage of a new 
country which wants people It is certain that the natural 
increase of People in New England has been very great 
perhaps more than in any other of the English Colonies 

Now I have taken notice of what has occur d to my 
memory and which I think deserves your notice to the 
time that the States of Holland renounced all claim to 
this Country If I continue at leisure and in health you may 
expect to have more on the same subject from, 


Dear Son, 

There are only one or two things in Mr Smiths 
History before the revolution, that I shall observe upon, 
more than what I have taken notice of in my preceeding 
of the 15th. The first is his character of Sr Edmund 
Andross which he gives in the following words " The 
" Historians of New England where he was afterwards 
" Governor justly transmit him to posterity under the 
" odious character of a sycophantic tool to the Duke, and 
"an arbitrary Tyrant over the people committed to his 
" care. He Knew no Law, but the Will of his Master, 
" and Kirk and Jeffries were not fitter instruments than 
" he to execute the despotic projects of James II " 

The facts which Mr Smith tells us in support of this 
Character are, that the Duke of York recommended a 
Dutch clergyman Nicholas Rensalacr, to Sr Edmund 
for a living in one of the churches in New York or 


AXb'Awy^ probably to serve the popish cause. Is not this 
an ohliqiie, insidious hiiit ? Could K James do nothing 
without a view to serve popery ? Sr Edmund Andross 
was a Protestant as many of the Dukes servants were 
might not they be desirous of a Dutch minister who had 
received ordination in the Church of England to preach 
to the Dutch in New York in their oa\ti language, 
where few of them understood English and might they 
not do this without any design to promote popery ? Mr 
Smiths next proof of Sr Edmunds tyrannic disposition 
is that he summoned Newenhytt^ the Dutch minister at 
Albany before the council treating him with contempt 
and harassing him with an expensive attendance be- 
cause Neimnhytt disputed Rensalaers right to administer 
the sacrament which Mr Smith tells us he did because 
Rensalaer had received Episcopal ordination and was 
not approved of by the classis of Amsterdam Mr Smith 
thinks this a small offence to deny that a person who 
has received Episcopal ordination can administer the 
Sacraments in an English Colony, and to set up a 
Foreign Jurisdiction in Ecclesiastic matters, within the 
Dominion of the crown of England. I say Mr Smith 
thinks this a small oiFence when he complains of an ex- 
pensive attendance on this account. Whatever he may 
think as an Independent in Principle, he knows better as 
a Lawyer. As to my part, according to Mr Smiths ac- 
count of this matter, I think Sr Edmund shewd great 
moderation, in referring it at last to the Dutch consistory 
at Albany. The third instance of Sr Edmund's Tyranny- 
is that he called the Magistrates of Albany before him, 
because they had imprisoned Rensalaer for dubious 
ivords delivered in a sermon. Had Sr Edmund im- 
prisoned any person for dubious ivords., I think it would 
have been a stronger proof of his Tyranny, than the 
punishing the magistrates under him for doing it. Mr 
Smith's last proof of Sr Edmunds Tyranny is, his 
seizing and imprisoning the Governor of New Jersey. Mr 
Smith does not tell us the reasons of this proceeding, and 
I know them not. [But Mr Smith mistakes when he 

ON smith's history. 189 

says that Sr Edmund was removed from the Government 
of" New York. His having the Government of New 
England given him, while he was Governor of New 
York if it prove any thing as to this point, shews that 
his conduct was approved of Nicholson was only Lieut. 
Governor of New York to act in Sr Edmunds absence 
from New York.] Mr Smith is sensible of the weak- 
ness of the proofs of Sr Edmund Andros' Tyrannical dis- 
position from any thing in his administration in New 
York and therefor he tells us it ivas through want of 
more opportunities to shew himself in his true light an- 
other oblique insidious hint and positive assertion. Mr 
Smith lays the stress of his proofs of Sr Edmunds 
Tyrannic and Sycophantic disposition on the New 
England Historians. No doubt their being of the same 
principles with himself gives them the greater credit 
with him ; but whether his own History will, with 
people of different principles add any thing to their 
opinion of the veracity and candour of independent 
Historians, must be left to the Judgement of the Keaders. 
However this be, it is certain that at the time Sr Ed- 
mund Andross governed the people of New England, 
they were zealous republicans, bigotted independents, 
having banished all others of different religious princi- 
ples from among them, and persecuted some of them to 
death. They were enthusiastic to a degree as appears 
from their public proceedings in witchcraft. To all 
which is to be added a stiff formal behavior different 
from the rest of mankind. Among such a people it 
must have been very difficult for a Gentleman of Sr 
Edmunds education, and of his principles, both as to 
religion and Politics, to behave so as to please them ; 
for moderation often gives the greatest offence to bigots. 
If it be considered likewise, that as Sr Edmund was ap- 
pointed their Governor, in consequence of their having 
had their charter vacated, in the court of chancery in 
England, he by his comeing among them, at that time, 
must be received with great disgust. He must be a 
very extraordinary man indeed, who, in his circum- 


stances, could at all times keep his temper among such 
a people. These things I only observe in general ; for I 
am, in no shape informed of -the particulars of Sr 
Edmunds administration at Boston. The Revolution 
opened a wide door for the People of New England to 
make their complaints and to expose Sr Ednmnds char- 
acter in the strongest colours ; yet notwithstanding of 
this K William and his ministers, soon afterward, ap- 
pointed Sr Edmund Andross Governor of Virginia a 
more lucrative government than New York, and Massa- 
chusetts Bay together. [Where he distinguished him- 
self by putting the Secretaries Office and the Records in 
good order which before he came had been in the great- 
est confusion. This certainly shew'd that he had a re- 
gard to the properties of the people whom he governed 
to have them secured for he had no personal interest in 
it On the whole of this character of Sr Edmund 
Andross I shall leave it to the reflections of any impar- 
tial reader how far the sacred laws of truth have been 
infringed neither by positive assertions oblique insidious 
hints willful suppressions or corrupt misrepresentatio7is. 
When a man of candour finds a gentlemans charac- 
ter aspersed with such odious epithets as A.rbitrary 
Tyrant^ Sycophantic tool <fec, without proof to support 
them, he cannot avoid to have his indignation raised, and 
thereby a quite contrary efi^ect is produced from what the 
Historian designed. From any thing I can learn in 
Mr. Smiths History of Sr Edmunds Administration in 
New York (for I disregard Positive Assertions) Sr Ed- 
mund was a good Governor It is a public Injury to 
have a good Governor represented as the worst. 

My Dear Son Take special care that you be never 
provoked to asperse any man^s character and to repre- 
sent any man as a bad man without the clearest evidence ; 
for it often happens that the Authors of Calumny only 
expose themselves with men of candour, and thereby dis- 
cover the badness of their oivii hearts in a manner that 
could not otherwise be don. It is of use to reflect how 
often we ourselves have don amiss and that under some 

ON smith's history. 191 

circumstances good men have don what they ought not 
to have don. Remember what I now write is only for 
your own private use, and that at my age, I am un- 
willing to set dogs a barking. The noise of Discords is 
more than ever disagreable to the ear of 

Your Affectionate Father 
Cadwallader Golden 

There is only one thing more to remark in the His- 
tory of New York before the Revolution it is this Mr 
Smith takes notice of the advantageous turn in Coll 
Dongans administration in favour of the Liberties of the 
People by his calling an Assembly the Representatives 
of the People for enacting of Laws. How comes it that 
these laws are absolutely disregarded since the Revolu- 
tion. It is certain that the acts of Parliament under 
James the Second remainVl as much in force as those un- 
der any of his predecessors or successors. How comes it 
that the Acts of Assembly under his governor are not 
of the same force as those under an}^ other of the King's 
Governors I expected he would have answered this as a 
Lawyer for it is as material as many things he has par- 
ticularly observed but he is absolutely silent on this 
head The only answer I can give to it is That when 
Laws are made inconsistent with the well being of any 
community no Authority can keep them in force. They 
become Felo's de se* One of them I have been told 
gave a perpetual Revenue and that Avas thought suffi- 
cient to destroy all the rest If I mistake not such incon- 
sistent with the good of the People are to be found 
among the English Statutes entirely in disuse tho' not re- 
pealed but I question that their Malignancy was des- 

* The Scotch ITistorians tell us that the heads of Clans had hy Law the first 
night of their Tenants Bride and That this Lnw remains unrepealed because 
of its being so shameful iu itself. Mr Smith tells us Coll. Dongau was a good 
governor and liud the Interest of the People at heart from whence came 
these bad Laws which are to be sunk in oblivion from the Representatives 
of the People. 


tructive of all the other Statutes however beneficial they 
might be which were enacted in the same Reign. 


Coldengham, Sept. 25, 1759. 

Dear Son, 

You know that since my last to you on the 
subject of Mr Smiths history of New York my 
thoughts have been diverted to other matters. I shall 
now begin where I proposed in my last in making re- 
marks on that part of it where I had many opportuni- 
ties of being well informed. 

I know not on what authority Mr Smith says that 
Mr Hunter when a boy was put aprentice to an Apothe- 
cary it may be on as slender authority as many other 
things he writes. When I knew Mr Hunter he was an 
exceedingly well shaped and well proportioned man 
tho' then advanced in years. In his younger years he 
had been of uncommon strength and activity. He un- 
derstood the Belles lettres well and had an intimacy with 
the distinguished men of wit at that time in England 
among them Dr Arbuthnot Queen Annes favorite 
physician was his most intimate a,nd useful friend tho' 
he and the doctor differed greatly in their political senti- 
ments for Mr Hunter was a Stanch Whig. He wrote 
some pieces in the Tatlers. When he was appointed Gov- 
ernor of New York a very high compliment was made 
in one ot the Tatlers to him under the name of Ehora- 
censis. He wrote some elegant little pieces in poetry 
which never appeared in his name He had an exceeding 
pretty and entertaining manner of telling a Tale and 
was a most agreable companion with his intimate 
friends. He was fond of men of Learning and encouraged 
them whenever he had opportunity. In short he was 
a Gentleman of extraordinary abilities both natural and 
acquired and had every qualification requisite in a Gov- 

ON smith's history. 193 

The first appearance Mr Hunter made in tlie world 
was at the Revolution as one of the gentlemen who served 
as a guard under the Bishop of London to the Princess 
Anne when she retired from her fathers court and he soon 
afterwards received a commission in King William's 
army He continued in the army all King William's 
wars and Queen Annes till after the battle of Ramillies 
in which time he gave many proofs of high courage. 

One winter when part of the Duke of Marlboroughs 
army was quartered in Holland Mr Hunter was Lt 
Colonel and Commandant of the troops quartered in one 
of their towns. The magistrates of this town had so far 
incurred the displeasure of the people of the town that 
nothing would satisfy them but the deposition of their 
magistrates by a new election. The magistrates found 
they could not by their interest prevent this and were 
become very uneasy and afFrayd and therefor applied 
to Coll Hunter to hinder the assembling of the 
people for that purpose representing to him that they 
had allwise been zealous in the interest of the confed- 
eracy and that if new magistrates should be chosen they 
would be in an opposite interest as Coll Hunter knew 
that it was dangerous foi' the soldiery to interfere in the 
civil government of the Republic he wrote to the Duke 
of Marlborough for instructions. The Duke was cautious 
in his answer but by it the Colonel understood that the 
Duke would be well pleased to have the election pre- 
vented. Notwithstanding all the efforts of the Magis- 
trates the towns people at last met in the great Church 
to proceed to a new election Coll Hunter called the 
Regiment together privately without beat of drum and 
marched them towards the great church and when he 
was near it ordered all the Drums to beat The grana- 
diers march. This so frightened the people in the church 
that they rushed out by the doors and ^vind(n^'s 
in the greatest fright and confusion. Many were 
bruised and lamed and an end thereby put to the 
attempt for a new election. Colonel Hunter marched 
the regiment past the church (without taking the least 


notice of what passed) to the place where the Reghnent 
usually [)erforme(l their exercise. When after they had 
gone through their usual exercise he dismissed them. 

At the battle of Ramillies Mr Hunter was one of the 
Duke of Marlboroughs Aid de Camps. In the time of 
the battle Mr Cadogan as from the Duke ordered Col- 
onel Hunter to go to the General of the horse on the 
right and order him to carry all the horse from the 
right and join the horse on the left and immediately at- 
tack the French horse. This was such an extraordinary 
order that Mr Hunter thought proper to repeat it aloud 
in the hearing of several officers and asked if this was his 
Graces order to which Mr Cadogan answered yes. When 
Mr Hunter delivered these orders to the General of the 
horse on the left he seemed surprised and after a little 
hesitation swore he would leave one regiment which he 
did and then put the orders he had received in execution 
To this it is agreed by all both English and French 
that the Victory was principally owing But what is 
still more remarkable is that Mr Hunter believed as he 
told me that Mr Cadogan had given the orders as from 
the Duke without the Duke's privity and what makes 
this the more probable is that the Duke about that 
time was born down dismounted and for some time 
in great danger so that he was not in a capacity to give 
orders * 

This was such a signal piece of service in Mr Cado- 
gan without takeing the least honour of it to himself that 
the Duke remained ever after very sensible of it. He 
therefore resolved to give Mr Cadogan the honour of 
takeing Antwerp the most considerable city in Flanders 
and for that purpose the Duke gave him the command 
of that part of the army which was to form the siege and 
Mr Hunter had the command of the horse which were to 
invest the place while the foot were on their march. 
When Mr Hunter came before the town some of the 
French officers came out to parley. While he was in 

* Mr Huntei- tliis day tired out four horses in the execution of his duty. 

ON smith's history. 195 

discourse witli them and persuading them to surrender 
as they could hope for no relief, a merchant of the town 
came behind Mr Hunter and pulled him by the sleeve. 
Mr Hunter turned and went aside with the merchant 
S"" said the merchant it is to no purpose to talk with 
these men but I believe you may have better success with 
the Spanish Governor who commands in the citadel. 
Mr Hunter asked by what means he could come to treat 
with the Spanish Governor The merchant answered 
that the Spanish governor is a good natured man and 
entirely directed by his Secretary and added if you will 
give me leave I will bring the Secretary to you. The 
method of doing it was immediately settled. By the 
Secretary's means Mr Hunter had a private conference 
with the Spanish Governor and the terms agreed to viz : 
that the Spanish Governor should be continued Governor 
of Antwerp under K. Charles and that the Secretary 
should have one of the Spanish regiments then in garri- 
son. Mr Hunter informed the Dake, by express, of 
these terms and he readily confirmed them. The French 
having discovered that the Spanish Governor was re- 
solved to admit the English troops into the citadel they 
likewise capitulated for the town before the army under 
Mr Cadogan could come up to form the siege. After 
everything had been settled Mr Hunter highly pleased 
with the service he had done went to wait on the Duke 
but was surprised to be received very coolly. S'' said the 
Duke I think you might have trusted to me to publish 
the service you have done Mr Hunter protested that he 
had not either by word or writing mentioned anything 
of it to any person living and added as this affair could 
not be carried on without the privity of several of the 
officers who were along with him he could not answer 
for what they may have done But as the Dake hereby 
was disapointed in the honour he designed for his favorite 
Mr Cadogan he resented it on Mr Hunter Perhaps the 
Duke thought that Mr Hunter was too much in the 
secret of what gained the victory at Ramillies and was 
chagrined on that account Mr Hunter was highly dis- 


gusted on such treatment after so signal service and 
thereupon left the army in the winter and went over to 

Here you have some material anecdotes in history 
which T think are not to be found in any thing which is 
printed, but they may be depended upon for I had them 
from Mr Hunters mouth with every particular circum- 
stance which attended them which would be too tedious 
to relate here and I cannot sufliciently depend on my 

Mr Hunter had friends in Queen Amies court and 
by their interest he obtained the government of Virginia 
Mr Smith mistakes when he says that he was appointed 
L* Governor of Virginia Mr Hunter had the commis- 
sion of Governor in Chief but it was by a compromise 
with the Earl of Orkney He w^as taken jDrisoner by a 
French squadron in his passage to Virginia and carried 
to France By his having lost the Duke of Marlboroughs 
favour he could not easily obtain an exchange. He had 
leave to return to England on his parole to solicit his 
exchange and at last was exchanged for the Bishop of 
Quebec after he had returned to Paris. 

The Duke of Marlborough's influence over the Queen 
began about this time to lessen and Dr Arbuthnot pre- 
vailed with the Queen to name Mr Hunter for the gov- 
ernment of Jamaica wdiich happened to be vacant with- 
out consulting her Ministry who had designed that 
government for another but Mr Hunter being apprehen- 
sive that if he w^ent to Jamaica against the inclinations 
of the ministry he would be made uneasy in his govern- 
ment and the government of New York becoming vacant 
at this time by the death of Lord Lovelace the Ministers 
were willing that he should have the Government of New 
York therefor Mr Hunter desired his friend to inform 
the Queen that he would rather have the government of 
New York than Jamaica and it was accordingly granted 

As Mr Hunter was without doubt a man of the 
greatest abilities that ever governed New York I think 

ON smith's history. 197 

the relating these most remarkable incidents in his life 
previous to his having the government may serve to 
illustrate his character and this is a proper period to put 
an end to this letter before I begin an account of his 
government which if I continue in a humour to write, 
you may soon expect from, 


I intend now to write most remarkable parts or inci- 
dents in Mr Hunters administration which at this time 
occur to my memory. About the time Mr Hunter was 
appointed Governor of New York a great number of 
Germans were encouraoed to come over to Eno-land 
The ministiy thought it might be of public advantage 
to send over a number of them with Mr Hunter to be 
employed in makeing of Pitch and Tar. They were trans- 
ported at the charge of the Government and finniished 
Avith large Iron Kettles and other necessaries for that pur- 
pose. Mr Hunter was to subsist them and to draw on 
the Treasury for all necessary expenses Mr Hunter after 
his arriA^al employed them accordingly and drew bills on 
the treasury for the expense. But the Queen having 
changed the ministry and the new ministry endeavoring 
to make every measure of their predecessors as far as 
they could unpopular this of importing and employing 
foreigners was exposed to censure and among other things 
that it contributed to put the church in danger which at 
that time was the popular cry. The Treasury refused to 
pay Mr Hunters bills and absolutely disapproved of the 
agreement made with the Germans for their settling the 
Colony of New York. This put Mr Hunter under great 
difficulties in the beginning of his administration as all his 
bills were protested and he became personally liable for 
the payment and discredited him with the people of the 
province The Germans looked to him only for their 
subsistence and for the performance of the other parts of 


the agreement made with them. Their chimours were 
for some time abated by Mr Hunter s inlisting a consid- 
erable number of them into the forces that were raised on 
the expedition at that time intended agt Canada. After 
this enterprise ended unsuccessfully these Germans were 
disbanded and suffered to take their arms with them. 
Now they not only became more clamorous but became 
also mutinous. 

Mr Hunter in his return from Albany where he met 
the Five nations of Indians to compose their minds after 
their disappointment by their failure of the enterprise 
against Canada in Avhich they had been engaged stopt at 
Mr Livingstons house near to which these Germans were 
settled. The principal men among them came to him 
and demanded the performance of the promises which 
had been made them. Mr Hunter for some time reasoned 
the matter with them by informing them of the reason of 
their disappointment and how he had suffered more than 
they had with a promise of using his best endeavors to 
obtain them satisfaction but they continued turbulent 
and he was at the same time informed that a great num- 
ber of the Germans were together arrived in an adjoining 

With some difficulty he put them oft' for two days 
with a promise to think of some method to give them 
satisfaction and an answer on the morning of the third. 
Mr Hunter immediately sent an express to Albany which 
is forty miles distant from the place where he was with 
orders to the commanding officer to press sloops to carry 
down immediately the two independent companies which 
were posted there. They arrived in the night before the 
time Mr Hunter was to meet the Germans. The officer 
was ordered to land his men and keep them together 
under the bank of the river near the house without shew- 
ing themselves and on a signal to be given to march 
them up briskly to the house with drums beating The 
principal men of the Germans came as appointed and at 
the same time the others shew'd themselves at a distance 
in a body armed. Mr Hunter did not now treat them 

ON smith's history. 199 

Avitli all the complaisance he did before and one of them 
beoinninii' to bluster with threatenino- lanouao'e the signal 
was made for the soldiers to march. The Governor with 
his own hands seized the fellow who had threatened him 
and some other gentlemen who were with hhn seized the 
rest. Upon the appearance of the soldiers the Germans 
without doors immediately departed some of them dis- 
charging their pieces as they went off. The soldiers 
marched directly into the German village and disarmed 

Mr Hunter has been much blamed in respect to the 
Germans as if he had broke the promise made them 
whereas the breach was by the Ministry and Mr Hunter 
was really a fellow sufferer with the Germans. But 
after this riotous behavior with design to force a compli- 
ance hy seizing the Governor's person he thought it im- 
prudent and unbecoming in him to give them encourage- 

Governor Burnet afterwards gave lands to many of 
the Germans. They in general have proved industrious 
useful members in the society and orderly. But Avhen 
numbers of people think they have injustice done them 
and have not legal means within their reach for redress 
they commonly and naturally become mutinous and fly 
to force. This has been the true reason of the cruel wars 
with Indians lately and perhaps at all times. 

Mr Smith makes such mention of Col Peter Schuy- 
ler on several occasions tliat had you known him as I did 
you would pay little regard to Mr Smiths characters 
whether in panegyric or Satyre. Col Schuyler was a plain 
country farmer who had on some occasions given proof 
of his courage. This with strong connexions between 
that family and some of the Mohawk tribe gave him a 
considerable interest with the Mohawks but as to the 
other tribes it was in no respect such as Mr Smith rep- 
resents it. His whole exterior and deportment had 
much of the Indian mixed with the sullen Dutch man- 
ner. He was no way distinguished by abilities either 
natural or acquired and you may Judge of his sense of 


honour by his being prevailed on by Mr Nicholson to 
join with him in the grossest imposition on the Queen 
and the British Nation by carrying to England five or 
six common Indians and making them personate one the 
Emperor of the Five Nations and the others the kings 
of each nation. He might have paid dear for such an 
attempt had it not been that the Ministry were at that 
time fond of amuseing the people with the eclat of such 
an appearance at court for they might easily have been 
informed if they knew it not that there is no such thing 
among the Five Nations as either emperor or king. The 
Five Nations so far resented it that they never afterwards 
would suffer one of these Indians to appear in their pub- 
lic councils. I saw several years after this one of these 
Indians standing at a distance among the women and 
young men while the Five Nations were at a public con- 
ference with the Governor of New York. As I have no 
thoughts of mentioning any thing particularly of the 
Indians dureing Mr Hunters administration it may be 
proper to observe that he had so great a diflEidence of all 
the people at Albany that at the public meetings with 
the Indians he had allwise a French woman standing by 
him who had married one of our Indians to inform him 
whether the interpreters had done their part truely be- 
tween him and the Indians, notwithstanding that Col. 
Schuyler was present at the same time. This woman 
commonly called Madame Montour had a good educa- 
tion in Canada before she went among the Indians and 
was very usetuill to Mr Hunter on many occasions for 
which reason she had a pension and was sometimes ad- 
mitted to his table in her Indian dress It is certain that 
the Indians have had at all times great diffidence in the 
Interpreters being allwise taken from among the traders 
who make a practice in deceiving the Indians. 

Queen Anne changed her ministry soon after the time 
that Mr. Hunter arrived in his Government and he 
thereby lost the support of his best friends. Mr. Hun- 
ter was far from being a high churchman in principle 
Mr. Nicholson was a Zealous church man in the hiohest 

ON smith's history. 201 

sense of the word and at that time when The Church be- 
came the jjopular cry and M^as the political ingine of the 
ministerial faction, he was thought a proper person to 
be employed and received a commission to command 
the provincial forces which were to attack Canada by 
land while the Forces from England attacked it by way 
of St. Laurence river tho' he had nothing to recommend 
him for that service besides his zeal for the church for he 
was not bred a soldier nor had he seen any military ser- 
vice which deserved the name. He was subject to ex- 
cessive fits of passion so far as to loose the use of his 
reason After he had been in one of these fits while he 
had the command of the army an Indian said to one of the 
officers The general is drunk no answered the officers he 
never drinks any strong liquor. The Indian replied I 
do not mean that he is drunk with rum He was born 

The greatest number of the inhabitants of New- York 
were at that time of republican principles consisting of 
Dutch and English Independents. The assemblies are 
at all times fond of power and to have their Governor 
dependent on them tho' they cover this view with differ- 
ent pretences. At this time the Church clergy joined 
in the design to distress the Governor in hopes of have- 
ing the good churchman Col Nicholson appointed 
governor. He had a crowd of clergymen all wise about 
him who were continually extolling his merits among 
the people and doing all in their power to lessen Mr 
Hunter. Mr Hunter had then a hard task. His friends 
in the ministry out of place his Bills to a great value 
protested. Mr Nicholson and the Clergy who ought to 
have assistec\ him endeavoring to undermine him and 
the assembly refusing to grant any support on the terms 
on which he could accept of it without breach of his in- 
structions. Tho' he was at the same time so sensible of 
the difficulties he was under as to say to some of his 
friends that he expected to dye in a Jail he kept up his 
spirits never suffered the least dejection or diffidence of 
his affiiirs to appear in public. He kept up the dignity 



of the Governor without lessening the expence which 
attended it not^vithstanding of the difficulties he was under 
as to money. At this time ^vhile Mr. Hunter had the 
greatest reason to be shagreened and out of humour he 
diverted himself in composing a Farce with the assistance 
of Mr Morris which he called Androhorus (the man 
eater) In this the general (Nicholson) the clergy and 
the assembly were so humorously exposed that the 
laugh was turned upon them in all conijjanies and from 
this laughing humour the people began to be in good 
humour with their Governor and to despise the idol of the 

A Violent party spirit had been kept up with great 
animosity between those who joined with Leisler at 
the Revolution and the others who opposed him. They 
who were in opposition to Leisler generally had the 
greatest influence in the assembly, and were in favour 
vnth all the succeeding Governors except the earl of 
Bellomont and Lt. Governor Nanfan. In the year 1713 
Leislers party had a J^Iajority m the Assembly. There 
were great complaints from numbers of people by their 
want of payment for public services The Leisler party 
thought they had been unjustly used by preceeding As- 
semblies and therefor they took this opportunity of 
doing themselves justice. When the assembly after hav- 
ing granted a revenue for five years resolved to pay all 
the Debts of the Government by striking Bills of Credit 
for that purpose to the value of 27680 pounds to be sunk 
in twenty one years by an Excise on strong liquors 

In this Bill payment was made for services don in 
the year 1687 and for services don in every year from 
that time downward. Leislers son had 2025 pounds 
allowed him for his fathers services and expenses at the 
time of the revolution and most of his adherents had 
allowances made to them. Wni Smith put in a de- 
mand of 356 pounds 17s lOd^ for goods taken b}' force 
li-om Gabriel Minvielle by Leisler and the assembly 
gave six pence in full of all demands. From the pro- 
ceedings at this time this conclusion I think may be fairly 

ON smith's history. 203 

drawn That either former assemblies had been unjust 
in refuseing or neglecting to pay just debts so long due 
or this assembly acted profusely in giveing away their 
constituent's money in favour to their friends. Or per- 
ha])s the former assemblies and this all of them acted 
partially and more from favour or resentment than from 
justice. Governor Hunter had all his demands paid In 
the act it was declared that as public notice had been 
made for every one to make his demands who had any 
claim on the Government that all the joublick debts were 
paid and that no claim for any past service should after 
this be allowed. We shall soon see how well this was 
observed. But by a clause in the act the Bills were 
not to be issued until the act received the Koyal ap- 

On the Queens death the assembly was dissolved and 
a new assembly called in which the superiority of the 
Leisler party was greater than in the former assembly 
and resolved to make up for the suffering of their party 
while the opposite faction had been so long in power. 
They therefore resolved in contradiction to the former 
act that many debts and services were left unpaid and 
rewarded by that act which were as justly due as those 
which were paid (Here they confirm the observation I 
before made) and passed a bill which was afterwards 
enacted for issuing bills to the value of 41517 ounces and 
a half of Spanish coined plate or of 16607 pounds Cur- 
rent money of New York at 8s p ounce as Spanish mone}' 
at that time passed for the sinking and paying of which 
the Excise on strong Liquors was continued from 1734 
to 1739 and a Duty was laid on wine and spirits for 
seventeen years from the time of passing the act. 

All who had served under Leisler as soldiers or other- 
wise were paid for their services and many others for 
services since the year 1687 Each of the Council had 
250 ounces each of the Assembly from 183 ounces to 
275 The Governor had 2525 ounces 17 pennyweight and 
a half for incidents and extraordinary disbursements They 
calculated to half a penny weight in the allowance to 


the Governor to shew how carefull they had been not to 
allow him a half penny weight too much But the lead- 
ing men in the council and assembly besides the common 
allowance with some of their friends had considerable 
payments made them generally for services don without 
mentioning any particular service. Mr Livingston had 
3710 ounces of plate. I believe he never was exceeded 
in soliciting for himself, by any man 

The assembly w^as not willing to trust so useful an 
act to the Royal approbation as the former had been, 
and therefor it was enacted to take effect immediately. 
Indeed it never had the Royal approbation. In the 
jn'eamble to the first act the assembly say that the debts 
of the Government were occasioned by misapplication of 
the funds and extravagant expending of the Revenue by 
former Governors. Their saying so w^ould not be a suffi- 
cient proof to any man that knew them. I have known 
many things asserted in the public resolves which not 
one of the leading members would assert to be truth 
when singly by himself There has been a mighty 
clamour at all times made in general terms of the mis- 
application of public money by Governors but when they 
were called upon to give particular instances I never 
heai-d of any except of £1500 pounds granted for fort}'- 
lying the Narrows on the river below New York which 
Lord Cornbury applied to building a pleasure house on 
Nutten Island for himself and succeedino- o-overnors to 
retire to when he inclined to free himself from business. 
But I believe it may be safely asserted that all the ex- 
travagant expending of the Revenue by the Governors 
of New York put together does not equal the profusion 
of the public money by this assembly. Mr Smith passes 
slightly over this extraordinary act of his favorite part 
of our Constitution. 

Mr Hunter was seized with a violent Rheumatism 
in the winter of the year 1718 which ended in an obsti- 
nate sciatica which made him lame. His Lady was 
heir to the estate of Sr Thomas Orby and he was desirous 
to secure that Estate for his children and he had hopes 

ON smith's history. 205 

of recovering what was due to him from the Treasury on 
account of the Germans. But as he foresaw that the 
leaving his Government if it was known some time be- 
fore he did, might give occasion to intrigues he kept his 
design absolutely secret from his friends and domestics 
not a single man was informed of it till he communicated 
it to the assembly after they had gone through the 
business on which they were called. You may see by 
their address in Mr Smiths History, on that occasion, 
that no Governor could leave his Government with 
greater reputation than he did. I cannot forbear to tell 
you what he heard him say not many days before this 
address with indignation in his countenance. People 
think it a fine thing to be a governor. A governor by 

a Tom Turdman's is a better office than to rake in 

the dunghill of these peoples vile affections. You know 
that the assemblies in North America consist generally 
of a low rank of people who have no generous principles. 
But it was much worse at that time Several of the 
assembly were dutch boors grossly ignorant and rude who 
could neither write or read nor speak English. This 
puts me in mind of what happened to me some years 
since I was at Newport in Rhode Island at the time of 
their anniversary election of their Magistrates. I was 
invited to a public entertainment usually given on that 
occasion. After dinner one of the new elected council 
while we sat at Table addressed himself to me saying 
What would you give in New York for the privilege we 
enjoy this day of electing all our officers from the Gov- 
ernor to the constable. I begged leave to put a question 
or two before I answered and then I asked him whether 
every man had an equal vote He answered yes every free 
man has an equal vote with the richest or best man in 
the colony. I next asked him whether the election is 
carried by majority of Votes which being answered in 
the affirmative I again asked him whether the greatest 
number in their colony were wise men or otherwise 
which last Question produced a general silence. When 
Mr Hunter came to his government he at first thought 


that an American Assembly might be governed by 
reason, but experience taught him that it was a vain 
imagination. It may be a question whether mankind 
in general can be governed otherwise than by their affec- 
tions. For that reason wise legislators found means to 
raise artificial affections to control the natural. But 
my dear son that you may always regulate your affec- 
tions by reason is earnestly recommended to you by your 
affectionate Father 


I have for some time been diverted from my memoirs 
of the Government of New York I now return to them 
Col Peter Schuyler as president of the council succeeded 
in the administration on General Hunters going to Eng- 
land Col. Schuyler was so ^^eak a man that Adolph 
Phillipse perswaded him to lodge the Kings seal in his 
hands that he might thereby be able to prevent any use 
to be made of it without his consent. By the Kings 
instructions the President of the Council was to receive 
one half of the Sallary and all the perquisites. A dis- 
pute arose whether the word half did not extend to all 
the perquisites as well as to the Sallary In cases where the 
perquisites were paid into the Secretarys office one half 
was retained for the use of the Governor but when Col 
Schuyler received the perquisites he retained the whole 
for his own use 

After Mr Burnet was appointed Governor he was in- 
formed of this dispute relating to the perquisites and 
mentioned it to one of the Clerks of the board of Trade 
and Plantations who was to copy the Instructions for 
l^Ir Burnet. On looking over the Instruction he told 
Mr Burnet that it was easy to amend it and without 
hesitation he ^vrote m the instructions to Mr Burnet 
One half 


A portion of the original MS. is missing. 

ON smith's history. 207 

and the practice since that time has justified this last 
opinion. The very persons who at that time insisted on 
the illegality of continueing an assembly after the deter- 
mination of a Governors commission who called them 
advised the continuance of the assembly in the sairie cir- 
cumstances when they could not be assured of having 
persons in the same interests re-elected. The argument 
which prevailed with Mr. Burnet to continue the assem- 
bly was this. He was assured that the members of that 
assembly would readily grant the support of Government 
for five years, and tho' the gentlemen who wanted a 
new assembly and expected to be chosen gave the like 
assurances he thought the first to be more depended 
on than the others because tho' the principal persons 
might with some confidence expect to be elected for 
the city they could not be assured of the generality of 
the countrj^ members or that they would have a sufiicient 
interest over them for it was certain that some of the 
principal men in the opposite interest would be re- 

Mr Smith mistakes when he says that Col Schuyler 
and Mr Phillipse were removed from the council board 
because they had opposed in council the continuance of 
the assembly This would have been too bold a 

^ I;J !jC !jS ^ JjC ^ 

A portion of the original MS. is missing. 

misrepresentation of the case between Mr Rou and 
the French congregation. On reading Mr Smiths ac- 
count of this affair one would be apt to imagine that 
Mr Burnet had set up a high commission court in eccle- 
siastic matters to the Jurisdiction of which Mr Smith's 
father had pleaded 

Mr Kou's case was this. When he came over to New- 
York on the invitation of the French Protestants there, 
he and some gentlemen trustees for the French congre- 
gation entered into a mutual contract in writing he to 
perform the duties of pastor of the french protestant 
congregation of New York according to the rules which 


had been used by the french protestants in France and they 
in consideration of his services engaged yearly to pay 
him a certain sum of money Qf this contract there was 
only one authentic copy which was in the hands of the 
trustees. Mr E,ou had only a copy of it without any 
test of its being authentic On some disputes which 
happened between Mr Rou and some of his congrega- 
tion the trustees refused to pay him his sallary Mr Rou 
insisted that he had don his duty and performed his part 
of the contract but as he had no legal evidence of the 
contract he was advised to sue in chancery in order to 
oblige- the trustees to produce the contract. Accordingly 
Mr Rou filed a Bill in chancery wherein he demanded 
of the trustees whether they or any of them knew of a 
contract in writing entered into between them and Mr 
Rou and if they did to discover the contents of that 
contract. The trustees answered on oath that we do not 
know of any such contract. It is to be observed that 
since the making of that contract some of the trustees had 
been changed. Mr Ron's counsel objected to the suffi- 
ciency of the answer alledging that they ought to answer 
that we nor no one of us knew for though all of them may 
not know one or more of them did. I was at that time 
a master in chancery and it was referred to me to judge 
whether the answer was sufficient After a tedious 
hearing of counsel on both sides I said that on suppo- 
sition that some of the Defendants were ignorant of the 
contract while others knew of it, I could not conceive 
how they who did know could with a safe conscience join 
in the oath that they (meaning all of them) did not 
know because in this case they must swear to the other s 
ignorance which I thought a man who had a proper re- 
gard to an oath could not do and all the defendants were 
men of good reputation. Upon which Mr Alexander 
who was counsel for Mr Rou replied. I do not wonder 
S*" that you should be of this opinion but pulling out a 
paper from his pocket he said, here S'" is a copy of the 
contract in the hand writing of one of these gentlemen 
tho' we cannot prove it. On which I declared the an- 

ON smith's history. 209 

swer insufficient and ordered that they should answer 
more particularly as demanded in the Bill. On ^vhich 
they answered True it is ^ve do not know but such of us 
(naming the names) do know and the contents of the 
contract are as follows 

This made so strong an impression on me at the time 
that I could never forget it to see men who had left 
their native country and their all from a conscientious 
scrupulousness in religious matters prevaricating in this 
manner on solemn oath in a court of justice. The truth 
of the fact I tell you will fuUy appear from the Bill and 
answers which I suppose still remain among the chancery 

After an authentic copy of the Contract was obtained 
Mr Rou was left in quiet possession of his pulpit and had 
his Sallary paid him but as Mr Smith observes some of 
the most considerable persons of his congregation left 
their church. We may observe here likewise tliat some- 
times private resentment is even of greater force than 
that religious zeal which makes us leave our country 
and all that is dear to us. 

But before I leave this subject I cannot with Justice 
to Mr Rou avoid taking notice of the Character J\Ir 
Smith gives him. Mr Rou he says was a man of learn- 
ing but proud pleasurable and passionate he sets Mr. 
Moulinaar s character in contrast viz that he was of pacific 
spirit, dull parts and unblameable life and conversation 
Were it not for the contrast it may be difficult to say 
what Mr Smith means by a pleasurable man being a 
phrase seldom or never used in the English language 
but as it is set in contrast here with unblameable life 
and conversation the reader may naturally think that it 
means a man of pleasure. I knew Mr Rou and I never 
heard hiin reproached with any immorality. He ^vas 
bookish and as such men frequently are, peevish and 
had nothing of the courtly ]_)olite Frenchman. The 
game of Chess was the only amusement he took and per- 
haps was too fond of it. It was said that he wrote a 
treatise on that game. 



From what lias been said it will easily appear how 
proper and discreet like a Lawyer the defence of the 
trustees was in setting up the Jurisdiction of the consis- 
tory, a Colloque and Synod of the French protestants in 
France who at that time had no existence in opposition 
to the Kings Courts of Justice & who had they existed 
could have given Mr Rou no relief. Least in future 
ages disputes might arise about the place of the birth of 
this distinguished orator as formerly happened as to the 
l:>irth place of Homer Mr Smith tells us in a note where 
his birth place is 

As J^Ir Burnets refuseing to qualify Mr DeLancey 
after he had been elected a member for the city of New 
York gave the first rise to the violent party struggles 
which continued many years afterwards I think it may 
be usefull to you to relate that affair more particularly 
than Mr Smith has don 

At that time the members of Assembly were all wise 
qualified by the State oaths being administered to them 
by the Governor but lately they have been qualified by 
a Dedimus potestatem usually given to the Judges of 
the supreme court or any one of them for that purpose 
Mr DeLancey being chosen in the place of one of the 
members for the city of New York who was dead he 
was sent by the house to the Governor to be qualified as 
usual. Mr Burnet by Mr Morris's advice (I make no 
doubt) refused to qualify him as being a foreigner and 
not naturalized. This gave a very general dissatisfaction 
not only on Mr. DeLanceys private account who was 
much esteemed in the place but on account of the great 
niunbers who were in the like circumstances for the great- 
est number of the inhabitants were foreigners Dutch and 
French or the Descendants of such and this objection they 
were affray'd might be extended to their real estates and 
to their inheritances. I had been for some time from home 
and did not return till the evening after this had hap- 
pened. The next morning Mr Livingstone the Speaker 
came to my house and began to talk with great concern 
on what had happened the day before. I was absolutely 

ON smith's history. 211 

ignorant of it so far that I did not understand him till he 
told me the particulars. In the afternoon I went to wait 
on Mr Burnet while I was with him Col Hicks who was 
much in the governors interest and a leading member 
in the house came there and desired to speak with me 
in private He told me that the house was in a ferment 
that they looked upon the matter as a breach of their 
principal privilege of being Judges of the qualification 
of their own members and that the Governors friends 
would oppose him in it. I informed Mr Burnet of what 
Col. Hicks had told me and likewise the conversation 
I had with the Speaker in the morning He was stag- 
gered and immediately sat down to write a message to 
the Assembly in which he yielded by halves and with 
apparent reluctancy On reading what he had wrote I 
told him I was convinced he must either yield or break 
Avith the assembly and that if he did break it would be on 
a very unpopular subject The privilege of the house 
and on a subject in which great numbers would think 
themselves and their families greatly interested. The 
Governor then wrote a message wherein he said that he 
had thought it proper to inform the house of the objec- 
tion made to MrDeLanceys qualification but at the same 
time he left it intirely to the judgment of the house. 
Mr Burnet was certainly in the wrong in entering on a 
matter of such consequence without being assured that 
his friends would support him in it. Perhaps it was 
thought that the objection would be a perpetual check 
on Mr DeLanceys conduct but it had a contrary effect. 
Mr DeLancey was a man of strong and lasting resent- 
ment and his family seem to have taken a resolution 
fi'om that time to have Mr Morris removed from the 
office of Chief Justice if by any means it could be don. 

I come now to the remarkable resolves of the 
Assembly in the year 1727 against the Court of Chan- 
cery which Mr Smith sets down at large in his history. 
It may be safely affirmed that every fact set forth in 
the preamble to the resolves is false or greatly exaggerat- 
ed except the exorbitant fees and charges of the Lawyers 


attending the court without which Mr Smith tells us 
the present Lawyers despise the practice. It is certain 
however that the unreasonable length of the Bills 
and answers and dilatory pleas put in by them were 
real grievances and which it was not in the power 
of the Chancellor to prevent but without these in 
Mr Smiths Judgement the business of the Chancer}^ 
must rest and the people of this province be deprived 
of relief in Equity. 

Strangers to the men who compose our Assemblies 
to their manner of proceeding, and to what has passe^ 
in that house may be apt to give the greatest credit to 
what they solemnly assert whereas it really deserves 
less than that of private persons. No one man in the 
house thinks himself answerable for what passes there 
and as a body they think themselves not accountable 
to any other authority and for that reason often act 
very unaccountably. It has been too frequent that 
angry party men by their influence in the house take 
this method to spread Slander and calumny with im- 
punity. I shall therefor relate the circumstances which 
attended these famous resolves. 

Mr Philipse Speaker of the Assembly at the time 
these resolves were made had been several years before 
that time in partnership with one Codringtone in some 
mercantile business. At the conclusion of their partner- 
ship Mr Philipse gave Mr Codringtone his bond for 
a considerable sum of money if I remember right 
<£1500. Codringtone dyed Mr Philipse neglected to 
pay either principal or interest and at last refused pay- 
ment. Codringtones widow sued the bond at common 
law in the supreme court of New York Mr Philipse 
pleaded that the bond was paid before it was given. The 
oddness of the plea became the discourse at the coffee 
house one day while I was there I asked Mr Philipse's 
attorney who happened to be then present what he 
could mean by such a plea. He answered it was none 
of his he kneAv better but that he was obliged to j^ut 
it in by hi^ client. The plea was over ruled by the 

ON smith's history. 213 

court and Judgement given against Mr Philipse. Mr 
Philipse made this plea with a resolution to remove 
the suit into chancery. You know the Governor is 
chancellor in this province. Mr Philipse some time be- 
fore this suit was brought but while he expected it paid 
unusual court to Mr Burnet his visits were remark- 
ably frequent and as he was speaker of the assembly 
Mr Burnet received him graciously. Mr Philipse in 
his bill set forth that at the time he gave this bond 
Mr Codringtone was indebted to him by accounts in a 
much larger sum. Codringtone was many years before 
this dead and perhaps none liveing who were privy to 
the transactions between them. All the evidence 
which Mr Philipse could produce was not sufficient to 
convince Mr Burnet that a man of Mr Philipse's sense 
and experience in business would give his bond for 
1500 pounds to a man who owed him a greater sum 
at the same time and therefor Mr Burnet dismissed his 
Bill and left the matter to the common law as it stood 
before. This happened a small time before these re- 
solves. The method Mr Philipse took to obtain them 
is no less remarkable. 

The Assembly having finished their business it was 
generally known that the Governor intended to put an 
end to the session the next day at 12 of the clock by 
giving his assent to the Bills then ready in the usual 
form at which time the Governor calls the assembly 
to be present as witnesses to his assent. The assembly 
had adjourned to the usual time before noon but as the 
business was over the members on such occasions did 
not meet till the time they expected to be called up. 
Mr Philipses having prepared liis friends they with 
some others met at eleven and immediately ordered the 
committee of Grievances to sit. They put Coll Hicks 
who was the Governors friend into the chair and having 
their resolves ready drawn in writing they imme- 
diately voted them without allowing of any argument 
and the Speaker taking the chair immediately after 
they were reported and confirmed but the clerk had 


not time to enter tliem in the minutes before they were 
called to attend the Governor and he was left in the 
house to complete them. Few of the Governors- friends 
were present and they so much surprised that they 
knew not how to act. Mr Burnet gave his assent to 
the Bills and while the acts were as usual published he 
was informed of what had passed by one of the mem- 
bers and therefor instead of prorogueing the assembly 
as he intended he dissolved them with some marks of 
resentment. A feeble resentment which only served to 
increase the popularity of the opposite party and to 
increase their strength in the next election. 

I have already extended this letter beyond the length 
I had confined myself to in writing to you on this 
subject and therefor shall delay what I have farther to 
tell you of Mr Burnets administration to my next. 


Perhaps you'l think that I write with resentment to 
Mr Smith the Historian. He is so assuming in his man- 
ner especially in giving characters of the most distin- 
guished persons often unfair allwise partial whether 
his characters be favourable or otherwise biassed by his 
connections either as to family or religious sect, that 
some resentment is unavoidable. It is not fit that 
Mr Smith's history should pass for a chronicle of the 
Province of New York 


Coldengham, Deer. 31st 1759. 
Dear Son 

Mr Burnet after he had been some years at New 
York applied himself to the study of Scripture prophecy 
on Principles which he told me he had received from S"" 
Isaac Newton The prophets he said have a language 
peculiar to themselves and that if their language be un- 

ON smith's history. 215 

derstood the prophecy becomes as easy to be understood 
as other writings. He had a very extraordinary meraor}- 
and he had read the prophecies so often over that he 
coukl at once point out the chapter and verse in which 
any subject was treated or any prophetical word was to 
be found. For some time this study so intirely engrossed 
his thoughts that upon all occasions he introduced it into 
discourse even so far that his conversation became dis- 
agreable to his best friends. He was zealous to convince 
them for he said the evidence of Christianity stands on 
Miracles and the Prophecies are perpetual miracles re- 
newed every time any prophecy is accomplished. The 
Evidence of the Miracles done by Christ grows daily 
weaker by the length of time and therefor there is a 
necessity of a perpetual renewal of miracles. But not- 
withstanding of all the pains he Avas at and his publish- 
ing his thoughts in print I know not that he at any 
time made one convert, tho' perhaps he has wrote better 
on that subject than any else has don. Studious men 
are apt to fall into some kind of Enthusiasm or other 
which surprises the rest of mankind to see men fall into 
who on all other occasions discover an uncommon force 
of reason and yet on some particular subjects to be uncor- 
rigeably whimsical and unreasonable. The great S"" 
Isaac Newton in some instances is thought to have fallen 
into this misfortune. How comes this about. Is it not 
that they become somehow fond of some peculiar notions 
and by continually insisting on them and presenting 
them to their imaginations they strike their minds with 
as much force as realities A man that often repeats a 
lie of his own may at least believe it to be true. It is 
thought several instances can be given to prove that this 
really happens 

Tho Mr Burnet was a zealous Christian he was not in 
all points oithodox. If I mistake not he was Arian. I 
heard him tell that after his fathers death he found 
among his papers a letter from Archbishop Tillotson in 
which the Archbishop wished the church could get 
fairly rid of that Athanasian creed. He used often 


to say that many Orthodox are knaves but he never 
knew a heretick that was not an honest man. 

Mr Smith is injurious to Mr Burnet's memory where 
he insinuates that some thought his removal necessary 
for the public tranquility. There was not the least ground 
for this insinuation. The generality of the people were 
not so insensible of Mr Burnets Merit tho' a faction had 
the artifice to make some noise at the close of the last 
session of Assembly in the manner before mentioned. 
Mr Smith has given a pretty full account, how much 
Mr Burnet studied the true interest of the province more 
than any before him or any since. No instance can be 
given of oppression in any shape. No man was more 
free from Avarice. He was generous to a degree 
so far that if he erred it was not in takeing sufficient care 
of his private interest. He expended yearly consider- 
able sums in private charitie, which he managed so that 
none knew of them more than what could not be avoided 
and thereby in some degree doubled the charitie to many 
who received it. 

That which excited the malice of a faction was merely 
the effect of his great merit. The stopping the trade 
which a few merchants had with Canada carried on to 
the prejudice of Great Britain and of all the American 
colonies and his giveing relief in Chancery against the 
frauds of artful and rich men. Neither the ministry nor 
the people of Great Britain at that time saw the conse- 
quences of the Indian trade and of the ascendency over 
the Indians which was thereby to be gained tho had they 
considered that matter with the same attention ^vhich 
Mr Burnet did it is probable the present war might have 
been prevented No discovery of any kind can be prop- 
erly valued by those who do not understand it and for 
that reason new discoveries are never at first valued as 
they are at some distance of time afterwards, because few 
take the trouble necessary to understand them till they 
have obtained a reputation by being espoused by men of 
known and distinguished knowledge. There is some- 
thing in the English Constitution which renders their 

ON smith's history. 217 

ministry short sighted They are so much emplojed in 
expedients for the present time that they are unwilling 
to think of things at a distance. 

The true reason of Mr Burnets removal I had from 
Coll Montgomerie his Successor. There had been a re- 
markable misunderstanding between the present King- 
when Prince of Wales and his father King George the 
1st dureing which all the Princes'' servants who had offices 
under the King were removed from their offices. Coll 
Montgomerie was one of these When the Prince became 
King the offices under him as Prince of Wales of course 
fell and the officers were to be otherwise provided and 
the King likewise thought it proper to recompense those 
servants more particularly who had suffered by adhering 
to him. For these reasons Coll l^.Iontgomerie had his 
choice of several offices both at home and abroad. He 
made choice of the Government of New York as the 
most lucrative and attended with the least trouble. 
New York being a more healthy climate made him pre- 
fier it to Jamaica which was like^vise in his option. 

When Mr Burnet heard that he was to be removed 
he could not avoid entertaining some resentment He 
knew that he had executed his office faithfully and with 
a view to serve his King and Countr}'. The present 
royal family had acknowledged some obligations to Bishop 
Burnet the Governors father on his being the first person 
that had named the house of Hanover to King William 
as the next Protestant family in the succession to the 
crown of Great Britain and K. William had given the 
Bishop leave to make the first mention of it to that 
family some }'ears before the act of Succession was ])assed 
The princess Sophia in acknowledgement of this had 
sent a present of a handsom silver gilt tea Equipage to 
the Bishop which Gov"" Burnet had with him at New 
York No man in Great Britain had been more zealous 
for the succession in the house of Hanover than the 
Bishop had been. Of which the Boyal family had often 
declared themselves sensible. It is no wonder then that 
Mr Burnet entertained some resentment on beinii- turned 


out to make room for one who had only private merit in 
personal services to give him a preference. 

Mr Burnets friends at court obtained an audience of 
the Queen in hopes by her influence to divert the King 
from removing of Mr. Burnet. The Queen answered 
them with courtly politeness that the King was very 
sensible of Mr Burnets merit that the people of New 
England were a troublesome people and therefor the 
King thought it necessary to appoint a Gentleman 
of Mr Burnets abilities governor of that colony of Mas- 
sachusetts Bay. She knew she said that the government 
of Massachusetts bay is not so lucrative as New York 
but that the Kings service required Mr Burnets accept- 
ing of it at present and that afterwards any loss he had 
thereby in his private fortune should be made up. Not- 
Avithstanding of this his friends were apprehensive that 
he would refuse to accept of that Government and they 
Avere therefor very earnest with him to accept of it. 

The people of the Massachusetts government had for 
sometime past continually quarelled with their Governors 
and had refused to give them a reasonable support. 
One of their Governors deserted his government and no 
gentleman of any character was willing to accept of it. 
When Mr Burnet arrived in his government he was re- 
ceived with all the respect that they could show but he 
carried with him a royal instruction which he foresaw 
would be the source of dispute viz That he should insist 
on their assembly's granting a thousand pounds sterling 
yearly sallary to the Governor for an indetermined time 
Mr Burnet advised with his friends in New York before 
he went to his Government as to the part he was to act, 
in inforceing this instruction. He then resolved to take 
care that it might not become a personal quarrel between 
him and the people but he did not observe this rule af- 
terwards Whether it was by any advice whicli he 
received there or from some thing in his natural temper 
I know not for he loved an argument The Assembly in 
their reasoning did not think it proper to declare the true 
republican principles which swayed them and it was not 

ON smith's history. 219 

difficult for Mr Burnet to shew the fallacy and weakness 
of the arguments which they used. He charged them 
with disingenuity which he made appear from their man- 
ner of arguing This produced angry replies and the 
dispute became personal. The thing which by all means 
he was to avoid because it served their purposes to make 
it such. These disputes continued all the time of his 
administration and made it vexatious and disagreable 
to himself Before they were ended he died of a fever 
without receiving any sallary. 

Similar instructions have been since that time given 
to the Governors of New York. It has seemed very odd 
to me that the ministrv has insisted in orivino; such in- 
structions without having it in their power to enforce 
them and putting their Governors under the necessity 
of either breaking the instruction or of starveing at least 
of loosing the purpose for which they desire their Gov- 
ernments. It is easy to guess which of these two all of 
them have chosen Nothing has so much lessened the 
Kings authority in the colonies as this impolitic step 
has don. 

Now you have everything relating to Mr Burnet 
which I think may be of use to you to know so far as 
has occurred to the memory of 


Coldengham Jan'? 31st 1760 

Mr Burnet had been acquainted Avith Col Mont- 
gomerie in England and from the confidence he had in 
their former friendship he continued in the Governors 
house with a resolution to write Col Montgomerie to 
lodge with him till he left New York but some of the 
party who were in opposition to Mr Burnet went on 
board the ship before Col Montgomerie came on shoar 
told him of Mr Burnets design VI invitation and dissuaded 
him from it so ett'ectually that he afterwards absolutely 
refused Mr Burnets invitation and went into private 


lodo;ino;s on which Mr Burnet removed from the Gov- 
ernors house before night and carried away every thing 
of his next day notwithstanding of which Col. Montgom- 
erie did not go into the governors house till after Mr 
Burnet left New York. 

As we were walking in formality to publish Col 
Montgomerie's commission I overheard him say to Mr 
'Clark that he would absolutely trust to his advice and 
he kept his promise to his death. Mr Clark by his hav- 
ing been a considerable time Secretary of the Province 
had experience in the public affairs and understood men 
and business Mr Clark was likewise Deput}^ to Mr 
Horace Walpole as auditor of the Bevenue in America 
and probably it was by Mr Walpole's advice that Coll 
Montgomerie placed his confidence in Mr Clark, 

Col Montgomerie did not want natural abilities nor 
any part of the education proper for a gentleman but he 
had given himself up to his pleasures especially to his 
bottle and had an aversion to business. He was likewise 
the most diffident of himself of any man I ever knew. 
He was much in debt and wanted to recover his fortune 
by the profits of his government with as little trouble to 
himself as possible. Mr Clark served him well for these 

Mr DeLancey was at the head of the party in the 
assembly which had been in opposition to Mr Burnet 
and which had now the ascendant in that house. Mr 
DeLancey was to be gratified in his resentment against 
Chief Justice Morris and the Gov"" was to use his in- 
terest to have the acts repealed which had been passed 
in Governor Burnets Administration prohibiting the 
direct trade to Canada with Indian goods In considera- 
tion of these the Governor had his Sallary secured for 
five years and all the perquisites which any Governor 
before him ever had. Both sides punctually performed 
their ingagements to each other. But it was surprising 
to me how easily the Board of Trade and Plantations 
were induced to recommend to the King the repealing 
of the laws in favor of the direct trade with the Indians 

ON smith''s history. 221 

and which prohibited the furnishing the French with 
goods to enable them to carry on that trade to the 
prejudice to great Britain and of" the colonies after all 
that had been laid before them by Mr Burnet on that 
head. They probably thought that the people of New 
York were only interested in the Indian trade and that 
it did not concern Gr. Britain. They seem to have had 
nothing in view at that time but to serve the private 
purposes of a Governor. Mr DeLancey had the ad- 
vantages of his own private trade in view which were 
very considerable But as the resentment against Chief 
Justice Morris was productive afterwards of violent 
party struggles it may be of use to know all the circum- 
stances attending it. 

The fixing of the Sallaries of the officers of Govern- 
ment had been for some time a matter of dispute be- 
tween the Governors and Assembly. The assembly 
thought that since they gave the money they have like- 
wise the right of applying it to the several uses of Gov- 
ernment and of determining what the officers sallaries 
shall be. The Governors insisted that it is the right of 
the crown to determine the rewards due to the servants 
of the crowTQ. The matter was compromised in the 
administrations of Brigadier Hunter and Mr Burnet. 
The Assembly yielded to leave out of the support bill 
the specifying the particular Sallaries to be paid to each 
officer on the Governors o-ivino; his word of honor that 
he would not grant Avarrants for a larger sum than what 
was spe(dtied in a list privately presented to tlie Gov- 
ernor by the Assembly before they passed the support 
bill. After the Assembly at this time had agreed to 
grant the usual support for five years in making up the 
list of the officers Sallaries to be presented to the Gov- 
ernor they lessened Mr Morris's salary as Chief Justice 
by fifty pounds a year. Mr Morris was a membe]\ He 
moved to know whether he had been guilty of an}- 
neglect or misdemeanor in his office that made them 
punish him by lessening his Sallary They declared that 
it was not for that reason but from the poverty of the 


Colony and if I mistake not he obtained an entry to be 
made on their minutes accordingly Tho Mr Morris and 
his friends used a good deal of argument with the Gov- 
ernor to prevent his agreeing to the lessening of the 
Sallary and he did do it. It was certainly allowing 
private persons to have too great influence on the courts 
of Justice since it was only don to gratify private re- 
sentment. I remember that I used this argument Avith 
Col Montgomerie on this occasion in Council. When 
an assembly act merely from humor they act like children 
" and like children the more they are humored the more 
humorsome they grow This was verified in subsequent 
times but at that time Col Montgomerie thought it best 
to keep them in good humour who had the purse in their 
hands However he was desirous if possible to prevent 
all dispute and therefore desired Mr Alexander and my- 
self to propose to Mr Morris from him that if Mr 
Morris would forbear makeing any dispute with him 
upon the head he would join his mterest to any repre- 
sentation which Mr Morris should make to the Kings 
ministers in order to have an instruction not to suffer 
the lessening of the Chief Justices sallary by any vote 
of the Assembly or something to this purpose. We did 
so but could not prevail on Mr Morris 

Mr Morris's eldest son was of the council. Wlien the 
Warrant for his father's Sallary was proposed with the 
abatement of .£50 he opposed the change from the usual 
Sallary and in a premeditated speech, and among other 
things said that the doing it was illegal, unwarrantable 
and arbitrary. These were hard words which shocked 
the Governor however he had till next council day to 
explain himself when still insisting on what he had said 
before, he was suspended with the consent of the Council 
from his seat at the board till the Kings pleasure should 
be known for useing such harsh expressions against what 
was done with the consent of every branch of the Legis- 
lature of the province. I was not in Council at the 
time being m the Country. When I came to town Col 
Montgomerie shewed me copies of all that passed and 


declared Mr Morris had forced him to do a thing much 
against his incUnation. On a hearing before the board 
of trade the suspension was confirmed and Mr Morris 
the younger removed from the Council. 

Col Montgomeries view was to live as much as pos- 
sible at ease and at the same time retrieve his fortune 
and for that purpose his administration was intirely 
directed to the Immours of those men who at that time 
had the assembly under their influence except where he 
apprehended any measure might lead him into public 
dispute. Had he lived these condescensions to the 
humours of others would have in time intirely defeated 
his other view of living at ease for after these Gentle- 
men had got all the offices in the hands of their friends 
and dependants he became sensible of their neglect before 
he died. His yielding to lessen the Chief Justice's Sallary 
merely to gTatify a private resentment gave the assembl}' 
such a sense of their influence on a Governor that all 
his successors found the effects of it. For afterwards 
assemblies did not so much as ask the Governors consent 
to the officers sallaries but put them in their bill which 
he must accept in the manner they offered it or loose his 
o^vn Sallary and in this case they suffer no amendment 
to the bill by the Council no not so much as a con- 
ference on the subject. Hereby the Assembly claim the 
sole power of rewarding all the officers of Government 
and of Judging of the reward due for their Services 

Mr Smith has in his history given a good general ac- 
count of the agreement for a partition line between New 
York and Connecticut. I think it may be of use to }ou 
to know some particulars which probably Mr Smith did 
not know. In 1725 Commissioners were appointed in 
New York of whom I was one to meet commissioners 
from Connecticut in order to run out and settle the 
boundaries pursuant to the agreement between the two 
colonies in 1683 as recited in Mr Smiths History. The 
first thing we entered upon was the method to be pursued 
in the Survey for running the lines. The ditficulty 
cliiefly consisted how to run a line parallel to Hudson's 


River every wnere twenty miles distant from it which 
will be found difficult to do if it be not impi'acticable 
where a river has manv turnino;s and windin";s so as 
precisely to comply with the words of the agreement. 
The Commissioners from Connecticut took every method 
to perplex the matter and to evade the agreeing to anj^ 
method of Survey. After many fruitless meetings and 
some adjournments to different times and places we 
gave them notice that we intended to run the lines ex 
j)arte and desired them to be present at our work and 
witnesses of what we did. As I was sensible that every- 
thing don in this case ex parte would be subject to 
endless disputes and thereby the settling of the frontiers 
would be obstructed When we had met to take a parting 
glass I took one of their commissioners aside. I told him 
that I suspected they had something at heart which they 
were affrayed to discover. I promised that if he would be 
free with me I would make no bad use of what he should 
tell me, and perhaps we might fall on some method to 
make them easy. He told me their whole concern was 
for the people of Ridgeheld and that if we could make 
them easy as to that part of the line adjoining to E-idge- 
fielcl we should have no dispute as to any other part. 
After informing my fellow commissioners of what had 
passed and some discourse among ourselves we resolved 
to renew the conferences. After which the method for 
running the partition lines was agreed to without much 
dis])ute. From this you will know the reason of the lines 
being run in the manner they are. By the expense of 
these frequent meetings and adjournments the money 
given by the Assembly for running the lines was expend- 
ed befoi-e they could be actually marked out upon the 
land or the survey be made for that purpose 

In the year 1730 Several of the Inhabitants of 
Ridgetield made proposals to some gentlemen in New 
York for running the Partition lines on private expense on 
condition of having a quantity certain of the Equivalent 
lands from Connecticut granted to them An agreement 
was accordingly made between the Governor and Council 

ON smith's history. 225 

of 'New York on one part and several persons of New 
York and Connecticut on the other part who were to 
be at the charge of running the lines on condition of 
having 50.000 acres of the equivalent lands granted to 
them on the usual quitrents and fees for obtaining the 

The Gentlemen in New York who had the principal 
management of this affair had been Mr Burnets 
friends in whom he confided in the time of his adminis- 
tration Mr Harison had been of their number but 
after he knew that Mr Burnet was to be removed he left 
Mr Burnet and joined with those who had been in oppo- 
sition to him in such manner that Mr Burnet said openly 
that Mr Harisons ungratitude to him would not recom- 
mend him to his successor for he had received many fa- 
vours from Mr. Burnet. For this reason Mr Harison 
was not invited to join in takeing a share of the Patent 
He complained to the Governor of this neglect and at 
the Governors desire he had the offer of a small share 
which he accepted of with seeming thankful acknow- 
legement but at the same time he was highly disgusted 
by his discovery that he was despised both by the Gen- 
tlemen whose friendsliip he had forfeited and by the 
others whose friendship he had courted. He had some 
how found access by letter to the Duke of Chandos. He 
represented these Lands to the Duke not only as of great 
value by the extraordinary goodness of the soil but by 
their containing valuable mines and by their being con- 
venient for carrying on an extensive fur trade and thereby 
persuaded the Duke to solicit a grant of them from the 
King for himself and some other Gentlemen in England 
the names of the other gentlemen being only used in 
trust for themselves and the Duke whose name did not 
appear in the grant In this the Duke was exceedingly 
deceived, because there were no mines in that land and 
no fur trade could be carried on from that part of the 
country and the soil of the lands was nothing better than 
the generality of the country. The grantees in New 
York could not obtain their patent till they had com- 



pleted tlie partition lines between the Colonies of New- 
York and Connecticut and near twelve months passed 
before this could be done In the mean time the grant in 
England passed and the Gentlemen in New York were 
at all the expense of running the lines and of obtaining 
a patent without knowing that any application had been 
made in Eno-land for a grant of the same lands 

As this aifair had a great influence on the publick 
transactions during the administration of the succeeding 
governor it is proper that you should know this aifair 
more particularly than as it is told by Mr Smith in his 

I have only one thing more to mention which may 
serve for a little amusement Col. Montgomerie designed 
to have been in New York in the fall of the year but the 
ships were driven off by hard gales of Wind to Barba- 
does where they continued till next Spring. I heard 
Col Montgomerie tell that while he was at Barbadoes a 
very old man died who on his deathbed confessed that 
he was the person who cut off Kmg Charles' head. 
That as soon as he had performed the execution he was 
carried on board a ship bound to Barbadoes where he 
had lived in good reputation to the time of his death. 

Now you have all that you can learn of Col Mont- 
gomeries administration from 


Coldengham Feb'^ 21 1760 
My Dear Son 

In my last I had finished all that I intended to 
write of the History of New York, within the period to 
which Mr Smith confines his History : and I should 
have concluded with what I have already wrote had not 
Mr Smith, at the conclusion of his history made a large 
stride to reach a matter of posterior date relating to one 
Laughlin Campbell. Mr Smith has so grossly misrep- 

ON smith's history. 227 

resented this whole affair, by giving a false account of 
every material circumstance, and what he has published 
is so egregious a calumny of Mr Clark Lt Govr of 
New York and of other persons interested in the grant of 
lands in New York, that I cannot pass it over, without 
giving you the true account of that affair ; in doing of 
which I have had my memory much assisted by the 
papers relating to it which remain on the Council file. 

After great numbers of families had transported 
themselves from the North of Ireland to Pennsylvania, 
Laughlin Campbel in the year 1737 went over from the 
island of Ila in Scotland to Pennsjdvania to learn on 
what [terms] he could procure lands there, for a num- 
ber of families which he proposed to bring over to settle 
there. While he was at Philadelphia he was informed 
of a proclamation ]:)ublished by Col Cosby the late Gov- 
ernor of New York promising 100,000 acres of land 
free of all charges excepting the survey and Quitrents, to 
be granted in quantities in proportion to the numbers of 
persons who should import themselves into this province 
in order to settle and improve lands. Mr Campbell came 
to New York from Philadelphia to inform himself of the 
truth of this. But before I proceed farther it is neces- 
sary to inform you that Col Cosby before his death had 
found means to have a grant of this land for himself in 
the name of other persons in trust for him However 
iniquitously this may have been don it had put it out of 
Mr Clarks power to grant that land and Mr Campbell in 
a conference with Gov Clark and the Surveyor Genl of 
Lands confessed that he could not obtain lands in Penn- 
sylvania otherwise than at the rate of £15 for each hun- 
dred acres, besides the quitrent and charges of survey. 
He was then informed that the 100,000 acres was al- 
ready granted, but that he could have other lands on 
much easier terms than he can in Pennsylvania or any- 
where else and they undertook that he should have lands 
granted in proportion to the number of families imported 
at the rate of £3 sterling for every hundred acres free 
of the charge of Indian purchase survey and other ex- 


pense of any kind except the Quitrent with which he 
declared himself well contented However before he 
returned to Scotland he went to Maryland to learn on 
what terms he could obtain lands there. 

The next year Mr Campbell brought over 30 families 
and he was offered a grant of 19,000 acres for himself 
free of all charges except the survej^ being all the lands 
which remained of those which had been purchased which 
he neglected to take for reasons which you will discover 
from what follows afterwards. In August 1739 he 
brought over 41 families more but it is false that he 
brought any of them over on his own expense in such 
manner that he or his family suffered thereby ; for all 
of them either paid him for their passages and freight of 
goods or bound themselves as servants as usual in such 
cases for the payment and he disposed of these servants 
■svith profit to himself as is usually don in America in 
like cases. 

When he came over the second time he was again 
offered a sufficient quantity of land on the terms prom- 
ised him before he imported any one person and with 
which he had declared himself contented and the place 
the land was to be set out for him was named to him 
near where Fort Edward now stands but he insisted 
on having the 100,000 acres promised by Col Cosbys 
proclamation on the terms in that proclamation and 
put in a petition to the Govr and Council to that pur- 
pose which occasioned an inquiry and examination into 
the transactions previous to that petition as will appear 
by the reports of Committee of Council appointed for 
that purpose and made the 18th and 22d of April 1741 
still remaining on the file of the Council. The true rea- 
son of Mr Campbells declining the terms to Avhich he 
had agreed before these families were imported was 
that he and the persons that he had brought over with 
him were in no ability to comply with these easy terms 
and much less in ability of settling and improveing new 
lands till such times as they could mantain themselves 
by their own labor. This inability was well known at 

ON smith's history. 229 

the time and may still proved by persons living who came 
over with Mr Campbell. As this inability was an unan- 
swerable objection to their having lands on any terms 
Campbell was advised to apply to the Assembly for 
their assistance to support his people till such time as 
they should be able to support themselves which he did 
but without effect For the Assembly after inquiry 
found that the people he had brought over with him 
were unwilling to settle under him as he proposed and 
Mr Campbells behavior after he came into the Country 
gave the Assembly a prejudice so far to his disadvan- 
tage that they disliked his settling on the frontiers. 
This being the case and it being at the same time well 
known that no part of the 100,000 acres promised by 
Col Cosbys proclamation had been settled pursuant to 
that Proclamation he had nothing to say or no game to 
play but to insist on the benefit of that proclamation 
as a matter which the Government was absolutely 
obliged to perform. Suppose the case to be so, yet cer- 
tainly the intention of that proclamation was not to 
give land to persons who were in no ability to settle 
and cultivate the same But as the case then stood it 
cannot be supposed that Gov Clark was under any per- 
sonal obligation to be at the charge of making the In- 
dian purchase and to be at all other necessary expenses 
out of his own pocket. If the settling of the frontiers 
at that time by these people had been of public benefit 
it ought to have been at the public expense. Which 
the assembly refused to do for the reasons before men- 
tioned as most of the people who came over with 
Mr Campbell were unwilling to settle on the frontiers 
they met with no disappomtment They dispersed 
themselves among the inhabitants and provided for 
their families as others had usually don in like cases. 
You knew that several of those who came servants with 
Mr Campbell are now possessed of valuable farms in 
their own right in fee simple Mr Campbell only was 
disapointed of an unreasonable expectation by his not 
obtaining lands at other people's expense in order to 


make merchandise of them Mr Smith can never be 
excused in making this publication without makeing use 
of all the means which were in his power for a true in- 
formation The minutes of Council he tells us were 
open to him for his perusal They would have sho^vn 
him that the account he had received of that matter can- 
not be true He was a boy at the time these things 
happened and he could have no knowledge of them and 
therefor I cannot pass over the concluding sentence in 
his narrative without particular notice viz But it un- 
fortunately drop't through the sordid views of some per- 
sons in power who aimed at a share in the intended 
grant to which Cam^jbell who tvas a man of spirit would 
not consent. It was impossible for Mr Smith to have 
such evidence of this fact as to induce any man of the 
least candor to publish so great a calumny on any gentle- 
man, because of my own knowledge it is false and none 
who knew Mr Campbell can believe it. From this and 
many other parts of his history, Mr Smith appears to 
be fond of calumny otherwise he would have made use 
of the means of information which he owns were in his 

Mr Smiths history has been of use to me in the 
chronology and in bringing things to my memory which 
otherwise might have escaped me. The remarks which 
I have made have helpt at times to fill up a vacant hour 
and I flatter myself they may be usefull to any who in- 
tend to write the hystory of New York when personal 
prejudices are removed and posterity can judge impar- 
tially. However this be I hope they may be of use to 
you and that you will receive them as an instance of 
Love from Your affectionate father 


Dear Son 

I finished in my last all that I intended to write on 
that period of time to which Mr Smith confines his 

ON smith's history. 231 

History of New York and I should have concluded 
with what I have already wrote had not Mr Smith at 
the conclusion of his book made a large stride to reach 
a matter of posterior date relating to Captain Laughlin 
Campbell. Mr Smith has so grossly misrepresented this 
whole affair by giveing a false account of every material 
circumstance and so egregious a calumny of Mr Clark 
and of other persons entrusted with the grant of Lands 
that I can not pass it over without giveing you the true 
account of this matter 

Laughlin Campbell in the year 1737 arrived in Penn- 
sylvania from Scotland in order to find what incourage- 
ment he could have to settle lands in that Colony The 
only terms on which he could obtain lands there as he 
himself afterwards related were at the rate of .£15 for each 
hundred acres besides the Quitrent and charges of sur- 
vey and other officers fees While he was in Pennsylvania 
he heard of an encouragement from Col Cosby which had 
been offered for settling of 100,000 acres of land on the 
frontiers of New York and therefor came to New York 
to learn on what terms he could obtain lands there. 
Col Cosby had published a proclamation with consent of 
Council inviting protestants to transport themselves to 
the province of New York with a promise of 100,000 
acres already purchased of the Indians to be granted to 
them at a certain rate or number of acres to each family 
free of all charges. The particular account of this may 
come properly in the history of Col Cosby's administra- 
tion it is sufficient in the present case to tell that by 
sinister means this land was granted by Col Cosby in trust 
for himself and therefore at the time Mr Campbel came 
to New York it was not in Mr Clark's power to grant 
that land Mr Campbel was told that the 100,000 acres 
of land mentioned in the publication made by Governor 
Cosby had been already granted. He was in- 
foniied of the usual method of obtaining lands in this 
province viz By first purchasing the lands of the Indians 
haveing the same surveyed and afterwards a patent un- 
der the Kings seal for this province He objecting to the 


difficulties which a stranger might have in making the 
purchase and the other expenses which might attend the 
procuring a patent for the same in order to incourage 
the settling of the frontiers. The Governor and Sur- 
veyor General of lands undertook to make the purchase 
of the lands from the Indians and to be at the charge 
of survey and the fees of the officers in obtaining a 
patent at the rate of <£3 Sterling for every hundred 
acres He was pleased with this proposal, and promised 
to bring over a number of families to settle lands on 
these conditions. Notwithstanding of this after he had 
left New York he went to Maryland and finding that he 
could obtain lands no where on so easy terms as in New 
York he the next year brought over 30 families On the 
importation of these families he was offered a grant of 
19,000 acres of land free of all charges except that of the 
survey which he neglected to take for reasons which you 
will perceive by what follows afterwards. In August 
1739 he brought over 41 families more but it is false 
that he brought them over or any of them on his own 
expense for all of them either paid him for their passages 
and freight of their goods or bound themselves as servants 
for the payment. He was so far from being a sufferer 
that he made a considerable profit by the importation of 
these people. After his arrival the 2d time he was 
offered land on the conditions offered to him at his first 
coming to New York with which he did not comply 
and probably was not in any capacity to comply. But 
what principally obstructed the Grant was that Capt 
Campbel (as Mr Smith calls him) was in no ability to 
settle these families either by himself or Avith the assist- 
ance of those that came over with them. This 
inability was notorious to all who knew Mr Campbell 
and the persons who came over with them. He was advised 
to apply to the assembly for their assistance to make 
that settlement for security of the Frontiers but the 
assembly declined giving any assistance because many of 
those he had brought over with him refused to settle un- 
der him saying that they had left their own country to 

ON smith's histoky. 233 

free themselves from the Vassalage they were under to 
their Lords there and would not become vassals to Laugh- 
lin Campbel in America and few or none of them were 
willing to settle on the frontiers towards Canada The 
Assembly at the same time entertained a bad opinion of 
Mr Campbel as one not proper to be trusted. Mr Smith 
says that the execution of this project so beneficial to the 
province failed by a breach of private faith and public 
honour through the sordid views of some persons in 
power who aimed at a share in the intended grant to 
which Mr Campbel who was a man of spirit would 
not consent. This assertion to my own knowledge is 
absolutely false When these things happened Mr Smith 
was a boy and could have no knowledge of them 
and it is impossible that he could have any evidence of 
what he asserts such as could induce a man of the least 
candour to publish such vile reflections of any other per- 
son. It is true that Mr Campbel insisted on his pre- 
tensions for a grant of Land pursuant to Col Cosby's 
advertisement tho he had been told before he imported 
any person that the lands mentioned in that advertise- 
ment had been already granted by Col Cosby because he 
had nothing else to found his pretensions on. There were 
then no lands to be granted which had been purchased of 
the Indians and the Government was persuaded that 
Mr Campbel sued for a grant with a view only to make 
merchandise of the same as he was incapable of settling 
a large tract. This they thought intirely opposite to the 
view they had of incouraging the settHng of the Fron- 
tiers. No man will easily believe that Mr Campbel 
would have refused any person a share with him who 
had power or influence enough to obtain a grant of so 
large a tract for him. What I now write I not only 
assert on my own knowledge but I may refer to many 
still living and particularly to the persons that Mr 
Campbel brought over with tiim for contirniation of the 
same. But the whole may be more easily cleared up by a 
report of a Committee of Council the 18th and 2 2d of 
April 1741 which was appointed to inquire and examine 


into Mr Campbels pretensions. Mr Smith vouches his 
having had the minutes of Council under his perusal 
as vouchers for the truth of what he writes in his History 
In the report of the Committee many particulars appear 
to Mr Campbels prejudice which now he is dead I 
choose not to repeat. But in this case the Council and 
Mr Smith are in direct contradiction. When it is con- 
sidered that the minutes of Council are transmitted to 
the board of Trade and plantations it is not likely that 
Mr Campbel could meet with what Mr Smith calls re- 
dress there. 

[As Mr Campbell in his petition allwise refers 
to a publication by Col Cosby of 100,000 acres of land 
allready purchased of the Indians which he promised 
such as should transport themselves into this province I 
do not pretend to justify what was don by Col Cosby 
with respect to those lands All I say is that they were 
granted before Mr Campbel came first to New York 
and he knew that they were not then in the power of the 

It appears by the remarks which I have made 
on several parts of Mr Smiths history that his re- 
publican and independent principles have so far preju- 
diced him against Governors that in many instances he 
slanders their administration without any foundation 
and in none more than this for it appears evidently when 
the truth is known that the Governor and Sur- 
veyor General were at that time zealous in promoting 
the settlement of the frontiers by the families which Mr 
Campbel imported had it been in their power to do it 
and had not he by his bad conduct and private sinister 
views prevented the assistance which the assembly other- 
wise might have given towards makeing that settlement 
The agreement made with Mr Campbel by the Gov"" 
and Surv'' Gen' shews it was on much easier terms 
than lands could be at that time obtained so easy 
that they could not thereby propose any private ad- 
vantage to themselves and yet he never mentioned this 
agreement in any petition he made on this occasion tho' 


he confessed it before the committee because lie was not 
in a capacity to comply it was inconsistent with the real 
view he had of obtaining these lands for merchandise 
Mr Smith by makeing the least reflection if he had in- 
clined to have considered the matter impartially might 
easily see that it could not be expected that the Gov- 
ernor or other officers intrusted with the grant of lands 
could make the purchase at their own expense and the 
necessary surveys of such a large tract and far less at 
their own expense go through all the charges necessary 
for making the settlements and maintaining the people 
till they could maintain themselves by their own labour 
for it is most certain that Mr Campbel and his companj^ 
were in no capacity of settling themselves even supposing 
the land had been given them free of all charges He 
might on the least reflection see that their private for- 
tunes were not sufficient for such an undertaking and 
unless this expense could be some way provided for it Avas 
impossible to make the proposed settlement and that 
without this were previously taken care of the granting 
of such a large tract of land could only serve private 
and sinister purposes. Never was a laudable zeal for 
the public benefit more grossly and injuriously misrepre- 
sented than this has been don. 







The Journals of the New York Council and Convention which 
are here given are copies from the originals in the British Public Re- 
cord Office ( Colonial Entry BooJc, No. 75), where they have hither- 
to escaped the attention of students of our Colonial history. They 
are mentioned in a letter of the Council of New York to the Earl 
of Shrewsbury, with which they were transmitted to England 
June 10, 1689 {N. Y. Col. Doe. III. 585), and in common with 
most of the other documents which follow were procured by Mr, 
George H, Moore, in the course of researches for his collection 
of the Statutes at Large of N^ew- York from 1664 to 1691, 

Of those which follow the Journals, the greater part have been 
copied from the manuscripts of Pierre Eugene Du Simitiere, most 
of which are preserved in the collection of the Library Company 
of Philadelphia. Du Simitiere describes them as " Copies of 
Original Papers relating to the publick transactions in the Province 
of New York at the time of the Revolution and for several years 
afterwards beginning [with the] latter end of the administration of 
Lieut. Gov. Nicholson and during the Government of Capt" Jacob 
Leisler, Colo. Slaughter, Maj. Ingoldsby, Gov. Fletcher and the 
Earl of Bellomont containing the publick proceedings of Capt" 
Jacob Leisler, of Major Ingoldsby, Col. Bayard and others, an ac. 
count of Leisler and Milborne's tryal and execution and the 
methods taken by his son Jacob Leisler in England to have the 
attainder reversed and their estates restored to the family, with all 
the petitions to the King, Queen, House of Lords, Lords of Com- 
mittee of Trade and Plantations, &c. together with several acts 
of Parliament and Assembly and many other original papers con- 
cerning the said transactions. Copied from the originals in the 
possession of Mr, Abraham Gouverneur of New York, great-grand- 


son of Capt. Jacob Leisler, who favored me with the use of them 
in August, 1769." 

Mrs. Farmer, a daughter of Abraham Gouverneur who married 
the widow of Milborne, also appears to have had some of the family- 
papers in her possession in July, 1759, at which time she furnished 
Smith the historian with a copy of the Act reversing the attainders, 
which he added in a note to his revised work. 

They were evidently the family papers of the Lei slers, collected 
and preserved as the documents on which they relied for the vin- 
dication of the sufferers and the support of their claims for redress. 
(See '"''Loyalty Vindicated^'' etc., post, pp. 385-386.) 

If the originals are still in existence, they seem to be unknown 
to our historical students, who owe a large debt of gratitude to 
the memory of the accomplished artist-stranger who devoted 
himself with so great assiduity to the collection of materials to 
illustrate the history of his adopted .country, and whose labors in 
this field are hardly indicated in the extracts from them which 
are presented in the following pages. A suitable biography of this 
neglected and almost forgotten pioneer in American History 
would be a just and honorable though tardy tribute to his fame, 
creditable alike to its author and subject. 

Some of the papers in the Du Simitiere collection were copied 
many years ago, probably for the late Dr. Miller, and these copies 
are in the Society's collection of MSS. As they have been printed, 
with many additional documents fi'om the State archives in the 
second volume of the Documentary History of New York, it is not 
deemed advisable to reprint them here. 

The Society is indebted to Mr. S. Alofsen for the translations 
of the Dutch Documents which appear in the following pages; 
and to Mr. Lloyd P. Smith, Librarian of the Library Company 
of Philadelphia, for liberal facilities in the use of the treasures iu 
his care. 


Minutes of the Councell att New Yorke from pmo 
March to June the [eleventh] 1689. 
Fortt James Frayday the first day of March 168|-. 

Present : 

The Leften* Govern"'* Nicholson 
Major Eredrick Phillips 
Major Steph. Van Cortlandt 
Coll. NiCH. Bayard. 

This (lay came Robertt Ewel and John Teysack from 
Philadelphia and brought unto the leften* Gouverno"" 
Nicholson, a letter from Cap" John Blackwell Gouverno"" 
of Pensilvania with a copy off an examination off one 
Zagharia Wliitepaine lately come from England. The 
substance off which Examination is that the Prince off 
Oranoe had invaded Eno;land and severall other trans- 
actions there, as by said examination more att large 

The said letter and examination being read Robert 
Ewel and John Teysack ware examined about the pre- 
mises, and said last Saturday night Zaghariah Wliite- 
paine arrived att Philadelphia whereupon the said John 
Teysack was commanded to call the councel there to- 
gether. Who being mett the said Zaghariah White- 

[* The examination is printed in tlie Minutes of the Provincial Council of 
Pennsylvania, 24th February, 1688-9. Colonial Records : i. 246, 249. Whit- 
paiue left Londoa on the luth or 12th of December, 1688.] 


paine was examined, and thatt the said Governor Black- 
well r2;ave unto the said John Teysack the above said 
letter to carry and deliver the same unto the Leitenant 
Gouverno"" Francis Nicholson att New Yorcke. 

The said Robertt Ewel and John Teysak alsoo 
lirought severall letters for ^ticular Inhabitants in this 
Towne beinge seaventeen in number w"^ they delivered 
to this Board. 

Resolved, that for the prevention off any tumult and 
the divulging of soe strange news. The said letters be 
opened to see if they contained the same substance off 
England's being invaded, which was forthwith done, and 
seen. That in a letter from John Blackwell directed to 
William Blackwell Marchant att Boston alsoo one letter 
from Le Tort directed to Isaack Des Champs march* att 
New Yorcke, contained the same news which made this 
Board give the more creditt to itt. 

Whereupon it was further resolved forthwith to send 
Expresses both by water and land, unto his Excellency 
S"" Edmond Andros Governou'' in chieff to acquaint him 
with this matter, and to send unto him a coppy off the 
letter of Examination as alsoo the letter directed to 
William Blackwell, and that the other letters except 
that of IM"" Des Champs should be sent to the Post 
house to be delivered to y^ owners w"^ was accordingly 

Soe copies ware taken and sent by water with Thomas 
Broocks, and by land with English Smith, expresse sent 
for this purpose with this following letter, viz" : — 

New Yorcke 168| March the 2°"*. 

Yesterday morning was the Post John Perry dis- 
patched from hence to your Excellency, since the Leften- 
ant Gouvern*" received this morning a letter from GouV- 
erno'' Blackwell from Pensilvania, a copy whereoff is 
here inclosed together with the news that he relates was 
come to his hands, which we find to be off thatt import 
that we have thought it our Duty to communicate the 


same to y"" Excellency by this Expresse Soe with all 
humility desiring y'" Excellencies comands in these parts 
wee Kemaine 

S"" y"" Excellencies humble Serv** 
F. Nicholson 
Fred^ Phillips 
Steph. Van Cortlandt 
Nich. Bayard 

Resolved, thatt M"" Matthew Plowman shall pay unto 
English Smith six pounds in money to defray his charges 
to Boston, and what he shall desei^^e more is referred to 
his Excellency. 

This Board considring thatt his Majesties money and 
the contreis for the Tax in the hands off M'" Matthew 
Plowman his Majesties collector is not safe at his lodging 
being a private house and a great distance from the Fortt, 

Resolved, that the said Collector bring all the said 
money he hath in his hands into his Majesties Fort 
James there to be locked up in a strong chest and sealed 
by him for the better securing off the same till further 
order from his Excellency. 

New Yorcke, 1689, J._^m7 the W" 
Whereas information hath been given unto the Lef- 
tenant Governo'" off a ship being in distresse and having 
lost his masts near Barnegate The Leftenant Gouver- 
nour gave the following certificate and order to help the 
said ship to be brought up, viz. 

By the Leften* Gouvernor. 
Whereas I am informed that a ship or vessel about 
ten miles off from Sandy point is seen lying att ancor 
without any masts and in distresse, These are therefore 
to certifie all whom it may concerne that Cap* Benjamin 
Blagge and M'' Gabriell Thomason in the sloope Hope- 
well are sent downe to enquu-e after said ship or vessell 
and to assist her (if need bee) as much as they are able 
to doe. 


Given under my hand and seale in New Yorcke this 
15*^day off Aprill A J 689. 

Fr. Nicholson. 

Pursuant to send orderBenjaminBlagge sailed thither 
and found the ship to belong to Milfortt Samuel Fitz 
Comander from Barbadoes, and came up with her to 
New Yorcke. 

Order was given to M*" Matthew Plowman to pay 
unto M' Blagge and M"" Gabriell Thompson for sloop 
hire & provision &c, the sum of foure pounds eight shil- 
lings and six pence. 

New Yorcke 1689— xlj^rzY the 26"^ 

The Leften* Governou'" conveaned those off the Coun- 
cel here together and produced a declaration from the 
gentlemen, marchants and Inhabitants off Boston, and 
the Country adjacent dated Aprill the eighteenth 1689, 
setting forth the reasons for their apprehending and tak- 
ing in custody his Excellency the Gouvernor Sr. Edmond 
An dross. Then one M"" Veasey an enseign off a Com- 
pany in Brantry near Boston who brought the abovesaid 
declaration to the Leftenant Gouverno'' appeared and 
rescited thatt 

His Excellency S"" Edmond Andros by the Inhabi- 
tants off Boston the IS*'' instant was secured in the Fortt 
att Boston, That they had taken the Castel and the Fri- 
gatt, That they had seized Capt. George, Capt. Trifry, 
Enseign Andros, M*" Randlph, West, Graham Palmer 
ITscher, Leggit, Belliafant ond others and committed 
them to the prison. That Capt. Winthrop, Coll. Srimp- 
ton. Coll. Page, John Nelson, &c., ware the chief actors 
in this affaire. 

This news was a great surprizall to the Leftenant 
Gouvernor and Councill, and being but foure in number 
it was 

Besolved, That the Mayer should call the Aldermen 
and Comon Councill fortwith together to acquaint them 
with this ill news, and to advise together what best is to 


be done for his Majesties service and the quieting of the 
Inhabitants in this conjuncture and troublesome times. 

New Yorcke, 1689. Aiwil the 27'* 
The Leften* Gouverno'' Nicholson. 
Major Fredrick Phillips. 
Coll. NicH. Bayard, 
Stephanus Van Cortlandt. 

Upon hearing the Revolutions att Boston and rumors 
of war from abroad between England and French and 
the number off the Councill being soe few, considring 
the necessity that all affairs ought to be put m good 
order, the peace kept and gouvernement secured from 
invasion abroad 

Its ordered and resolved, 

That the Mayor, Aldermen and Conion Councell with 
the Chief military officers be called together this after- 
noone to meet the Leftenant Gou^ernor and Councill 
att the Towne Hall. There to advise whatt need- 
ful is to be done in this troublesome times for the 
quietnesse off the people and security off the Gouvern- 

And some of the Councell informing the Gouverno' 
of the jealousies and fears off the Inhabitants of this 
Citty by reason of the small number off soldiers in the 
Fortt, and most of them infirme and old and thatt it 
would bee demanded by some off the Cap^^ off the mili- 
tia That some off their soldiers might keep the guard in 
the Fortt, to prevent the same, it was resolved to pro- 
])ose the same to them To shew our willingnesse to de- 
fend the fortt Citty and Gouvernmentt against any 
comon enemy. 

That alsoo the Justices off the peace and Cheeff mili- 
tary officers in the severall Counties be sent for To tell 
them of their duty and to be aiding and assisting to 

[* The Minutes of the General Meetings held under this call on the 27th 
April and subsequently until the 6th of June, 1689, follow these Council 
Minutes in this volume: post: pp. 272-290.] 


keep the people in peace and to endeavour the welfare 
and security off the government. 

Then ihe following letter was sent. 

New Yorcke 1689, Ap"" the 27*\ 

Having received the surprising news that the Inhabi- 
tants off Boston have sett up a government for them- 
selves, and alsoo off rumors of warr from abroad it is 
thought necessary to convene some off the cheef officers 
to meet us. These are therefore to desire That the sev- 
erall Justices off the Peace Leften* Cornells, Majors and 
Captaines now in Comission in your County, appeare 
before us heare att New Yorke on 

att two off the clocke in the afternoone to advise what 
best is to be done for the safety and security off the 
Province soe not doubting off your complyance 
Pemaine y"" frinds 

Fr. Nicholson 

Fred. Phillips 

Step. Van Cortlandt 

Nich. Bayard. 

This letter was sent to the severall Counties to meet 
according to their distances from New Yorcke and not 
to hinder them from their businesse att home, viz*, 
Kings County to meet next Monday 
Queens County Tuesday 

Westchester County Wednesday 

Bergen County Thiresday 

Richmond County the same 

Collonell Hamelton att Amboy ye same. 

Monday the 29"' off Aprill 
The Justices oft' the Paice, and Cap*' off the militia in 
King's County came, and promised to doe all their en- 
deavours to keep the people in quietnesse and defend 
the country against the comon ennemy and resolved to 
sett out a centry att Conny Island to keep a continuell 


watch to looke out at sea, and if above two ships comes 
together then to send an expresse to the Gouvernor to 
acquaint his honor therewith, and that the forces of said 
County should march to Nesack Bay to hinder any 
landing, if an ennemy, and if it should happen that the 
enemy should land, then the Gouvernor is resolved to 
gether all the strengt he can to beat the ennemy from 
Long Island. But if the ennemy should saile thorrow 
the narrows up to New Yorcke then the forces off Kings 
County are to march to New Yorcke and the boats at 
New Yorcke shall be sent to bring them over. In mean- 
time orders should be sent to the coimties of Westchester, 
Queens, Bichmond, and Bergen County to assist us 
with A\hat men they can. 

Thursday the ^Oth off Aprill. 
Major Willett, Capt. Jackson and other civil and 
military officers from Queens County came and met the 
Gouvernour & Councill and promised all the assistance 
their country can afford, and would endeavour to en- 
courage the inhabitants to peace and quietnesse. 

Wednesday^ the first day of May. 
Capt. Panton and other officers from Westchester 
came and promised all assistance their county can aford 
upon notice given and that they would endeavour to 
keep their people in peace and quietnesse. 

Thursday the '2d off May. 
The Justices off the peace off Bergen County and 
East Yarsay came and mett the Gouvernor, viz\ Coll, 
Hamilton, Coll. Townly, Capt. Berry, Capt. Bowne & 
Magistrates off Bergen all promising that they would be 
aiding and assisting to reprias any comon eneni}' and 
because there are noe military officers in comission in 
the County or corporation off Bergen, Hans Diderich 
was appointed Capt. Jurriaen Thomas Leftenant and 
Claes Teers Enseigne off said Corporation and com- 
missions given accordingly. A long debate was about 


setting up beacons upon the highland off Kensselaers 
hoocke but nothing concluded. 

Fnjday the ^d of May. 

The civill and military officers from Richmond 
County came and mett the Gouvernor and Coancell att 
the towne-hall. 

The Gouvernor recommended to them to be watch- 
full with courage and if any ships above the number off 
two should come within Sandy hooke to give us notice 
thereoff and in meantime to keep peace and unity 
amongst the people which they promised to doe. 

It was alsoe the 27tli off Aprill past considering the 
small number off' Councell that is remaining off thirty 
nine, and not authorized to act as a greater number 
could doe That the following letter be sent to the rest 
of the Councell, viz\ 

New Yorcke, 1689 Aprill the 27th. 

Sr. ^ 

Having received the surprizing news that the In- 
habitants of Boston have sett up a Gouvernment for 
themselves and disabled his Excellency the Capt. Gen- 
erall and Gouvernor in Chieff from acting in the govern- 
ment These are therefore to desire you That you would 
come with all expedition to advise and consult with us 
what proper is to be done for the safety and welfare off 
the Gouvernment this Citty and part of the gouvernment 
being resolved to continue in their station till further 
order. Soe not doubting off y'^ complyance Remaine, 
y friends & humble Servants 
Fr. Nicholson 
Fred. Phillips 
Step. Van Cortlandt, 
Nich. Bayard. 

This letter was sent to 

Major Generall Winthrop 

Cornell Treat 

Cornell Allen 

Cornell Yonars 


Cornell Pinchere 
Walter Clarke Esq. 
Walter Newburry Esq. 
Major Smith 

To each of them a Letter. 

New Yorcke 1G89, A2Drai 30'' 
The Leftent Gouvernor & Councill mett con sicl ring 
the dangerous times and for the prevention off disturb- 
ances did think it convenient to send the following let- 
ters to the Magistrates off Albany and Ulster to desire 
them to keep all people in peace and quietnesse, viz^ 

New Yorke 1689, Aprill the 30th. 

Having heard the surprizing news that 
the Inhabitants of Boston have seized upon the person 
off his Excellency Sr. Edmond Andros the Gouvernor 
in Chieffe and severall other persons off quality. These 
are therefore to acquaint you therewith and to desire 
all magistrates, justices of the peace, sherriftes Consta- 
bles &c. to use their utmost endeavours to keep all per- 
sons in peace and quietnesse and that all military officers 
keep good watch and their men all well exercised, arm- 
ed and equipt according to law, Soe remain Yr. friends 
Fr. Nicholson 
Fred. Philips 
Steph. Van Cortlandt 
Nich. Bayard 
To the Civil and 
Military Officers 
att Ulster. 

New Yorcke 1689, Ap. the 30*^ 
Wee are hartly sorrow to acquaint you off the ill 
news that the bastaines have seized his Excellency Sr. 
Edmond Andros the Gouvernor with severall other 
gentlemen. Wee are at quiit and hope it is so with 
you, wee dajly expect to hear from England and 


further news from Boston, and as soon as it comes to 
us, shall acquaint you therewith by the first opportunity 
in meane time wee desire that you will doe your endeavor 
to keep all people in peace and quiitnesse. Soe remain 
Your frinds 

Fr. Nicholson 

Fred. Phillips 

Step. Van Cortlandt. 

Nich. Bayard. 
To Major Baxter 

one off the Councell and Coniander 
att Fort Albany. 

New Yorche, 1689. May the first. 

The Left en* Gouverno'" and Councell mett thincking 
it to be their duty to write the following letter to his Ex- 
cellency S*" Edmond Andros the Gouvern"" in Chieff yv/} 

May it Please Y"" Excellency. 

It was an extraordinary surprizall for us to 
hear off the Confusions that the Inhabitants att Boston 
have occasioned in the Gouvernment by usurping that 
part off the Gouvernment to themselves, and that they 
have seized the person of your Excellency and soverall 
off your officers. Wee cannott imagine that any such 
actions can proceed from any person of quality amongst 
them, but rather promoted by the rable. And that for 
the safety off your Excellency's person those measures 
have been taken, butt hope and doubt not before this 
the furie of those ill psons may be allaied, and that your 
Excellency and the rest off the ofiicers may be restored 
to their former station. In the meantime wee can doe 
noe lesse than as to condole your Excell"* troubles. And 
as for this part off the gouvernment wee find the peoj^le 
in generall to be inclined to peace and quietnesse and 
doubt not will remaine loyall. The most troubles wee 
meet withall is occasioned by the remouvall off the Ke- 
cords off this part off the gouvernment to Boston for 
the want off which severall psons have made their com- 
plaints to us desiring our endeavours that the same may 


be returned to this office, wee therefore desire that your 
Excellency for the more quieting off the minds off our 
people will take such measures that the said Records 
with the first opportunity may be remitted to this place 
wee are hourly in great hope to hear better news off 
y Excellency and oft' your good health, which will be 
most acceptable to us, who are as in duty bound your 
Excellency's most humble Servants 

Signed Fr. Nicholson 

Fred. Phillips. 

Steph. Van Cortlandt. 

Nich. Bayard. 

The Leftenant gouverneur & Councell did thitick it 
alsoo to be their duty to write and send the following 
letter to the gentlemen att Boston, viz* 

To Simon Broadstreet & Wayt Winthrop Esq*"^ and 
others att Boston, 

New Yorcke, 1689, pm° May 


It was an extraordinary surprizall to us 
to hear off the confiisions the Inhabitants att Boston 
have occasioned by taking that part off the gouverne- 
ment to themselves, and that they have seized upon the 
person off his Excellency and severall off the offi.cers. 
Wee cannot imagine that any such actions can proceed 
from any person of quality amongst them but reather 
promoted by the rable. And that for the safety off his 
Excellency's person those measures have been taken, 
but hope and doubt not before this time the furie off 
said psons may be allaid, and that his Excellency and 
the rest off the officers may be restored to their former 
stations, or at least have liberty to come heither, for this 
part of the gouvernement Avee find the people in general! 
inclined to peace and quiitnesse and doubt not but will 
remaine in their duties. Wee doe not question but you 
will send us a speedy answer, the matter being oft' so 
great a consequence. Tending to the peace and quiet- 


nesse off us all which if you doe wee remaine Y"" frinds 

& servants Fr. Nicholson 

Fred. Philips 
Steph. Van Cortlandt 
Nicholas Bayard 

Neiv Yorcke, 1689. Mciy the ^'^ 
Having heard off the troubles and disturbances in Suf- 
folk County on Long Island, The Gouvernor and Coun- 
cell did thinck itt necessary to write and send the follow- 
ing letter to Major Howell att Southampton. 

New Yorcke, 1689. May y" 4th. 


Being informed that some disturbances have lately 
hapened in your Pari . . . which hope is put to an end 
ere this by your prudent management, and for the pre- 
vention off the like in these parts. Wee use all our 
endeavours to keej) the people in peace and quietnesse 
and are daily bussie to fortify the fortt and Citty that 
wee may bee in a fitt posture to resist any forraign en- 
nemy. And that we may be the more able to doe the 
same wee have desired the civill and military officers in 
the counties neare to us to be aiding and assisting in soe 
good a design who have all promised upon notice given 
to be assistant therein that soe wee may jointly with 
heart and hand reprices a comon ennemy. Wee have 
to that effect sent a letter to Coll, Yongs with a desire 
that he would speedly come to advice and consult with 
us whatt is proper to be done for the safety and welfare 
off the gouvernement. This letter was intended to be 
sent before now but, hearing off one Stephen Bayley to 
be in towne, come expresse to take notice and inspection 
over our actions and proceedings here. Wee sent for 
him who told us that it was all your desires that this 
towne and fortt might be well fortifyed, and if wee de- 
sired assistance off men, that the County of Suffolk 
would help us with them if occasion. Wee ware also 
informed that there are some great guns in your parts. 


which might easily be had, wee therefore desire you to 
acquaint us what quantity you have &c. on what terms 
you would lett us have the same for fortifying this towne, 
and if on reasonable terms wee will endeavour to agree 
with you for the same. If two off the Justices and two off 
the cheeffe military officers off your parts come heather 
speedily to informe us off what condition you are in and 
to see in whatt posture we are. In order to oppose the 
French or any other forraigne ennemy it will be very 
acceptable to your loving friends, signed 

Fr. Nicholson 
Fred. Phillips 
Steph. Van Cortlandt 
Nich. Bayard. 

Neio Yorche, 1689, if 8"^ Matj 
The Gouvemor & Councell thought itt very necessarj^ 
to write the following letter to Major Howel att South 
Hampton to give them an Account off the affaires att 
Boston and alsoo att Albany to give them an Ace' the 
story off the Indians and French is not true, but all well 

New Yorcke, 8 May 1689. 


Since our last to you off the fourth instant by Stephen 
Bayly offers here little off moment onely that the revenue 
of the gouvernement is ordered to be applied towards 
the fortityinge off this Citty against anj^ attack or inva- 
sion that might be attempted by any forraign ennem}-. 
And this very morning began the inhabitants to worke 
upon the said fortifications by whole companies, from 
Albany wee ware alarmed by the reports off" some 
aproching danger off the Indians and French of Canada. 
But by the last vessel which arrived here on Sunday 
last wee have certaine intelligence by some off the chieff 
traders' and magistrates there, that nothing off such 
danger was feared by them, since the said re[)orts proved 
to them altogether false, and our Indians dajly coming 


in with Beavers, promising this summer a good trade. 
The Post John Perry came here on Monday nigt from 
Boston with several! letters, by which wee understand, 
that partt of the gouvernment to be in a great confusion 
occasioned by their late rash proceedings, severall off 
the persons of quality begin to looke backe and attribute 
now all to the rable. That theire ships and vessells al- 
ready loaden dare nott departt because none can obtaine 
any clearings and that some doe intend very speedily 
heither only to take out their said clearings. All the 
Justices and cheeff military officers of the counties ad- 
jacent have been advised in this conjuncture off time 
what may produce most to the comon safety and have 
unanimously promised upon the first allarm that shall be 
given them, to come and assist the citty and fort with 
all their forces. These are now further to desire that 
you will be pleased to conveane the cheefFe off the civill 
and military officers and communicate the premises and 
off our desires that they will in like manner upon the 
first allarm given afford this city and fortt all the assistr 
ance imaginable by sending down their forces, with all 
possible speed. And that due advertisement may be 
given us off their willingnesse either by an answer from 
yrselfe or by sending some person to us. Soe not doubt- 
ing off your compliance wee remaine S^. 
Y"". frinds and Servants 

Fr. Nicholson 
Fred. Philips 
Steph. Van Cortlandt 
Nich. Bayard. 

New Yorcke, 1689. May the 9' 
Major Thomas Willett and Cap* John Jackson ap- 
peared and acquainted the gouvernor and Councell that 
the men in Queens County that have been with Coll. 
Thomas Dongan in the late expedition at Albany are all 
in armes and the whole county in an uproar, desiring that 
they might be paid money being raised for that purpose, 
&c. After mature deliberation for quieting the minds off 


the people and securing and keeping tlie peace off the 
gouvernement it is ordered that an order be given to Mi-. 
Matthew Plowman to pay unto Capt. Jackson aforesaid 
the sume of one hundred and sixteen pounds thirteene 
shillings, being the arrears due to the men that ware 
prest out off said County. But hearing that said 
County had paid unto the Collector aforesaid But iburty 
two ])ounds tenn shillings and three pence on account of 
their Taxt it is further ordered Thatt an order shall be 
sent to the Justices of said County to call the severall 
Collectors before them off said County, and to give them 
an order to pay unto Capt. John Jackson aforesaid the 
sume of seaventy foure pounds two shillings six pence 
halfe penny which with the fourty two pounds tenn 
shillings and three pence aforesaid compleats the whole 
sume oft' one hundred sixteen pounds thirteen shillings 
halfe penny. 

Then this followino- order was o-iven 

Whereas it hath been thought convenient by the Lef- 
tenant Gouvernor and Councill that M'' Matthew Plo>v- 
man should pay unto Capt. John Jackson the sume of 
one hundred sixteen pounds thirteen shillings and halfe 
a penny, to pay the arrearages of what is due to the sol- 
diers that ware under his comand in the late expedition 
att Albany. But finding that Queens County hath 
brought in onely the sume of fourty two pounds ten 
shillings and tenn pence, These are therefore to require 
you to call before }'ou the severall Collectors off 3'our 
County, and to order them to pay or cause to be paid 
unto the said Capt. John Jackson the sume off seaventy 
foure pounds, two shillings and six pence halfe a penny 
in order to pay all his soldiers aforesaid for which this 
order and his receipt shall be your discharge. 

Dated att New Yorcke this 9'^ day off May 1689. 

Fr. Nicholson 
Fred. Phillips 
Steph. Van Cortlandt 
Nich. Bayard. 


New Yorche, May y' 12'^ 1689. 
This morning the Leften^ Gouvernor received a letter 
from the Mayor att Albany, That the Indians had gott 
some jealousies in their heads which if not prevented 
might cause greatt mischieff, it is therefore thought fitt 
to send them the folloAving letter, viz' 

New Yorcke, 12 May, 1689. 


This morning came to our hands by these 
bearers a letter from the Mayor att Albany acquainting 
us off the affaires off the Inhabitants off thatt County in 
regard off the Indians, occasioned by the jealousies 
raised amongst them that Gouvernor Andros last win- 
ter att the Eastward had agreed with those off Canada 
to destroy the five cantons nations. Wee have cause to 
beleeve that those jealousies are come over to them by 
some ill affected persons from New England, since wee 
about three months past had the news here from Boston 
that severall libells ware disperst there to the same ef- 
fect, and although the same is sufficiently contradicted 
and is proved to be a mere falsehood, yett since itt is so 
printed in the mindes off those heathens it will be in 
vaine to be overpressing with them to d is wade them 
thereoff, wee are off the same opinion with your selfe that 
it would be most distructive to this gouvernment that 
by occasion off said jealousies the said five nations 
should joine with Canicla, you have therefore done very 
well that you have already sent two persons to the 
Maquaas land to endeavor by all possible meanes to re- 
move any such jealousies and doe judge it further most 
safe that you proceed in like manner by sending alsoo 
to the rest off the nations as you conveniently can, and 
to acquaint them either by y' selves or by such persons 
as you shall thinck fitt and know to be most acceptable 
to the Indians. 

Imprimus^ that wee have news from beyond the 
Zeas that the English and the Dutch nations are 
joined together cheefily to curb the pride of France, 


and that wee clayly expect orders to be in warr with 

Secondly^ That from Boston wee had about three 
months agoe intelligence that Sr, Edmond Andros had 
joined with the French, But that it was since contra- 
dicted, That he was now seized on att Boston, But thatt, 
wee could not hear any such thing was laid to his charge 
and thereby concluded to be a falsehood. 

Thirdly^ That they might be assured off the entire 
and old friendship off the Inhabitants off this gouvern- 
ment Thatt wee are now fortifying off New Yorcke, 
although wee doe not feare the French, only to be upon 
our guard, and to be ready when orders comes from be- 
yond Zea which we expect will be to figt the French as 
our and their ennemy to bring them low. 

Fourthly^ That the persons here made a stop to their 
late victories against Canida are laid aside and that 
they need nott to suffer any more abuses from those off 
Canida. That the five nations therefore must stick to- 
gether and not suffer any of them to goe to Canida for 
to be deluded, poisoned or betrayed nor to suffer any 
French to live amongst them. 

Fifftly^ That if they shall see cause att their going in 
warr against any off their ennemies, to leave their old 
wives and childi'en amonghst the Christians near Albany, 
That care will be taken for their maintenance and pro- 

Sixtly^ To remove all jealousies which the French or 
others might have raised against the gouvernra* and to 
assure them of our fiiendship, you are to present to each 
of the five nations one barrell of powder to be iraployed 
if need be against our and their ennemy. 

Gentlemen this is at presentt what wee can thinck 
may bee convenient to bee offered, but since the tempers, 
and the manners of the Indians are best knowne to your 
selves, We leave to your menagement the wordings off 
the proposalls and the adding off' what }'ou will find to 
be more needfull tending for the comon satety of your 
county in particular as well as tiie gouvernment in 


generall. But as for to suffer any to goe and trade in 
the country wee thinck it not safe. And by all meanes 
you most take prudent care that noe cause of offence be 
given frora our side. And although any harme should 
be done by any Indian (which God forbid) That you be 
onely in the defensive part for to prevent an open warr. 
But that you rather endeavour to quell any such offences 
as criminalls and offenders against any knowne law of the 
gouverneinent. In the meantime wee recomand you to 
be watch full with courage and to diswade the people 
from being allarmed att every idle Indian story. En- 
deavour cheefly to preserve peace and unity amongst 
yourselves which is alsoo our cheevest studie here, wait- 
ing with 2^atience daily to receive orders from England. 
In hopes whereoff wee remaine 

y frinds and Servants 

Fr. Nicholson 

Fred. Philips 

Steph. Van Cortlandt. 

Nich. Bayard. 
This letter was comunicated to the Mayor Aldermen 
Comon Councell militarie officers and the gentlemen 
from Suffolk on Long Island, and approved off by them 
all without any contradiction. 

Fort James the 13*'^ day of May, 1689. 

The Auditor Stephanus Van Cortlandt complaining 
that the Collector M'" Matthew Plowman is much back- 
ward in making up his acc*% and by his computa- 
tion much indebted, and alsoo that the said Collector 
refuses to pay a Bill drawne upon him by the Leftenant 
Gouvernor to pay unto M"" Bristoll thirty pounds. 

Its ordered that M"" Plowman be sent for, who coming 
said he had noe money in Cash 

Then it was further ordered that the Collector M 
Plowman bring in the Secretaries office all his boockes, and 
papers relating to his Majesties revenue both off receipts 
and disbursements tog-ether with his Commission and 


Instructions and to remaine and stay till he hath given 
an exact account thereoff, and further order from this 

Neiv Yorche 15 May 1689. 

The Leften* Gouvernor and Councell being mett to- 
gether did thinck it very necessary that an a*""- ought to 
be given to the piincipall secretar}'- off State and the 
Secretary off plata9ons, off the state and condi- 
tion off this gouvernment, whereupon the followhig 
letter was sent by John Corbett master off the ship 
Beaver as p"" receit. 

May it please y'' Honor. 

Wee have received from severall parts most various 
raports concerning the p-sent state off" affaires in Europe 
and in particular off the unparaleld changes in England, 
yett to this very day altogether distitute off any certain- 
ty which wee hope to receive ere long. In the meane- 
while wee have thougt it our duty by this opportunity 
for to give your honour some ace* off the troublesome 
state and condition off this Province and Gouvernm\ 

Your Hono'' will find by the inclosed printed sum- 
mons and declaration upon what pretence some off the 
Inhabitants marchants and gentry off Boston and places 
adjacent have throwne downe all manner of gouvern- 
ment there and set up for themselves. They have alsoo 
seized the gouvernor S"" Edmond Andros with several 
off his Councell officers and gentlemen which still are 
kept in close custodie and prison, disbanded the standard 
melitia and in fine (as it is reported) suffer the rabble to 
comit severall insolences. 

The Collonies off Rhoad Island and Connecticott 
have followed their steps and as it is reported, have 
chosen for them selves alsoo new Gouvernours in soe 
much that this part off the dominion was onely inclined 
to rest at peace, and quiet till orders doe arrive and 
would undoubtedly soe continued unlesse the seed off 
sedition had been blazed from thence to some outward 
skirts off this province. 

And at first in Suffolck County being the east end 


off Long Island all majestrates and military officers 
ware put out by the people and others chosen by them. 
The same patterne was alsoo followed by Queens-County 
and County of Westchester. 

This would not satisfie them, but upon hopes to find 
the Inhabitants off this citty divided and on a faire 
pretence to be exceedingly concerned and zealous for the 
safety off the Citty and fortt against any attack or 
invasion off the French, gi-eatt part off their melitie 
have taken up armes and are now come at or neare 
Jamaico about fourteen miFes from this place, in order 
if they could to make themselves master off this Citty 
and fortt to plunder as it is feared this Citty or at least 
such members as they would see cause to expose to y® 
rabble ; and to that end severall of them with the assist- 
ance off some ill affected and restlesse spiritts amongst 
us, used all imaginable meanes to stirr up the Inhabitants 
off this Citty to sedition and rebellion, but God be 
thanked who hath blessed our endeavours that wee have 
hetherto prevented their dangerous designs, but know 
not how long wee shall be able to resist their further 

But now wee ware anew allarmed fi'om Albany that 
some Indians in that County ware jealous off this 
gouvernment and that some Insolencies had been comit- 
ted by them occasioned as wee suppose by meanes off 
some libells and falsehoods lately come from Boston 
possessing the Indians with feare that Sir Edmond had 
joined with the French off Canida to cutt them off. 

Its most certaine that the Gouvernor off Canida will 
not slip this opportunity to inflame those jealousies and 
all faire and plaiesable meanes endeavour to unite our 
Indians to himselfe which would tend to the utter ruine 
off all the English settlem*^ on this Continent. 

Wherefore wee shall not be wanting to use our ut- 
most endeavors for the removing off said jealousies and 
the securing off our five Cantons and warlike Indian 
nations to our selves. In the midst off all the troubles 
within our selves wee ware dajly allarmed with rumors 


off warr ^^dth France, which occasioned a resolve to be 
made for new fortifying oflF this Citty since all the 
former (for what reason wee know not) are suffered to 
fail to ruine, if not for some part demolished, but how 
to raise money for the accomplishing of any such forti- 
fications noe way could be found to resolve us there in as 
our condition is now. 

Att this very conjuncture off time began severall off 
the inarchants to dispute the paying off any costumes 
and other duties as illegally established and seeing thatt 
it was not possible to put a stop to their currant or to 
uphold the revenue on the same foot wee conveaned all 
the civell and military officers off this Citty and with 
their consent and advise did order that the said revenue 
arrizing by the customs, excise and weigh being from 
this first day off this instant month off May should be 
applyed towards the paying and defraying off the 
charges off said fortifications by which meanes wee hope 
in some manner to preserve the said revenue. 

The Collector Matthew Plowman has been ever since 
the five and twentieth day off March last dayly called 
upon to give in his Ace* off the revenue till said date 
according to order, and since he hath hetherto delayed 
to perforrae said order as also for the more security wee 
thought it most safe to call out off his hands and secure 
in the fortt what little money off the revenue and the 
contry tax was in his hands, which is sealed up by him 
selfe in a chest. 

The Auditor is now busie in auditing said accounts 
but our time being wholy taken up in keeping all things 
in order must be sent by the next opportunity. 

In all these Revolutions and troubles wee have been 
deprived off all advice and assistance off any other off 
the members off the Councell soe thatt all the burthen 
in this present conjuncture has onely laine on those few 
members residing in New Yorcke. 

Wee sent a letter to Gouvernor Andros since his 
confinement as alsoo one to Simon Broadstreet and 


Waj't Wintlirop Esq" att Boston but have received noe 

This part of the Gouvernment by occasion of said 
revolutions deprived from its free course off justice since 
the judges appointed for this circuit are alsoo in custodie 
att Boston by which meanes many here suffer exceed- 
ingly both in person and estate. 

It would now alsoo bee very needful for to lay open 
how fatall it hath been for this Citty and province off 
New Yorcke soe to bee annexed to that off Boston which 
if it had long continued would occasioned the totall 
mine off the inhabitants oft' said province. 

But since wee conject that the present conjuncture 
off affaires in generall will not admit off any emediat 
redres wee shall therefore not trouble yo"" Honor att 
|)resent therewith onely hoping and most humbly pray- 
ing that the inhabitants off this province may receive 
that comon justice thatt nothing be determined to their 
disadvantage before the severall greevances oft' this 
province be heard, and that your honor will be pleased 
to make such their complaints knowne to such as may 
be able to give releeffe therem till wee can receive certaine 
intelligences and needfull orders w"*" wee dayly expect 
and shall in the interim remaine, May it please your 

Your hon"^" humble Servants 
The Lef Gou" and Councell now residing in New Yorcke. 

Fr. Nicholson 
Fred. Philips 
Steph. Van Cortlandt, 
Nich. Bayard. 

Two letters off this tenure were sent, viz* : — One, to 
the Bight Honorable the Princij^all Secretary oft' State 
att Whitehall, and one to the honorab. The Secretary off 
Plantations att his ofiice in London. 

NeiD Yorcke, 1689, May the 18th 
The rumors with France continuing The Leften* 
Gouverno'" and Councell did thinck it necessary to send 


the following letter to our neighbours the justices off the 
peace and militarie officers in fearfield County the same 
in New haven Count}- and the same in Hartford County. 

Having this opportunity wee thinck it proper to 
acquaint you thatt wee have received severall rumors 
off warr with France for which reasons wee are now 
fortifying this Citty, and shall desire that if any eiineui}' 
should approch upon the first notice wee shall give you 
thereoff that you will not faile to assist us with some 
off your melitie, That soe wee may be able to repulls 
any invaders soe not doubting your complyance there 
in itt being for the comon safety off us all, wee re- 

y loveing frinds 

Fr. Nicholson 

Fred. Phillips 

Steph. Van Cortlandt, 

Nich. Bayard. 

New YorcJce 1689, May the 18th. 
Present the Lefteii'^ Gouvern'' and Councell, M'' 
Georo'e Wodderborne beiiio; come from Boston delivered 
to the lieuten^ Gouvern'' and Councel the following 
Instructions from his Excellency S"" Edmond Andross 
Capt. Generall and Gouverno"" in cheeff Given him ver- 
bally by his Excellency att Boston being under confine- 
ment in the fort there, viz\ 

Verball Instructions Given by his Excellency S' Ed- 
mond An dros Capt. Generall and Cheeff Gouvernor 
over his majesties Territories and Dominion oft" 
New England. 
To George Wodderborne to communicate these fol- 
lowing articles to Francis Nicholson Lieuten* Gouvernor 
off New Yorcke. 

Fii'st. That you call the Councell and intimate to 
them the unjust proceedings oft' the people in Boston by 
keeping his Excellency prizoner and the other gentle- 


men upon frivolous pretences off their owne without any 
shadow off reason. 

Secondly. His Excellency desires that you and the 
Councell will send Coll. Hamilt n and Coll. Smith to 
Boston with comission to demand his Excellency and the 
other gentlemen to be att liberty that they may come 
amonojst you. 

Tliirdly. That you take speciall care to keep Albany 
in quiett and endeavour not to lett the Indians know 
that his Excellency is prisoner. 

Fourthly. To send a sloope wel maned to Pemaquid 
with some provisions for Major Brockhols, and order the 
master to wait his motion for bringing off the soldiers 
if Brockhols finds itt convenient 

This is the true orders delivered by his Excellency 
to mee seigned 

George Wedderborne. 

The Leften* Gouvernor and Councell takeing the 
same into consideration doe think it very necessary thatt 
George Wedderborne should declare upon oath the 
truth off the above Instrnctions. 

The Mayor Stephanus Van Cortlandt was ordered 
to administer the same to him which was accordingly 
done in the presence off the Councell. 

New Yorcke, 1689, May the 18th 
Then appeared the within mentioned George Wed- 
derborne and declared upon oath thatt the within foure 
verball Instructions ware ordered him by his Excellency 
S"" Edmund Andross, the Capt. Geuerall and Gouvernor 
in Cheef oft' New England k" to deliver unto the Leften- 
ant Governor Francis Nicholson. 

Sworne in Councell the day and yeare above written 
before mee 

Steph. Van Cortlandt, Mayor. 
The Lieutenant Gouvernor & Councill taking these 
Instructions into their deliberations ordered that in the 
meantime the Kings Barke should be repaired if occasion 


should bee to use her, and that the Mayor should see 
the same done. 

That the following letter should be sent to Coll. Hamil- 
ton and Coll. Smith to advise with them concerning this 
matter and the Leflen' and Councell will take the pmises 
into their further consideration. 

The follo-sving letter was sent to Coll. Hamilton and 
to Coll. Smith. 

New Yorcke, 1689. May the 18*^ 

The Lieu* Gouverno'" and Councell have comanded 
mee to send these few lines unto you desireing (if your 
occasion will permit it) That you would be pleased to 
come here att New Yorcke as soone as possible may bee, 
There being for the publicq good off the Gouvernment oc- 
casion off a gentlemans going on a jornay That will take 
up two or three weekes time, The which if you be pleased 
to undertake would be a singular favor to the gouvernm*, 
& especially to the Gouvernor and Councill soe remaine- 
frind and servant. 
5y order of the Gouvern'' & Councell 

Steph. Van Cortlandt 


New Yorcke, 1689. May the 22''' 
Coll. Hamilton and Coll. Smith being sent for as 
above came to New Yorcke and declared their readinesse 
to serve the king and country and appeared before the 
Gouvernor and Councell. 

Coll, Hamilton first speaking said That he is always 
ready to serve S*" Edmond Andros and the Country, but 
finds him selfe obliged by a Comission oft* S'' Edmond 
Andros to be judge off" the inferior Courts off Comon 
Pleas m East Yarsay, which are to be kept the first, se- 
cond and third Wednesday in June and alsoo that the 
people there is still in quiett and feares that his absence 
from those Courts might throw the people in mutiu}^ or 
rebellion and since he came in New Yorcke finding the 
people all in an uprore and disaffected to his Excellency 
by reason off the rumors they had from people coming 


from Boston did thinck it not advisable in these danger- 
ous times to act any further for fear it would bring the 
place in actual rebellion. 

Col. Smith alsoo shewed and declared his willingnesse 
to serve his Excellency S' Edmond Andros, The Leften* 
Gouvernor having spoken to him in that behalfe Butt 
hee living att Zeatalkett the middle off Long Island ware 
the people already shoocke oft' this gouvernm* and 
taking him to be a papist or a frind off them fears if hee 
should goe to Boston that the people in his towne would 
rise and plunder his house, if not offer violence to his 
family, and for the rest is off the same opinion as Coll. 

The Leften* Governor and Councell taking the matter 
in mature deliberation seeing the uprores in all parts off 
the Gouvernm*. The people incensed against his 
Eccellency by the libells and other reports from Boston 
and alsoo having received a letter from Simon Broad 
Street and Wayt Wintrop, Esq, att Boston wherein 
they refuse to sett his Excellency att liberty. And alsoo 
having heard that Major Brockhols, Major Mackgregorie 
and George Lockard are taken att Pemaquid. The 
Lieuten* Gouverno'' and Councell thinck it most safe to for 
bear acting in the premises till they see the minds off" 
the people better satisfied and quieted. 

Neiv Yorcke 1689, May the 24''' 
The Gouvernor havinge received a letter from the 
Majestrates att Albany acquainting his honor that the 
affaires with the Indians is in a pretty good state and 
noe feare off any trouble with them. But that to the 
contrary bet^veen sixty and seaventy young men thatt 
ware two yeares agoe taken and plundered by the French 
and kept in prison by them are gott together and 
demand comission or letter off martt to goe to Canida 
and take off the French subjects their estates so much 
as will pay them for their goods taken with all dam- 
ages, tfec. 

The Gouvernor and Councell taking the same into 


consideration did think it necessary to send them the 
following letter, viz' 

New Yorcke, 1689. May the 24*'^ 

Wee have received yours dated the 21'* off this instant 
by M" Robert Livingston and have communicated the 
same to all the magistrates oiF this Citty, who are all otf 
one unanimous opinion that it is not safe for this gouvern- 
ment to suffer or to give any comission or letter off 
mart to the Youngman that ware at Attowawe, To goe 
towards Canida or elsewheare, Because wee dayly expect 
orders out off England and doe not know wether it is 
warr or peace between England and France. But re- 
commend their readinesse if occasion should bee, and 
therefore you must in noe manner suffer their proceed- 
ings. If att any time you have letters or messingers 
from any part off New England you are to send them 
to us, to prevent the stirring off division amongst you 
and us. The further contents off your letter will be an- 
swered att the returne off M*" Robert Livingston in meane- 
time wee remaine Your friends 

Fr. Nicholson. 
Fred. Philips 
Steph. Van Cortlandt 
Nich. Bayard. 

Neiv Yorcke, 1689. Mmj the 27''* 
Major Jarvis Baxter one off the CouncellandComand- 
er off the fortt att Albany arrived here this day from 
Albany. And appeared before the Gouvernour and 
Councell, acquainting and declaring unto them under 
what circumstances those off" his perswasions are And 
therefore for the quieting off' the minds of the people and 
comon peace off" the Citty and Gouvernment, desired 
off the Leftenant and Councell leave to withdraw him 
selfe toward New Yarsay Philadelphia and Maryland 
till further orders from England. 
Which was approved off 


Neiu Yorcke, 1689. May the ^V 
The Couricell being mett the U Gouvern'' acquainted 
the board that most part off the Citty's melitia where in 
rebellion, That noe comands, either from him selfe or their 
Coll. ware in any ways regarded nor obeyed, That he 
was credibly informed some oif the officers ware the In- 
stigato" and Inflamers off it, and therefore desired the 
Mayor to conveane this afternoone att the Citty hall the 
Court of Mayor Aldermen Comon Councell and all the 
military officers of this Citty for to advise with them off 
this matter off great moment, which accordingly was 
ordered. S*^ 

V: Cortlandt. 

Neiv Yorckey Monday June the 3'' 
This morning the Gouvernour and Councell being 
mett, a message was brought by Capt. Lodwick thatt an 
expresse was come fi-om Long Island reporting that 
foure or five ships ware seen in the Bay Severall mes- 
sengers being sent to find out said expresse to appeare 
before the Councell, yett was not to be found. Imme- 
diately thereupon Caj)t. Jacob Laisler comanding in the 
fortt gave the sign off an alarm by firing off guns and 
beat of drums. Capt Lodwicke in the behalfe off some 
of the other Captaines came and desired Coll. Bayard 
that all would be pleased to give his comands to the 
respective Captaines to appeare in armes for without his 
orders none would appear. 

Coll. Bayard made answer that he thought it not safe 
for him to appear in armes otherwise then a private sol- 
dier. Since his comands as well by officers and soldiers 
had been soe often disobeyed and the gouvernment not 
being in state to support his comission whilest the fort 
was detained from the Leften* gouvernor by force. 

Whereupon the Leften' Gouverno'' and Councell gave 
order to the Colonel 1 since an allarme was made, and 
not knowing otherwise but an ennemy was approaching 
and to lett the people see that we Avhere reddy to defend 
the place to the utmost, and since the Captaines refused 


to appeare in arms without his comands. That said 
Collonel should act in this conjuncture by vertue off his 
comission as Collonell of the Regiment and give suitable 
orders accordingly. 

Neio Yorcke, Teusday the 4'^^ 

Collonell Baj'ard gave an ace* to the Councell in what 
manner most part of the soldiers of Capt. Murville, Capt. 
de Peyster, Capt. Lodwick and Capt. de Brujni on yester- 
day being in armes att the place off Parade before the 
fortt had been disobedient to the comands off their said 
officers and in a rebellious manner left their said officers, 
went to the fortt to side with Capt. Layster and com- 
mitted insufferable insolences. 

ThattM"" Dischington was arrived with his sloope from 
Barbadoes, was att his landing not suffered to speake to 
any person being forced by a tile off musqueteers to goe 
into the fortt, and his gasetts, &c, taken from him. 

That Nicolas Gerrits arriving alsoe from Barbadoes 
(bringing the first certaine news that the most illustrious 
prince William off Orange and princess Mary ware pro- 
claimed att Barbadoes King and queen of England, <fec, 
which alsoo was confirmed by a gasette off* their being 
proclaimed in London) was served in like manner. 

That they having intelligence thatt Phillip French a 
marchant who lately arrived from England to Boston 
would be here this night by land. A file of musquetteirs 
was sent by the Capt. off' the fortt about a mile out of 
the towne to seize and bring him into the fortt, which 
accordingly was done. 

That Nicolas de la Plyne arriving from Boston in his 
vessel was served in like manner, all the letters he brought 
demanded, and two letters directed to the Major Cort- 
landt broke open and read in the fort and soe sent him. 

Coll. Bayard made his complaint that being about 
some business att the custome house Capt. Layslers 
came in, and by filthy and scurrilous expressions called 
him over and over You a Coll. off' a tirainiicall power, 
with severall other threatning words, that he would see 
him hanged &c. 


The said Coll. Bayard acquainted the Councell alsoo 
that by the instigation off said Laisler the mabble was 
sett an and so invetteritt against him because he would 
not take the peoples part against the Leften* Gouvernour, 
That by very credible hands he was informed that he 
was in great danger to be devoured and his house pulled 
downe, &c. 

Thursday, the 6'^ of June. 

The Leften* Gouvernor and Councell being mett itt 
was the advice of the Councill that it was most safe for 
the Leften* Governour to depart for England- by the first 
ship, for to give an account of the desperate and deplor- 
able state of the government, and to pray for some im- 
mediate releese. 

Resolved, that the Court of Mayor, Aldermen and 
Comon Councill be conveaned and to desire their opin- 
ions whether itt be not advisable to send to the severall 
Captaines off the Citty, or such off them as have en- 
couraged the rebellion of the people, and to protest against 
them for all the losses, damages, detriments, and brood- 
sheads that shall or may arrize by occasion of s*^ rebel- 
lion and in particular, viz : 

Imprimis. For the detaineing off the Fort James 
from the L\ Gouvernor. 

Item. For their suffering the standing melitia to be 

Item. For the assaulting off the sheriffe off this citty 
and county. 

Item. For suffering severall off his now Majesties 
protest ant subjects to be assaulted being threatned and 
grossly abused by themselves and their soldiers. 

Item. For enjoyning the Constables without any 
consent off the civill gouvernment to execute the co- 
mands off the militia. 

Item. For detaining the moneys belonging to the 
gouvernement and country being locked up in a chest in 
the Lt. Gouvernors roome amounting to the sume of 
seaven hundred seaventy three pounds twelff shillings. 


Item. For disobeying the lawfull comands off the 
civill magistrates. 

Item. For forcing all masters of vessells and travel- 
lers by a file off musqiieteers att their arrivall to be 
brought before them, and not before the cheeff majestrates 
as the Law directs. 

Item. For seizing and opening of the Maj^ors letters 
and reading off them ; and for severall other insolencies 
and injuries committed ag* the comon peace and knowne 
Laws off the gouvernment, &c. 

The Court off Mayor, Aldermen and Comon Councell 
was conveaned accordingly. 

Neiv Yorche, 1689. June the W 

The Leftenant Gouvernor & Councell being to gether, 
M' Plowman &'' appeareing, The L* Gouvernor acquainted 
him off his design to goe for England, theirfore recom- 
mending him to observe and follow his comission and 
Instructions. And the gentlemen off the Councell are 
alsoo desired to bee aiding and assisting therein. 

Itt is further resolved that the three gentlemen off the 
Councell dispose off the Kings Barcke, woodboat and 
pinace, either by sale or hire as they shall see cause since 
the same ley upon decay. 

Upon the advice of the Councill the 6*^ inst, The Lef- 
ten* Gouvernor declared to the Councell his being re- 
solved to departt for England. Whereupon two letters 
ware prepared from the Councell to give an account off 
the state of the country, one to the right honorable the 
Secretary of state and one to the honorable the Secretary 
of Plantations with the Copys off the minutts off Coun- 
cell, &c., Avhich was accordingly done. 

The Leftent. Gouvernour gave his hearty thancks to 
the gentlemen off the Councell for the care trouble and 
assistance in the management off the affaires off the 
gouvernment in those troublesome times and desired 
their continuation therein after his departure and in par- 
ticular to his EccelP^ S'" Edmond Andros. And that they 
would not be wanting to give by alt occasions suitable 


advise off whatt occurs to the Secretary off State and Sec- 
retary off Plantations office, and whatt Letters be sent to 
himself to himself, to direct them to either of their offices 
and lastly that the gentlemen off the Councell will be 
pleased to call the Collector to an Ace' for all the reve- 
nues from time to time and to receive the moneys soe 
collected by him ; for which their receipt shall be unto 
the said Collector a sufficient discharge. The said gentle- 
men of the Councell securing the said monnys till further 
orders from his Majesty. 

This is a true copy off the Minutts off Councell con- 
taininge sixty seaven pages. 

Attested by mee, 

S. V: Cortlandt, Secry. 
Indorsed: N. York, 1689. 

Proceedings of the Councill from the 1'* of March 
to y'' IP^ of June. 
Rec"^ 29. August 168—. 
P Capt. Nicholson. 

Proceedings of y= Councill, Magistrates and Offi- 
cers, &*', FROM THE 27 OF APRILL TO THE 6 JUNE. 

Citty of New Yorcke. Att a Generall Meeting held att 
the Citty Hall within said Citty on Satturday the 
27'^ day of Aprill M 1689. 
P'sntt : 

His Hono' the Liev" Governo'" 
S. V. Cortlandt, Esq" Mayo'" i 
Frederick Phillips, Esq: v of the Councell. 

Coll? Nicol. Bayard, ) 

John Lawrence ^ 
Francis Rombouts | 
Wm. Merritt i Aur 

Tho:Crundall ^Ald'men 

Polus Richards 
Johafies Kipp 


Military Officers 


Balthus Bayard 

AneD.Mill (.CoSonCounciU 

iheunis JJekey 

Peter D. Lano}^ 
Majo"' Nich. D. Meyer 
Capl* GM Munviell 

Abr?' Dpeyster 

Jacob Leisler 

John D. Browne 

Charles Lodwick 

His Hono'' proposeing to this Board that they take 
what care they can for y^ safety of this place in regard 
of the late news from Boston and supposed Invasion 
of the French. 

This Board thereupon unanimously agreeing that the 
Citty be forthwith fortifyed. 

It is voted that Aldrman Tho : Crundall and Jo- 
haiies Kipp Cap*.^ Abr!:^ Dpeyster Cap*.! Jacob Leisler, 
My Balth : Bayard and Mf Peter De Lanoy view the 
severall places about the Citty and to see where it may 
be most necessary towrds fortifying the same makeing 
their returne thereof on Munday next by nine of the 

His Hono' proposeing to this Board whether it be 
not expedient for the more security of the fortt since the 
present garrison is but a very small number that some 
part of the Citty militia keep the Guard in the fortt 
w"^ was agreed on and thankfully accepted of by this 
Board as being a meanes which undoubtedly would re- 
move all the jealousies of the people, and thereupon 
Coll! Bayard was recommended to give suitable orders 

Citty of New Yorke. Att a General meeting held att 
the Citty Hall within said Citty on Munday the 29"' 
day of April A! 1689. 

His Hon', the Liev". Governor 
Stephanus Van Cortlandt Esq"" Mayo' 



Frederick Phillips, Esq'. 

Coll. Nichol: Bayard 
John Lawrence 
Francis Romboult 
Wm. Merritt 
Polus Richards 
Johanes Kip 
Balth : Bayard 
Ant°. D. Mills 
Theunis Dekey 
Peter D Lanoy 
Majo'" Nich. D. Meyer 
Cap" G. Munviell 

Abr™ Dpeyster 
Jacob Leisler 
John T). Browne 
Charles Lodwick 


Comon Councill 

Military Officers. 

Ald'man Tho: Crundall & Johanes Kipp Cap*.' Abr° 
Dpeyster Cap" Jacob Leisler, Mr Balth us Bayard, and 
Mr. Peter D Lanoy makeing their returne according to 
the order last Court five of them do think it very neces- 
sary that the fortifications bee according to the bounds 
of the ancient fortifications the other person being Cap". 
Abr™ Depeyster doth think fitt that the fortification bee 
according to the later bounds layd out being somewhat 
further His Hono' proposeing that the Pevenue now 
comeing be imployed for the Fortifying of this Citty 

w"*" was by this board approved of and thankful- 
ly accepted. 

Ordered, that Ald'man John Lawrence Wm Mer- 
ritt, M' Theunis Dekey and Peter D Lanoy doe take 
the number of the Gunns and where most convenient to 
be placed makeing their returne on Fryday morneing by 
nine of y® Clock. 

Citty of New Yorke. Att a General meeting held att 
the Citty Hall within said Citty on Wednesday the 
first day of May A". 1689. 



Psntt : 

His Hono'' the Leiv" Governo' 
S. V. Cortlandt, Esq^ Mayo' 
Frederick Phillips, Esq". 
ColP Nicol : Bayard, 

John Lawrence 
Absent Francis Rombouts 

Polus Pichards 

Wm : Merritt 

Tho Crundall 

Johannes Kipp 

Balthus Bayard 

Anto. D. Mill 

Theunis Dekey 

Peter D. Lanoy 

Ordered, that the former Order about the Indi- 
ans be renewed and the sherifFe his Dep*^ and Constables 
to see the same put in execucon. 

It being put to the vote it is ordered by this Board 
that no Pume be sould within this Citty & County to 
the Indians untill further Order. 

Citty of New Yorke. Att a Generall Meeting held att 
the Citty Hall within said Citty on Fryday the 
third day of May A". 1689. 

His Honoy. the Liev!' Governo' 
Stephf. V. Cortlandt, Esq' Mayof 
Frederick Phillips, Esq. 
Coll: Nicho: Bayard 

John Lawrence ^ 

Francis Pombouts I 

Polus Pichards, | Ald'men 

WT Merritt J 

Balthus Bayard 

Ant^ D. Mill 

Theunis Dekey f Comon Councill. 

Peter D. Lanoy 


Vpon the complaint of John Merritt, & Frederick 
Symonse against some Indians that made severall shott 
at them in the Field. The Indians being examined 
were checkt & forbidd drinking of Rume or to shoote 
their guiis any where nigh Towne. 

Ald'man John Lawrence, Wm. Merritt Mf Theu- 
nis Dekey and Peter D Lanoy makeing their re- 
turne according to a former Order doe find about 
this Citty 17 Gunns without carriages and think 
it most convenient that four of them be placed 
against the Widdow Richardsons three to be placed 
on a platt forme without the Batterie at the Watter 
gate to be placed vnder the fortt and three or four 
to be placed on the Wharfe by Coll" Dongan's House, 
the other Gun ; or two on the Wharfe nigh the State 

Ordered that Peter King Andries Meyer, & John 
Meyer carpenters Suert Olferts Derrick Vanderburgh & 
Franse Vander Coope Masons are appointed to view the 
places for to make the platt formes makeing their re- 
turne what planks may be wanting or ought elce to be 
finishing of the same their report to be made on Mun- 
day morneing next. 

Citty of New Yorke. Att a Generall meeting held att 
the Citty Hall within said Citty on Munday the 
6" day of May A?.- 1689. 

His Hono"" the Liev" Governor 
Steph^ V: Cortlandt, Esqr Mayo' 
Frederick Phillips, Esq!: 
Coll? Nicol. Bayard. 

John Lawrence 

Francis Rombouts 

Polus Richards .-.jj. 

Tho: Crundall Uld'men 

Wm. Merritt 

Johanes Kipp 



Balth: Bayard 
Theunis Dekey 
Ant" D. Mill 
Peter D^Lanoy 
Cap!' Gabl' Munviells 
Abr-™ Dpeyster 
Jacob Leisler 
John D. Browne 
Charles Lodwick 
Liev" Henry Cuyler 
Isaac Van Vlecq 
John Haynes 
Hanns Keerslee 
Ensig" John Dpeyster 
Saml! Ba}ard 
Isaac D Biemer 

■Comon CouncilL 


Mr Peter King Andries Meyer & John Meyer 
Carpenters Suert Olferts Derrick Vandenburgh & 
Franse Vander Coope Masons inakeing their returne 
according to their Order last Court doe find wantnig 
for the fortifying the Citty 300 ton: of Line 80 ps. of 
Timber for posts and beames 12 foott Long 8 a 9 Inches 
12000 Stockadoes for fillers for the batteries 6 ps. of 
Timber 20 foott long for beames 8 a 9 inches 100 Sle- 
pers for the platt formes 2000 of 2 Inch planks for y^ 
platt formes eleven pf of wheeles for the Carriages 10 
foott long 14 inches broade, for 6 stiep Carriages 7 of 
4 Inch planks 10 foott long 2 foott broad 4000 Stocka- 
does for the brest Avorke 6 foott long 9 Inches att the 
boote 6 ps. of Timber for the Gates 15 foott long 12 
Inches square 500 foott of 2 Inch planks 12 foott long 
for the Gates. 

An Order for advanceing money out of the late Tax 
for the souldiers sent up to Albany for to pay the ar- 
rears due to the respective private soldiers now passed 
this Board they all subscribing thereto except M! 
Peter D® Lanoy, John Haynes, John Dpeyster & 
Isaac D Hiemer. 


An Order that y* Revenue be imployed for the 
fortifying of this City now passed this Board, th(iy sub- 
scribing thereto except Cap". Abr™. Dpeyster, Cap" 
Charles Lodwick, Cap". Jacob Leisler, M"^ Peter t> 
Lanoy, M*" John Haynes & M*" John Depeyster, Frede- 
rick Phillips, Esq*-. AkUman Tho : Crundall, M^ Theu- 
nis Dekey & Capt, John D. Browne are appointed a 
Committee for receiving the said revenue for said vse. 

Coll°. Nicol Bayard AkFman Wm. Merritt Peter D^ 
Lanoy & Majo^ D. Meyer are appointed a Comittee to 
provide the materialls for the fortifications. 

Coll : Nicol : Bayard Ald'man Francis E-ombouts 
M^ Balthus Bayard & M'' Isaac Van Vlecq are ap- 
pointed a Comittee to inspect y^ Acco".! and Ticketts 
of the Souldiers. 

Ordered that the Proclamation for fortifying the 
Citty be forthwith published and coppyes thereof put vp 
att the State House and att the bridge. 

The Order also for imploying the revenue be forth- 
with published & coppyes thereof put up att the State 
house and att the Bridge. 

Citty of New Yorke. Att a General Meeting held att 
the Citty Hall within said Citty on Fry day the Tenth 
day of May, A? 1689. 
Psntt : 

His Hono' the Liev" Governo^ 
Steph. V. Cortlandt, Esq. Mayo-" 
Frederick Phillips, Esq. 
Coll". Nicol. Bayard. 

John Lawrence "] 
Francis Rombouts 1 
Polus Richards ! 
"WT Merritt 
Johanes Kipp 
Tho: Crundall 
Balth. Bayard "] 
Anto : D. Mill 
Theunis Dekey 
Peter D® Lanoy 

- AWmen 

^Comon Councill 



Majo' Nich D. Meyer 
Cap^.^ Gab" Munviell 
Abr"" D. Peyster 
Jacob Leisler 
John D. Browne 
Charles Lodwick 
LieV" Henry Cuyler 

Isaac Van Vlecq 
John Haynes 
Ensig. Sam^i Bayard 
John Dpeyster 
Isaac D. Rieraer 

Military Officers. 

An Order for defending this place against all for- 
reigne enemyes and suppressing mutinous persons nigh 
us subscribed vnto by this Board, except Cap" John D. 
Browne who was absent att the signeing thereof. 

This Order to be forthwith published & Coppyes 
thereof put vp att the State house and att the Bridge. 

Citty of New Yorke. Att a General Meeting held att 
the Citty Hall within said Citty on Satturday the 
ir day of May A^ 1689. 
Psntt : 

His Hono'' the Liev" Governo' 
Steph : V : Cortlandt, Esq"". Mayo."" 
Frederick Phillips, Esq^ 
Coll? Nicol : Bayard. 
John Lawrence 
Francis Ronibouts 
Polus Bichards 
Wm. Merritt 
Johanes Kipp 
Th5: Crundall 
Balth. Bayard 
Anto. D. Mill, 
Theunis Dekey 
Peter D® Lanoy 
Majo' Nich : D. Meyer 

Y Ald'men 

Comon Councill, 


Cap^>. Gab^. Munviell 

Abr? D Peyster 

Jacob Leisler 

John D. Browne 

Charles Lodwick 
Liev" Henry Cuyler 

Isaac Van Vlecq 

John Haynes 

Hans Keerstee 
Ensig: John D Peyster 

Sam" Bayard 
Ab. Isaac D Biemer 

M^ Ebinezar Piatt, M' Matthew Howell and M*: John 
Wheeler of Suffolke County and Cap" John Jackson 
of Hainpstead in Queen's County givemg an acco" of 
the feares and jealousies of the people of the severall 
Counties on Long Island. 

Besolved that a Letter be sent to the severall Coun- 
ties that they would send up to New Yorke 2 or 3 men 
of every County whome they shall think most fitt (if 
they see Cause) to joyne with vs in the Coinon Councill, 
and if anything of moment offers to render acco" to 
their severall counties as they think fitt. 

Citt}^ of New Yorke. Att a General Meeting held at 
the Citty Hall within said Citty on Thursday the 
16! day of May A° Domi 1689. 

His Hono' the Liev" Governor 
Steph: V: Cortlandt, Esq. Mayo^ 
Frederick Phillips, Esq. 
Coll^ Nicol. Bayard 

John Lawrence 
Francis Bombouts 
Polus Bichards .,j- 

absent Wm. Merritt 
Johaues Kipp 



Balth: Bayard 
Ant*?. D. Mill 

ab: Theunis De Key 
Peter D** Lanoy 

Majo' Nich: D: Meyer 

Cap" Gab!! Munviell 
Abr"" Depeyster 
Jacob Leisler 

ab. John D. Browne 
Charles Lodwick 

Liev" Henry Cuyler 
John Haynes 
Isaac Van Vlecq, 

ab: Hanns Keerstee 
Ensig: John Dpeyster 
Sam!! Bayard 
ab: Isaac D Biemer 
Comett Jacob Van Cortlandt 

Comon Councill 

I Military Officers 

Upon the peticon of Cap" Ab"^ Dpeyster Mi: Tho: 
Coker and other the Inhabitants of this Citty that the 
line for fortifying the said Citty might not run throuo;h 
or before their Lotts of Ground. 

The which peticon was in debate by this Board and 
referred till the next sitting for a further consideration 

Citty of New-Yorke. Att a Generall meeting held att 
the Citty Hall within said Citty on Satturday the 
18! day of May A? 1689. 

His Hono"" the Liev" Governor ^ 
Steph: V: Cortlandt, Esq"" Mayo"^ 
Coll! Nicol: Bayard 

John Lawrence 
Francis Kombouts 
Tho : Crundall 
Wm. Merritt 




Ant? D. Mill ) 

Theunis DeKey j 

Majo'- Nich. D Meyer ] 

Cap" Gabl! Munviell \ 

Jacob Leisler 1^ 

Abr'? Dpeyster 

Charles Lodwick 

Corn^.^ Jab. V. Cortlaudt , 

Comon Councill 

Military Officers. 

Vpon the Rumor of Warr and suppos*^ Invasion of 
the French 

Itt is ordered by this Board that the fortifications 
for this Citty be layd according to the ancient bounds 
agreeing with the late order returned by an appointed 
Coiiiittee Irom this Board dureing this exigency of 
time and in case of peace Itt is then the opinion of this 
Board that the right owners may forthwith remove the 
same and the materialls belonging to said fortifications 
to bee returned for the vse of the Citty. 

Ordered that the Inhabitants of this Citty concerned 
in the peticou about y® fortifications appeare here on 
Munday by two of y^ Clock. 

Citty of New Yorke. Att a Generall Meeting held att the 
Citty Hall within said Citty on Munday the 20*^ 
day of May A!. 1689. 
Psntt : 

His Hono!' the Liev" Governo'" 
Steph: V: Cortlandt, Esq' Mayo"" 
Frederick Phillips, Esq 
Coll! Nicol. Bayard 

John Lawrence 
Francis Rombouts 
Polus Richards 
Johanes Kipp 
Wm. Merritt 
Balth: Bayard 
Theunis Dekey 


Comon Councill 



Majoy Nich : D Meyer ' 
Cap?' Gab." Muiiviell 
Abr™ Dpeyster 
Jacob Leisler 
John D. Browne 
Charles Lod-wick 
Liev" Henry Cuyler 

Isaac Van Vlecq 
_ Hanns Keerstee 
Ensg : Sam !1 Bayard 

Isaac D. Biemer 

Military Officers 

Ordered, that ColP. Bayard, AWman W^ Merritt, 
Peter D'^Lanoy and Majof D. Meyer agree with M"; 
John Holwell or who elce they shall think convenient to 
bee engineer. 

This Board takeing it into consideracoii the greatt 
difficulty for all of them to meet together so often as 
occasion may require doe think fitt and accordingly or- 
ders that a select number of them be made choice of to 
represent the whole the following persons being by this 
Board accordingly appointed, \dz" : 


Francis Bombouts 
Wm. Merritt 
Theunis Dekey 
Peter D'^Lanoy 
Nich. D Mever 
Gabli Munviell 

Liev" John Haynes 
Ensig Isaac D. Biemer 

Comon Councill 

Military Officers 


City of New Yorke. Att a Generall Meeting held at 
the Citty Hall within said Citty on Wednesday the 
22'^ day ofMay A° 1689. 
Psntt : 

His Hono"" the Liev" Governo'" 
Steph : V : Cortlandt, Esq' Mayo' 
Frederick Phillips, Esq.' 
Coll". Nicol : Bayard 



John Laurence 
Francis Rombouts 
Wm : Merritt 
The: Crundall 
Polus Richards 
Johanes Kipp 
Peter D^Lanoy 
Balth: Bayard 
Theunis Dekey 
Majo"" Nich. D Meyer 
Cap 5 Gab" Munviell 
Jacob Leisler 
Abr"" Dpeyster 
Charles Lodwick 
Liev" John Hajaies 

Isaac Van Vlecq 
Hanns Keerstee 
Jacob V. Cortlandt 
8am." Bayard 
John Dpeyster 
Isaac D. JRiemer 


Comon CounciU 


Military Officers. 

A Paper was brought to this Board by Coll? Bayard 
which was delivered vnto him last night in the p^'sence 
of the Liev" Govemo'' by severall of the Inhabitants of 
this Towne containeing severall jealousies and demon- 
strations of their disturbed minds. 

Ordered that some of the people that delivered the 
Peticofi to Coll: Bayard be sent for who refused to ap- 
pear desireing (by the Marshall) to have an answer upon 
their Peticoii in writing or their Peticofi returned to 
them : Whereupon it was ordered that the Mayo"" Stephf 
Van Cortlandt, Esq^ should goe to them to desire them 
to sign their peticoii or send some of them to discourse 
the matter or otherwise that the said Cortlandt should 
enquire of them their intention who accordingly went 
and gave them satisfaction of almost all their desires 
except the last article concerning Coll? Dongan who 
they desired might come and live in Towne as formerly 



and not to depart this Government ; But notwithstand- 
ing desired an answer in writeing or their peticofi re- 

Ordered, that Capt" Leisler and Cap" Lodwick re- 
tume the peticofi to the people and answer them verbal- 
ly that two or three messengers shall be sent to Coll. 
Dongan for to desire him to returne to this place to re- 
move all jealousies of his departure provided they doe 
promise vpon Oath to their respective Captaines that 
they will doe no harme to his person. 

As to the other grievances all Imaginable care shall 
be taken to sattisfaction. 

Citty of New Yorke. Att a Generall Meeting held att 
the Citty Hall within said Citty on Fry day the 24! 
day of May Al 1689. 
Psntt : 

His Hono*" the Liev" Governor 
Steph: V: Cortlandt, Esq. Mayor 
Frederick Phillips, Esq"" 
Coll? Nicol : Bayard. 
John Lawrence 
Francis Pombouts 
Polus Richards 

Tho: Crundall I Ald^men 
Johanes Kipp 
Wm. Merritt 
Balthus Bayard 

Peter D'^Lanoy y Comon Councill 
Theunis Dekey 
Cap" Gab'^ Munviell 
Charles Lodwick 
John D. Browne 
Liev" Isaac Van Vlecq [ Military Officers. 
Corn'! Jab: V. Cortlandt | 
Ensig. John Dpeyster 

Isaac D Kiemer J 
The Letter from the Inhabitants of Albany dated 
the 2V' day of May AZ 1689 by Mf Robert Livingston 



being read att this Board acquainting that the Tra- 
ders of Ottowaw might have a Coihission or Letters 
of mark from this place to warr with the French att 

Ordered, that they are wrote to in answer mention- 
ing the approbacon this Board hath of their readyness 
and forwardness therein, but withall requireing and 
comanding they they would desist till further order from 


Citty of New Yorke. Att a Generall Meeting held att 
the Citty Hall within said Citty on Fry day the 31* 
day of May A ° 1689. 

His Honor the Liev" Governo"" 
S. V. Cortlandt, Esqr Mayor 
Frederick Phillips, Esq. 
Coll! Nicol : Bayard 
John Lawrence 
Francis Kombouts 
Polus Bichards 
Tho: Crundall 
Johaiies Kipp 
Wm: Merritt 

Peter D^Lanoy. Comon Councill. 

Cap^.' Gab'..' Munviell 
Abr™ D Peyster 
Charles Lodwick 
Liev" John Haynes 

Isaac Van Vlecq 
Hanns Keerstee 
Cor." J: V: Cortlandt 
Liev" Henry Cuyler 
Ensg John D Peyster 
Isaac D. Biemer 

Military Officers. 

Vpon His Hono'"' declaring to this Board y® factious- 
ness and rebelliousness of divers the Inhabitants of this 
place John Lawrence, William Merritt Ak?men, and 


Captt. Gab^I Munviell doe in p'"sence of this Board open- 
ly protest against any such factions and rebellious 
people, but do declare to the vttermost of their powers 
they will stand vp for the good of the Government and 
the Crowne of England the rest of the bord resolveing 
the same. 

Collo. Bayard declareing of the Rumors and jealou- 
sies of the people concerning six or seaven private soul- 
diers lately come to this Citty from Boston. 

His Hono'' in answer proposeth to this Board that 
any of them please to appoint lodging for them where they 
shall think most fitt and that then he would be carefull 
they might not want which was agreed on and Coll" 
Bayard desired to provide Quarter for them. 

Ordered, that AkFman Tho : Crundall, and M'" 
John Haynes make inquiry of the severall Inhabitants 
of this Citty what Quantity of Gunpowder they have 
within their severall houses or elce where making their 
returne to the Mayo"" by nine of the clock tomorrow 
morneing and in the meantime that none bee shipt 
off till further Order. 

Citty of New Yorke. Att a general meeting held att 
the Citty Hall within said Citty on Fryday in the 
evening being the SP^ of May, A° 1689. 
Psntt : 

His Hono'' the Liev" Govemo' 
S. V. Cortlandt, Esq!" Mayo' 
Frederick Phillips, Esq''. 
Coll" Nicol. Bayard 

John Lawrence 
Francis Kombouts 
Wm. Merritt |.Ald''men 

Tho : Crundall 
Johailes Kipp 

Peter D Lanoy, Comon Councill 
Cap^.! Gab"^. Munviell 
Abr? Dpeyster 
John D. BroAvne 



Leiv" John Haynes 

Hanns Keerstee 
Cor** J. V. Cortlandt 

Tlie Inhabitants of New Yorke ryseing this after- 
noone have taken possession of the Fortt, disarmed 
the souldiers, and came with a squadron armed in 
Courtt demanding the keys of the Garrison and with 
force would and will have them they forced Cap" Lod- 
wick to come into the Towne hall and came there arm- 
ed demanding the keys againe and would have them de- 
livered to Cap" Lodwick, the Liev" Governo'' seeing him- 
self forced asked the advice of this Board what to doe 
in this confused businesse. 

This Board for to hinder and prevent bloodshed and 
further mischiefe and for endeavouring to quiett the minds 
of the people think it best considering they being forced 
to itt to let them have the keys. 

His Hono"" proj^oseing to this Board what way or 
whether any meanes may be found to reduce this 
people from their riseing or what other method may 
bee taken to bring them to their former obedience, 
This Board are of opinion that there is noe way to re- 
duce them by force but their advice is, since they 
are rise on their owne heads without any aid that 
they be lett alone for some time. His Hono"" also pro- 
posing what might be most fitting to be done with the 
money in the Fortt. 

It is by this Board thought fitt itt bee removed into 
the House of Frederick Phillips, Esqy 

It is desired by his Hono^ that no officers head these 

Citty of New Yorke. Att a General meeting held att 
the Mayo? house Steph : Van Courtlandt Esq"! on 
Thursday the 6°. day of June A^ 1689. 

His Hono^ the Liev" Governo' 
S. V. Cortlandt, Esq' Mayor 


Frederick Phillips, Esq^ 
Coll ? Nicol. Bayard. 
John Lawrence 
Polus Richards 
Wm. l^Ierritt 

[ Ald^'men. 

Johannes Kip J 

Whereas those persons now in possession of the Fort 
have caused men to goe armed in a boate upon the ar- 
rivall of a ves«ell and forced the persons comeing ashore 
to gf>e up to said Fortt deliver their Letters breaking 
them open ]:>articularly two letters of the May" S. V. 
Cortlandt, Esq'! As also have caused a scentry to be 
kept by land about one mile from the Towne and there 
caused people to be stopt particularly one M"" Phillip 
French who came from England by way of Boston and 
other Insolencies have C omitted 

Whereupon the Governor and Councill have thought 
iitt and thereupon 

Ordered, that Ald'man John Lawrence and W"^ 
Merritt do visitt the severall Capitaines desireing their 
company to this Board. 

Cap". Jacob Leisler being desired returned answer 
he would not come neither to the Goveno": Councill 
Mayo"" or AWmen nor had not any thing more to doe 
with them. 

Cap" John D. Browne desired to be excused being 
upon y^ Guard but after his guard was over would 
waite upon them. 

Cap" Gabl^. Munviell was very willing to come but 
was so indisposed could not, but if y® Coll° pleased to 
send two or three words he would freely answer thereto. 

Cap". Abr°? Dpeyster and Cap". Charles Lodwick 
did returne answer they would send word Avhether they 
come or not. 

This Board haveing waited about an houre and no 
answer coming from Cap" Dpeyster and Cap" Lod- 

Whereupon Itt is by this Board resolved that a pro- 


test be drawne against all the Captaines except Gab" 

This Booke cent. 24 pages from foil. 1 to 24 is a true 
coppy from the Originall Minutes of the Generall meet- 
ings of the Liev" Governo'' & Councell Mayo'' Akl'men 
Com on Councill and Military Officers att the Citty Hall 
within the Citty of New Yorke. 

Attested this 10* day of June A° 1689. 
p J. Nicholls, Towne. CI 
Indorsed N. York 1689. 
Proceedings of y® Councill, Magistrates and Officers, &*;. 

from the 27*^ of April to the 6 June. 

Cap. Nicholson. Rec^ 29 Aug. 1690. 


New Yorke the 7* June 1689. 
May it please youre Lordsh? 

I was to waite one youre Lordship by recommend of 
my Lady Eliza*!' Pierepoint to youre Lady for sum Irn- 
ploy at y^ Custom House when my Lord Rochester was 
Treasurer ; 3^oure Lordship may please to Remember y*. 
Lordship's answare was that something had happened be- 
twixt you that youre recommend would stand me in very 
little stead : Affter which with long attendance found this 
jjlace voyde & have his Maj*^'' Patent under y^ Great 
Scale for Collector of this place which cost upivards of 
five hundred poundes & not possessed of it above fifteene 
months coming from my famely and neere sixtee y cares 
would bee my uter ruin. I maried Madam Cartwrigh 
of Osington s neece : and am qualified to take the oathes 
of his p'sent Majesty Soe hope that your Lordship will 
bee pleased to give youre assistance to y® Lord Treasurer 
or Comitioners of y® Tresurv as now it's maneged. A 
Gentleman of y^ Temple Mr Andrew Barry and my very 
good friende will M^aigh your Lordship's "favors in my 


behalfe : iiF any Gov'" be designed for this must have at 
leaste two hundred men in garrison to awe theese rebel- 
lious Dutchmen which at present followe those at Bos- 
towne y' have imprisoned oure Gov' S*^ Edmond Andross 
and taken y® com*^ of \-^ forte from our L* Gov'' Capt Ni- 
collson. With Impatience shall attend your Lord- 
ships Com*! The Customs of this place will maintaine 
the Garison. 

New Yorke the 14*^' August. 1689 
May it please your Lordship 

Ffearing y*' letter should mescarj- wrote to your 
Lordship y^ 7 June last and having this opertunity as 
obleged sende youre Lordship y*" coppy & hints of what 
ocurs in this place since that time upon theire taking y^ 
Forte in theire Custody : which iff Capt. Nicollson oure 
L* Gov' wood have taken advice in sending for those 
men at y^ forte at Alban}' & joyned them with theese few 
here would have prevented y^ burgars cuming in but 
like Dutchmen once theire foot then theire whole Bodyes 
& now arbitrary : y*' Sivill powar thay doe what tay 
please with & for his Maj**"* revenues in Generall abso- 
tely deny pay^ and noe remedy but wors and worse untill 
a Governour comes amongst us which God grant sudin- 
ly once more to put us in order: Sir Ed: Andrewes 
as now cums y^ newes made his escape from y® Castle at 
Boston to Koade Island intending for England but sur- 
prised, wheather they will keepe or send him back to 
Bostowne was then in Dispute : to the Eastward of 
Bostowne the Indians are very numeroues and make 
great sloughter amongst y^ Christians by hole famelies 
iff not prevented will be of ill Consequence ; what I 
prayed your Lordshipp for in my last as for my Imploy 
now humbly intreate your Lordship's favor in its Conti- 
nuance whare I doubt not but y* youre Lordship shall 
heere of my Compliance in my duty as an honest man 
ouo-ht. M' Blathwaite hath acc° from time of mv trance- 


actions & doubt not but to Satisfacktion ; Youre Lord- 
ship's Com*^* I shall atend & am 

Your Lordship's most 

Copied from the original Letter which fnitllfnl Xt bnmhlp Sprv* 

had beeu Sealed and was Bupersciibei lailUlUi Oi. llUIlIUlt; Ot;i V 

Mathew Plowman 
To Marquis Halifax 
Lord p'sident of his maj"? preve 
Counsell at Whitehall — 


Henry Cuyi-er Leu* to y^ Company oif Cap"" Abr"" 
DePeyster aged about 52 years deposed that on y^ 30 
day off May last past he conmianding half a Company 
off the trained bands in the fort off New Yorke gave 
order to one his Corp" to place a centinell at a certain sally 
porte in the s'' fort but that the s*^ Corporall returning 
declared to him the depon* that the Corporall of the 
King s Souldiers in pay in the said fort would not suffer 
him to place a centinell there and that afterwards the 
Leu* Governor Cap*" Nicholson the then commander in 
chief returning to the fort sent for him the said depo- 
nent to come to him in his Chamber in the s*^ fort which 
the s*^ depon* Imediately did and desired his corporall 
Hendrick Jacobse to goe along with him because the 
s^ Corporall could speak better English and that as soon 
as he the said deponent did come into the chamber he 
called for his s*^ Corporall who followed him to come 
into the s*^ Chamber which he did and that as soone as 
the Leut Governor saw the said Corporall he rose up in 
a passion and sayd to the s*^ Corp" you rascall what doe 
you here ? that the said Corp" returned answer that he 
came to be interpreter to him the said deponent wher- 
upon the s*^ Leu* Gov' tooke down a Pistol! which hung 
by the wall and threatned to shoote him the s'^ Corp^^ 
and drove him out of the rocmi and that afterwards the 
said deponent remaining still in y^ roome allone with 
the s'^ Leut Gov'" the said Leut. Gov"" told him the &^ 


depon^ that there was so many rogues m the Town that 
he was not sure of his Life nor to walke the streets and 
that he the said Leu* Gov' said that before it wouhl goe 
longer after this manner he would sett the town in f}Te 
and furtlier sayeth not. 

Signed Luy* Henry Cuyler. 

Sworne before me this 10*^ of June, 1689 New Yorke 

Signed Samuel Mulford Justice of y® Peace. 


Translated from the original in Dutch, by 8. Alofsen, Esq. 

We the undersigned Officers and Soldiers in the 
Company under the command of Capt. Charles Lodwick 
agree with one heai-t and consent to these afterfollowing 
orders to be observed by every one of us when under 

1. We all promise and bind ourselves to be faithful 
to our Sovereign King W^illiam and Queen Mary. 

2. We all promise and bind ourselves that upon 
warning of our officers, and upon the first beat of drum 
we will immediately present ourselves at our ren- 
dezvouz to stand our guard, or send somebody else in 
our stead. 

8. Those of us be they officers or privates who shall 
refuse to obey the lawful commands of their superior 
officers shall pay for the first fault one piece of eight, 
and for the second time two pieces of eight, and after- 
ward at the discretion of the officers. 

4. He who shall absent himself from guard or ren- 
dezvous without having received lawful excuse or fur- 
lough shall pay for this fault one half piece of eight. 

5. He who shall come drunk upon the guard shall 
pay two quarts (two little quarts). 

6. He who upon the guard shall swear or curse or use 
the name of the Lord in vain shall pay at the discretion 
of the officers. 

7. He wlio shall go away from the guard or from tbe 
Company without furlough shall pay one quart (little 


quart) and for every hour he shall so remain away 
he shall pay one quart (little quart) in addition. 

8. He who shall rail at any one or make any distinc- 
tion in Nationality or otherwise shall pay one quai't 
(little quart). 

9. He who shall have been found sleeping standing 
guard shall pay one half piece of eight, and his gun shall 
Ibe taken away (fi*om him), until he shall pay it. 

10. He who shall draw a sword, threaten or beat any 
one upon guard shall pay one half piece of eight, and 
his musket shall be taken away, and further at the dis- 
cretion of a Court Martial. 

11. He who shall not present himself at the ren- 
dezvous within half an houi- after the drum has gone 
around without lawful excuse or having obtained per- 
mission shall pay as if he had been absent. 

All these orders we promise and bind oui-selves to 
keep and maintain, and thereto give our free consent 
without compulsion that if any one of us should break 
any of the aforewritten orders we submit ourselves 
freely to the penalt)^ and request that if any one of us 
refuses presently to give satisfaction then a sergeant 
and four privates may take possession of so much of our 
goods as will make satisfaction, and we declare this to 
be our willing desire without any force. 

It is also by us agreed that if any one of us should be 
necessitated to go from home, and if he has a fui-lough 
under the signature of his Captain or lieutenants he 
shall only pay one quart for every time he shall be 
so absent under furlough, unless he shall put another 
in his place and then he is free. 

And these orders are to be continued until we re- 
ceive further orders and direction from England from 
our King through a lawful governor or otherwise and 
not longer. 

Witness our hands. In New York, 9 July, 1689. 
Charles Lodwick, Cai9 
Isaac van Vlecq, LL**"'] 

[This document also bears the signatures and hands of the memhers of the company, 
some of which are illegible.] 



I Charles Lodwicke do declare upon my oath that 
to y* best of* my memory, I did hear our late Lieut'. Gov- 
ernor Capt. Nicholson say some time since that we here 
meaning the Inhabitants of this Government, could but 
account ourselves as a conquered people, and therefore 
we could not so much claim rights and privileges as 
Englishmen in England but that the prince might law- 
fully govern us by his own will and apoint what laws 
he pleases among us or words to that effect. 

Signed Charles Lodwick. 

Sworn this 25th day of July, 1689 in l^ew Yorke 
before me. 

Signed Gerard Beekman, Justice. 


These two papers are copied from the originals in the same spelling in the Possession 
of Mr. Gerardus Duyckinck of New York. [Dc Simitiere.] 

By the Capt Apointed to Secure y^ Fort in N : Yorke 
for their majesties William and Mary King & Queen 
of England, &'^.'^ 

Upon one urgent occasion is dispatched by me Mess. 
Johannes Provost, Gerrit Hardenberg En Mess Gerrit 
Deuken for Esopus en Albanj- with their Majesties Boatt 
which I hereby Certifey ond all Persons are hierby re- 
quired in their majesties name to be ayding & assisting 
to them as there shall be occasion in furnishing them 
with horses or Boatts in there Journey thither and re- 
turning En to lett them passe without any manner of 
Lett, hindrance or molestation whatsoever given onder 
myn hand and Sealle in the Fort in N : Yorke 12 off 
Aug. 1G89. Jacob Leisler. 


[Translated from the Original in Dutch by S. Alofeen, Esq.] 

A 1689 In N. Yorke the 12 : Aug. 
Instruction for Mr. Gerrit Hardenhergh and Mr. Gerrit 
Deuken and Johannes Provost. 

The Package of Letters for the Esopus deliver those 
to Captain Beekman and Lieutenant Jacob Kutsen. 

For Albany to Captain Johannes Wendell and Cap- 
tain Bleeker. It is necessary at both places to make 
them well and clearly understand the Interest they have 
in the protocols and Records which have been carried 
away which is a mean business and was accomplished 
only by a conspiracy of the deputies and the recovery 
from Boston of all or of a part can and ought to be tried 
for their absence incapacitates us and themselves They 
ought to acquaint us with all their oppressions for our 
burghers have declared themselves for them as well as 
for us, for we who know it but only had heard of it from 
them have demonstrated by presenting a Petition but 
the Petitioners have been condemned in a wicked penalty 
which was executed in a godless manner. Louis Du 
bois has with my knowledge been obliged to pay 700 
Schepel wheat for a patent of his land and was fined 
because he had not let all his corn rott upon it. The un- 
heard of Imposition concerning the Albany Expedition 
of not allowing for what had been delivered by force for 
that Expedition. You must tell them by what wicked 
Lies and evasions with antedated vouchers and Accounts 
and abominable Lies de Meyer and several others have 
tried to make us incapable to repair the King s fort but 
by urging the Papist Collector u})on oath it was found 
out that it was a forged Account and receipt to blind 
our eyes. 

So that by this oath we have found between 3 a 400 
£. money received for Customs and about 400 of the 
Country's money in the chest 413 <£ of the Country's 
money in the hands of de Mayer which he tries to pilfer 
from the country and pretends to pay himself for a fic- 
titious debt which he claims to be due to him from Sir 


Edmoncl. 270 <£ Country's money still in the hands of 
the Collector which he pays to his cronies without au- 
thority deducting 20 per cent, that we daily find them 
coUectino; money which does not belons: to them. 

Further represent what you may judge necessary. If 
at the Esopus you should determine to travel by land I 
agree to pay to them or to others all expenses for horses 
upon your order — 

And if they Resolve to send some deputies ascertain 
if they will come with you they shall not be obliged to 
anything farther than wliat they together with us will 
approve. I wish you a safe voyage good success and 
God's Blessing, And remain 

Your affectionate friend And Servant 

Jacob Leisler. 

[Translated from the original in Dutch, by S. Alofsen, Esq.] 

New York, 1689 the 20 August. 
List of the Pa'pers delivered in the hands of the Ensign 

Mr. Joost Stol sent to England. 
No. 1 <fe 2. An inventory of what was found and made 
in the fort, 
3 & 4. A List of the Soldiers in the service of his 

Majesty and order to appear. 
5 & 6. A declaration how the powder was and 
now is. 

7. An order to proclaim the King and queen. 

8. A Deposition of Heudrick Cuyler. 

9. A Deposition of Albert Bos. 

10. The printed deposition of Lieutenant Cuylei' 

with the declaration and order concerning 
the matter of putting the fort in security 
of which a law suit was had with Nihkelse 

11. A declaration relating to Allesauder Euuis En- 

glish Preacher. 
13. An Abstract of what the Committees have 
done, upon the order of his majesty. 


These above named writings delivered in the hands 
of the Earl Shi-ewsbury who had been ordered to me 
as Commissioner. 

14. An account of what happened in New York 

which at the request of the friends I had 

had written for but found that I had 

been ignored therein. — 

[15.] A letter to Mijlord Crew : delivered by the 

Duke of Monmoutli. 
[16.] A letter to de gols (?) delivered in his own 

[17.] A letter to his majesty from the Captain of 

the fort. 
[18.] A letter to his majesty in which is the ad- 
dress of the Committee. 
By the Earl of Monmouth introduced to his majesty 
to deliver these letters, to salute his majesty and make 
known our position; which I have done and deliver- 
ed the letters into his majesty's own hand and kissed 
his hands. 

[19.] A letter to the four gentlemen : delivered 

but not opened. 
[20.] A letter to M? W? Wyting delivered into 
his own hands and found there with him 
the Domine of Boston (Increase Mather) 
and the son of the Governor of Khode 
Island and found them very favorable 
towards us. 
21. Was my instruction which has been well exe- 
cuted and observed. 
New York 1690 May 23 

Then the paper Sworn before me 

P. D La Noy, Mayor. 


New York Jau^ 6*^ 1689 | 90. 
The Deposition of Mons^ Samuel Paul Dueour aged 


twentyfive yeares or thereabouts upon the holy evange- 
lists make oath and saith 

That y® Deponent being at Plymouth in the 
beginning of October last or thereabouts in Company 
with Capt" Clerck and Capt° Band there was a discourse 
concerning M*" Griggs his carrying letters from y® King 
over to Boston in New England : Capf Band replied hang 
him he is but a Pittyfull fellow (meaning said Griggs) I 
have seen all his direccons all his business is to deliver 
y^ letters to them that have y® Government and then 
his business is done (or words to this purpose) which 
this deponent in few days afterwards acquainted y® 
said Griggs withall who showed me his direccons before 
Mrs. Grahame saying as soone as he should arrive in 
Boston he would go to New Yorke in few days and carry 
y^ letters directed thither. I y® deponent asked him 
y® said Griggs to whom he would deliver them who 
answered he knew not better than to M- Leisler, being 
he was Governor there. 

(Signed) Samuel Paul Dufour 

Sworne y^ date above said in y® presence of Lieu* Gov"" 
Jacob Leisler, Peter de la Noy and Samuel Edsall 
Councellors (Signed) Jacob Milborne, Sec^ 


William R. 

William and Mary by the Grace of God, King and 
Queen of England, Scotland, France and Ireland, de- 
fenders of the faith, &". To our Trusty and well beloved 
Major Richard Ingoldesby, Greeting. Wee reposing 
especiall trust and Confidence in your Loyalty, courage 
and good Conduct, doe by these presents constitute and 
appoint you to be Captain of that Company of Foot 
lately raised for our Service in our Colonic of New 
York in America, whereof Charles King was late Cap- 
tain. You ai*e therefore to take the s*^ Comp^' into your 
Care and Charge, and duly to exercise as well the Officers 


as souldiers thereof in Arms, and to use your best en- 
deavor to keep them in order and discipline ; and we 
hereby command them to obey you as their Captain, 
and you to observe and follow such orders and direc- 
tions from time to time as you shall receive from us, 
Our Governor of New York now and for the time 
being, or any other your superior officer according to the 
rules and discipline of warr, in pursuance of the trust we 
hereby repose in you. Given at our Court at Kensing- 
ton the 10'^ day of September, 1690, in the second year 
of our reigne. 

By his Ma^^s Command 
I do certify this to be a true copy 
Tho: Hopkins. 



I have seen y^ Copy of his Maj*'.®* letter directed to 
Lieu* Gov*" Nicholson &f^ but cannot find how you may 
derive any authority to yo'" Selfe from thence. I want 
not y® accomodacon you speciously olier to his Maj".^^ 
Souldiers under my Command Possession of his majesty's 
fort is what I demand from you — and if you refuse that 
I must esteem you no friend to their Maj*'.''^ King Wil- 
liam and Queen Mary. 

S'' y'' most humble Servant 
(was signed) Eichaed Ingoldsby. 

From on board y® Beaver 
the 30 of Ja^ 169f 
To Capf" Jacob Leisler 
att y^ ffort in New York. 


By virtue of a Commission from their Maj*'®^ King 
William and Queen Mary to me I do will and require 
you and every one of you in obedience to their s*^ 


Maj^i?? tliat you aid and assist us in all things and matters 
concerning to and in fulfilling y^ s*^ Commission &, y* 
you and every one of you do aid, Show & are ready at 
all times & with speed to assist me in all things for 
encompassing and overcoming of all that stand in Op- 
osicon against their Maj''.^^ Commands and that you 
cause these things to be published & made manifest 
with all Speed as may be and that we shall Deeme & 
account of all such that stand in Opposicon to be rebells 
against their said Maj*'?' given under my hand and Seale 
at Armes in New York this 30'*' 169°-. 

(was signed) Richard Ingoldsbt. 

To Cap* Samuel Moore 

a true copy by me (was signed) Sajiuel Moore. 

By the Lieut* Governour & C* 
Whereas I am credibly informed y* the forces on 
board a certain ship arrived from England now riding 
within Sandy Hooke are ordered to be landed upon 
Long Island. 

These are to will & require you y* upon y® landing 
of y® said forces you do Entertain them with all Courtesy 
&, accommodation provided they appeare not in hostility 
neithei' commit unlawfull acts upon any of their Maj*'*"" 
subjects or breake y^ peace of their Crowne and dignity 
upon whose arrivall & behaviour you are to give me 
immediate notice and observe no orders or commands 
whatsoever but from myselfe and such as derive from 
me (untill y^ arrivall of his maj*^'^ further orders) and 
that you are always ready both horse and foote to doe 
duty to his majesty and answer y^ trust reposed in you 
for so doing this shall be your warrant given under my 
hand and seale at Fort "William in New Yorke Feb^ 1** 
] 69° and in y* second year of their maj"®' reigne. 

(Signed) Jacob Leisler. 

To Major Gerardus Beekman" and 
all y*" militai-y officers & other y" 
inhabitants of Kings County on Long Island. 



By the Lieut. Governor & Councill tfeca. 

Whereas there hath arisen greate disturbances by 
Mr. Thomas Clarke and others upon Long Island pre- 
tending authority from the hon'''® Major Ingoldesby so 
to doe, by confining several j^ersons and Seizing of my 
orders for preserving their Maj*'"** peace notwithstand- 
ing all possible endeavours have been used for prevent- 
ing y® same which hitherto has proved ineffectual. 

These are therefore in their Maj*'®* said names 
Strictly to forbid all persons that pretend any Author- 
ity from the said Major to raise forces <fe Quarter the 
same upon his Majesties Subjects upon the said Island 
or Committ any Acts of Violence or force whatsoever, 
to persist therein but on the Contrary that they forth- 
with retire of their several places of abode peaceable & 
so remain as they will answer the contrary at their 
perils, which being performed, all officers which are 
Commissionated, are likewise commanded to dismiss the 
forces which are raised for Subduing the same & like- 
wise do repair to their several habitations as if Such dis- 
orders had never been, & so to continue unless just 
occasion should require the contrary & the Hon''^" Major 
Ingoldsby is hereby advertised that what is requisite 
to be done on his part may be instantly performed. 
Given under my hand & Seal at fort W" this 5 of 
Feby in the second year of their Majesties reigne Anno 
Dom 166^. 


Fort William, Feb^ 14, 169^. 
Relating your message by M'' Milborne relating y" 
prisonners in y^ fort I returne for answer That since your 
arrivall great numbers of disaffected pei-sons to y® King's 


interest, Papist & others who are fledd from justice 
have taken encouragement to come into this city and 
Comit insolencies agreable to their disposition which if 
the prisoners now in durance should have access unto 
them might reduce matters off such a state that it may 
become impossible to conserve y^ peace of his maj*^' 
subjects in this province having had large experiences 
thereof and therefore determine that they remaine con- 
figned until his maj*^' further orders arrive rather than 
expose to a second hazard y® peace having hitherto been 
secured God be thanked without bloodshed but shall 
withhold nothing that may be for their comfortable 
substinance nevertheless your charitable offer is em- 
braced with due respect & all imaginable Courtesy by 
S'' Your most humble Servant 

Jacob Leislee. 


By the Lieut* Governor. 

Whereas it is enacted by the hon^'® assembly Octo- 
ber last that all persons inhabitants or freeholders who 
should depart y® city and County of Ulster and Albany 
without Especiall licence from ye authority Comission- 
ated by me shall forfeit and pay the sum of one hundred 
pounds tfec* and the same is not duly observed and his 
maj"*'^ service thereby is obstructed. 

These are therefore to will and command all persons 
that are come from thence fortwith to repair to his 
maj*^®' fort before me and shew just cause for their de- 
parture else to be proceeded against as the law hath 
provided in such case. 

Given under my hand in fort William this lYth of 
FeV in the third year of their Majesties reigne annoq. 
Dom. 1690 

(Signed) Jacob Leisler. 

God -save King William and Queen Mary, 



Fort William March V 169?- 
Last niglit your men took in3on them to go the 
rounds of this City under Character of y^ City Hall 
rounds sundry times passing by this fort which is a 
province that neither you or any under your direction 
ought to tread in. 

Therefore these are to advertise you that you do 
suffer not y^ same any more to passe but wholy forbidd 
it whereby the peace of his majesty's subjects and the 
Constitucons of the said City may be preserved as of 
Right belongs which is the needfull at present from 
S*" Your humble Serv! 

(Signed) Jacob Leisler. 


Fort William March y« 4th 1690 
Capt" Bradshaw and another Gentleman came to 
me this Evening with a message from certain gentlemen 
nominated for his Maj*^^ Councell, off several particulars 
which I cannot exactly remember, whereupon I addresse 
myself to your Hands for a copy thereof as you shall 
direct so sutable return may be made. 
I am 

Your humble Servant, 
(Signed) Jacob Leisler. 

To the Honourable CoP Joseph Dudley. 


Whereas we have Received an order from their 
Maj''®^ Council at New York bearing date March 4**' 
1690 declaring the many abuses put upon their Maj"^' 


forces whlcli are sent over for our preservacon and 
protection particularly in seizing and imprisoning a 
Sergeant and three centinells hy Jacob Leisler and his 
accomplices and the said Jacob Leisler declaring that 
Major lugoldsby or any under his proteccou ought to 
thread upon any of the earth of this Province of jSTew 
Yorke and the said order desiring our assistance and 
advice, we interpreting the sense of these words to be, 
that the s^ Leisler preserveth this Province for some 
foreign Prince or State, therefore to satisfy all their 
Maj"''* King William and Queen Mary loving and loyal 
subjects of our intent and designe, it is for no other end 
but for to preserve their peace to defend and secure 
their Maj*'®* forces and Comission from the rage tyrannies 
and designes of their Maj''*"^ Ennemies and to assist and 
advise with the forces y* their Maj*'^^ have sent, and 
we do farther declare to all their maj*'^* good subjects 
that we will not molest any persons on their Estates 
that we do not find actually in arraes ag'* their maj''^* 
coinission and y® peace of their Maj*'*" Crowne and 

(was Signed) Thomas Willett 

Thomas Clarke 
Daniel AVhitehead 
Tho]mas Hicks 
Samuell Moore 

God save King William and Queen Mary. 

A true copy examined by me 

(signed) Johannes Van Ekelen. 

leisler to ingoldsby. 

• Fort William March 5th 1690 
In answer to your message with the drum last night 
I send four men of yours who presumed to pass this fort 
l)y Character of the City Hall rounds notwithstanding 
they were challenged divers times by the Centinells and 


would not stand but proceed in despight thereof for 
which I expect you do render an account I having 
advertized you sufficiently to the contrary and farther 
demand his niaj^* subjects which by you or your orders 
are at present configned contrary to their maj^^* peace 
and Quietness of the Province. 

(Signed) Jacob Leisler. 


Whereas almighty God through his wonderfull mercy 
hath raised up their Maj"®^ King William and Queen 
Mary to l)e y® glorious instruments of delivering their 
Kingdoms & dominions both Church & State from y** 
impositi(Mi of y*' romish religion and illegal and arbitrary 
power exerced under y^ unhappy reigne of y'' late King 
James which hath appeared in a more than ordinary 
measure within this province of New Yorke under y® 
Governm* of Col** Dongan (by letters patent from y^ s*^ 
King) a professed papist who together with seven coun- 
cellors had power to make laws raise and levy taxes & 
transport y^ inhabitants out of this province without 
having any regard to advice or consent of y^ represent- 
atives of y^ people, which said power was continued <fe 
augmented by Commission from y" s^ King James ap- 
pointing S"" Edmund Andros governor of this province 
as well as New England (succeeding y® s^ Col° Dongan) 
who together with thirty odd Councelloi's of which seven 
made a Quorum did act accordingly and proceed in y® 
vigorous prosecution of pernicious practices within said 
province (as in due time will be made appear) untill 
certaiue notice of their Maj"®^ Coronation arrived. 

Y/hereupon many of y^ good inhabitants of this 
province (zealous for the protestant religion and rejoic- 
ing at so glorious an accession) to discover their loyalty 
taking incouragement from his highness y® Prince of 
Orange (now our most gracious Sovereigne) his excellent 
memoriall and declarations, did secure his majestys' fort 
displace and disenable y* lieut* Governor & his Councill 


and Militia settled by the authority of said King James 
in so much that a stop was pat to their further proceed- 
ings to prosecute their maj"®^ & to preserve in their 
loyalty did Elect representatives for each county in the 
province who assisted forthwith to proclaime their 
Maj""' William & Mary King & Queen of England, 
France & Ireland & y® territories thereunto belonging 
according to forme and becoming ceremonies in opposi- 
con to y^ present power tfe"^ who used their utmost art 
and diligence to prevent it making farther necessary 
steps for securing y® s*^ fort City and Province in behalfe 
of their s*^ Maj*'*"' untill their Koyall pleasure should be 
known concerning us which accordingly arrived y® 10**" 
December, 1689 his maj''^** letter bearing date July y* 
30 foregoing directed to Francis Nicholson, Esq. & in 
his absence to such for y® time being take care for pre- 
serving y® peace and administering y® lawes in this 
province to take upon them y® Gov""' of y® s*^ Province 
requiring to do and perform all things which to y^ place 
and office of our Lieut* Governor & Com*''"" in Chief of 
our province of New Yorke doth or may appertaine as 
you shall find necessary for our Service, &"'* untill farther 
order from us. 

Now so it is we are certainly informed & give full 
credence thereunto that their present maj"^^ have Comis- 
sionated his Excellency Col" Henry Sloughter to be 
Govern, of this their Province of New Yorke who was 
parted at sea fi-om several Ships arrived since in this 
port with officers, souldiers & amraunicons for his Maj*^* 
service as his s^ Excellency shall appoint who hitherto 
has given no order or direction concerning the same, 
nevertheless major Rich^ Ingoldsby hath presumeth to 
raise men and levy forces within this pi'ovince whereby 
hostilities and irregularities are Committed to y" in- 
dignity of their maj'^* supremacy detraction of his 
Excelpy' authority & perill & disturbance of y^ good 
people therof notwithstanding he the &'' Maj"" hath had 
repeated advertisements and Cautions to y'' contrary but 
altogether disregarding the same hath persisted in y* 


said unwarrantable practices which are heightened & 
emproved by certain gentlemen who have taken upon 
them to sitt as councill issuing forth their orders (unto 
persons who act by & assert y" authority of y® late King 
James to be lawfull) for raising what forces can be 
raised in Queens County &,(f to assist their maj"^* officers 
in pursuance of their Comissions & Such who do not 
appeare according to y® appointment to be deemed 
Rebells besides other publick actes relating this province 
without discovering or publishing any authority from 
his majf or his Excell^^ Col" Sloughter for so doing 
wich being very pernicious & of dangerous Consequence 
unto their Maj*'°^ Interest &, y® good of y® Inhabitants 
Justly creating in most loyall considerate persons doubt- 
full apprehensions concerning y® effects hereof as to y® 
security of y"" Lives and Estates which as they hitherto 
have so frankly adventured so are ever ready to sacrifice 
in asserting compassing in defending their pres* Maj^*''^ 
right and supreme authority in and over this province 
in oppscon to y^ former power & government when y* 
Papists and French as well as others notoriously dis- 
affected to their Maj"^' Interest are not only embraced 
but encouraged and enlivened to revenge themselves 
upon those y' have suppressed & prevented their mis- 
chievous accons &, enterprizes & for y^ more specious 
canying on off their designes y* they may not be with- 
out plausible pretences whereby to stirr up Exite and 
gather people to their assistance have published a certain 
manifest or declaration made at y® City Hall by Six 
Esq"'^ of y® Councill and two Capt°' comanding his 
Maj"^" forces wherein is comprehended divers falsehoods 
and supposed matters which cannot be made out with 
truth to render y® Lieut" Gov"" Leisler criminal and 
odious amongst the inhabitants of this Citty & Province 
which in due season will appeare to y® contrary not 
douV)ting but to aprove both his Loyalty and integrity 
for their Maj*'®* service and interest and y'' preservacon 
& security of this province & y® good inhabitants thereof 
against the domesticq. <fe foreign enemies notwithstand- 


ing y^ malice and prejudice of his adversaries declaring 
hereby y* he had no other designe Intent or purpose 
whatsoever than service to their Maj*'^* y^ Conserv"" of 
y® public wealth & security of this Colony untill y^ ar- 
rival of his Excellency. 

Wherefore y® s*^ Lt Gov"" is constrained to declare 
& solemnly protest against all such irregular unwai'rant- 
able proceeding before mention*^ & y® authors councellors 
promoters & abettors of y® same as the causes of all 
homicides, bloodsheds & other mischiefs and damages 
that shall ensue thereupon & are hereby required forth- 
with to disband their forces raised within this province 
who are comanded to repair to their severall places of 
abode & keep their maj"^^s peace &''^ this done and 
published at Fort William y" 10th of March in y« third 
yeare of the Reigne of our Sovei-eign Lord & Lady 
William & Mary King & Queen of England, Scotland, 
France & Ireland <fe* Defenders of the Faith anuoq 
Dom 169"^. 


Fort William march y« 12^^^ 169?- 
Though your Excellency's absence & y® exorbitances 
of Major Ingoldesby (encouraging y^ malice of Papists 
& other ennemies to their Maj*'"^ accession to the Crowne 
whatever they now pretend) Things are brought unto 
such a disorder and evil Crisis which threatned the 
destrucon of this province & Consequently great pre- 
judice to the nabouring parts of America being not a 
little heightned ; the nominated Geutl"^ of y^ King's 
Councill issuing forth orders to increase such forces in 
somuch that if an overruling Providence diverts not it 
is impossible to continue in this state many days without 
bloodshed which so happily hitherto has escaped it not- 
withstanding our resolucons are firmly bent and as all 
possible means hitherto hath been, so still shall be used 
to prevent it, This being a reason which requires y* 


strictest union whereby y® common enemy might be 
opposed & j" province better fortified and strengthened 
for their maj*'"* service, pray God send your Excellency 
amongst us Spedily, which that y"" Stars may be propi- 
tious as it is our longing expectation So it shall be y** 
dayly pi-ayers of your ExcelP^'s most humble servant 
(Signed) Jacob Leisler. 


By the Lieut* Governor Etc* 

Whereas great disturbances and troubles have arisen 
by Major Ingoldesby & his accomplices having obtained 
forces who threatened this his Maj*'^^ and the block 

house of this City to assault them. 

These are in his Maj''^' name to will & command 
you to secure the block house in y® behalf of their 
Maj"^^ King William and Queen Mary against all or 
any persons whatsoever that shall assault attack or 
make any opposicon against it and do not behave them- 
selves according to y® rules of war hereby empowering 
and requiring to employ and use all forcible means and 
hostilities against them for y® preservacon of that post 
and y® destrucon of y® offenders for which this shall be 
your sufficient warrant. Given under my hand and 
scale at Fort William in New Yorke the 13'^ of March 
in the third year of their Maj*'^' Reigne Annoq. Dom. 
169J (Signed) Jacob Leisler. 

To Capt° Garratt Duyking 

Ensigne Abraham Brazier 

Ensigne P. Dmill and 
the rest of the officers. 


You are hereby ordered to march your Company 


of Foote before the fort of this City and againe demand 
y^ delivery thereof instantly and when you are in Pos- 
session, if Capf" Leisler and the persons call'd his Council 
do not render themselves arrest them in their Maj""^ 
names and send them forthwith before me in Councill. 

Your friend, 

H. Sloughter. 
New Yorke March 20 ^'^ 169?- 
To Major Richard Ingoldesby. 


The following paper is copied in the same speUingaa the original before me. [Du Simitikre.] 

An a Count of what past before the Court Concern- 
ing of Lieut* Churel (Churcher) the presentment was 
red he was asked wheather gilty or not gilty he said not 
gilty Judg (Dudley) tould him he was Aparentary 
Eliterate fellow y® line* answeared & said what he did 
he was commanded to doe which Command he though 
in Contions he ought to obay & that the fort was then 
his abiding please & y" please he did then ofisuate he 
had a Commistion for and furder he did dasier the 
benefit of the act past y® King and Parliament datted 
Jena 27. 1689. Judg Dudly asked him for his Com- 
mistion which he gave him but Returned it not again. 


The following is an exact Copy of a Paper found amongst this Collection without any 
name or date bo that it is impossible to assert which of the indicted persons it was. 
[Do Simitikre.] 

Wat ge passeerd is alsik voor de ^e?'^*kwam 

my wierd een geschrift voor geleese 

ik antwoorde dat ik het niet verstaan kon en vertogt 
nee taalman 

Stefanus ^ zeyde dat ik beschuldigh wierd van een J^i/ef " 
en dat ik maar giltj '^ oi- not te segge hadde waer 
toe zy my met alle man Sogtete persuadeere. 


ik antwoorde dat my niet Schuldig kost kenne in een 
Saak daer Ek van de Koning en zyn Raade 
Dankelyk voor vrygekend was 

Zy begonne met een groote konfusy te roepe dat ik 
Engels zonde Spreeke en verweete my elk het syne 

ik versogt weeder een taalman en vroeg teegens Avien 
dat ik most spreeke of pleyte, en dat ik gereed was 
haar alle te antwoorde Zeggende datse liaar be- 
hoorde te Scliaame datse een spot maakte van 
haar eyg Tcoert" en dat het maar een Speultie voor 
haar Scheen een men voor zyn lyf te treye"" of om 
hals te brengen. 

De Juts^ vroeg wat ik geseijd had 

Dog wierd door Kortland ^ heel kwaad aardig vals en 
vei-draagd vertaald 

Zy zeyde ik most my aan de Barmhartigheyd van de 
Coert'' oovergegeeve hebbe 

ik antwoorde dat ik geen barmhartigheyd zoeke — 
wildedaar ik wel wist dase niet en was hier wast 
kruyst hem, kruyst hem, ik zey dat ik dat van te 
vore wel ge weete hadde 

Klerk^ viel met geweld op myn aan taste naar zyn 
deegen dreygde my te doorstate : ik Rokte de 
borst oopeen Zeyde dat hy een houwerd^ was dathy 
niet dorst dat hem en kinde meuletie beeter als de 
deege paste 


* Court, in Dutch een Hof or more properly een 
gerecht Hof. 

^ Stephanus Van Cortland, one of the Judges. 

" Riot, in Dutch Ongebondenheijt. 

^ guilty or not guilty, in Dutch schnldig of niet 

^ to try for his life, in Dutch iemants over een 
liaalszaak te recJit Stellen. 

^ Judge, in Dutch eenRecliter. 

^ Klerk or Clerk, in Dutch KlerTc ofte Secretaris. 

^ Coward in Dutch, een Bloodaard. 


Translation of the foregoii.g by S. Alofsen, Esq. 

Of what passed when I came before the Court.^ 

A ]3aper was read to me. 

I answered that I could not understand it, and asked 
for an interpreter. 

Stefaaus'' said that I was accused of a riot," and 
that I had only to say guilty or not guilty,* and they all 
tried to pei'suade me thereto. 

I answered that I could not acknowledge myself 
guilty in a case in which I had probably been acquitted 
by the King and his Council. 

They began to cry out in great confusion that I 
should speak English, and every one of them reproached 

I again desired an interpreter, and asked to whom 
I had to address myself or to plead, and that I was 
ready to answer them all, saying that they ought to be 
ashamed of themselves that they made a mock of their 
own Court, and that to them it only seemed to be a 
sport to try^ a man for his life or kill him. 

The Judge^ asked what I had said. 

But this Kortland^ translated in a very mischievous, 
false and perverted manner. 

They said I ought to have submitted myself to the 
mercy of the Court. 

I answered that I did not wish to seek for mercy, 
because I well knew that it was not here — here it was 
crucify him crucify him. I said that I had already been 
aware of this before. 

The Clerk" violently seized me grasping his sword 
and threatening to stab me : I bared my breast and said 
he was a Coward,^ that he dared not, that a child's play- 
thing suited him better than a sword. 


* Court, in Dutch eeii Hof^ etc, (Here Court means 
een Gerechts-Hof.) 
^ Stephanus, <fe? 


" Riot, in Dutch Oncjehondenlieid. (Here Riot means 

^ Guilty or not Guilty, etc. 

^ To try for his life, in Dutch iemant (not as in the 
MS. iemants) over^ etc. 

^ Judge, etc. 

^ Klerk or Clerk, in Dutch Klefh ofte Secretaris. The 
word is GelieimscliryveT \ but this is obsolete, and we 
now say Griffier. 

^ Coward, in Dutch een Bloodaard. 


George Dolstone of the Province of New York in 
America, marriner aged thi-ee and thirty years or there- 
aboute maketh oathe that he this deponent did arrive at 
New York afores^ from Bai'bados about a day or two 
after y® revolution there when this Deponent found the 
Inhabitants in armes and in Possession of the Fort, and 
this depon* being a housekeeper was required to watch 
in y® s*^ Fort in Capt. De Peyster's Comp^, which accord- 
ingly he did and this depon* saith that y*" Capt"^ of 
y" militia did command in y^ s^ Fort by Turns while 
this depon* was at home he some few days after sayling 
again for Barbadoes from whence he returned back to 
New York the third of December, 1690: when Capt° 
Leisler commanded in chief, having been appointed by 
the Committee or general assembly in this depones 
absence, with the consent and appi-obation of the inhabit- 
ants and this deponent saith that he was present & did 
see the s*^ Capt" Leisler proclaime their Maj""* King 
William and Queen Mary and the s*^ Leisler did fortifie 
ye gd Pqj.^ <;^jj(J q\^^j ^hich till that time were I'uinous 
and did also provide in all respects for the safety and 
defence of the Countrey much better than this depon* 
ever knew done in the time of the three preceding 
Governours And further saith that the said Capt" Leis- 
ler did raise and send a sufficient number of souldiers 


with Stores and Provisions for the succour of Albany 
and the northern parts of the province against the 
French from whom many people had fled for their pre- 
servation to New Yorke, and this depon* further saith 
that there were several meetings of y^ s*^ generall assem- 
bly during the govei-nraent of the s*^ Cap* Leisler which 
did grant to their Maj*'f* several taxes for y® defense 
of y* government, part whereof was paid by this depon' 
and was well approved by the well affected part of the 
inhabitants and further saith that in y^ months of July 
and August there came intelligence to New York that 
a French fleet was upon y*' Coast and had taken Block 
Island and two prizes, whereupon y^ s'' Cap*.° Leisler did 
immediately fitt out four vessels well manned and pro- 
vided with all things necessary to fight the s'^ French 
fleet & to secure the coast and this depon* saith that 
y^ s** Cap* Leisler did continue Comander in Chief with 
great respectt from the people in general untill the later 
end of January, 1690 : when Capt"" Rich'^ Ligoldsby ar- 
rived there with some souldiers from England, who some 
days after his arrival did send a Officer as this deponent 
heard to demand possession of the s*^ Fort from Capt° 
Leisler, whereupon the s*^ Capt" Leisler did send Mr. de 
la Noy then Ma^-or of the City & Mr. Milborne to 
waite upon y^ s** Capt" Ingoldesby to see his orders, this 
depon* being then on board the s^ Cap* Ingoldesby's 
ship, and this deponent did heare the s*^ Mr. de la Noy 
& Mr. Milborne offer the s"^ Capt" Ingoldsby from Capt° 
Leisler all sorts of accommodations for himself, his offi- 
cers and souldiers which he refused and declared that 
he would continue on board till the other ships that 
were expected did arrive in case he should not have 
y** possession of the Foi-t, and further saith that he saw 
several people who had opposed the revolution & were 
disaffected come on board the said ship and sometime 
after y® said Ingoldesby landed with his souldiers and 
marched into the city & tooke possession of the Town 
Hall where they kept guard and from that time did hin- 
der Capt" Leisler and the Burghers from going the 


rounds & keeping watch in the City : and this deponent 
saith that the said Capt? Leisler did publish a Proclama- 
tion & sent the Constables from house to house requiring 
the people to give good reception and entertainment to 
the s*^ officers & souldiers but y® s'^ Capt° Ingoldesby be- 
ing joined by several disaffected persons did issue forth 
warrants Commanding y® Inhabitants to take amies & 
to assist him whereupon severall hunderd of men did 
Joyne him and the s'^ Capt" Ingoldesby beseiged y® s^ 
fo]'t & planted greate guns against it on several batteries 
and did block up most of the streets leading to y® s*^ 
f u't and did forbid all persons from Carrying any sort 
of provision into y® s'^ fort, and this dep^ further saith 
that he was compelled by y® s^ Capt° Ingoldesby's order 
to take up armes and after to be a gunner in a battery 
of eight guns against y® s*^ fort : and this deponent saith 
that a boat with men coming from Long Island to the 
Fort the s** Cap^ Ingoldsby one Mr. Symes his bi'other 
in law and an officer in one of the Companies with order 
to the said battery to load one of their best guns with 
Ball and sinke y^ s^ boat if they could and immediately 
thereupon fired at the s*^ boat & forced her to return to 
y® 8*^ Long Island, which was the first shot that was 
made on either side and afterwards from the same bat- 
tery they fired at a boat which was sent from the s*^ fort & 
wounded one of the men, and did after the return of 
y® s*^ boat to the fort fire against the fort with great 
violence for several hours both with great and small 
shot, and this depon^ further saith that the guns of 
y® fort might easily have battered down y^ town and 
destroyed most of the men against it. But y® s*^ Capt" 
Leisler as this depon* hath been told and believes gave 
order that they should not fire to do any hurt and fur- 
ther saith that three men killed and five wounded by 
the accidental firing of a gun in one of Capt? Ingoldes- 
by* men's battery against the fort and that one other 
man was killed but whether by shot from the fort or 
by Capt° Ingoldesby's party this depon'^ knoweth not 
and this depon' further saith that some of Capt° Ingolds- 


hy's men having heen taken hy Capt° Leisler's men as 
they were going the rounds for not answering and affront- 
ing the gnard the s*^ Cap* Ingoldesby discoursing there- 
of in this depon'* hearing did say that y^ s^ Cap* Leisler 
should die for y® same or he would die for him, and 
further saith that Colo. Sloughter arrived, at N York on 
the nineteenth of March last towards the evening and 
sometime after Capt° Ingoldesby was sent to demand y* 
Fort whereupon Cap*" Leisler did send Mr. De la Noy 
and Mr. Milborne to be informed whether CoP Slough- 
ter were really arrived, and if he were to wait upon him 
& offer him possession of y^ Fort But the s*^ M*" De la 
Noy & Mr. Milborne wore fortwith imprisoned by order 
of y® s*^ Col° Sloughter not being heard speake and this 
depon* saith that very early the next morning the s*^ Cap* 
Leisler did write a letter to Col° Sloughter to come and 
receive the foi't & accordingly he did deliver up the 
same upon the twentieth of March last of his own accord 
and without any Compulsion of the burghers who were 
in garrison who layd down their arms by the order of 
the said Cap* Leisler and this deponent saith the s** Cap*° 
Leisler and divers others were made prisonners and the 
burghers disarmed and the s*^ Capt° Leisler M'" Milborne 
and divers others were afterwards indicted, for preten- 
ded murther and high treason. Whereupon the s*^ Cap* 
Leisler being arraigned did oftentimes desire to be in- 
formed by the Court before he should plead to the in- 
dictment whether y^ authority by which he had acted 
by as commander in chief was lawfull or not to which 
the Court refused to give a direct answer requiring him 
to plead which he not doing they caused him to be 
bound and pinnioned and afterwards pronounced sentence 
of death against him which was accordingly executed in 
this deponent's sight. And this deponent further saith 
that great number of persons did petition y® s^ Col*' 
Slorghter to reprieve y® s^ Capt" Leisler and other con- 
demned persons and this depon* heard that several were 
molested for so doing, And this depon* further saith 
th.'it the s** M"" Leisler was a merchant of good Estate 


reall and personal! & bad very considerable dealings "be- 
fore y^ s"^ Kevolution, and does verily believe that he 
expended a greate deal of his own proper money iu 
their Maj*'.*'* service for the defence of the said province, 
and more saith not. 

(Signed) George Dolstone 

Jurat 19° FeV" 1691° 

coram me magro Cancell : S. Keck. 


Thomas Dawson of the parish of St Paul Shadwell 
in the county of Middlesex, marriner, aged nine and 
thirty years or thereabouts, maketh oath, that he this 
depon*. on or about the eight and twentyith day of 
January did arrive with Capt° Richard Ingoldesby in 
the ship. Beaver near to the City of New York and 
presently after Stephanus Van Cortlandt and many 
other persons came on board the said Ship who made 
Complaints against Capt° Leisler and desired the said 
Capt" Ingoldesby to land with his Souldiers and there- 
upon they would raise men and join him and force or 
pull Capt° Leisler out of the fort, and thereupon the 
said Capt" Ingoldesby did send Lieut. Shanks and Mr. 
Simmes brother in law to Capt° Ingoldesby to demand 
the fort from Capt° Leisler whereunto the said Capt" 
Leisler made answer that in case he had any commission 
or orders from his Majesty or Colonel Sloughter he 
would forthwith deliver the same but without such 
orders he could not, and the said Capt° Leisler did very 
kindly invite the said Capt° Ingoldesby to come on 
shore with his Souldiers and did offer him the use of 
his own houses for himself and officers and the houses 
of the burgers for the soldiers with the best accommoda- 
tion the Country could afford until the arrival of the 
Governour but the said Capt" Ingoldesby refused the 
same and continued on board about six or seven days till 
Capt° Tregauy arrived with more soldiers from England 


and in the mean time the said Ingoldeshy did send a 
shore powder & ammunition to the people who had 
promised to joyne him against Leisler and they being 
ready the said Ingoldesby and Capt" Bradshaw with 
all their soldiers did land & march into the said Gity of 
New York and this deponent hath been credibly in- 
formed they did besiege the said fort which he the rather 
believes because he saw divers great guns planted 
against it and this deponent further saith That he was 
ordered by the captain of the said ship to move (sic) 
her head and stern against the said block-House to bat- 
ter the same, and afterwards there came about fifteene 
men on board, who said they were sent to fire against 
the Block house and that day the said Block House was 
surrendered : and more deposeth not. 

(Signed) Thomas Dawson". 

Jurat 19 Feb«, 1691°, 
coram me magfro Cancell. S. Keck. 


Thomas Jeffers of the province of New York in 
America aged thirty years or thereabouts maketh oath 
that he this deponent in the month of November anno 
Dni 1690: did arrive at the city of New York with a 
Briganteen whereof he was master from Antegoa with 
a letter from General Codrington to Capt° Jacob Leis- 
ler then Commander in chief of New York at which 
time the s*^ Capt" Leisler was raising of men & making 
provision of ammunition <fe necessary stores to send for 
the relief of Albany which was in great apprehension 
of being invaded by the French so that great numbei- 
of people withdrew themselves out of those parts to 
New York and this depon' saith that the s^ Capt" Leis- 
ler was acknowledged and owned by the inhabitants to 
be Commander in Chief of tlie said Pi'ovince and did 
thei'ein behave himself to the general satisfiiction, con- 
tinually taking care of their Maj'*"'* interest and the 


safety of the country for whicli end the said Capt° Leis- 
ler did very well fortify the Fort and City of New York 
so that y^ same remained in great peace and quietness 
till about y® later end of January, 1690, when Capf" 
Eich'' Ingoldesby arrived there with some Souldiers from 
England who thereupon as this depon* is informed and 
believes did send to the said Capt" Leisler requiring the 
possession of the fort upon which the said Capf" Leisler 
did send Major Milborne aboai'd the ship where the s^ 
Ingoldesby was to wait upon 'him and see his orders for 
I'eceiviug the said foi-t And upon the said Milborne's 
return this depon* heard him declare that the s*^ Capt° 
Ingoldesby had no orders to demand the possession of 
the fort But had only a commission to be Capt° of a 
foot company and this deponent afterwards heard the 
said Capt" Leisler declare to the same purpose & there- 
fore that he could not with safety surrender the fort 
before the arrival of Col° Sloughter or orders from their 
Maj^'f and in case of either he would readily yeld up 
the same and this deponent further saith that the said 
Capt" Leisler did offer all manner of accommodation for 
the good reception and entertainment of the s*^ Capt 
Ingoldesby and the soldiers and for that purpose did 
publish a proclamation & did invite the s** Capf" Ingold- 
esby & his officers to lodge in his own houses but the 
said Capt" Ingoldesby refused the same and continued 
aboai'd about seven days during which time divers per- 
sones (who as this deponent was informed opposed the 
revolution and after that the government of the s^ 
Capt" Leisler) did repaire on board to the said Capf In- 
goldesby who thereupon landed with his soldiers and 
drew them into the City Hall and there kept guard be- 
ing joined with a great many men in ai-ms some of which 
were papists and many french, and the s*^ Capf In- 
goldesby did hinder and obstruct the said Capt" Leisler 
and his men from going the rounds & keeping guards 
in the City and the said Ingoldesby did afterwards 
hold a Councell and thereupon did beseige the Fort and 
planted divers great guns against it about which time 


this deponent went with a letter from Capt" Leisler to 
CoP Sloughter afores^ who was then supposed to be at the 
Island of Bermudas but was sailed thence before this 
depon*.' arrival there which letter was delivered to the 
Governour of Bermudas, and this depon! saith that upon 
his return to New York being about y^ middle of Aj^ril 
he found Col° Sloughter there and the s*^ Capt° Leisler 
M"" Milborne and several others in prison under the con- 
demnation of death for some pretended high treason 
and this depon' further saith that he did see the said 
Capt" Leisler & M' Milborne put to death being first 
hanged and then their heads cut off: and at the place 
of Execution this depon* did heare the s^ Capt. Leis- 
ler declare his innocency and that he died a martyr 
for King William. And this deponent further saith 
that he being in a house in New York where a min- 
ister was taking subscriptions to a petition to be pre- 
sented to the said Col! Sloughter for the reprieve of 
the said CaptP Leisler and others condemned persons 
Some officers belonging to the said Coll Sloughter did 
seize upon the said minister and secure him as a pris- 
onner for doing the same. And further saith that the 
said Capt" Leisler was a merchant of a very consider- 
able estate & dealing before the s*^ revolution and be- 
lieves he expended considerable sums of his own proper 
money in their Maj*!*"^ service for the preservacon of the 
said province of New York and further doth not 

(Signed) Thomas Jeffees. 

Jurat 19° Feb^ 1691° 
coram me magro Cancell. S. Keck. 

affidavit of JACOB TELLER. 

Jacob Teller of the Province of New York in Amer- 
ica late Commander of a ship aged seven and thirty 
years or thereabouts maketh oath, that about the month 
of September, 1690, Capt. William Mason and Cap*" 
Francis Goderis by virtue of a Commission from Capt° 


Jacob Leisler deceased who then commanded as Lieut* 
Governor in the province of New York did seize and 
take from the subjects of the French King six ships 
which this Depon* saw brought into the port of "N'ew 
York, and were afterwards condemned in a Court of Ad- 
miralty constituted by a Commission from the said Capt° 
Jacob Leisler as lawful prizes and further saith that some 
short time after there was a publick vendue held for the 
sale of the s*^ ships where this deponent was present at 
which time one of the said ships then called the St. 
Pierre and since the beare, was bought by Mr. Edward 
Antell in the behalf of Capt" Jacob Mauritz as the high- 
est bidder for the sum of five hundred pounds or there- 
abouts which said ship this deponent did see delivered 
to the said Captain Manritz by Capf" Goderis and other 
persons authorized for that purpose, and doth verily be- 
lieve that the said Capf" Mauritz did pay the said 
summe of five hundred pounds for the s^ ship and fur- 
ther saith that some short time after this deponent and 
Mr. Isaac de Riemer did buy another of the said six 
ships formerly called the St. Maria and afterwards the 
Mason and since the Catharine for which they paid 
seven hundred and fifteen pounds Current money of 
New York which ship was delivered to this deponent 
and the s*^ De Riemerwho enjoyed the same according- 
ly, and this deponent afterwards went a voyage with 
the s^ ship from New York to Barbadoes and came 
thence to England where this deponent sold the said 
ship to M'' Rich^ Starkey merch* in London for the sum 
of eight hundred and forty pounds and this deponent fur- 
ther saith that one William Baker a master imployed by 
Mr. Frederic Flipsen of New York did acquaint this de- 
ponent that the said Flipsen gave him order to off'er seven 
hundred pounds on his behalf for the ship bought by 
this deponent as afores*^ and said that the rest of the 
said six ships were sold and disposed of to Capt" de 
Peister and other persons and that one other ship was 
taken from the French by Cap* George Bullon and 
brought into the port of New Yorke and was there also 


condemned and sold to the said Mr. Peister and part- 
ners & is now Coinauded by Cap' Robert Sinclair, for 
all which said ships the Kings tenth was paid in the 
time of y" Government of Cap' Leisler as this deponent 
has heard and more saith not. Jacob Teller. 

Jurat 23die Feb'^ 1691 coram me Ad. Ostley. 


Boudewijn DeWidt of the province of New York in 
America, Chirnrgien aged six and thirty years or there- 
abouts maketh oath, that he this deponent was present 
in the City Hall at New Yorke when Mr. Jacob Leisler 
and Mr. Jacob Milborne both deceased were arraigned 
upon an indictment or accusation for some pretended 
Treason murder & felony, before Joseph Dudley S"" 
Robei't Robinson, Thomas Johnson, John Lawrence, 
Jasper Hicks, Rich*^ Ligoldesby and several others who 
sat as Judges and the s*^ M'" Leisler and M"" Milborne 
being required to plead thereunto in order for their Try- 
als. The s"^ M"" Leisler and M"" Milborne did desire to 
know of the said Judges (as this deponent was credi- 
bly informed by divers persons who were present) whe- 
ther they did allow that the authority whereby y^ said 
Leisler and Milborne had acted in the government of 
the said Province was lawfuU or not. To which Question 
the said Judges refused to answer, and y^ said M"" Leis- 
ler and M*" Milborne did thereupon declare that if y^ 
said authority disallowed sevei-al of the said Jud- 
ges being their enemies they therefore could not plead 
to y® said Indictment and this deponent was afterwards 
present in Court and did hear y** s*^ M" Leisler and M"" 
Milborne for y^ reason aforesaid appeal from y® said 
Judges to the King and Queen's majesty and desired to 
be sent for England to answer what could be objected 
against them, but this deponent saith that notwithstand- 
ing the said appeal they were afterwards condenmed to 
suffer death and were put to death accordingly, and fur- 
ther saith that by reason of the disorders in ye s*^ prov- 


ince after ye arrival of Capt" Iiigolclesby and Col° 
Slaughter great numbers of y® Inhabitants did leave the 
same & withdrew into other parts, and also saith that 
Capt.° John Hendrick de Bru3m this deponent's father 
in law, divers times informed this deponent that after 
the revolution was made & their pres* maj*'®^ were pro- 
claimed in N Yorke Col° Nicholaes Bayard one of the 
present council there did write a letter to him & Capt. 
de Peister advising them not to be concerned in y* s^ 
Revolution for that King James and his authority was 
in full power, a copy of which letter this depon* has 
been informed was sent by Capt"' Leisler to England to 
be represented to the Kings majesty and more saith 
not. BouDEwijN De Widt. 

Jurat 23die Feb'^ cor me Ad. Ostley. 


Isaac de Riemer of the City of New York in Amer- 
ica, merchant aged six and twenty years or thereabouts 
maketh oath that he was born in the s*^ city of New 
York and that on or about the last day of May, 1689 
This deponent then being a Commission Officer of a 
militia Company The Burghers and Inhabitants of the 
said City having extraordinary apprehensions of danger 
did take arms and did enter into and seize y® fort there not 
being to the best of this depon'* Judgement above forty 
persons who did not Joine therein, and that upon the 
seizure of the said Fort Captain Lodwick and other 
militia officers did enter thereinto and the said Captain 
Lodwick was sent by the people to demand the keys of 
the fort from Capt. Nicholson, who was at that time in 
the City and did accordingly deliver y® s*^ Keys to the 
said Capt" Lodwick whereupon the said inhabitants did 
declare for the Prince of Orange and the Protestant 
power then reigning in England, and that Mr. Abraham 
De Peyster another militia captain had the command of 
the guard in the said fort that day and was that night 


relieved by the said Capt" Lodwick and further saith 
That Capt" Jacob Leisler was also a Captain of the 
militia and came into the s** Fort that day and that for 
about three or four weeks the Captains of the militia 
did by equal turns command and keep guard in the s*^ 
fort tiie said Capt Nicholson some short time aftei- the 
said seizure thereof having left the City and further 
saith that during the said time the said Capt° Leisler 
having in his turne the command of the said fort the 
happy news of their present Majestys Accession to the 
Crowne did arrive whei-eupon the same Capt" Leisler 
forthwith proclaimed their Maj"!'^ King William <fe 
Queen Mary and caused y" same to be done in other 
parts of the province and that shortly after a general! 
Committee of the representatives of the inhabitants of 
the said province was chosen and did assemble in New 
York aforesaid to consider and provide for the security 
thereof, which committee did appoint and commission- 
ate the s'' Capt" Leisler (as this deponent hath heard 
and verily believe) to be Commander of the s*^ Fort till 
further order from their Maj*'^^ and accordingly the s** 
Ca})t" Leisler had the possession thereof and was ap- 
proved by the generality of the people and thereupon 
the s*^ Capt° Leisler did very well fortify the fort and 
City and provided ammunitions &, Stores and made 
other necessary preparations for their .defence to 
the great satisfaction of all the people. And this 
deponent saith that the said General Committee being 
reassembled and they finding it necessary for their 
Maj*'^* service and the safety of the country they did 
likewise appoint and commissionate the said Capt" Leis- 
ler to be Commander in Chief of the whole province of 
New York till further orders from their Maj"/* and ac- 
cordingly he had the Government of the said province 
with the general good liking of the people. xVnd several 
months after one Mr Riggs did arrive from England 
with a letter from his majesty directed to Francis Nich- 
olson, Esq. Lieut. Governor and in his absence to such 
as for the time being take care for administering the 


laws and preserving y^ peace in the s*^ province or to 
that effect, and the said Capt" Nicholson being long be- 
fore departed from the said country the said Mr. Riggs 
the next day after his coming to the city of New York, 
went into the said foi't to Capt" Leisler, and immediate- 
ly after Mr. Frederic Flipsen and Stephanus Van Court- 
landt came there also, this deponent being the (sic) 
present whereupon it was disputed between the s"^ Capf* 
Leisler and the s*^ Mr Flipsen and M"" Van Courtlandt 
before the s*^ M'" Riggs to whom the said letter did 
properly belong and after the debate and Consideration 
thereof the said M"" Riggs said to the said Capt° Leisler 
that if he did demand the King's letter and would give 
him a receipt for the same, he would deliver it to him 
and accordingly the same was done without any force 
or compulsion used to the s^ M"" Riggs and further saith 
that shortly after a generall assembly was held in the 
-s*^ City who did likewise own and approve the s^ Capt 
Leisler to be Commander in Chief and did grant a 
tax of three pence in the Pound to their Maj"®* and that 
the s*^ Capt° Leisler at several times did send Souldiers, am- 
munition, and necessary provisions for the defence of 
Albany and the northern parts of the Pi'ovince against 
the French who had made great destructions therein 
and that the s"^ Capt° Leisler did upon that and other 
occasions act in the office of Lieut Governor to the ut- 
most of his power for the interest of their present 
Maj"f* and the good of the country and further saith 
that about the month of July, 1690, a Councell of War 
was held in the said City for the fortifying thereof when 
some persons did desire the members of y" s*^ Council of 
War to intercede with Capt° Leisler to release certain pris- 
oners then in the fort, which was desired of him accord- 
ingly Whereunto the said Capt" Leisler [said] that if the 
said prisoners would acknowledge the present govern- 
ment and give bond for their good behaviour they 
should be released wliereupon some of the officers went 
and demanded of the said prisoners if they v^ould do 
the same which they then refused and afterwards on 


the same day divers persons who had opposed the rev- 
olution declared they would rise and take the prisoners 
out and accordingly they did a very riotous manner 
assemble some of them having arms and went towards 
the fort where this depou' heard and believes they met 
Capt° Leisler and assaulted him but were afterwards 
quelled and many of them committed to prison and 
prosecuted and fined for y^ s^ Riot And this deponent 
likewise saith that about September, 1690 Capt° Wil- 
liam Mason and Francis Goderis by virtue of a Com- 
mission granted by Capt° Leisler did seize and take 
from the subjects of the French King six ships which 
they brought into the port of New York where the 
same were condemned by a Court of Admiralty held by 
a Commission from the said Capt" Leisler as lawfuU 
prize and afterwards at a publick vendue held for the 
sale of the said ships (this deponent being present) M' 
Edwai'd Antell did buy one of the said ships formerly 
called the St. Piei-i-e (as this depon* heard) and since 
the Beare for the use of Capt" Jacob Mauritz foi' the 
sum of five hundred pounds or thereabouts and this 
depon* saw possession of the said ship delivered to the 
said Capt.° Mauritz by Capt" Gooderis and others im- 
powered thereunto and doth believe the said five hun- 
dred pounds was really paid by the said Capt" Mauritz 
for the said ship and further saith that this depon* and 
Capt" Jacob Teller did buy another of the said six ships 
for which they gave seven hundred and fifteen pounds 
Current Money of New York and since sold the same 
to Mr. Starkey, Mercli* in London, for eight hundred 
and forty pounds and this depon' believes that the 
Kings tenth were paid for the said ships at New York 
in the time of Capt" Leisler's government, and this 
deponent saith the s'* Capt" Mauritz did repair his said 
ship and loaded goods on boai-d her for England but this 
deponent came shortly after from New York and more 
saith not. (Signed) Isaac De Rie^ier. 

Jurat 24die Febi-^' 1691 
coram me magro Cancell. S. Keck. 



Translated from the original in Dutch by S. Alofsen, Esq. 

Kiliaau van Rensselaer aged about 25 years upon 
his oatli taken upon God's holy Testament declares it to 
be true and nothing but the truth — 

That the attestor ai-rived in New York in America 
in the month of May of the year 1690 in the ship the 
Catryn Skipper Jacob Mauritz. 

That he then saw that the person Jacob Leisler at 
that time was governor of that province, and that as 
such he had been by the majority of the acknowledged 
and respected. 

That the attestor also has seen that those of New 
York by order of the said Leisler were very busy in 
repairing and perfecting the defences of that City 
against the enemy in which they continued as long as 
he Leisler occupied the office of Governor. 

That during the administration of the said Leisler 
he caused much detriment to the enemies and especially 
to the French and that for the maintenance of city and 
province he has acted and acquitted himself as a brave 
(braaft) soldier. 

That even upon the least alarm, which took place in 
the time of his administration (the witness being there 
present) most of the militia upon his order and com- 
mand immediately presented themselves and came under 

That the abovenamed Governor Leisler considering 
the necessities of the garrison at Albany as well of ac- 
coutrements and clothing as of provisions for subsistence 
found it necessary to send the Mayor Peter de La Noy 
with a constable to some of the Merchants and Inhab- 
itants of the City and to request them to supply him 
therewith and temporarily to lend the King the funds 
necessary for the same, which upon the proposed terms 
they refused to do, but upon the said Mayor's guaranty 
and surety of payment and restitution of the same they 
willingly did. 

That the said Leisler had returned to the above- 


named Merchants of 'New York many invoices of goods 
which they had sent him for said garrison, because the 
same had been offered by them at too high a valu- 
ation of cost. 

That the above mentioned goods, by and through 
the intervention of said Mayor in manner as above were 
credited by the said Leisler to the Merchants, and actu- 
ally and in verity were subsequently sent for the 
service and use of the said Garrison of Albany. 

That the attestor knows this full well, because he 
himself with these goods and provisions sailed from 
there in a sloop to Albany aforesaid, where the witness 
also saw that then there was a good and sufficient 
garrison, that also at that time cannon and a good quan- 
tity of ammunition to defend and maintain that city 
was being brought in, that between five and six hun- 
dred men or thei-eabout were then in the city, who 
with those of the city and province paid all respect and 
obedience to said Leisler until the arrival of the so-call- 
ed Capt.° Ingoldsby. 

That the said Ingoldsby upon his arrival had sent 
the Collector together with a lieutenant and the Ensign 
Symms to demand the fort of the said governor Leisler, 
showing nevertheless not the slightest order from His 
Majesty or the Colonel Slaughter, whereupon this was 
refused by the said Leisler, unless they would first show 
him evidence of the order of the King or at least that 
of the governor appointed. 

That afterwards the said Ingoldsby having several 
times demanded the surrender of the fort the said Leis- 
ler had, among other things, let him know, and had re- 
quested that he would be pleased to keep peaceful and 
quiet, that he could come to his house whei-e he would 
be treated and dealt with as a gentleman of his position, 
and that his men meanwhile would be provided with 
good quarters and board until the order of Governor 
Slaughter should have arrived. 

That the said Ingoldsby refusing to listen to the good 
propositions and representations of the said Leisler, 


thereupon liad begun to attack the said Fort of New 
York and further had issued warrants to enlist men 
who should aid and assist him in his enterprize. 

That the said Ingoldsby after he had picked up a 
number of people and had armed several Papists and 
Negroes had commenced to fire upon the said fort from 
the batteries which he had erected, and had also turned 
the cannon of the city towards the fort. 

That he moreover had also caused to be imprisoned 
several burghers and inhabitants of New York, who re- 
fused to enter into his service and to assist him. 

That the aforesaid Ingoldsby continued and persisted 
in his hostilities, until Governor Slaughter- arrived 

That the said Leisler having surrendered to the said 
Slaughter the Fort and City together with the govern- 
ment of the province, the said Slaughter thereupon 
made proclamation of an act, declaring every thing 
which had been done by the aforesaid Leisler unlawful, 
with further proclamation that the said Leisler and all 
who had proclaimed the King were traitors, thieves, 
and murderers. 

That the said Slaughter further thereupon impris- 
soned tlie said Leisler together with a multitude of 
the principal inhabitants. 

That the other Burghers of the place, seeing the 
wicked proceedings of the said Slaughter and the mis- 
fortune of their imprisoned fellow citizens, through fear 
and menaces fled thence and left the province, retiring 
elsewhere for their own security, so that a Company be- 
fore under the government of the aforesaid Leisler of 
about one hundred and twenty men strong could not 
then muster fifty. 

That the said Slaughter also caused to be removed 
from the walls of the City twenty pieces of the best can- 
non and sent them out of the country so that the depo- 
nent declares that at his departure from there (which 
was upon the fifth of September 1691) the said City of 
New York remained in no state of defence w^hatever. 


That during tbe administration of Jacob Leisler, he 
Leisler sent several Ships to Canada to do damage to 
the enemy which had taken various French ships 
and brought them in at New York, and which sub- 
sequently were sold at public auction and out of the 
proceeds the King's tenths had been paid. 

That the here aforesaid Captain Jacob Mauritz In- 
habitant of New York of these Ships had bought and 
paid for the ship named the St. Pierre de Bayone, and 
afterwards the Beai-e, and having repaired the same 
equipped and brought her into navigable condition had 
freighted her with various goods and merchandise to 
transport the same to England and Holland. 

That the said Jacob Mauritz being nearly ready to 
depart with said Ship the said Governor Slaughter 
under pretext that it had not been lawfully condemned 
had forcibly taken it away from him and had again sold 
it to another namely Frederick Flipsen one of the 
gentlemen of his council, without the said Jacob Maur- 
itz having in any way been reimbursed or paid therefor, 
to the great loss and ruin of himself and his family. 

(Signed) K. V. Kensselaer. 

Jurat Septimo Martij Anno Dni 169^ 

coram me magro Cancell. Ad. Ostley. 

order in council upon the petition of jacob leisler 

(the son). 

Att the Court at White Hall the 'Zth of January, 

Cl s^ . Present 

^ * '^ The King's most excellent Majesty 

Upon reading this day at board the petition* of 
Jacob Leisler Son of Capt" Jacob Leisler deceased 
late Coiiiauder in Chief of their Maj''*"' Province of 
New York in America, Complaining that his s^ father 

[• The petition is printed In the Documentary History of New York, 11. 422-24, and 
N. Y. Col. Doc, III. 826-26.] 


was unjustly put to death with Mr. Milborne y** Secre- 
tary by Col° Slaughter at New York and six others 
were condemned, but are reprieved, that their Estates 
are confiscated & praying to be relieved and care taken 
for y® preservacon of that Colony, as by y^ s*^ petition 
more at large appears ; His MajY in Council was pleased 
to refer y® s*^ petition (a copy whereof is annexed) to the 
right hon^'^ the Lords of y® Committee for trade and 
foreign Plantations, to examine the whole matter & re- 
port y® same to his maj*^ at this board and then his 
maj'7 will declare his further pleasure. 

(Signed) Chae. Montague. 


To the Right Hon^'® the Lords of the Committee for 

ti-ade and foreigne Plantations. 
The IJumble Petition of Jacob Leisler son of Capt.° 

Jacob Leisler late of New York in America dec*^ 

That whereas upon hearing and examining the mer- 
rits of a petition proffered by your Petitioner to his 
Sacred Maje*^ your Lordships have been pleased to re- 
port your opinion touching part of the said Petition.* 

Your petitioner doth most humbly pray that your 
Lordships will be pleased to take into Consideration the 
sums of money laid out by your petitioner's s*^ father for 
their Maj*'?^ service and the other matters contained in 
s"^ peti°.° and further represent unto her majesty the 
deplorable condition of the six condemned persons now 
remaining in prison at New York, and how that your 
petitioner's said father had the chief command in the 
said province for their Maj*^^ service from August 1G89 
untill the arrivall of Col." Slaughter, which your peti- 
tioner most humbly hopes did manifestly appear att the 
s^ hearing, and that your Lordships will be pleased to 

III. 827. 

The Order in Council upon this report (11 March, 1691,) is printed in the N. Y. Col. Doc, 


intercede with her maj^7 that the Sev.'^ Judgements and 
Attainders pronounced against your peti^'s s*^ father & 
the s*^ Milborne & six others prisonners may be revers- 
ed & made voyd, as shall be advised by their Maj*^'s 
council learned 

And your Petit/ as in duty bound sliall ever pray <&"* 

Jacob Leisler. 


To the Queen's most Excellent Majesty 
The humble petition of Abraham Gouverneur, Gerardus 
Beekman, Mindert Courten, Thomas Williams, Jo- 
hannes Vermillen and Abraham Brasier of New 
York in America now remaining there in prison 
under the Sentence of death 

That whereas your petitioners all who have faithful- 
ly served your Maj'i!* were unjustly tryed and condemn- 
ed for some pretended high treason against your Maj*7 
upon consideration whereof your Maj*r has been gra- 
ciously pleased to declare your Boyall intentions to 
pardon yr petifr* & to restore their Estates unto them 
as fitt objects of your Maj*^* mercy, 

Your petitioners do therefore most humbly beseech 
your Maj*/ to grant unto them and every of them 
your Maj*If gracious pardon and also to grant and re- 
store unto every of them respectively their estates real 
& personal which have been seized and Confiscated by 
colour of the said conviction. 

And your petit" as in duty bound Shall ever pray 


At the Court at Whitehall y« 13*^ of May, 1692. 

The Queen's most excellent Maj*?" in Councell — 
Whereas the right hon^'^ the Lords of the committee 


for trade and Plantations have this day reported to her 
Maj*7 their opinion that the recognizances taken from 
several persons bound over to appear in New York 
about October or November last for joining with & as- 
sisting Capt" Leisler whilst he took upon him the Gov* 
of that province and kept y® fort there and upon no 
other account, together with all proceedings thereupon 
may be discharged, her Maj*^ in Councell is pleased to 
approve the s*^ report and to order as it is hereby order- 
ed that Colonell Fletcher Governor of New Yorke in 
America doe give effectual directions that the Recogni- 
zance which were taken from the severall persons bound 
over to appear at New York about October or Novem- 
ber last for joiniug with and assisting Capt'' Leisler 
whilst he took upon him the Govern* of that province 
and kept y® foi't there and upon no other account to- 
gether with all proceedings thereupon be discharged 
according to the said report. Rich. Colinge. 


P^anslated from the original in Dutch, by S. Alofsen, Esq.] 

New Utrecht, the 29 Sept. 1693. 
Mr. Nicolaes Collen 

This serves to make it known to you that we are 
still treated here with all manner of opprobrium and 
scorn, and yet daily abused as rebels and traitors. Sev- 
eral times I have been threatened by gov. Fletser him- 
self that I was still under sentence of death and that he 
could have me executed whenever it so pleased him. 
He has several times offered to procure us a pardon 
from their Maj*!!^ but we did not desire this from him, 
because we are innocent of any evil deed. Why we are 
treated here so hard by Mr. gov Fletser, is because the 
old Council who always have been our bitter Enemies 
are now again set as heads and Rulers over us and from 
the Circumstances in which they are placed they know 
that they are guilty of an evil deed insomuch as they 
bring before the Gov.' such matter only as pleases him 


well. So it is our friendly request that for us six con- 
demned namely for myself & Myndert Coerten, Johan- 
nis Vermilie, Thomas Wiljams, Abram Governeur 
Abram Breyser you would please procure our freedom 
and liberty as other inhabitants and that we may be dis- 
charged from the sentence which has been passed upon 
us and that here they may not release us upon recog- 
nizance nor seek to regard it in its full vigor. What- 
ever the costs may come to for the procuring of this 
we will thankfully pay to you or to your order. We 
hope that wqth the greatest speed you will use all dili- 
gence to get us redressed and with the greatest speed by 
a line in reply show us your friendly disposition. We 
will not fail to give you every proper satisfaction — 
meanwhile remaining, Gerardus Beekman. 

Myndert Corten. 

Your obedient and affectionate Friends and Servants 
Please advise Mr. Leisler hereof and on our part with 
much esteem greet him. All his friends are yet in a 
good disposition. 

Mr. Mcolaes Collen, Merchant at Dover. 


To the Queen's most Excellent Majesty 
The humble petition of Alice the widow of Capf" Jacob 
Leisler dec? late of New York in America and of 
Jacob Leisler, Susanna, Catherine, Mary, Hester, 
Frances and Margarett, the son &> daughters of the 
dec^ Jacob Leisler, as also of Mary the widow of 
Jacob Milborne likeVise deceased, 

Whereas the deceased Capf" Leisler & Jacob 
Milborne who did both faithfully serve your Maj'?' 
for the securing and governing of the said province 
near two years' time and wherein the s*^ Capt" Leisler 
did expend 3000" of his own money have since suf 


fered death and their estates reall and Personall being 
confiscated to the utter mine of your petit" your Maj*7 
upon taking the same into your princely Consideration 
has been graciously pleased to declare your royal inten- 
tion to restore the said Estates unto their families as fitt 
objects of your Maj^^'s mercy as is expressed in the order 
of Councell hereunto annexed. 

Your Petitioners who are the most distressed Wid- 
ows and Children of the s** Jacob Leisler and Jacob 
Milborne in all humility prostrated at your Maj'^'s royal 
feets (sic) do most humbly implore your maj'^ to grant 
and restore the real and personal Estates unto your 
petitioners and that Maj*^ will be graciously pleased to 
command the respective Judgements and Attainders 
pronounced against the s*^ Capf Leisler and Jacob Mil- 
borne to be reversed and made voyd as shall be advised 
by your Maj^'^'s Council learned. 

And your petitioners as in duty bound shall ever 
pray ^'^ 


The following Is from a rough copy with many erasements (sic) additions, 


That your petitioner Jacob Leisler's late father being 
commander in chief of your Maj^^'s fort in the s*^ Colony 
of New York, was attainted of high treason for not 
delivering y® s** fort to one Major Ingoldesby who pre- 
tended a right to the command thereof by being a Capf^ 
of one of your Maj*'' foot Companies tho the s^ Major 
Ingoldesby had neither in that nor any other account 
any legall authority to demand y® possession of y^ s'' f )rt. 
That Jacob Milborne, dec*^, you^ Petitioners Abraham 
Gouvei'ueur, Gerard us Beekman Johanes Vermilie dec"^, 
Mynart Coerten Tho. Williams & Abraham Brasher was 
also attainted of high Treason & felony for adhering to 
and assisting y^ s*^ Jacob Leisler y" Elder. That y® s^ 
Jacob Leisler y^ Elder and y"* s"^ Jacob Milborne were 
executed for y® s*^ offences but that the execution of your 
petitioner Ab™ Gouverneur and the rest of the said 


persons so attainted was respited. That her late Majesty 
being v^ery sensible of the hardship of y^ s^ case of your 
petitioners and the rest of the persons before mentioned 
was graciously pleased to direct that your petitioner 
Jacob Leisler should be restored to y^ possession of his 
s*^ father's estate and that y® widow of the said Jacob 
Milborne should have and enjoy y® estate of her s'^ hus- 
band and that y® severall Estates of your petif Abm. 
Gouverneur & of y® rest of y® said persons before men- 
tioned Should be restored to them respectively and also 
that your Petitr Ab"' Gouverneur and y® rest of y^ s** 
Persons should be discharged from their eraprisonment, 
and accordingly grants passed y® great Seal for these 
purposes and your petif and the s^ other persons or 
some claiming from or under them have ever since en- 
joyed some part of their respective estates tho a good 
part thereof be still detained from them contrary to y® 
s*^ Grant. That y^ s*^ several attainders & y*" con'uption 
of blood which was wrought thereby remain still in force 
& may turn to y® great injury and prejudice of your 
petif and the rest of the aforesaid persons & their heirs. 
Your petif therefore most humbly pray that your most 
Sacred Maj*^ would be graciously pleased to give direc- 
tions that y® residue of their respective estates may be 
restored or some Satisfiiction made to them for y® same, 
And also to give your petitioner leave to apply to y® 
parliament in order to procure an act to pass for y« re- 
versions of y® s*^ Severall attainders. 

And your Petit/ <fe°* 


At y" Court at Kensington, y^ 28 Feb?' 1694. 
Present y^ Kings most Excellent Majesty in Councill. 

Upon reading this day at y^ board y® humble peti- 
tion of Jacob Leisler and Abraham Gouverneur both 
of N. York in America Setting forth y* services of y* 


petif Leislers late father J. L. in securing y^ province 
of N. York for bis maj*^ in y® late revolution, and y* 
upon his Maj*^^ letter directed (in y® absence of Capt" 
Nicholson) to such as for y"* time being took care for pre- 
serving y" peace & administering y® laws there y** s*^ 
Jacob Leisler y® Elder faithfully executed his maj'^' 
commands, till the arrival of Capt.° Ingoldesby with one 
Compan}' of foot who demanding y® fort of s^ Province 
without any authority, which being refused by the peti- 
tioner's said father, he laid Siege to it from y® 29th of 
Janr^ to y" 19th March, 1690 being y^ day that CoP 
Slaughter y® late Governour there arrived, unto whom 
y^ s*^ fort Avas peaceably delivered Notwithstanding 
which y*" said Jacob Leisler y® Elder and Jacob Mil- 
borne were attainted & executed for high treason in not 
delivering y^ fort to y^ s*^ Ingoldesby & his accomplices 
& Pet' Ab™ Gouverneur, Ger*^"' Beekman, Joh' Vermi- 
lie deceas*^ Mindert Coerten Th' Williams & Ab™ Bra- 
zier attainted also for assisting the said Leisler. That 
her late Maj*^' being sensible of the hardships of y® pet"s 
Case was pleased to order a restitution of y^ estates of 
y'" Petition'' & y^ Severall persons above mentioned with 
a discharge from their imprisonment notwithstanding 
a good part thereof is still detained and by y® s*^ attain- 
der their blood is corrupted, and therefore praying to 
be restored to y'' residue of their Estates and leave to 
apply to y^ Parliament for reversal of their attainders. 
It is this day ordered by his Maj*?' in Council that that 
part of the petition for having y^ sev'"^ persons therein 
mentioned restored to y^ remainder of their respective 
Estates be and is hereby referred to the B. H. y^ Lords 
of y^ Committee for trade and plantations, to examine 
and consider there of & report to this board, Avhat they 
judge fit to be done thereupon, and as to y® reversing 
their severall Attainders they may apply themselves to 
Parliament for obtaining y^ same, if they think fit. 

John Nicholas. 



To the Right Honourable the Lords Spiritual & Tem- 
poral in Parliam' assembled 
The humble petition of Jacob Leisler of N. York in 

America &, Ab^T Gouverneur of y^ same place 

That Capt.° Francis Nicholson being upon his Maj*^ 
and the late Queen's accession to the Throne Lieut* 
Gov' of y® s'^ Province of New York and refusing to 
declare for their maj^.^s or submit to their government 
withdrew himself from y® s*^ Province. 

That thereupon Jacob Leisler y® late father of yo' 
Petitioner Jacob Leisler was by y® Generall Assembly 
appointed Commander in chief of y® Fort & province 
of New York to the general satisfiiction of y^ inhabit- 
ants & afterwards by a letter from his Sacred Maj^^ con- 
firmed in y^ s*^ Command untill his maj*^* pleasure should 
be further known. 

Thar y^ s"* Jacob Leisler by virtue of y*" s*^ authority 
so given and confirmed to him Proclaimed their s*^ 
Maj*^' King and Queen and Secured y^ s*^ Province to 
their Maj'^s interest & faithfully & duly executed y® s^ 

That Col° Sloughter was afterwards by his Maj*7 
appointed Governor of y^ s*^ Province, but about six 
weeks before y" s*^ Col° Slaughter's arrival at New York 
one Capt° Ingoldsby coming thither demanded y® pos- 
session of y® s*^ fort pretending a right to y® same as 
Capt° of a foot Company Tho he had no authority either 
from his Maj\y or Col° Slaughter to demand the posses- 
sion thereof 

That the said Jacob Leisler refusing to deliver y* 
possession of y® s*^ Fort to y® said Capt° Ingoldesby for 
want of s*^ orders he y* s*^ Ingoldesby (together with one 
M' Joseph Dudley now called Colonel Dudley and sev- 
eral others that were of y^ Council to y® s'' Nicholson) 
laid close siege to y® s*^ fort and raised batteries against 


it and Continued y® s"^ Siege from the 29th of January 
1690 untill the 19th of March following at which time 
CoP Slaughter arrived at y'' s*^ Province to whom the 
said Jacob Leisler as soon as he had notice thereof of- 
fered the possession of the fort and delivered the same 

Notwithstanding which the s*^ Jacob Leisler the 
elder and Jacob Milborne were attainted of high treas- 
on for not delivering y^ s^ fort to y® s** Capt" Ingoldesby 
& his accomplices before y^ said Joseph Dudley Chief 
Judge, Capt° Ingoldsby and such their associates that 
had been concerned in y" besieging y® s*^ fort as afores^ 
And y^ s*^ Leisler and Milborne were executed for y* 
same. That your petitioner Ab™ Gouverneur — Ger- 
ardus Beekman, John Vermillie dec.*^ Minart Coerten, 
Thomas Williams & Abraham Brasher were also 
attainted for assisting y® s^ Jacob Leisler and their 
Estates seized. 

That her late Maj*7 being very sensible of y® hardships 
of your petitioner's case, was graciously pleased to direct 
that the said persons should be restored to their estates. 

That y'' s*^ attainders & y® corruption of blood which 
was wrought thereby being still in force his Maj*/ was 
graciously pleased by his order in Councill dated y® 
28th of February last to give leave to apply to Parlia- 
ment for the reversal of the attainders. 

Your Petitioners therefore most humbly pray that 
your Lordships would be pleased to take their case 
into your serious consideration & also give leave y* a 
bill be brought into this hon^''' house for y^ reversall of 
y® s*^ attainders. 

And your petitioners as in duty bound shall ever 
pray &," (Signed) Jacob Leisler. 

Abraham Gouveeneur. 


To the King s most Excellent Maj 7 
The humble petition of Jacob Mauritz, John Thomas, 


and Jacob Willems and others on the behalf of 
themselves and great numbers of your Maj'^* loyal 
subjects in the province of New York in America. 

That your petitioners did to their utmost power as- 
sist in securing the said province for your majV and 
that Capt" Francis Nicholson (who was deputy govern- 
or) having withdrawn himself Capt° Jacob Leisler was 
by the freeholders and inhabitants Elected Commander 
in chief untill your Maj*^s royall pleasure was known : 
And that accordingly y^ s*^ Capt" Jacob Leisler with 
great wisdom and Conduct did provide for y"* safety of 
y*" said province, and did proclaime your Maj*7 and 
your royal consort our gracious Si^veraign Lord & 
Lady King & Queen and continued to govern the said 
province with great regard to your Maj^^'^ interest & the 
good of the Country, your Maj'^ having by your gra- 
cious letter dated y^ 30th of July, 1689, been pleased to 
confirme him in the said government till further orders, 
that upon the 28th of Jaimary last Capt° Richard In- 
goldesby arrived there from England with some soldiers, 
who required the possession of y^ s*^ fort. But he hav- 
ing no orders for that purpose, the said Capt" Leisler 
was advised by the principall inhabitants not to surren- 
der the same before the arrivall of Col° Sloughter (now 
deceased) who your maj*^ had appointed to be Governor 
& was shortly after expected, or till your Maj^^^ pleasure 
was known. Whereupon y^ s'^ Capt" Ingoldsby in an 
hostile and dreadfull manner, did assemble and arme 
great numbers of French and Papists and others disaf- 
fected persons, and besieged y"* s*^ fort, and continued to 
be in arms to the great terrour of your Maj'-^s liege sub- 
jects, about Six weeks till y*" s*^ Governor Sloughter did 
arrive which was on the 19 th of March last. Where- 
upon the said Captain Leisler, having notice thereof, 
was willing to surrender y^ fort to Govern' Sloughter, 
and accordingly did surrender the same, on the 20th of 
March. But the s'^ Governor Sloughter and the s*^ 
Ingoldesby confederating witli divers wicked and dis- 


affected persons to your majesty did in an arbitrary and 
illegal manner cause the said Cap" Leisler who had on 
all occasions demonstrated great zeal and fidelity to your 
Maj'^^ service, to be imprisoned and to be accused. 
Tryed and condemned on the pretence of high Treason 
and have since executed him and one Mr. Jacob Mil- 
borne, and have sentenced to death several other of your 
Maj^y* faithful subjects on the like false pretence, and by 
divers illegal and unjust practices against your peti- 
tioners and great numbers of your majesty's people in 
the said province have most cruelly oppressed them, 
Confiscating their estates and goods and forcing them 
to depart the said province for the preservation of their 
lives. By which barbarous and cruel proceedings the 
said Country is like to become desolate, the greatest part 
of the inhabitants having been necessitated to depart 
the s'^ Province whereby they and your petitioners will 
be utterly ruined, if your Maj*^ is not graciously pleased 
to prevent y® same. 

Your Peti" therefore humbly implore your most 
sacred Maj*^ to take the premisses into your royal con- 
sideration and in regard thereof (and of the French 
neighborhood to the said province) to appoint a Governor 
who is well experienced in Warr, and by whose wisdom 
and conduct, the said Country may be restored and 
settled in Peace, and the Inhabitants leaving y^ same, 
and to make such further orders herein for the preserva- 
tion of y^ s^ Province and for the relieff of your 2:)etition- 
ers and their fellow sufferers as to your princely goodness 
shall seem meet. 

And 37our petitioners as in duty bound shall ever pray. 
(Signed) Jacob Mauritz, Johannes Provoost, 
John Thomas, Jacob Wyllems. 

memorandum for AlSr AFFIDAVIT INCOMPLETE. 

Dit Sijn de tergatoris van Jacop Maris die Ich heant- 
woo7% heb ah- onder inH Jaer 1694 den 31 Julij. 

That in or about y^ month of Feby. March, April, 


May, or the beginning of June, 1689, news came that 
J® Prince of Orange was Landed in England by Andrew 
Grevenraet and since by Claes Gerrits' Sloop a Barbades 
that he with y*" princess was proclaimed King and Queen 
of England France and Ireland & of y® Dominions 
thereunto belonging and Francis Nicholson the then L' 
Governor left the Government of Niew York. 

That in or about y® month of June, 1689, the chiefe 
inhabitants of New Yorke did meet together to advise 
what to doe, and Capt° Jacob Leisler & y® other Cap- 
tyns with their advice proclaimed their Maj''^* Wm. & 
Mary King & Queen of England France & Ireland & 
the dominions thereunto belonging, whereupon the Com- 
mittees for y'' province chosen by free votes of y"" people 
did cliuse Capt" Jacob Leisler and made him Comander 
of y" fort for service of their Maj''^'^' K. Wm. & :\I. till 
orders should come & y® said inhabitants did promise to 
assist him. 

That in or about y^ month of August, 1689 the 
said Comittees of y* People, did impower & made y*' s*^ 
Jacob Leisler Comander in Chiefe of y® province of 
New Yorke, till orders should come from their Maj"^' 
& y^ chief oif y*" people under their hands and seals did 
engage to assist him. 

That y^ s*^ Jacob Leisler by virtue of y^ premises 
toke y** Govern' of s^ Province of New York upon him 
and continued in y" possession for there maj"*"* service 
severall months before any order came. 

That in or about y^ month of December, 1689 came 
here a warrant from the King to Francis Nicholson & 
in his absence to such who for y" time being take care 
for preserving y° peace & administering the laws in 
New Yorke by one Mr. Riggs, w'''' warrant was by him 
brought in y° fort, & discoursing in y'' presence of 
Fredi'ick Phillips & Stephanus Van Cortlandt as alsoo 
this deponent & more people, to Capt" Jacob Leisler 
who was then in possession of y' Government & did say 
I will not be hanged for you Mr. Phillips or for you 
Mr. Cortlandt but if you Capt. Jacob Leisler demand it 


and give me a receipt, I shall deliver it to you which 
was promised & done accordingly, & thereupon y® s*^ 
Capf" Leisler accept of y*' s*^ Govern* & with y^ Chiefe 
ofy*' Inhabitants & in agreate number did proclaime their 
majesties again including Scotland, w°^ before was not 
expressed & did chuse sever^ Councellors & acted as 
their lawful Gov'' giving out all sorts of commissions, 
calling an assembly, making with them laws & orders 
for y'^ government, remaining so in possession about one 
yeare before any order came & y® principall of y® people 
did subscribe to assist him in the same. 

That Jacob Leisler when in possession of N. York 
Government having received advice that war was 
proclaimed in England against y'' French King & 
his subjects, did also in New York, & did grant Comis- 
sions & in particular to one Francis Goderis & Wm, 
Mason to take of y® French King & his subjects Ships 
& Goods & to bring them to New York for condemna- 

That y^ s*^ Goderis did fitt out in May or June, 
1690 two private men of war toke severall Ships of y® 
French subjects and in Particular y" Ship Peter & did 
bring them to New Yorke and did prosecute y® condemn- 
ation of s'^ ship before y*' Judge of Admiralty there & other 
members, whereof this depon' was one, and by examin- 
ation found to be a ship belonging to y® Subjects of y*' 
French King. 

That in or about y'' month of September, 1690, a 
publick Court of Admiralty was kept at y" Citty Hall 
in y^ Citty of New Yorke Peter de la Noy Judge & this 
deponent & other persons comissionated members & 
there was a full and usual Tryall and by Sentence of 
s*' Court y^ s"^ Ship was declared to be good prize. 

That y® s*^ said ship y® St. Peter was changed of 
name & called y^ Francis & Thomas and sold for y^ use 
of y^ Privateers in a vendue by Jacob Milborne and 
bought by Edward Antill for Jacob Mourits for five 
hundred pounds according to common discourse and 
was then called y'' Beare w*"^ I have painted atler s^ 


Ship and y® s*^ Jacob Mounts had s*^ ship in his 

The above is copied from an original i)aper of that time in the possession 
of Mr. Gerardus Duyukingin New York it appear (sic) to me to liave been 
the rough copy of an aflSdavit of Jacob Maurits* when in England, & of 
the same nature with those of Robert Sinclair and others. [See pages 
314-31 and K Y. Doc. Hist, II. 402. Du Simitieee.] 


Wee underwritten Cittizens of New York, doe declare 
and are ready to depose upon oath as followeth. That 
in de beginning of June anno one thousand six hundred 
and eighty nine the Lieut* Gov"" Francis Nicollson & the 
inhabitants of New Yorke had public certain news that 
their maj''''" Wm & Mary were proclaimd King and 
Queen of England, &° and then said Nicholson left the go- 
verning of New Yorke and withdrew from the execution 
thereof, being not thereunto compelled or constrained; 
but s*^ Nicolson before he went had some difference with 
y" militia of y*" Citty (by him permitted to watch in y" 
Fort whoe came there with half compagnies and drum 
beating and relieved themselves every day by turnes) 
about y'' stores of Powder and other ammunition, of 
which they would have a vew and be satisfied in iff was 
sufficient to resist an enemy, wherefore they were ill- 
treated and called rebels, and also about placing of a 
centry at y'' Saly port in y*" fort, and as hatz (sic) being- 
deposed by several whereof y® deponents have seen y^ 
original depositions, did threaten in his passion to 
pistoU one of their Corporalls and to Fire y" Townne, 
which made a gj^eat noise and brought the burger mili- 
tia to draw into y*" fort, and to send by their Serj', to y^ 
Citty Hall for y*" Key of the Fort or magazyn, because 
they would inspect y*' stores, but he did refuse to deliver 
y'' same to y'' Serjant, and ordered they should send a 
Captain or Lieutenant & he would give him y'' Key, 
then they persuaded Capt" Lodwyk (whoe that day had 
y® watch in y^ fort) to goe whoe went with the Serjant 
and some men, to y** Citty Hall and according to his 

[* That this is an error is apparent from the title and contents of the paper itself.] 


promise did deliver y® Key to y® s*^ Capt°, which was (as 
y*" deponents are ready to declare and have heard) a 
small key to open a trunk or Cabinett where y® Keys of 
y® fort or magazyn were in, and so they went peaceably 
to y^ fort again, using no force or molestation against 
him, all which was notorious and publick discoursed, and 
y^ stores were examined and found defective, and most 
of y" powder spoiled and unfitt to resist an enemy, 
which was since mended by y'' powder maker. Since 
that time said Nicollson absented himself from the fort, 
and left it although desired by y^ Serjeant Churcher 
that came for y'' Key with y" Capt" to come to y" fort 
and that he could have y"" Key again and when he went 
out to leave the same to y® Capt° in y" watch in y" fort 
and he abided in y*" Citty the militia being in that con- 
dition severall days did take a resolution to secure and 
keep y^ fort till order should come from Engelandt in 
tenor of a proclamation whereof made the third day of 
June, anno one thousand six hundred eighty-nine, which 
wee have seen. Then publick certain news came that 
their Maj*'"' were proclaimed in Engeland King and 
Queen of England, &", but s*^ Nicollson continuing after 
this several days more in the city, did not declare for 
their Maj"®' kept to his old Commission, praying pub- 
lickly for y*" late King leaving his name in y*" Kings 
arms and not discharging Popish officers, and finally y" 
s'' Nicollson went unmolested out of y'' Citty and abided 
severall days more in y" province, and then went away 
with a vessell and so uncompelled and unconstrained left 
y® government, and withdrew from y" execution thereof! 
all which y^ most of y'' militia can declare. 

In testimony of y" truth we have hereunto set our 
hands in New Yorke y^ 22nd day of August, ao. 1694. 

Leendert huygen Jacobus Goelet, Pieter Yacobsen 

De Kleyn Albert Clock, Jan Tunese 

Carsten Luersen, Albertus Ringo, Pieter Willemse 


Johannes Tiebout, Poulus Turck, Juny? 


New York y" 22^^ of August, 1694. 
Then appeared before me Jacop Goelet, Lendert 
Huygen, and all the above written persons and did de- 
clare upon their oath and y^ holy Evangelists the above 
mentioned writting and deposition to be true. 

Will. Beekman, Justis. 


New Yorkethe first day of Sepf, 1694. 

Then appeared before me W™ Beakman Justice of 
y° Peace for y^ City and County of New Yorke, 
Gerardus Beekman and deposeth upon his oaths, 
on the holy Evangelists, viz.' : 
That at y^ arrival of y" govern"" Benj* Fletcher to 
New Yorke the prisonner brought under Condemnation 
delivered to him a petition, with congratulation and 
gladness of his arrival, hoping he came with their 
majesties order to release them of their miserable con- 
feynment, which they had been forced to suffer for the 
true service done for their Maj*""^' Whereupon he 
called this deponent and Abraham Gouverneur at y^ 
Citty Hall in y" presence of Coll. Abraham de Peyster 
and Sheriffe Thomas Codington y^ 31st August, 1692 
and did say, you have petitioned to me without my 
Councill. I know they are your enemies, but I must 
rule the Country with them, you do justify yourselves 
in y" petition, but their Maj"*"" have disapproved and 
very ill taken y^ actions of Leisler, you are under y^ law 
and sentence of death, in cause you will not acknow- 
ledge by petition to me and Coimcil j^our fault I shall 
execute y*' law against you. I am a man of my word. I 
have no order from their Maj"''' to set you at Liberty and 
shall write against you and Stop all wliat shall come in 
your favour, but in case you do it I shall release you, 
by y® threatenings of death y'' s'^ Prisonners made a 
petition accordingly, expressing therein in cause their 
Maj''"' were displeased in what was acted, then 


they were sorrow for it, and upon it they were sett 
at Liberty. (Signed) Wm. Beekman, 




[TTie Bill for Reversing the Attainder of Jacoh Leisler and others was 
delivered in to the Lords on the 2d April, 1695, and had a first reading on 
the 3d. On the 4th. it was read a second time and its consideration com- 
mitted to tliirty-four Lords or any five of them — the words " arbitrarily, 
illegally and unjustly " being left out of the bill. Ou the 9th, it was 
reported with amendments, which were read twice and agreed to, and the 
Bill was ordered to be engrossed. On the 10th, it was read the third time 
and passed. It was sent to the House of Commons on the same day, when it 
was read a first time, and ordered for a second reading on the 11th. On 
the 12th it was read the second time and referred to a Committee of forty 
members. On the 16th it w;is reported without amendments, and recom- 
mitted on the 17th. On the 18th. authority was given to the Committee 
to senil for persons and papers. On the 22d a vote was passed that " all 
that come to the Committee " should " have voices" — from which it appears 
that members of the House who were not on the Committee were 
interesting themselves in its proceedings. On the 80th April, the Bill was 
again reported, without amendments, and on a motion to recommit the 
House divided, and it passed in the negative — 88 to 84. On a motion that 
the Bill be now read, there were 87 against it to 85 for it. On the 2d of 
May, the motion that the Bill be read the third time prevailed by a vote of 
49 to 36. It was accordingly read and then passed, and Sir Henry Ashhurst 
was ordered to carry the Bill to the Lords and acquaint them that the 
House of Commons " hath agreed to the same, without any amendments." 
Being thus returned, — as the last act of the Session, which terminated on 
the 3d of May, the Royal Assent was pronounced — " Soitfait come il est 

Informations taken by y^ Committee of y" House of 
Commons before the passing off the Bill for the 
reversal of Jacob Leister's attainder. 

Mercurij 24 die Aprilis. [1695.] 

The Comittee met and y^ Secretary of y^ Court of 
Admiralty produced y® depositions and other papers 
sent from New York. Then y*" Committee proceeded to 
examine such persons as opposed y'' Bill, viz'' 
Mr. Dudley saith that he had no notice of this Bill 
untill he saw it in y*^ votes. 
That the persons to be restored are foreigners the 
one a german and the other a frenchman and so 
have no right to be restored. 


Saith that Col" Nicholson was the Lieut* Govern'' _at 
y** time that y^ bill suggested Leisler was Com- 
ander in chief. 

That y® King's letter was directed to Col° Nicholson 
or to such persons as had the command there. 

That Capt'^ Leisler was in y^ Fort before CoP Nich- 
olson arrived. 

That Major Ingoldesby arrived before Mr. Dudley 
arrived and that he informed Leisler that Col" 
Slaughter was coming but Leisler refused (to) 
admit him. 

Jovis 25° Apr. 

That Col° Nicholson was Governor there at y^ time 

ofy^ Revolution. 
That y'' government was in y® prince and princess of 

That Capt° Leisler entered y^ fort and turned out 

Nicholson and about 30 soldiers. 
That y^ day after Nicholson went away Leisler 

That he imprisoned severall that were of y® Kings 

That he broke y® peace and laws and committed 

great abuses by taking away goods from y® 

people, he thrust Nicholson out of the Castle and 

put severall of y^ Councill into y^ dungeon. 
That Major Ingoldesby arrived about six weeks 

before Col" Slaughter and came and shewed his 

Commission & desired entrance & that Maj"" 

Ingoldsbv had two Comp'^' of Grenadeers. 
That upon y'^ 10*'' of March 1691 Capt" Leisler set 

out a paper to let y™ know that if the soldiers 

would not depart from y® town he would beat 

y® town about their ears. 
That Govern eur shot a poor man dead being y® 

parish Clerk. 
That he saw a poor Carter shot and another shot 

through y® thigh. 


That Col° Slaughter sent Maj"" Ingoldesby to demand 
y^ fort, who answered that there was no room for 
That he sent a 2^ time to demand y® fort & received 
y^ same answer, but at last would admit him if 
he would come in blindfold. 
The 3*^ time he went to demand y® fort and that he 

had y® same answer. 
But y^ next day Capt° Slaughter put out a paper to 
indemnify such as would quit y*" Fort and there- 
upon they came out of y^ Fort and about 20 seized 
him & delivered him up to C°'° Slaughter. 
That a commission of Oyer & Terminer was issued 
out to twelve genf" whereof he was one and 
was eight days before y^ Court and refused to 
plead upon which judgment was passed against 
That Col" Slaughter gave him a reprieve for 10 
davs in all which time he never submitted to 
Col" Sloughter. 
That Col° Fletcher sent out a warr^ to apprehend 

Gouverneur as a disturber of y^ peace. 
That Col° Sloughter lay at anchor at y® time when 

this disturbance happened. 
That Col" Nicholson was turned out by Leisler and 
y® rabble and he came into England and submit- 
to his Maj'y 
Q. What day Col" Slaughter came to anchor. 
Ans. Saith that y® day after y^ people were killed in 

y® town. 
Q. When he landed. 
Q. Whether Col" Sloughter opened his Commission 

before he landed. 
A. Kno\vs not. 
Q. Whether he was present when his Commission was 

A. That he was present and heard it read. 
Q. Whether (after the publication of his Commission) 
Leisler refused to deliver y"" fort. 


A. That he den3^ed it three times and held up his hat 
and saith there was no room for Sloughter. 

Q. Whether he was present when Ingoldesby demanded 
y^ Castle of Leisler. 

A. He was y® third time. 

Q. Whether De la Noy and Milborne did not come out 
to offer y' fort to Col° Sloughter. 

A. That De la Noy and Milborne did not come to 
offer any such offer. 

Mr. Anthill. That he was Mr. Milborne's council and 
that there was an Indictement ag** Gouverneur 
for killing y® parish klerk wch. he saw and this 
was about 4 days before Col° Slaughter arrived. 

Q. Whether Leisler refused to plead when he was tryed. 

Ans. That when they were called to plead they say they 
could not submit to Col° Slaughter Com° 
That Leisler and Milborne objected ag^' Mr. Dudley 
and said that he was not a Competent Judge. 

Q. Whether any question was put to the Court by 
them wch. they desired to be resolved before 
they pleaded. 

Ans. That there was a paper delivered to y^ Court, but he 
knew not y® contents. 

Q. Whether all was ordered to withdraw upon y® 
delivery of y® paper. 
Saith yes. 

Mr. Dudley when they came the second time they re- 
fused to plead & the offered a paper & y* y** 
contents of y^ paper was that they desired to be 
tryed in England. 

Q. What was the reason y® people was ordered to with- 

Veneris 26'' die Aprilis. 

The Committee met and Mr. Povey produced a 
letter from y'' Councill at New York to y** Lord 

Adj*^ till 6 in y** afternoon. 

[• See NewYork Colonial Doc, III. 585.) 


I*ost Meridiem. 

Mr. Anthill saith in April '89 they had an account 
of the p°® of Orange was landed in England 
whereupon Coll° Nicholson called a Council! 
A shipp arrived there laden with wines and that 
there was a duty of 4 p^ a pipe to y® government 
but Leisler refused to pay it, but got y^ wines 
into cellars and upon this the rabble was up and 
Leisler took y^ Fort and put out all y® souldiers 
and afterwards Leisler sent out some people in 
arms to demand y® keys of y® fort. 

That he after joined w^*" a parcel of people wch. 
he called his counsell and issued out warrants 
to apprehend several of y® King's Council. 

That he issued out orders to comand all who had 
Commissions in y® former government to surren- 
der their Commissions to him and some refusing 
he put in prison several of them. 
Q, Whether he was appointed Mr. Leisler councell. 
Answ. He was. 

That one Milborne afterwards arrived from Hol- 
land who was made one of Leisler councell 
he gave information that y*" Pr. of Orange was 
landed in England and he encouraged tlie In- 
surrection there. 

That he said he was sorry that they left Nicholson 
go away to England. 

That Leisler declared himself Vice Admiral of the 
Seas and granted Commissions to several. 

That upon y® arrival of Major Ingoldsby the 
Governour was gone to Bermudas & demands 
Entrance into y® fort for his himself & soldiers 
& y* Leisler refused and issued out a Proclama- 
tion that whoever should adhere and assist CoP 
Ingoldsby should be declared enemies. 

That he raised rebellion there and several people 
were shot to death others wounded and some 
others injprisoned. 


That when Col" Sloughter arrived he with the whole 
Council went into y^ Staclt House and his 
Com"" was read and he was sworne and then he 
sent Col" Ingoldsby to demand y^ Fort who 
made answer that he would call a councill and 
consider of it & so Col'' Ingoldesby came and 
demanded y® fort three times. 
That that night several of Leisler men deserted & 
y^ next day CoP Ingoldsby came to y^ Castle 
and the gate was thrown open and Leisler stood 
at y^ head of his men and CoP Ingoldsby bid 
them lay down their arms. 

Q. Mr. Nicholson at any time refuse to declare for y® 
Prince of Orange. 

Ans. He never did. 

He saith that Leisler seized the fort before Nicholson 

went off. 
Nicholson lay severall days at Frederick Phillipse's 

house after Leisler seized y® fort. 
Saith that he seized the fort in the name of the 
prince of Orange. 

Q. Whether y'' man which was killed from y^ was was 
(sic) before CoP Sloughter landed 

Ans. It was before he landed. 

Q. Whether there was any acts of hostility committed 
b}^ CoP Ingoldsby. 

Ans. Saith that some jruns were discharged. 

Q. Whether any guns was planted against y^ fort. 

An,'i. Saith there was. 

Q. Whether the fort fired upon y* town or y*" town 
against y^ fort. 
Saith y^ fort fired upon y^ town first. 

Q. Whether Major Ingoldesby shewed Leisler his Coin. 

Ans. He cannot tell but he heard him say he had. 

Q. Capt. Leisler did not offer to CoP Ingoldesby a 
kind reception for him and his men. 

Ans. He never heard he did. 

Q. Whether a shot came from Town at one of Leisler 
men in a boat. 


Ans. He did hear there was a man shot in a boat. 
Q. What day did Leisler's prodamation come out. 
Ans. It was as soon as ever Ingoldsby landed, Kesolu- 

tions received. 
Q. Whether these resolutions were after Capt" Leisler 

was Tryed or before. 

Q. Whether those that made these resolutions . . . 
Mr. Farwell that he arrived at New York in March 
about a week before CoP Sloughter. 
That a Com°° of Oyer & Terminer was issued out 

to try Leisler & others. 
And Leisler and Milborne were arraigned and they 
refused to plead saying they had no power to 
try them but desired to be sent into England. 
That Capt'' Leisler desired before he pleaded to have 

his Coin°° read. _ 

But y® Court said if he would plead that Com°° and 
whatever else he had to offer to be read. 
Q. Whether they were tryed upon one or two Indicte- 
Saith it was upon two indictments. 
That there was a Petition exhibited to y® Councill 

and a hearing for severall days. 
And upon y*" petition the Councell made a report 
that Leisler and Milborne was executed accord- 
ing to law.* 
Saith that he hath seen a proclamation of warr 
under Capf" Leisler and Milborne's hands de- 
claring warr ag^ Ingoldsby and all his adherents. 
And alsoe a letter writ by Leisler directed to one 
Brazier wherein he had a design to destroy y" 
whole Town. 
Adjourned till tomorrow morning eight o'clock. 

Sah'' 27 die Aprilis, 1695. 
The Committee met and adjourned till 4 in y** 

I* See 2f6W York Colonial Doc, IIL 827.] 


Lune 29" die Aprilis^ 1695. 
The Committee met and Mr. Dudley appeared. 

Q. "Was asked Mr. Dudley how Mr. Anthill came to be 
Mr. Leisler s Councill. 

A. Mr. Leisler made choice of him. 

Capt. Foster Saith that Leisler was in possession of y® 
fort when he came there. 
That he had laine at New York for six weeks very 

That there was a Complaint that some of CoP 
Ingoldsby's Souldiers, had committed abuses in 
y® town, for which complaint was made where- 
upon Col° Ingoldesby appointed Soldiers to 
walk the rounds for which Leisler was offended. 
That afterwards there was a disturbance happened 
and some guns was discharged from y® Fort & 
some from y^ Town against y® Fort. 
That there was no disturbance for a month or Six 

weeks after Col" Ingoldsby came. 
That when he landed he heard people say that 
Leisler was Capt"" General or Governor. 

Q. What Councell was it came aboard to Ingoldesby, 

A. They were designed to be of Col. Sloughter. 

Q. How Col° Leisler behaved himself after Col** 
Sloughter arrived. 

A. When he arrived he went to y® Stadt House his 
Coirn°" read & he was Sworn & sent to demand 
y® Fort. 

Q. Whether Leisler delivered y" Fort peaceably. 

A. Y* gates was opened the next morning and y^ fort 

Q. The Patroll was sent out by Capt"" Leisler or Col° 

Ans. Saith it was sent out by CoP Ingoldsby. 

Q. Who he tooke to be the Chief Commander before 
Col° Sloughter arrived. 

Ans. Leisler was esteemed by some to be y* Chief 


Q. Whether after Ingoldesby came those who were y** 

Councell for Sloughter opposed. 
Ans. They did not oppose. 
Councell for Leisler. 

Saith that if Capt" Leisler was constituted Chief 
Governour by y® people then he committed no 

That what Col° Dudley has offered has been noth- 
ing to the purpose. 

That Col'' Slaughter landed y" 19th & y" indict* sets 
forth y^ treason committed y® 17th and therefore 
y^ indict* void. 

That Nicholson refused to proclaim K. Wm. and 
Q. Mary. 
Mr. Gouverneur That he was in N York when news 
came that K. Wm. was landed in England. 

That he was one that was appointed to go y* rounds 
& he said Nicholson was drawing (sic.) 

That Leisler was appointed Governor of y® Fort 
by y'' Government. 

That Col° Ingoldesby arrived & Sent to demand y® 
fort & Capt" Leisler answered y* if he had any 
authority he should have y® fort. 

That he found a protestation issued out by Ingoldes- 
by to excite people to raise arms. 

That he see severall guns planted by Ingoldsby 

That severall guns was discharged both from y® fort 
and from y® Town. 

March y^ 19th Major Ingoldesby came to y® fort and 
demanded entrance & was admitted and Ingoldes- 
by told Leisler y'' Col° Sloughter demanded y^ 
fort & Leisler answered that if CoP was arrived 
and would show his Commission he was willing 
to surrender his fort. 

That when y® fort was delivered Capt° Leisler was 
seized & about 27 more and were comitted to 
prison eight da3's before a mittimus was made. 

That when they came upon his Tryal he was told he 


had a way to save his life that if he would y* 
Leisler set him on. (sic) 
Q. How long he lay in prison. 
A. 17 Weeks and odd days. 
Q. How came he out. 
A. Col° Fletcher let him out b}^ y*' queen's letter. 

When CoP Fletcher arrived he was in prison & he 
petitioned him & he was called up before him & 
asked how he dared to pet" him he ought to be 
hanged & he should be hanged if he did not 
acknowledge his offence wl^ereupon he was forced 
to petition y^ Council. 
Mr. Leisler That upon y' 31st of May the Capt°' of y' 
militia took possession of y® fort & afterwards a 
Gen^ Assembly was called & they chose Capt° 
Leisler Commander in chief. 
In Jan^ Ingoldesby arrived & demanded possession 
of y® fort from Capt" Leisler who said if they 
had any authority he would deliver it. 
That he saw several guns planted against the fort. 
That when Col° Sloughter arrived he sent Ingoldes- 
by to demand y® fort & Capf Leisler sent two, 
viz : Milborne and De la Noy to see whether 
Col° Sloughter was come but they never come 
That he was sent to prison & remained 6 days 
without a mittimus. 


Annexed to a printed Act for Reversing the Attainder of Jacob Leisler and others, I found 
the following printed on the same sheet. [Uu Simitiere.] 

Humbly offered to the consideration of the Honourable 
House of Commons. 
The Preable of the said bill attirins these Particulars : 
1st. The Inhabitants of New York in their general 
assembly constituted Cai)t" Jacob Leisler their 
Commander in chief, till their majesty's pleasure 
should be known therein. 


2d. that the said Capf" Leisler was afterwards confirmed 
in the said command by his Majesty's letter, 
dated July 30, 1689. 

3d. that the said Capt" Leisler having the administra- 
tion of the said Government by virtue of the 
said power and authority so given and confirmed 
to him as aforesaid ; and being in the exercise 
thereof, Cap. Ingoldsby in January, 1690 did 
demand of the said Leisler, Possession of the 
fort at New York, without Producing any legal 
authority for such demand ; but the said Leisler 
(pursuant to the Trust in him reposed) refused to 
surrender to the said Capt" Ingoldsby the said 
forts, and kept possession thereof till March then 

4th. that in the said month of March, Coll. Henry 
Slaughter (being by their majesties constituted 
Cap" General, and Governor in chief of the said 
province) arrived at New York ; and as soon as 
Capt" Leisler had received certain notice of his 
arrival, he took immediate care for delivering up 
the said fort to the said Coll. Slaughter's order, 
which was accordingly done very early the next 

5th. That the said Capt. Leisler, Jacob Milbourn, 
Abraham Gouverneur and several others, were at 
New York arraigned, convicted and attainted of 
high treason and felony, for not delivering the 
Possession of the said Fort to the said Pichard 
Ingoldsby : and the said Leisler and Milbourn 
were executed for the same. 

The Peasons against this bill pretend, that all the said 
particulars are mistaken in matter of fact, as 
appears by the records of that Province. 

Ans. Were all records in fact true, and never in Par- 
liament to be contradicted, no attainders would 
ever be there reversed : But for the gentleman 
who opposed this bill, to produce copies of Records 
(if any such can now be produced) to prove the 


truth of the crimes, viz : the Treason, Felony, 
&c. mentioned in the Records, in this he would 
prove a thing by itself, but the falsity of those 
facts is the thing in the bill complained of, and 
for which reason his present maj'^ was graciously 
pleased to give his royal leave, for the bringing 
this bill into Parliament. 
The state of the case, (as it was proved at New 
York) is particularly thus, viz : When Capt° Nicholson 
in Feb^ 1688 was Lieut. Gover"" of New York, he had 
an account by Andrew Greverard, that his present 
Majesty was arrived in England: Whereupon the said 
Capf* Nicholson shew*^ a great dislike to that news, and 
would do nothing in favor of then Prince of Orange's 
interest. Some time after, Capt" Nicholson was informed 
by persons that came from New England, that such as 
were well affected to the protestant interest, had seized 
Sir Edmund Andross the then Governor of New Eng- 
land and New York, &c. and some others in authority 
under him, and declared tor the then Prince of Orange. 
As soon as Capt. Nicholson received the news from New 
England, he turned the guns in the fort upon the Town, 
and called a Council of Civil and Military Officers, in 
which Council he then produced his Commission from 
King James and declared he would stand by that Com- 
mission and at the same time he without giving any 
publick notice to that Council, privately dispatched a 
messenf>;er for Eno;land. Some short time after this the 
militia and inhabitants of New York, who were well 
affected to the protestant interest unanimously took and 
seized upon the fort & demanded of Capt° Nicholson 
the keys thereof; which he did thereupon deliver. The 
militia and other inhabitants thus in arms declar d for 
the then Prince of Orange and protestant interest ; and 
the Captains of the militia (of which Capt" Leisler was 
one) by turns commanded in the fort. Some thne after 
this Capt° Nicholson being at New York, (but not act- 
ing in the government then as before, under the com- 
mand of the militia) there came news that King William 


and Queen Mary in England were declar'd King and 
Queen of England &c. Soon after which Capt° Nichol- 
son left New York. 

The militia having (as before observed) the govern- 
ment in their hands, & by some Ships (but not from 
authority) receiving the Proclamation, wherein the 
King and Queen were proclaimed, the Captains and 
Inhabitants proclaimed K. W. & Q. M. and thereupon 
writ circular letters to all parts, to cliuse representatives 
for a general assembly upon that juncture, which was 
accordingly done, and in June, 1689, that assembly met, 
and constituted Capt. Leisler Captain of the fort., for 
their Majesties' service till order from their Majesties. 

In August then following, that assembly met again ; 
and then constituted the said Capt" Leisler Commander 
in chief of the whole Province, till his majesty's pleasure 
should be known in the })remises. 

In the month of December, 1689, Capt. Leisler 
being as above commander in chief, there was brought 
to New York a letter from his majesty, thus directed, 
(viz) to our trusty and well beloved Francis Nicholson, 
Esq"" our Lieut*^ Gov"" & Commander in chief of our pro- 
vince of New York in America. And in his absence to 
such as for the time being, take care for preserving the 
peace and administring the laws in our said province 
of New York in America. 

When this letter thus directed was brought to the 
fort at New York, M'. Frederick Phillips and some 
others that were of Capt. Nicholson's Council (whilst he 
had the Government) demanded from the messenger the 
said letter, which he refused, telling them that he 
would not be hanged for any of them. But the said 
messenger told Capt" Leisler that if he would demand 
it, & give a receipt for the same, he should have the 
letter, which Capt" Leisler agreed to, and thereupon 
received the said letter. 

By virtue whereof he did continue in the said 
Government till Coll. Slaughter's arrivall. 

All this was particularly proved at New York in 


July last before tlie Commissioners appointed by the 
Court of Admiralty ; the attorney general of New 
York, three of the council, the Mayor of New York, 
and three others being the Commissioners that took 
these depositions, when all pei*sons whose interest it was 
to have disproved those particulars were fairly heard. 

Whereas it is pretended, that all but about 30 de- 
serted Capt. Leisler that night Coll. Slaughter arrived 
at New York, and the next morning the rest delivered 
up Capt. Leisler prisoner : it is positively to be proved 
that about 300 that very morning by Leisler's command 
laid down their arms and then marched out of the fort. 

Capt"" Ingoldsby by his commission was obliged to 
obey such orders as he. should from time to time receive 
from his Maj*^', and Coll. Slaughter (the Governor) 
or the Commander in Chief for the time being. 

Capt" Ingoldsby arrived at New York about six 
weeks before Coll. Slaughter and (as before observed) 
without producing any authorit}' under Coll. Slaughter s 
hand demanded of Leisler y^ possession of y® fort. 

It's humbly conceived before the arrival of Slaughter 
within that province, of which he was constituted 
Governour ; Capt. Ingoldesby was obliged to obey 
the orders of Capt. Leisler, and not Capt. Leisler 
subject to the command of Capt Ingoldesby for Coll. 
Slaughter having not before his arrival at New York, 
under his hand and seal given any authority to Capt. 
Ingoldsby to demand that fort (not as is humbly con- 
ceived legally could till his arrival within that Province) 
Capt Leisler being the Commander in chief at New 
York. Ingoldesby by his own commission was obliged 
to obey Capt° Leisler s orders ; so that whereas Leisler 
and others were tryed, convicted and executed, as tray- 
toi-s for not delivering the fort to Capt Ingoldsby, It's 
humbly conceived that had Cai)t" Ingoldesby (before the 
ari'iyal of Col° Slaughter at New York) been arraigned 
of high Treason for huing siege against that fort when 
Capt Leisler was then there, as before, commander in 
chief of the Province ; it might have gone in strictness 


of law, hard against Capt Ingoldsby, seeing in his so 
laying siege he waged war against the commander in 
chief of that Province to whose orders (before Coll. 
Slaughter's arrival) by the express word of his com- 
mission he owed subjection. But this very Capf" 
Ingoldsby, who with several before Coll. Slaughter's 
arrival at New York were in arms against the fort, 
were some of the very judges before whom Capt° Leisler 
and the rest were tried, convicted, and condemned as 
traitors for the (pretended) crimes aforesaid. 

As for the murder pretended to be committed by 
Gouverneur in defense of the Fort against Capt. In- 
goldesby, if any persons were killed in that defence, 
before Coll. Slaughter legally demanded the Fort, its 
humbly conceived that the Blood of him and of all 
others so slain, ought properly and legally to be charg d 
against them who were the criminals in that war. And 
whether the then Commander in Chief, & such as acted 
under his command or Capt"" Ingoldesby who (as before 
observed) acted point blank against the Kings Com- 
mission, were the offenders therein, will soon appear 
before the honorable members to whose consideration 
the premises are committed. 

The Premises considered, it's humbly hoped that this 
honourable house will now pass the bill, and not oblige 
those interested in the passing thereof, to summon the 
Persons from New York concerned in the trial of Capt" 
Leisler to shew cause to the contrary, seeing such have 
already been fully heard before the aforesaid Commis- 
sioners at New York in July last, when and where the 
particular narration was fully proved. 


That upon the late happy revolution the inhabitants 
of his Maj^'''' Province of New York did desire y® then 
Lieut Govern'' & Council to declare for his majesty 
which was already done at Boston by the inhabitants 
there, but y® same was denyed by them Capt" Nicholson 


the Lieut* Governor alledofino- that he would own no au- 
thority but that of y*" late King and would stand by the 
Commission he had from s*^ King as long as he lived, 
whereupon the inhabitants possessed themselves of the 
fortress & examined y® stores leaving y^ Gov'" to consider 
whether he would declare for his Majesty, which he did 
not, & Avithdrew himself out of y" government y® in- 
habitants thereupon in general assembly appointed 
Capt" Leisler first Capt. of y^ Fort and afterwards 
Commander in Chiefs untill his Maj*'*^^^ order should 
arrive, who caused their majesties authority over said 
province to be declared and built severall Fortifications 
and so continued till one Mr. Riggs arrived from Eng- 
land with a warrant from his Maj^'^^ directed to Francis 
Nicholson and in his absence to such as for y® time 
being take care for y* preserving of y® peace and ad- 
ministration of y® laws in y® s'' province Capt° Nicholson 
having in a manner aforesaid deserted y® government & 
Capt. Leisler then Commander in chief it was resolved 
that the execution of y® s^ warrant belonged unto him 
which he accordingly did untill the 28th Jan^ 1690 
when Capf" Ingoldsby arrived from England with some 
soldiers who demanded the Possession of s*^ fort without 
producing any authority from his Maj"®*, or Col" 
Sloughter the then appointed Governor from whom he 
parted at Sea & therefore was denyed y® same until y® 
Gov" arrival or his Maj^'®^ Commands that thereupon 
the said Ingoldsby together with Mr. Dudley, Philipse, 
Cortlandt and others did in a dreadfuU & hostile assemble 
to themselves negroes, papists, and other 2)ersons & so in 
a warlike manner arrayed laid close to y^ s*^ fort Mr. 
Dudley taking upon him to call to himself some persons 
which were nominated of the Councell to collect and 
with him to set as a Council before they had their war- 
rants for y* same or the Governor was arrived who did 
uphold y* s** Ingoldsby in his s*^ unwarrantable practices 
notwithstanding the several declarations & protestations 
made against them by the s"^ Leisler & so continued 
in this terrible manner untill the 19th day of March 


then foll^ when Col° Slaughter arrived, Capt° Leisler 
had no sooner notice thereof (altho' late at night) but 
sent two gentlemen to congratulate his arrival & offer 
the fort & govern* to hira or their maj*'^^ governour but 
without being heard were committed to y^ common 
goal y^ next morning at sunrise Capf" Leisler sent a 
letter to y^ s*^ Governor desiring him to send some per- 
sons to receive y® fort which he did but immediately 
caused s^ Leisler and others to be committed to prison 
& afterwards indicted for high treason & felony before 
Joseph Dudley, Capf" lugoldsby &". Parties concerned 
as aforesaid for not having delivered y'' s*^ fort to y® s* 
Ligoldesby & his associates. M'. Leisler and M"". Mil- 
borne demanded of y® judges whether y® authority 
whereby they had acted was legall or not, which 
question they desired might be resolved before they 
pleaded, but they refused to resolve it. Mr. Leisler and 
Milborne thereupon alledged that before it was resolved 
they could not plead, but did appeal to the Kings 
maj*^^^ desiring to be sent for England which was re- 
fused, and they were by y** s*^ judges condemned as 
mutes and afterwards barbarously put to death the six 
other persons were in like manner indicted & pleading 
not guilty were brought in guilty for having assisted 
Capt° Leisler as aforesaid, y^ Judges and particularly 
M^ Dudley alledging that Leisler had no legall authori- 
ty at all. 

[At the end of a ruff (sic) copy of the above case & mostly in the same 
words, tho' appears to have been intented (sic) for the house of Commons, 
is the following. Du Simitieee.] 

& inasmuch as his Maj''^ being sensible of y® hardship 
of y*" case of y^ s*^ Jacob Leisler, Jacob Milborne & 
Abraham Gouverneur was graciously pleased to give 
leave to bring y^ s^ bill in parliament & signed y** same 
before it was brought into the house of Lords the s*^ 
Jacob Leisler Jacob Milborne Ab™ Gouverneur humbly 
hope the s*^ bill will be jjermitted to pass this honorable 
house and y® rather because by reasons of the oppres- 
sions before mentioned they are reduced to such 


bill should not pass this ses- 
sion they will not be capable of raising money to pay 
the fees for passing it another time. 


[In the year 1698, a tract was printed and published in New York, 
entitliid — " A Letter from a Gentleman of the City of New-Yorlc to Another, 
Concerning the Troubles which happen'd in that Province in the Time of 
the late Happy Revolution. Printed and Sold by William Bradfurd, at the 
Sign of the Bible in Neic- YorJc, 1698." The letter was dated •' Jfew York, 
December 31, 1697," and the pages following it give the King's Letter to 
the Lieutenant Governor Nicholson, etc., dated 30 July, 1689, to which 
succeed (a.) The Resolves of the House of Representatives dated April 17, 
1691, signed Ja: Graham, Speaker, (b.) An Address to his Excellency 
Colonel Sloughter, dated April 17, 1691, and signed Ja: Graham, Speaker. 
(c.) "At the Court at Whitehall, the 17th of March, 1691,"— the Queen's 
Order that the Estates of Jacob Leysler and Jacob Milborne be restored to 
their families, siirned Richard Colinge. 

This publication had the official sanction of Governor Fletcher and his 
Council. " At a Ooimcil held at New York, 4th March, 1698. Tlie 01. of 
the Council laid before this Board a Letter relating some transactions in 
this Province found at the printer's wliich was ordered to be read. The 
Council are unanimously of opinion that it contains nothing but truth, 
and that it ought to be printed and published with the other papers men- 
foned therein and do desire his Excellency will give direccons for the 
printing thereof accordingly." Council Minutes : VIIL, 31. quoted by Dr. 
O'Callaghan in N. 7. Col. Doc, IV., 315, note. 

The '■'Letter'''' was rei)rinted in 1849, in the Documentary History of 
the State of New YorTc, Vol. II., 425-35. Of the accompanying docu- 
ments, the King's letter was printed in the iV. Y. Col. Doc, Vol. III., 
606— the Resolves and Address of April 17, 1691, are in the Journal of the 
General Assembly, Vol. I., 5-6, — and the Queen's Order of 17th March, 
1691, in the N. Y. Col. Doc, Vol. IIL, 827. 

The following tract in reply is now for the first time reprinted, from 
the original in the Lib>ary of the Society, entitled 

Loyalty Vindicated; being an Answer to a Late False, Seditious and 
Sciindalous Pamphlet, entituled, "J. Letter from a Gent., Etc.'''' Pub- 
lished for the Sake of Truth and Justice, by a Hearty Lover of King 
William and the Protestant Religion. 4:to. pp. 28. Boston, 1698. ] 

Loyalty Vindicated from the Reflections of a Virulent 
PamjMet called [A Letter from a Gentleman of 
Neiv York., concerning the troubles which happened 
in that Province^ in the time of the late happy 
Revolution] wherein the Libellous Author falsely 
scandalises those Loyal Gentlemen., who couragious- 
ly threiv off the absolute Slavery that Province then 


lay under : and Declared for His present Majesty^ 
the Protestant Religion, and the English Laws. 

Although to name but the Authors of this Pamphlet, 
to give account of the time, manner, and design of its 
Publication, would sufficiently confute it ; and were it 
all Truth, take away its Credit : Yet I shall first by 
plain proof of Fact and Reason, disabuse whom it may 
have imposed on ; and then expose the Seducers them- 
selves whose corrupt minds gave birth to this Ignis fat- 

I know the Authors have triumphed, that their Libel 
hath not hitherto been answered, but they will have but 
little cause, when they consider it required some time to 
recover the damp and stunn given to honest minds, by 
the late corrupt Government of New York that publisht 
it : and some time will always be naturally taken up for 
the exults of joy ; that truth and honesty will now have 
their turn of being protected by Authority. 

It was with great dread known, that the late King 
James was bound in Conscience to indeavour to Damn 
the English Nation to Popery and Slavery, and there- 
fore no wonder (since he made such large steps towards 
it in his Kingdom's) that he took a particular care of 
this Province, of which he was Proprietor, & at one 
jump leapt over all the bounds, & Laws oi English Right 
and Government ; and appointed a Governour of this 
Province of New York, who (although he was a person 
of large indowments of mind yet) gave active Obedience 
to his Prince without reserve ; and accepted of a Com- 
mission now on record in the Secretarys Office, giving 
him power with consent of any Seven of his Council to 
make Laws and to raise Taxes (as the French King doth) 
without consent of the People, (for the Council are no 
body, but whom pleases to name, and therefore could 
represent nothing but the Kings pleasure). Hereby 
the will of the Prince became the Law; and the 
estates of the subjects became the Kings property. And 
this Governour and Council were the tools to inslave 
their Country, who pursuant to their Commission did 


make Laws and Assessed Taxes accordingly, without any 
Representatives of the People, as appears by the E-ecords 
of the Council book. 

This French Government being thus (by Commis- 
sion) introduced, it Avas natural that Papists should be 
employed in the highest Trusts ; such as the Council, 
the Revenue, and the Military Forces ; and since no 
Law was left alive to make them unqualifyed, therefore 
this obedient Governour admitted major Brockholse and 
major Baxter into the Council ; Matthew Plowman to 
be Collector of the Revenue, and said Baxter and Russel 
to Command Military Forces ; all professed Papists to 
assist in making Arbitrary Placats, and forcing obedi- 
ence to them from a Protestant free People. 

This was the condition of Neiv York, the Slavery 
and Popery that it lay under, until the Hand of Hea- 
ven sent the glorious King WILLIAM to break those 
chains, which would otherwise have fetter d all Europe. 
And these were the reasons that moved the Gentlemen 
concerned in the Revolution of New York, to be early 
in shaking off their Tyrants, and declaring for their 

These things premised do make way for the answer 
to the bold Assertions of the Libeller, who had the 
Author Printed the Letter ten years before, viz. the 
time of the Revolution, he would have come under the 
penalty of spreading false News, which he in particular 
knows, in Scotland is calfd Leesing, and deserves the 
death calFd the Maiden. 

[Pag. 3] * In the third page which is the first of the 
Letter, he declares that Jacob Leisler and his accomijlices 
committed great disorders iti the devolution. And was 
ever Revolution made without them ? What, must the 
noxious humours of the body natural, be loosned and 
put a float, and very often with pangs and gripes, before 
the Medicament can officiate the discharged & must not 
the body politick suffer a. Convulsion to pluck up Spir- 

[* Documentary nistory of Kew York, II. 426.] 


itual and Temporal Tyranny that was taking root in it? 
But I pray explain yourself, was not the Revolution it 
self the greatest disorder that could be given to you and 
the Jacobite party ? and therefore you need not admire 
nor wonder that all those that have a good opinion of 
the Revolution, have so likewise of Jacob Leisler, and 
other early Instruments of it in this Province : Nor is 
it a wonder that it should be credited, that the persons 
then in Commission in JVew York were Jacobites^ and 
persons ill affected to the Revolution (which now the 
Libeller dare not say otherwise than call happy) for their 
very Commissions from King James were expresly 
contrary to Law, and their persons unqualified to 
serve in any Capacity in any English Government and 
so that as Jacobites {i. e. obeyers of King James's Arbi- 
trary Government) and as Papists they must naturall}^ 
be ill affected to the happy Revolution in England^ and 
implacable Enemies to the well wishers thereof in New 
York. The proof of this appears by the Printed account 
of the State of the Government of Neiv York^ attested 
by the Records of ^iv Edmund Andross^ Coll. Nicholson^ 
Mattheiv Plowman^ major Baxter and Bartholomew 
JiusseVs Commissions ; which are Evidence undeniable 
and point blanck contrary to the Testimony of the Lib- 
eller, who calls himself a personal witness. But the 
Author was safe at the time of Publishing the Letter, 
for it was when the Province lay under the calamity 
(more then in any other age) of Licensing this Letter, 
which gives Authority for the palliating of Vice with 
false glosses, and of criminating the Actions of the most 
Just and Virtuous and pious persons, and when Truth 
and Innocency were striped of all defence against the 
malice, falsehood and calumny of Col. Fletcher, and his 
complying Council. 

We are told the Lieutenant Governour and Council 
were Protestants^ and perhaps they were ; and so were 
Frieiid^ Perkins^ Jejferys^ Herbert^ Bishop of Chester^ 
and Brian Haynes the player; therefore that is no 


infallible Test that they were well affected to the Rev- 
olution, if they had no other. But they resolved There- 
upon to si(S2^e7id all Koman Catholicks from Comitiand 
and places of trust in the Government. Well resolved, 
though they did not perform it, as the Libeller after- 
wards owns. But what means the word [^Thereupoii] 
i. e.. King James was fled into France, the Prince of 
Orange was Armed with considerable Forces in Eng- 
land, and by consent and voice of the Nation declared 
their Deliverer and King : and since King James could 
not stand by them, and the Arbitrary Commissions he 
had given them, and Old England would be sure to 
Command Neiv-York : Therewpon they &c. No thanks 
to them for their Thereupon. Besides if T am not mis- 
taken, the execution of their Illegal Commissions (which 
the}' held as long as they could) and their fear of ex- 
asperations they had justly given to the People, by being 
Voluntary slaves to King James his Will, and Author- 
ised to make all under them to be likewise so : (as the 
Devils would have all men Damn'd with themselves.) 
For' these reasons these faint resolves were made and 
ill executed. But we do not find that Thereupon they 
declared for the Prince of Orange^ or the Protestant 
Keligion. No, these Gentlemen had submitted so in- 
tirely to such a blind Obedience to their Prince as 
(notwithstanding their Profession) was never practised by 
an}' Christians, but the Papists ; and think to hide their 
nakedness by the fig leaf of turning a single Papist out 
of the Council, just as their Master King James did, 
when the Prince of Orange was landing ; the Nations 
hearts alienated from him, and his standing Army likely 
to run over to the Prince : Thereupon., he restored tlie 
Charters of Corporations, and Magdalen Colledge of 
Oxford., and declared to call a free Parliament : Just 
with the same good will as these New York Thereupon- 
men. [Pag. 4.] * But it is notoriously false and known 
to be so by the Inhabitants of New York., that There- 
upon these disbanded Pa})ists forthwith left the Prov- 

[* Documentary History 0/ New York, II. 426.] 


ince : For Baxter stay'd here several Moneths, not "know- 
ing whether it was a real Revolution or no; and 
Russel stay'd and dyed in Neiv YorJc^ but Ploivma?? 
continued fix'd in the greatest Trust of Collector of 
the Revenue, being intrusted by the Protestant Lieu- 
tenant Governour and Council with the sinews of War 
in his management, who would be sure as a strict I^a- 
pist to employ it in the service of a Pj^otesfant Revolu- 
tion, from the same good affection with themselves. 

To proceed, this Libeller names three Dutch Gentle- 
men of their Council, and tells you, that hut two of them 
were most affectionate to the Royal house of Orange, 
although Mr. Phillips (I believe) had the same affec- 
tion with the rest : but the Libeller never tells you, that 
any of them were pleased that the Prince of Orange^ 
had rescued from ruine our English Laws, Liberties and 
i^rotestant Religion, and was become a Royal English 
King : which was but a small reward to Him for the 
Blessing it gave us : he only tells us, that as Dutch- 
men they loved the Royal house of Orange : So I pre- 
sume the late King Ja.nies doth, being tyed by blood 
thereto; although he wishes him far enough from 
England. I suppose those Dutch Gentlemen will give 
the Libeller few thanks for his remarks on them. He 
adds, that the said Lieutenant Gove7^nour and Council 
Conve7ied to their Assistance., all the Justices of the Peace 
and Civil Magistrates., and Military Officers. But they 
had quite forgot the English Constitution of calling the 
Representatives of the People : and whereas several of 
this Convention were the Persons that were pitched 
upon, and thought fit by the then Arbitrary Government 
to have Commission, Office and Power to enslave the 
subject. No wonder the People did not think themselves 
safe in their hands, to be managed by the major Vote of 
such a Convention. 

Neither was the first thing they ordered, viz. Fortify- 
ing the City of New York, any wise satisfactory ; since it 


was most proper that those persons who gave occasion for 
a Kevolution, were most probable to make themselves 
strong to oppose it. And therefore Coll. Bayard made 
Coll. of the Militia by King daines^ was most liable to 
obey and execute King James's order, and an unsure 
Security for the Fort ; Especially having so often declared 
in Words, and Letters, under his own hand to Mr. 
West (&c. Tliat those who were in Arms for the Prince 
of Orange were Rebels. But it is absolutely false, that 
Coll. Bayards industry fbrtifyed the Fort ; for Capt. 
Leisler opened the Well, which was closed up ; he it 
was ordered the Batteries, that were made about the 
Town, he mended the Breast works of the Fort, as like- 
wise the Platforms, and Powder Boom ; all which were 
in a. miserable Condition : and these great works took 
up near a Twelve Moneths time, with Vigorous applica- 
tion and industry of the Inhabitants, after Bayard was 
out of the Power of betraying the Fort, which could 
never have been defended in the posture he kept it, with 
no Well open, nor any covering for it, defence or secu- 
rity for their Ammunition. Besides when the Militia 
Forces were on guard in the Fort, the Lieutenant Gov- 
ernour in Passion altered their Orders given by their Offi- 
cers, and told them, if they gave him any farther trouble 
he would set the City on fire. This prooved by the Depo- 
sitions of Albort Bosch & Henry Coyler. [Pag. 5.]'-' 
And for their own sakes they appointed and continued 
the Bevenue, as being very useful for men of any design : 
which makes nothing for their cause. 

It matters not what Letters were sent home by the 
Lieutenant Governour, for it is plain neither Governour 
nor Council would declare for the Prince of Orange^ 
pretending they wanted Orders ; No, they wanted good 
will ; for without Orders this Libeller pretends they 
turned out Baxter and Russel out of Commission. I 
wonder how they dared to go so far, and no farther. 
But no body but themselves know or care whither they 
wrote or no, for it signifyed nothing, except to excuse 

[* Documentarij History of New Yoik, II. 427. ] 


themselves from declaring till an answer came, and they 
knew who was uppermost. I suppose they had a mind 
to stay to see who got the better in Ireland^ before they 
would declare. 

[Pag. 6.] * A Lying building must have a lying 
foundation, & therefore the Libeller says, That Oapt. 
Leisler unwilling to pay the Duty of his Wines stirred 
up the People to Behellion. The case was thus, the Po- 
pish Collector Ploumian was then continued in Office, 
and Capt. Leisler did, even with him, make entry in the 
Custom house for his Wines, and ingaged to pay the 
Customs to such as should be legally qualified to receive 
them ; which the Papist Plowman was not. 

And now the people being exasperated by the delay 
of the Governour and Council to declare for the Prince, 
the greater body of the Militia with their Officers, did 
Seize on the Fort, and did send and demand the Keyes 
from the Lieutenant Governour ; and since they had 
taken the Government on them, they did Seize what Pub- 
lick Moneys they could find ; and took the Seven hundred 
Seventy three Pounds from Coll. Nicholson^ which with 
great prudence they did Expend for the safety and de- 
fence of the Revolution : nor utere the People Drunk or 
Mad : for no Man, Woman, or Child, was hurt by them 
even in the very Convulsion of changing the Govern- 
ment ; nay the very Papists then in Office, and others 
who were justly suspected of designs of betraying the 
Country to King James's faithful Allie, the French King 
had not a hair hurt, except by the fright their own guilt 
occasioned ; and these Pevolutioners must either be very 
sober or loving in their drink, or these Jacobites had 
never scap'd being Deivitted by a sufficiently provoked 
People, who had the Power, but more grace than to 
use it. 

False Assertions without proof are sufficiently an- 
swered by denj'ing them. This northern forehead 

[* Documentary History of New York, II. 428.] 


answers himself: for the Libeller says, the people cry' d 
out that they disowned all Government^ and in the next 
line tells you, they proclaimed Capt. Leisler their Com- 
mander. Bat T suppose, he gives the contradiction as a 
proof of the Peoples being drunk ; to be against all 
manner of Government, and choose a Governour in the 
same breath. Tis likewise notoriously false, that no 
other CommissionM Officer was amongst them : for most 
of the Officers of the Militia of the City joyned therein : 
But had it been true, then Capt. Leisler as the only 
Commission Officer ought to Command them ; and they 
were just and sober in their choice, as well as prudent 
in their Trust of so good and faithful a Person. But 
Xho, fact of this was false, for Capt Leisler. though in- 
strumental in shaking off the Tja-annical Government, 
did not believe he had a Title to govern longer than the 
Peoples Besolutions were known; and therefore, circular 
Letters were carryed by Coll. Depeyster and Capt. 
De Brayn to the several Counties ; whose Freeholders 
chose their RepresentativCvS, who being met appointed 
Capt. Leisler Commander in Chief under their Hands 
and Seals, and appointed several to be of his Council, 
under the name of a Committee of Safety to preserve 
the Publick Peace of the Province : who did it so effectu- 
ally, that those divested of the Governing power had no 
other harm done to their persons ; and the late Lieu- 
tenant Governour was permitted to withdraw himself 
whither he pleased. And here I must remark that he 
fared much better than Sir Edmund Andross at Boston., 
who was made close Prisoner and sent home to England.^ 
and yet no man was Executed or attainted there for that 
act of Loyal Violence. 

Boston having proclaimed King WILLIAM and 
Queen MABY, and Netv York Fort and Government 
possessed b}' Loyal Leisler and his party, and the 
Lieutenant Governour withdrawn out of the Province 
then the Libeller saith, Tliat the lute Council and their 
Convention of Justices of the Peace & Officers., had a 


great mind to proclaim the King <& Queen, whom they 
never had declared for, and we must take his word for 
it : but he owns the Loyalists did proclame them, but 
saith, it ivas very disorderly. I observe whatever made 
for the Revolution, or against the late King (Tames, is 
very displeasing to the Scribler : For when the People 
took the Government out of their Arbitrary betrayers 
hands, he saith, they were drunh or mad ; & now the 
proclaiming of the King & Queen, was very disorderly, 
in neither of which he gives one instance : [Pag. 7.] * 
But thank God, they were proclaimed, & their goodness 
will pardon small disorders which were the effects of 
Loyal Zeal. Although the Jacobites will never forgive 
them for it. Some of which Council and Magistrates 
went to Coll. Bayards house and drank and rejoyced 
that Leisler had done what they never could have the 
heart to do, nor made one step towards. And we may 
know what kidney these drinkers were of, by whose 
Wine they drank : For Coll. Bayard having been a 
complying tool all King James's Arbitrary Peign, you 
shall judge of the rest by his opinion of the happy Rev- 
olution, in his letter to Mr. Westoi the lUh oi January 
1689,90. Wherein he calls them Philistines; calls 
Leisler and his Loyal party, the Arch Behel and his 
hellish crew ; wishes he had a sujfficient nnniber to sup- 
iwess the Rebels, calls them usurpers of the Government, 
and Sir Edmund Andross, his Excellency, and calls his 
friends Loyal, and the whole tenour of the Letter is to 
keep up King James s title to admit his Commissions of 
Government to be of force, to brand all that declared 
for the Prince of Orange, with the black name of Rebels ; 
by which he owned King James was still in his heart, 
and had he power equal to his will, would have kept 
him still on the Throne, and therefore we may judge of 
his and his Companies joy, on this occasion, and whose 
Health they draiik : which, eight years after, they tell 
us was King WILLIAM^S and Queen MARYS. 

{* Documentary History of New York, II., 428-29.] 


His Majesties Proclamation to confirm Sheriffs^ Col- 
lectors, &c. in their Offices, being Published, the Con- 
vention removed Mattheiv Plowman a Papist from being 
Collector, but this is now when Capt. Leisler had res- 
cued the Government, was possessed of the Fort, and 
had proclaimed King WILLIAM and Queen MAPY. 
Then the Convention (who had done none of these things 
and were angry at those who did) they removed a Pap- 
ist from his Office, about the middle of June^ who was 
permitted by them to act above two Moneths from the 
time that the Lieutenant Governour and Council re- 
solved to remove Papists from Offices ; which (as the 
Libeller in the first page of his Letter saith) ivas the he- 
ginning of April : they kept him in as long as they 
could, and now to mend the matter, they put others in 
his place of the same principles as to King James, of 
which the famous Bayard aforementioned was the Ping- 
leader. And the Libeller brags, that they loere the first 
in the Province that took the Oaths to their Majesties, 
ap])ointecl hy Act of Parliament : It may be true ; but 
it is as true, that they were the last and backwardest to 
assist in the Revolution, or declare for the Prince of 
Orange, which they never did ; but afterwards pursued 
to death those that had done it. They were indeed most 
forward to take Oaths, when they were to gain by them, 
and to have the fingring of the Revenue. For the 
carrying of the purse they will deny their old Master 
Kjing James ; not out of hatred to him, but love to 
Money ; being bound by solemn Oath to be true to their 
own interest ; which Oath binds them closer than any 
Oath of Allegiance. 

These worthy Commissioners of the Revenue sate in 
the Custom-house, but Capt. Leisler with the Inhabit- 
ants who had possession of the Government and Fort, 
demanded of them by what Authority they pretended 
to act; who refusing to give Capt. Leisler any Account 
they offered to turn him out of the Custom-house by 
force ; on which tumult (made by three Jacobites) a guard 


of Inhabitants from the Fort came to defend their Cap- 
tain. And the People in the Streets were so enraged at 
Coll. Bayard (who they knew was as inveterate as any 
Papist against the Revolution) that they certainly had 
tore him to pieces, had not the good temper of Capt. 
Leider been his protector, who was the only person capa- 
ble of saving him in that extremity, and favored his 
escape, and let him live to have afterwards a hand in 
the Murdering his deliverer : So that the Violence of 
Armed men and naked Swords, beating the Commis- 
sioners from the Custom-house, was very modestly 
done, for no man was hurt, not so much as a skin broke 
of those who deserved the halter ; but they are still 
alive ; some of them to watch another occasion to be- 
tray their Country, when they can get a Popish King of 
Engkmd to assist them. 

[Pag. 8.] * Captain Leisler finding several Papists 
and false Protestants in the Town, like a prudent Officer 
kept good guards, sent parties to prevent any Conspi- 
racy they might make to resume the Government ; and 
to preserve the Peace ; which was dayly attempted to be 
broke by declaring for King James^ and his Governour 
Sir Edmund And joss, and clenj'ing the Authority of the 
People, and Capt. Leisler intrusted by them, on which it 
Avas wisely done of Capt. Leisler to secure in the Fort 
those whom he found so troublesome to the publick 
Peace, and as the heads of them he Imprisoned the 
afore-mentioned famous Coll. Bayard and Mr. Nichols, 
but without barbarity they were confined, and not in a 
nasty Goal, but in handsome lodgings, such as now are 
thought proper for the Captain of the Guard, the Store 
keeper and the Secretary of the Province to lodge and 
keep Office in. It is true that Coll. Bayard was put 
in Irons, as he well deserved for his aversion to the Re- 
volution, disturbing the Peace, and attacking Capt. 
Leisler (then Commander in Chief) in the open Street, 
as appears by several credible Oaths. Nor could it be 

[* Uucumentary Bistary of New York, II., 429-30.] 


safe to admit such fire brands to Bail ; and therefore 
they were kept close from doing mischief, which is the 
part of all good Governments to do, and was most 
necessary in this Revolution. 

Captain Leisler with the Committee of safety (ap- 
pointed by the Representatives of the Freeholders of 
the several Counties of the Province) ha\ang published 
their Declaration for the Prince of Orange the Protes- 
tant Religion, and the English Laws and Liberties, they 
thought it prudent to discriminate the Well affected 
from the Enemy, and therefore Summoned all the In- 
habitants of the City to the Fort, to sign their names to 
such a Declaration as owned the Authority of the Prince 
of Orange. And the refusers must justly b}' him and 
all mankind be deemed Enemies to the Revolution, to 
His Majest}-, and their Country. And is this a crime 
to kno^v the Sheep from the Goats, or to take all Rea- 
sonable methods for the safety of the then Government : 
but the Libeller is angry at every prudent stejj was 
taken, nor is he satisfyed, although it is above Seven 
years since he was gorg'd with their innocent blood 
which he had a hand in shedding. 

It is notoriously false that Capt. Leider opposed the 
Collecting of the Revenue ; indeed he was not willing a 
Papist should run away with our Protestant Kings 
Mone}', nor did he think it safe in Bay arch' &c. hands. 
But the Committee of safety (and not Capt. Leisler) 
a[)pointed Mr. De Lanoy (in whom they durst confide) 
to that trust, who received no Customs until December 
following, when his Majesties orders arrived ; till then 
he took only notes from tlie Merchants to pay the Cus- 
toms when demanded. And 'tis well known that Mr. 
DeLaTioy gave a fair and true Accompt of his Receipts 
and payments of the Customs to Governor Slaughter : 
whereb}- it appears he had expended five hundred Pounds 
of his own Money above the Money of the Revenue, 
ibr the Kings Service and the support of the Revolu- 
tion ; which Money is not repaid him to this day through 


the iniquity of some Jacobites afore-mentioned, who 
crept into power, and who have thereby gratifyecl their 
revenge on men of greater sense and Loyalty than 

On the tenth of December one Riggs brought his 
Majesties Letters which were delivered to Capt. Leisler\ 
as they ought according to their direction ; for Coll. 
Nicholson (to whom they were first directed) had with- 
drawn himself out of the Province, and iu his absence 
the Letters were directed to such as for the time being 
took care for the preservation of the Peace and Admin- 
istring the laws ; [Pag. 9.] which was none other but 
Capt. Leisle)\ who was appointed thereto by the Re- 
presentatives of the Freeholders of the several Countyes 
of the Province, and had the Command of the Fort ; 
nor could those who called themselves of the Council be 
intituled thereto, for they were the Persons that were 
made use of in the late Arbitrary and Tyrannical Gov- 
ernment, to the over-turning of all Laws, and Civil 
Rights, and who gave Occasion for the Revolution in 
New York^ and did never declare for the Prince of 

These Letters from His Majesty fully confirming 
Capt. Leister in the Government, whereto he was chosen 
by the Peo|)le's Representatives ; he indeavoured to ex- 
ecute his trust faithfully, and on such an Emergency it 
was the greatest wisdom and prudence to find Money to 
support the Government, which he did as regularly as 
the time would permit, by and with the consent of the 
General Assembly of the Province fairly chosen by the 
Freeholders ; this which seducer falsely insinuates were 
only Selected and Appointed by Capt. Leisler. And by 
and with their advice and consent Taxes were raised and 
properly applyed. And 'tis observable the Libeller tells 
us, that Oap)t. Leisler applyed these Sums to his own pri- 
vate use, and yet the very next words tells us, it was to 
maintain said disorders^ allowing private men Eighteen 


Pence per day : by disorders he means the Government 
reposed by the People and confirmed by King WILLIAM 
in Capt. Leisler which had disordered and routed the 
former Slas^ery the People lay under; for it was disor- 
der to none but Papists and Jacobites. And the 
Eighteen pence a day was for the private use of the 
private men to whom it was paid, for their subsistence 
in defending the Government : and their defence was in- 
deed of private use to Capt. Leisler^ as comprehended 
in the Publick general good thereof: But the Revenue 
was not sufficient to defray so great a charge, had not 
Capt Leisler expended great Sums out of his own pri- 
vate Estate, as others concerned with him likewise did, 
for which he was repayed with a barbarous Death, 
through the means of men who will never venture their 
Lives or Estates to serve their Prince, Country, or Pro- 
testant Keligion. 

[Pag. 10.] * Nor could Coll. Bayard and Mr. Nichols 
complain of their aforementioned confinement in the 
Fort, since they would fly in the face of Government, 
and give such vent to their invenomed passions as 
appears by the Record of their Committment, and Coll. 
Bayards confession in his Petition to Capt. Leisler. 

But it is point blanck a lye, nor was it ever, or can 
be proved that Capt. Leisler gave directions to any man 
to p}lunder Coll. Bayards house., nor was any thing of 
that sort done by his order to any house, but Commands 
given to the contrary, and the Souldiers were compelled 
to restore what could be made appear they had forcibly 
taken from any man. Even so small a matter as a Hat 
taken out of the house of Mr. Lambert^ was restored to 

Coll. Cortland and others might leave their houses 
and families, but they would have had no occasion for 
so doing had they peaceably and quietly minded their 
own affairs and submitted to the Government ; for all 

[* Documentary History of Neto York, II., 431.] 


such had no manner of disturbance given them, but 
were protected. 

[Pag. 11.] * The Protestant Ministers the Libeller 
saith, could not scape Capt. Leislers Malice and Cruelty : 
I am afraid those Ministers he mentioned, were Popish 
Trumpets, to Preach \\]) the damn'd Doctrins of Pas- 
sive Obedience^ and Non Besistance^ and to noise in our 
Ears with their accursed breath, that we ought patiently 
to hold our Protestant Throats to he cut hy the Command 
of a Popish King : and when Capt. Leisler with his 
friends had taken hold of that wonderful Deliverance 
oifered immediately from God to Kedeem His People 
irom Slavery upon Earth, and Popish Damnation in 
Hell ; to have false Priests of Baal get up, and use their 
wicked Eloquence to make the People believe a lye, even 
in the house of the God of Truth ; and from the Pulpit, 
to tell these Captains of our Temporal Salvation to their 
faces, that being faithful to their God, their Country, 
and their Laws, in the defence of the Holy Protestant 
Peligion, and the Rights and Liberties of English 
men, and their thankful declaring for the most glorious 
Prince upon Earth their Deliverer : was the blackest of 
Treason and Rebellion. Such Apostasy and base 
Treachery hath deserved, and often met with severer re- 
bukes than the friendly Verbal admonition given by 
Capt. Leisler to the blind Seer, and had nothing of the 
Malice and Cruelty in it of the Libeller, who wrote so 
false a Pamphlet : and so the other time-serving Priests 
(who were Protestant shooing horns to draw on Popery) 
might have been more quiet, and left the result of the 
Revolution to Divine Providence, and not pass such 
hard Censures as to attaint blood and accuse of Rebel- 
lion, all that would accept of Gods deliverance from the 
two greatest plagues of mankind, Popery and Slavery. 
But I hope they have repented and will be saved, other- 
wise whilst they Preach to others they themselves will he 
cast away. 

[* Documentary History of New York, II., 4 .1-32.] 


'Tis true Capt. Leisler sent to the Merchants of the 
ToMMi to supply the Garrison with Provisions and other 
necessaries, and sent without distinction to all People 
who had Stores ; otherwise the Garrison might have 
perished : but he honestly gave them Credit in the 
Kings Books, and they have since (for the greatest part) 
been satisfyed ; and Capt. Leisler (as he ought) did or- 
der forcibly to break their Ware-houses open, where they 
were refractory, and refused on so great Emergency to 
afford support to the Government ; but exact Accompts 
were kept of all such goods, and Entries made in Books 
kept for that purpose ; so that it was not plunder, (as 
the Libeller falsely calls it) but they were to be satis- 
fyed, and paid for the same. And I believe it was never 
knoAVTi in the Memory of man, that ever a Bevolution, 
or change of Government, was more regular : or where 
Military power would not force Victuals where it was 
denyed them, when they wanted it : and therefore it was 
for the special Service of King WILLIAM and Queen 
MAHY, to keep alive those that were the only persons 
in that Province, who declared early for Them, and 
owned Their Authority. Nor can any proof upon 
Earth be brought (except such as the Libeller) that one 
Farthings Value of goods was ever converted to the 
private use of Capt. Leisler^ or Transported by him to 
the West Indies^ but the imposture of the whole book 
depends on such positive falsehoods. 

[Pag. 12.] * The Accompt of Thirteen Thousand 
nine hundred fifty nine Pounds of damages done the 
Province is made up by the Libeller himself; for no 
man living of truth, hath ever demonstrated that Capt. 
Leisler or his friends, evef made pillage of any man's 
Estate, but I believe the Libeller reckons that he and 
his Jacobite party had so much damage by the Revolu- 
tion, which they might Arbitrarily have extorted from 
the King's good Subjects, if it had not happened. Good 
damages ! which I am glad of with all my heart. At 

[• Documentary History of New York, II., 432-38.] 


this rate pray what damages had the Popish Clergy of 
England and Ireland^ by King WILLIAMS hindering 
their being restored to Ahhys^ Monastery s^ and Peter 
Pence ; but it is better that the Jacohites should suffer 
damage of their Estates and Lives too, than an English 
Protestant People should have the damage of loosing 
their Laws and Peligion, their Properties and their 
Souls. And as for Coll. Willets losses, which the Libel- 
ler magnifies, he could not })ut a particular Value on 
them, they were so small. Had they been considerable 
he would since have made a particular complaint, to 
have reparation, which he never did, nor had occasion 
for; but had he been ruined he would not have been 
pittyed by good men, because he so far forgot that he 
was an English man and Protestant : that he Executed 
an Illegal Commission, and raised Forces to destroy all 
those that declared for our Deliverer, that we might re- 
turn to our Vomit, whicli was a Dog trick in him. 

And thus the Libeller expatiates on Capt. Leister?, 
Arbitrary proceedings over his Majesties Subjects Persons 
and Estates, against the fundamental Laws of the Land ; 
but he should have considered that all the fundamental 
Laws of the Land were wholly subverted and trampled 
upon by the Hellish, Popish, Arbitrary Government, 
Established by King James's Commission ; so that Capt. 
Leisler found no fundamental Laws to transgress ; and 
was forced in discharge of his trust from the People, and 
by and with the consent of those appointed by their Re- 
presentatives, to use these violent methods which Heaven 
gave him the power to make use of to restore those 
fundamental Laws, which were abolished by tools of the 
same temper with the Libeller. 

Major Ingoldshy a Captain of a foot Company, ar- 
rives near two years after, saith the Libeller, And with 
several Gentlemen of the Council^ sends to Capt. Leisler, 
that for the preservation of the Peace^ he might continue 
to command in the Fort^ until Coll. Slaughter's Arrival^ 


and only desired tliat major Ingoldesby and the Kings 
Souldiers anight he permitted to quarter^ and refresh 
themselves in the City : hut instead of complying^ he in 
passion told Mr. Brooke, on his acquainting him^ that 
Mr. Phillips, Coll. Bayard, Coll. Cortland ^vere of the 
Council., that they were Papist Dogs^ and if the King 
should send Three Thousand of them, he ivould cut them 
off; and without cause Proclaimed op)enWar ; on which, 
said major Ingoldesby persivaded several of the Inhahit- 
ants to joy n with him merely for self preservation. On 
which several great and small Shot from the Fort hilled 
and icounded several of His Majesties good Subjects., who 
made no opposition. 

This whole Paragraph I shall shew to be the great- 
est complication of Iniquity, and fit to be the production 
of a Monster begat by an Incubus on a Scotch Witch, 
who had kindled his malice against Truth from the 
flames he put to the holy Bible, thereby to become the 
Adopted Son of the father of Lyes. 

For major Ingoldesby having no Commission, nor 
Authority to Command, on his Arrival, took on him the 
Title of Commander in Chief, usurp VI a shew of Go- 
vernment, calling a Council, and Issuing peremptor}^ 
orders, as appears by the Records of the Council Book : 
nay quite contrary to the Romantick Account of the 
Libeller, he sent a demand under his own hand, which I 
have seen, wherein he acknowledges Capt. Leisters oifer 
to him of his own Houses in the City for the Accommo- 
dation of himself and Officers, and to appoint fit Quar- 
ters for the Souldiers ; which major Ingoldesby under his 
hand dcnyes to accept of, sa\ing, he demanded the Port 
from him., which unless Capt, Leister would deliver up 
to him, he would esteem him as an Enemy to King 
WILLIAM and Queen MARY. I have likewise seen 
Capt. Leisters Letter to major Ingoldesby full of Civility, 
and true Reason, wherein he ac(|uaints him, that he held 
the Fort and Commanded by Virtue of a trust reposed 


in him by the People, and confirmed by His Majesty, and 
assuring him, that if he had any Commission from His 
Majesty, or any Instruction or Order from Coll. SlaugJiter 
appointed Governour of the Province, on his producing 
it, The Fort should be immediately delivered to him, 
but desired to be excused from resigning his trust, 
till he found one qualifyed and authorized to receive it 
from him. But this was not satisfaction to major In- 
goldeshy who was prevailed with to take the Govern- 
ment on him in opposition to Capt. Leisler^ and as 
Governour in Chief (although never impoweredby King 
or People) he issues orders to the several Counties to be 
ready to attend and assist in opposing Leisler, and his 
party with Arms ; which was the proclaiming open War ; 
and pursuant thereto he sends his Rounds in the night, 
and ordered or permitted his Pounds at all hours to 
pass the guards and centrys on the Walls of the Fort, 
and not to make answer, but by reproachful Language, 
w^hen challenged by them, in order to provoke the draw- 
ing of blood, and ingaging the People in a Civil War : 
and farther, major Ligoldeshy ordered all the men under 
his Command to wear Marks on their Arms, to distin- 
guish them from those who joyned with Capt. Leisler. 

During this Revolution and Civil War, I am told not 
above two persons were killed, which happiness attended 
the moderate temper of Capt. Leisler and the Committee 
of Safety, who could not be raised to punish the Inso- 
lence of the Tory party, suitable to what they gave just 
occasion for. 

Soon after, viz. in March., about a Month or five 
Weeks after major Ingoldeshys usurpation, Coll. 
Slaughter Arrived, who Summoned the Fort late at 
night, and, contrary to the Libellers assertion, it was 
never denyed to be delivered: but the delivery sus- 
pended till next Morning, it not being proper (according 
to Military Pules) to deliver a Fort in the night, and 
then it was Surrendered by Capt. Leisler.^ who waiting 


on the Captain General Coll. Slaughter^ instead of 
thanks for the faithful Service he had done His Majesty 
in defending the Fort and Province from the French 
(our professed Enemies) and the Treachery of Papists 
and Jacohites amongst ourselves, was immediately by 
his order Seized with Mr. Milhourn^ and others of the 
Loyal party, and bound over to answer at the next 
Supream Court of Judicature ; where Capt. Leisler and 
Mr. Milhourn pleaded to the Jurisdiction of the Court, 
That whereas he was in possession of the Government 
by the choice of the People, and confirmed in it by the 
Kings Majesties Letters, that he was not bound by Law 
to answer for his Mai Administration in Government, to 
any Court or Authority, but to His Majesty, who had 
intrusted him : but this was overruled by the Violence 
of the Court, without reason or Law, and as Mutes 
they were found guilty of High Treason and Murder ; 
and although a Reprieve was granted them by Coll. 
Slaitghter, untill His Majesties pleasure should be known 
in the Matter : yet the Violence of the Jacobite party 
(of which sort were most of Capt. Leislers Judges and 
Officers of the Court) was such that they gave no rest 
to Coll. Slaughter, untill by their Importunity they pre- 
vailed with him to sign the Dead Warrant. And they 
were Executed accordingly. So that the representation 
of the matter, with an account of their Reprieve reached 
His Majesty at the same time with the account of their 
Execution and Death. So fell Capt. Leisler^ and Mr. 
Milhou7'n men of known Integrity, Honesty and Loyalty, 
and by a pretended course of Law, contrary to all Law 
condemned, where their Judges were most of them vio- 
lent Enemies of the happy Revolution, and therefore 
resolved to revenge themselves on these Gentlemen who 
were the most Early and Zealous Instruments of it; 
and who had first expended great part of their Estates, 
and tlien suftered Martyrdom for King WILLIAM and 
Queen MARY, their Religion and Laws. The proofs 
and papers referred to in this account remain in the 
hands of Mr. Jacob Leisler only son of Capt. Jacob 


Leisler the Martyr to Jacobite Mevenge. The proof that 
Capt. Leisler was legally Govern our of New York. 
That major Ingoldeshy wia.s but a bear Captain of Foot, 
and had no other command in that Province, nor au- 
thority to demand the Fort from Capt. Leisler ; The 
proof that Capt. Leisler did as a good Subject deliver 
the Fort to Coll. Slaughter upon demand, and his Jus- 
tification, is immediately expressed in the Act of Par- 
liament of England which reverses their Attainders, 
and restores their Families, in Blood and Estate. 

So that this is the full and true account of this 
Tragedy; New YorJc lay under the Curse of an abso- 
lute Government by King James s Commission to Sir 
Edmund Andros ; the people took courage on the first 
News of the Revolution in England^ and shook off the 
Oppressors, and declared for the Prince of Orange ; the 
Lieutenant Governor, the Council, and Justices of the 
Peace, which met and calFd themselves a Convention 
(being Officers constituted by King James) would not 
declare for the Prince of Orange ; Wherefore the people 
did not think themselves safe in their hands, but Seized 
upon the Fort, and chose Capt. Leisler Commander of 
the Fort until Circular Letters had procured a return of 
Pepresentatives of the Free holders of the several Coun- 
ties of the Province, who on their meeting making a 
Declaration for His present Majesty, did under their 
Hands and Seals constitute Capt. Leisler Commander 
in Chief until the Kings pleasure should be known ; and 
likewise appointed him a Council, by the name of a 
Committee of Safety. And in these Persons the Gov- 
ernment was lodged, who proceeded to support them- 
selves by the most moderate methods could be devised. 

The Lieutenant Governour hereupon withdraws out 
of the Province, major Ingoldshy Arrives with Author- 
ity over none but his Foot Company ; and yet demands 
the Fort, which Capt. Leisler durst not deliver to him 
without betraying his Trust both to the King and People; 


major Ingoldshy usurps the Title of Commander in Chiefs 
lie Issues Orders and Warrants to the People to rise in 
Arms to assist him to wrest the Fort out of Capt. Leis- 
lers hands, and provokes Capt. Leislers men in the Fort 
to Acts of hostility, by which means one or two men 
were accidentally killed. Coll. Slcmgltter Arrives, de- 
mands the Fort, whi(;h was surrendered to him immedi- 
ately ; the Persons of Capt. Leisler and Mr. Milhourn 
are Seiz'd, and soon after brought to Tryall ; their plea 
to the Jurisdiction of the Court (which could not by 
Law try them for Mai Administration in Government) 
violently over ruled, and they Condemned as Mutes, 
for High Treason and Murder ; they were Peprieved 
until His Majesties pleasure should be known ; and 
notwithstanding the Reprieve, the Warrant of Execu- 
tion Signed, and they Executed. 

But the Enemies to King WILLIAM, and conse- 
quently to these Gentlemen, had not sufficiently grati- 
fied their malice, by these mens innocent blood: but 
they labour in England to get a justification for them- 
selves, and a confirmation that the said unjust Judg- 
ment was according to Law ; and when His Majesty 
w^as in Flanders and several Ministers of State were in 
place and trust in the Committee of Trade, which His 
Majesty hath since thought fit to remove from His 
Council and their Offices : a report was obtained from 
the Committee of Trade affirming that these Loyalists 
were Condemned and Executed according to Law. 
But however the said Committee represented their Sons 
as fit objects of Her Majesties mercy, to be restored to 
their Fathers Estates ; which Her Majesty w^as gra- 
ciously pleased to grant. And these malignant Confed- 
erates so far prevailed with the Assembly of New York 
to compliment and flatter their new Governour Coll. 
Slaughter^ as to pass several Votes against the whole 
proceedings of the happy Revolution, and to excuse the 
barbarous Severity of the Illegal Condemnation and 
bloody Execution which he had ordered. And this was 


the State of the Case until the Parliament of England 
took the matter into their Consideration, and the honor- 
able the House of Commons in the Sixth and Seventh 
year of His present Majesties Reign appointed a Com- 
mittee to examine all parties in relation to Capt. Leis- 
lers Execution, where they were heard by their Council 
at Law, and where Mr. Dudley (who formerlj^ applyed to 
get Money by Magistracy and Government in A^ew 
England, and set up for a Judge in matters of Blood in 
the Tryal of Capt. Leisler at New Yo7'k) was heard to 
make his defence, where his Cobb- Webb Eloquence was 
too thin to put a vail over so black an Action, as created 
horrour in the minds of that Honorable and Numerous 
Committee ; who reported the matter fully to the House, 
and thereupon an Act of Parliament passed the Poyal 
Assent, wherein His Majesty, the Lords, and Commons 
of England do recite the Legality of Capt. Leislers 
Authority, and justifie his proceedings in the Govern- 
ment, and more especially his refusing to deliver the 
Fort to major Ingoldesby, being the Fact for which he 
was Condemned ; and do absolutely reverse the Attain- 
ders and restore the Blood and Estates of Capt. Leisler, 
and those persons Condemned and Executed in Neiv 
York ; which Act of Parliament is Printed at the end 
of this Treatise. 

And now after all, it being about Eight years since 
these men dyed, when the Grave and Time should have 
so buryed the Persons and Memories of these good, but 
unfortunate Persons, that no Revenge should have room 
to desire a farther gratification ; and when the Anni- 
mosities between those of a Dutch extraction (who are 
the most numerous. Loyal and Sober Subjects of that 
Province) and the few English (who were most averse 
and backward in the Revolution, but violent and bloody 
in the Execution of Capt. Leisler, as well as the most 
dissolute in their Morals) in this Province, had time to 
cool, and might by a good Government have been wholly 
heaFd. After all, I say, to have this fire again blown 


up, to open these Wounds and to open the Graves of 
the Dead, to disturb the Living ; was such an artifice of 
the Devil as must give a more than usual abhorrence in 
good minds ; which leads me to give an account of 
the Occasion, the time, manner, and design of the 
Publication of this fire brand callVl a Letter^ and with- 
all take some notice of the supposed author. 

It is evident in Neio York, and will soon be made 
appear to His Majesty, that the late Government of 
New York under the Administration of Coll, Fletcher 
was a perfect sink of Corruption. And although he 
was exalted to that Government from a poor mean re- 
fugee of Ireland ; yet he soon forgot the hand that raised 
him, and to satisfy his Soul, his Idol Gain, he made a 
fast friendship with the few Papists, Jacobites, and dis- 
solute English of Neiv York, who had opposed the Rev- 
olution and revenged themselves on Capt. Leisler ; and 
who to be supported in their hatred to the Loyal 
Williamites, and connived at in their oj^en breach of all 
the Acts of Trade, found great advantage to reward 
Coll. Fletchers friendship by Presents from themselves, 
and gifts from Pirates ; and complyed with him, and 
consented to all things proposed to them by him ; to the 
squandering of the Kings Revenue and (to the great 
dishonour of the King) destroying all conveniences of a 
Succeeding Governour ; and disposing of all the Lands 
in the Province, that not one Inch is left to be given in 
reward to any who may by their Services to His Ma- 
jest}', desen-e ; or to incourage new Settlers, and that in 
such quantities as will wholly make it impossible ever 
to People the Province ; giving to one man Seventy 
Miles in length; and to several Fifty, Forty and Thirty 
Miles in length, and several Miles in breadth ; with 
many other unjust, gross Mai Administrations. 

On this bottom Coll. Fletcher joj-ned in the mortal 
hatred to the lovers of the Loyal Leisler ; and when 
several condemned to dye for their motions in that Re- 


volution were ordered by Her gracious Majesty of 
Sacred Memory to be discharged, Coll. Fletcher did it as 
an act of grace of his own^ and told them that although 
he released them yet he could call for them when he 
pleased, and hang them. And some time after told 
them. That they dealt worse by him than the Lepers 
cleansed by our Saviour, some of which returned to 
thank him, but none of them ever did, meaning none of 
them had given him a wicked Bribe or reward which he 
was used to receive. These Truths Mr. Beehnan and 
Mr. Gouverneur will attest. Coll. Fletcher likewise paid 
that disregard to the Act of Parliament of England^ 
(Reversing the Attainders and restoring Capt. Leisler 
and others condemned, in Blood and Estate) that he re- 
fused the WidoAv Leisler to be repossessed of her Estate ; 
nor had she that justice done her, during Coll. Fletchers 
Government, nor untill my Lord BeUomont granted her 
a Writ of Possession ; which was a year and half after 
she was Entituled to it by Act of Parliament in Eng- 
land^ Reprinted at New York. He likewise wholly 
discouraged the generality of those who were active in 
the Revolution, putting few or none of them into Office, 
or Employment ; and wholly adhering to those that gra- 
tifyed his Vanity, Pride, and Covetousness. For which 
in return he gave them countenance in all matters, as 
well as connivance at their unlawful Trade. 

His Majesty having appointed the Earl of BeUomont 
Governonr of Neiv York (whose great Honour and 
Justice Coll. Fletcher both knew and dreaded) some 
considerable time passed between his Patents being 
passed, and his beginning his Voyage, which Coll. 
Fletcher took the advantage of, therein to contrive me- 
thods so to divide the People of the Government, that 
in Publick disorder he himself might escape having 
strict Scrutiny made into the Corruptions of his Gov- 
ernment, he therefore not satisfyed with crushing the 
Loyalists, during his Government, was resolved to assist 
the Publishing this Libel, which might give such an 


Account of the Revolution of New York^ as should Ex- 
asperate to the highest degree, all that were concerned 
in it, and at the same time assured his Jacobite party, 
that it was necessar}^ such a book should be Licensed, 
to possess the strangers who came with my Lord, with 
such falsehoods as were useful to their party ; my Lord 
being, as he feared, inclined to favour whoever was well 
inclined to the Loyalty of Leisler. So that, as is sup- 
posed, one Mr. Jamison was employed to frame this 
Libel, who was Clerk of the bloody Court that Con- 
demned Leisler ; a person most in the graces of Coll. 
Fletcher^ who was in Scotland condemned to dye for 
Atheism and Buriiing the Bible, and was banished to 
New York ; where he was bj^ Contribution freed from 
being a Servant, and permitted to teach School, and 
being somewhat a Scholar, and having good natural 
sense made the use of his wicked parts to teach Blas- 
phemy, and Atheism, and to ridicule Sober Keligion, 
till he got a E-eputation amongst the dissolute Church of 
Migland men, whose Liturgie he then would and still 
doth gabble over with great seeming devotion, and up- 
lifted eyes a few hours after he had been Blaspheming 
Christianity ; but his form of saying the Common 
Prayer sufficiently recommended him to Coll. Fletcher, 
so that the Secretary Clarkson was prevailed on to make 
him his Deputy for a Hundred Pounds a year Rent ; 
and Coll. Fletcher gave him Fifty Pounds per Annum 
Salary out of the Kings Revenue as Clerk of the Coun- 
cil, and through all his Government made use of his vile 
Service, and afterwards recommended him to the Earl 
of Bellomont, as one of the honestest men in the Gov- 
ernment ; although at the same time he knew the said 
Jamison was actually marryed to two Wives then liv- 
ing. This man so qualityed was intrusted to do this 
piece of Service, but 'tis believed the aforementioned 
Coll. Bayard gave him some assistance in furnishing 
him witli some Materials, & without doubt according to 
orders, no falsehood was balk'd that could serve the cause, 
and so this Libel was hammered out, in which there is 


scarce a Paragraph, but what contains one or more 
Scurrilous Untruths, which are delivered with an High- 
land modesty and peremptorily affirmed to be truth 
without any proof, on purpose to Vilify the Transactions 
of the Revolution, and l^iassacre over again the Repu- 
tation of those, whose persons were murdered Eight 
years before for their Loyalty, and withal the Villany 
proper to persons who hate the present Government are 
added to this Account some Servile Votes of the Assem- 
bly of Neui York made to flatter their new Governour 
Coll. Slaughter^ who signed these Loyalists Warrant for 
Execution, and likewise is Printed an order or report 
(God knows how obtained) of the Committee of Trade 
for Justifying the said Condemnation and Execution. 
But this Libeller, contrary to his duty, to truth, alle- 
giance to His Majesty, and respect to Laws (for he 
could not hide his Virulency to the present Govern- 
ment) takes no notice of the Act of Parliament of 
England Keversing the Attainders of these Condemned 
Gentlemen, which gives the Lye to his whole Libel, 
Justifies Capt. Leisler as Lawful Governour of New 
YorJv^ and in full effect expresses that he was basely 
Murdered, contrary to all Law and Reason, fur doing 
his duty as His 3Iajesties Lawful Governour of New 
York; which is the sence of the words of the said Act. 
But the Libeller did as he was ordered, and the book 
raised the flame it was designed to raise, and was car- 
ryed to the Press by Mr, Brook (who although a Refugee 
from Ireland and preferred by King WILLIAM to be 
Collector and Receiver General of the Customes and 
Revenue of Neiv York, and a new-comer thither, took 
upon him to be one of the bloody Judges of this Roy- 
alist ; but is since for betraying his said Trust and neg- 
lect of his duty, suspended from all his Employs, even 
that of being Judge, and one of the Council, by the 
Right Honorable the Earl of Bellomont, who was his 
Security for his Collectors place to the Commissioners 
of the Customs of England, but could not bear his 
treachery to that Trust which he himself had been In- 


strumental to advance him to. And Mr. Wilson late 
Sheriff of JVew York a hot headed despicable fellow, 
who to serve the Tory party, contrary to his Oath, made 
a most false Return of Assembly men to serve for the 
Counties of New Yo?% and Orancje in the last Assembly. 
For which palpable breach of his Oath and Trust, His 
Excellency the Earl of Bellomont with consent of the 
Council suspended him from being Sheriff of Neiv York. 
But when this Libel was so midwived to the Press by 
the Kings Collector (who was likewise one of the Coun- 
cil) and this foresworn Sheriff, Then Coll. Fletcher 
calls the Council where 'tis proposed (as appears by the 
Minute of Council) that a book being found at the 
Printers, giving an Account of the Revolution of JSFeio 
York and contained nothing but Truth. Tis resolved 
Nemine contradicente^ that it should be Printed. But 
who were the Council who consented to this great piece 
of Service to His Majesty ? Why Coll. Fletcher^ who is 
supposed to have given orders for its being Written. 
Coll. Bayard of whom enough is said plainly and trul}^ 
Mr. Brook who carryed it to the Press and was one of 
Leislers Judges ; Mr. Pinhorn^ another of Leislers Judges 
(who is since removed by His Excellency the Earl of 
Bellomont from being Judge and of the Council, for 
speaking most Scandalous false and reproachful 
words of His most Sacred Majesty King WILLI A JM, 
and for protecting and concealing in his house a Popish 
Priest) and some other Enemies of the Revolution. So 
that (to omit the false sordid flatteries given to Coll. 
Fletcher, which are impertinent!}^ added by the Libeller) 
it is apparent that there was a wicked conspiracy, by this 
book to give distraction (by Printing it just before the 
Earl of Bellomont'' s Arrival at Neiv York) and thereby 
to divide the People and so to disturb Affairs under his 
Government, that there should be no time or opportu- 
nity of quickly inquiring into the Corruptions of Coll. 
Fletchers manao-ements. 


This was the time and design of its Publication, these 
the qualities of the supposed Authors, and of the Per- 
sons who carryed it to the Press, and after this manner 
(by Coll. Fletcher and the afore mentioned of the Council) 
it was permitted to be Printed ; so that it is no wonder, 
that this book was a Mine Sprung from Hell to blow up 
the Peace of this Province, when so many Sons of Belial 
in Office and Authority joyned in its Contrivance and 
Publication, who must keep to their nature and not stick 
at an}^ plain falsehood (although it fly in the face of the 
King, Lords and Commons of England^ and Truth it- 
self) that may Exasperate and raise a flame, and if pos- 
sible Murder over again those Martyrs for their Loyalty, 
Capt. Leisler and Mr. Milhourn^ who were barbarously 
Executed for bravely Asserting the Rights and Liberties 
of Englishmen against Popish and Arbitrary Govern- 
ment ; and for their Early and Sincere Afl'ection to His 
most Sacred Majesty KING WILLIAM, whom GOD 
send long to Reign. 

[Here follows a reprint of the official publication of the Act for Revers- 
ing the Attainder <>/" Jacob Leisler and others — 6 and 1 Will. III. Anno 
1695. Printed in the Documentary History of New York: II. 435-37.] 


Whereas there is nothing that doth more conduce 
to y® quiet good and prosperity of any Kingdom Com- 
monwealth, Colony, people or place than y'' hearty af- 
fection unanimity agreement and mutual amity of its in- 
habitants y^ defects whereof in this Colony for divers 
yeares last past hath unhappily created great dissentions, 
troubles and animosities, for y'' laying and appeasing 
whereof Several good laws have been made Enacted and 
Provided and amongst y° rest an act of the general as- 
sembly made in y" third year of y" reigne of our now 
Soveraigne Lord King William the third and of y"' late 
Queen Mary of ever happy memory Entituled an act for 
Quieting and Settling y*" disorders that have lately hap- 
pened within this province and for y^ establishing and 


Securing their Maj*'*'' present government against y^ like 
disorders for y^ future, which on y® eleventh day of May in 
the year of our Lord One thousand six hundred and 
ninety seven by their excellencys the then Lords Justices 
of England with the advice of y"" Privy Councill ^s ap- 
proved confirmed finally enacted and ratified notwith- 
standing which y'' good ends by y® same Act designed 
and intended have not been attained but on y^ contrary 
to y*" great displeasure and griefe of those who cordially 
Love and desire y^ good and welfare of this Colony (it's 
feared) y® heats and animosities between y^ inhabitants 
of y^ same have been of late years industriously cherished 
and fomented for y*' remedy whereof and to effect an 
intire reconciliation among all y® good people of this 
Colony, that all dissentions, differences in opinion, Con- 
troversies, Strifes, heartburnings and animosities what- 
soever may forever be obliterated, appeased extirpated 
forgotten & extinguished and love Concord, union 
mutual friendship, j^iety & Christian Charity, incited, 
Confirmed, Benewed, promoted & Incouraged. 

Be it enacted hy his Excellency the Governonr by 
and ivith the consent of y^ Council & Assembly and hy y" 
authority of the same^ That no felony, homicide, act of 
Hostility Trespasse, assault, imprisonnient. Taking away 
of goods and chattels wrong Injury or molestation 
whatsoever advised, councelled, Comanded, appointed, 
happened, acted or done by any person or persons 
whatsoever within any i)art of this province from the 
Eighteenth day of April which was in y* year of our 
Lord 1G89 untill y^ 30*^ day of August in the year of 
our Lord 1692 Shall at any time hereafter be brought 
in Question or dispute but that y^ same be forgiven, re- 
mitted, indulged. Released and put in utter oblivion and 
that all prosecutions, appeals, and all personal actions 
Suites, Claimes, and Demands whatsoever against any 
person or persons whatsoever Body Corporate, Cities, 
Townes, and Villages, and all his majestjs' subjects 
whatsoever for or by reason of any act matter or thing 
whatsoever as aforesaid done passed or transacted in 


any part of this Colony from said Eighteenth day of 
April in the year of Lord 1689, untill y^ s'^ 30'^ of 
Aug'* in the year of Lord 1692 and all Judgments and 
Executions thereupon, already had or brought or to 
be had or brought at any time hereafter are hereby and 
from henceforth discharged and annulled, & declared to 
be invalid & voyd to all intents Constructions and Pur- 
poses any law, Statute or ordinance to y® contrary in 
any ways notwithstanding. 

Provided always that nothing here contained shall 
be construed or intended to discharge & make void any 
voluntary Contract or debts grounded upon any lending 
or goods sold or by Speciall or any contract or Cove- 
nant deed or Conveyance for any Lands, Tenements 
Hereditements goods or Chattels between any person or 
persons whatsoever within this province between y^ days 
& times above limited and expressed. But that such 
Contracts, Debts, Covenants & Conveyances shall be and 
remaine in the same condition & of y^ same virtue and 
force as if this act had never been made or passed, and 
to y® end that the Quiet good & prosperity of y^ people 
in this province may for y** future be maintained and 
supported with hearty affection agreement and mutual 
amity, and friendship and that all Strifes, heats, animosi- 
ties, may be suppressed. 

Be it Enacted hy the authority aforesaid that All and 
every person or persons Avithin this province, that shall 
hereafter charge and upbraid any of his Maj*^^ subjects 
within y** s'^ province with any act of felony homicide, 
hostility. Trespass, assault. Imprisonment takeing away 
of Goods & Chattels, Avrong Injury or molestation done 
or acted by any person or persons whatsoever A\ithin any 
part of this province from y^ aforesaid 18th day of 
April in the year of our Lord 1689 untill y^ aforesaid 
30*^ day of Augs* 1692 or that shall disdainfully upbraid 
any person or persons with y'' name of Leislerite or the 
murdering or Killing of Leisler or any other opprobrious 
words or terms by which the peace of y^ government 
may in any measure be disturbed, such person or per- 


gons offending in manner aforesaid shall for each offence 
so by him committed and thereof convicted before any 
Justice of the Peace within y® s*^ province (who are 
hereby authorized and impowered to hear and determine 
y® same) shall forfeit and pay the sum of forty shillings 
to be levied by distresse upon the goods and chattels of 
y^ person offending & convict as aforesaid, and if the 
person offending shall not have goods and chattels suf- 
ficient for the paying the said fine or forfeiture, then he 
shall be ordered to sitt two hours of y® forenoone in the 
Stocks in the Towne or place where such offence is com- 
mitted, with an Inscription on his forehead reciting y® 
words by him disdainfully uttered, one half of y® s*^ fine 
or forfeiture to the Informer, the other half to the poor 
of the place where such offense shall be committed. 

Citty of New York, Die martis ante mer. Jun. 14" 
1698, in the tenth year of his maj*^* reigne. 
House of Representatives for the province of 
New York. 

This Bill having been read three times is passed & 
ordered to be sent up to his Excellency the 
Governor and Council for their assent. 

By order of the House of Representatives, 

Phillip French, Speaker, 




[Translated from the original in Dutch by 8. Alofsen, Ksq.] 


We the churchwardens having been requested by 
Isaac de Riemer in the name of Mr. Jacob Leisler to 
bury the corpse of his father and Milborne, in our 
Nether-Hutch Church — give for answer, because we are 
pressed by both parties in the Congregation and very 
much desire to preserve peace and quiet in our Church, 


that we cannot consent thereto, but also that we shall 
not hinder it. 

In New York, 1698, Theunis DeKey, 

October 14th. Johannes Kip, 

Brandt Schuyler. 


To the Right Reverend Olassis of the City of 
Amsterdam, : 

Right Reverend very learned Seigneurs Fathers and 
Brothers in Christ. 

In the beginning we would request your Reverences 
to excuse us that in this account we are obliged to be 
somewhat more tedious, than at first view would seem 
to be necessary ; but by the continuation of the account 
it will appear, that the one without the other would not 
have had sufficient coherence. In particular do we 
consider it an extraordinary favor of Heaven, that we 
have this opportunity to lay our business (that it may 
see the light of Heaven) before so Reverend and wise 
an assembly. The sorrow and fear which we have had 
during the last year of the Reign of our ex-King James, 
have been unusually great and frightful, for hearing 
with what violent strides the Popedom in England 
was breaking forth and taking a stand, what greater 
success the Dragonades in France had had, and seeing 
how in these distant regions the foundation was being 
laid to introduce the same here in every manner, 
we could well imagine what was in store for us. The 
Jesuits had already built a school here, under pretence 
to teach the youth the Latin Language, to whifcli some 
even of the most influential had already sent their chil- 
dren ; and our Church Bell was tolled about eight 
o'clock in the morning when the School began. Yes, 
some whom one would not have suspected of it, had 
already slily heard a low mass, although they afterwards 


said that it was only througli curiosity. The Hoyal 
order having arrived from England commanding us to 
thank our Lord God in a solemn manner and burn bon- 
fires over the happy delivery of the Queen of a Prince 
of Wales it was executed with extravagant joy and the 
utmost tokens of wanton gkidness, even of those who 
were the Heads of our church ; whilst every man open 
to reason, and reflecting upon the consequences, could 
readily guess that the pretended birth of this prince was 
a mortal stab for the Protestant Kelicnon in Eno;land, 
and consequently for ours. For us therefore nothing 
else was to be done than to possess our souls in patience, 
and wait how God's Providence might please order it. 
In such a condition of mind it can well be imagined that 
our joy and gladness was still far greater than our sorrow 
had been before ; when we received the certain intelligence 
that His Royal highness the Prince of Orange, now our 
blessed Monarch, had arrived in England with so power- 
ful an army to release that country from Tyranny and 
Popery ; and had been received by the principal inhabi- 
tants with unusual joy and extreme affection. To which 
was still added, to our greater contentment and assu- 
rance the news that the inhabitants of our neighboring 
Boston had also declared themselves for the Prince of 
Orange, and had arrested their and our Governor Sir 
Edmund Andi'os and his Council who had refused to do 
so. All these reports, as we have said, coming at the 
same time, the people could not be restrained. They cried 
out that the magistrates here ought also to declare them- 
selves tor the Prince of Orange, for we had more reason 
to do so than those of Boston ; that his forefathers had 
liberated our ancestors from the Spanish yoke and his 
royal highness had now again come to deliver the king- 
dom of England from Popery and Tyranny. Tliis they 
said and demonstrated with that love and affection for the 
royal house of Nassau,, which is natural to the Dutch 
nation (as they are called here) although they have been 
so deplorably rewarded therefor. Our Bulers were un- 
willing and too timid to risk anything, thinking it might 


be a Monmoutli work : however the terrible outcries of 
the people caused an assembly of the Civil a.nd Military 
Council, where everybody was sworn not to divulge or 
communicate among the people anything which might 
there be discussed or resolved upon. Nevertheless it 
leaked out that those who had dared to speak in favor 
of the Revolution had been met very sharply and intim- 
idated with menaces, and that the Lieutenant Governor 
Nicholson had pulled from his pocket his commission 
from King James and thrown it upon the table, swearing 
with big oaths and protestations tliat he would live and 
die by the same. A short time afterwards we saw in the 
morning that the cannon of the Fort had been turned 
towards the City, upon which the people flew into fury, 
and the magistrates were obliged to grant them permis- 
sion to inspect the magazine, and that the Militia with 
one company should mount guard in the Fort at night. 
Yet they were not allowed to place their sentinels over 
the whole of the Fort, but all had to remain within the 
limits of the park ; and it became known privately that 
it was the intention of the magistracy to let the soldiers 
whom they had ordered from Boston through a postern 
into the fort, and then with those who were of their 
opinion again to beat the Burgher Militia out. From all 
this nothing was to be expected but a massacre over the 
whole land, because the minds of the people were in the 
highest degree exasperated, and those who were in 
favor of the Revolution were certainly ten to one. The 
Burghers seeing that nothing could be done with the 
magistracy, and that the attempt would probably be 
made in some way or other to overreach them, looked 
earnestly for a leader, and at last persuaded Captain 
Jacob Leisler to commence the work with the Burghers ; 
not, however, with the intention to exclude the magis- 
tracy or Lieutenant Governor, but solely to be master of 
the work, and in case of an enemy from abroad (of which 
they heard some rumors, which afterwards were also 
found to be true) it would not be possible to force upon 
them an agreement against their will. It was then un- 


dertaken in this wise, Captain Leisler forced as it were 
by the people marched into the Fort, and at the same 
time all Companies of the Militia assembled in front of 
the residences of their respective Captains. These and 
some of the Lieutenants not having been found, they 
conjunctly marched off led in order by subaltern officers 
to the Plain of the Fort. Here whilst standing in order 
the Captains and the Colonel (who was also one of the 
Supreme Council) came and intimidating them with men- 
aces tried to prevent the Militia from joining the corn- 
pan}^ of Captain Leisler, but they remained steadfast, 
and at last one of the Ensigns of the Militia had the har- 
dihood to march in with his Company and was followed 
by all the others. The Captains having been convinced, 
also came in and signed in public upon a Drum (although 
some rather backward) that they were in favor of the 
Prince of Orange, but the Colonel was in no way to be 
persuaded, to join the others, although he was very po- 
litely invited to do so in the name of the entire Militia 
and some private friends tried with much reasoning to 
make it agreeable to him, because he well knew (yes, he 
even said so,) that if he would but follow, all would 
follow. When this to the great regret of the Militia did 
not succeed, they tried to set things in order as well as 
they could, called a meeting over the whole land, in 
which it was resolved that the Captains in turns should 
have the care of the Fort, and conjunctly write to Eng- 
land of what had been done, requesting that the supreme 
authority there would please to direct them what to do. 
All this having been so softly and easily accomplished, 
everything would have become quiet, until relief should 
have arrived from higher hand, if the magistrates who 
of themselves had retired from tlie administration, iiad 
been contented to be quiet and wait for the order from 
England : but they tried to upset everything, attempting 
to expel those who then had tlie power of arms in their 
hands, because their number was so small, and this 
madness grew more and more, after it became known 
that matters in England looked well, and that every- 



thing appeared there to lead to the desired result. 
Now it is to be known that most of the magistrates or 
those who were their friends, in particular those of the 
Dutch nation were also elders and deacons and therefore 
heads of our church. With these D" [Domine] Se- 
lyns united himself allowing himself very imprudently 
to be used by them, to advocate this cause from his 
pulpit, accusing the People with the greatest bitterness 
and partiality of Rebellion and riot against their high 
Magistrates. This made the breach immediately incur- 
able, for knowing that they had done everything in 
uprightness and for a good cause, yes that the magis- 
trates ought to have led them therein, they began to 
greatly hate them. D" Selyns continued in this man- 
ner for all the time the administration remained in the 
hands of Commander Leisler, omitting nothing that he 
knew could in the least exasperate the people, and flung 
from the pulpit everything that was suggested to him by 
the most furious partisans. The most prudent and 
peaceful of the classis, certainly tried to reason with 
him and to induce him to keep out of that work, and 
not to soil his Ministerial calling, which was so highly 
elevated above all this, with such insignificant things, 
and to make his mission not at once entirely useless ; 
that enough mistakes were being committed on both 
sides, and that he ought to show every one his duty, and 
keep himself aloof from partisanship: but to this he 
could by no means be brought. 

Commander Leisler being confirmed in the admin- 
istration as well by the people as by the letter of his 
majesty, in a very short time, brought the Fort and in 
particular the City (whose Fortifications had entirely 
fallen in decay) into a suitable position (having been 
assisted therein with uncommon zeal by the people) and 
notwithstanding the opposition of his Enemies put 
thino;s in such order that the government came into its 
full posture of defence, so that his name in the whole of 
the West Indies became so respected in a short time that 
here we had to fear for no enemy from abroad. Yes, if 


we had been united among ourselves we would have 
known of no war ; but at Albany where he could not 
always be in person, the French and savages of Canada 
were given fair play by his Enemies so that they took 
advantage of the opportunity and surprized Schoonec- 
tade (a place 12 miles distant from there) and massacred 
and burnt it with the greatest fury in the world, in 
which those of Albany were much to blame for violently 
joreventing those from going who were for Commander 
Leisler, and desired to march thither when the news 
came that the French were advancing. Here the pious 
D" Tassemaker was deplorably and barbarously mur- 
dered ; and his head put upon a pole was carried in tri- 
umph to Canada. The expedition which was afterwards 
undertaken with very many people also from the neigh- 
bouring Governments and so ably conducted that unless 
bj^ special accident the design could not fail, was also 
intentionally spoiled because he was unable to be per- 
sonally present, and because they grudged him the 
honor thereof 

In the month of January Major Kichard Ingoldsby 
arrived with his soldiers from England, to remain here 
in garrison. Colonel Slaughter our Governor having first 
gone to Bermudas. Allowing himself immediately to be 
seduced by those who were against Commander Leisler, 
he demanded the delivery of the Fort. Leisler asked 
him for his authority either from the King, or from 
Governor Slaughter, but he could show none, and 
the Fort therefore was at once refused to him. Yet 
he was with all manner of civility invited as long as 
Governor Slaughter remained so tardy to make the house 
of Commander Leisler his personal abode, where he 
would be entertained with their utmost ability, and to 
have his soldiers quartered among the Burghers, where 
they also would receive all possible comfort ; but nothing 
could satisfy him but the surrender of the Fort, although 
he well knew that his order was, should he arrive here 
sooner than the Governor, to remain with the soldiers 
quietly on board until his arrival, or otherwise the Com- 


mander could order him to do so if it were necessary : 
And also that Commander Leisler could not deliver the 
Fort to him except upon an expressly written order after 
the usages of war without betraying himself and making 
himself culpable, so that they could have hung him as 
a Villain in the gate of the Fort, which was their in- 
tention if he had not known how to avoid this snare. 
They then incited the whole country against him as 
against a Rebel who refused to let the King's Soldiers 
enter into his majesty's Fort, everything possible was 
attempted to bring on a collision, saying amongst 
themselves, we will continue to provoke the Dog until 
he bites, and then we will have cause enough for an 
action against him, doing their best to make him lose 
his patience, and that in such a villainous and brutish 
manner that we would be ashamed to write it down 
upon paper. Some of the Consistory also did not find 
it improper to march with their muskets in company 
of all sorts of rascals against their fellow citizens and 
members in the Fort ; by which it happened that a large 
piece of cannon loaded with musket balls and small shot 
in being pointed towards the Fort was fired imprudent- 
ly, killing several people, among whom was an Elder and 
a Deacon, and deplorably wounding others. These 
friends had the Sunday previous been present at the love 
feast of the Lord's Supper ; how did one another com- 
pare after this ? Yes, D" Selyns having been asked b}^ 
an elder who was sickly, how the French did, said, they 
are still full of constancy in this work. This accident 
having happened they cried out that it was the fault 
of that black Dog, he was a murderer of these poor 
people. Yet the man meanwhile Avas keeping quiet, 
with his men in the Fort, although it was in his power, 
had he desired, to destroy everything in a short time, for 
even had he wanted a thousand men or more, they could 
have been had in a few hours. Relying upon his good 
cause and having an abhorrence of the spilling of 
Citizens' blood ; he had not the slightest idea that he 
would have been condemned by his Enemies, and not 


be allowed to defend himself before the King ; or that 
the Governor would have approved such a sentence and 
signed the Execution. A few days afterwards Gover- 
nor Slaughter arrived, and because it Avas in the evening, 
the surrender of the Fort was postponed until the next 
morning. Meanwhile major Ingoldsby came calling 
out at the Fort that if Leisler and the chief men should 
be secured, the rest would be pardoned. Of this they 
had not the least intention, which otherwise would 
have been easy for them to do ; but they only tried to 
come before his majesty and thus before the Fountain 
of Justice to defend themselves. In the morning the 
said Ingoldsby came into the Fort to Commander 
Leisler, requesting that he would order his people who 
were yet more than three hundred men strong to put 
down their firearms and so to march out, in order to 
prevent all commotions, and their arms should be im- 
mediately returned to them, which he without suspicion 
immediately caused to be done. The men thus coming 
out in their side arms were at once attacked by the out- 
side-standing crowd, scolded as being villains and traitors, 
and robbed of everything, and that with such fury as if 
they wanted to kill them : The officers meanwhile shout- 
ino; and screaming — rob them! rob them! and take their 
guns away from these rascals, they will otherwise murder 
our wives and children ! Yes, one of these Heroes after- 
wards said that he was sorry he had not ordered them to 
be stripped and caused them to be scourged with walnut 
rods out of the city. Commander Leisler was immedi- 
ately afterwards brought before the Governor, who 
allowed (having spoken but a very few words to him) 
that he was spit in the face, and that he was robbed of 
his wig, sword and sash, and of a portion of his clothes 
which were torn from him, and that they abused him as 
raging Furies, putting irons on his legs and throwing 
him into a dark hole underground full of stench and filth. 
His council and officers of the militia, and others whom 
they found in the fort or caught among the Burghers 
were treated in the same manner, and Governor Slaugh- 


ter afterwards never saw nor spoke to Leisler or any- 
body else of the prisoners, but once when they were con- 
fined in the casemate of the Fort and already been con- 
demned, he came to them in the night being drunk, and 
even then did he promise them that not a hair of their 
head would be hurt. Although they and still six 
others had been condemned by a picked jury com- 
posed of youths and other bitter men, the Governor 
could not be so readily persuaded to sign the ex- 
ecution, which at last they got him to do after 
having made him drunk and under promise of a 
large sum of money ; for he was a poor man who 
had been hunted up in England in order to play this 
tragedy with. Everything was done to impress him 
with the necessity of the moment. All the three Dutch 
Ministers exaggerated in the pulpit as well as in their 
conversation the pretended tyranny of Leisler, and de- 
clared that an example ought to be made of him. Even 
wives of principal men threw themselves at the feet 
of the Governor begging him for the love of God 
to have compassion on them and the country ; saying 
that union nevermore would come, as long as those 
villains were alive, and therefore he ought not to hesi- 
tate to let them be hung, and then at once they would 
have peace and union, which otherwise would be im- 
possible. At last having hereto been in particular in- 
duced by his covetous wife he reluctantly and with great 
sadness signed the warrant of execution, crying aloud in 
great oppression, O God ! how shall I be able to answer 
for it before Your Majesty and my king, and so he had 
from that time not one peaceful hour. The more because 
he learnt from the High Sheriff by Avhom he had order- 
ed the Execution with what Christian courage they had 
died, protesting before God, that all they had done had 
been for the protestant E/cligion, and for king William and 
queen Mary ; praying that the Lord would grant them 
a long and prosperous reign, praying also for him the 
Governor (Slaughter) wishing hiin a peaceful adminis- 
tration, forgiving all who were the cause of their death, 


and begging if they had offended anybody that they 
would also forgive them ; exhibiting in everything such 
Christian patience, that D? Selyns himself was touched 
by it, and confessed that they died as Christians, al- 
though he previously in great passion had said that 
Leisler was a Devil in the flesh, and never could be 
saved ; for which he was reproved even by his wife and 
others who stood by. The magistrates tried to dispel 
this melancholy of Governor Slaughter by frequently 
making him excessively drunk, but when the wine had 
been slept out, the regret and despair again returned 
uppermost. Keceiving from them, upon his rueful lam- 
entations little better comfort than Judas received from 
the High Priests, and after having been tossed to and 
fro for some time by various passions and affections he 
died suddenly of disease of the heart. If our three 
Dutch Ministers had done the same as D° Daille (a 
French Minister at Boston) was wont to do who think- 
ing that something more mild could have been done, went 
to the Commander Leisler and exhorted him to meekness, 
and Avhen he was in prison and condemned did all his 
devoir to dissuade Governor Slaughter from the execu- 
tion, urging him not to let Leisler die. Now if these 
three had done their duty, who does not see that this 
murder could have been prevented "? but they were very 
far from doing so. Being now in possession of the 
Governors signature and consent to the execution 
which they received on Thursday the 14*'' May, 1691, 
D? Selyns let himself be used to announce to them their 
death and came whilst they were sitting to take supper 
together. Yet he had no patience to allow them to do 
so, although he might well have been aware that such a 
message would take away all their appetite : He there- 
for delivered his message in a curious manner, saying 
that he came to bring tliem good news, that not all of 
them should die, but said he to Commander Leisler and 
Secretary Milborn, you both shall die on Saturday 
next, being the 16"" May, and you have to prepare 
yourselves thereto. Thus in all the circumstances show- 


ing that in all these his actions he was not as much af- 
fected as he well might have been, and afterwards he did 
not visit them until the day they were executed. The 
joy of those who desired to kill him [Leisler] was inex- 
pressible, it was — where ? where shall we now put the 
gallows f and when some told them that these things 
coming to the ears of His Majesty, might yet be 
changed, they answered, we will take good care that 
the King shall not know it, as we have done thus far, 
nobody will speak against it. The gallows was then 
made of those pieces of wood which they had put in 
readiness upon the walls of the Fort, with which to turn 
away the storming enemy. To give an account of the 
execution in all its details is unnecessary, because this 
was sufficiently done in a short time after it occurred by 
women who went hence to Amsterdam, we therefore will 
only mention how D" Selyns and the two other ministers 
behaved themselves afterwards. These every one in his 
place were advocates for the necessity of the act, and 
D". Selyns excelled therein, asserting that otherwise nei- 
ther peace nor union could be expected among the 
people ; which could result in nothing else than the con- 
trary, for the people knowing that Commander Leisler 
and all of them had done this work for the King and 
for their liberty, began to feel an implacable hatred 
against the instigators of the murder, and the others by 
their manner increased this feeling as much as was in 
their power. For as it is customary after the punish- 
ing of the chiefs to proclaim and grant a perfect pardon 
and amnesty for the rest, especially when the delin- 
quents are large in numbers, here they did to the con- 
trary, because they intended to take their full revenge, 
as some had already said, that of those whose blood they 
could not get they would have their goods. Now every 
one who knows how far in England the law of Confis- 
cation extends in England, can easily imagine what 
they intended to do here, had not the fear of some day 
being called to account kept them l)ack. In the Church 
it was the same, those who were the most bitter in this 


work were elected to the church offices, by which the 
people got such an aversion to the public worship, that 
at first only a tenth part enjoyed the Lord's Supper, and 
some have to this day not enjoyed the same. Of this 
T>° Selyns was the great cause, continuing constantly 
to plead for the doings of the Magistrates, the people 
ought to confess their fault or there could be no par- 
don. This manner of doing brought the country into 
the greatest confusion and peril in the world, for those 
of the Magistracy thinking of nothing but revenge al- 
lowed all the fortifications (which Commander Leisler 
had kept in excellent order) to go to decay. The 
strength of the country was gone, for those of the peo- 
ple who in case of an enemy's appearance would have 
been called upon to fight, had been disarmed, denounced 
for villains and baffled in all sorts of ways, which in 
times of a hostile surprise would have made them run 
nearer to the enemy than to the Fort. Those of 
the Magistracy seemed not to be afraid of the Fi'ench. 
Some of them said that the French well knew where 
they should go to. Yes, DP Varick, Minister at Mid- 
woud, said he would go and meet them with a glass of 
wine and bid them welcome — which agreed with the 
saying of J)? Dellius (who was continually in corres- 
pondence with the Jesuits of Canada) that the King of 
France was not at war with tlie kingdom of England, 
but onl}' with those who held it with the Prince of 
Orange. D? Selyns continued to do nothing else but 
on every occasion to enlarge the power of France and 
to impress upon the people the impossibility of a good 
result. From all this the miserable condition in which 
we were can be seen, for the Magistrates instead of Fa- 
thers had become Stepfathers only seeking for cause to 
dispense punishment. In church frequently more 
pleading was heard than preaching : and what was most 
dreadful for us, if the enemy were to come we Avould not 
have been treated as prisoners of war but as conquered 
Rebels and Traitors, and would have been pointed out 
to the Enemy by our own fellow citizens and believers. 


This many bitter people seemed to long for, for if it had 
gone according to their mind, not two only but a great 
many would have been hung, which the most envious 
of them estimated at some hundreds. And that would 
not have been done all at once, but now and then a 
holyday would have been made of it. This evil now 
having lasted for more than seven years it was high 
time that with this joyful peace we also sliould at last 
have peace among ourselves. This would certainly have 
followed for a great part in the church if we could have 
had besides D? Selyns a peaceful and impartial Minis- 
ter, whom we would have found in D? Niecella had it 
not been prevented by the other and his party as your 
Reverences can learn from our Petition to our Gover- 
nor My-lord Bellomont. However as it has now hap- 
pened, that we enjoy the felicity of having our cause 
examined before your Reverences' wise Assembly, so 
have we perfect confidence, that the Reverend Classis 
by their authority and wisdom will reconcile us — to 
whose judgment we fully submit. We only request 
that the calling of the Ministers for this congregation 
shall be done in no other way than after the ancient cus- 
tom and in equity, which has been sufficiently set forth 

in our Petitions, especially as the call upon D° 

has been made by these seven persons of the ordinary 
consistory; and some of the old consistory, after it was 
done and the letters were ready to be sent away, have 
also consented thereto. But we in no way understand 
that, should his Reverence decline the call, then 
two partial men at Amsterdam shall provide us with a 
young Pleader instead of a Preacher, which we know to 
be the intention of D? Selyns and his party, judging 
those persons incompetent to get for us an impartial 
teacher ; for the one has been here a bitter enemy of the 
Revolution and has done his best that things have come 
to that extremity, which easily could have been pre- 
vented. The other is so rash and partial in his judg- 
ment of our cause, that before he had perfectl)' under- 
stood the same, upon the bitter writing of D ° Selyns, 


he condeianed D" Niecella from what he had done as 
unworthy ever to enter the pulpit, as he has written to 
his friends here. This need not be contradicted in any 
other manner than that his congregation in general had 
with much love received him again, disapproving entire- 
ly the outrageous proceedings of some of their consis- 
tory against his Reverence. Therefore if the nomina- 
tion of D? is not confirmed no one is better 

entitled to the place than the brother of D? Niecella, 
Minister at Surinam, who would certainly have been 
ours [our Minister] if the congregation had been al- 
lowed to have its choice and if D? Selynsand his party 
had not been opposed thereto, and we think it very ab- 
surd that T> ? Selyns and his party are trying to prevent 
that a Minister of our neighbourino; church should be 
called here, or from Surinam, with which place we have 
some commerce and consequently the opportunity to get 
from there a Minister sooner and with less expense than 
from Holland. Therefore our humble petition is that 
the E-Gverend Classis would be pleased to order here as 
well as in Holland through the Honorable West India 
Company, that we and our neighbors may be at liberty 
to do so. 

Yesterday the 20*^ October both the corpses of Com- 
mander Jacob Leisler and Jacob Milborne were here 
with great solemnity again interred in our Dutch 
Church, their arms and hatchments of honor were there 
hung up, and they thereby as much as possible restored 
in their Honor, for which his Honor's son Jacob Leisler 
had received special permission from his majesty to the 
inexpressible joy of their families and of the people 
who under him had taken up arms for our blessed King 
William. We hope that herewith the discords which 
so long have tormented us will also be buried, to which 
our right noble and wished for Governor, My-lord Earl 
of Bellomont is doing his utmost devoir, who without 
regard of persons with very great equity and mildness 
tries to do justice, having now (to begin with the Lord 
God) ordered over the whole land a solemn Day of Fast 


and Prayer exhorting the inhabitants by a grave proc- 
lamation fervently to pray herefor to his Divine Maj- 
esty, whereto we hope that the Lord will grant his 
merciful blessing — which blessing and mercy we desire 
for Your Reverences with all our Hearts. 
N. York in America, the 2P' October, 1G98. 


To his Excel!. Richard of Bellomont Capt General (& 
Gov"" in Cheif & Vice Admiral in & over his Maty' 
Province of Neiv York in America &c. 

The humble Peticon & Remonstrance of the Representa- 
tives of this his Maty^ Province of New York, Oo7i- 
vend in General Assembly. 

Ma}^ it please yo"" Lordship. 

We y" Representatives of his Maty^^ Province Con- 
vened in General Assembly, do with all due Respect & 
Humility, approach yo"" Lordship, to Assure you, that 
y® same inviolable Loyalty w"'' has hitherto affected & in- 
flamed our hearts towards y^ Crown & Goverm* of 
England, will ever preserve us in a most Religious & 
Steady Perseverance therein, being thoroughly sensible 
how great a Blessing it is to be subject to y'' best & 
greatest of Kings, & under so noble a Constution of 
La^vs, as makes England this day y" Envy of all its 
Neighbour Nations. Yet we cannot but with great 
greif of heart represent to yo"" Lordship, that we have 
not of late years enjoyed y® felicity of those Excellent 
Laws, which in their own nature & designment arc to 
Extent to all y^ Subjects of y® Crown, how remote so 
ever, at least Virtually, & wherein y® Lives, Liberty es & 
properties of y^ Subjects are concerned. 

We were very uneasy under an Arbitrary Comis- 
sion in y® late King James's Reigne, which gave y*' 
Gov"" of this Province, among other Arbitrary powers, 
that of Levying mony without calling an Assembly, 


whereby we reckoned that our Lives, as well as Estates, 
were subject to the Arbitrary will of a Gov*", contrary 
to the known Laws of England ; & mony was actually 
Levyed on us, pursuant to the illegal powers of the said 
Comission. The exercise whereof & the dreadfull vio- 
lence we also apprehended would be done to our Con- 
sciences, in Respect of our Holy Protestant Religion, 
from a Popish Arbitrary King, made us Unanimously 
& heartily throw off y® yoke of Popish Tyranny, & de- 
clare for his then Highness y^ Prince of ORANGE, 
upon y® first News we had of his Glorious & Unparral- 
led Expedition into England. 

We acted then, as we conceived, on a Right Princi- 
ple, & we were the more Confirmed in that Belief, because 
we acted in Conceit & Conformity with y^ Glorious Peo- 
ple of England. But to our great amazement and sor- 
row we have suffered severely for our early services to 
King William & y® Crown of England, most of us in 
our Liberty & Estates, & five of our ffriends (who had 
the Honesty & Courage to stand in y® Gap when others 
shamefully drew back & deserted y^ Protestant Cause, & 
were therefore by Universal Consent of the People 
thought most worthy to be cheif in comand, till orders 
should come from ENGLAND) who fell a sacrifice to 
the Rage & Malice of y* Jacobite Party in this Province, 
who tho' few in Number at that time, had Never the 
less y® Power & influence to prevaile on y" weakest of 
men. Col. Henry Slaughter, Gov"" of this Province, to 
order a Tryal for those brave men, & appoint such a 
sett of Judges, as by principle & prejudice, would not 
faile to gratifie y^ malice of their Party, as they did un- 
der a forme of Law, which made it the more Cruel & 
Arbitrary, the said Tryal being ordered by the Gov'. & 
managed by the Bench Contrary to all the Rules of 
Justice & Humanity ; for we are able to make appear, if 
thereunto required, that never a Revolucon was carried 
on & mannaged with more moderation in any part of the 
Christian World. 

And further for instance y^ weakness as well as y* 


Cruelty of y^ said Gov", in appointing Nicholas Bayard, 
William Nicolls (lately suspended by yo"" Lord'p from 
his Matys Council) and Several others so mannag'd the 
tryal against Cap^ Leisler, M^ Milbourn, & the other Six 
Prisoners who were all their a Vowed Enemies, & bore a 
mortal grudge to the saidCaj)t. Leisler, for their haveing 
been by him imprisoned in y® Fort, for opposeing the 
late happy Revolucon & endeavoring to raise a Tumult 
among the People, & disturb y® peace of the Government, 
and for telling Capt. Leisler to his face, That the Par- 
liament of England Voting and enacting y® Thrones 
being Vacant, was nonsence, that there was no such 
thing possible in Nature, nor could be by y^ Laws of 
England. Gov' Slaughter too by Lodging in Nicholas 
Bayards house was the more pressed, & sooner prevail- 
ed on by Bayards Importunity to sign the Warrant 
of Execucon. And as an Infallible token of the share 
he had in that Council, there was a fflag hung out of a 
Window of his House for two days together, before the 
day of of Execucon, as a Trophy & Signal of the Point 
gained by him on y* said Gov*^, & of the Victory over 
the Lives, not only of Innocent, but most deserving 
men. In those days it was, when y® Protestant Subjects 
were disarmed, & Papists Armed, Nay y® Publick faith 
of Government was Violated ; for a Peprieve had been 
sealed to respit y® Execution of those Gentlemen, un- 
till his matys pleasure should be known ; yet before this 
could be known his maty they were Executed. And 
notwithstanding the Gov""* Proclamation, to invite such 
as fled to shun y^ hard fate. Several whereof were never- 
theless fined & Imprisoned ; & certainely more had un- 
dergone y® hard fate of Capt. Leysler & Mr. Milbourn, 
had it not been for Gov"" Slaughter s suddain Death, & 
the reflection he had, tho' too late of this Barbarous & 
unwarrantable strange Execution. This was y^ end of 
Capt. Leysler & Mr. Milbourn, y^ former whereof has 
Expended £2700 out of his own proper Estate, for y* 
service of his maty, as was made appear to a Comittee 
of this House. These were the Days of Wrath and 


utter Darkness, so that we must say with y® Apostle, 
Wo unto them, for they have gone in y^ way of Cain. 

Then, Contrary to his Matys Letters Pattents, 
Kichard Ingoldsby, a hot headed inconsiderate person, 
& a Simple Capt of foot, is made Comander in Cheif ; 
& in all the time of his Administracon, Oppression is 
still continued. Nor could y® change of Gov'* remedy 
y® same, by y^ coming of Coll Fletcher, who altho, no 
"blood spilt, yet bruised y" Bone of y^ remnant left, and 
made his Goverment an Entire mass of Corruption, by 
Encourageing Pyracy & Unlawful Trade, & giveing away 
almost all y" Vacant Lands in y* Province, to a few dis- 
affected & undeserving men, neglecting y^ fi-ontieers of 
this Province & packing Representatives to serve in Gen- 
eral Assembly, Imbezilling & Squandering a way the 
Revenue & other publick monys. Setting Atheistical 
Persons in places of greatest Trust in y^ Goverm*. All 
w^hich, & many more Instances of his male Administra- 
tion, as we are informed, have been already transmitted 
to England by yo"" Lordship. 

The Representatives Convened in General Assembly, 
takeing notice of what was done herein for releif, by that 
most Senate, y® Parliament of England, in Reversing of 
the Attainders of Jacob Leysler, M"" Milborn & others, 
cannot but with y® greatest of Zeal, and fervency of 
affection send up their Prayers to y^ great maty of Hea- 
ven & Earth for y^ Preservation of his matys Roval Per- 
son, & of that most Excellent Constution & for y® 
Ministers of State, the influence of whose wdse & honest 
Council, is felt, even at this vast Distance from England. 
And in humble Confidence of his matys goodnes, we 
humbly pray yo' Excell to lay before his maty this our 
humble Peticon, hoping that the same good Angel who 
led yo' Excell to attend his maty, when Prince of 
Orange; in his Glorious Expedition for England, & 
brought yo' Excell safe amongst us, to j^ut a stop to y* 
oppressions we groaned under, will now move yo' Lord" 
in our behalf, to interceed with his maty for our Relief 
(although as Christians w^e would forgive our Enemies 


& oppressors) That lie would be graciously pleased to 
Extend of his Royal Bounty & Favour on y® Families 
of the said Leisler & Milbourn & also order y® Sum of 
Two thousand Seaven hundred Pounds to be paid unto 
her (& that care be taken to pay such Debts as are 
owing for what was Expended in y" late happy Revolu- 
con in this Province) in Consideracon of their suiferings 
& services for his matys Interest & this Province. 

That for y^ better Administracon of Justice five able 
Judges be sent from England (& two or three able 
Council, who have acquired to that noble profession by 
study, & not by Usurpation) for the mainteinance 
whereof we shall not be wanting. 

That Coll. Fletcher s Coat of Arms may be pulled 
down from y^ Kings Chappell in y^ Fort, & Trinity 
Church in this Citty ; that since he left no monument 
of Virtue & a Just Administration, those of his Nau- 
tious & Insupportable Pride & Vanity, may not remain 
to Posterity, especially since his birth was so mean & 
obscure as that he was not entituled to bear a Coat of 

All w'''' y® Representatives again humbly move yo' 
Excel! . to lay before his maty, together with our most 
Inviolable Loyalty & Obedience to his Matys Comands. 
By order of the House of Representatives. 

Abra : GouvERNEUR, Speaker. 
[May 15th, 1699.] 


The Deposition of Abraham Gouverneur of the City 
of New York of full age being duly sworn on y® holy 
evangelists of our Lord God deposeth and saith that 
some time in the year of our Lord God One Thousand 
Six hundred Eighty Nine and Ninety he this deponent 
was in the city of New York and during y^ time of 
Capt" Jacob Leisler's government, Clark of the Councill, 
at which time this deponent did see that the said Leisler 
did expend great sums of money on the King s account 


out of the proper estate of him the said Leisler, and 
particularly a briganteen of his being coming from Eng- 
land the greatest part of what she brought for his ac- 
count was sent to supply y*" souldiers on ye fronteers of 
Albany, and some part to the Garrison of Fort William 
Henry in this City, and he this deponent further saith 
that of his knowledge the s'' Leisler when some mer- 
chants were unwilling to credit the Government, he gave 
his own bonds or notes to pay them, and this deponent 
further declares that the said Leisler did often speak to 
his son Jacob Leisler who kept the Books of y® s*^ dis- 
bursement & account to see how much had been paid in 
an account of the government and what was paid out 
by him and accordingly some little time before the ar- 
rival of Major Richard Ingoldesby, the said Jacob 
Leisler did in the presence of him sum up the same and 
found that the said Leisler had been out on account of 
the government more than he had received either two 
thousand seven hundred or two thousands five hundred 
pounds. And this deponent further adds that the said 
Leisler did often tell this to severall persons in this de- 
ponent's hearing professing to shew it them in y® book 
but their answer was generall that thej' did believe it 
and that it could not be otherwise. And this Deponent 
further says that the said acc*^* were kept in a large book 
which had been brought from Port Royal by Capt° Go- 
deris, it being one of the books of Records of that 
place, the which said book to this deponent certain know- 
ledge was by the said Leisler left in y^ fort amongst 
many other Books and Papers, that very morning he 
delivered y'' fort to Col'. Sloughter s order but since al- 
tho a great many Endeavors have been used the said 
Book is not to be found or heard of, and further this 
depon' Saith not. 

Abraham Gouverneur. 
New York the 21*' Aug^' 99. 

Then appeared before me Abraham D'Peyster, Esq^ 
one of his Majesty's council for the Province of New 



York the above named Abraham GDUverrieur and on 
his Corporall Oath declared to the truth of this depo- 
sition Witness my hand day and year above s'^. 

A. D. Peister. 
On the back was written 
a true copy 

petition of JACOB LEISLER. 

To the Kings most Excellent Majesty — The humble 

petition of Jacob Leisler. 

That Capt" Leisler deceased your petitioner's late fa- 
ther was chiefly instrumental in promoting your maj^^' 
interest at New York in America in y® late happy revo- 
lution in which conjuncture he did not only expose his 
life to y'' utmost hazard but did expend in buying armes 
and other necessaries on that occasion above four 
thousand pounds, of which sum there did appear 
to y® Maj'^' assembly sufficient evidence of your peti- 
tioner's Father disbursing two thousand seven hundred 

Yet notwithstanding such his signal services by the 
influence and malice of your maj^^^ and his Enemies 
who were deeply engaged in y" Interest of y® late King 
James he Avas convicted under y'' forme of Justice for a 
supposed high Treason which was easily found when some 
of y^ Jury were reputed Papists under y^ direction 
of y"" Maj^y'^ late gov"" Col° Henry Slaughter & Joseph 
Dudley, president who ordered y® execution of your 
petitioner s lal^e father without sending over for your 
Maj^^' direction leaving Alice Leisler his relict and y' 
Petif his only Son with six daughters in very deplora- 
ble circumstances, having in a great measure exhausted 
all their substance in supplying y^ publick necessities. 

That upon application made to y*" Parliament here 
in England, both houses were so fully satisfied upon y^ 
proofs made before them touching your petitioners said 


late Fathers' services that an Act of Parliament had 
lately passed for the reversing of his attainder, and y® 
representatives for y® Province of New York Convened 
in generall Assembly have signified likewise their sense 
of your Petitioner's fathers services & sufferings & losses 
for your Maj^^^^ Service, to his ExcelP^ Richard Earl of 
Bellomont your majesty's governour of that Province 
to y® end that the same may be humbly represented & 
have recommended your Pet', as a fitt object of your 
Maj*y' favor and bounty & that the same sum of two 
thousand seven hundred pounds be paid to your Pe- 

Yo' Petit' therefore humbly prays that yo' Maj*'' 
would be graciously pleased to direct that y® s** money 
may be paid to yo"" Pef at New York and that he may 
receive suche farther marks of y' Maj'^^ great compas- 
sion and Bounty as to your Maj^^, in your great wisdom 
and Justice shall seem most meet. 

And your Petitioner shall ever pray 

Jacob Leisler. 


Whitehall y' 6th February ]^ll 
My Lord, 

The King being moved upon y® petition of Mr. Ja- 
cob Leisler and having a gracious sence of his father's 
services and sufferings & y*" ill circumstances y** Peti- 
tioner [& his family are] is thereby reduced to ; his maj'^ 
is pleased to direct that y* same be transmitted to your 
Lordship & that you recommend his case to y* general 
assembly of New York being y^ onl}' place where he 
can be relieved and the prayer of his petition complyed 
with. I am, my Lord, Your Lord'ps 

Most obedient & most humble Servant 


This letter was directed to the Earl of Bellomont and is inserted in Smith's History ofNeio 
York,* page 100, only the words included in [brackets] are not to be found in it. It was 
wrote by the Earl of Jersey. [Du Simitieee.] 

[* Edition of 1757. P. 140, Ed. 1776; P. 141, Ed. 1829; P. 162, Ed. 1830.] 



[Translated from the original in Dutch, by S. Alofsen, Esq.] 

Copy of an Account rendered hy Capt. Jacob Mauritz 
to the Commissioner appointed hy the Assembly to 
examine the Accounts of the Government. 

Account of Moneys Disbursed. 


31 May. At Sundry times to Jacob Leisler ;^88 6 6 

10 June. To Jacob Leisler and Johannes Provoost 15 5 

£\oz II 6 

By Mr. John Manley advocate at sundry 

times 54 i 10 

By cash to Johannes Provoost 892 

Jacob Willemse Roome Holland courant f. 6 

Daniel De Klerck 200 

For account of the Ship the Bear 17 11 6 

By cash to John Thomas 6 10 o 

For an order for the condemned and to take 

recognizance and other expenses 29 4 6 

By extraordinary Expenses for various dec- 
larations and having been 12 times in 
Whitehall sometimes more than 20 per- 
sons and more other expenses for which 
account the sum of /'50 pound sterling 
and signed Jacob Mauritz 

JoH. Provoost 
Jacob Leisler 
John Thomas 50 o O 

Yet charged to me in account by Mr. Cullen 

and obliged to make good to him by in- 

terest on ^147 for 2 years amounting 

to ;^l8 

For a treat at Deal to Governor 

Fletcher 5 

Letter postage 6 10 

29 10 

Sum f. 6 

£zox 13 6 

Deduct for amount paid by Jacob Leisler to 

Mr. Cullen ;i^i03 11 6 

and that for account of the Ship the Bear 17 11 6 

and of Daniel De Klerck 200 

123 3 o 

Sum total f. 6 ;^I78 10 6 

1689 & 90 By cash to Joost StoU in England as per his 
acct. and signature being ;^2i 4 6, 


and are credited to me by Governor Leis- 
ler and his Council the sum of about £2S ° 

■V- May By lb 300 fine and new gunpowder a 10 gl per lb 75 o 

Yet fetched from my wife by Sergeant Johan- 
nes Burger lb 100 sheet lead at 6d per lb 25 

New York money ;^II2 5 O ^^^178 10 6 

Holl'ds i 6 
Yet for beef and Pork fetched into the fort 
when Major Ingoldsby was blockading 
the fort about lb. 200 a 300. 
Doubt not but your Honor will take care and 
take into consideration that the moneys 
disbursed besides the Interest and other 
losses suffered therefrom will be paid. 

New York the 11 June Ao. 1701-0. 

Errors Excepted 

Jacob Mauritz. 

[Read In Council, etc. October ISth, 1701.] 

To the Hon^^^ John Nanfan Esq"" Lieut* Govern'^ & Com- 
mander in Chief of this Province of New York and 
the hon^^^ Council of the Same in general assembly 
The Humble Petition of Jacob Leisler Son and heir of 

Jacob Leisler deceased. 

That whereas the house of representatives now in 
general assembly convened having taken into their serious 
considerations his maj'^* directions relating to your peti- 
tioner and considering his father s sufferings and dis- 
bursements layd out by him and others his Maj^^* good 
subjects of this province in the time of the late happy 
revolution for the defence of this province in the late 
warr, and have thereupon passed a bill to pay the debts 
afores*^ Entitled an act for paying the debts of the go- 
vernment made in y^ time of y^ late happy revolution 
and finding by the votes of the house that the same is 
sent up to your Honours, 

He therefore humbly prayes your honours to take 
your petition'"* Case into your serious consideration and 


that you would be pleased to give your assent to the 
said JBill that your Petitioner and others may after so 
long a time receive satisfaction for their honest ser- 
vices and disbursements whereby your Petitioner hum- 
bly conceives his majesty's directions may be complyed 
with otherwise your petitioner will be frustrated (at 
least for a long while) of his maj*^^ royal favour to him 
in said orders Expressed. 

And your Petition'' as in duty bound shall pray, k"^. 

Jacob Leisler. 



To divers Supplys and Supports of the government of the Colony 
aforesaid and other Charges and Expenses made in the time 
of the late happy revolution, amounting to the sum of Two 
Thousand Seven Hundred Pounds, which said sum of Two 
Thousand Seven Hundred Pounds was granted by an act of 
the general assembly of the Colony aforesaid, Entituled an Act 
for paying the debts of the government made in the time of the 
late happy revolution to be payd to the said Jacob Leisler in 
such manner and at such times as in and by the said [Act] was 
regulated, but remaned unpayed hitherto. jC^joo O O 

N. York, Feb^ i8'h 1712. 

p"' Jacob Leisler. 

On the back of the above account was written the Endorsement as in the Index [the title 
of this paper] and underneath Lib. B. fol. 49, 50. Read y" 15th May, 1714. [Dtj Simitiere.] 


To the Hon'''" the House of Representatives for the Colo- 
ny of New York now Convened in general assembly. 
The humble Petition of Jacob Leisler. 

That his late sacred Maj*^ King William in or about 
y® month of February, iny'' year 1700, directed his then 
Excellency the Lord Bellomont then Governour of this 
Province to recomend your petitioner's Case to the then 
Hon'''® House of Representatives for relief therein. 
Whereupon y^ s* Hon'''® house on or about the year of our 


Lord 1702 : passed an act for the payment of 2700*' 
unto y'' Peti' which also passed the then Lieut* Gov' & 

And y' Petit"" further sheweth unto your hon''* that 
the said sum of 2 700** and every part thereof remaining 
unpaid to your Petitioner, yo'" pef" lately brought in his 
claim of the said debt to the Commissioners appointed 
by this honourable house to inspect into the debts of the 
government and y'' Pef is desirous to give your Hon""^ all 
possible sattisfaction how and in what manner the said 
sum became due, but the books papers and accounts relat- 
ing thereunto by misfortune being destroyed y'' Petitioner 
is unable to lay before your hon" the Particulars there- 

Your Hon" Petitioner therefore humbly prays yo' 
hon''® to take into your Serious Consideration y'' Circum- 
stances of yo'' Petitioners Case and to afford your hon" 
petitioners such relief as to this hon^^® house shall seem 

And your Hon'' petif Shall ever Pray, &*^- 
24 April, 1714. Jacob Leisler. 

On the back under the endorsement was ■written— Read 28 April and committed toy 
Committee qfy trhote House to whom his Excellency'' s speech is referred. [Du Simitierb.] 


It appears by the different papers I have perused 
relating to Mr. Jacob Leisler, Junior — 

1. From Nicholas CuUen's letters in Mr. Ahm. Gouv- 
er^ieur's possession^ 

That he was in London lodged at the White horse 
in Birchin lane in August, 1695. 

That Sir Henry Ashurst employed himself in his 

That Mr. Nicholas Cullen, merchant of Dover was 
his correspondent and banker. 

That Lord Bellomont at Sir Henry Ashurst's table 


asked Mr. Leisler if lie would go with him back to New 
York. He was not at that time confirmed in his gov- 
ern* beginning of August, 1695. 

That Nicholas Cullen advised him to accept of the 

That Ab™ Gouverneur was in London with Leisler in 
April, 1696. 

2. From Original Bill of Costs at Ahm. Gouv- 

The bill of cost of Mr. Leisler prosecuting his bill in 
Parliament after the recommitment amounted to about 
18 Pounds sterling beside the trouble & pains of the 
attorney to be what he please dated April 29 1685. 

His case was printed in London. 

3. From Original Quittance at Mr. Ahm. Gouv- 
erneur s^ 

Jacob Milborne was in New York in 7'''" 1685 & had 
then a letter of attorney of Sir Thomas Griffith, Knight 
of London, dated the 24 day of April 1684 to receive 
for him the sums due by Jacob Leisler which having 
done he gave him a quittance dated y^ 30 T^'^ 1685 — 
the original I have seen in the possession of Mr. Ab™ 

Neiv Yorh^ May 31. 1769. I have been informed by 
Mr, Buvelot who had it from old W^. Boutecou's own 
mouth that she came in New York from France during 
the time that Leisler had the Government that she and 
her family were well received by him, that he spoke 
French, that he was a Swiss & that mentioning a S\viss 
colonel in the french service at that time of the same 
name, he said it was his brother. 

Mrs. Farmer, daughter of Ab™ Gouverneur who 
married Milborne's widow told Mr. Hartier a few days 
after the above date, that Mr. Leisler had retired from 
France for the persecution and was an elder of the 
French Church in New York, but if so it must have 
been long before the Hevocation of the Edict of Nants 


as Mr. Leisler is mentioned in the list of taxables in 

One Mrs. Latham about 30 years ago was living in 
New York & said then to a lady of my acquaintance 
that she lived in Leisler's family, that she helped at the 
laying of him out & that his head was sewd to his neck, 
that his body was open at the place of execution, & 
the executioner was taking out the hart as it was said 
to bring to a lady who had promised him a reward for 
it but a gentleman present j)revented him from 
doing it. Saying why he should offer such insult 
to a man that never injured him. Milbourne was not 
dead when the Executioner took him down from the 
gallows & lifted up his arm as if to pare [parry] the 
blow of the ax that was to cut his head off they were 
buried in a ground belonging to Leisler to the east of 
the Commons of the city near the corner of a street 
caird George St. in the new Plan of the city it was also 
said that a very short time before their Execution they 
had assurances given to them by the Governour that 
not a hair of their head should be touched, but the 
Bayard party having invited him at a wedding enter- 
tainment of one of their family they made him drunk 
& then prevailed on him to Sign the death warrant & 
they were hurried to the execution. Leisler apj)eared 
insensible & said nothing but Milbourne kept up his 
spirit & encouraged him, the governour's wife had often 
at the instigation of the Bayard party upon her knees 
expostulate the governour to put an end to their life 
& it was said that after his death she lived in New 
York obscure and miserable. Leisler people were 
called Black 'people and Bayard's White People. Stories 
were propagated of Leisler s apparition riding in a 
Coach at the place he was buried. Leisler was a great 
owner of lands at New Rochelle & one of the first 

I have from another person that it was said that at 
the execution a woman took up the heart of Leisler & 
said it was the heart of a traitor this seems improbable. 


Leisler's warrant of Death [was] signed Thursday 14 
May 1691 — him & Milbourne executed Saturday 16 
do. It is said they sung at the gallows the 79th psalm. 
[They were] Reburyed in the old Dutch Church on 20 
8*^^'' 1698 during a very great Snow Storm as I was 
informed by a person present who is still living 1769. 

Nicholas Bayard opposed Leisler & was kept con- 
fined in the fort 14 months, at his release he was 
sworn one of the Council & not little instrument of 
Leisler's ruin in Nanfan's time he was arrested for high 
treason, tried, & condemned the Leisler party having 
then the uppermost he was from time to time respited 
owing as it was said to certain sums of money that were 
from time to time paid by his family to the lieut. gov. 
but according to the anecdote the children grew tired of 
disbursing so much & expostulated with their father 
that he should let himself be hanged (in Dutch Vadej^ 
hafigh maei\ at once for if he should continue longer 
to pay for his life they would soon be all ruined. 

From another Quarter I learned that Bayard 
while under condemnation should have said that if 
the walls of the prison should be made of paper he 
would not come out because they were telling him he 
might run away. Bayard was condemned for high 
treason March 16. 1701. See his trial at large in the 
State Trials Vol. V. from page 419 to 440. 



Acadie, the attack on, 51, 53 ; the inhab- 
itants of, aid the Indians in their at- 
tacks on New England, 124 ; the 
destruction of, 124; the capture of, 
considered, 126. 

Albany, N. Y., an estimate of the general 
charge for the defence of, 166; the 
Dutch of, supply the Esopus Indians 
with ammunition, with which to mur- 
der the Dutch at Esopus, 185; action 
of the inhabitants of, at the Revolution 
in Boston, 249, 259 ; state of affairs at. 
May, 1689, 266 ; young men of, desire 
to invade Canada, 266 ; Leisler's order 
in reference to persons from, 303. 

Albany Expedition, noticed, 296. 

Albemarle County, N. C, refuses to com- 
ply with the wishes of Ludwell, 82. 

Alden, John, Captain, operations of, on 
the Acadian Coast, 53. 

Allen, Samuel (see New HampsWre), 

AUyn, John, Colonel (see Revolution in 
Boston), 248. 

American Colonies, Circular Letters to 
the, from the Prince of Orange, 12, 
36 ; orders of the Privy Council of 
England to the governors of, Feb. 
1689, 13, 36, 37 ; a new plan of Union 
of the Northern, 149; the Mutual 
Union of the, 162 ; lamentable state of 
the, 161 ; the establishment of a De- 
mocracy in, recommended, 162; Repre- 
sentation of the Board of Trade to the 
Lords Justices in September, 1696, 
with regard to the then state of the, 

Amsterdam, the Classis of, Letter from 
Members of the Dutch Church in New 
York to, 398 ; the Classis of, noticed, 

Andros, Sir Edmond, the imprisonment 
of, 27 ; his circular letter of Oct. 16, 
1688, 20 ; appointed governor of Vir- 

ginia, 48; leads his soldiers against 
the Indians in New England, 50, 87 ; 
noticed by Frontenac, 89 ; his admin- 
istration in Virginia, 95 ; his disagree- 
ment with the Virginia House of Bur- 
gesses, 97 ; appointed provisional 
governor of Maryland, 104 ; corres- 
pondence of, quoted, 163; the charac- 
ter of, considered by Cadwallader Col- 
den, 187 ; his government a despotism, 
187; his religious character, 188; im- 
prisons the governor of New Jersey, 
188 ; his education and principles, 
189 ; his administration at Boston, 
190; appointed governor of Virginia, 
and his service there, 190 ; acquainted 
with the invasion of England by the 
Prince of Orange, 242 ; taken in cus- 
tody by the people of Boston, 244 ; 
action of the inhabitants of the Jerseys 
on the seizure of, 247 ; letter from the 
Lt. Gov. and council of New York to, 
of May 1, 1689, 250 ; verbal instruc- 
tions of, to George Wedderburne, 263 ; 
noticed; 39, 61, 256, 257, 259, 261, 
291, 306, 359, 368, 373, 399. 

Andros, Ensign, seized at Boston, 244. 

Annapolis becomes the capital of Mary- 
land, 107. 

Anne, Queen, change in the ministry of, 

AntiU, Edward, noticed, 322, 344, 351, 
352, 355. 

Antwerp, account of the capture of, 194. 

Arbuthnot, Dr., his friendship for Gov. 
Hunter, 196. 

Arehdale, John, appointed governor of 
Carolina, 158 ; his administration, 159; 
his justice to the Indians, 159. 

Articles of surrender, " do they justify " 
illicit trade with Holland? 183. 

Ashurst, Sir William, agent for Massa- 
chusetts, 141. 

Athanasian Creed, Archbishop Tillotson 



wished the church could get fairly rid 
of the, 215. 

Baker, William, noticed, 322. 

Baltimore, Lord, appearance before the 
Committee of Plantations, Feb. 1689, 
14 ; deposed, 17 ; the case of the for- 
feiture of the charter of, 16, 77, 92; 
deprived of his income, 101 ; taxes 
are restored to him, 101. 

Band, Capt. (see Riggs), 299. 

Barry, Andrew, noticed, 290. 

Bath, Earl of, member Privy Council, 
William and Mary, noticed, 37. 

Bayard, Balthazar, noticed, 273, 274, 
275, 277. 

Bayard, Nich., Col., noticed, 241, 243, 
245, 284, 324, 370, 391; a "Ring- 
leader " in the Revolution at New 
York, 376, 376, 379 ; abused by Capt. 
Laysler (Leisler), 269, 270; thinks it 
imprudent for him to appear in arms 
other than a private, 26,8. 

Bayard, Samuel, noticed, 277. 

Bayley, Stephen, noticed, 252. 

Baxter, Jervas, Major, is allowed to with- 
draw to New Jersey, 267 ; noticed, 
368, 370, 371. 

"Beaver," the ship, arrived at New 
York, 318. 

Beekman, Gerard, Justice of the Peace 
in New York, noticed, 295. 

Beekman, Gerardus, Major, Leisler's 
warrant to, 301 ; under sentence of 
death, petitions the Queen, 333 ; pro- 
ceedings of the Privy Council on the 
petition of, 337; Letter to Nicolas 
Collen, Sept. 29, 1698, 334; deposi- 
tion of, relative to the conduct of Gov. 
Fletcher, 347. 

Beekman, Capt., noticed, 296, 290. 

Bellomont, Lord, aspires to the govern- 
ment of Massachusetts Bay, 121; ap- 
pointed governor of Massachusetts 
Bay, 1 27 ; his delay in leaving Eng- 
land, 127; (see New Hampshire), 128 ; 
nature of his commission, 165 ; grants 
a writ of possession to the widow of 
Jacob Leisler, 390 ; Petition and Re- 
monstrance of the New York House of 
Representatives to, 412; noticed, 202, 
391, 392, 393, 410, 411. 

Berkeley, Sir William, noticed, 48. 

Berry, John, Capt., of East Jersey, no- 
ticed, 247. 

Blackiston, Judge for Probate of Wills 
in Maryland, noticed, 104. 

Blackwell, John, Gov., misrule of, in 
Pennsylvania, 75 ; noticed, 241. 

Blackwell, William, merchant of Boston, 
noticed, 242. 

Blagge, Benj., Capt., noticed, 243, 244. 

Blair, Rev. James, Commissary of the 
Bishop of London, noticed, 49. 

Blake assumes the government of Caro- 
lina, 159. 

Blathwayt, Wm., Secretary, his connec- 
tion with the creation of the New 
England Charter, 90 ; noticed, 167, 

Bleeker, Jan Janse, Capt., noticed, 296. 

Board of Trade, the establishment of, 
161, 163 ; Representations of the, to 
the Lords Justices, in September, 
1696, with regard to the then state of 
the Colonies, 170. 

Bomazeeu, the Indian warrior, the cap- 
ture of, 119. 

Boscawen, Hugh, noticed, 90. 

Boscawen, J., member of Privy Council 
of William and Mary, noticed, 37. 

Bosch, Albert, noticed, 297, 370. 

Boston, Mass., the Revolution at, 22, 23, 
the "Council of Safety " of, 24; King 
WilUam and Queen Mary proclaimed 
in, 26 ; New York's " miserable union " 
with, 74; The Revolution at, 142; 
Administration of Sir Edmund Andros 
at, 190; Declaration of the inhabitants 
of, for taking Gov. Andros into cus- 
tody, 244 ; Action of the Common 
Council of New York, at the Revolu- 
tion in, 245, 246 ; Some account of 
the Revolution in 1689, 248 ; Arrival 
at New York of soldiers from, action 
thereon, 287 ; Proclamation of William 
and Mary in, 373. 

Bowne, John, Captain, of East Jersey, 
noticed, 247. 

Bradstreet, Simon, declared governor of 
Massachusetts, 25 ; Letter of, to Lord 
Shrewsbury, 88 ; retires from the gov- 
ernment of Mass., 109 ; see the arrest 
of Gov. Andros. 251 ; noticed, 261, 266. 

Bradshaw, George, Capt., noticed, 304. 

Brazier, Abraham, Leisler's orders to, 
concerning the block house at New 
York, 310 ; under sentence of death, 
petitions the Queen, 333 ; noticed, 354. 

Brenton, Mr., reinstatement of, as Col- 
lector of Boston, 117. 

Brockholls, Anthony, Major, noticed, 
264, 266. 

Brodhead, Daniel, settles at Marbletown, 

Bromfield, William ; see Quakers, 39. 

Brook, Chidley, Mr., noticed, 392, 393. 

Brooks, Thomas, noticed, 242. 



Browne, John D., noticed, 273, 2*74, 289. 

Bullivant, Benjamin, his diary noticed, 
88 ; seized at Boston with Gov. An- 
dros, 244. 

Billion, George, Capt., noticed, 322. 

Burnet, Bishop, Letters to, froni Leisler, 
concerning the Quakers, 38 ; obliga- 
tions of the royal family of England to, 

Burnet, Governor, his instructions in re- 
ference to acting governor Schuyler's 
" perquisites," 206 ; his reason for con- 
tinuing the Assembly, 207 ; The Case 
of Mr. Rou and the French Congrega- 
tion in New York, 207 ; Refuses to 
qualify Mr. De Lancey as member of 
the Assembly, 210; The Case of Phil- 
lipse and Codringtone, 213 ; His study 
of the Scripture Prophecy, 214 ; His 
Christian character, 215; His care for 
the Province of New York, 216 ; Pre- 
vents the trade with Canada, 216; 
True reasons for his removal from 
office, 217 ; Col. Montgomerie succeeds 
him in office, 217 ; appointed governor 
of Massacliusetts, 218 ; his course with 
the people, 219; his death, 219; 
donates land to the Germans, 199 ; see 
Connecticut boundary line, 225. 

Cadogan, Mr., at the battle of Ramillies, 
194; at Antwerp, 194, 195. 

Campbell, Laughlin, some account of his 
settlement in America, 226, 231 ; re- 
port of a Committee of Council on the 
land grant case of, 233 ; his petition 
to the Council, 234. 

Canada, people of, revengeful against 
New York, 68 ; Schuyler's expedition 
into, 74 ; the conquest of, resolved on 
by William, in 1692, 114; the failure 
of the project, 116; distress in, after 
Frontenac's expedition, 147 ; trade 
with, prohibited by Gov. Burnet, 216 ; 
prohibition on trade with, taken off, 
220 ; the invasion of, desired by the 
young men of Albany, 266 ; the in- 
vasion from, noticed, 403. 

Canterbury, Archbishop of, noticed, 90 ; 
Lord Justice, noticed, 166. 

Capel, H., member Privy Council of 
William and Mary, noticed, 37. 

Carohnas, the, action of, on the accession 
of William and Mary to the throne of 
England, 30; the 'pirates of, 159; 
affairs in, in 1694, 158; Archdale ap- 
pointed governor of, 158. 

Carter, a, shot at the fort in New York, 

Cartwright, Madame, of Ossington, no- 
ticed, 290. 

Chalmers, George, Political Annals of the 
United Colonies of America, 5. 

Chandos, Duke of, his connection with 
Connecticut boundary lands explain- 
ed, 225. 

Charter of the province of Massachusetts 
Bay, 64. 

Chaplains, generally ignorant of the 
world, 57. 

Charles the First, King, the executioner 
of, 226. 

Charlton, Francis, noticed, 90. 

Chelseldyne, Mr., noticed, 100. 

Chess, Mr. Rou's Treatise on the game 
of, 209. 

Chester, Bishop of (see Protestants), 

Christ, his miracles considered, 215. 

Chubb, Capt., cruelty of, at Pemaquid, 
122, 123. 

Church, Colonel, destroys Acadia, 124. 

Church, the, operations of, in New York, 

Church of England, her rights in Mary- 
land, 101. 

Churchill, Lieut., see New York, 346 ; ac- 
count of what passed when he came 
before the Court, 311. 

Clarke, Thomas, Leisler orders the re- 
duction of the forces raised by, on 
Long Island, 302 ; see Long Island, 305. 

Clarke, George, his intimacy with Gov. 
Montgomerie, 220 ; his connection with 
the promised grants of land to Laughlin 
Campbell, 228, 231 ; account of land 
grants to, 227. 

Clarke, Walter, noticed, 248. 

Clarkson, Secretary, noticed, 391. 

Classis of Amsterdam, Letter from mem- 
bers of the Dutch Church in New York 
to the, 398. 

Clerck, Capt. (see Riggs), 299. 

Clock, Albert, noticed, 345. 

Codington, Thomas, Sheriff, noticed, 347. 

Codrington, Gen., noticed, 319. 

Codringtone and Phillipse, the case of, 

Coerten, Myndert, Letter to Nicolas Col- 
len, Sept. 29, 1693, 334 (see Courten). 

Coker, Thomas, noticed, 281. 

Colden, C.adwallader, His History of the 
Five Nations quoted, 91 ; Letters to 
his Son, on Smith's History of New 
.York, 181, 187, 192, 206, 214, 219, 226, 
23i) ; his views of the miracles of Christ, 

Colinge, Richard, noticed, 334, 365. 



Collen, Nicolas, Letter from Gerardus 
Beekman and Myndert Coerten to, 
Sept. 29, 1693, 334. 

Colleton, Gov., of South Carolina, " made 
an example of for abuse of trust," 
81 ; noticed, 83. 

Colliton County, Carolina, the French 
refugees of, 84. 

Connecticut, action of, in the Revolution 
in New England, 1688, 28 ; Sir Wil- 
liam Phips appointed governor of, 6*7 ; 
refuses to aid New York against the 
French, 73 ; Gov. Fletcher receives the 
military command of, 133; conduct of 
Gov. Fletcher in, 134, 135, 136, 139; 
sends Winthrop as agent to England, 
138 ; agreement for a partition line be- 
tween New York and, 223 ; sets up a 
new government, 259. 

Convers, Capt., surprises a party of 
French, at Wells, Maine, 116. 

Coode, John, captures the State House, 
at St. Mary's, Maryland, 16 ; appointed 
commander-in-chief of the province of 
Maryland, 18; the profligacy of, 108. 

Cooke, Elisha, appointed agent for New 
England, 61 ; representations in Eng- 
land, 88; noticed, 91. 

Copley, Colonel, rewarded with the gov- 
ernment of Maryland, 77, 93 ; dissolves 
the convention of Maryland, 99 ; death 
of, 103 ; noticed, 102, 164, 169. 

Cornbury, Lord, his pleasure house on 
Nutten Island, 204. 

Cortlandt, Col., the treatment of, by Leis- 
ler, 379, 383 ; noticed, 363. 

Cosby, Wm., Gov., his proclamation prom- 
ising grants of land to emigrants, 22*7, 
231; land grant of, 233, 234. 

Council of Safety, the, of Massachusetts, 

Court of Chancery, account of the re- 
solves of the New York Assembly 
against the, 211. 

Courten, Mindert, under sentence of 
death, petitions the Queen, 333. 

Courtmanche , Lieut, (see Fronte- 

nac), 130. 

Cox, , the messenger from William, 

ordering the expedition against Cana- 
da, in 1692, 114. 

Coyler, Henry, deposition of, 370 ; (see 
Cuyler), 297. 

Crew, Lord, noticed, 298. 

Cromwell, Oliver, noticed, 75. 

Crundall, Thomas, noticed, 272, 274, 275, 

Culpepper, Lady, petitions for a confirma- 
tion of title to lands in Virginia, 47. 

Culpepper's Rebellion, noticed, 80. 

Cuyler, Henry, Lieut., deposition concern- 
ing Governor Nicholson, 370 ; noticed, 

Cuyler, Hendrick, noticed, 297. 

Daille, Peter, Dominie, a French minister 
at Boston, noticed, 407. 

Danforth, Thomas, declared Lieut Gov. 
of Massachusetts, 25. 

Daniel, , of Carolina, excepted from 

pardon, 84. 

D'Avenant, works of, quoted, 1*70 ; re- 
commends Penn's plan of union for 
the colonies, 176. 

Dawson, Thomas, aflBdavit of, on the 
state of affairs at New York, January, 
1691, 318. 

De Bruyn, John Hendrick, Capt., mutiny 
of the men of, at New York, 269 ; no- 
ticed, 324. 

De Brayn, , 373, (see De Bruyn). 

Decanasora, the Indian chief, his account 
of his embassage to Canada, 143. 

Des Champs, Isaack, noticed, 242. 

De Kay, Theunis (see Dutch church), 
398 ; noticed, 273, 274, 275, 276. 

De Kleyn, Leendert Huygen, noticed, 

De Lancey, James, Lieut. Gov., Dutch 
massacre of Indians near the site of his 
house, 18G; Gov. Burnet refuses to qual- 
ify him as a member of the Assembly 
of New York, 210 ; his party ascendant 
in the New York Assembly, 220. 

De La Noy, Peter (see George Dolstone), 
317; noticed, 273, 274, 275, 276, 298, 
299, 328, 351, 357, 377. 

De La Plyne, Nicholas, seizure of, at New 
York, "269. 

Delamere, member of Privy Council of 
William and Mary, noticed, 37. 

Delaware River, inhabitants bordering on 
the, surrender to the Dutch, 184. 

Dellius, Godfrey, Dominie, noticed, 409. 

De Mayer, , Leisler accuses him of 

pilfering, 296. 

Democracy, the establishment of a, re- 
commended for the American colonies, 

De Peyster, , Capt., mutiny of the 

men of, at New York, 269. 

De Peyster, Abraham, petitions the city 
not to run the line of fortifications 
through his lands, 281 ; noticed, 273, 
274, 277, 289, 292, 314, 322, 324, 347, 
873, 417. 

Depreciation of Securities, the effect on 
nations as well as individuals, 59. 



De Reimer, Isaac, affidavit of, in the case 
of Leisler, 324 ; noticed, 322. 

Deuken, Gerrit, noticed, 296 (see Duy- 

Devonshire, member Privy Council of 
William and Mary, noticed, 37. 

De Widt, Boudewijn, affidavit of, in the 
case of Leisler, 323. 

" Dewitted," the Jacobites escape being, 

D'Iberville, , French commander, 

generosity of, at Pemaquid, 123. 

Diderich, Hans, appointed capt. of the 
Bergen Co. militia, 247. 

Digges, , Col. action of, in the in- 
surrection in Maryland, in 1689, 16. 

Dionondadies, the Inuian tribe of, noticed, 

Dischington, , Mr. seizure of, at New 

York, 269. 

Divorce, power of granting, in New York, 
187. a benefit to a new country, 187. 

Dmill, P., Ensign, orders of Leisler to, 
concerning the blockhouse at New 
York, 310. 

Dolstone, George, affidavit of, in reference 
to the capture of the fort at New York, 

Dongan, Thomas, Gov., his administration 
in New York, 191 ; his acts of assem- 
bly, 191 ; his expedition noticed, 254; 
the people of New York desire his re- 
turn to the city, 284 ; Leisler's oppo- 
sition to, 306. 

DuBois, Louis,, noticed, 296. 

Dudley, Joseph, Col, Leisler's letter to, 
304 ; at the trial of Leisler, 323 ; the 
" Cobweb eloquence" of, 388 ; noticed, 
311, 348, 351, 355, 363, 388. 

Dufour, Samuel Paul, deposition of, con- 
cerning Mr. Giiggs, 298. 

Du Simitiere, extracts from the Collec- 
tions of, see Leisler, 364. 

Dutch, the measures of, to appease the 
Indians at Onondaga, 69 ; pretensions 
of the, to the New Netherlands, 182 ; 
the, of Albany ; their treachery at 
Esopus, 185 ; inhumanity of the, at 
New York, 185, 186 ; historians cover 
up their cruelties, 186 ; join the Eng- 
lish to " curb the French," 256. 

Dutch Church, answer of the wardens 
of the, in New York, concerning the 
reburial of Leisler and Milborne in 
their church, 397 ; letters from the 
members of the, to the Classis of 
Amsterdam, 398. 

Dutchmen, rebeUious at New York, 


Dutch States General, surrender the gov- 
ment of New York, 183. 

Duyking, Garratt, Leisler's orders to, con- 
cerning the blockhouse at New York, 

Duycking, Gerardus, notice of, 345. 

Edsall, Samuel, noticed, 299. 

Effingham, Lord, see Howard. 

Elective Franchise, considered by Cad- 
wallader Golden, 205 ; an American 
Assembly cannot be governed by rea- 
son, 206. 

England, reign of James the Second 
in, reviewed, 5 ; revolution of 1689-90, 
5 ; accession of William and Mary to 
the throne, 6 ; proceedings of the Par- 
hament of, May, 1689, 10 ; the invasion 
of, from Holland, King James' letter 
thereon, 33; McPhei sou's Secret His- 
tory of, quoted, 38 ; events in, in 1691, 
94 ; the merchants of, discourage the 
Maryland planters, 106 ; the kindness 
of the ministry of, to the Five Nations, 
148 ; deplorable condition of the com- 
merce of, 160 ; the soldiers of, com- 
pel the peace at Esopus, 185 ; inva- 
sion of, by the Prince of Orange, 241 ; 
list of papers sent to, by the hand 
of Joost Stol, 297. 

EngUsh, humanity of, displayed at Eso- 
pus, 185 ; join the Dutch to "curb the 
French," 256. 

Ennis, Allesander, the English Preacher, 
noticed, 297. 

Episcopal Ordination, a cause of dissen- 
sion in the Dutch church, 188. 

Erie, Lake, operations of the French on 
the, 145. 

Esopus, New York, the inhabitants of, 
surrender to the Dutch, 184; Indians 
attack the Dutch at, 185. 

Ewell, Robert, noticed, 241. 

Excise on Strong Liquors, notice of an, 
in New York in 1713, 202, 203. 

Fairfax, Lord, petitions for a confirma- 
tion of title to lands in Virginia, 47. 

Fairfield County, Conn., letter from the 
Lt. Gov. and Council of X. Y. on the 
invasion by the French to the people 
of, 263. 

Five Nations, the negotiations of the, in 
reference to the Canadian invasion, 
131 ; Frontenac's expedition against 
the, m 1696, 146 ; council of, at Onon- 
daga, Dec. 1689, 69, 91 ; treaty with 
France, 142 ; treaty with the EugUsh, 
143 ; Gov. Hunter's interview with 



the, concerning the expedition to Can- 
ada, 198; noticed, 135, 175. 

Fletcher, Benjamin, Col., appointed gov- 
ernor of New York, 74 ; arrival of, at 
New York, 128 ; the activity of, at the 
invasion of New York, 131 ; his kind- 
ness to the Mohawks, 132 ; commands 
in Connecticut, 133 ; his promises to 
the Five Nations, 143 ; his course with 
them, 144 ; invested with power over 
Pennsylvania, 150; his government in 
Pennsylvania, 151, 152; extract from 
the commission of, as governor of 
Pennsylvania, 168; letter of Penn to, 
168 ; order of Privy Council to, 333 ; 
action of, in the case of Beekman's and 
Gouverneur's petitions, 347 ; sanctions 
the publication of " A Letter from a 
Gentleman," etc., 365 ; character of the 
administration of, see Bellomont, Peti- 
tion to, 415 ; his administration con- 
sidered, 389; noticed, 90, 107, 135, 
136, 137, 140, 148, 149, 166, 167, 357, 
390, 393. 

Flipsen, Frederick, noticed, 322, 826, 
331 ; see Phillipse. 

Forat, , the deposition of, concern- 
ing the Quakers, 38. 

Foster, , Capt., noticed, 355. 

Foulke, , Col., noticed, 114. 

Free Schools, see Virginia, 48. 

France, the intentions of, toM'ards New 
York, 68 (see Frontenac); defeats every 
project for the annoyance of Canada, 
132,133; reinforces Frontenac, 133; 
treaty between the Five Nations and, 

French, the threatened depredations of, 
in Virginia, 45 (see Acadie, 51-55); 
the Five Nations prepare against the 
invasion of N. Y. by the, 69 ; form a 
design upon Albany, 73 ; bravery of 
the, at La Prairie, 74; depredations 
and cruelties of the, in New England, 
111; operations of, around the lakes 
Ontario and Erie, 145 ; alarm at New 
York, apprehending an invasion of the, 

French and Indian War, 124, 125. 

French Congregation, in New York, the 
case of Mr. Rou and the, 207. 

French Refugees, the, of CoUiton County, 
Carolina, 84. 

French, Philip, seizure of at New York, 
269 ; Speaker of the House of Repre- 
sentatives of New York, 397. 

Frontenac, Count. His defence of Que- 
bec in 1688, 56; is sent to Canada 
from France, 68 ; his answer to Sir 

William Phips, at Quebec, 89 ; invades 
New York, 130 ; reintbrced from 
France, 133 ; expedition of, against the 
Five Nations in 1696, 146 ; noticed, 143. 

Garton, Thomas, settles at Marbletown, 

George, , Capt., seized with Gov. An- 
dres, at Boston, 244. 

George the First, misunderstanding with 
his son, 217. 

George the Second, noticed, 217. 

Germans, imported to NewYork to make 
pitch and tar, 197; enlisted in the 
English army and sent against Canada, 
198 ; industry and usefulness of the, 
in New York, during the administration 
of Gov. Burnet, 199. 

Gerritts, Nicholas, seizure of, at New 
York, 269. 

Goderis, Francis, Capt., sails under a com- 
mission from Leisler, 361 ; noticed, 827, 

Goelet, Jacobus, noticed, 345. 

Gouverneur, Abraham, escape into New 

■ England, 140 ; under sentence of death, 
petition to the Queen, 333 ; proceed- 
ings of the Privy Council on the peti- 
tion of, 337 ; petition of, to the House 
of Lords, 339 ; deposition of, 21st 
August, 1699, 416; noticed, 364-390. 

Graham, James, noticed, 365. 

Graham, , Mrs. (see Riggs),-299. 

Gfeenbury, , noticed, 104. ' 

Greverard, Andrew (see Leisler), 359. 

HaUfax, Marquis of. Letter from Matthew 
Plowman to the, 290, 291. 

Halifax, C. P. S., noticed, 37. 

Hamilton, Andrew, Col., partisan of 
James the Second, noticed, 10, 247, 
264 ; declares his willingness to serve 
Gov. Andros, 265, 266. 

Hampden, John, noticed, 90. 

Hampden, R , member of Privy Council 
of William and Mary, noticed, 37. 

Handlers, the, definition of the, 185. 

Hardenberg, Gerrit, noticed, 295, 296. 

Harcourt, Sir Simon, referred to, 40. 

Harison, Francis, action of, on the ques- 
tion of the boundary between Connec- 
ticut and New York, 225. 

Hartford County, Conn., letter from the 
authorities of New York, to the people 
of, on the threatened invasion by the 
French, 263. 

Haynes, Bryan, the player (see Protes- 
tants), 368. 

Haynes, John, noticed, 277. 



Hervile, , surprises Schenectady, 69. 

Hicks, , Col. (see account of Gov. 

Burnet's refusal to qualify De Lancey), 
210, 211. 

Hicks, Jasper, at the trial of Leisler, 323. 

Hicks, Thomas (see Long Island), 305. 

Hill, Abraham, noticed, 175. 

Hinks, John (see New Hampshire), 127. 

Holland, Duke of Marlborough's army in, 
193 ; illicit trade with, justified, 183. 

Holt, Chief Justice, action in the case 
of Lord Baltimore's charter, 77, 78; 
his letter in reference to the charter of 
Lord Baltimore, 92; noticed, 113. 

Howard (of EfiBnghani) Francis, Lord, 
Gov. of Virginia, arrives in England, 
and is called on to answer, 43 ; his 
case described, 44 ; noticed, 48. 

Howard, Ko : , member of Privy Council 
of William and Mary, noticed, 37. 

Howell, Matthew, Major (see Suffolk Coun- 
ty, N. Y.), 252, 253. 

Hudson's Kiver, the Dutch settlements 
on the, 183. 

Hunter, Robert, Gov., account of his 
services, 192; his service in Holland, 
193; at the Battle of Ramillies, 194; 
at the capture of Antwerp, 195 ; 
meets the displeasure of the Duke of 
Marlborough, 195, 196; obtains the 
government of Virginia, 196 ; captuied 
by the French and returns to Eng- 
land, 196 ; offered the governorship 
of Jamaica, but declines, 196; ap- 
pointed Governor of New York, 196; 
his administration, 196, 197; The 
" Pitch and Tar " manufactory, 197 ; 
trouble with the Germans, 198; in- 
terview with the Five Nations of In- 
dians, 198 ; the Expedition to Canada, 
199; his caution at public meetings, 
200 ; not a High Churchman, 200 ; 
his calmness under difficulties, 202 ; 
composes the farce " Androborus," 
202 ; has his demands paid, 203 ; relin- 
quishes his government, 204. 

Hutchinson, Thomas, Gov., his History 
of Massachusetts Bay noticed, 39 ; 
History quoted, 165. 

Indians, threatened depredations of, in 
Virginia, 44, 45 ; commence hostiU- 
ties on the frontiers of New England, 
50 ; the reduction of, by liquor, 106 ; 
wars of the, in New England, 111; ne- 
gotiations with those of Maine, 116; 
a fatal disease rages among those of 
New England, 121 ; break their treaty 
with New England, 1 22 ; massacre of, 

at Pemaquid, 122 ; French presents to 
the, 134; firmness of the, at Onondaga, 
144 ; account of the tight at Esopus, 
185; massacre of, by the Dutch at 
DeLancey's farm, 186; Col. Peter 
Schuyler's spurious sachems, 2uO ; 
trade with the, recommen-ced, 221 ; 
an invasion of New York by, appre- 
hended, 253; intentions of the Lt. 
Governor and Council of New York 
towards the, 256, 258, 259; see Mo- 
hawk Indians, 70 ; see Five Nations, 
69, 91, 198; see Dionondadies, 135; 
see John Archdale, 159. 

Ingoldsby, Richiird, Major, assumes the 
governorship of New York, 73 ; com- 
mission of, as Captain, 299 ; his letter 
demanding the fort at New York, 300 ; 
his warrant to Capt. Samuel Moore, 
30') ; Leislcr's declaration or protest 
against Ingoldsby, 306 ; ordered by 
Sloughter to take possession of the 
fort at New York, 310; ut the trial of 
Leisler, 323; "a hotheaded, inconsid- 
erate person," 415; noticed, 302, 3(i9, 
315, 316, 318, 319, 320, 323, 324, 
329, 330, 339, 841, 349, 350, 352, 353, 
354, 355, 357, 358, 361, 362, 863, 364, 
382, 383, 384, 403, 405, 417. 

Ireland, proceedings of, at the accession 
of William and Mary to the throne 
of England, 9 ; neglected by Prince 
William, 9; Declaration of, Feb., 1689, 
10; the government of, a "govern- 
ment of rebels," 12; hand-in-hand 
with Massachusetts in 1689, 31 ; emi- 
grants from, to Pennsylvania, 227. 

Jackson, John, Capt., of Queen's Co., 
N. Y., noticed, 247, 254, 255. 

Jacobites, the followers of James the 
Second, 368. 

Jacobse, Hendiick, Corporal, account of 
Gov. Nicholson's treatment of, 292. 

Jacobsen, Peter, noticed, 346. 

James the Second, review of the reign 
of, ^ ; effect of his abdication, 6 ; ad- 
monished by Louis the Fourteenth, 20 ; 
the misconduct of, recited, 33 ; his 
Circular Letter to the Colonies giv- 
ing notice of an intended Dutch in- 
vasion, 33 ; serves the Popish cause, 
188 ; see Classis of Amsterdam, 398 ; 
noticed, 187, 366, 369. 

James the Sixth, the Scotch prerogatives 
of, 9. 

Jamison, David, the character of, 391. 

Jeffers, Thomas, affidavit of, on the slate 
of affairs in New York, 319. 



Jephson, William, noticed, 36. 

Jerseys, the, action of, on the accession 
of William and Mary, 30 ; without a 
gbvernmcnt, 30 ; the state of the, in 
1689, 76; action of the inhabitants 
of, on the seizure of Gov. Andros, 247. 

Jesuits, see Classis of Amsterdam, 398. 

Johnson, Thomas, at the trial of Leisler, 

Jowles, , Colonel, his action in 

Maryland in 1689, 15; noticed, 100. 

Keck, S., noticed, 318, 319, 327. 

Keerslee, Hans, noticed, 277. 

Kmg, Peter, noticed, 277. 

King's County, New York, see Gerardus 

Beekman, 301. 
Kipp, Johannes, see Dutch Church, 398; 

noticed, 272, 274, 275, 276. 

La Hogue, the effect of the victory of, on 
the trade of the Colonies, 160. 

Lake Champlain, Winthrop's expedition 
to, 55. 

Land Grants, see Gov. Cosby's proclama- 
tion, 227, 231. 

LaNoue , Lieut, (see Frontenac), 130. 

La Prairie, Canada, surprised by Schuy- 
ler, 74. 

Lawrence, John, alderman of New York, 
272, 275, 276; see disturbances in 
New York, 286, 289 ; at the trial of 
Leisler, 323. 

Lawrence, Sir Thomas, reinstated Sec- 
retary of the province of Maryland, 

Laws of Trade in force in New York, 

Legal Affairs, see Court of Chancery, 211. 

Leggit, , seized with Gov. Andros 

at Boston, 244. 

Leisler, Jacob, the usurpations of, 30; 
letters to Gov. Bumet, relative to the 
Quakers, noticed, 38 ; forgets to sup- 
ply transportation across Lake Cham- 
plain, for Winthrop's troops on route 
for Canada, 56 ; his action after the 
massacre at Schenectady, 70 ; his op- 
position to Gov. Sloughter, 71 ; trial 
and execution of, 72 ; the difficulties 
of his administration, 202, 203 ; his 
party in the Assembly increases, 203 ; 
his soldiers and others who had served 
under him, are paid their demands, 
203 ; documents relating to the ad- 
ministration of, 241 ; appointed a com- 
missioner to ask Col. Dongan to return 
to the city of New York, 285 ; letter 
to Ingoldsby, March 5th, 1690, 305 ; 

the adherents of, pardoned, 140 ; his 
action on the appearance of shipping 
in the bay of N. Y., 268 ; his answer 
to the Council of New York, 289 ; his 
warrant and instructions to Johannes 
Provost, 295; witnesses Saml. Paul 
Dufour's deposition, 299 ; see Richard 
Ingoldsby, 300 ; warrant to Major 
Gerardus Beekinan, 301 ; order for 
reducing the forces raised by Thomas 
Clarke and others on Long Island, N. 
Y., 302 ; answer to Ingoldsby concern- 
ing prisoners in the Fort at New York, 
302 ; order concerning pei'sons from 
Albany and Ulster, N. Y., 303 ; letter 
to Ingoldsby of March 1, 169|, 304; 
letter to Colonel Joseph Dudley, March 
4, 1690, 304 ; declaration or protest 
against Ingoldsby, 306 ; attempt to 
make him odious to the province of 
New York, 308; letter to Colonel 
Sloughter, at Bermuda, 309 ; orders to 
Capt. Garratt Duyking, Abraham 
Brazier and others concerning the 
blockhouse at New York, 310 ; affidavit 
of George Dolstone in the case of, 314 ; 
proclamation of William and Mary by, 
314 ; affidavit of Thomas Dawson in 
relation to, 318; afiSdavit of Thomas 
JefFers in relation to, 319; affidavit of 
Jacob Teller in relation to, 321 ; affi- 
davit of Boudewijn DeW^idt in the case 
of, 323 ; affidavit of Isaac De Reimer in 
the case of, 324 ; French ships seized 
by order of, 327 ; affidavit of Killian 
Van Rensselaer in the case of, 328 ; 
order in Council upon the petition of 
his son, 331 ; order of the Privy Coun- 
cil Oi the Queen, in the cases of per- 
sons arrested for assisting, 333 ; peti- 
tion of the widow and family of, to the 
Queen, 335 ; petition to the King to 
reverse the attainders, 336 ; state of 
the case of, as proved at New York, 
359 ; the case of, considered fully, 362 ; 
a letter from a gentleman of the City 
of New York to another, concerning 
the troubles which happened in that 
Province in the time of the late happy 
Revolution, printed and sold by Wil- 
liam Bradford, at the sign of the Bible, 
in New York, 1698, noticed, 365; 
order of the Queen that the estates of, 
and Jacob Milbourne, be restored to 
their families ; noted, 365 ; case of, 
considered in the pamphlet, "Loyalty 
Vindicated," &c., 367, 368 ; the "duty 
on his wines a cause of the rebellion, 
372 ; his declaration for the Prince of 


Orange, 37*7; the question of the 
application of taxes considered, 378 ; 
his treatment of Bayard, Nichols and 
Cortlandt, 378, 379 ; how he supplied 
the garrison at New York, 381 ; farther 
account of the disturbances at New 
York, under, 385 ; writ of possession 
granted to the wife of, 390 ; account 
of a judge of, 393 ; the Bill for recon- 
ciling parties in the Revolution in 
New York, 394; answer of the Church 
Wardens of the Dutch Church in New 
York, concerning the reburial of 
Leisier and Milborne, 397 ; see Classis 
of Amsterdam, 400, 4u2 ; another 
account of the case of, 405 ; the attain- 
der of, considered, see petition of the 
New York House of Representatives 
to Lord Bellomont, 415, 416 ; the de- 
position of Abraham Gouvemeur in 
reference to the accounts of, 416; 
noticed, 75, 141, 273, 274, 277, 311, 
411, 414. 

Leisier, Jacob, the younger, order in 
Council upon the petition of, 331 ; 
petition to the Lords of Trade and 
Plantation, 332 ; petition to the King to 
reverse the attainders, 336 ; proceed- 
ings of the Privy Council on the peti- 
tion of, 337 ; petition to the House 
of Lords, 339 ; informations taken by 
the Committee of the House of Com- 
mons before the passing of the bill for 
the removal of Jacob Leisler's attain- 
der, 348 ; answer to the reasons against 
his bill of attainder, 357 ; state of the 
case of, as proved at New York, 359 ; 
noticed, 388. 

Le Tort , letter from, 242. 

Letter, a, from a Gentleman of the City 
of New York to another, concerning 
the troubles which happened in that 
Province in the time of the late happy 
Revolution, etc., 365. 

Letters of Marque, see Robert Livingston, 
267 ; noticed, 286. 

Limerick, Ireland, the capitulation of, 
11, 94. 

Livingston, Robert, see the invasion of 
Canada, 269 ; a " good solicitor " for 
himself, 204 ; German insurrection 
near his house, 198 ; noticed, 267. 

Liquor, duties levied on, in Maryland, 

Lloyd, Thomas, President of Pennsyl- 
vania, letter to Gov. Fletcher, 166. 

Lockhart, George, seized at Pemaquid, 

Locke, John, proposes a military despot- 

ism in the colonies, 162 ; noticed, 
Lodwick, Charles, Capt., mutiny of the 
men of, at New York, 269 ; see Don- 
gan's return to New York, 285 ; see 
the seizure of the fort at New York, 

288, 289 ; By-Laws of his company 
of soldiers, 293 ; deposition of, con- 
cerning Gov. Nicholson, 295 ; noticed, 

289, 273, 274, 277, 324. 

Long Island, Leisier orders the reduction 
of forces on, 302 ; a declaration of the 
freeholders and inhabitants of, and 
parts adjacent, 304; see New York, 
240, 259. 

Louis the Fourteenth, his admonitions to 
James the Second, 20 ; determines 
upon the conquest of New York, 68 ; 
noticed, 41. 

Lovelace, Francis, Col., Gov., account of 
his fight with the Esopus Indians, 184. 

Lovelace, John, Lord, death of, 196. 

Loyalty Vindicated, being an answer to 
a late false, seditious, and scandalous 
pamphlet, entitled " A Letter from a 
Gent.," etc., 365. 

Ludwell, Phihp, agent of the Burgesses of 
Virginia, noticed, 43 ; his failure to 
convict Gov. Howard, 44 ; appointed 
governor of Carolina, 80, Si, 82 ; his 
administration, 82. 

Luersen, Carsten,' noticed, 345. 

Lying, its consequences, 372. 

Macclesfield, , member Privy Coun- 
cil of William and Mary, noticed, 37. 

Madockawando, the Indian chief, arrives 
in Boston to mediate a peace, 51. 

Maine, Indian wars in. 111. 

Manning, John, Capt., the case of, in the 
surrender of New York to the Dutch, 

Manufactures, the advancement of, in 
Virginia, 46. 

Marbletown, New York, some account 
of, 185. 

March, John, the captor of Bomazeen, 

Markham, William, appointed Lt. Gov. 
of Pennsylvania, 151 ; the character 
of, 153; his government of Penn., 154. 

Marlborough, Duke of, account of his 
command in Holland, 193 ; see Ant- 
werp, 195, 196. 

Maryland, conduct of, on the accession 
of William and Mary to the throne of 
England, 14 ; revolution in, 15 ; in- 
surrections of July, 1689, 16 ; accepts 
the government of Wilham, 19; the 



peaceful condition of, in 1692, 75 ; 
Copley appointed governor of, 77 ; the 
government of, seized by William, 99 ; 
Nicholson appointed governor of, 104 ; 
his prudent administration, 105 ; an 
act for the encouragement of learning 
passed the Assembly of, 106 ; the 
number of souls in, in 17uO, 164. 

Massachusetts, " noted for turbulence," 
20; action of, on the accession of 
William and Mary to the throne of 
England, 21, 22; address of the Con- 
vention to William, 20th May, 1689, 25 ; 
Simon Bradstreet declared governor 
of, 25 ; " pious trick " of the Governor 
and Council of, 27 ; hand in hand 
with Ireland in 1689, 31 ; grant of the 
Province Charter, 64 ; refuses to aid 
New York against the French, 73 ; 
deplorable condition of, in 1692, 109 ; 
witchcraft in, 110 ; criminal law of, 
derived from the law of Moses, 113; 
luduui devastations in, 119 ; Governor 
Burnet's administration in, 218. 

Massachusetts Bay, the incorporation of, 

Mason, Wm., Capt., noticed, 321, 327. 

Mather, Increase, looks to the " good of 
New England," in 1688, 20; his in- 
trigues in 1689, 22 ; the " Domine of 
Boston," 298 ; noticed, 90, 91. 

Mattapany-House, Maryland, capture of 
the garrison at, 17. 

Mauritz, Jacob, petition of, to the King, 
340 ; memorandum for an affidavit of, 
342 ; noticed, 322, 327, 328, 331. 

Mantet, Lieut, (see Frontenac), 130. 

McGiegorie, Patrick, Major, seized at 
Peniaquid, 266. 

McPherson, James, his secret History of 
England, noticed, 38. 

Meadows, Philip, noticed, 175. 

Merritt, William, (see disturbances in 
New York), 286; noticed, 272, 274, 
275, 276. 

Meyer, Andries, noticed, 277. 

Meyer, John, noticed, 277. 

Meyer, Nich. D., Major, noticed, 273, 274. 

Milbourne, Jacob, secretary to Leisler, 
_ noticed, 71,72; trial of, 323 ; petition 
of the wife of, to the Queen, 335 ; 
petition to the King to reverse the at- 
tainders, 336 ; order of the Queen 
that the estates of, and Jacob Leisler 
be restored to their families, 365 ; 
answer of the church wardens of the 
Dutch church of New York, concern- 
ing the reburial of Leisler and, 397 ; 
noticed, 299, 315, 316, 321, 323, 332, 

339, 341, 351, 354, 358, 364, 385,411, 
414, 416. 

Mill, Ant. D., noticed, 273, 274, 275 (see 

MinvieUe, Gabriel, Capt., mutiny of the 
men of, at New York, 269 ; noticed, 
202, 273, 274, 277, 289. 

Miracles of Christ, considered, 215. 

Missilimackinac, operations of the French 
around, 145. 

Mohawk Indians, retaliate for the sacking 
and massacre at Schenectady, 70 ; gal- 
lantry of, at La Prairie, 74 ; (see 
Schenectady, 131). 

Monmouth, the Duke of, 298. 

Montague, Chas., noticed, 332. 

Montgomerie, John, Col., appointed gov- 
ernor of New York, 217 ; his arrival at 
New York, 219 ; rehance of, on Mr. 
Clark, 220 ; his habits of life, 220 ; affair 
of the salaries of the state officials, 221, 
222 ; his detention at Barbadoes, 226. 

Montour, Madame, Gov. Hunter's inter- 
preter, account of, 200. 

Moore, Samuel, Capt., Ingoldesby's war- 
rant to, 200 ; (see Long Island), 305. 

More, , of Carolina, excepted from 

pardon, 84. 

Morris, Lewis, Chief Justice, De Lancey's 
enmity to, 220, 221, 210; speech of 
his eldest son, in council, 222. 

Morris, Frederick, speech in the council 
and his removal, 223. 

Mulford, Samuel, Justice of the Peace in 
New York, noticed, 293. 

Mutual Union for tl^e defence of the Col- 
onies, 161, 162. 

Nanfan, John, Lt. Gov., noticed. 202. 

NaturaUzation, (see account of Gov. Bur- 
net's refusal to qualify De Lancey), 

Nariows, the, the grant for fortifying 
the, 204. 

Neal, Daniel, his History of New England 
quoted, 165. 

Negroes in Virginia in 1697, 163. 

Nelson, John, seizes Gov. Andros, 244. 

New England, the action of, on the acces- 
sion of William and Mary to the throne 
of England, 20 ; an Indian war begins 
in 1688, 50; distress of, after the 
attack on Quebec, 58 ; solicits from 
Parliament, a new charter, 61 ; fishing 
on the coasts of, 65 ; Sir WilHani 
Phips appointed governor of, 66 ; lists 
of the mihtia in, in 1688, 87 ; the 
criminal law of, altered, 113 ; the 
Church in, 114 ; the distresses of, 126 . 



deliberations of the Ministers of Eng- 
land in reference tiiereto, 126, 127; 
the natural increase of people in, con- 
sidered, 187 ; the people of, " zealous 
republicans, bigoted independents," 
189 ; witchcraft in, 189 ; the Revolu- 
of 1689 in, 190 ; the people of, 
" troublesome," 218 ; quarrel with their 
governors, 218. 

New Hampshire, action of, in the Revolu- 
tion in New England, 1688, 28 ; In- 
dian war in, 52 •, Sir William Phips 
appointed Governor of, 67; Indian 
depredations in, 119; account of the 
government of, 127 ; the government 
of, seized, 128. 

New Haven County, Conn., letter from 
the authorities of New York to the 
people of, on the French invasion, 263. 

New Jersey, the Governor of, imprisoned 
by Sir Edmund Andros, 188; see the 
Jerseys, 30. 

New Netherland, pretensions of the 
Dutch to, 182, 

New Plymouth, Mass., action of, in the 
Revolution in New England, 1689, 28. 

Newton, Sir Isaac, his principles for the 
study of Scripture prophecy, 214. 

New York, the Revolution of 1689, at 
29 ; Louis Fourteenth determined on 
the conquest of, 68 ; the conduct of, 
after the massacre at Schenectady, 70 ; 
Major Ingoldesby assumes the gover- 
norship of, 73 ; assisted with funds 
from Virginia, 97 ; aided by Mary- 
land, 107; jealousy of, 126; invaded 
from Canada, 129, 130; administra- 
tion of Fletcher in, 132, 133; the 
unhappy condition of, in 1692, 128, 
133 ; the establishment of a Protestant 
ministry in, 136; prosperity of the 
city of, 137; continued war on the 
frontier of, 149 ; increase of the city 
of, 150; Smith's History of, 181 ; laws 
of trade of, 183; surrender of the 
government of, by the Dutch States 
General, 183; the manner of its re- 
ception by the Dutch in 1673, 184 ; 
law of divorce in, 187 ; Col. Dongan's 
administration in, 191 ; Acts of the As- 
sembly under Dongan's administration, 
191 ; English Government sends Ger- 
mans to, to make pitch and tar, 197 ; 
the Dutch and English Independents of, 
201 ; operations of the Church clergy 
in, 201 ; Leisler's operations in, 203 ; 
Assembly of, authorizes the issue of 
bills, 203 ; amounts paid the officers 
of the government of, 203 ; high- 

handed measures of the Assembly of, 
204 ; the first political " ring" in, 204 ; 
character of Assemblies in, 205 ; rights 
of foreigners in, 210 ; resolves of the 
Assembly of, against the Court of 
Chancery, 2il ; royal instructions to 
the governors of, 219 ; Col. Mont- 
gomerie appointed Governor of, 219; 
the De Lancey party in the ascen- 
dant in, 220 ; dispute about the sala- 
ries of officials in the State of, 221 ; 
agreement for a partition line between 
Connecticut and, 223 ; method of ob- 
taining lands in the Province of, in 
1737, 231 ; Minutes of the Council 
at, from March 1st to June 11th, 168^, 
241 ; Aldermen and Council of, con- 
vened to consider the arrest of Gov. 
Andros, 244, 245 ; action of the au- 
thorities of, in the Revolution at Bos- 
ton, 247, 248 ; letter from the Council 
of, to General Winthrop and others, 
April 27, 1689, 248; letter from the 
Lieut. Gov. and Council of, to Gov. 
Andros, May 1, 1689, 250 ; letter 
from the same to Simon Bradstreet 
and Wayt Winthrop, 251 ; letters 
from the Lt. Gov. and Council of, to 
Major Howell, in reference to dis- 
turbances in Suflblk Co., N. Y., 252, 
253 ; letter from the same to the au- 
thorities of Suffolk Co., N. Y., 256 ; Lt. 
Gov. and Council of, examine into the 
accounts of Matthew Plowman, 258; 
letter from the Lt. Gov. and Council 
of, to the authorities in England, 259 ; 
letter from the same to the people of 
Fairfield, New Haven, and Hartford 
Counties, Conn., 263; Examination of 
George Wedderborne, before the Lt. 
Gov. and Council of, 264 ; action of the 
Lt. Gov. and Council on the instructions 
of Gov. Andros, 265 ; action of the Lt. 
Gov. and Council of, on the seizures at 
Pemaquid, 266 ; the Lt. Gov. and 
Council of, decline to give letters of 
marque to the young men of Albany, 
who desire to invade Canada, 267 ; the 
same allow one of the Council to with- 
draw to New Jersey, 267 ; the militia 
of the city of, refuse to obey the orders 
of the Lieut. Gov., 268, 269 ; Leisler 
orders the alarm to be given in the city 
of, 268 ; disturbance in the city of, 
May 4, 1689, 269, 270 ; news of the 
proclamation of William and Mary, at 
New York, 269 ; the Council of, advise 
the departure of the Lieut. Gov. from 
the country, 270 ; the same order the 



sale of the King's property, 271 ; pro- 
ceediugs of the Council, magistrates 
and officers of, from April 27 to June 
6, 1689, 272 ; fortification of the city 
of, considered, 273, 274^ 277, 278, 
282 ; proceedings of the Council, magis- 
trates, and officers of, for the defence 
of the city, 279, 280 ; the Council of, 
empower a part of their number to act, 
283 ; jealousies and disturbances in the 
city of, 284-286 ; action of the Coun- 
cil in reference to gunpowder in the 
city of, 287 ; fort in the city of, taken 
possession of by the inhabitants, 288 ; 
action of the Coimcil of, 288 ; fortifi- 
cation of the city of, ordered, 253, 257; 
(see Sloughter), 307, 308 ; George Dol- 
stone's affidavit in reference to affairs 
in, 315 ; depositions of citizens of the 
city of, relative to the disturbance m 
June, 1689, 345 ; resolves of the House 
of Representatives of, April 17, 1691, 
noticed, 365 ; a letter from a gentleman 
of the city of, to another, concerning 
the troubles which happened in that 
province in the time of the late happy 
revolution, 365 ; remarks on three 
Dutch gentlemen of, 37Q ; the fortify- 
ing of, considered, 370 ; revolution in, 
further considered, 371 ; rejoicings in, 
on the accession of William and Mary 
to the throne of England, 373; docu- 
mentary history of, quoted (see Leis- 

ler), ; the tumult at the custom 

house in, 375 ; the damage done to the 
province of, by Leisler, 381 ; number 
killed in the disturbances at, 384 ; a 
bill for reconciling parties in the 
revolution in, 394 ; House of Repre- 
sentatives of, pass the bill for recon- 
ciling parties in the revolution in, 
396 ; answer of the church wardens of 
the Dutch Church, concerning the re- 
burial of Leisler and Milborne in their 
church, 397-411 ; account of the revo- 
lution in, in a letter from the members 
of the Dutch Church to the Classis of 
Amsterdam, 398-412 ; petition and 
remonstrance of the House of Repre- 
sentatives of, to Lord Bellomont, 412. 

NichoUs, J., town clerk of New York, 
noticed, 290. 

Nicholson, Francis, Lt. Gov. N. Y., sends 
tidings of the revolution in Boston, to 
England, 27, 28, 29 ; appointed Lieut. 
Gov. of Virginia, 44 ; his administra- 
tion, 45, 46 ; appointed governor of 
Maryland, 104 ; appointed governor of 
Virginia, 109 ; letter in reference to- 

the State of Maryland, 165 ; desires the 
governorship of New York, and ife sup- 
ported by the church and the clergy, 
201 ; his character, " born drunk," 
201 ; sends relief to a ship in distress 
near Barnegat, 243 ; advised to leave 
the country by the Council of N. Y. 
270 ; Henry Cuyler's deposition con- 
cerning Governor, 292 ; Charles Lode- 
wick's deposition concerning, 295 ; let- 
ter of the King to, dated July 30, 1689, 
noticed, 365 ; (see Classis of Amster- 
dam), 400; noticed, 90, 169,189,241, 
243, 245, 291, 300, 324, 307, 349, 350, 
353, 359, 360, 362, 363, 368. 

NicoUs, William, imprisoned by Leisler, 
376, 379, 383. 

Non-resistance, the doctrine of, 380. 

North America, first discovered by Eng- 
hshmen, 182 ; character of assemblies 
in, 205. 

North Carolina, dispute with Virginia con- 
cerning the boundary of, 46 ; condition 
of, in 1689, 80; (see Carolinas), 30. 

Nottingham, Earl of, noticed, 90, 299. 

Nottingham, Broadhead, and Garton, set- 
tlers at Marbletown, 185. 

Nucella, Johannes Petrus, Dominie, no- 
ticed, 410, 411. 

Oakes, Thomas, appointed agent for New 
England, 61 ; representative in Eng- 
land, 88. 

O'Callaghan, E. B. quoted. 365. 

Olferts, Suert, noticed, 277. 

Onondaga, firmness of the Indian Coun- 
cil at, 144. 

Onoudagas, bravery of, in opposing Fron- 
tenac, 147. 

Ontario, Lake, operations of the French 
on the, 145. 

Ostley, Ad., noticed, 323, 324. 

Ottowa, the traders of, desire letters-of- 
marque to war with the French, 286. 

Oxford, Lord Justice, noticed, 166. 

Page, , Col., seizes Gov. Andros, 

Palmer, Graham, seized at Boston with 

Gov. Andros, 244. 
Panton, , Capt., of Westchester Co., 

N. Y., noticed, 247. 
Papacy, noticed, 306. 
Papists, (see circular letter of the Prince 

of Orange to the American Colonies), 

12, 36; (see Leisler), 376; to rule 

New York, 367 ; noticed, 296. 
Paper-money, first issued within the 

British Empire, 59, 89. 



Partridge, William, appointed deputy- 
governor of New Hampshire, 128. 

Passive obedience, noticed, (see Leisler), 

Pawling, Henry, settles at Marbletown, 

Pemaquid, the capture of the garrison at, 
52, 123 ; seizures at, 266. 

Penn, William, appearance before the 
Committee of Plantations, Feb. 1689, 
14 ; prevents a revolution in Penn- 
eylvauia, 19, 38 ; the intrigues of, 
loO ; removal of, from the governor- 
ship of Pennsylvania, 154 ; restored 
to the government of Pennsylvania, 
155, 156 ; recommends a democracy 
in the colonies, 162 ; copy of his letter 
to Governor Fletcher, 168 ; letter to 
persons iu Philadelphia, 169; noticed, 
39, 175. 

Pennsylvania, occurrences in, at the ac- 
cession of William and Mary, 15 ; con- 
tinues its administration in the name 
of James the Second, 19, 38 ; condi- 
tion of, in 1689, 75 ; government of, 
seized into the liing's hands, 150, 153 ; 
the growth and progress of, 157 ; Irish 
emigrants to, 227; Scotch emigrants 
to, 228. 

Pepys, Samuel, noticed, 39. 

Perry, John, post-rider, noticed, 242. 

Personal Liberty in New England, 113. 

Phillipse, Frederick, Major, noticed, 241, 
243, 245, 370. 

Phillipse, Adolph, persuades Peter Schuy- 
ler to let him keep the king's seal, 206. 

Philipse, , Mr., noticed, 363. 

Phillipse, and Codringtone, the case of, 

Phips, Sir William, his intrigue at the 
time of the accession of William and 
Mary, 22 ; returns from England, 
26 ; commands the expedition against 
Acadie, 53 ; sails for England, 59, 88 ; 
his course in England, 63 ; commands 
the expedition against Quebec, 55 ; 
appointed governor of Massachusetts 
Bay, 66 ; arrives at Boston, May, 1692, 
109 ; his Witchcraft Commission, 110; 
his domestic regulations in Mass., 112; 
urges the destruction of French ships 
at Newfoundland, 115; the insolence 
of, his disputes, 117; his recall, 118; 
his arrival in England, subsequent ac- 
tions, and death, 120; military com- 
missions of, revoked, 133 ; "an incen- 
diary," 140 ; noticed, 57, 141. 

Phips, Consiantine, frames a bill to re- 
verse the attainder of Leisler, 141. 

Pierepoint, Elizabeth, noticed, 290. 

Pinhorn, William, Judge, noticed, 398. 

Pitch and Tar, manufacture of, iu New 
York, 197. 

Plowman, Matthew, noticed, 24? ; order- 
ed to bring the money of the Colony 
into Fort James, 243 ; letter to the 
Marquis of Halifax, of June 7 and 
August 14, 1689, 290; noticed, 244, 
255, 258, 368, 370. 

Polexten, John, noticed, 175. 

Popery, at New York and Albany, 188 ; 
see Olassis of Amsterdam, 398 ; no- 
ticed, 366, 380, 382. 

Port Royal, Nova Scotia, an expedition 
against, 53, 55 ; Phips' expedition to, 

Povey, John, noticed, 351. 

Prince of Orange, accession of, to the 
throne of England, 6 ; circular letters 
to tlie American Colonies, 12, 36 ; see 
Orange, 241, 369 ; see Classis of Am- 
sterdam, 399. 

Privy Council of England, orders of the, 
to the governors of the American Co- 
lonies in 1689, 13, 36, 37. 

Provost, Johannes, Leisler's warrant and 
instructions to, Aug. 12, 1689, 296, 
296 ;- petition to the King, 340. 

Protestantism in America in 1689, 17 ; 
in Maryland, 103. 

Protestants, see case of the forfeiture of 
Lord Baltimore's charter, 77 ; who 
were the ? 368 ; see Leisler, 376, 382 ; 
see Classis of Amsterdam, 398. 

Pynchon, John, Col., see Revolution in 
Boston, 248. 

Quakers, action of the, in the Revolution 
of 1689, 30, 38 ; " excellent negotia- 
tors," 39 ; send money to Gov. Fletch- 
er for the Indians, 148. 

Quebec, Sir William Phips' expedition 
against, 55, 88. 

Queen Anne, change in the ministry 
of, 200. 

Queen's County, New York, uproar in, 
254 ; see Andros, 247, 259 ; action of 
the Council of New York in reference 
to the disturbances in, 280. 

Ramillies, reason for the victory at, 194. 
Randolph, Edward, Surveyor General of 

Customs, in the Colonies, noticed, 38 ; 

the removal of, from the Custom house 

at Boston, 117 ; seized with Gov. 

Andros at Boston, 244. 
Religion, see Popery and Protestantism, 

see Episcopal ; in New York, 136. 



Renssalaer, Nicholas, "a Dutch clergy- 
man," the case of, 187 ; imprisoned 
for " dubious words," 188. 

Revolution in Boston, some account of 
the, 248. 

Rhode Island, action of, in the Revolu- 
tion in New England, 1688, 28 ; Sir 
William Phips appointed governor of, 
67 ; refuses to aid New York against 
the French, 73 ; sets up a new gov- 
ernment, 259. 

Richards, Paulus, noticed, 272, 274, 275, 

Richmond County, N. Y., meeting of the 
mhabitants of, to consider the Revolu- 
tion in Boston, 248. 

Ridgefield, Conn., people of, dispute the 
boundary line between New York and 
Connecticut, 224. 

Riemer, Isaac D., noticed, 277 ; see De 

Riggs, Ensign, conveys the news of the 
Revolution at Boston to England, 27 ; 
arrival of, from England, 299, 325, 
363, 378. 

Ringo, Alburtus, noticed, 845. 

Robinson, Robert, at the trial of Leisler, 

Rochester, Lord, noticed, 290. 

Rombouts, Francis, noticed, 272, 274, 
275, 276, 

Romney, Lord Justice, noticed, 166. 

Roome, Pieter Willemse, noticed, 346. 

Rou, Louis, Reverend Mr., the case of, 
and the French Congregation, 207 ; 
his character noticed, 209 ; his treatise 
on chess, 209. 

Russell, Bartholomew, noticed, 368, 370, 

Rutsen, Jacob, Lieut., noticed, 296. 

Sawyer, , Attorney General, de- 
nounces Gov. Andros, 22. 

Schenectady, N. Y., surprised by Hervile 
with his Canadians, 69 ; account of the 
surprise of, 403 ; the surprise of, 131. 

Schuyler, Brandt (see Dutch Church), 

Schuyler, Peter, Col., his operations with 
the Five Nations, 69 ; surprises La 
Prairie, and returns to Albany, 74 ; his 
connection with the disaster at Sche- 
nectady, 131 ; character of, portrayed, 
199 ; imposes " upon the Queen and 
the British Nation," with spurious 
Indiiin Sachems, 200 ; acts as governor 
of New York, 206 ; how lie construed 
" perquisites," 206 ; Governor Burnet's 
construction of " perquisites,"* 206. 

Scotch Historians and Scotch marriage 
laws, 191. 

Scotland, the conduct of, on the acces- 
sion of William and Mary to the throne 
of England, 8 ; illicit trade between 
Virginia and, 97 ; emigrants from, to 
Pennsylvania, 228, 231, 233. 

Selyns, Henricus, Dominie, imprudence 
of, 402, 403, 404, 407, 408, 409, 410, 

Shanks, Matthew, Lieut., noticed, 318. 

Short, , Capt., of the Nonsuch, the 

case of, 118. 

Shrewsbury, Earl of, member Privy 
Council of William and Mary, noticed, 
37 ; Gov. Bradstreet's letter to, in re- 
ference to the Port Royal expedition, 
88 ; list of writings delivered into the 
hands of, 297. 

Shrimpton, Samuel, Col., seizes Gov. 
Andros, 244. 

Simmes, , Mr., brother-in-law of 

Capt. Richard IngoJdsby, 318. 

Sinclair, Robert, noticed, 328, 345. 

Slavery, in Virginia, 46 ; noticed, 366. 

Sloughter, Henry, Col., named as gov- 
ernor of New York, 68 ; arrival of, at 
New York, 71 ; his administration, 71, 
91; death of, 73; commissioned gov- 
ernor of New York, 307 ; at Ber- 
muda, 809 ; warrant to Ingoldsby 
to take possession of the fort at 
New York, 310 ; see George Dolstone, 
317; removes the cannon from the 
walls of New York, 330 ; action of 
the New York Assembly in reference 
to, 387; noticed, 142, 318,320,821, 
324, 829, 330, 331, 339, 841, 351, 
353, 355, 860, 361, 362, 3(J4, 378, 
382, 384, 403, 406, 407, 417. 

Smith, Enghsh, post-rider, noticed, 242. 

Smith, Thomas, appointed governor of 
CaroUna, 85 ; his advice to the Pro- 
prietaries, 85. 

Smith, William, Cadwallader Colden'a 
letters on his history of New York, 
181, 187, 192, 206, 214, 219, 226, 
230 ; quotation from the preface to his 
history, 182; his version of the case 
of Newenhytt, considered, 188. 

Smith, William, an allowance made to, 
by Leisler's Assembly, 202. 

Smith, , Major, see Revolution in 

Boston, 249. 

Smith, William, noticed, 264, 265 ; de- 
clares his willingness to serve Gov. 
Andros, 266. 

Somers, Lord, see Revolution in New 
England, 28 ; noticed, 61, 64, 91, 166. 



Sophia, Princess of England, her present 
to Bishop Burnet, 217. 

Sothel, Seth, Gov. of Carolina, suspended 
from office, 80. 

South Carolina, (see Carolinas), 30; 
convulsions and anarchy in, 80. 

Spencer, Nicholas, Secretary of Virsinia, 
letter to the Lords of the Committee 
of Plantations, 37. 

St. Albans, Lord, grants to, noticed, 47. 

St. John's, N. B., the attack on, 125. 

Starkey, Richard, noticed, 322, 327. 

States General, the Dutch, cautious pro- 
ceeding of the, in reference to the set- 
tlement on Hudson's River, 183. 

Stol, Joost, Ensign, statement of, and 
list of papers delivered into the hands 
of, and sent to England, 297- 

Stoughton, WilUam, Lt. Gov. of Mass., 
see Witchcraft, 110; ordered to as- 
sume the government of Mass., 1 1 8 ; his 
prudent administration, 119; "more 
of a scholar than a soldier," 121 ; see 
New Hampshire, 128. 

Suffolk Co., N. Y., disturbances in, in 
May, 1689, 252,, 253, 256, 259. 

Sunderland, Lord, his counsels to James 
the Second, 20 ; see Circular Letter 
of James the Second to the American 
Colonies, 33. 

Sunderland, the Countess of, noticed, 90. 

Tankerville, , noticed, 175. 

T;issemaker, Dominie, murder of, 403. 

" Tatler," the. Governor Hunter's contri- 
butions to, 192. 

Teers, Claes, appointed Ensign of the 
Bergen Mihtia, 247. 

Teller, Jacob, affidavit of, relative to af- 
fairs in New York, Sept., 1690, 321 ; 
noticed 327. 

Teschemacher, Dominie, murder of, 403. 

Teysack, John, noticed, 241. 

Thomas, John, petition to the King, 340. 

Thomas, Jurraien, Capt., appointed Lt. 
of the Bergen Militia, 247. 

Thomason, Gabrielle, noticed, 243, 244. 

Tiebout, Johannes, noticed, 346. 

Tillotson, Archbishop, wished the Church 
could get fairly rid of the Athanasian 
Creed, 215. 

Tobacco, tax on, under the statute of 
Charles Second, 87. 

Toleration, see CoUiton County, Caro- 
lina, 84. 

Townley, Richard, Colonel, of East Jer- 
sey, noticed, 247. 

Treat, , Col., see Revolution in Bos- 
ton, 248. 

Treby, Sir George, Attorney General, see 
Revolution in New England, 28 ; action 
of, in reference to the forfeiture of 
Lord Baltimore's charter, 76, 77, 78, 
93 ; noticed, 91. 

Trevor, Sir Thomas, Attorney General, 
noticed, 40, 101, 165 ; opinion on the 
Charter of Penn, 1 69. 

Trifry, , Capt. seized with Gov. 

Andros at Boston, 244. 

Trumbull, Sir William, Secretary of 
State, noticed, 167. 

Tunese, Jan, noticed, 346. 

Turck, Paulus, jr., noticed, 346. 

Tyrconnel, Lord Lieutenant of Ireland, 
his conduct at the accession of William 
and Mary to the Enghsh throne, 9, 35 ; 
a change in his conduct, 10 ; note in 
reference to the case of, 35. 

Ulster, N. Y., action of the people of, 
on the seizure of Gov. Andros, 249 ; 
Leisler's order in reference to persons 
from, 303. 

Union in the Northern American Colo- 
nies, 149. 

Usher, John, see New Hampshire, 127 ; 
appointed Deputy Governor. 127; 
flees to Boston, 128 ; seized at Boston, 

Vandenburgh, Derrick, noticed, 277. 

Yandercoope, Franz, noticed, 277. 

Van Cortlandt, Stephen, Major, 241, 243, 
245, 312, 326; complains of Matthew 
Plowman's backwardness, 258 ; letter 
to Cols. Hamilton and Smith, May 18, 
1689, 265. 

Van Ekelen, Johannes, noticed, 30.5. 

Van Nieuwenhuysen, Wilhelmus, Domi- 
nie, the case of, considered, 188, 

Van Rensselaer, Killian, affidavit of, 
in the case of Leisler, 328. 

Van Vlecq, Isaac, Lieut., noticed, 277 

Varick, Rudolphus, Dominie, noticed, 

Vaughan, William, see New Hampshire, 

Veasey, , declaration of, in reference 

to the seizure of Governor Andros, 

Vermillen, Johannes, under sentence of 
death, petitions the Queen, 333. 

Villebon, M., see Acadie, 124. 

Virginia, the conduct of, on the accession 
of William and Mary to the throne of 
England, 13; "Lord and Lady" of, 
proclaimed, 14 ; see Nicholas Spencer, 



Secretary, ST ; state of, in 1689, con- 
sidered, 43 ; the peaceful condition of, 
after the accession of William and 
Mary, 44 ; disputes concerning the 
boundary of, with North CaroUna, 46 ; 
manufactures in, 46 ; Sir Edmund An- 
dros appointed Governor of, 48 ; erec- 
tion of a free-school and college in, 
48; the condition of, on the arrival 
of Androsiu 1692, 95 ; administration 
of, in, 95 ; burgesses of, refuse their 
assent to laws, 96 ; illicit trade be- 
tween Scotland and, 97 ; assists New 
York with money, 97 ; Nicholson ap- 
pointed Governor of, 109; the politi- 
cal state of the Colony of, 163. 

Waldron, Richard (see New Hampshire), 

Walley, John, conduct of, at (he attack 
on Quebec, 57. 

Walpole, Horace, Auditor of Revenue in 
America, noticed, 220. 

Ward, Sir Edward, opinion on the char- 
ter of Penn, 169 ; (see Revolution in 
New England), 28. 

Wedderborn, George, instructions to, 
■ from Gov. Andros, 263. 

Wendell, Johannes, Capt., noticed, 296. 

West, John, seized at Boston, with Gov. 
Andros, 244. 

Westchester County, N. T. (see Andros), 
247, 259. 

Wharton, Lord, noticed, 90. 

Wheeler, Sir Francis, Admiral, his disap- 
pointment at Boston, 135; noticed, 

Whitehead, Daniel (see Long Island), 

Whitepaine, Zagharia, examination of, 

William of Orange, the embarrassments 
of, 41 ; (see Prince of Orange); his 
course in reference to Massachusetts 
Bay, 66, 67 ; self-denial of, in the case 
of Lord Baltimore, 101 ; his orders in 
reference to witchcraft in New Eng- 
land, 111 ; resolves on the conquest 
of Canada in 1692, 114 ; the " divided 
councils " of, effect on the prosperity 
of England, 160 ; invades England, 

241 ; letter of, to Gov. Nicholson, July 
30, 1689, noticed, 365. 

WiUiam and Mary, accession of, to the 
throne of England, 6; proclaimed 
" Lord and Lady of Virginia," 14, 37 ; 
formally proclaimed in Boston, Mass., 
•26 ; (see administration of Jacob Leis- 
ler), 241, 333 ; proclamation of, in 
Boston, 373 ; rejoicing in New York 
on the accession of, 374 ; confirma- 
tion of sheriffs, collectors, &c., in New 
York by, 375. 

WilUam and Mary College, the establish- 
ment of, 96. 

Williams, Thomas, under sentence of 
death petitions the Queen, 333. 

Willett, Thomas, Major, of Queens Co. 
N. Y., noticed, 247, 254 ; (see Long Isl- 
and), 305. 

Willets, , losses of, in the Revolu- 
tion in New York, 382. 

Wilson, Ebenezer, sheriff of New York, 

Winchester, Earl of, member Privy 
Council of William and Mary, noticed, 

Winthrop, Fitz John, refuses to com- 
mand an expedition against the Indi- 
ans, 50 ; his expedition to Lake Cham- 
plain, 55 ; imprisoned by Leisler, 56 ; 
sent to England as the agent of Con- 
necticut, 138 ; his course in England, 

Winthrop, Wayt, Capt., seizes Gov. An- 
dros, 244 ; refuses to release him, 
266 ; (see the arrest of Gov. Andros, 

Witchcraft, account of, in Massachu- 
setts, 110. 

Wormley, Secretary, despatch from, to 
the Committee of Council, June 10, 
1695, 163. 

Wyllems, Jacob, petition to the King, 

Whiting, William, noticed, 298. 

Youngs, John, Col, (see Revolution in 

Boston, 248). 
York, the duke of, noticed, 187. 
Yorke, Charles, his work on the Law of 

Forfeiture noticed, 33. 



FOUNDED 1804. 


The New-York Historical Society has established a fund 
for the regular publication of its transactions and Collections in 
American History. Publication is very justly regarded as one of the 
main instruments of usefulness in such institutions, and the amount 
and value of what they contribute to the general sum of human 
knowledge through this agency, as a just criterion of their success. 

To effect its object, the Society proposed to issue One Thousand 
Scrip shares of Twenty-five Dollars each. Each share is trans- 
ferable on the books of the Fund, in the hands of the Treasurer, and 
entitles the holder, his heirs, administrators or assigns, to receive : 

I. Interest — Until the Fund was complete, or sufficient, in the 
opinion of the Trustees, to enable the publications to com- 
mence without impairing the principal thereof, interest on the 
par value of his share or shares at the rate of five per cent, 
per annum. 

II. Publications — One copy of each and every publication made at 
the expense of the Fund, amounting to not less that one Octavo 
Volume of five hundred pages per annum. 

The number of copies of these publications is strictly limited to 
twelve hundred and fifty — of which the Society receives for 
corresponding Societies and exchanges for the increase of the Library, 
TWO hundred and fifty copies — but no copies are offered for sale 
or disposition in any other manner by the Society. 

The conditions of subscription included a pledge on the part of 
the Society that the moneys received should be applied for these 
purposes, and no other, and be invested solely in stocks of the United 
States, the City and State of New York, or on bond and mortgage, 
and be held forever by the President, Recording Secretary, and 
Treasurer of the Society, as Trustees (ex-officio) of the Publication 


The first proposals for the estabHshment of this Fund were issued 
in 1858. Received with much less interest on the part of the mem- 
bers than was expected, its total amount up to 1865 was so small as 
to suggest the necessity of abandoning the scheme and returning the 
amount of subscriptions and interest to the subscribers. An earnest 
effort however in that year brought up the amount to a point which 
gave the assuraince of ultimate and not distant success. 

Admonished by the universal change of values, which has taken 
place within the past few years, and the necessity of increasing the 
amount of the Fund, the Society determined to terminate the issue 
of shares at the original price, and to double the price of the remain- 
ing shares. Other measures are in view which promise to enhance 
the value of the shares without failure in the full discharge of every 
obligation to the shareholders, who will receive all its benefits with- 
out any additional contribution to the increased Fund. 

Under the authority and direction of the Executive Committee, 
the series of publications begins with the volume for the present 
year, 1868. 

Interest now due upon all the shares to January i, 1868, will be 
paid to shareholders on application to the Secretary to the Trustees 
at the Library of the Society, Second Avenue, corner of Eleventh 
Street, where the volume for the current year is also ready for dis- 

Hamilton Fish, 
Andrew Warner, 
Benjamin H. Field, 

George H. Moore, 

Secretary to the Trustees, 

\* Any person desiring to procure these publications, may pur- 
chase a share in the Publication Fund, by enclosing a check or draft 
for FIFTY dollars, payable to the order of Benjamin H. Field, 
Treasurer of the New-York Historical Society, for which the certificate 
will be immediately transmitted, with the volume already published, as 
the purchaser may direct. 

l^= Address George H. Moore, Librarian of the Historical 
Society, Second Avenue, corner of Eleventh St., New York City. 

New York, December, 1868. 





James Lenox, N. Y. City. 


William B. Crosby, N. Y. City 


Same, ' 


Horatio S. Brown, 





John A. Har denbergh. 





William P. Powers, 



Same, , ' 


Samuel Marsh, 





William H. H. Moore, 



Same, ' 


C. V. S. Roosevelt, 





Robert Townsend, Albany. 


Same, ' 


David Thompson, N. 

F. City. 


Same, ' 


James Stokes, 



John B. Moreatt, ' 


George C Peters, 



Henry T. Drowne, ' 


George T. Trimble, 



Benjamin IT. Field, ' 


William Curtis Noyes, 



Thomas W. 0. Moore, ' 


Thomas Suffern, 



George Bancroft, ' 


Richard H. Bowne, 



William Chauncet, ' 


Gkorge H. Purser, 



Charles H. Ward, ' 


John H. Chambers, 



William Menzies, ' 


George W. Pratt, 



J. Watts de Petster, ' 


Henry A. Hurlbut, 



Edwin Croswell, " 


August Belmont, 



Edward Everett, Boston, Mass. 


George R. Jackson, 



Horace Binney, Phila., Pa. 


Cleayton Newbold, 



Frederic de Peystbr, K. Y. City. 


George Bruce, 



Augustus Sohell, " 


F. A. Palmer, 



Andrew Warner, " 


John Ward, 





Samuel Jaudon, 



Erastus C. Benedict, " 


Thomas T. Sturges, 



James Savage, Boston, Mass. 


John Reid, 



S. Alofsen, N. Y. City. 


GusTAvus Swan, 



Albert A. Martin, " 


Matthew Olarkson, 



William B. Campbell, " 


William A. White, Jr., 



John Alsttne, " 


Wm. M. Halstead, 



John Armstrong, " 


Thomas DeWitt, 



Wm. L. Chamberlain, 



Charles P. Kirkland, 







H. G. Laweenoe, K Y 




Edward F. De Lancet, 




Cyrus Ourtiss, 




Shepherd Knapp, 



Edward DeWitt, 




D. B. Faterweather, 




Mark Hott, 



Charles M. Connolly, 




Cornelius DuBois, 




L. C. Clark, 




Thomas Lawrence, 




David T. Valentine, 




H't Russell Drowne, 




John Fowler, Jr., 




William Bowne, 




Henry T. Drowne, 




Nehemiah Knight, BrooUyn. 



William S. Thorne, N. Y. City. 



Alex'r McL. Agnew, 




Robert C. Goodhue. 




George F. N'esbitt, 




John E. Wool, Troy. 



John P. Treadwell, Neio Mil- 


ford^ Conn. 



Isaac Fryke, N. Y 




Charles J. Martin, 




Franklin F. Randolph. 




Samuel Coulter, 




David Van Fostrand, 




Addison G. Biokford, 




Jonas G. Dudley, 




Theodorus B. Taylor, 




William Soott, 




David Sloane, 




Joseph G. Harbison, 








Same, ■ 








Edward Walker, 




John C. Hewitt, 




Charles I. Bushnell, 




Giles F. Bushnell, 




John C. Calhoun, 




Thomas J. TiRE, Boston^ 



S. Whitney Phcbnix, IT. Y. City. 

Same, " 

Same, " 

Same, " 

Same, " 

Same, " 

Same, " 

Same, " 

Same, " 

Same, » 

Same, " 

Same, " 
J. B. Bright, Waltham, Mass. 

Robert L. Stuart, iV. Y. City. 

Same, " 

Alexander Stuart, " 

Same, " 

George T. Jackson, " 

John A. Anderson, " 

Charles P. Daly, " 

Evert A. Duyckinok, " 

Henry C. Carter, " 

Andrew J. Smith, " 

Mathias Bloodgood, " 


Jno. a. McAllister, Phila.., Pa. 
¥ath. W. Hunt, N. Y. City. 
Theo. S. Parker, Eoholcen^ N. J. 
William M. Brown, K Y. City. 
And. Brown, Middletown, iV. J. 
Joseph B. Varnum, J^. Y. City. 
Charles B. Cotten, " 
Alvin a. Alvoed, " 

Wm. Henry Arnoux, " 
Same, " 

Same, " 

Same, " 

Albert Smith, N'e^o Rochelle. 
M. C. Morgan, N. Y. City. 
S. Howl AND Robbins, " 
Francis Bacon, " 

A. Spiers Brown, " 

George 0. Colburn, " 
John Calvin Smith, Manlius. 






W. n. Eager, Jr., K Y. City. 



Isaac J. Geeexwood, •' 



Frederic R. Fowler, " 



Anthoi^y Det, Jr., " 



Seymour J. Strong, " 



Ebenezer J. Hyde, ' 



William B. Taylor, 



Ferd. J. Dreee, Fhila., Pa. 



Aug. Toetdeberg, Brooldijn. 



Charles 0. Moreau, K Y. City. 



Charles H. Hart, PMla., Pa. 



Hexry Piiillips, Jr., " 



Francis B. Hayes, Boston, Mass. 



T. Staefoed Drowne, BrooTclyn. 



Cortlandt De Peyster Field, 


K Y. City. 



John S. Craig, K Y. City. 



Charles H. Rogers, " 



Maueioe Htlgee, " 



E. A. Benedict, " 



William Eveedell, " 



Geo. R. Deowne, Boston, Mass. 



J. Watts de Peyster, A^. Y. 





James B. Andrews, A^. Y. City. 



Constant A. Andrews, " 



LoRiNG Andrews, Je., " 



Walter S. Andrews, " 



Clarence Andrews, " 



William L. Andrews, " 



Same, '• 



John Aemsteong, " 



Paul K. Weizel, B'JcIyn, K Y. 



John F. McCoy, K Y. City. 



Joseph B. Hoyt, " 



James Benedict, " 



J. Nelson Tappan " 



Feancis Wigand, " 





D. B. Fayeeweatheb, " 


John A. Hardenbergh, " 



J. W. Weidmeyer, " 


Edwin Faxon, " 



F. a. Gale, « 


John Caswell, A^. Y. City. 
William C. Dornin, " 
William P. Cooledge, " 
John R. Ford, 
Israel Corse, " 

Daniel Morison, " 

John Bridge, " 

Wilson G. Hunt, " 

Charles H. Smith, " 

John P. Crosby, " 

Erastus Corning, Albany. 

Same, " 

.James B. Colgate, A'. Y. City. 
Samuel Marsh, " 

Edwin Parsons, " 

Robert J. Hubbard, " 
J. Watts de Peyster, " 
James A. Raynoe, " 

Robeet j. Livingston, " 
John C. Barron, " 

Henry K. Brewer, " 

John A. Nexsen, " 

Marshall O. Roberts, " 
William ?f. Blakeman, " 
Herman C. Adams, '• 

Thomas B. Gunning, " 
Abraham Bogardfs, " 
John E. Lauer, " 

E. M. Ceawfoed, " 

James C. Holden, " 

Samuel Colgate, " 

William B. Ross, " 

William K. Hinman, " 
John W. Quincy, " 

James M. Bruce, " 

Miss Annie Moreau, " 
Lewis Hallock, " 

The Library of the City of 

Amsterdam, Amsterdam.^ 


Rs. Anna Boynton, N. Y. 

RuFus D. Case, N. Y. City. 
Cyrus Butler, " 



239. EiCHARD S. Field, Princeton, 


240. A. O. Zabbiskie, Jersey City, 


241. Michael Lienatj, Jersey City, 

N. J. 

242. William A. Whitehead, .iVew- 

avTc, N. J. 

243. SiMEOx Deafer, N. Y. City. 

244. Freeman M. Josselyn, Boston, 


245. Theodore W. Riley, N. Y. City. 

246. John Boyd, Jr., " 

247. George K. Sistare, " 

248. J. Warren S. Dey, " 

249. William II. Bridgman, " 

250. Anson Phelps Stokes, " 

251. William 0. Martin, " 

252. A. Eobertson Walsh, " 

253. Joseph A. Sprague, " 

254. Charles A. Peabody, " 

255. William H. Morbell, " 

256. John V. L. Pruyn, Albany, N. Y. 

257. Frederick James de Peyster, 

K Y. City. 

258. William H. Macy, N. Y. City. 

259. Thomas Paton, " 

260. David Stewart, " 

261. David Stewart, Jr., " 

262. John E. Williams, " 

263. John P. Townsend, " 

264. William H. Morrell, " 

265. Homer Morgan, " 

266. John Armstrong, " 

267. Same, " 

268. Same, " 

269. Same, " 

270. N. NoRRis Halstead, Harri- 

son, Hudson Co., N. J. 

271. Wm. 0. Tallmadge, iV: Y. City. 

272. Howard Crosby, " 

273. Mrs. Mary E. Brooks, " 

274. Edward Hodges, " 

275. Robert W. Rodman, " 



John L. Riker, N. Y. City. 
Walter R. T. Jones, " 
Claudius L. Monell, " 
Byam K. Stevens, Jr., " 
Francis Many, " 

Henry M. Tabeb, " 

T, M. Peters, " 

John B. Cornell, " 

S. Alofsen, " 

Same, " 

Robert B. Minturn, Jr., " 
George Tugnot, " 

RuFus S. Bergen, Oreen Point. 
Benj'n W. Bonney, N. Y. City. 
Benj'n W. Bonney, Jr., " 
John S. H. Fogg, Boston, Mass. 
John H. Wright, " 

William Wood, N. Y. City. 
F. G. Van Woert, " 

Alex'r T. Stewart, " 
John B. Cronin, " 

Georgf D. Morgan, " 
Homer Tilton, " 

Samuel Frost, " 

Same, " 

James H. Pinkney, " 

William T. Pinkney, " 
Charles H. Phillips, " 
James Eager, " 

William Underhill, " 
John D. Clute, • " 

Abraham B. Embury, " 
Charles L. Richards, " 
William Beard, " 

James H. Welles, " 

John Gallier, " 

Charles Le Boutillieb, " 
Thomas Le Boutillier, " 
John G. Lambebson, " 
Russell C. Root, " 

Clarkson Crolius, " 

William Murphy, Chappaqua. 
Daniel T. Willets, N. Y. City. 
Charles Gould, " 






320. John B. Bartlett, iV. Y. City. 

321. Mathias Clark, '• 

322. Robert M. Roberts, " 

323. Jas. Hasbrouck Sahler, " 

324. Frederic de Peyster, " 

325. Same, " 

326. Same, " 
John J. Latting, *' 
David Buffum, " 
F. H. Parker, 
George W. Thompson, " 
Thomas F. Youngs, " 
Oliver G. Barton, '• 

333. Abram E. O0TTEE, Gharlestoic7i, 


334. William E. Lewis, K Y. City. 

335. John H. Johnston " 

336. William B. Cleeke, " 
33T. John 0. Connor, " 

338. Henry T. Morgan, " 

339. Abeam A. Leggett, " 
James Davett, " 
Erastus S. Brown, " 
AsHER Taylor, " 

343. Edwaed Bill, 

344. William H. Tuthill, 

Cedar Co.., Iowa. 
Henry S. Terbell, N. Y. City. 
George W. Abbe, '' 

Sidney Mason, " 

Charles Shields, " 

George B. Dorr, " 

Gardiner Pike, " 

John 0. Beatty, " 

LoRA B. Bacon, " 

Charles H. Ludington, " 
James Brown, " 




355. Charles O'Conoe, " 

356. Charles B. Collins, " 

357. John H. Wright, Boston^ Mass. 

358. Wm. S. Constant, N. Y. City. 

359. Geo. W. Wales, Boston, Mass. 

360. John L. Dean, K Y. City. 

361. T. Matlaok Chbesman, " 


362. Maximilian Rader, N. Y. City. 

363. J. Hobart Herrick, " 

364. Louis P. Griffith, " 

365. Barrow Benrimo, " 

366. Edward F. DeLanoey, " 

367. Samuel L. Breese, " 

368. D. Henry Haight, " 

369. John Adriance, " 

370. Same, " 

371. Joseph W. Alsop, " 

372. Henry Chauncey, " 

373. Frederick Chauncey, " 

374. William IIabirshaw, " 

375. Henry A. Heiser, " 

376. William H. Jackson, " 

377. Elijah T. Brown, " 

378. Henry K. Bogert, " 

379. Addison Bkown, " 

380. Ernest Fiedler, " 

381. J. Watts de Peyster, " 

382. William Remsen, " 

383. Walter M. Underbill, " 

384. Samuel W. Francis, " 

385. George Livebmoee, Cambridge.,. 


386. Same, " 

387. Same, " 

388. Same, " 
889. John F. Gray, N. Y. City. 

390. Henry G. Griffen, " 

391. Thomas S. Berry, "^ 

392. Calvin Durand, "• 

393. Robert B. Minturn, "• 

394. F. A. P. Barnard, "• 

395. William Bryce, " 

396. -James Beyce, " 

397. Augustus Belknap, " 

398. Andrew Wilson, " 

399. William J. Van Duser, '• 

400. John C. Havemeyer, ** 

401. John T. Ag^ew, •' 

402. Same, " 

403. Charles E. Beebe, " 

404. Nathanlel W. Chateb, " 






George C. Collins, K Y. Citi/. 


William B. Taylor, Jr., iV". Y. 


William II. Goodwin, " 





William V. Brady, 


William Hegeman, " 


Oliver Hoyt, " 


Peteh V. King, " 


Charles W. Leooije, " 


Geoege W. Lane, '' 


JohnH. Swift, " 


Louis F. Theeasson, " 


Hugh N. Oamp, 


IIeney F. Sewall, " 


W. WooLSEY Wright, " 


Miss Elizabeto Claekson Jay, 


Jed Frye, " 

.V. 1'. City. 


Henry Owen, " 


William E. Dodge, " 


William A. Young, " 


William E. Dodge, Je., " 


John Buckley, Jr., " 


Geokge W. Robins, " 


D. Randolph Martin, " 


John D. Locke, " 


Samuel L. M. Barlow, " 


John McKesson, " 


E. W. Ryeeson, 


EicHAED M. Hoe, " 


Samuel Shethar, " 


Robert IIoe, " 


Geo. Beinley, Hartford, Conn. 


Petek S. Hoe, 


Augustus F. Smith, iV. F. City. 


Augustus W. Payne, " 


William H. Huelbut, " 


William Oothout, " 


Henry A. Hurlbut, " 


Edwaed Oothout, " 


Mes. Sophie H. Scott, " 


Edwaed F. Hopkins, " 


The N. Y. Society Library, 


David E. Wheelee, " 

New York City. 


John H. Sprague, " 


Thomas K. Marcy, BrooMyn. 


Theodoee Van Norden,-' 


Jas. Y. Smith, Providence., R. I. 


George de Heart Gillespie, 


Wm. B. Bolles, Astoria, N. Y. 

^. Y. City. 


Gouv. Morris Wilkins, New 


BexYjamin G. Aektold, " 

Yorl City. 


Coeidon a. x\LVOED, " 


James T. Fields, Boston, Mass. 


Same, " 


Horace P. Biddle, Logansport, 





Same, " 


A. L. Roache, Indiana2)olis, In- 


J. Otis Ward, " 



James Lenox, " 


Miss Eliza S. Quinoy, Quincy, 


Same, " 



Jabez E. Munsell, " 


Alfred Brookes, N. Y. City. 


Arnold 0. Hawes, " 


Henry Youngs, Jr., " 


Jacob W. Feeter, " 


Jeremiah Loder, " 


Daniel Spring, " 


Thomas 11. Aemsteong, " 


John C. Geeen, " 


William C. Bryant, " 


David L. Holden, " 


Matthew P. Read, " 


Joseph W. Patterson, " 


Manning M. Knapp, EacTcen- 


Gordon W. Burnham, " 

sacJc, N. J. 


Samuel Wilde,. Je., " 


. Lockwood L. Doty, Albany. 








Walter L. Newberry, Chicago. 


Hamilton Fish, New Yorh City. 

Wm. B. Towne, Boston, Mass. 

Same, " 

Same, " 

Same, " 

Sidney W. Dibble, K. Y. City. 

Charles J. Seymour, Bing- 

hamton, N. Y. 
D. A. MoKnight, Plttshurgh., 

Penn. ' 

Chas. H. Hoxjsman, N. Y. City. 
James H. Chichester, " 
"William W. Greene, " 
Francis F. Dorr, " 

Charles W. Whitney, " 
Egbert D. Hart, " 

George H. Mathews, " 
Thomas Addis Emmet, " 
Andrew J. Smith, *' 

William D. Maxwell, " 
Charles A. Maoy, Jr., " 
Thomas W. Field, '' 

Charles Gorham Barney, 

Richmond.^ Va. 
Benj. B. Atterbury, If. Y. City. 


Thomas II, Morrell, " 
Smith Barker, " 

EvERARDiis B. Warner, " 
Augustus T. Francis, " 
Wm. a. Stringerland, " 
Eiley a. Brick, " 

Same, " 

Walter M. Smith, " 

Henry Elsworth, " 

John Hecker, " 

Warren Ward, " 

Charles G. Judson, " 
J. Meredith Eead, Jr., Albany. 
John H. Van Antwerp, " 
Wm. M. Van Wagenen, " 
Wm. T. Eyebson, K Y. City. 


524. Edwin Hoyt, 




K Y. City. 

John Van Nest, '' 
Clinton Gilbert, " 

J. Carson Brevoort, BrooMyn. 

Same, " 

Isaac D. Eussell, iV. Y. City. 

Henry Oothout, " 

Alexander P. Irvin, " 

Beriah Palmer, " 

Egbert Scbell, " 
Alfred T. Ackert, Rhinebech. 

535. John H. Watson, N. Y. City. 

536. Abraham Baldwin, " 

537. Ezra A. Hayt, " 

538. William L. Lambert, " 

539. Charles S. Smith, '' 

540. Charles A. Macy, " 

541. Samuel Eaynor, " 

542. Lucius Tuckerman, " 

543. William Betts, " 

544. William K. Strong, " 

545. John D. Jones, " 

546. Same, " 

547. Thomas C. Doremus, " 

548. EuDOLPH A. Witthaus, Jr., 

A^. Y. City. 

549. Fred'k W. Macy, N. Y. City. 

550. Joseph N. Ireland, " 

551. William Montross, " 

552. Samuel E. Mabbatt, " 

553. Jacob S. Wetmore, " 

554. Marvelle W. Cooper, " 

555. Abraham M. Cozzens, " 

556. Jacob Van Wagenen, " 

557. John H. Eiker, « 

558. Wm. Alexander Smith, " 

559. George Dixon, Jr., " 

560. Hamilton Odell, " 

561. Charles B. Eiohardson, " 

562. Horatio Nichols, " 

563. George T. Hall, " 

564. Henry A. Burr, " 

565. Franklin H. Delano, " 

566. James M. Deuel, " 





567. Richard Irvin, Jr., K Y. Glty. 

568. Dudley B. Fuller, 

569. Henry A. Smythk, 

570. JosiAH S. Leverett, 

571. John S. Davenport, 

572. Bronson Peok, 
William A. Allen, 
William Dowd, 
David L. Baker, 
John G. Shea, 

David D. Field, 
William H. Appleton, 
Samuel J. Tilden, 


582. Timothy Gr. Churchill, 

583. Parker Handy, 

584. Nathaniel Hayden, 

585. John G. Holbrooke, 

586. Robert H . MoCurdy, 

587. Rush 0. Hawkins, 

588. L. M. Ferris, Jr., 

589. Theo. Roosevelt, 
J. Butler Wright, 
George Palen, 
George Griswold, 
O. D. MUNN, 
Frank Moore, 
William H, Lee, 

Henry E. Clark, 

598. Jackson S. Sohultz, 

599. John Carter Brown, 

idence, B. I. 

John Carter Brown, 2d, Prov- 
idence, R. L 

Peleg Hall, N. T. City. 





602. Charles L. Anthony, " 

603. George W. Hall, " 

604. J. T. Leavitt, " 

605. Joseph Howland, Albany. 

606. John W. Munro, N. Y. City. 

607. Parker Handy, " 

608. Same, " 

609. Parker Handy, N. Y. City. 

610. George Griswold, " 

611. Willard Parker, " 

612. Alex'r W. Bradford, " 
618. Benjamin L. Benson, " 

614. Edward Schell, '• 

615. A. B. Kellogg, " 

616. Joseph O. Brown, '• 

617. E. B. Oakley, « 

618. Nathaniel Jarvis, Jr., " 

619. David S. Dunoomb, " 

620. Augustus K. Gardner, '" 

621. L. Bayard Smith, " 

622. Louis de V. Wilder, " 

623. William E. Bird, " 

624. Franklin B. Hough, Lowville. 

625. Thomas P. Rowe, N. Y. City. 

626. Samuel Osgood, 

627. Charles A. Meigs, 

628. Edward H. Purdy, 

629. Joseph F. Joy, 
680. Hezekiaii Khstg, 

631. Horace W. Fuller, 

632. William H. Post, 

633. Edward D. Butler, 
684. Henry B. Dawson, Morrisania. 

635. Almon W. Griswold, K Y. City. 

636. S. TowNSEND Cannon. " 

637. Theodore M. Barnes, " 
688. Joel Munsell, Albany. 

639. Same, 

640. Thomas A. Bishop, N. Y. City. 

641. Same, " 

642. Nicholas F. Palmer, " 

643. J. L. Leonard, Loioville. 

644. David C. Halstead, N. Y. City. 

645. Thomas Morton, " 

646. J. F. Sheafe, " 

647. Henry A. Bostwiok, " 

648. Hiram D. Dater, " 

649. George H. Williams, " 

650. O. W. Reynolds, " 

651. SiLVANus J. Maoy, " 

652. Henry J. Soudder, " 




653. N. W. Stutvesant Oatlin, N. 

r. City. 

654. H. Tract Arnold, If. Y. City. 

655. Benjamin R. Winthrop, " 

656. Same, " 

657. Benj. R. Winthrop, Jr., " 

658. Egerton L. Winthrop, iV. Y. 


659. Franklin Edson, Albany. 

660. Robert 0. Melvain, K Y. City. 

661. Archibald Russell, " 

662. William I. Paulding, Gold 


663. John Romeyn Brodhead, A^. Y. 


664. John L. Kennin, JSf. Y. City. 

665. James Stokes, Jr., " 

666. John A. Russell, " 

667. E. M. Wright, " 

668. EvERARDus Warner, " 

669. Everardus B. Warner, " 

670. John C. Hewitt, " 

671. Peter Stryker, Phila., Pa. 

672. Wilson M. Powell, JSf. Y. City. 

673. Samuel H. Brown, " 

674. Ellsworth Eliot. " 

675. John T. Klots, " 

676. Charles H. Dummer, " 

677. Henry D. Bulkley, " 

678. J. K.Hamilton WiLLOOx," 

679. Appleton Sturgis, " 

680. William T. Salter, " 

681. William Rockwell, " 

682. E. H. Janes, " 

683. Thomas B. Newbt, " 

684. Louis de V. Wilder, " 

685. Same, " 

686. Samuel Coulter, " 

687. Ralph Clark, " 

688. Thomas F. De Voe, " 

689. John Groshon, " 

690. S. L. Boardman, Augusta, Me. 

691. Charles J. Folsom, N. Y. City. 

692. George Folsom, " 


693. Everardus Warner, A^. F. Ciiy. 

694. George C. Eyland, " 

695. C. F. Hardon, " 

696. F. Wiley, " 

697. Alexander Wiley, " 

698. John W. Scott, Astoria. 

699. Edward Anthony, If. Y. City. 

700. Ohaunoey p. Smith, Wolcoti. 

701. H'y Camerden, Jr., If. F. City. 

702. George Bancroft, " 

703. Abraham R. Weaver, " 

704. James W. Purdt, " 

705. CuAS. CoNGDON, B'Hyn, K Y. 

706. Long Island Historical Soci- 

ety, BvooTdyn, N. Y. 

707. Brooklyn Mercantile Library 

Association, BrooMyn, If. Y. 

708. New Bedford Free Library, 

Ifew Bedford, Mass. 

709. John David Wolfe, A^. F. City. 

710. Miss C. L. Wolfe, " 

711. George W. Cook, " 

712. James L. Woodward, " 

713. William Frederick Poole, 

Boston, Mass. 

714. Benjamin H. Field, If. Y. City. 


A^. F. City. 

716. John Fitch, A'. F. City. 

717. Same, 

718. F. Augustus Wood, •' 

719. John H. Dillingham, Haver- 

ford College, Pa. 

720. F. Augustus Wood, If. Y. City. 

721. Charles A. Peabody, " 

722. Edwin F. Corey, Jr., " 

723. John G. Lamberson, " 

724. Same, " 

725. John E. Parsons, " 

726. Gratz Nathan, " 

727. B. F. De Costa, " 

728. Henry 0. Potter, " 

729. Henry Nicoll, '' 

730. George E. Moore, " 






JoHxX F. Trow, 

m Y. City. 


George H. 


K Y. City 

























































150. George H. Peeke, Jersey Gity^ 358. 

N. J. 670. 

167. John H. Thompson, New York 719. 


Robert S. Miller, N. Y. City. 
Wm. p. Prentice, " 

Haverford College Library, 
HaverfoiYl College, Pa.