Commemorative essays presented to Sir Ramkrishna Gopal Bhandarkar

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COMMEMORATIVE ESSAYS

PRESENTED TO

SIR RAMKRISHNA GOPAL BHANDARKAR

K. C. I. E„ M. A. (Bom.), Ph. D. (Gottin. & Cal.), LL. D. (Bom. & Edin.),
Honorary Member of the Royal Asiatic Society of Great Britain
and Ireland, of the German Oriental Society, of the American
Oriental Society, and of the Italian Asiatic Society ; Cor-
responding Member of the French Institute and of the
Imperial Academy of Sciences, St. Petersburg ;
Foreign Member of the Royal Bohemian Society
of Sciences; Sometime Vice-Chancellor of
the University of Bombay ; and late
Professor of Oriental Languages
Deccan College,
Poona.

+* ""*%•

Bhandarkar Oriental Research Institute, Poona
1917

For copies of this book apply to the Oriental Books
Supplying Agency, Poona. Price, Library Edition, Rs. 12
in India and £ 0-16-0 nett abroad ; Ordinary Edition, Rs. 9
in India and £0-12-0 nett abroad. Postage extra. A special
discount is allowed to members of the Institute. A limit-
ed number of off-prints of the papers appearing in this
volume are available : Prices on application.

PK

2-

Z-5 &S

FEB 2 7 1973

^ ^

^.

Printed by Anant Vinayak Patwardhan, B. A., at the

Aryabhushan Press, Poona, and published by

Shripad Krishna Belvalkar, M.A., Ph.D., for the

Bhandarkar Oriental Research Institute

Poona

Plrst Edition, 1917, Seven hundred and fifty copies

Tljis Volume

of Essays written by

his Friends, Pupils, and Admirers

from Different Lands

IS DEDICATED

as a Mark of Respect and Affection

TO

SlF( RAMK^ISHJ^A -GJOPAL pHANDARKA^

upon the Completion of his 80th Year

on Friday the 6th of July

1917

ILLUSTRATIONS

1 Portrait ....

2 Vedio and Chaldean Worlds

3 Semiretchenski-krai

4 Tantrio Lotus

5 Khotanese Ms. fol. 44

6 Khotanese Ms. fol. 64

7 Ancient Head-gear

Opposite Dedication
Between pp. 40 and 41
To face page 94
To face page 249
To face page 420
To face pags 428
To face pag* 487

CONTENTS

Pagbs
VEDA AND ANTIQUITY 1-96

1 The Principles to be followed in translating
the Rgveda— By ARTHUR A. MACDONELL, M.A.,
Ph. D., Boden Professor of Sanskrit in the Uni-
versity of Oxford ••• 3

2 On some River-names in the Rgveda — By M.
Aurel Stein, k.c.i.e., d. Liti, d. sc, ph. d.,
Superintendent, Indian Archaeological Survey,

on special duty 21

3 The Chaldean and Indian Vedas — By BAL
Gangadhar Til ak, b. a., ll. b., Poona ... 29

4 Brahmana-quotations in the Nirukta — By PAN-
DURANG DAMODAR Gune, M. a., Ph. D., Pro-
fessor of Sanskrit, Ferguson College, Poona ••• 43

5 Some Avestan Translations — By JAMES HOPE
MOULTON, M.A., D.Litt, D. D., D.C.L., Professor

of Hellenistic Greek in Manchester University 55

6 The Hunas in the Avesta and Pahlavi — By
Shamsul Ulma JlVANJl JAMSHEDJI Modi,B.A.,
Ph. D., C. I. E., Vice-President, Bombay Branch

of the Royal Asiatic Society, Bombay 65

7 The Early History of the Indo-Iranians — By A.
BERRIED ALE KEITH, D.C. L., D. Litt., Regius Pro-
fessor of Sanskrit and Comparative Philology

in Edinburgh University ... ••• 81

8 The Land of the Seven Rivers— By NARHAR
Gopal Sardesai, l. m. & s., Poona 93

EPICS AND PURANAS 97-114

9 *Tato jayam udlrayet *— Par SYLVAIN LEVI
Professeur au College de France, Paris ... 99

10 Ancient Indian Genealogies: Are they trust-
worthy ?— BY F. E. PARGITER, M. A., I. C. S.
( retired ), Late Judge of the High Court, Cal-

•vi

Contents

outta; Vice-President, Royal Asiatic Society,
London • •• ... ••• ... 107

PALI, BUDDHISM AND JAINISM • •• 115-152

11 The Home of Literary Pali— By GEORGE A.
GRIERSON, K. C. I. E., Ph. D., D. Litt., I. C. S.
(retired), Superintendent of the Linguistic Sur-
vey of India ••• ... 117

12 Cakkavatti ( Dlgha Nikaya, xxvi )— By T. W.
EHY8 DAVIDS, Ph. D., LL. d.,D. Sc, Professor of
Comparative Religion in the University of
Manchester ... 125

13 Sage and King in the Kosala-Samyutta — By
MRS. RHYS DAVIDS, M. A., Professor of Philo-
sophy in the University of Manchester ... 133

14 Jaina Philosophy— By Sastravisarada Jaina-
carya Muniraja Sri VlJAYADHARMA SURI,
Amreli, Kathiawad 139

PHILOSOPHY 153-184

15 The Ancient Indian School of Logic : an Outline
— By Mahamahopadhyaya SATIS CHANDRA
VIDYABHUSHAN, M. A., Ph. D., Principal, Sans-
krit College, Calcutta ... ... 155

16 Prabhakara's Theory of Error — By Mahama-
hopadhyaya Ganganath Jha, m. a., d. Litt.,
Professor of Sanskrit, Muir Central College,
Allahabad •• 167

17 Matharavrtti and the Date of Isvarakrsna —
By Shripad Krishna BELVALKAR,M.A.,Ph.D.,
Professor of Sanskrit, Deccan College, Poona 171

HISTORY AND ARCHAEOLOGY 185-322

18 The Vikrama Era— By D. R. BHANDARKAR,
M. A., Superintendent, Archaeological Survey,
Western Circle, Poona ••• 187

19 New Light on the Gupta Era and the Date
of Mihirakula— By KASHINATH BAPU PATHAK,
B. A., Retired Professor of Sanskrit, Deccan
College, Poona ••• 195

Contents vii

The Fiscal Administration under the Early-
Colas— By Rao Sahib H. KRISHNASHASTRI,

B. A., Officiating Government Epigraphist for
India, Madras • •• 223

21 GangavadI— By B. LEWIS RICE, C. I. E., Late
Director of Archaeological Researches in
Mysore, Harrow-on-the-Hill ••• 237

22 Bombay in the Eleventh Century — By Maha-
mahopadhyaya, HARAPRASAD SHASTRI, M. A.,

C. I. E., Vice-President, Asiatic Society of
Bengal, Calcutta 249

23 Virupaksa II of Vijayanagar— By S. KRISHNA-
SWAMI AlYANGAR, M.A., University Profes-
sor of Indian History and Archaeology, Mad-
ras ... .. 255

24 The Jain Teachers of Akbar— By VINCENT

A. SMITH, M. A., I. C. S. (retired), Oxford ... 265

25 Some Notes on William Hawkins (1607-12) —
By H. G. RAWLINSON, M. A., Principal, Kar-
natak College, Dharwar 277

26 A Chapter from the Life of Shivaji (1665-67)
—By JADUNATH SARKAR, M. A., Professor of
History, Patna College, Bankipore 295

27 Some Palaeographic Notes: Early Nagari —
By V. SUKTHANKAR, Ph. D., Assistant Super-
intendent, Archaeological Survey, Western
Circle, Poona 309

GRAMMAR AND PHILOLOGY 323-364

28 The Bhagavadgita from Grammatical and
Literary Points of View— -By VAIJANATH Ka-
SHINATH RAJWADE, M. A, Late Professor of
English, Fergusson College, Poona • ■• ... 325

29 The Influence of Analogy in Sanskrit — By
VlNAYAK SAKHARAM GHATE, M. A., Pro-
fessor of Sanskrit, Elphinstone College,
Bombay •• 339

viii Contents

30 A propos de la Racine ' lubh ' — Par A. MEIL-

LET, Professeur au College de France, Paris... 357

31 A propos de l'Accent d'Intensite en Indo-
Aryen— Par JULES BLOCH, Professeur au
College de France ... 359

KAVYA AND ALANKARA ... 365-412

32 Date of Sudraka's Mrcchakatika — By Sardar
Khanderao Chintaman Mehendale, b. a.,
Poona ... 367

33 The Making of the Sanskrit Poet— By F. W.
THOMAS, Ph. d., Librarian, India Office Lib-
rary, London ... ••• 375

34 The Pre-dhvani Schools of Alankara — By
V. V. SOVANI, M. A., Professor of Sanskrit,
Meerut College, Meerut ••• 387

35 Some Notes on Bhamaha — By Rao Bahadur
Vidyabhiisana K. P. TRIVEDI, B. A., Late
Principal, P. R. Training College, Ahme-
dabad ... 401

TECHNICAL SCIENCES ... ...413-455

36 An Ancient Medical Manuscript from East-
ern Turkestan— By A. F- RUDOLF HOERNLE,
Professor in Oxford University 415

37 Kirlta-Mukuta— By RAMBHADRA OJHA, M.A.,
LL. B., Educational Inspector, Alwar State,
Alwar 433

38 A Stanza from Pfinini's SiksS— By GANE8H
SAKHARAM KHARE, Hon. Engineer, Poona ••• 439

39 Gupta Style of Architecture and the Origin
of the Sikhara — By E. B. HAVELL, Principal,
School of Arts, Calcutta 443

40 Notes on Ancient Hindu Shipping — By RA-
dhakumad MuKERJl, M. A., Ph. DM Professor
of Indian History, National Council of Educa-
tion, Bengal 447

Veda and Antiquity

1 [Bhandarkar Com. Vol.]

THE PRINCIPLES TO BE FOLLOWED IN
TRANSLATING THE RGVEDA

BY A. A. MACDONELL

IT is now one hundred and twelve years since the first
authentic information about the Rgveda reached Euro-
pean scholars through Colebrooke's essay on the Vedas in
Asiatick Researches. Not, however, till the middle of the
nineteenth century did a portion of the text of the Rgveda
supplemented by Sayana's commentary become accessible
by the publication, in 1849, of the first volume of Max
Muller's edition. In the following year was begun Wilson's
translation which was based on Sayana's interpretation.
No other method was at that time possible because only a
fraction of the text was known and no other aids, such as
treatises on Vedic grammar, as yet existed. Wilson's ver-
sion was carried on by him, and after his death by others
according to the same plan, till it was completed by the
appearance of the sixth and last volume in 1888. All the
Vedic literature known to Sayana had by the end of the
nineteenth century been published and at the present time
lies open to the use of Sanskrit scholars. Two questions
now arise. Can the traditional method of translation,
which was a necessity in 1850, be considered at all adequate
to-day ? And if it is not adequate, what method should be
substituted for it in producing a new version ? Before sup-
plying definite answers we must examine in its chrono-
logical order the traditional material available for exegesis,
and test its value by examples as far as the space at our
disposal will allow.

The investigation of the Brahmanas has shown that,
being mainly concerned with speculation on the nature of
sacrifice, they were already far removed from the spirit of
the composers of the Vedic hymns, and contain very little
capable of throwing light on the original sense of those
hymns. They only give occasional explanations of the
sense of the Mantras and these explanations are often very

4 Macdcmell : Principles, etc.

fanciful. How completely they can misunderstand the
meaning intended by the seers appears sufficiently from the
following two examples. The Satapatlia Brahmana ( vii. 4,
1,9) in referring to the refrain of Rv. x. 121, kdsmai devaya
havisa vidhema * to what god should we offer worship with
oblation', says 4Ka is Prajapati: to him let us offer obla-
tion.' ' Another Brahmana passage, in explaining the
epithet ' golden-handed ' (hiranya-pani) as applied to the sun,
remarks that the sun had lost his hand and had got instead
one of gold.2 Quite apart from the linguistic evidence,8
such interpretations show that there was already a consi-
derable gap between the period of the Brahmanas and that
of the Mantras.

We next come to the Nighantus which constitute, as
far as they go, the oldest Vedic lexicographical material
extant. They are, however, so limited in scope as to be of
very little use in the interpretation of Vedic words. Of their
five sections the first three contain sixty-nine lists of the
synonyms of certain well-known nouns and verbs. Thus
the list beginning with rebhdh ends with the explanation
iti trayodasa stotrnamani ; and that commencing with cikyat
ends ity astau pasyatikarmariah. The meanings they thus
assign are often so vague and general as to leave the
specific sense of the terms enumerated quite uncertain.
Thus among the synonyms of vac 'speech' appear such
words as sldka, nivid, re, gutha, anustubh, which denote
different kinds of verses or compositions and can never
have been employed to express the simple meaning of
* speech.' As there is a wide gap between the Mantras and
these lists, even the general meanings may sometimes be
wrong. The remaining two sections of the Nighantus con-
sist of nine mere lists of words of different senses which

1 This led later to the employment of Ka not only as an epithet of
Prajapati (AB. iii. 22, 7), but as a name, used by itself, of the supreme
god (MS. iii. 12, 5). See Macdonell, Vedic Mythology, p. 119. Cp. SB. ii.
5, 2, 13.

2 See Max Miiller, History of Ancient Sanskrit Literature, p. 433,
note.

3 See Macdonell, Vedic Grammar for Students, p. 1.

Macdonell : Principles etc, 5

are not explained in any way. As even the first three
sections are far from containing all the difficult words in
the Veda, it is obvious that the help afforded by this voca-
bulary to the interpreter of the Rgveda is of a very limited
and meagre kind.

This vocabulary brings us to Yaska, the oldest sur-
viving representative of the commentators; for it was he
who explained the Nigharttus by adducing in illustration
a large number of verses, chiefly from the Rgveda, which
he interprets. In this sense his Nirukta is the earliest con-
tinuous Vedic commentary; but the total number of the
Mantras explained by him constitutes only a very small
portion of the Rgveda. He is a learned interpreter working
with the materials which scholarship had accumulated
before his age. He also enjoys a great advantage in point
of time compared with *he later compilers of detailed and
continuous commentaries, belonging as he did to quite a
different period, in which Sanskrit was still in process of
natural development. In all cases of difficulty his method
of interpretation is based on etymology. When, however,
he positively states that a word which does not occur in
later Sanskrit has a particular sense that suits the
passage, we may often assume that such a statement is
based on traditional authority even though he may support
the meaning he assigns by an etymology. Thus when he
asserts that ivaghnin means a 'gambler' (v. 22) there seems
no ground for doubting the assertion. But when the sense
appears to rest solely on etymology and does not suit the
passage, it is doubtful whether he has any such authority
behind him. And when, as is often the case, he offers two
or more explanations derived from mere etymology, we
must suppose him to be purely conjectural. Thus the
doubtfulness of much of his explanation shows that he was
not the depository of any certain interpretation of the
hymns handed down by tradition from the period when
they were intelligible to every one who recited them.

This conclusion is corroborated by the fact that the
seventeen predecessors whom Yaska mentions often give
conflicting explanations of the same Vedic term. Thus

6 Macdonell: Principles etc.

Aurnavabha, he tells us (Nir. vi. 13), interprets nasatyau,
an epithet of the Asvins, as ' true, not false ' ( satyau, na
asatyau ), Agrayana as ' leaders of truth ' ( satyasya prane-
tarau ), while Yaska himself thinks it may mean ' nose-
born ' ( riasika-prabhavau ). Again, Kraustuki took dravino-
dds to be a name of Indra, but Sakapuni regarded it
as a name of Agni.1 Another, Kautsa, actually asserted
that the science of Vedic exposition was useless, because
the Vedic hymns and formulae were obscure, unmeaning
and mutually contradictory. Yaska moreover mentions
several different schools of interpretation, the Nairuktas or
etymologists, the Aitihasikas or legendary writers, the
Yajfiikas or ritualists, the Parivrajakas or ascetic mendi-
cants. Each of these explained difficulties according to its
respective bias. Thus he tells us (Nir. xii. 1) the various
views as to who the Asvins were : " ' Heaven and Earth '
say some ; ' Day and Night ' say others ; ' Sun and Moon '
say others ; ' two kings, performers of holy acts ' say the
Aitihasikas."2 From this it is clear that in and before
Yaska's time there existed no uniform tradition of interpreta-
tion from the period when the hymns of the Rv. were still
understood, but that on the contrary there then prevailed
wide-spread divergences in the explanation of the obscuri-
ties of those hymns.

We now come to Sayana, the author of the great
commentary on the Rgveda. This work differs from the
Nirukta in being continuous, inasmuch as it explains every
tc of the Rv., while the former comments on only about 600
isolated stanzas out of a total of about 10,500 in the Rg-
veda. It is also more detailed inasmuch as it comments on
practically every word of the text, which is not the case
in the Nirukta. Sayana labours under the disadvantage
of having lived nearly 2000 years later than Yaska and
having had much less ancient exegetical material avail-

1 An examination of all the passages of the Rv. in which this terra
occurs decisively proves that it is an epithet of Agni.

2 Several other examples of such divergent interpretations will be
found in Muir's article, On the Interpretation of the Veda, J. R. A. S.
1866, p. 18ff.

Macdonelli Principles etc. 7

able for his explanations than Yaska must have had.
There is no reason to suppose that he had at his disposal
any other authorities than those whom he quotes ; on the
contrary, it is highly probable that, as ho seems in all im-
portant cases to adduce older texts in support of his views
if he can, he had no such evidence when he adduces none.
Thus he quotes Yaska in passages explained by that com-
mentator ; for example, on Rv. i. 44, 1 Yaska's five etymo-
logical explanations of Agni's epithet jatdvedas}

Sayana commonly follows Yaska, but in several cases
he disagrees with him. Thus on Rv. i. 174, 2 he explains
the word ddnah as a verb in the 2. sing. impf. meaning
either ' thou didst subdue ' or ' thou didst cause to cry,'
while Yaska explains it as an adjective meaning ' liberal-
minded ' ( ddna-manah ). DasrU, a frequent dual epithet of
the Asvins, is explained by Yaska ( vi. 26) as darsaniyau^
1 to be seen, sightly ' ; but by Sayana sometimes in the
same sense, in other passages as ' destroyers of enemies',
or ' destroyers of diseases', or as 'gods having the name of
DasrS. ' Divisti means, according to Yaska, in the plural
4 longings after the sky, ' but according to Sayana on the
same passage ( viii. 4, 19 ) ' sacrificial rites which are the
causes of obtaining heaven, ' and elsewhere as ' sacrificial
days' or 'people who desire heaven, priests.' Amind is
explained by Yaska ( vi. 16 ) as either ' of unlimited
measure or quantity ' or ' uninjured, ' and by Sayana on
the same passage as ' uninjurable, ' but in another passage
where it is applied in the same way, as an epithet of Indra
In two new alternative meanings (unknown to Yaska),
' going everywhere ' or ' beloved by all. ' 3

Sayana further explains many words differently in dif-
ferent passages, though according to the context the
meaning must be the same. Thus dsura is most variously

1 Here he picks out only one of these explanations, analysing the
compound as a Tatpurusa, jatanam vedita, though strictly speaking it is
a Bahuvrihi as the accent shows, ' he who has knowledge of created
things. '

2 Of course an impossible etymology.

3 A good example of how conjectural Sayana often is.

8 Macdonell: Principles etc.

rendered as 'expeller of foes, ' 'giver of strength, ' ' giver of
life, ' ' hurler away of what is undesired,' 4 giver of breath
or water, ' 'thrower of oblations, priest,' 'taker away of
breath, * ' expeller of water, Parjanya, ' ' impeller, * ' strong ,'
' wise ' and ' rain water' or ' a water-discharging cloud.'1

Thus it is clear that when Yaska gives two or more
alternative explanations of a word in the same passage he
can be following no certain tradition and all but one sense
mu6t necessarily be wrong, and even that one may
possibly be so. A similar remark applies to Sayana. Again,
in the many cases in which Sayana contradicts Yaska, he
is not following the tradition, or if he is right the tradition
is wrong. Moreover, when Sayana gives divergent inter-
pretations of the same word in parallel passages, one or
other of such interpretations must be wrong. It is thus
evident that of about a large number of the most difficult
words neither Yaska nor Sayana possessed any certain
knowledge either from tradition or etymology. Many of
their etymological explanations are, moreover, obviously
not only grotesque but impossible, as will be shown below.
Thus a translation of the Rv. based solely on the interpre-
tation of the Vedic commentators cannot possibly be
satisfactory. The guidance of these writers is indeed in-
valuable in the interpretation of the Brahmanas and Sutras,
because they lived in the atmosphere of the ceremonial
represented by that class of literature. But they are removed
both in language and thought from the atmosphere prevail-
ing in the hymns of the Bgveda. How otherwise could it
have been asserted even before the time of Yaska that the
Vedic hymns were unmeaning? In fact the very excellence
of these writers as expositors of the ritual literature was
actually a drawback when they interpreted the older litera-
ture of the Mantras. Their familiarity with classical
Sanskrit led them to see its ordinary idiom in the Vedic
hymns also. Thus Sayana constantly explains Vedic forms
as irregularities from the point of view of Sanskrit, when
they are perfectly regular ancient forms. For instance, in

1 Cp. Muir, op. cit. p. 74 f.

Macdonell : Principles etc. 9

his comments on Rv. viii. 45, 17, he explains krn&vate, the
normal 3. sing. Atm. pres. subjunctive of At 'to do', as the
dat. sing. pros. part, for krnvate and goes on to say that this
dat. stands for the inst. and then for the locative ! Again,
since these commentators regarded the forms of sacrifice
known to them as having existed from the beginning of the
world, they naturally took for granted that the^ancient seers
of the Rv. sacrificed in the same way as they themselves did.
As their own mythology and cosmology ( though in reality
differing largely in 'many respects from those of the !Etv. )
seemed to them to be revealed truth, they naturally saw them
in the old hymns also. Thus Sayana considers the dwarf
incarnation of Visnu to be referred to in Rv. i. 22, 16ff. ; yet
Yaska ( xii. 19 ) seems to know nothing of that incarnation,
which in any case can be shown to have been a gradual
mythological development of the post-Rgvedic period. '
Sayana also ( on Rv. i. 114, 6 ) identifies the Rudra of the
hymns with the husband of ParvatI, who is unknown to the
2$v. 2 And just as he was blinded by the theology of the
Brahmanas, he was misled by the etymological fictions of
the Nirukta.

The traditional method of interpreting the Rv. that
prevails in India by no means presents a unique state of
things. The sacred books of other ancient nations have
been as a rule explained in the same way by later genera-
tions according to the system of theology and the level of
scholarship prevailing at the time. In every case such
interpretation has been given out as a tradition, or in
other words has claimed for itself an antiquity and a value
which have often fallen greatly short of the truth. The
interpretation of the Hebrew Books of the Old Testament
according to the Talmud and the Rabbis affords quite a
parallel case. But have we any reason to expect that any
other method can yield more certain results? The method
of natural science which has led to such an astounding
advancement of knowledge, for instance in the sphere of

1 See Maodonell, Mythological Studies in the $gveda, J. R. A. S, 27,
168 ff. ; Vedic Mythology, p. 41.

2 Cp. Muir, Sanskrit Texts, iv, 57 and 257.

2 I Bhandarkar Com. Vol.]

10 Macdonell : Principles etc.

physics, chemistry, and medicine, during the preceding and
the present century, is fundamentally the same as that
which has been applied in modern European scholarship.
To this have been due such marvellous achievements as the
decipherment of the cuneiform writings of Persia and of
the rock inscriptions of India, and the discovery of the
languages concealed under those characters which had for
many centuries been absolutely unintelligible to the natives
of those countries. The application of this method has also
resulted in extraordinary progress being made in the study
of the literature of other ancient civilizations, such as that
of the Babylonians, Egyptians, Hebrews, and Homeric
Greeks. Considering that the aids accessible to the Vedic
researcher are more abundant than in the aforesaid cases,
there is good ground for supposing that the ultimate achieve-
ments will be correspondingly greater. The essential nature
of the critical method is the patient and exhaustive col-
lection, co-ordination, sifting and evaluation of the facts
bearing on the subject of investigation. The sole aim here
being the attainment of truth, it is a positive advantage
that the translators of ancient sacred books should be out-
siders rather than the native custodians of such writings.
The latter could not escape from religious bias; an ortho-
dox Brahman could not possibly do so.

The modern critical Vedic scholar has at his disposal
for the purposes of interpretation practically all the tradi-
tional material accessible to Sayana in the 14th century.
But over and above this common material the scientific
scholar possesses a number of valuable resources which
were unknown to the commentators. These are the evidence
of the Avesfa, of Comparative Philology, of Comparative
Mythology, of the anthropology of ancient peoples, besides
the application of the historical method to traditional
evidence as well as to classical Sanskrit as throwing light
on the Veda. Let us examine the value of each of these
resources in succession.

The* Avpsta is capable of elucidating questions of
language, metre, mythology and 'cult) in the Rv. Thus it
shows, for example, that the Vedic imperative form e-dhi is

Macdonell: Principles etc. ti

basecfon az-dhf-( Av. zdi), and} that sec?, the weak form of
the perfect of sad, stands for sazd (Av. hazd)} Again, the
parallel metre of the A vesta shows that the caesura in the
Tristubh Pada must originally have come after the
fourth syllable only, and never after the fifth.2 The evid-
ence of the Avestic Mithra proves that Mitra was a sun-
god, a fact which is not clear from the Rv. itself.3 The
parallelism of the Avestic Ahura indicates that the term
Asura originally applied to the highest gods and only later
came to mean demon. It incidentally disproves the etymo-
logy of Yaska who says (Nir. iii. 8): "it is well known
that he (the Creator) formed the Suras (gods) from su 'good,'
in which their essence consists, and that he formed the
Asuras from asu ( a+su, ' not good ' ), and that in this con-
sists their essence." The statements [of the Avesta about
haoma show that the preparation and cult of Soma were
pre-Indian.

Comparative Philology not only throws direct light on
the origin and meaning of many Vedic words, but negatively
supplies a check on wild and impossible etymologies. Thus
the word sarvdt'dti ( in the loc. sing. ) is explained etymologi-
cally by Yaska (xi. 24 on Rv. i. 95, 15) by sarvdsu karma-
tatisu ' in all extensions ( = performances ) of works' ( tati
being here intended as a noun from tan ■ to stretch ' ) ; Saya-
na follows his explanation, but adds ' or at all sacrifices.'
But we know from the cognate languages that this word
( with its doublet sarvd-tdt ) is a derivative, not a compound,
of sdrva 'whole' (Lat. salvo-) with the suffix -tati (or -tat)
which appears in Vedic, Avestic, Greek, and Latin : Av.
haurva-tat, Gk. 6\o-t*)t- (cp. Lat. juven-tati 'youth'), mean-
ing 'wholeness', 'complete welfare'. This meaning is
shown, by a comparison of all the passages in which the
word occurs, to be applicable practically everywhere : Saya-
na himself cannot help once (on Rv. iii. 54, 11) giving it
the similar meaning of ' every desired good ', though he
elsewhere renders it by 'sacrifice', or 'every worshipper'

1 Cp. Macdonell, A Vedic Grammar for students, p. 19.

2 Op. cit., p. 1-10, foot-note 3. 3 Cp, Vedic Mythology, p, GU»

12 Macdcmell : Principles etc.

(sarvah slotii), 'battle', or 'extension of all enjoyments'.

The verb spas' 'to see ', of which several forms occur in
the Rv.,1 Say ana regularly explains as meaning either 'to
touch ' (sprs) or 'to injure' (budh): dnu-spasta, which he
renders by drsti-gocara, is the only form in which he
assigns its real meaning to this verb, doubtless because the
only form surviving in classical Sanskrit is the participle
spasta 'clear'. But the sense 'to see' suits perfectly in all
passages of the Rv., and Comparative Philology shows
that this root is an Indo-European root meaning ' to see ',
as is proved by the Av. spas, Lat. spec-io, Old German
speh-on, Eng. spy. The noun spas ' spy ' Sayana continues
to explain by sprs or badh, while he gives it the various sen-
ses of 'ray', 'ray or spy', 'form' (rupam) 'injurious follower';
and the nom. spat he renders in one passage (v. 59,1)
by sprasta hotd 'the priest who touches', but in another
(viii. 50, 15) by sarvasya judta, 'the knower of everything'.
Here again the meaning 'spy' suits the context everywhere,
and the evidence of cognate languages corroborates this
sense: Av. spas, Eng. spy, Lat. au-spec- 'augur' (that is,
' inspector of birds ' ).

The plural form utdyah Sayana generally ( and correct-
ly) renders by 'aids', but once (on Rv. i. 84, 20) as gan-
t'drah ' goers ' or dhutayah ' shakers ' ( meaning the Maruts ).
The latter etymology, which implies the dropping of a
single initial consonant, can be shown by the laws of Vedic
phonology to be impossible.2

Comparative Mythology proves that the nature of vari-
ous deities cannot be fully understood from Vedic evidence
alone because they are derived from earlier periods. Thus
the original character of Yaraa can only be ascertained by
taking the conception of the Avestic Yima into considera-
tion. Again the trait of paternity in the Dyaus of the
Rv.3 is shown by the Greek lev irarep and the Lat. Juppiter,
as parallels of dyaus pitar, to be not purely Vedic, but in-
herited from the remote Indo-European period.

1 See Vedic Grammar for Students, p. 431.

2 Cp. Vedic Grammar for Students, 15 k.

3 Cp. Vcdio Mythology, % 11.

Macdonell : Principles etc, 13

The evidence of ethnology indicates that the notion of
Heaven and Earth being universal parents is a very primi-
tive one, and must have been inherited by the fav. from a
very early age.1 It further enables us to understand the
meaning of various phenomena of the funeral ceremony,
such as the wife's lying down on the pyre beside her dead
husband, or the takiDg of the bow from his hand,2 and ex-
plains the history of widow-burning in Vedic India.u

The value of the historical method in utilizing classi-
cal Sanskrit as an aid in the interpretation of the $v.
is perhaps best brought out by showing the lack of it in
Sayana's explanations. This weakness is apparent in the
first place on the linguistic side. Taking his stand on the
later language he constantly treats the older normal Vedic
forms as irregularities. Thus tiraya, the instrumental case
used adverbially, of the denominative fern, virayii (formed
from turn4) is explained (iii. 90, 1) as the dat. masc. viraija
( from vird ), ' to the hero ' ( Vayu ). The subjunctive form
dyuh5 Rv. ( viii. 2, 40 ) is rendered by agamayah, and thus
taken not only to be an ind. impf., but also to have a
causative sense. On the other hand, past augmented
forms are often explained as imperatives, as dksan ' they
have eaten ' ( R>v. x. 15, 12 ), aor. of ghas* by adantu ' let
them eat.' Sayana does not recognise the root vaks1 to
grow ' ( the Indo-European evidence of which, though it is
extinct in classical Sanskrit, is proved even by the English
wax 'to increase'), from which several forms occur in the
Rv.7 These are all explained by him as formed from
vah to ' carry ' ( once from vac ' to speak ' ). The 3. pi. perf.
vavak&ilh he renders as a pres. desiderative, ' they wish to
bring' 8; and the 2. sing. perf. vavdkdtha as 'thou wishestto
carry', once even as a 2. sing, imperative, 'do thou desire
to carry \

Sayana, moreover, often imports later ideas into the
Bgveda. Thus ( on L 114, 6 ) he accounts for Rudra's be-

1 hoc. cit. 4 See Vedic Grammar for Students, p. 77.

% Op. cit., §71. 5 Op. cit., p. 130. 6 Op. cit., p. 381.

o Op. History of Sanskrit Literature, p. 126. 7 Op. cit,, p. 41&i

S The desiderative could only be vivaksanti.

14 Macdonell : Principles etc.

ing called the father of the Maruts1 by a fantastic later
story telling how Indra divided the foetus of Diti into
forty-nine parts, all of which were by Paramesvara (Rudra),
at the request of ParvatI, turned into sons (the Maruts). Of
all this the $v. knows absolutely nothing ; besides there
the number of the Maruts is thrice seven or thrice sixty,
but never forty-nine. 2 Matarisvan, who in the JRv. is a
producer of fire, sometimes identified with Agni, but in the
later Sarhhitas and the Brahmanas becomes a name of
wind, and is also so regarded by Yaska, is by Sayana (on i.
71, 4) said to mean the principal vital air divided into the
five airs. In commenting on vii. 59, 12 he explains tryam-
baka as 'the father of the three gods Brahma, Visiiu and
Rudra.' This triad, however, does not exist in the Rv., the
only one there being Sun, Wind and Fire.3

The question now arises, what are the principles to be
followed, in translating the Rv. anew, by the scientifically
trained Vedic scholar who possesses the advantages above
described over the traditional commentator, and who, more-
over, has at his command the results of special and detailed
researches, covering the whole field of Vedic study, accu-
mulated during the last forty years.

The greater part of the hymns of the $v., being simple
and straightforward, a new scientific translation will here
be in agreement with the traditional interpretation. But
owing to the isolation of the Rv., as by far the oldest pro-
duct of Indian literature, it contains a large amount of
material which, as we have seen, the commentators did not
understand. The interpretation of this material must be
based on an exhaustive examination of the Rv. itself by a
complete collection and comparison of the facts it contains,
mainly in the spheres of grammar (including syntax)., voca-
bulary, accent, and metre.

The very foundation of a scientific translation must be
a strict adherence to the rules of Vedic grammar. The
commentators had no such work for the Veda as was avail-
able for classical Sanskrit in Panini's great treatise. In

1 Cp. Vedic Mythology, pp. 74 and 78. 2 Op. tit., p. 78.

3 Op. tit, p. 93 (bottom).

Uacdrmell : Principles etc. 15

the course of the last sixty years every single form occur-
ring in the Rv. has been registered, and those which are
irregular or obscure have been discussed in many articles
and monographs. All this material has been gathered
together and arranged by myself in my Vedic Grammar
(1910). Vedic syntax has been thoroughly investigated by
Professor Delbriick as a whole, and in detail by others : the
results of these researches have been embodied in a chapter
of my Vedic Grammar far Students (1916). It will no longer
be possible to render forms like vav&ksitha and vavakstih as
desideratives, nor the subjunctive dyas as an imperfect
indicative, nor the injunctive dhimahi as an indicative pre-
sent, nor the instr. fern, vlraya as a dat. masc, nor the
aorist subj. rasate by the ind. pres. (dadati), as Sayana
does. I remember a good example of the pitfalls into which
a translator who has not a thorough knowledge of Vedic
grammar may stumble. A pupil of mine, who was a very good
Sanskrit scholar, once spoke with much contempt of pre-
vious translators of Rv. x. 129, and volunteered a rendering
of his own. This contained two serious grammatical errors:
he took (against the Padapatha) a fairly well known verbal
form for a particle ( against sandhi and accent), and mis-
translated another verbal form, because he was unac-
quainted with the use of separable prepositions. It some-
times, however, happens that though every grammatical
form in a sentence is perfectly certain, the sentence, as a
whole and taken by itself, is susceptible of two or three
interpretations : a comparison of parallel passages and of
the context can then alone decide.

The vocabulary of the Rv. presents peculiar difficulties
to the translator, because the meaning of many words can
only be ascertained by an exhaustive examination of all
the passages in which they occur, and even then doubt
may sometimes remain. A very valuable foundation was
here laid by Professor Roth, who followed this comparative
method, in the large St. Petersburg Dictionary, it is of
course impossible that a single scholar, investigating the
whole vocabulary of the 3jtv. in this way, should have
arrived at certainty in all cases. A number of minute re-

16 Maedcmell : Principles etc.

searches as to the exact sense of individual words have
therefore since been undertaken by various scholars. But
a great deal still remains to be done in the critical re-
examination of results already arrived at. Let us take the
word jatdvedas as an example of the comparative method.
A scrutiny of ail the very numerous passages in which it
occurs shows that it is an exclusive epithet of Agni. We
also find that in one passage (vi. 15, 13) its sense is ex-
plained in the Rv. itself: sd raja visva veda jdnima jatdvedah
' that king Jatavedas knows all created beings,' this mean-
ing being further corroborated by the Tatpurusa compound
jata-vidyn ' knowledge of created beings.' The accent shows
us that the word is a Bahuvrihi ; and an examination of the
use of Vedic compounds proves that it is a Tatpurusa
Bahuvrihi, ' possessing a knowledge of created beings,' and
cannot be a Karmadharaya Bahuvrihi ( like the classical
Sanskrit jata-rupa ' possessing innate beauty '), because the
latter type has not yet come into use in the Rv. Yaska,
being unacquainted with the comparative method, is un-
certain about the exact meaning, and gives as many as
five interpretations : jatani veda, jatani va enam vidur, jate
jate vidyata iti va, jatavitto va jatadhano, jatavidyo va jata-
prajfiandh. Again a comparison of the passages in which
the word uru-gayd appears indicates that it is predominant-
ly an epithet of Visnu connected with his taking {vi-kram)
his three strides, and means 'wide-going.' In reviewing
parallel passages, the careful examination of the context
in the same hymn is a valuable expedient: thus the varia-
tion of this epithet in the Visnu hymn i. 154 by uru-kramd
•wide-striding' confirms the sense of 'wide-going.' Yaska
(ii. 7) correctly renders the word by mahagati ' having a
large gait.' Say ana, however, explains it variously, in
three stanzas of the same hymn (i. 154), with the ren-
derings— 1- urubhir, mahadbhir, glyamartah, atiprabhutam
giyamano va ; 2- bahubhir giyamanah ; 8- bahubhir, ma-
hatmabhir, gatavyah, stutyah — here at least always as
if the word were derived from ga 'to sing]; but else-
where he fluctuates more: 'wide-going or much praised'
( iii 6, 4 ), ' of great renown ' ( iv. 3, 7 ), ' great goer '

Macdonell : Principles etc. 1?

( iv. 14, 1 ) ' moving in many places or of great renown or
one who by his powers makes all his enemies howl '
( viii. 29, 7 ). This is typical of his way of explaining the
individual passage before him without reference to others
that are parallel. Occasionally, however, he adduces one
other passage in support of his interpretation; thus (on i.
60, 1 ) he explains rati as ' friend, ' and then adds, " some
say it means 'son'," quoting in proof of this view ftv. iii.
2, 4 ; but on looking up that verse we find to our surprise
that his rendering there is ' giver of desired objects.' This
example illustrates well how far removed Sayana's manner
of interpretation is from the comparative and critical
method. The evidence showing that urugayd means 'wide-
going ' is confirmed by its use as a neuter substantive both
in the Rv. and later in the sense of ' wide space for move-
ment, ' ' free movement. '

Many words occur only once in the Rv. and arc un-
known in the later language. In these cases our only aids
are etymology and context, but several examples could be
quoted where these are sufficient, though the sense of many
must necessarily remain obscure. The meaning is here
sometimes ascertainable, because the component parts of
the word are clear, as for instance when they are a preposi-
tion and a verbal root, inflected forms of which are found
elsewhere in the Rv. Thus ni-varta, taken with the context
( in x. 19,6) evidently means 'one who causes to return.'
Etymology is of course valuable in many other cases when
applied according to scientific principles, but is hazardous
and often leads to absurdities when used by those who are
ignorant of such principles. Thus Sayana's derivation of
ndpat ( on viii. 17, 13) as ' one who causes not to fall ' (na
patayita), that is, 'one who establishes ' ([avast hapayita),
highly improbable in itself as a Sanskrit etymology, is
impossible, because ndpat «=■ Lat. nepot, as an Indo-European
word, could not be thus derived.

Again, stringent observance of the laws of the Vedic
accent, which have been fully ascertained by the labours of
various scholars and are summed up in my two Vedic
grammars, must be observed in translating the Rv. I have

3 [Bhandarkar Com. Vpl.J

18 Macdonell : Principles etc.

met with many mistakes caused by the neglect or ignorance
of these rules. One of the most frequent of these is due to
overlooking the accent of the vocative case ; thus Griffith
( x. 15, 14 ) renders the nom. sva-rdi as if it were the voc.
svd-ral. Other errors result from the confusion of such
forms as md ' not ' and ma ' me ', te ' those ' and te ' of or to
thee ', yuvdbhtjdm ' for you two ' and yuvabhyam ' for the
two youths'. Another example is Wilson's ' rendering of
the words prathamajd brdhmanah by 'the first-born of
Brahma ' in accordance with Say ana's explanation : brah-
manah, mrvasya jagafah arastuh, prathamajah, praJhamam
ufpaunah. Here quite apart from the importation of the
later idea of the personal creator Brahma as a masculine,
who is never mentioned in the Rv., the accent of brdhmcojah
shows that the word is a neuter and not a masc.
( bra/uudtjah ).'

Even the evidence of Vedic metre, the laws of which
have been fully established by the researches of several
scholars, must be taken into consideration by the translator,
because the separation of internal Padas and the position
of the caesura may often help in deciding the syntax and
the resultant meaning of sentences. To show how this
criterion may apply would, however, require a more
elaborate proof than can hero be presented.

The question still remains to be answered, what should
be the attitude of the translator of the Rv. towards emenda-
tions of the text? Now it has been proved that the
Sarhhita text was constituted with such extraordinary
care2 that even slight irregularities and inaccuracies, going
back to the original authors, which might easily have been
removed by the redactors, were left unaltered by them ; and
that primarily by the aid of the Pada text, it has been pre-
served since then with scrupulous care. The Sarhhita text
therefore possesses an extraordinary degree of authenti-
city. Advancing study has proved many emendations,
made by earlier scholars owing to imperfect knowledge,
to be unnecessary. Conjectural corrections of the text

1 See Vcdic Grammar for Students, p. 259.
h In. Ili3lury of Sanskrit Literature, p. 48.

Macdonell : Principles etc, 19

should, therefore, be resorted to only in extreme cases. No
other product of ancient literature has ever been handed
down without mistakes, and it cannot be supposed that
the text even of the Rv. should have remained entirely free
from any corruption.

Thus in some cases emendation is required by gram-
matical considerations, in order to produce any sense at all.
Again, the Pada text, though it contains some undoubted
misinterpretations and misunderstandings, is the earliest
attempt at exegetical explanation, going back almost to the
time when the Samhita text was constituted ; its phonetic
analyses should, therefore, not be rejected except after very
careful scrutiny.

Such are, in the opinion of the present writer, the
principles to be followed at the present day by a translator
of the Rv. while utilising the aid to be derived from every
possible source. A new translation can of course not be
final, but will only represent a summary of all the exe-
getical material now available. Much investigation still
remains to be done. Complete success, especially in a
field in which the workers are so few, can only be
attained by the efforts of several generations of scholars.
The Psalms and Prophetic Books of the Old Testament
have absorbed the energies of Hebrew scholars for cen-
turies, and yet the sense of many passages remains
obscure. Greek scholars have for centuries worked at
the lexicographical interpretation of Homer, and yet his
vocabulary is not entirely explained, though his language
presents incomparably fewer difficulties than the hymns of
the Rgveda. Even if a final translation of the latter should
ever be made, it will necessarily contain an irreducible
minimum of passages that can never be understood, simply
because the circumstances to which they allude will for
ever remain unknown.

ON SOME RIVER-NAMES IN THE R8VEDA
BY M. AUREL STEIN

rTHE historical interest presented by Hymn x. 75 of the
•*■ Jlgveda, the famous Nadi-stuti or ' Song of the Rivers ',
has been recognized ever since the critical study of Vedic
literature began. The numerous ancient river-names of
North-Western India therein mentioned furnish an indica-
tion, more definite than can be found elsewhere, of the area
once occupied by, or familiar to, the Indo-Aryan people to
whom we owe the oldest literary remains of India as
contained in the Vedic Samhitas. In the present note,
which regard for manifold urgent tasks resulting from my
third journey of exploration in Central Asia obliges me to
keep short, I do not intend to discuss the entire list of
those river names nor its quasi-historical import, but
merely to put on record a few observations which occurred
to me long ago while my work still lay in the Panjab.
They concern the river-names recorded in a verse of the
hymn which reads thus —

No question of text or interpretation affects the general
meaning of the verse, which may be rendered as follows —
"Attend to this my song of praise, O Ganga, Yamuna,
SarasvatI, Sutudrl, Parusnl ; together with Asiknl,
O Marudvrdha, and with Vitasta, O Arjlklya,
listen with Susoma."
The identity of the first four rivers here enumerated
and also of the Vitasta is subject to no doubt. They corres-
pond to the present Ganges, Jumna, Sarsuti, Sutlej, and
Jehlam (the ancient Hydaspes, still called Vyath in
Kasmlrl ). The order in which the first four are mentioned
exactly agrees with their geographical sequence from
east to west. Hence Professor Roth, who was the first to
discuss the passage critically in his epoch-making treatise
Zur Oeschichte und Literatur des Weda (1846) pp. 136 sqq.,
was justified in looking for the three rivers Parusni, Marud-

22 Stein : River-names in the JRgveda

vrdha and Asikni, which figure in the list between them
and the Vitasta, among those of the ' Five Rivers ' of the
Panjab that intervene between the Sutudrl : Sutlej in the
east and the Vitasta : Jehlam in the west. Guided by this
sure indication he succeeded in correctly identifying the
Asikni with the Chenab or Candrabhaga, whose classical
name Akesines is undoubtedly derived from the Vedic by a
kind of 4 popular etymology ' attested in a gloss of Hesychios
(ii. p. 1150, ed. Alberti "SavSapoQayos [the exact Greek
rendering of Candrabhaga] vtto 'AXe^apSpov -nora/uos fxerubvo-
/uao-Orj Kai €K\r]6t] 'Akco-ip^s).

No such definite evidence is available regarding the
Parusni, in which Roth, following Yaska's Nirukta, ix. 26,
was prepared to recognize the IravatI, the present Rawl ;
but until a survival of the name Parusni can be traced in
some way this identification, though probable, cannot be
considered as certain. The main argument in its favour is
that the Beas, the only other Panjab river of any impor-
tance between the Sutlej and the Chenab, is repeatedly
mentioned in other hymns of the ftgveda under its proper
ancient designation of Vipas.

As regards the Marudvrdha, which figures in the list
between the Asikni : Akesines and the Vitasta : Hydaspes,
and is nowhere else mentioned in Vedic literature, Roth
had to content himself with the conjectural suggestion that
by it may be meant the united course of the Akesines
and the Hydaspes. For a record of other conjectures
equally unsupported by philological or geographical evi-
dence, Zimmer, Altindisches Leben, p. 12, and Macdonell-
Keith, Vedic Index, ii p. 135, may be consulted. It is un-
necessary to discuss them in detail ; for, a reference to the
map will show us a solution which seems to impose itself
both by regard for geographical position and by the obvious
explanation it furnishes for a local name surviving to the
present day.

If we pay attention to the position occupied by the
name Marudurdhu iu the list, and bear in mind the fact
that the narrow Doab between the Chenab and the Jehlam

Stein : River-names in the Rgveda 23

leaves no room for any stream to descend independently to
the Indus, it is obvious that we have to look for the
Marudvrdha either among the western main tributaries of
the Chenab or else among those which join the Jehlam
from the east. Now, among all the affluents in question
there is none comparable in importance and volume to the
glacier-fed river which joins the right bank of the Chenab
or Candrabhaga, as it is still known in the mountains, in
the alpine territory of Kishtwar, and which in the Survey
of India maps is shown as the * Maroowardwan River'. In
its course of about one hundred miles it gathers, as can
clearly be seen in sheets 28, 45, 46 of the 'Atlas of India'
the greatest part of the drainage from the almost con-
tinuous chain of glacier-girt peaks which stretches from
the big snowy massif of Amarnath (17,900 ft. above the
sea) in the extreme north-east of Kashmir proper, to the
head-waters of the Bhutna River, culminating in the ice-
clad Nun-kun Peaks, well over 25,000 feet high. Narrow
and deep-cut in its lowest portion, tlje valley of Maruward-
wau opens out above the point (about 75°46' long. 33°40' lat. )
where its two main branches meet, and throughout a total
length of about forty miles affords ample space for culti-
vation at an elevation of between 6,000 and 9,000 ft. On
the west this portion of the valley immediately adjoins the
watershed towards the eastern part of the great Kashmir
valley watered by the Jehlam or Vyath (Vitasta).

It does not require elaborate philological argument to
prove that in the name Maruwardwan, which according to
the information received by me in Kashmir is borne by
both the valley and its river, we have the direct phonetic
derivative of a form closely linked with the Vedic Marud-
vrdha. Among all my Kashmir tours I never managed to
visit the valley in person, — a fact which the absence of any
reference to it in Kalhana's Eajatarahginl may help to
excuse. But I have reason to believe that the form of the
name recorded by the Survey of India during its Kashmir
operations in the late fifties of the last century is a
substantially correct rendering of the name as used by the
Ueighbouring hill population, Leaving aside the ending

<>4 Stein : River-names in the Rgvedu

-wan to be accounted for presently as a determinant derived
from Skr. vana 'forest', we clearly have the correct phonetic
derivative of Marud, the first part of the compound, in
maru-. In -ivard it is equally easy to recognize the deriva-
tive of a Vrddhi form *mrdhat in which dh has become
dis-aspirated in agreement with a phonetic rule of Kasmlrl
( comp. Sir George Grierson's Phonology of the Modern Indo-
Aryan Vernaculars, Z.D.M. G., 1. p. 9).

The use of this Vrddhi form may possibly be connected
with the fact that the second half of the compound, in the
form Wardwan, is applied independently to the chief group
of hamlets in the western or main branch of the Maru-
wardvan valley, while Mara, the first half, is used in a
corresponding fashion for the inhabited lower portion of
the eastern branch of the valley drained by the FariabadI
tributary. I owe the confirmation of the record presented
by the 'Atlas of India' to the kindness of that veteran
geographer and scientist, Colonel H. H. Godwin-Austen,
F. R. S., who conducted the survey operations in these
mountain regions more than half a century ago, and who
still remembers accurately all the essential features of
their topography.

To this splitting-up of the local name Maru-wardvan
we have an exact parallel in the use of the names Candra
and Bhaga for the two main branches of the Candrabhaga
at its head-waters, as attested by the Survey of India maps.
In the same way, far away in the south, the two main
feeders of the Tungabhadra River each bear one half of
the name, being known respectively as the Tunga and
the Bhadra. I cannot spare time to trace further this
curious bifurcation of river-names, prompted by a kind of
'popular etymology'. But I have little doubt that it is
widely spread and could be illustrated outside India.

It is equally easy to account for the addition of the
determinant -ican, Skr. vana, at the end of the compound.
The name Maru-wardwan applies primarily to the valley,
and it seems quite appropriate that the latter should be
designated as the ' forest of the Marudvrdha ', seeing that
its lower and middle portions have Ihcir bides clothed with.

Stein : River-names in the Rgveda 25

dense forests of deodars and firs duly marked in the
Survey map. Skr. vana always takes in Kasmlrl the form
ican (see Grierson, Phonology, etc. Z.D.M. O., 1. p. 12; also
my notes on modern Kasmiri forms of local names contain-
ing Skr. vana, vaniku, in Raj at. viii. 1438, 1875-77), and this
we find duly in Mad'wddvxni, the Kasmlrl form of the name
Maruwardwan as heard by me in Kashmir and probably
used by the Kasmlrl-speaking population of the valley.
Ks. Mad'wad- represents the correct phonetic derivative
from a Skr. * Marudvardha, through intermediary forms
*Marduioardha > * Maddwwaddlia, since Skr. rd> Prk. dd
becomes d in Ks., and Skr. rdh> Prk. ddh similarly results
in Ks. d (comp. Grierson, Phonology, 1. c, §§ 53,86, 87).
Attention must also be paid, as Sir George Grierson points
out to me, to the undoubted fact that there is continual
interchange between dentals and cerebrals in Kasmlrl.

Before leaving the riverine system of the Chenab I
may here conveniently call attention to another tributary
the name of which, perhaps, also claims an ancient an-
cestry. I mean the Ans River, which receives the southern
drainage of the Pir Pantsal range between the Rupri and
Gulabgarh passes, and joins the Chenab above Riassi just
where it makes its final southward bend to reach the Pan-
jab plain. The mere fact that the bed of the Ans River
forms a straight continuation northward of the line follow-
ed by the Chenab after the bend just mentioned suffices to
attest the relative importances of this tributary. Is it pos-
sible that we have in its name a lingering trace of the an-
cient designation Aaikni once applied to the whole river
where it emerges from the mountains?

Phonetically the suggested derivation would present no
difficulty. Under the influence of the stress accent thrown
on the first syllable (see Grierson, Phonology, Z. D. M. G.,
xlix.pp. 395 sq. ) A'sikni would be liable to assume the Apa-
bhramsa form *A's?u. This, again 5 through phonetic changes
well attested in the development of modern Indo-Aryan verna-
culars, might become *A'8si, and finally, with the nasalized
long vowel often resulting from the simplification of a

i [ Bhaadarkar Com. Vol.]

Sfcin : River-names in the Rgveda

double consonant, take the form As, which I assume to bo
1h<^ I rue pronunciation of the name recorded as Ans in the
Survey maps (comp. Grierson, Z. D. M. G., 1, p. 22; thus,
e .-/., Skr. nidro> Prl>. ntdda become?; n'ld in Hindi).

Of the river-names mentioned in our verse there still
remain two for discussion. The last of them is Susomd
found likewise in a few other Rgveda passages, and for
this Vivien de Saint-Martin long ago indicated what ap-
pears to me the correct identification. He took it to be the
present Sohan River (also spelt Suwan), which flows from
the outer Hazara hills through the Rawalpindi District and
reaches the Indus north of the Salt Range ( comp. V. de
Saint-Martin, E'tude sur lu geographie, etc., da iiord-ouest
dc I'Inde, 1860, p. 35). The Greek form of the name, "2'oavn
or "Soa/uos, as recorded by Megasthenes (see Arrian,
Indika, iv. 12 ; Schwanbeck, Megasthenes 31 ), proves the
antiquity of the change of medial Skr. s into h, so common
in the vernaculars of the north-west of India. For the re-
duction of the 6 into a in the second syllable of the name,
Grierson, Phonology, Z. D. M. G., xlix. p. 409 may be com-
pared. Possibly the correct pronunciation of the name h
Svhwi which would represent a closer approximation to the
original.

With the Susoma; Sohan we have reached the extreme
west of the Pancanada or Panjab proper. If we are right
in assuming for the remaining Arjlkiyd the same exact
geographical sequence from east to west observed in tho
preceding river-names we must clearly look for it between
the Vitasta in the east and the Susoma in the west.

There is no river of any importance crossing the
much-broken plateaus and low hill chains of the Salt
Range which fill the area between those two rivers. Hence
we are led to look for the Arjlkiyd among the chief tribu-
taries which the Vitasta receives on its right bank before
it emerges from the mountains above the town of Jehlam.
Of these there arc two of considerable size. Ono is the
Kishanganga, the Krvna of the liajalarohgini, which
drains the high snowy ranges north of Kashmir and at the

Stein i River-names in the Rgveda 21

Confluence, near Muzaffarabad, rivals the Vitasta in volume.
The other is the Kunhar River, Alberum's Kusnuri, which
gathers the mountain streams of the big Kaghan Valley in
the north and joins the Vitasta some five miles below
Muzaffarabad. Both Kishanganga and Kunhar would be
important enough to figure in our Vedic 'Catalogue of
Rivers'; but I am quite unable to trace in the case of either,
any designation ancient or modern that might be connect-
ed with the name Arjikiya.

None of the Rgveda passages which mention the
Arjikiya again, or give the obviously related ethnic desig»
nation of Arjlkas and Arjiklyas ( comp. Macdonell-Keith,
Vedic Index, i. pp. 62 sqq.), helps us to a definite location.
Professor Hillebrandt, when discussing these names in his
Vedische Mythologie, i. pp. 126 sqq., thought that he could
locate them near Kashmir, owing to the connection he as-
sumed between Arjika and the chief ' Apo-act]? , whom Arrian
mentions as the brother of 'Aftio-apys chief of the Abhisaras,
i. e. the tribes occupying the outer hills south of Kashmir
between the Chenab and the Jehlam. But this supposed
connection fails us, since I have shown elsewhere that by
'A/oo-cucjy? is meant the chief of Urasa or Hazara, the name
of whose territory figures as "Apcra or 'Ovapa-a in Ptolemy's
Geography ( comp. my note on Rajat. v. 217 ).

I may conclude this note with a brief general observa-
tion. The analysis of the river-names given in our Rgveda
verse has proved that, leaving aside the still uncertain
Arjikiya, they follow each other in strict order from east to
west. The exact geographical knowledge thus indicated,
ranging over a great extent of country, might at first sight
cause surprise, since it seems impossible to suppose that
the composer of the Nadi-stuti could have had before him
topographical record in the shape of either text or map.
Yet the difficulty is easily removed in the light of actual
travel experience. During my Central-Asian explorations
I have again and again come into contact with men,
whether Turkls of the Tarlm Basin engaged in long
journeys as traders and caravan-men, or nomadic Mongols,

28 Stein : River-names in the Rgveda

who, wholly illiterate and unable to keep any but mental
records, could yet without any apparent effort give a brief
but accurate account of the successive stages, with passes,
streams, and other natural features, which they had passed
on journeys extending over far more than a thousand miles.
It is probable that in India also, in spite of all modern
changes, similar geographical knowledge of a wholly em-
piric kind might still be gathered from pilgrims, traders,
and others accustomed to distant peregrinations. It is
safe to assume the same facility of obtaining exact infor-
mation in ancient times, so that the only difficulty which
the composer of the Hymn is likely to have experienced
when recording the river-names, was how to fit their
sequence with his metre.1

1 This paper was written in the autumn of 1916 as a special con-
tribution to this volume, but unfortunately and through reasons for
which the present difficulties of communication are mainly responsible,
its publication occurred in another place sooner than was intended. A. S.

CHALDEAN AND INDIAN VEDAS

By Bal Gangadhar Tilak

ONE of the most important events of the latter half of
the nineteenth century is the discovery of the Chal-
dean literature as embodied in the cuneiform inscriptions
excavated in Mesopotamia and deciphered with great
skill, ingenuity, and perseverance by European scholars.
These ancient records conclusively show that the country
at the mouth of the Euphrates was, so far back as 5000 B.C.,
colonised by a people of the Turanian race who went there
by sea from some distant province, presumably situated
in Northern Asia. These people not only developed a
civilization of their own in Mesopotamia, but what is to
the point, have left there a record of their religious beliefs
and culture in the form of brick-inscriptions, which M,
Lenormant has aptly described as the Chaldean Veda.

This ancient civilization at the mouth of the Tigris
and Euphrates gradually spread northwards and was the
parent of the Assyrian civilization which flourished about
2000 years before Christ. It is believed that the Hindus
came in contact with Assyrians after this date, and as a
natural result of this intercourse Hindu culture was largely
influenced by the Assyrian. Thus Rudolph von Ihering,
starting with the theory that the original Aryan home
was in an uncultivated mountain district in Central Asia,
has, in his work on the Evolution of the Aryans ( Eng .
trans, by Drucker, 1897, pp. 11, 223-4), come to the con-
clusion that the Aryans were originally a nomadic race
unacquainted with agriculture, canals, navigation, stone-
houses, working in metals, money transactions, alphabet
and such other elements of higher civilization, all of which
they subsequently borrowed from the Babylonians. But
this conclusion is not accepted by other scholars, who
think that von Ihering has gone too far in the matter. It
is, however, still believed that in the matter of magical
charms and formulae, cosmography, cosmogony, astronomy
and chronology the Hindus were more or less indebted to

30 Tilak : Chaldean and Indian Vedas

the Babylonians, and that this borrowing was the result of
an intercourse between the two races at a date later than
2000 before Christ.1 When it was therefore pointed out
that the word mana in the phrase sdcd manti hiranydyd ( Rv.
VIII. 78. 2 ) corresponded with Latin mina, the Greek v/xu
and the Phoenician manah, and it must therefore have been
borrowed by the Indians from the Babylonians, and that,
if so, a later date must be assigned to the Rgveda, Profes-
sor Max Miiller declined2 to accept the inference and
contended that the word might be of Aryan origin and
that it might, as interpreted by Sayana, mean 'ornaments'
or 'beautiful appendices'. For Professor Max Miiller
believed, and rightly, that the Rgveda, the oldest of the
Vedas, cannot be assigned to a date later than 2000 years
before Christ. The learned Orientalist was aware that the
word mana was to be found not only in the Babylonean
but also in the Accadian tongue. But he seemed not to
have realised the importance of this fact ; for in that case,
the Accadian being a still older language, it was not ne-
cessary to assign a later date to the Rgveda even if the
word mana ( cf. Kanarese and MarathI maria, English cor-
ruption ' maund ' ) was found to be of foreign origin.

Tn my Orion or the Antiquity of the Vedas, I have shown
that Vedic culture or civilization can be carried back as
far as, if not further than, 4500 B. C, when the Vernal
equinox was in Orion. This makes the Vedic and the
Chaldean civilizations almost contemporaneous, and it is
not unnatural to expect some intercourse either by land
or by sea between the Chaldean and the Vedic races even
in those ancient times. No evidence has, however, yet
been adduced to prove the existence of an intercourse
between these two races in the fourth or fifth millennium
before Christ by tracing Vedic words or ideas in the
Chaldean tongue, or vice versa, If this evidence is dis-
covered the existing theories about the inter-relation

1 For a summary see the article on Hinduism in Hastings' Encyclo-
paedia ot Religion and EthicB, Vol. VI. p. 688f.

% India : What can it teach us ? Edition 1883, pp. 125-26.

Tilak": Chaldean and Indian Vedas 31

between these two oldest civilizations will have to be
greatly modified or revised. But without going so far into
the subject I wish in this essay to confine myself to
the words and ideas which I have found common to the
Chaldean and the Indian Vedas, stating at the same time
what little has been done by the previous scholars in this
direction.

Professor A. H. Saycc, in his Hibbert Lectures, 1887,
pages 137-138, observes that in an ancient list of Baby-
lonian clothing sindhu is mentioned as a name for muslin
or woven cloth, and that it corresponds to the sadin of the
Old Testament and the <ru>Scdv of the Greeks. The learned
Professor has further stated that this 'muslin' or woven
cloth must have been called sindhu by the Accadians
(Chaldeans), because it was exported from the banks of
the Indus ( Sindhu ) to Chaldea in those days ( cf. the word
calico from Calicut). He has further noted that this
intercourse between the two countries must have been by
sea, for had the word passed by land, i. e. through Persia,
the initial 8 of the word would have become h in Persian
mouths.

Here then we have two words : mania borrowed by the
Vcdic people from the Chaldeans, and sindhu borrowed by
the Accadians or Chaldeans from the Indians, proving
either that these races were neighbours to each other even
in Vcdic times or that the Chaldean traders had made
their way to the mouth of the Indus or to the Western
coast of India, each people borrowing from the other
according to necessity.

More recently, the excavations made in Asia Minor
during the summer of 1907 have brought to light docu-
ments which contain the terms of a treaty between the
king of Hittites and the king of Mitani (Northern Meso-
potamia), of the time of circa 1400 before Christ In these
treaties the deities of both these nations are invoked; and
among the Mitani gods Hugo Winkler has found the names
of Mill a, Varuna, Indra and Nasatyas or Asvins, one and
all of which are Vodic dcitios. It is, therefore, quite clear

32 Tilak : Chaldean and Indian Vedas

that in the fourteenth century B. C. and earlier the rulers
of Northern Mesopotamia worshipped Vedic gods. The
names of these rulers, it is true, appear to be Persian and
not Vedic. But it does not affe ct the conclusion that
Vedic culture and worship were known to and had in-
fluenced the Mesopotamian rulers in the fourteenth cen-
tury before Christ.1

This takes us back to B. C. 1400 or 1500. But we can
go still further back and show, that the intercourse be-
tween Chaldea and India existed from a time far anterior
to the reign of the Mitanic kings. M. Lenormant has
justly observed that while the Aryans worshipped the good
and beneficient deities in nature, the Mongolians (to which
race the Chaldeans belonged) always tried to propitiate
the malevolent spirits; and hence while sacrifice formed
the main feature of the Vedic religion, magic and sorcery
was the main characteristic of the religion of the ancient
Chaldeans. Not that there were no Chaldean hymns to
the sun-god, but even these were used for magic purposes.3

This shrewd generalisation of the French savant at
once enables us to lay our hand upon the Atharva Veda,
if we wish to find any parallels to the Chaldean magic
formulae in the Vedic literature. The Vedic religion is
very often called the trayi-dharma or the religion based
only on the three ancient and older Vedas. The Atharva
Veda finds no place amongst these three, and there is an
old tradition that in point of importance and authority
the Atharva does not stand on a par with the Rg, the
Yajus and the Saman. Historically speaking it is now
further ascertained that the Atharva Veda is much more
recent than the three other Vedas. But though compara-
tively younger, we must at the same time remember
that even this recent Veda must be placed at least some
twenty-five centuries before Christ in as much as it is

1 H. Jacobi's paper Iu the Journa I of the Royal Asiatic Society for
July 1009, pp. 721-726.

2 Lenorniant'R Chaldean Magic, Engl Trans., pp. U5f, 179 and 319.

Tilak : Chaldean and Indian Vedas 33

mentioned by name and cited in the Brahmanas and the
Upanisads.1

If we therefore discover any names of Chaldean spirits
or demons in the Atharva, it could only mean that the
magic of the Chaldeans was borrowed, partially at least,
by the Vedic people prior to the second millennium before
Christ, and that this could not have been done unless the
Chaldean people were either the neighbours of Vedic tribes
or traded with them even in those ancient days.

Now let us take for comparison Atharva Veda v. 13.
It is a hymn against snake poison; and verses 6,7,8 and 10
therein (omitting the accents) run as follows —

sr^r^n? *F^fa ^anfor v*&t i% ginfr vft m u % n
sm^iflr ^ f%%*ft ^ te ^ wcrr =* i

<W«Him gftcrr *tmi srerfess^ v. I. mv- ) i
5raJ ^spfrwi *Rfcn*rcs f^r ii c (i

mf^R^f^ II 1° II

The verses have been translated into English by
Bloomfield,2 Whitney, Griffith and other scholars; but none
of them has attempted to explain the derivation and
meaning of the words printed in black in the original and

1 Bloomfield 's Introduction to Atharva Veda in S. B. E. Vol. XL1I.

2 In the S. B. E. series vol. XLII, p. 28—

I release thee from the fury of the black serpent, the Taimata
the brown serpent, the poison that is not fluid, the all-conquering,
as the bow-string (is loosened) from the bow, as chariots (from
horses). 6.

Both Aligl and Viligl, both father and mother, we know your
kin everywhere. Deprived of your strength what will ye do? 7.

The daughter of Urugula, the evil one born with the black —
of all those who have run to their hiding-place, the poison is
devoid of force. 8.

Tdbuvam (or) not Tabu vam, thou (0 serpent) art not Tabuvam.
Through. Tdbuvam thy poison is bereft of force. 10.

5 I Bhandarkar Com. Vol.]

31 Tilak : Chaldean and Indian* Vedas

italics in the translation. Their very sound betrays, to a
Sanskrit reader, their foreign origin. But hitherto not only
commentators but even translators have failed to explain
their true import or origin. The word Taimata again occurs
in Atharva Veda V. 18. 4; while Aligi, Viiigi and Urugula
do not again occur in the Atharva Veda. According to
Kausika Sutras these hymns are recited while performing
certain manoeuvres in the process of removing the snake
poison. But the Sutras do not give any information re-
garding the origin of the above mentioned words. Griffith
says that Taimata and Apoduka (waterless) are some un-
identifiable varieties of snakes and that Aligi, Viiigi and
Urugula similarly indicate some other unknown species of
serpents. Whitney considers Taimata as a derivative from
Timata, while the word Urugula is translated by him as
" the broad-knobbed one." Aligi and Viiigi (the father and
mother) he does not attempt to explain at all. The word
asikni, which means black, suggests that Urugula, is
a word borrowed from black races ( cf. asiknih visah in
Rv. VII, 5. 3 ). But in the absence of any definite know-
ledge about the magic and sorcery of the black races, it
was impossible to trace the origin of these words. The
discovery of the Chaldean literature now supplies us with
the means of accurately ascertaining the parentage of
some of these words. For instance, the serpent Taimata is,
I am sure, no other than the primeval watery dragon
Tiamat generally represented as a female but sometimes
even as a male monster snake in the Chaldean cosmogonic
legends ; and the word Apodaka in the Vedic text indicates
that a land species of the same (as opposed to aquatic) is
intended to be coupled with it. Tiamat is the well-known
Chaldean androgynous dragon whose fight with Marduk
is {the subject of some of the cuneiform tablets1 of the
creation legends. As regards Urugula the word appears as
Urugala or Urugula in the Accadian language. Literally,
it means " the great (gal - gula) city (uru)", but is generally

1 See Sayce's Hibbert Lectures pp, o?0-38-i, and Clialdca, Story
of Nations Berie3, Chap. VI, p. 16.

Tildk : Chaldean and Indian Vedas 35

Used to denote the great nether world, the abode of the
dead — a place visited by Istar in her search for her lover
Dumuzi or Tamuz.1 Personified, it means the deity of the
nether world, and a female snake can be fitly described
as Uru-gula's daughter.

T have not been able to trace Aligi and Viligi, but
they evidently appear to be Accadian words, for there is
an Assyrian god called Bil and Bil-gi. At any rate there
is no doubt that Taimata and Urugula are, in spite of a
little difference in spelling, the same as Tiamat and Urngal
or Uru-gula in the Accadian legends, and that these
names must have been borrowed by the Vedic people
from the Chaldeans, coming in contact with them
either as their neighbours or as tradesmen in those early
days. When the old religion of sacrifice was thus tam-
pered with, and hybrid hymns incorporating foreign ma-
gical incantations and formulae were tried to be introduced
in the Vedic literature, it was natural that the Veda
which contained these incantations should come to be
looked upon with scant respect or even with contempt
by the orthodox Vedic community, who must then have
regarded the Atharva Veda as a novel departure in their
religious observances. There are some other words in
the Atharva Veda, especially in the poison and witch-
craft hymns, which on their face appear to be foreign
importations. For instance we may cite Tabuvam2 in the
hymn we are considering and Kanaknakam and Taudi in
Av., X, 4. Again the word Kimidin which occurs both
in the Rg and the Atharva Veda, ( Rv. VII, 104. 23 ; Av.
I. 7. 1) and which indicates goblins, or evil spirits, is de-
rived by Yaska (VI. 119) from kim idanim (what now?), and

1 Jensen's Kosmologie der Babylonier, pp. 217-222 ; Chaldea, S. N.
Series pp. 157, 326f, and 367f.

2 I think Tabuvam is derived from the Polynesian word tabu and
means, pertaining to or resulting from tabu, i.e. contact with unclean,
unholy, or interdicted thing, in which case the disease or evil requires
to be treated with sacred incantations. The exorcist asks whether the
poison is or is not of Tabuvam character. For the use of tabus in Baby-
lonia set Thompson's Semitic Magic.

36 Tilak : Chaldean and Indian Vedas

explained by observing that these ghosts were believed to
wander about in search of "what is now happening." This
derivation is obviously fanciful; and as the word has a
foreign ring, I believe that it is a Chaldean word. For
Ekimmu and Dimme are Accadian words for spirits and
Kimm-dimm may well have been a word compounded from
them to express ghosts of all kinds.

It may be further noted that the Kiratas, evidently
some non-Aryan tribe, are mentioned as dealing in
medicinal herbs in Av. X. 4. 14; and Griffith, in a note to
Av. V. 13. 5, interprets Kairuta as a variety of snake found
among the Kiratas, the barbarous tribes who inhabited
woods and mountains and lived by hunting (the Kirrhadae
of Arrian). It is therefore not to be doubted that the magic
and witchcraft hymns in the Atharva Veda do contain
some foreign words. But we in India have not the means
to thoroughly investigate all of them. We have no library
in India, much less an Assyrialogist we can refer to or
consult, for obtaining the requisite information on these
matters. The Mleccha-prasiddhartha-pramanyadhikarana
in Jaimini's sutras (i. 3. 10) shows that even the orthodox
Mlmaiisakas would not have hesitated to recognise the
foreign origin of such words if they had but been able to
ascertain it definitely.

The Bible often refers to Chaldea and Babylonia. But
no one ever dreamt that the account of creation and
deluge in the Old Testament could have been, in the main,
borrowed by the Hebrew priests from Chaldean sources. A
great sensation was therefore caused in Europe when the
Chaldean cuneiform tablets of the creation legend were
discovered, their translation published and the Hebrew
word Tehom, which is translated as 'deep' or 'waters' in
the first verses of Genesis, Chap. I, was found to be no
other than Assyrian Tamtu or the Chaldean Tiamat. Even
so late as 1902, Professor Delitzsch's lectures on Babel and
Bible (Eng. trans. New York 1903) were received and criti-
cised in the same spirit. But it may now be taken as
established that the Biblical stories of creation and deluge
together with the institution of sabbath and even the

■Tildk : Chaldean and Indian Vedas 37

story of the fall of man by the serpent are all of Chaldean
origin. It was further pointed out by Professor Delitzch,
the well-known Assyriologist, that the word Jehovah,
God's secret name revealed to Moses, was also of Chaldean
origin, and that its real pronunciation was Yahve, and not
Jehovah; and this derivation is now accepted even by the
compilers of the present Biblical dictionaries. But the
matter does not really end at this point. Jehovah is
undoubtedly the same word as the Chaldean Yahve.
But we have still to inquire whether the word can or can-
not be traced further back. And here we derive great help
from the Vedic literature. The word yahu ( Zend, yazu ),
yahva, yahvat and the feminine forms yahvi and yahvati
occur several times in the Rgveda; and Grassmann derives
them from the root yah = to hasten or to drive quickly.
The Nighantu also tells us that the word yaha means
water (Nig. I. 12) or strength (Nig. II. 9); while the ad-
jective yakva(N\g. III. 3; Nir. VIII, 8) means 'great.' Yahva
in this sense is applied in the Rgveda to Soma(Tlv. IX.
75. 1 ), to Agni ( Rv. III. 1. 12 ) and to Indra ( Rv. vill. 13.
24). It is needless to give further quotations. I may only
mention that yahva in one instance (Rv. X. 110. 3) is used
in the vocative case, and Agni is there addressed as " O
Yahva! you are the sacrificer of the gods." This clearly
shows that the word was not only familiar to the Vedic
sages, but that it was applied by them to their gods to
signify their might, power or strength; and Griffith has
translated it by the English word 'Lord' in several places.
Besides, in the Vedic Sanskrit we have several other words
derived from the root yah and so cognate to yahva, viz.
yahu, yahvat, yahvl and yahvati. It is not, therefore, un-
reasonable to conclude that yahva was originally a Vedic
word, and though Moses may have borrowed it from the
Chaldeans, yet the Chaldean tongue, in which the various
other cognate forms of the word are wanting, cannot claim
it to be originally its own. Like the word sindhu the Chal-
deans appear to have themselves borrowed it from the
Indians in their mutual intercourse at some remote period
of antiquity.

$3 Tilak : Chaldean a?id Indian Vedas

We might say the same about the Chaldean word
Apsity or Abzu. It is written as Zu ab and read as Abzu. It
denotes the primeval chaos or watery abyss, and is re-
presented as the husband of Tiamat. Marduk had therefore
to fight with them both to rescue the powers of light from
their clutches. Dr. Jensen1 has critically examined the vari-
ous meanings of this word in the Chaldean literature. But
it is unnecessary to go into these details; for the word and
its denotation are well established in usage. It is the
primeval abyss from which the gods of light have to be
rescued by Marduk for the benefit of mankind. This con-
quest of Marduk over Apm and Tiamat is celebrated in a
Chaldean Epic which is now available in translation.2

I have shown above that the word Taimata^ occurs in
the Atharva Veda, and that it must have been borrowed
from the Chaldean. Such is not however the case with
Apsu, the husband of Tiamat. In the Itgveda we have not
only the word apsu in several places but the main features
of the Tiamat-Marduk struggle are also to be found in the
Vrtra-Indra fight so fully described in the Vedas. I have
shown elsewhere3 that Indra's fight with the Vrtra was for
the release of captive waters, and that after the fight these
waters, till then enveloped and hemmed in by Vrtra, the
Vedic Tiamat, were set free, by Indra, to flow (sartave).*
For this very reason Indra is described in the Rgveda
as Apsu-jit.5 It is usual to explain the compound word

1 In his Kosmologie der Babylonier, pp. 243-253.

2 See Sayce's Hibbert Lectures, pp. 379-384 ; Jensen's Kosmologie
der Babylonier, pp. 273-288 ; also Chaldea, S. N. Series, Chap. VI.

3 See Arctic Home in the Vedas, Chap. IX, pp. 233-296.

4 Rgveda i. 32. 12. Curiously enough the same phrase occurs in the
Chaldean Creation Tablet No. 4, line 140, where Marduk after defeating
Tiamat, is said to have ordered her (Tiamat's ) waters, which were not
coming out, to come forth. The line is so rendered by Dr. Budge ; but
Jensen, following the Hebrew tradition, translates it to mean " ordered
the waters not to come forth" (Kosmologie der Babylonier, p. 288).
Vedic tradition and phraseology both support Dr. Budge's rendering and
I prefer it to Jensen's. Prof. Sayce (Hibbert Lectures, 1887, p. 383) follows
Dr. Budge, and Jastrow {Babylonia and Assyria, p. 438) follows J»naon.

5 RV, VIII 13. 2,;*viu. 36. 1 ; IX. 106. 3.

Tilak : Chaldean and Indian Vedas 39

Apsu-jit by treating its first member as a locative of apt—
water and translate it as meaning "conqueror in waters"
But it will be easily seen that in spite of the Vartika on
Panini VI. 3. 18, this is rather a forced construction, and
that it is better to take Apsu as a word by itself and
translate Apsu-jit as "conqueror of Apsu." The same
remark applies to the words Apsu-ja and Apsu-ksit and the
like. It may be further noted that the phrase apsavam
arnavam1 also occurs in the Bgveda, and there, apsavam,
which is an adjective, evidently means " of or relating to
Apsu". Similarly the word apsumat is also found in the
Vedic literature (Ait. Brah. VII. 7), and it is there applied
to Agni. In this word we cannot take Apsu as a locative
of ap; and if we have thus a direct authority for treating
Apsu as a separate word by itself, there is no reason why
we should not take Apsu as a word by itself, and not as
the locative of ap, in such words as Apsu-jit and Apsu-ksit.
Apsu taken as a separate word, may be derived either
from ap = water and su = to beget, or from psa, which,
according to Nig. III. 7, means shape or form. In the latter
case Apsu would mean a shapeless or formless chaos, which
is the meaning assigned to it in the Chaldean literature.
Anyhow there is little doubt that Apsu in Apsu-jit is the
same word as the Chaldean Apsu or Abzu which was con-
quered by Marduk, the Chaldean Indra. The word is
evidently Vedic, but owing to the ignorance of its true
significance, the Indian etymologists have treated it as the
locative of ap in compounds like apsu-jit. The light
thrown by the Chaldean literature on the subject enables
us now to rectify the error and understand Apsu-jit in its
proper and legitimate sense. Tiamat was the orginal
Chaldean word for the primeval abyss. But when the
Vedic word Apsu was borrowed it became necessary to
differentiate between the two, and this seems to have
been done by making one the husband of the other.

Another Vedic word on which new light is thrown by
the Chaldean literature is uru. In the Vedic literature

1 Rv. x. 55. 37.

40 Tilak : Chaldean and Indian Vedas

the word occurs several times by itself and also in com-
pounds like uru-krama (Rv. 1. 90. 9) uru-ksaya (Rv. X. 118. 9),
uru-gaya ( &v. I. 154. 1 ) and several others. The word urn
in these compounds is generally taken as an adjective
meaning "wide." Thus uru-gaya is translated by "wide-
going" and so on. But it seems to me that if we take uru,
as in the Chaldean, to mean the nether world, the above
Vedic words can be better interpreted. In the Rgveda
uru-gaya is not only applied to Visnu but also to Indra
and Soma. Now we know from the Rgveda that Visnu
and Soma are the deities who helped Indra in the conquest
of the waters of Apsu. All these deities can therefore be
aptly described as uru-gaya, that is, those who traverse the
nether world of waters and conquer, along with Indra, the
powers of darkness therein. In other words, we can now
take uru-ksaya as a synonym for apsu-ksit and uru-krama
as synonymous with apsu-aad or apsu-jit. The word uru
appears to have the same meaning in uru-lokam in Rv. X.
128. 2. But a still more important word is Uru-asi, (Urvasl),
the name of a well-known nymph. Yaska1 would have
us believe that the word uru in Uru-asi means a thigh, and
there is an etymological myth which tells us that Uru-asi
was born from the thigh of Narayana.2 But all these strange
derivations become unnecessary if we take uru in Uru-asi
to mean the nether world or its waters as in the Chaldean.
Uru-asi would then mean a watery nymph or a nymph of
the nether world and can thus be properly described as
ap-saras. There are a few other words in the Rgveda on
which new light may be thrown by the discovery of Chal-
dean literature. For instance sinivali3 looks to me like a
foreign word, and tur-pharitu in that well-known un-

1 Nir. v. 13. 2 Cf. Kalidasa's Vikramorvasiya, i. 3.

3 Sin bubbuli in Chaldean may mean ' disappearance of the moon ' ;
and tur-parattu may mean 'son of waters '. Sindhu-matarau, sons of
ocean, is one of the epithets of Asvins in the Rgveda. The word sina
appears in Rgveda ii. 30. 2 and there it is said to be brought to or pre-
sented to Vttra. Can sina here mean the moon ? Owing to her waning
she may be properly said to be handed over or delivered to Vrtra, the
demon of darkness.

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Tilah : Chaldean and Indian Vedas 41

intelligible verse ( Rv. X. 106. 6 ) also wears a suspicious
look. I shall not, therefore, be surprised if that verse is
found to contain some words of foreign origin. On the
other hand itu meaning ' a month ' in the Chaldean langu-
age seems to me to be the same word as the Vedic rtu
meaning ' a season ' or 'a month.'

Lastly I may here mention that we find a very close
resemblance between the Chaldean and the Vedic legends
regarding the place and movements of cosmic waters, their
conquest by the powers of light, viz. by Indra or Marduk,
and also between the cosmographic ideas of the two na-
tions, that is those relating to the arrangement of the
whole universe, as may be seen by a comparison of the
illustrative diagram of "the world according to Baby-
lonish ideas" given by Jensen at the end of his book, and
the one given by me in my Arctic Home in the Vedas at the
end of Chapter IX.1 Dr. Jensen has also discussed the
sevenfold division of the earth's continents by the
Babylonians, and pointed out its resemblance with the
Pauranic account of the seven continents.2 But I think that
the parallel can be carried much further ; for I have shown
elsewhere that this sevenfold division is to be found not
only in the Puranas but also in the Vedas.3 It is really
interesting to note that there are not only seven Heavens
and seven Hells in the Chaldean mythology, but that the
serpent Tiamat killed by Marduk is sometimes represented
as having seven heads, while Indra is called Sapta-han or
the "Killer of Seven" in the Vedas,4 and the closed watery
ocean, the doors of which Indra and Agni opened by their
prowess, is described as sapta-budhna ( seven-bottomed ) in
Ijiv. VIII. 40. 5. Again there are indications in the ancient
Chaldean literature of a dark intercalary winter month
and of the sun-hero being affected with a kind of skin

1 Compare also Maspero's Dawn of Civilization, Eng. translation,
Vol. II, pp. 542-543.

2 Kosmologie der Babylcnier, pp. 163-184.

3 Cf. Arctic Home, pp. 340f. 4 Rv. x. 49. 8.

6 [ Bhandarkar Cora. Vol.]

42 Tilak: Chaldean and Indian Vedas

disease or lost for a part of the year,1 thus corroborating
the theory of a common Arctic home for all. But the
subject, howsoever interesting it may be, cannot be dis-
cussed at the end of this paper. My object was simply to
draw the attention of Vedic scholars to the importance of
the comparative study of Indian and Chaldean Vedas by
pointing out some words which, in my opinion, are common
to both, and which fairly establish the case of mutual,
and not merely one-sided, indebtedness between the almost
contemporaneous Aryan and Turanian people. What effect
it may have on the current theories about the inter-relation
between the two ancient cultures must be left for the
scholars to decide. When two civilizations are contem-
poraneous it is natural to expect some borrowings from
each other ; but when both are equally old it is difficult to
see why, supposing the borrowing is proved, one of them
alone should be considered to have borrowed from the
other and that too only in later times.

1 In Gilgames and Istar myths. In Rv. vii. 100. 6 Visnu is said to be
affected with skin disease (sipivista). Compare Arctic Home, pp. 33C-
32. See also Plunket's Ancient Calendars, pp. 4 and 14. The intercalary
or the thirteenth month was called se-dir, the dark month of sowing.

BRAHMANA-QUOTATIONS IN NIRUKTA
BY P. D. GUNE

YASKA'S Nirukta is a running commentary upon the
Nighantavali or collections of difficult Vedic words.
These latter consist of five parts or chapters, con-
taining synonyms in the first three, difficult Vedic
words in the fourth and names of deities and other
words connected with them in the fifth. Yaska takes
each of these words, first gives its meaning, then the
derivation or derivations and lastly quotes the Vedic
passage or Nigama in which it occurs. This is gene-
rally his method. In deriving he often gives diver-
gent views, sometimes with names, e. g. iti Audumbara-
yanah, iti Agrayanah, etc., but often without them. Occa-
sionally, as in the Daivatakanda, he mentions schools1 of
interpretation such as that of the Yajnikah, the Parivraja-
kah, the Naidanah, the Aitihasikah, or simply like atha
adhyatmam, esa cakhyanasamayah. Very often he quotes
Brahmana passages in corroboration of, or simply as alter-
native to, his view. He indicates these passages in one of
these ways : 1 by introducing them with the words athupi
JBrahmanam bhavati ; 2 by closing them with the words
iti ca Brahmanam ; or 3 by putting iti vijnayate after them.
But he is not — as no Acarya ever was — in the habit of
indicating from what particular source he was quoting.
Perhaps in his days there was no necessity of doing so, for,
those for whom his book was meant had, like himself, com-
mitted to memory most of the old literature ; and they
could easily know where the quotation was from. There
are a few Pandits even to-day who could do the same.

There are about fifty passages from the Brahmanas in
the body of the Nirukta, indicated by one of these three
ways. The second way, however, is more than twice as
frequent as the last. Only a few of these passages have
yet been identified — some of them by Both in his Erleuter-

1 About these schools see Sieg, die Sagenstqffe des ftgveda, intro*
auction,

44 Gune : Brahmana-quotations

ungen. The following is an attempt to identify as many
others as possible under the present circumstances. Quota-
tions from the Nirukta follow Roth's edition, giving chap-
ter and section only. It would not be difficult to trace the
quotations in other editions of the Nirukta, as they also
mention this manner of division of the book. In quoting
from the Brahmanas the old natural division is resorted to,
as this is bound to be given in any edition of them, be it
European, or Bengali or Marathi.

1. ^RTft^mi^'d d^fchd'Jli *l*{l<4 fft %Tq% ( i. 8 )—
This passage, with slight change, is found in the Kaus. Br.

( xxiii- 2 )• The same derivation is found in the Tand. Br.
in different words — ^m U^^rR" ff^T ^Hf fw^T 5TFr^5^T
ST^ffa d^sh'W itl*(lc=JH. ( xiii- 10. 1 ). In the Aitareya the
same derivation is given, but the Sakvarls are connected
with Prajapati— 3rf^Tt#^P5f3nqfcT'- H^l\ *l«j+ftlrtteif^ £N <T^3-
f^ts^^^iiW ^*(l^*i ( v. 7 ).

2. aw^cT *?m3: %$ ?m %fa f %Tq^r ( i. 9 )— Not traced.

3. W^'Jw ?3 ^l*1lftl% f %Rcf ( i. 9 )— Not traced.

4. q^rfqT %$ ^Rjf^R^ ( i- 9 ) — This is found in the Kaus.
Br. xvii. 4-

5. 35 sr^fcr srsprfa sf^Rftfct $\$l ( i. 15)— Though the
usual expression, indicating that this is a quotation from
a Brahmana, does not occur at the end, we know the fact
from the previous sentence which runs — arqTN smp^H ^T-
SNvCT T^fteRt- Roth has indentified these sentences as occur-
ring in Vaj. Sam. i- 22 and ii- 15. The first part of the
quotation occurs in Tait. Sam. i- 1. 8. 1, i- 2- 12- 2, vi. 2- 7. 3;
Mait. Sam. i. 1. 9, i- 5. 5, etc. ; Kath. i. 8 ; Tait. Br. iii, 2- 8. 4-
For the latter part Bloomfield's Concordance refers to
Vaj. Sam. ii. 15, not quite to the point.

6. 3Trq% -/|IW^(L 15) — This is an often recurring sen-
tence in the various Sarhhitas of the Yajurveda. Vaj. Sam.
V. 42. Compare Tait. Sam. i-2-1. 1, 1. 3. 5. l,vi- 3- 3- 2, etc.; Mait.
Sam. i- 2- 1, iii-9-3, etc.; Kathakam ii- 1, etc. See Bloomfield's
Concordance Also Mantra Br. i-6-5and6. Satapatha Br. iii.
1. 2- 7 has 3tr% WP& (without i^) and ^f^% ^t f|^ft: to-
gether ; again at iii- 6- 4- 10 and iii- 8- 2- 12 and often.

Gune : Brahmana-quotations 45

7. ^t%cT%t f|*ft: ( i- 15 ) — An often occurring formula in
the Yajurveda. Vaj. Sam. iv- l,v. 42, vi- 15;Tait. Sam. i- 2- 1- 1,
1. 3. 5. 1, vi- 3- 3. 2, etc. ; Mait. Sam. i- 2- 1, and about a dozen
times more ; Kathakam ii. 1, etc. It occurs in some places
of the Sarhhitas together with No. 6 as one running proverb.
Of the Brahrnanas it occurs some thrice in the Sat. Br. iii.

1- 2- 7, etc. Also Mantra. Br. i- 6- 5 and 6-

8- 3TJFT flftM+IMI<m«is|^ffcT (i- 15) — Roth identifies this as
from Satapatha Br. p. 31 Weber ( a very curious way of
quoting !) ; Tait. Sam. vi. 3-71; Mait. Sam. i- 4- 11 ; Sat.
Br. i. 3- 5- 2 and 3, ii- 5- 2. 19, etc ; Tait. Br- iii- 3. 7. 1. See
Bloomfield, Concordance.

9. TTciJ q$m WIS 3T£W£5 ?ffi$ fe>MM\ 'Jl^^tfo^cfifd' ^
snu^fi- 16) — The Gopatha has this full quotation at ii.

2- 6 and ii- 4. 2. The Aitareya has it almost at half a dozen
places, but without the words a^g: — M&M feyHVMmifSffffi
(i. 4, i- 13, i. 16, i. 17, etc.).

10. ^q^rerreWJTF^I ^qw^zfT^tT *fcN4t JWri^tf '-H I #M ft) fd
%IT2I% ( ii- 11 ) — Tait. Ar-. ii- 9 has the passage as it is in
our Nirukta. Only Sf^and cF^ are combined as *^^.

11. ar^Tm^f^FT ^r^rf^fcT %T3% q^Td^ d^f^T f^ftlfd"
%rq% q^r% tfS?m wftfd %RI% (ii- 17)— In Tait. Sam. this
passage occurs at ii- 4- 12- 2 as qR+jl^l+M^Irl^^ ^^R.

12. d^lc^l^'HI^rs^RT^T Sfrfd f^lMd ^RTfo^t ^TTdf TO^tf?cT ?T
^WI^fd^(iii-4) — The language — f^|TRcrand|Tcrxr — shows that
these are quotations from the same source, and it is a fact :

WR cT^rrfc^r^t sndt mmfci * jftrth— Mait- Saln- iv- 6- 4- Tne

last sentence is repeated again at Mait- Sam. iv. 7. 9.

13. 3%H^5TcT d<ti<l,Jli 5R^K^<H<i^RT d^^MTJ^W^fcf
f^fRct (iii- 8) — Tait. Br. ii- 3- 8. 2 has a similar idea —

14. f^WSfH arrf^f ^MP»Ni«Tf Wlffi (iii- 12)— Not traced.

15. 2ft ^TT sftsgtf: (iii- 20)— Durga says ^% ^TfTW^q^^
3T3ft% q^wiV-IHIHj 3T^t ^T Q^TS^T 3TWf^r4: I In Mait.
Sam. ii. 9 we have ^TT«* 3T ST^^T^nl^T ^ ^T 3TR^S§^T:
with an STRT^in the middle-

16. jfarft wftfa =3 ^TfTJI^(iii- 20, etc-)— Not traced.

46 Gune : Brahmana-quotations

17. JTTvarr sra^T *nft ;5TRFcT ^^ng: ( iv- 21 )— Tait. Sam. vi.
1. 7. 2 has a similar idea but quite different words — <sj<<s|.£-
JR^TT^: 5RRt M<N!$J*i: *g#3?tWTTfcr JpfriTf Ic^T-

18. q^:^c^^^^mp^(^Rn%RT^:?RT^)(iv.27)--
A passage similar in meaning is found in Ait. Br. — '
gP^T WW* T¥^tr |?RIl%%^Tt: mf$R dl«M<fctK: (i. 1), identified
by Roth. W^: *M<*K*!<4 comes, by the bye, very often in
Satapatha Br., sometimes in an expression like — gT^T t
JfRTT: S^TCFT <ra&f: etc. (i- 3- 5. 11, i- 7- 2- 8, xii. 3. 2. 1, etc-).

19. q#* ^i sfffit =q wuft *HdHVJt?[Ui^i ^ ^ stt^to. [ w*fa]
(iv.27) — afifKl^l stands here collectively ; day and night are
regarded as one. Three hundred and sixty of such are con-
tained in one year. This is apparently from Goptha Br.,
although with insignificant changes — ^frfa ^ | % ^RTlfa qi&sj
^^ft^ntrcr^rfa (i- 5-5). The change consists in the inversion
of words denoting number and the form af^l^l/St. In the
Ait. Br. we have ^ffq ^ i ^rf^ q#g- ?N^R^TT^ ("• 17) where
besides the inversion we have for st^i^t: 3^rwr. A play upon
this number is repeated in Ait. Br. v- 12 in connection with
the ^fft^? verses. The Sat. Br. i- 3. 5- 9 has #r =3 ^ ^TcTTft
9%* tfoMKWlSlfa J xii. 3. 2. 3 has *r=R: for 3jfrfa.

20. Sfl =3 "I 3RTTR %TT%^ <Nc*WrHȣl<l3|l f% =q ^TIT^ [f%*rRt^]
(iv. 27) — This is found word for word in the Ait. Br. ii.
17. In Gopatha, too, we find it in the following form — *?H
^i^Tcrrf^^r^^^R^^TTfr^^^pr^ (i. 5-5), Sat. Br. xii. 3. 2.4,
i- 5. 5. 4, Ait. Ar. iii- 2.

21. fcKHl*l<4{i$|tfiftfa ^ sHI^'-»l*i(v. 4)— Not traced.

22. ttrt^- ^i^qcT^ ^ sll^H. (vii- 12)— The word %£r<TT
that immediately precedes is, I think, to be taken with
the previous sentence Ghijhi ^r %nfrcTT — meaning that mz$[
is to be derived from fit and Wl and their order reversed.
Durga is silent on the point.

23.* Jinsfl+N f^W SRft ^k m>Hl-i«l*fcflfa ^ snwi^(vii. 12).
24.* ^<^tlfa^fe<^ffifa ftfract (vii. 12).
25.* ^eTi^WRts^^fcf ^ sfTp^(vii. 13).

* These sentences about metres in general are found in almost the
same form in the 3rd 13*5 of the ^cHI^°T of the tf r*T^. The questions
arising out of the identity of the passages will be dealt with at the end.

Oune : Brahmana-quotations 47

26. ^ffil^fls^wr 3%0§ ^ #\m*i ( vii> I7 )— Kaus. Br.
xxv- 1- *<ffilg3ftrsg«T 3^fct is exactly quoted by Yaska.

27. 3T4rfo ^M *Rfa 5Tf^r: *P# ^RTT ^fct (vii. 17)— This is
one of those almost proverbial Brahmanic passages
which are many times repeated in different Brahmanas.
It cannot therefore, with any amount of certainty, be said
that it is taken from one particular Brahmana and not
from another. In this respect it is like another pithy and
proverbial saying ajfTr 3 %HJ: of the Brahmanas. It is
found in Aitareya, Satapatha, Tandya and other Brahmanas.
Roth has already referred to Ait. Br. i. 1, where this passage
occurs, with a 3 after arf^T which Yaska has not got. Tandya
Br. ii- 1. 12 has orfffi s^r %$3\: like the Ait. Br. In the same
way the Gopatha Br. ii. 1- 12, and the Sadvimsa Br. iii. 7.
The Satapatha Br. i. 6. 2. 8 agrees with the other Brah-
manas in having^ after 3Tl%- So Mait Sam. i. 4. 14-

28. -ikN^ild: q^T^K^ft d^Hd^l ^M^wUlfct sRWFZ
(vii- 19) — Not traced.

29. 3r<*rft stt^t *re?q%rf ^t fft wftmfa ^nw^f^ ?m% *%%

3<f% JT^T: 32T ff£ *Wfa W ^ 3TT 3i'«NlRc*i1 ^tf^rft: H^W^S**
q^ftfct (vii- 24) — In Tait. Sam. ii. 4- 1. 2 after saying 3Tf^
snrp^ U<UlW<il<*m<A ft^K etc. the passage reads — 3^1^ ^t

^5*43t?fr qw^R«r ^ % i^TT Epffo- The only difference is the
position of qTFFSf^ etc. and the absence of the word ff£
after ^gn^.

30. z^FT Rfa <$M d<WNlRc*J $ft f| sWIH. (vii. 28)— Not
traced-

31. 3fl*nfcKlUlmi^fl ^ sOTlH. ( viii. 4 )— Roth refers to
Ait. Br. ii- 4 where the passage is found in exactly the
form in which Yaska quotes it. It occurs besides in Kaus.
x. 3- 2- in the same form.

32. en?faT % W^rr wfcu zi&mi %fa ^ siifluiijjviii. 22)—
Not traced.

33. a^iRl % si4Mi4&4k444Hl f^f ^ WWH. ( viii 22 )— The
Satapatha Br. i. 3. 2. 9 has only g^f% fl^jMl: and that
more than once.

48 Oune : Brahmana -quotations

34. w& 1 5JTOT Wts^WT ^fcf ^ sllflui^ (viii. 22)— The
Bibl. Ind. edition reads q^R: before 3^4 Mi: which is hardly-
likely according to the context. The first part ^#%W-
5TT: is found in Kaus. Br. iii. 4 ; also Sat. Br. i. 3- 2. 8, where
Wtf$\ f| W^rr: is the reading. Mait. ;Sarh. 1. 4. 12 has first
part only.

35. q^riw^rr: tRitrsg^MT: ^r ^ mm*{ (i«. 22)— The
first part only in Kaus. Br. iii. 4.

36. sfmrl sri^tt: stmt k sf^Mi ^fa ^ ?<i^ui^ (viii. 22)-The
Bibl. Ind. edition reads 3TWT before sh^mi: which would
be in accordance with the Kaus. Br. vii. 1 and x. 3. The
Ait. Br. seems to combine the two expressions into the one
5TMT 5f SWMl«j<W*ii: (i. 17). At Ait. Br.i. 11 there is another simi-
lar sentence — snwl iMMl: srsn'sg^Tjn': differing in the latter
part only. The Sat. Br. has the whole passage with 3HR1T:
for sm\: before 3f«j<i|Mi: (xi. 2- 7. 27).

37. BTRTTT^^MI 3TTc?TT^T5H«i^Nl ^%^sH^u|^ (viii. 22) — The
Bibl. Ind. edition reads 5T5TT: before ar^qr^rT: while in the Tait.
Sam. vi. 1. 5. 4 the passage runs thus — 3TW% HM\M\: sraTS^^TT:
which is in accordance with the Bibl. Ind. edition of the
Nirukta ; only, in the latter part we have a Sarhdhi srsrTS^-
3jT*TT: and a long 3;.

38. 3^r \sr& ff^rd wm ^m ^to^hR^ftfa ^ i%pj%
(viii- 22) — This is to be seen in the Gopatha Brahmana ii- 3. 4
as follows—^ ^rc!T^ ^.RJkW W^ ^t WRR *WF^ W W*K !
only, the verb in the Nirukta passage appears in the Brah-
mana as a participle and vice versa. The idea and the
words are however quite the same. In the Ait. Br. iii. 8
the passage occurs in exactly the same form as in the
Nirukta except the word fR^T.

39. 35 Sr $8$wctfTi£^«wwfcKi z&fr ^i^^M^H^ <rd%3t-
fa =3 stl^lH. (ix. 20)— In Satapatha Br. vii. 5- 1. 22 we read
35 $ ?rf%fil d&W^< f % d^tfft^M^t *Ktm, etc.

40. <4<H4t1s&*M ^rtftfa +I6*H. ( x- 5 )— Not traced.

41. q^l^R^T ^c#rfc[ flttsW'*^ (x. 5)— Identical with
Tait. Sam. i. 5, 1. 1. ^tf^p^^^ftqffij SIFjTnft": says Durga,

Gune: Brahmana^juotatlons 49

These are highly suspicious passages. Because when Yaska
quotes from the two Samhitas he always says ^ffq f?Frct
*rafrf and does not at all give the names of them. In the
case of quotations from Brahmanas, he never mentions
them by the Sakha to which they belong, but simply in a
general way, as said above.

42. ^zffi %M: *^4^R'^<HI%f^ f^fR% (x- 8) — Not traced.

43. aiif^jl ^&r ^THf: ( xi. 23 ) — Not traced-

44. 3TT <3jtf qi'J^l^l ^TS^JTf^ffrRT *TT*T%fcr%Fqft (xi- 29)—
Durga rightly says sH4VJl^4l£<PcT, thus paraphrasing ^f% f^lT-
q% and recognising that this was another way of indicat-
ing a Brahmana quotation. Roth has identified the quota-
tion as from the Ait. Br. vii. 11. It is found also in the
Sadvimsa Br. iv- 6. in exactly the same form ; and in the
Gopatha Brahmana ii- 1- 10.

45. 3fT <#WMI*UI *TT RlWfaHsJl qtrffl W ffftfcT %FJcr (xi- 31)—
Identified by Roth, Ait. Br. vii- 11. This also occurs in
exactly the same form in Sad. Br. iv, 6 and in Gopatha
Br. ii- 1. 10.

46. 3%TT *£?? MP-^ctfl^M fltt JMNcW) ^r f% ^ sll^VIH, (xii. 8)-
For the fable or legend contained in this quotation Roth
refers to Ait. Br. iv- 7— M^mRil ^TRT *l| <|f|cR 9R^53£T? *n%ff
etc. But in the Kaus. Br. it occurs in a form which is
more akin to our quotation, than the Ait. Br. 3^r ^ ^ cR^T-
focTT q$ U\q^S\H\M *# ( xviii. 1 ).

47. 3T<^TTr: *tt%( f% M&*Wiyi3| %rq^ (xii- 13)— Roth has
referred to Vaj. Sam. xxiv- 1 to 40 which is so to say a
catalogue or collection of the names of beasts. Compare
also Vaj. Sam- xxii- 59 ; Tait. Sam- v- 5- 22- 1.

48. a»4>4l$- srrffo ^[ q^wraT% %rq% (xxi. 13)— Vaj. Sam.
xxiv- 35. ; Tait. Sam. v. 5- 18- 1 ; Mait. Sam- iii. 14- 15 and
175. 9-

49. srfllsw^if^pift ft^qftfcf =q mw^l ( *"• 14 )— According
to Roth this legend is referred to in the Sat. Br. But it is
Kaus. Br. vi. 13 that contains this passage as in the Nirukta-
only the woTdstrf^T is not in the same sentence — and is evi-

7 [ Bhandarkar Cora. Vol. ]

50 Gune : Brahmana-quotations

dently the source of our quotation. The Gopatha Br. also
has the legend, but not in these words — ^ [ srsfFTfrt: ] sffRwn"-

cTST ^: q^cTTlWKI^^ <t *TT ^fct (ii- 1. 2). The same legend
is found in the Satapatha thus — cf ^^IMH^fsrw ^l^fiHI^
MR^W <T£*T: JIlRMfa <^TTg^f *rf^eqf^j ^rrRT 5^FRT 3TTCfcrRT

fftU 7.4. 6).

50. arfa: H&<l^tWld^!ftl4^fa^ sllflui^(xii. 41)— Iden- .
tified by Eoth, Ait Br. i. 16. In Tait- Sam. this is found as
3T/^: M^<l*f)rMI<4*i-d v. 7. 26. 1, without the words cWT^rt.

51. 3f^m^5^^iq^^^:qpf5zpi^i^%sl%g^r

^^IWlT^Fir 3*pff *m q^T 2TT ^ %Ht qT ^ fl^fTWTfJr% (xiii- 9)—
Mait. Sam 1. 11. 5 has it with insignificant verbal changes
as follows : — no tt^ after vg, d/Mlfa between sftM and q^jg, ^1%
for ^pft, no 3Trf^ after f^f%, sfTfFt ??J^: for sfTfl^nj etc., and
lastly W% ^ ^T ^ for an ^f ^MIH. etc. It is too much to say
that this may be an inaccurate quotation ; presumably it
is from another recension.

52. tJ35^N53^q«l<Ji ^ fatf ilfclJldlfit ^ sH^«lH.(xiii. 10)—
This is taken from the Kaus. Br. vi. 12.

These quotations show us that Yaska knew most of
the — one is tempted to say almost all the — Brahmanas.
His very words sr^*n%3T^tft sll^llPi *rcfel (vii- 24) point to the
same fact- More precisely, we can say that he knew the
two Brahmanas of the Rgveda, viz- the Aitareya and the
Kausitaki (nos- 4, 46, 49, speak expressly for the latter), the
Brahmanas — where they exist apart from their Samhitas —
of the Yajurveda,most probably the Pancavirhsa or Tandya
and the Sadvimsa Brahmana of the Samaveda, and the Go-
patha Brahmana of the Atharvaveda- Nos- 9, 19, and 38
above specifically point to the Gopatha Brahmana as
their source. See also Keith, Veda of Black Yajus School
Translated, p- clxx, where he makes so much of the non-
occurrence of the words Yajur va in Ait- Br- i- 4, upon
which Nirukta i- 16 appears to be based- The Nirukta

Gune : Brahmaria-quotations 51

indeed agrees with the Gopatha vii. 6 (see supra) in say-
ing Rgyajur va abhivadati, but all the Nirukta Mss. do not
contain the words Yajur va-1 The Gopatha no doubt is a
late Brahmana ; its style shows it. Its first sentence s^
I ^T ^R5T 3TRftc^ reads like the opening of an Upanisad.
It is, as Keith says, probably of composite redaction- But
that affects neither our position nor the date of Yaska,
which is as unsettled as any thing can be-

Yaska, himself a Yajurvedl, quotes from the various
Samhitas of that Veda- He draws mostly upon Taittiriya
and Maitrayani Samhitas, and presumably upon the
Kathaka Samhita, which unfortunately is not yet avail-
able to scholars in its entirety for verification. It is not
true to say therefore, as Keith does, that many parallels
to the Taittiriya Samhita look like inaccurate quotations
from it- Of inaccuracy there can be no question, until we
prove it by facts and figures. Presumably they are quota-
tions from other recensions not yet wholly available to us-

Lastly we have to consider certain passages from the
third Khanda of the ^dsll$I,Jl, that are identical with some
passages in the seventh Adhyaya of the Nirukta- The
passages in question are — 1 3T«TRTT ft«hMH. 2 mvffi JTPTcT:

fSSPS ^T^felM 7 3^«-J«*it*Fn^ 8 3T^t%fcT f 9n%Ffl{ 9 fW^FF
QcAcNlfcl^l: 10 ftMll&wQl^lMft+H. 11 f^ft ifc^fe+jfa: 12 %fi|
R<W,JllQ;<M«iigT 13 qfrfj: qflj^t m^jh^i 14 flp>gq^*f ^tkw^i 15 ^jt
3 %fl ^Irjl'to 3^t Wifo 16 %g^R^T SatoWk&MltyWi 17 5m<fr

This corresponds, with very slight verbal changes and
a few omissions, to Nirukta vii- 12- The order there is
*TRr=fr, 3f&r% ^%, zfzFWL., ffcfr, 'tf%>v %!% ^PRfr. t%t^ and ftyflfcHi;
while the order in the above passage is M\Mz{\, sfal^, *%$%
3^5^, fqtff&ST, f|cfr, %T^, 4%:, ^5^ and snrcfi*. I shall now
quote the Nirukta passage without further conments,

1 My friend Prof. Raj-wade who is editing the Nirukta for the
Anandashram Series tells me that one of his best Mss. omits the words
Yajur va.

52 Gune : Brahmana-quotations

because the similarity is too obvious to be specially pointed
out— *TR^r Trq%: ^M^^^TiTT ^r %r{tcn TTrsmT ffg-T^HdRfi ^

qf%: q^q^T I f^q^R^rH'-KI I %\ % T%cTT snrfafcw 3^1%15^^l^T

#*pftft ^t 1 2r^f^r*mfS^w%^5,<^rfrf %rq% vii. 12 ^Tcfr *rtcw

%lTWgr f^<Mr|lcH1iyfl^J T%rqvTT^TT^T fepi^'i^I I fwf^W^-
3TPTW^ I fqq>fw q^^fcTWT: vii. 13-

In the Nimikta this derivation of metres belonging to
different gods ( arf^frfftf^ etc.) is quite in place. But what
is their place in the Brahmana of the Samaveda? As
the name of the Brahmana in question shows, it has
to do with deities of the various songs in that Veda-
In the beginning of his commentary on that Brahmana
Sayana rightly observes— ^TT^ *TT5ft f^R^T ^TTT*nTHR
<TT t^l«jsw*ci. And at the end of the first sentence of
the Brahmana ' 3TT%f^: wqfcj: *taTT «Kj«IWWT«K*J: <$TT «KHcfl-
^T?ft ' he says ' v$j: <HlJ-$c|dT 5% 3fa:- ' In the first Khanda,
the deities of the songs are given ; in the second Khanda
after describing the 'colours' of the various metres,
their deities are given- This really ought to close the
Brahmana ; but here follows the third Khanda, the greater
part of which we have quoted above. Here, as usual,
Sayana has his introductory remarks and he almost
apologetically observes— 3&[ wW-^mi W^J 3>*HiWsH ^P*R
f^f^T R^if^prff 5rT%jn5?IcF — now, after having mentioned the
metres upon which the songs depend he incidentally
wishes to show their derivation, and begins. The word
iktsM is important as showing how Sayana has to invent
an excuse- Derivation is, indeed, not an uncommon
phenomenon in the Brahmanas ; but it is never indulged
in for its own sake- We find for instance the names of
deities, or songs derived, but only as a corroboration of the
function or viniyoga that is mentioned- And nowhere do we
find a continuous string of derivations as in this Brah-
mana- Again a Brahmana quoting from another Brahmana
for corroboration is a phenomenon that I have not found in

Gune : Brahmana-quotations 53

the other extant Brahmanas- Words like tf^Tl^ ^T^FT^ that
one often meets with in the Ait. Br., for instance, mean
something like 3Fira Tg® or cRgTrfit f^f^t^T: etc- They do not
refer to a Brahmana in the sense of a theological work.
We have therefore no hesitation in saying that the whole
of the third Khanda of the Daivata Brahmana is an imita-
tion of the Nirukta and quite out of place in the Brahmana-
Some few quotations have necessarily remained un-
verified, but it is hoped that, as more Samhita and Brah-
mana texts are discovered and printed, these may also be
traced.

SOME AVESTAN TRANSLATIONS
BY J. H. MOULTON

I have essayed a hard task in trying to put some typi-
cal Gatha extracts into English verse. But I have
some hope that they may become a little easier in this
form. Of Professor Mills's version ( in Sacred Books of the
East) it has been too truly said that the English needs the
help of the original to be intelligible. My own prose in
Hibbert Lectures on " Early Zoroastrianism " is I hope less
difficult, and it embodies Bartholomae's researches, which
were not available for my predecessor. But the use of
rhythm and rime, and a greater freedom in rendering, may
make the impression of the Hymns a little truer.

We have to remember that Zarathushtra was not
writing poetry for poetry's sake. The verse form was
mainly intended as a help to memory. If therefore the
English version has little claim to be poetry, the translator
may fairly claim that he had no right to put into his
original what was not there. Only an Edward Fitz-Gerald
may do that !

The selection in the first two cases was dictated by
the striking character of the contents, in which the very
greatness of the Prophet's theme lifted his verse into
poetry. To quote my own words (Early Religious Poetry
of Persia, p. 84 ) —

" Versified summaries of the most eloquent sermons, composed to help
the faithful to retain their essence in the memory, have almost as little
chance of rising into literature as the mnemonic stanzas by which at
school we painfully acquired the mysteries of Latin genders. ' Almost ' —
for after all the Prophet was in deadly earnest, and he preached on great
themes, and spiritual fervour can make literature malgrd lui, even under
such unfavourable surroundings."

Yasna 81. 1-8

1. Mindful of a heavenly calling, we

the words of Truth assert —
Hard the words, when Falsehood's followers
Right's domain conspire to hurt,

56 Moulton: Avestan Translations

Welcome words, when to the Wisest men

their willing mind convert.

2. Since, for all this truthful teaching, souls

to higher things are blind,
Come I to you, good and evil, judge

by Mazdah's will assigned,
Set to order life's renewal, that the Right

its way may find.

3. Tell us, Wisest, let us know it — be the word

from thine own tongue,
By thy Fire and by thy Spirit what thou

dealst to right and wrong,
What thy true decision tell me — to convert

mankind I long.

4. For the prayer to Right and Mazdah, and

whatever Lords there be,
Destiny and Duty invoking, Best Thought,

do thou seek for me
Heaven's All Might, for war with Falsehood,

so to win the victory.

5. Show me then, O Right, my portion, heaven-

ordained, that I may know,
Fixed my mind and wary ever, though men

grudge that it be so:

Tell what shall be, what shall not be ; Wisest

Lord, thy wisdom show.

6. He that as a man of knowledge hath the skill

true words to rede,
Heir of Utmost Good, that redes me Weal

and Life Indeed,
His the Wisest Lord's Dominion, which Good
Thought for him shall speed.

7. His the primal thought, ordaining " Let the

blest worlds teem with Light. "

Moulton: Avestan Translations 57

His the craftsman hand that stablished,

Wisest Lord, the heavenly Right.

Changeless aye Thy Spirit, enriching homes

for Goodness in the height.

8. Thee as First, Thee Last — my soul's grasp

fastened on the mystery ;
Father of Good Thought, Thou earnest to the

seeing of mine eye ;
Author sole of Right, Thou judgest deeds

of our mortality.

Yasna 44. 1-5

1. This I ask thee — tell me truly, tell me

duly, Holy Lord —
How to worship with a service worthy

thee, O King adored.
Teach me, Wise One, as the heavenly may

the earthly, as to friend

Friend may speak — so may the kindly Right

its timely succour bring,

And with heaven's Good Thought to reward

in its gracious power descend.

2. Tell me duly, tell me truly as I pray,

O Holy King:
When the Highest Life is dawning, at thy

Kingdom's opening,
Shall the dooms of heaven's tribunal give

to every man his due ?
Surely he, the holy prophet, to his watchful

soul doth lay
All men's sin, yet ever friendly doth

the worlds of life renew.

3. This I ask thee— tell me truly, tell me duly

as I pray :
Who the Sire from whose begetting Right

was on Creation Day?
8 [ Bhandarkar Com. Voj i

58 Moulton: Avestan Translations

Who their several paths appointed where

the Sun and Stars should go ?
By whose power is yon Moon waning, by that

power once more to wane ?
These things, Wisest, I am yearning, these
and more beside, to know.

4. This I ask thee, Lord of Wisdom — truly

make the mystery plain :
Who this world beneath, above us, safe

from falling did sustain,
Nether Earth and vault of Heaven? Who

the Waters hath upborne,
Who the Plant-world ? Who yoked swiftness

to the clouds and to the wind,

Who is he, O Wise Creator, from whose soul

Good Thought was born ?

5. Tell me truly as I ask thee — Lord,

illuminate my mind :
Light and Darkness, who hath made them ?

Who such wondrous skill might find ?
Who the hours of sleep and waking hath

ordained with wisest skill,
Dawn of day, and noon's refreshment, and

the late approach of eve,
Set to call the man of knowledge hests of

duty to fulfil ?

The next specimen, a complete hymn, is given to
illustrate the humbler purpose of the Gathas. Yasna 47,
the opening hymn of the Oatha Spenta-mainyu, is a very
palpable verse summary. In the little book just quoted
(pp. 108 f.) I have noted that the hymn is almost a
neophyte's first lesson, bringing together a maximum of
characteristic terms. Note how in the first stanza we have
all the six leading ahuras (Amesha Spenta), the triad of
Thought, Word and Deed, and the Holy (Kindly) Spirit.
Later we have the Ox and the Fire, and the Demon world
represented by 111 Thought and Falsehood ( Draj ). There

Moulton: Avestan Translations 59

is also the technical (and much disputed) word ranoibya',
"the two parties", followers respectively of Asha and Druj,
to whom falls the vanghau vidaiti, "partition in good", i.e.
of good and evil severally.

Yasna 47

1. By his kind Spirit, by Best Thought and Deed
And Word, with Right, the Wise Lord gives his meed
Through Power and Piety — Weal and Life Indeed.

2. This kindliest Spirit's Best doth one fulfil

With tongue by Goodness' words, with hand by will
Of Piety's lore : — Mazdah Right's sire is still.

3. Blest Father of the Spirit that hath made
Luck-bearing cattle, and their peaceful glade

By the kind Mother, through the Good Thought's aid.

4. From this have fallen the lovers of the Lie,
Not so the Right's men. Rich or poor, may I
To these show love, to those show enmity.

5. Thy promised Best, by this kind Spirit due
To men of Right — Lord, is't thy will a crew
Of Liars enjoy it, 111 Thought's comrades true?

6. Through this kind Spirit, Lord, and by thy Fire,
With Right and Piety, thou giv'st both their hire —
Sure this shall turn all that the Truth desire !

Last come the three specially sacred formulaB, of which
only the third is even partially a "prayer" in the usual
sense : the first two are rather creeds. I have represented
the translation defended in my Early Zoroastrianism, pp.
160f. and 390. The third, as I read it, is a rallying-cry to
the people. The Ahuna Vairya is a declaration that Zara-
thushtra is Teacher in this life, and judge in the Hereafter
by Asha's appointment : he will offer to Mazdah the treasure
of his faithful people's merits, which by their outweighing
the counter-accumulation of 111 Thought will establish the

60 Moultan: Avestan Translations

Kingdom, the final victory of Good over Evil. This is done
by one whom Mazdah appointed (I take dadat as singular,
not plural) to be "shepherd" of the faithful "poor." The
Ashem Vohu is a concise play on two meanings of asa: he
who lives in accordance with "Right" gets his "rights" in
the end.

Ahuna Vairya

As here our chosen Master he,

By Right he there our Judge shall be.

Life-works that from Good Thought arise

He offers to the Only Wise,

To the great Lord his Kingdom sure

Who made him shepherd of the poor.

Asem Vohu

Right is the highest good, and so our rights
Meet heart's desire when Right

has reached its heights.

Aairydnia isyo

Hither come, dear Brotherhood,
Come to aid the people's good,
Zarathushtra's faithful men,
Faithful women, and again
Goodness' self. What soul doth light,
On the precious meed of Right,
( Rise, my prayer, to the Wise Lord ),
Grant him thine own blest Reward.

By way of foil, I append a translation from the Later
Avesta, a very much easier matter. I have translated a
good many more striking passages in Early Religious Poetry ,
chap. ix. I now select the first part of the Horn Yasht
( Ys. 9. 1-15 ), the verse of which is preserved throughout,
though very haltingly in the last section, where the subject
changes from Aryan folklore to Magian ritual : probably
this is connected with later date, and a period when the
language was archaic and the prosody largely lost. I have
not attempted to mend the metre there, but in the earlier

Moulton: Avestan Translations 6l

cantos I have sometimes struck out apparent glosses, bo as
to make the lines scan.

To Haoma ( Ys. 9 )

1. At the hour of due libation,
Haoma came to Zarathushtra,
Busily the fire attending,

While the holy Hymns he chanted.
Of him then asked Zarathushtra :
" Who art thou, O man ? for never,
Never in the world of matter,
Or in that self-dowered existence,
Deathless, sunny, saw I fairer. "

2. Then to me he made an answer,
Haoma, holy, death-averter:

M Zarathushtra, I am Haoma,
Haoma, holy, death-averter.
Call me to thee, O Spitama,
Press me, ready for the drinking ;
Praise me, with what praise the Saviours
Of the coming age shall utter.*

3. Then made answer Zarathushtra : *
" What man first, O glorious Haoma,
Pressed thee for the world material ?
What the boon by him achieved ?
What the guerdon that befel him ?

4. Then to me he made an"answer,
Haoma, holy, death-averter :

" 'Twas Vivahvant, first of mortals.
This the boon by him achieved,
This the guerdon that befel him :
To him was a son begotten,
Yima of fair flocks, all-shining.
Never mortal born had glory
Like to his, whose face was sunlight.
For he made through his dominion,

62 Moulton: Avestan Translatioiis

Men and cattle all unfading.
Plants and waters drought-defying,
Food to eat imperishable.

5. In swift Yima's great dominion
Neither winter was nor summer,
Neither age nor death befel them,
Neither sickness (?) demon-given.
Fifteen years in age — so seemed it —
Son and father walked together.*
While he reigned, of fair flocks shepherd,
Son of Vivahvant, great Yima."

[ 6 and 7 = 3 and 4. Athwya was the second.]
To him was a son begotten
Of a noble house, Thraetaona.

8. He the Serpent slew, Dahaka,
Triple-jawed and triple-headed,
Six-eyed, thousand-powered in mischief,
Falsehood-demon very mighty,
False, a pest to all creation.
Him the mightiest fiend of falsehood
Angra Mainyu's self had fashioned,
To material creation
Foe, for death of Asha's creatures.

[9 and 10 = 3 and 4.]

10. Thrita was the third to press me*
Thrita, strongest of the Samas.
This the boon.by him achieved,
This the guerdon that befel him:
To him were two sons begotten,
Urvakshaya, Keresaspa —

One a Judge, just dooms to issue,
But the other, wonder-worker,
Curly-headed, young, club-bearer,

11. He that smote the Horned Serpent,
Horse and man alike engulfing,

Moulton: Avestan Translations 63

Belching poison, yellow-sicklied :

Flowed the yellow poison o'er him,

Fathom deep, a flood of mischief.

On his back did Keresaspa

Boil him flesh in iron caldron

At the noon-day hour of eating.

Then the ill beast, scorched and sweltering,

Shot away beneath the caldron,

Spilled away the seething water.

Headlong fled away affrighted

Manly-minded Keresaspa.

[12 and 13 = 3 and 4]

Pourushaspa fourth of mortals
Pressed me for the world material.
This the boon by him achieved,
This the guerdon that befel him,
That to him wert thou begotten,
Even thou, O Zarathushtra,
Of the house of Pourushaspa,
Foe to fiends, the Good Law's champion.

14. Famous thou in Aryan country,
First of men, O Zarathushtra,
First to chant Ahuna Vairya*
Four times, with the ordered pauses,
Stressed the second half in utterance.

15. All the demons, Zarathushtra,

Thou hast driven in earth to hide them :
Erstwhile bold, in guise of mortals,
Round about this earth they wandered.
Thou the strongest, thou most vigorous,
Thou the keenest, thou the swiftest,
Thou the mightiest victor ever
That the spirits Twain have fashioned.

One or two notes may be appended on the lines marked with*.
2. Aparacit is a gloss, due to ignorance that SaoSyanto in a future
already and does not need:the adjective.

64 Moulton: Avestan Translations

3. Namo Haomai is extra metrum, if not to be simply omitted.

5. Katarascit is a gloss, which adds nothing to the sense.

10. Since there is no reason why the formula should be always
identical, we may drop astvai8yai gaedyai this time, and so restore the
metre.

14. Since the Ahuna Vairya is essentially a declaration of spiritual
allegiance to Zarathushtra as "shepherd of the poor," there is consider-
able naivett in the great discovery here assigned him. It is perhaps
contributory evidence for a thesis otherwise probable, that when the
Yasht was composed the formula was already unintelligible.

HUNAS IN AVESTA AND PAHLAVI

By J. J. MODI

fFHE writer of the article on the Huns in the Encyclo-
•*- paedia Brittanica1 says that the authentic history of
the Huns in Europe practically begins about the year A. D.
372, when Balamir or Balambir led a westward movement
from their settlements in the steppes on the north of the
Caspian sea. A side issue of this movement was the down-
fall of the Gupta dynasty in India, regarding which Mr.
Vincent Smith2 in his History of India says —

The Golden age of the Guptas comprised a period of a century
and a quarter ( A. D. 330-455 ), covered by three reigns of except-
ional length. The death of Kumaragupta I, which can be fixed
definitely as having occurred early in 455, marks the beginning of

the decline and fall of the empire When Skandagupta ( 455-

480 A. D. ) came to the throne, in the spring of 455, he encountered
a sea of troubles. The Pusyamitra danger had been averted, but
one more formidable closely followed it— an irruption of the savage
Huns, who had poured down from the steppes of Central Asia
through the north-western passes, and carried devastation over
the smiling plains and crowded cities of India. Skandagupta, who
probably was a man of mature years and ripe experience, proved
equal to the need, and inflicted upon the barbarians a defeat so
decisive that India was saved for a time.

The Bhitari3 stone pillar inscription of Skandagupta takes
a note of this victory over the Huns.4

Then there were fresh inroads between A.D. 465 and 470.
Skandagupta was succeeded on the throne by his son
Puragupta (480-485), who was succeeded by his son Nar-
simhagupta Baladitya. In or about 484, there were other
stronger and further inroads of the Huns under their king
Toramana, who had established himself in Malwa ( 500 to

1 Ninth Ed. Vol. XII. p. 381. 2 Third Edition (1914) pp. 308 ff.

3 A village in the Sayyidpur Tahsil of the Ghazipur district in the
N. W. Provinces.

4 Corpus Inscriptionum Indicarum, Vol. Ill, Inscriptions of the
Early Gupta kings and their successors, by John Faithful Fleet, (1888),
Inscription No. 13, Plate VII, pp. 52-56.

9 [Bhandarkar Com. Vol.]

66 Modi : Hunas in Avesta

510). This Toramana was succeeded by Mihiragula or
Mihirkula.

The above-mentioned Baladitya was the king of Maga-
dha at this time and Yasodharman (Vikramaditya) was
the ruler of Malwa in Central India. Round the names of
these two kings there rages a conflict of opinions among
scholars, as to which of these two Rajas, defeated Mihir-
kula and put an end to the Huna supremacy in India.
Dr. Rudolf Hoernle1 says it was Yasodharman. He rests
for his authority on epigraphical, numismatic, and literary
evidence, of which the first is the most important. The
inscriptions of Yasodharman on his two rana-stambhas or
44 Columns of Victory in War," commemorate this victory.2
The second column, which is much mutilated, is, as it
were, a duplicate. Mr. Vincent Smith,3 on the other hand,
advocates, that it was Baladitya who defeated the Huna
king. He rests for his authority on the statement of the
Chinese traveller Hiuen Tsang4 who represents Baladitya
as defeating Mihirkula.

This question has been also indirectly touched by
Professor K. B. Pathak6 and BabuManmohanChakravarti.0
In the solution of this question, the Persian history of the
Sassanian times has also been appealed to. I do not wish
to enter into the controversy, but simply say that, on
weighing the arguments on both sides, I am inclined to
believe that the credit of the defeat of the Huns belongs to
Yasodharman. The authority of the Chinese traveller is
second-hand and late. His statement that Mihirkula, the
Huna king who is the hero of this controversy, lived 'some
centuries ago' 7 should make one pause before taking him

1 Journal, Royal Asiatic Society, 1909, pp. 88-144.

2 Fleet's Gupta Inscriptions, No. 33 and 34, pp. 142-50.

3 History ot India, 3rd edition (1914) pp. 318-21.

4 Si-yu-ki, Buddhist Records of the Western World, by Samuel Beal
Vol. I, (1884) pp. 165-71.

5 Journal, B. B. R. A. Society, Vol. XIX, pp. 35-43.

6 Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society for 1903, pp. 183-86.

7 Beal's Buddhist Records, Vol. I, p. 169,

Modi : Hunas in Avesia 6?

as an authority. By that statement, he carries the date
of Baladitya also ' some centuries ago/ which is against
chronological facts. Thus, the authority of a pilgrim-
traveller who speaks in later times, and that on second-hand
hearsay information, and whose statement on the fact of the
date of a king is incorrect, must be set aside, when placed
by the side of the contemporary evidence of the inscrip-
tions of the king who claims the victory. If Yasodharman
had not been the real victor, he would not have dared to
get that inscription put up. He ran the risk of being taken
for a braggart or a boaster by his contemporaries, — princes
and peasants alike. The court-poet, while preparing the
inscription verses, may praise the king and even make a
god of him if he liked, but he would not dare, and his royal
patron himself would not allow him to dare, to attribute
to the king, in the inscription, a feat or a deed which the
king did not do. Exaggeration in praise is one thing but
a false statement is another thing. The latter would lower
the king in the esteem of his people who knew all the con-
temporary events.

The above Hun kings, Toramana and Mihirkula,
speak of themselves on their coins, as " Shahi " kings. We
learn from Firdousi, that the king of the Haetalite Huns,
who helped Firuz, was spoken of as the Shah of Haital.1
He is also spoken of as the Chagani Shahi.2 So, I think,
the term " Shahi," used by the Hun kings of India, refers
to the title which they had assumed, and that the Huns
who settled in India were of the same tribe as those who
invaded Persia.

Though the above historical references and the epi-
graphical evidence speak of the inroads of the Huns in the
5th and 6th centuries after Christ, looking to the history
of this great nation of the Huns, who had a running his-
tory of about 2000 years, it appears, that there were in-
roads of these people in times much anterior to these later
times of the Guptas. According to M. Deguignes the his-

1 Mecan's Calcutta edition of the Shah-naraeh, Vol. III. p. 1589.

2 Ibid.

68 Modi : Hunas in Avesta

tory of the Huns is the history " of a nation almost ignored
which established at different times powerful monarchies
in Asia, Europe and Africa. The Huns, who, later, bore
the name of 'Turks', natives of a country situated in the
North of China, between the rivers Irtush and Amur, made
themselves, by degrees, masters of the whole of the great
Tartary. Since 200 B. C. several royal families have suc-
cessively reigned in their vast countries. They had em-
pires more extensive than that of Rome, some illustrious
emperors, some legislators and conquerors, who have given
rise to considerable evolutions."1 The Huns in their long
history of about 2000 years, and in their distant marches of
more than 2000 miles, one way or another in the East or
in the West, in the North or in the South, were known
under a dozen different names at different times and
different places.

The history of Persia, the history which one may per-
haps like to call comparatively the pre-historic history of
Persia, points to the existence of the Huns centuries before
Christ. The Avesta writings clearly show this. These
writings show that the name of the Huns, by which these
people are known, is a very old name of times long ante-
rior to Christ ; and this further confirms the views of M.
Deguignes in the matter.

The Huns are spoken of in the Avesta as the Hunus.
"We find the following references to them.

I- We read thus in the Aban Yasht —

(53) Tarn Yazata takhmo Tuso rathaestaro baresae-
su paiti aspanarh zavare jaidhyanto hitaeibyo drava-
tatem tanubyo pouru-spakhstim tbisayantam paiti-jaitlm
dusmainyavanam hathranivaitim hamerethenam aurva-
thanam tbisyantarh. (54) Aat him jaidhyat avat aiya-
pteam dazdi me vanguhi seviste Ardvlsura anahite yat
bavani aiwi-vanyau aurva Hunavu vacskaya upa dvarem

1 I give my own translation from "Histoire Generate des Huns, des
Turcs, des Moguls, et des autres Tartares, occidentaux etc., avant et
depuis Jesus Christ jusqu'a present," par M. Deguignes (1756), Tome I,
fartie I, Preface, p. V.

Modi: Hunas in Avesta 69

khsathrosaokem apanotemem kanghaya berezantya asa-
vanaya yatha azem nijanani Tuiryanam dakhyunam pan-
casagnai satagnaisca satagnai hazangragnaisca hazangra-
gnai baevaregnaisca baevaregnai ahankhstagnaisca. (55)
Dathat ahmai tat avat ayaptem Ardvisura anahita
hadha zaothro barai aredrai yazemnai jaidhyantai dathris
ayaptem.

Translation: — (53) The brave warrior Tusa invoked
her (Ardvisura) riding on horse-back and praying for
strength to his horses, strength to [his own] body, great
watchfulness over those who annoyed him, power to strike
his enemies, power to run down his foes, adversaries and
annoyers. (54) Then he asked of her: O good beneficient
holy Ardvisura ! give me this gift, that I may be the over-
comer of the brave Hunus of Vaesaka1 at the gate of the
lofty [fort of] Khsathrosaoka of the high and holy Kanga2,
[and] that I may kill the fifties and the hundreds, the
hundreds and the thousands, the thousands and the ten-
thousands [and] the ten-thousands and the innumerables of
[the people of] the country of Turan. (55) Holy Ardvisura
granted the desire of him who carried offerings, gave gifts,
made invocations [and] sought the fulfilment of desires.

II. We further read in the Aban Yasht :
(57) Tarn yazenta aurva Hunavo Vaeskaya upa dvarem
khsathro-saokem apanotemem Kanghaya berezantya asava-
naya satee aspanam arsnarh hazangre gavam baevare anu-
mayanam. (58) Aat him jaidhyen avat ayaptem dazdi
no vanguhi seviste Ardvisura anahite yat bavama aiwi-
vanyau takhmem Tusem rathaestarem yatha vaem nija-
nama airyanam dakhyunam pancasagnai satagnaisca
satagnai hazangragnaisca hazangragnai baevaregnaisca

1 Dr. West is wrong In translating "Hunavo Vaeskaya" as the
"Hunus in Vaeska " and thus taking Vaeska to be the name of a place
( Legends relating to Keresasp, Pahlavi Texts, Part II, S. B. E. xvm,
p. 371, n. 4).

2 Firdousi places the fortress of Kang (Kangdez) at about a month's
distance from China. Macoudi (II, p. 131, ch» 21) also places it (Kenke-
der) in China.

70 Modi: Hunas in Avesta

baevaregnai ahankhstagnaisca. (59) Noit aMbyascit dathat
tat avat ayaptem Ardvisura anahita.

Translation: — (57) The brave Hunus of Vaesaka in-
voked her (Ardvisura) at the gate of the lofty [fort of]
Khsathrosaoka of the high and holy Kanga, with one hun-
dred horses, one thousand oxen, [and] ten thousand lambs.
(58) Then [thus invoking] they asked of her: "O good
beneficient holy Ardvisura ! give us this gift ; that we may
be the overcomers of the brave warrior Tusa [and] that we
may kill the fifties and the hundreds, the hundreds and the
thousands, the thousands and the ten-thousands, [and] the
ten-thousands and the innumerables of [the people of] the
country of Iran." (59) Holy Ardvisura did not grant this
gift to them.

We gather the following facts from the above passages
of the Aban Yasht on the Hunus : (1) Vaesaka was one of
the brave leaders, or rather the family of the leaders, of
the Hunus. This Vaesaka of the Avesta seems to be the
same as Visak of the Pahlavi Bundehesh ( chap, xxxi,
16, 17)/ one of the ancestors of the Turanians, an uncle of
Afrasiab2 and the father of Piran, the Turanian Nestor.
He is the Viseh of Firdousi's Shah-nameh. (2) An Iranian
hero Tusa3 was a great enemy, or rather Tusa's family and
descendants were great enemies of Vaesaka or of Vaesaka's
family and descendants. We learn from Firdousi, the special
reason why these two families were so very hostile. In
the war between the Iranian Naodar the father of Tusa,
and the Turanian Afrasiab the nephew of Viseh, Barman,

1 Vide ray Bundehesh p. 169.

2 According to M. Gabriel Bonvalot, travellers are, even now,
shown at Samarkand, a place known as that of the Cemetry of Aprosiab
(Afrasiab). The present ruins of Samarkand include the ruins of Afrasiab
and are known as the city of Afrasiab (Through the Heart of Asia by
M. Gabriel Bonvalot, translated from the French by Pitman, Vol. II,
pp. 7 and 31). For further particulars about him, vide my Dictionary of
Avesta Proper Names, p. 130. Vide also Tarikh-i-Rashid by Elias,
pp. 286-7.

3 It is this Tus that is said to have been the founder of the eity of
Tus, the birth-place of the great Firdousi Tousi.

Modi: Hunas in Avesta 71

a son of Viseh was killed. Naodar was killed by Afrasiab
in revenge.1 (3) The head-quarters of this Hun hero Vae-
saka and his tribe was, at that time, at a place called
Kanga, somewhere in Central Asia. It is the Kangdez, i. e.
the Fortress of Kang of the Shah-nameh. (4) The time of
this war between the Iranian Tus and the Turanian Hun
Vaesaka or Visa, was long anterior to that of king
Vistasp, who, according to later Pahlavi writers, lived, at
least, about seven centuries before Christ. Thus, we see
from the Avesta, that the Hunus or the Huns appear first
in history as fighting with the Iranians long before the
7th century before Christ-
Ill. The next reference to the Hunas in the Avesta is
in the Meher Yasht (x- 113) where we read as follows —

Tat no jamyat avanghe Mithra Ahura berezanta yat
berezembarat astravacim aspanamca srifa khsufsari astrau
kahyan jyau nivaithyan tigraungho astayo tadha Hunavo
gouru-zaothranam jata paithyaunti fra-varesa.

Translation: — May the great Mithra and Ahura come
to our help there where the weapons of war jingle (lit. raise
loud noise), the hoofs of horses rattle, the daggers clink,
[and] bows shoot forth sharp arrows. There [by the arrival
of Mithra and Ahura for assistance] the Hunus, the mala-
fide offerers of sacrifices, go about smitten and with dis-
hevelled hair.

The word Hunu in the Avesta also means a son. It is
used for bad or wicked sons. It is the Sanskrit sunu, Eng.
son. So, Darmesteter, Kavasji E. Kanga, Harlez, Spiegel
and others take the word here as a common noun in the
sense of 'sons' or 'descendants.' But, I think, there is
here a clear reference to the battles with the. Hunus or
Huns.

In the present passage there is an invocation to Mithra
and Ahura for help in the battle field, so that, with their
help, certain persons may be smitten. These persons, all the
translators take to be the descendants or sons {hunu) of some
evil-minded persons. I would ask : Why are Mithra and

1 Le Lme des Rois, par M. Mohl, V9I. I, p. 422.

72 Modi: Hunas in Avesta

Ahura invoked for smiting the children of the evil-doers
and not the evil-doers themselves? One cannot admit the
justice of such an invocation. So I submit that it is clear
that it is the evil-doers themselves, the Hunus, against
whom the invocation is made. We are not in a sure and
certain position to determine the time of this reference to
the Huns.

IV. We read as follows in the Jamyad Yasht about a
great Iranian hero Keresasp —

41. Y6 janat Hunavo yat pathanya nava Hunavas-
ca Nivikahe Hunavas ca Dastayanois.

Translation : — Who (Karesaspa) smote the Hunas, the
nine highway men, the Hunus of the Nivika, the Hunus of
the Dastaya tribe.

Other translators like Kanga, Darmesteter, Spiegel,
have taken the word Hunu, which occurs thrice in this
passage, as a common noun for 'sons or descendants.'
West1 and Harlez have taken the word in its first place,
as a proper noun for the Hunus, and in the next two
places, for common nouns. I think that it is a proper
noun in all the three places and refers to a fight with the
Hunus.

Harlez gives the following note over the word Hunus :
11 Personages legendaires inconnu. Les legendes recueillies
dans les Shahnameh parlent aussi de brigands tues par des
heros et de brigands au nombre de cinq ou sept."2

Harlez supposes this name to be legendary, but it
seems to be a reference to the Huns. The time of this
reference seems to be well-nigh the same as, or even a
little anterior to, that referred to in the Aban Yasht. The
Haoma Yasht (Yacna IX 6-13) places Keresasp's time
long before Zoroaster. The Aban Yasht (Yt. V, 37) places
his time somewhat before that of Afrasiab, the nephew of
the Vaesaka or Visa above referred to. The Ram Yasht
(Yt. XV, 27) also places him before Zoroaster.

1 Legends relating to Keresasp, Pahlavi Texts Part II, S. B. E.
Vol. XVIII, p. 370.

% Le Zend Avesta, p. 546, n. 5,

Modi : Hunas in Avesta 73

Keresasp was a great Iranian hero who is more than once
referred to in the Avesta. Some of his exploits are referred to
in the Zamyad Yasht. One of these exploits was, as said
above, that of smiting the Hunus. It seems that these exploits
were described at some length in the Sudgar Nask, one of
the lost books out of the twenty-one books of the Avesta
that are believed to have been extant at one time. Though
almost all the Nasks have been lost, we know from the
ninth book of the Dinkard what their contents were.
Similarly, we find therein, in brief, the contents of the
Sudgar Nask.1 In the contents of the fourteenth Fargard
Ad-fravakhsya we find the exploits of Keresasp. Therein,
we find that the above-mentioned exploit with the Huns,
referred to in the Zamyad Yasht, is described thus —

"When the Vesko progeny who (were descendants) of

Nivik [and] Dastanik [were] slain by him."2
Here in the Pahlavi passage, we do not find the word
Hunu repeated as in the Zamyad Yasht with the two proper
names Nivlka and Dastayana, i. e. the word for ' son, ' as
understood by the different translators, has not been given.
Dr. West has himself added the word 'descendants'
This fact seems to me to show that the word Hunu in
the Zamyad Yasht is used as a proper noun for the Hunus
or Huns in all the three places and not as a common noun
in the sense of ' sons. '

The Pahlavi legend is also preserved in the Pahlavi
Rivayet accompanying the Dadistan-i-Dini.3 Therein,

1 For the Pahlavi Text, vide Dinkard compiled by Mr. D. M. Madon,
Vol. II, pp. 802-803 and West's Dinkard (S. B. E. XXXVII, Pahlavi
Texts Pt. IV, pp. 197-99) Bk. IX, Ch. XV. Vide also West's legend re-
lating to Keresasp in the S. B. E. Vol. XVIII (Pahlavi Texts, Pt. II,
pp. 370-72). For the Persian rendering of the legend, vide the Saddar
Bundehesh (Chap. XX, pp. 86-92), edited by Ervad Boraanji N. Dhabhar.
For the translation of this Persian legend, vide Ervad Edalji Kersaspji
Antia's Paper "The Legend of Keresasp," in the Spiegel Memorial
Volume edited by me (pp. 93-98).

2 West S. B. E. XXXVII p. 198, XVIII, p. 372.

3 For the Text of this, vide "The Pahlavi Rivayet accompanying
the Dadistan-i-Dinlk, " edited by Ervad Bomanji N. Dhabhar (1913)
pp. 65 to 74, No. XVII.

10 [ Bhandarkar Cora. Vol.J

74 Modi: Hunas in Avesta

where the particular exploit of Kerasasp in connection
with the Hunus mentioned in the above passage of the
Zamyad Yasht is referred to, we do not find the name
Hunu but we find that the persons whom Kerpsasp
smote are spoken of only as raQd&r,1 i. e. highway men,
which is a Pahlavi equivalent of the Avesta 'Pathan.'

In the Persian Legend of Keresasp, which is the ren-
dering of the above Pahlavi Revayats, we find the word
rah-dar which is the same as Pahlavi ragdar.

These Pahlavi and Persian renderings of the original
exploit show, that the Hunus or Huns, with whom Keresasp
fought, were by profession, as it were, highway men. The
Avesta Zamyad Yasht, gives the number of their leaders
as nine (nava). The Pahlavi Revayat gives no number.
But the Persian Revayat has reduced the number to seven.

Now, what was the time of this fight of the Iranians
with the Huns referred to in the Zamyad Yasht? From
the fact that this war or battle was led by Keresasp, we
may properly conclude that it referred to times long ante-
rior to king Vistasp and Zoroaster, i. e. long anterior to
at least about B. C. 700.

V. The next references to the Huns are intheFarvardin
(xiii- 100) and Zamyad (xix- 86) Yashts, where we read
thus about king Vistasp (Gustasp) —

Y6 him statarh hitam haitim uzvazat haca Hunu-

iwyo.

Translation : — Who ( King Vistasp ) separated it ( i. e.
the Zoroastrian religion referred to in the preceding para),
strong holy-existing from [the influence of] the Hunus.

Darmesteter, Spiegel, Harlez and Haug very properly
take the word Hunu in this passage for a proper noun, but
Kanga takes it for a common noun.

In the Farvardin and Zamyad Yashts, king Vistasp
or Gustasp, the patron of Zoroaster and of the Zoroastrian
religion, is spoken of, as said above, as separating the re-
ligion of Iran from the influence of the Hunus. In the Gos

1 Ibid p. 69, i, 7.

Modi : Hunas in Avesta 75

Yasht1 Vistasp prays for overcoming eight foreign kings or

chiefs. Among them, one is Khyaona Arejataspa, who is

spoken of in the Pahlavi Aiyadgar-i-Zariran (Memoirs of

Zarir) as Arjasp-i-Khyonan Khudai2, i.e. Arjasp the king of

the Khyaonas. We find a similar prayer in the Asisvang

Yasht.3 Vistasp had to fight three wars with this Turanian

king Arjasp. Firdousi refers to these at some length. The

wars were due to the appearance of Zoroaster as a prophet

in the court of Vistasp. According to Firdousi, Zoroaster

advised his royal patron to free himself from the yoke and

influence of this Turanian king. So, taking the above

passage of the Farvardin Yasht in connection with the

passage of the Gos Yasht above referred to and with the

Pahlavi writing of the Aiyadgar, it seems that Arjasp the

Turanian with whom Vistasp fought, and his tribesmen

the Khyaonas, were all Huns.

From the passages of the Yashts, at least of the Far-
vardin and Zamyad Yashts, we find that the Hunus or
Huns lived in the time of king Vistasp and Zoroaster,
which, if not anterior to, was at least not later than, that
of the 7th century before Christ.

These Hunus seem to have belonged to the same group
of hostile tribes to which the Varedhakas and the Khyao-
nas belonged. King Vistasp, the patron king of Zoroaster,
who is represented as opposing the Hunus* is also repre-
sented as opposing the Varedhakas5 and the Khyaonas.6
According to Darmesteter, the Varedhakas referred
to in the Avesta as a hostile tribe like the Hunus, may
be the later Vertae. Similarly the Khyaonas were the
Chionitae. They lived somewhere on the western coast of
the Caspian.7

1 Yt. IX. 31, 32.

2 Vide my "Aiyadg5r-i-Zarir5n, Shatr5iha-i*Airan and Afdiya va
Sahigiya-i-Seistan" (1899) p. 5.

3 Yt. XVII, 49-50. 4 Farvardin Yasht 100.

5 Gosh Yasht, 31 ; Asisavang Yasht 51.

6 Ibid and Zamyad Yasht 87.

7 Darmesteter, S. B. E. Vol. XXIII, p. 117 n. 6» Yasht IX, 100 a. 6*

76 Modi: Hunas in Avesta

From this rather long examination of the Avesta
passages we find that the Hunas were known in Persia as
a wandering and pillaging nation or tribe before the 7th
century of the Christian era.

Among the several passages of the Avesta which we
have examined we find that there is some difference about
the meaning of the word Hunu in some passages. But
there are some for which there is no difference, especially
the passages referred to in the Aban Yasht and which re-
ferred to the war between the Iranians of Tusa and the
Hunus of the Turanian Vaesaka.

The early Huns, i. e. the Huns of the times of the
Avesta, seem to have professed well-nigh the same religion
as that of the early Iranians. We see this from the cere-
monial form of their prayers, referred to in the Aban
Yasht ( Yt. V. 53, 58 ). We see, from the passages of this
Yasht given above, that both the Iranian Tusa and the
Hunus of Vaesaka invoke Ardvisura with the same cere-
monial offering. They both offer 100 horses, 1000 oxen
and 10000 lambs. Secondly, we learn from the Pahlavi
Aiyadgar-i-Zariran that Arjasp raised a war against
Vistasp because the latter acknowledged the new religion
of Zoroaster. Why should he have done so had they professed
different religions? Though hostile and though differing in
the details of their belief, they seem to have followed a com-
mon religion, a religion the main elements of which were the
same. Had it not been so, there was no special reason for
Arjasp to declare war for the sake of religion. We read in
the Pahlavi Aryadgar: "Arjasp, the king of the Khyaonas,
had the startling news that king Vistasp had, with his
sons, brothers and family, chiefs and equals, accepted from
Oharmazd this holy religion of the Mazdayasnans. There-
by he was much distressed."1 Further on, we read the fol-
lowing message of Arjasp to Vistasp : " I have heard that
Your Majesty has accepted from Oharmazd the pure Maz-
dayasnan religion. If you will not think of it, great harm
and unhappiness may result to us from that (religion). But

1 Vide ray ArySdggr-i-Zariran etc. p. 3.

Modi: Hunas in Avesta 77

if it please Your Majesty, and you give up this pure reli-
gion, and be of the same religion with us, then we will pay
homage to you as a king."1 These passages show that
Arjasp resents Vistasp's forsaking the common ancestral
religion and adopting the new Mazdayasnan one of Zoroas-
ter. Again, according to the Iranian tradition, recorded in
the Pahlavi Bundehesh, the Iranians and the Turanians
at first belonged to the same group. They had a common
ancestor. This fact also shows that they had well-nigh
the same religion. We find from the above passages of
the Farvardin (100) and the Zamyad (86) Yashts that
with the help of king Gustasp, Zoroaster separated the
good elements from the bad ones, and rejecting the latter
purified the old religion- That was his great work of re-
form- Firdousi (Calcutta ed- III- p- 1548) represents even
the later Huns as praying in fire-temples with baz and
barsam, the sacred requisites of Zoroastrian worship.
According to Firdousi, king Behramgore sent the queen
of the Khokan of the Hunnic Turks to the fire-temple of
Azor Goushasp as a state prisoner to serve there-

We also learn from Indian history based on epigraphi-
cal, numismatic, and literary materials that Mihirakula was
a foreign Hun king whom the Indian king Yasodharman,
or as said by Mr. Vincent Smith, both Yasodharman and
Baladitya combined, defeated. Rajatarangin!,2 the history
of Kasmlr by Kalhana, refers to this Mihirakula at some
length. We learn the following facts from this work about
Mihirakula. (1) He founded the temple of Mihiresvara
and the city of Mihirapura. (2) He allowed the Gandhari
Brahmans, a low race, to seize upon the endowments of the
more respectable orders of the Hindu priesthood. (3) These
Gandhari Brahmans of Mihirakula had the custom of the

1 Ibid p. 5.

2 Bk. I, stanzas 306 et seq., Troyer's French Translation of 1840,
Vol. I, pp. 33 et seq. Vide also Sir Aurel Stein's Text and Translation
and Wilson's Essay on the Hindu History of Kasmlr in the Asiatick
Researches, Volume V (pp. 1-11), n. 23.

<8 Modi : linnets in Av&sta

next-of-kin marriages among them.1 (4) A number of flesh-
devouring birds followed the army of this king.2

The very name Mihirakula is, as said by Dr. Stein*
Iranian. The names of the temple and city founded by
him are Iranian. The marriage custom attributed to him
is the matriarchal custom alleged to be tribal with some Per-
sian people.3 The reference to the flesh-eating birds points
to the Iranian custom of the disposal of the dead. All these
facts and references point to an inference that the religion
of this Hun king, Mihirakula, had many elements which
were common to the religion of the early Iranians.

According to the Iranians of the Avestic4 times, the
people of the then known world were divided into five
groups : (1) the Airyas, (2) the Turyas, (3) the Sarimyas
or the people who dwelt in Syria, (4) the Saini, or the
Chinese and (5) the Dahse. Of these five stocks, the first
three are traced from the three sons of king Faridun,
the Thraetaona of the Avesta. These three sons were
Salam, Tur and Irach. From Salam descended the stock
of the Sarimyas, from Tur that of the Turanians and
from Irach that of the Iranians. Vistasp came from the
stock of Irach and Arjasp from that of Tur.

Vaesaka, the typical Huna or Hun, and Tusa, the
typical Iranian, descended, according to the Pahlavi Bun-
dehesh, from a common ancestor. The following geneo-
logical tree, prepared from the account of the Bundehesh,
gives their descent from Gayomard, supposed to be the

1 The stanza referring to this custom is omitted in Dr. Stein's Text
but is tound in Troyer's Text, p. 38. Dr. Stein refers to this omission in
the foot-note. As to Mihirkula, Dr. Stein also thinks that the name is
Iranian.

2 Raj., stanza i. 291.

3 For this custom see a Paper on "Royal Marriages and Matri*
lineal Descent" by Miss Margaret Murray (Journal of the Anthropoio*
gical Institute of England, July-December 1915.)

4 Farvardin Yasht, Yt. XIII, 144.

Modi: Hunas in Avesta 79

first king of the countries, of which Airyana Vaeja or Iran
formed a part.

Gayomard

I
Masya

I'
Slyaraak

Fravak

Hoshang
Yanghad
Vivanghao

Spitur

Takhraorup Yiraa

(Jarashed)

I
Vanfraghesna Aspiyan

Raraaktora Aspyan

I _
Geraftora Aspyan

I

Sapidtora AspySn

I _
Sihaktora Aspyan

, I -

Bortora Aspyan

I _
Soktora Aspyan

I _
Purtora Aspyan

Narsih

Taz

Virafsang

Zainigao

Khrutasp (or
Mardas)

I
Dahak (Zohak), the
Arab of the Seraetic
group from Babylon

Barraayun Katayun

Faridun, descended from Purtora from a line
of ancestors who lived for 1000 years

Salara

Tur, the ancestor
of the Tura-

Er

ach, the ancestor
of the Ira-

nians
l

. mans

1

Dorosasp
i"

Ganzah

1

Spaenasp

1

Fraguzaga
I

Turk

Zushak

Zadsan or Zaesara, des-
cended from
a line of an-
cestors

Fraz

iisag

80

Modi: Hunas in Avesta

Zadsan or Zeasam, des-
cended from
a line of an-
cestors

Visak

Pasang
A*Lb

Frazusag

Bitacg

I
Thritak

I
Buterak

I

Maraak Sozak

I

Manosh Kharnak

I
Manosh Kharnar

I

Minocher

Nodar
Tub

THE EAELY HISTORY OP THE INDO-IRANIANS

BY A- BERRIEDALE KEITH

TT is a curious characteristic of all the peoples of Indo-
-*■ European speech that they should have failed in the
early days of their development to fashion for themselves
a script, and that they should have owed their alphabets to
the invention of others. Moreover even when they came
into contact with peoples who used writing, they showed
a disinclination to avail themselves of the discovery : this
is clear not only in Iran and India, but beyond all in
Greece, where we now know there existed linear scripts
not later than 1800 B. C, but of these the invading Greeks,
Ionians, Achaians, and Dorians made, it would seem, no
use whatever, leaving to Phoenicia the honour of bringing
into use the script from which is derived the writing of
Greece.1 In close connection with this failure on the part
of the Indo-Europeans stands the absence of annals of
their early history, a fact which leaves us in the most
tantalising darkness as to the development of the nations.
The example of Egypt which, first of nations, could boast
the invention of a chronology indicates how little faith
can be placed in oral tradition as to historical personages.
The account of the early history of Egypt given by
Herodotos and Manetho proves how folk-tales of all sorts
became associated with the great names of the past, and,
but for the happy discovery of original monuments, our
knowledge of Egyptian history would be one mass of grave
error. It is not surprising therefore that the ingenuity of
many generations of scholars has failed to make anything
satisfactory out of the legendary history of Greece: the
objections which, in point of theory, could be adduced
against the possibility of attaining definite results from
tradition have been enforced and made insuperable by
the discovery through the excavations in Crete of a civili-
sation of the existence of which no hint was contained in

1 Cf. A. J. Evans, Scripta Minoa (1909) ; H. R. Hall, Aegean
Archaeology (1915),

11 [Bhandarkar Com. Vol, J

82 Keith: Indo- Iranians

the tradition. In India the case is even worse than in
Greece, where the epic is the oldest recorded literature : the
legends, out of which scholars are now engaged in seeking
to extract results which the nature of the case forbids us to
attain, are recorded in works, the epics and the Puranas,
of late and uncertain date. Happily these speculations
are of minor importance in the case of India, as they have
not affected in any degree the correct dating of the religious
literature of the Vedic period. In the case of Iran, however,
misplaced confidence in the Parsi tradition, which dates
Zoroaster three hundred years before Alexander, has re-
sulted in endless confusion and difficulty.1

The defects of tradition are in some measure made
good in the case of Greece by synchronisms with Egypt
and by references in Egyptian monuments, and within the
last few years evidence has accumulated bearing on the
early history of the Indo-Iranians. Unfortunately this
evidence is in the main of a kind peculiarly difficult to
estimate precisely : it consists of the occurrence of names
of deities and men in the records of non-Indo-European
peoples, and it is obvious at once how great a difficulty there
is in determining whether in the names cited we are to
see renderings of Indo-Iranian names, or names of other
origin. It is indisputable that, in being reproduced in a
foreign speech, names may suffer considerable change,
and with some ingenuity and a free use of the constructive
imagination it is not difficult for any scholar to excogitate
etymologies for such words which will make them fit in
with his preconceived theories of the linguistic connec-
tions of the words. No more convincing proof of this fact
can be adduced than the famous controversy over the
language of the Scyths of Herodotos, as evidenced by the
personal names and the names of deities given by him:
they have been shown conclusively in the eyes of one set
of scholars to be Iranian, while another school has found

1 Cf. E. Meyer, Zeilsehrift fiir verglcichende Sprachforschung,
xlii. 2; J. H. Moulton, Early Zoroastrianism, pages 18 ff.; A. B. Keith,
Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society, 1915, pp. 798, 799.

Keith: Indo- Iranians 83

explanations of them all from Finno-Ugrian, while yet
others fall back on the theory of a mixed race.1 To add to
the difficulty it must be remembered that the languages in
which these names occur are by no means very well
known: the controversy over the character of Hittite is
still unsolved, and perhaps likely to remain unsolved.2

The oldest evidence yet adduced is that derived from
the names of Kassite princes and certain words preserved
in a glossary giving the Babylonian equivalents of certain
Kassite words.3 In two names of kings, Burna-burias and
Nazi-bugas, have been seen as elements the Iranian farna-
and baga-, but clearly without any cogency. More note-
worthy is Surias, since it is explained as meaning the sun,
and E. Meyer4 has yielded to the temptation to accept
equation with the Vedic Suryas ; but, apart from the odd
fact that the termination of the nominative should be re-
produced, it is clear that in the absence of any further
evidence it is illegitimate to accept the proposed identifica-
tion. Such confirmation would indeed be forthcoming if
the views of Scheftelowitz regarding other Kassite words
could be adopted, but even E. Meyer admits that this is
out of the question. He, however, adduces in support of
his acceptance of Aryan influence the fact that the horse
appears freely in Babylonian records under the Kassite
dynasty which from 1760 B. C. onwards controlled Babylon,
and that its description as " the ass of the mountains "
shows its origin. But this argument lacks all cogency,
since it is certain that the horse was introduced into Baby-
lon, if not under Hammurabi himself, at any rate under
his son, probably not later than B. C. 2000. 8 Nor of course

1 E. H. Minns, Scythians and Greeks, pp. 85, 86.

2 Cf. A. H. Sayce, Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society, 1914,
pp. 965-72 ; 1916, pp. 253 ff.

3 Published by P. Delitzsch, Die Sprache der Kossaeer (1884). See
Scheftelowitz, Zeitschrift fur vergleichende Sprachforschung, xxxviii.
270 ff., and M. Bloomfield, American Journal of Philology, xxv. 10 ff.

4 Geschichte des Altertums3, 1, ii. 654.

5 A. Ungnad, Orientalistische I^iteraturzeitung, x. 367 f,

84 Keith: Indo- Iranians

can the slightest value be placed on the view1 that white
slaves from Gutium and Subarti, who are mentioned under
the reign of the last king but one of the dynasty of Ham-
murabi, were Aryans, or on the wild guess 2 of Brunnhofer
which finds a reference in the Rgveda to the capture of
Babylon by the first Kassite king.

Much more substantial is the evidence which is to be
derived from the records of the Mitani in Northern Meso-
potamia, a people whose affinity to the Hittites and perhaps
to the Kassites has been affirmed with a fair amount of
plausibility: at any rate they were certainly not Indo-
Europeans. But in a treaty with the Hittite king Subbi-
luliuma, concluded some time after 1380 B. C, Mattiwaza
invokes the gods Mitra, Varuna, Indra and the Nasatyas
by names which are very slightly different from the Vedic.3
To this falls to be added the fact that Dusratta, the Mitani
king, brother-in-law of Amenhoteb III of Egypt ( c. 1414-
1379 B. C.), his brother Artasumara, his father Sutarna, and
his grandfather Artatama, bear names which have an
Iranian sound, and the eye of faith has even seen the
Aryan type in the features of Teie, the wife of Amenhoteb
III, a princess of Mitani. More important is the sugges-
tion of Winckler,4 that the name Harri used of the Mitani
is really the Aryan name, a view which he supports by the
fact that the Susan version of the inscriptions of Darius

1 J. Kennedy, Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society, 1909, pp. 1112,
1113.

2 H. Brunnhofer, Iran und Turan, p. 221.

3 H. Winckler, Mitteilungen der Deutschen Orient gesellschaft,
No. 35; Orientalistische Liter aturzeitung, xiii. 296 ff. A.H. Sayce (Journal
of the Royal Asiatic Society, 1909, pp. 1106, 1107) denies the Aryan
character of the Mitani royal names. Artatama's name is often wrongly
read as Artatama. Mattiwaza and Sa-us-sa-tar are declared Aryan by
Meyer, but this is not certain. W. Max Muller ( Orientalistische Lite-
raturzeitung, xv. 252 ff.) finds Mitra in the name Mitrasama of an Egypto-
Semitic stele in Palestine.

4 Followed by Meyer, Geschichte des Altertums,3 I. ii. 677. The
suffix found in Marianni is comparable with that found in Nasatiana
( =Nasatya) in the list of gods. It may be Aryan; cf. E. Leumann,
Zur nordarischen Sprache und Literatur, pp. 5 ff.

Keith: Indo- Iranians 85

likewise aspirates the name of the Aryan claimed by the
king: he also finds in marianni, a word applied to the
warriors of the Mitani, the Vedic marya * the manly. ' It is
however impossible to accept the further suggestion that
the Horites of Genesis are to be brought into this connec-
tion, if for no other reason than that their princes bear
true Semitic names. On the other hand, as we might ex-
pect, there are other traces in the Amarna correspondence,
which represents the period before and after 1400 B. C, of
Aryan names among the princes in Syria such as Suwar-
data, Jasdata, Artamanya, Eusmanya, Arzawiya, Biridiya
or Biridasya, Namyawaza, Teuwatti, Subandhi and Sutar-
na, most if not all of which have a fairly clear Aryan
appearance.1 Definitely Iranian in type are the names of
princes of Kommagene recorded for us in 854 and about
740 B. C, Kundaspi and Kustaspi, doubtless Vindaspa and
Vistaspa: from 838 B. C. onwards the Medes appear in
conflict with Assyria, and as early as 745 B. C. the name
Mazdaka is found, doubtless denoting a worshipper of
Mazdah, whose name in the archaic form Assara Mazas
is actually found in a record of Assurbanipal (B. C. 668-626).

What are the historical conclusions to be drawn from
these facts ? In the first place it is essential to note that
we have no proof of the existence of any actual Aryan
tribe in Northern Mesopotamia and Syria: the presence
of princes of Aryan name in these petty states is not proof
of migration on a great scale : we may rather think of rest-
less adventurers and mercenaries of the type familiar in
European no less than in Asiatic history. It follows, in
the second place, from the sudden appearance of these
names in history that we may properly assume the appear-
ance of Aryans in these regions as a recent matter. The
question, therefore, presents itself from what side the
Aryans entered the country. The possibility that they came
by sea may fairly be dismissed : in the reigns of Merenptah
and Ramses III from 1229 B. C. onwards we have recorded
raids and even settlements on the Syrian coast by foreign

1 E. Meyer, Zeitschrift fiir verglcichende Sprachforschung, xlii. 17-19.

86 Keith: Indo- Iranians

adventurers and tribes as a result and sign of the great
migration of peoples which took place in the thirteenth
century, and it is possible, though not certain, that the
Philistines were to some extent Aryan in blood.1 But if
this had been the case in the earlier period, we should
doubtless have a record of it in the Amarna correspondence.
Of the land routes, that through Asia Minor naturally
suggests itself, and it might be regarded as plausible if we
could accept the view of Kretschmer2 which ascribes the
second city of Troy to the Phrygians. But this view may
fairly be dismissed as impossible: the history of Asia Minor
is doubtless not perfectly known, but there is adequate
evidence to show that the first important influx of Aryans
was only caused by the migrations of peoples which pro-
duced the settlements on the coast of Syria, and that the
first entrance of the Phrygians and cognate tribes into
Western Asia Minor falls after B. C. 1400.3 A third possi-
bility is that to which Hirt4 has lent the weight of his
authority: in his opinion the original home of the Indo-
European people is to be found in Europe, perhaps more
specifically in northern Germany, and the Indo-Iranians
entered their future homes via the Caucasus. This hypo-
thesis is however subject to a grave objection, which Hirt
has not overcome in any degree. If his view were correct,
we ought to find that Armenia shows early traces of Aryan
population, but this is very far from being the case. On

1 They may, of course, have been pre-Hellenic Cretans or other
Islanders. Crete itself, from the earliest times known to us, had both a
dolichocephalic (Mediterranean) and a brachycephalic (Armenoid, akin
to the Alpine race of Europe) population. To which of these belonged
the names in ss and nth (nd) spread over Greece, Asia Minor, and the
islands is not known. Cf. R. M. Burrows, Discoveries in Crete, pp. 165 ,
166. Most authors assume the existence of one race only, but withou
warrant.

2 Einleitung in die Geschichte der griechischen Sprache, pp. 180, 181,
who relies on the untrustworthy argument of continuity of culture.

3 E. Meyer, Geschichte des Altertums3, I. ii. 693.

4 Die Indo- germanen, i. 178 ff,

Keith'. Indo- Iranians 8^

the contrary Armenia seems to have been distinguished by
a remarkably vigorous non-Aryan population which pro-
duced the interesting kingdom of Van to contend not un-
successfully for a couple of centuries with Assyria; and
the entry of the Indo-European Armenians, who seem to
have been closely connected with the Phrygians, falls no
earlier than about B. C. 700. The Ossetes who have occa-
sionally been regarded as the remnants of the Indo-Iranians
coming from the west are now doubtless correctly held to
have been Alani, later Iranian invaders from the east.1
Nor is this objection to Hirt's view to be removed by any
other considerations available. Even if we could prove
early Babylonian influence on India we could not be cer-
tain that this fact would establish the view that the Indo-
Iranians entered their future homes by the route south of
the Caspian, as it is impossible to define the distance to
which Babylonian culture could be carried. But in any
case the proof of such influence is wholly inadequate. The
solitary mana of the Rgveda has of course repeatedly been
equated with the Babylonian mina, but no explanation has
been offered of the fact that, if borrowed, this valuable unit
was not retained: similarly parasu, axe, is compared with
Sumerian balag, and Akkadian pilakku, and loha with the
Sumerian urudu, copper, in both cases wholly without
cogency, since in both cases, even if we accept the identi-
fication,— a course open to grave doubt, — there is not the
slightest evidence to show in which language the words
are primitive, and it is perfectly possible that the borrowing,
if any, may be from a third source altogether.2 More serious
perhaps is the famous argument of Oldenberg3 that the
seven Adityas are strange gods in India, pointing to a
borrowing from a people which worshipped the seven
planets, and gave a moral fervour to their religion other-
wise lacking in Indian religion. The theory must be re-

1 E. Meyer, Geschichte des Altertums3, I. ii. 890, 891,

2 Cf. S. Feist, Kultur der Indo-germanen, pp. 71ff. loha; is not Rgvedic.

3 Die Religion des Veda, pp. 103 ff., Zeitschrift der Deutschen
Morgenlandischen Gesellachaft, 1. 43 ff.

$8 Keith : Indo- Iranians

jected. if for no other reason than that the worship of the
seven planets cannot be proved early enough for Babylon
to render the view even possible.1 Nor can we accept the
derivation either of A.ssur from Asura2 or of Asura from
Assur.3 There is no identity of character in the two con-
ceptions, and the similarity of name is far from close. The
Indo-Iranian Asura has an obvious derivation from asu,
and, while the name of Assur is less certainly interpreted,
it is important to note that its oldest form seems to have
been Asir, and in Palestine we have the place nanie Aser,
and among the Amorites, the sacred post, the Asera, and
the divinity which took up its abode therein.4 Nor do we
need to fly to Babylon for an explanation of the 360 day
year of Vedic India, or the sacredness of the number 7.*

There remains therefore the obvious conclusion that
the Aryans of Mitani and Syria penetrated these lands
from the east, their progress being rendered possible by the
confusion and disturbance caused by the Kassite overthrow
of Babylonia. But, accepting this simple and satisfactory
view, the question arises in what light we are to regard
the gods of the king of Mitani, and the Aryan names. Are
they early Indian, or early Iranian, or do they belong to
the period before Indian and Iranian were differentiated?
The view that the gods were Indian, brought by an East
Iranian tribe, is adopted by Jacobie as the only solution
of the non-Iranian form of the name Nasatia, coupled with
the Arta- found in the names of the kings of Mitani.
This view receives some support from J. Hope Moulton,7
who thinks a retrograde movement by tribes dissatisfied
with India possible, and who strengthens his opinion by

1 E. Meyer, Geschichte des Altertums3, I. ii. 593.

2 H. M. Chadwick in J. H. Moulton, Early Zoroastrianism, p. 32.

3 F. W. Thomas, Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society, 1916, p. 364.

4 E. Meyer, Geschichte des Altertums3, 1, ii. 608.

5 A. B. Keith, Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society, 1916, p. 355.

6 Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society, 1909, pp. 721 ff.

7 Early Zoroastrianism, pp. 25 ff

Keith: Indo- Iranians 89

the acceptance of a suggestion that the data of the Tistrya
YaH are best explained on the view that the observations
recorded were made in India at some time between B. C. 1800
and 900. This argument must be deemed wholly invalid,
and the main suggestion must be regarded as distinctly
improbable. The view of Oldenberg1 that we have to deal
with proto-Iranian deities is thus in itself the natural one,
and it certainly gains plausibility from the fact that
Indra and the Nasatyas are known as demons, Indra and
Naonhaithya, in Iran, while the omission of Agni who is
clearly a specifically Indian development of the worship of
fire tells in the same direction.

E. Meyer2 on the other hand lays considerable stress
on the fact that the go 'q are Aryan, not Iranian, and he
finds in them a vivid pit,, -station of the reality of the
Aryan period which can be reconstructed from the agree-
ment of Indian and Iranian, but of which the first direct
proof is afforded by these names. He has been accused
of inconsistency in this regard by Jacobi, and it is clear
that his expressions of opinion on this topic have not been
altogether happily worded. But the real meaning of his
view is clear: he holds indeed that the period when the
Aryans as an undivided people in the strict sense were
living together in a country where Soma grew, probably
Bactria and the western Hindu Kush, did not last so late
as 1400 B. C, and he accepts the view that the Indians
must have invaded India not later than B. C. 1500. But the
spread of the people over Iran and India did not at first
and in itself cause complete severance : this was a gradual
development, doubtless beginning in the period of the
united people and gradually increasing until in Iran the
divergence was brought to its full development by Zoro-
aster. For the old suggestion, which saw in the division
of the Aryans into Indians and Iranians the result of a

1 Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society, 1909, pp. 1095 ff.

2 Sitzungsberichte der Konigl. Preussischen Akademie der Wissen*
schaften zu Berlin, 1908,*pp. 14-18 ; Zeitschrift fur vergleichende Sprach*
forschung, xlii. 24-27, Geschichte des Altertums,3 I. ii. 900.

12 [Bhandarkar Com. Vol. J

90 Keith: Indo- Iranians

definite religious split due to the activity of Zoroaster, we
must substitute the conception of a difference of religious
outlook, commencing in the period of united life, and
intensifying with the separation of the elements of the
people in space. The gods of Mitani are therefore best
described as Aryan gods, and the language as an Aryan
dialect, differing as it does both from Iranian and Vedic
as known to us: unlike the former it keeps s between
vowels in Nasatia, while unlike the latter it has Arta- not
Rta-, though in this case the argument is difficult to press,
for in Mitani script it was impossible to reproduce Rta
correctly : Suwardata seems clearly equivalent to the Vedic
form suvar-datta, though that name is not found in Vedic
texts. Similarly the name Assara Mazas, which we must
assume to have been borrowed at a much earlier date than
that of its appearance, can be explained easily as Aryan : it
is doubtless not a very perfect phonetic representation of
the original, but the s is retained while the z is clearly
Aryan, the speech whence it was taken being therefore
older than either Iranian or Vedic. We need not of course
postulate that the precise dialect whence these names
come was the parent of Iranian and Vedic : it presumably
was a dialect of Western Aryan origin.

The value of this result lies in the main in the fact
that it enables us to view in a new light the long continued
controversy over the place of origin of the Indo-Europeans.
The evidence indicates that the entry of Aryans into Iran
took place from the north-east, and that it conformed
therefore to the general trend of the movements of the
Iranian tribes throughout history. It still remains open
of course to hold that in the first place the Indo-Iranians
came from Europe, and Moulton1 has deduced from the
similarities of German and Sanskrit in certain respects,
such as the treatment of the aspirate mediae, that we have
to recognise first a migration from Europe of the primitive
Iranian people, and then the migration at a very rapid
rate of a Germanic tribe which imposed its language on

1 Essays and Studies presented to William Ridgeway pp. 249-260.

Keith'. Indo- Iranians 91

this population and passed on into India, leaving the
Iranian population gradually to absorb those members who
stayed in Iran. This argument however is untenable : all
the Indo-European languages have certain special points
in which they agree with one or another of the group, and
to deduce racial mixture and migration from these facts is
quite impossible.

Moreover the hypothesis of an Asiatic origin of the
Indo-Europeans has derived a good deal of additional plau-
sibility from the discovery of Tocharian. It is indeed neces-
sary not to overrate the importance of this evidence as
Feist ' is inclined to do. When we remember the wander-
ings of the Gauls it is quite unscientific to assert that the
Tocharian speech could not represent a migration from
Europe into Asia. But a priori it is not so probable as the
movement from east to west, and while the claim of South
Eussia to serve as the original Indo-European home is
discounted by the fact that it is essentially a place of
passage and not a permanent abode, the alternative claim
of Germany must be held to be shattered by the fact that
at the hands of the Germans the Indo-European speech
has suffered such striking alteration in its sounds, an
occurrence which is most easily explained by the hypo-
thesis that in Germany this speech was imposed by a small
minority on a pre-existing population. The fact that
Tocharian in its treatment of the gutturals, and to some
extent in its retention of the vowels e and o beside a ranks
with the centum speeches of Europe makes it reasonable
to suppose that the Indo-European home lay in the plateau
of central Asia, the source of the later Mongolian invaders
of the west. The Tocharian speech may represent the
language of the portion of the people who remained there
after the centum speakers, and part of the satem speakers,
had migrated west by a route north of the Aral and the
Caspian, and the Aryans had moved south-west, while
their nomads, the Scoloti and other Scythian tribes wan-
dered on the steppes through which the earlier migrants

1 Kultur der Indogermanen, p. 519.

92 Keith'. Indo* Iranians

had moved. This is a conjecture of E. Meyer's1 and while
neither it, nor the suggestion that the Tripolje culture of
South Russia2 marks, in the period about 2500-2000 B.C., the
march of Indo-European tribes westwards, can lay claim
to more than plausibility, it is one which could effectively
be used to solve many problems of linguistic history. More-
over this explanation accounts well for the close similarity
between the accounts of the early Indo-Europeans and
especially the nomadic tribes and those of the Mongols:
as regards manner of life, religion and funeral customs
similarity of circumstance would produce similarity of
result.3

It is not of course to be assumed that the Indo-Euro-
peans entered empty lands: the strong differentiation of
the Indo-European speeches, and the character of the
peoples are a priori proofs to the contrary, which are
strengthened by anthropological and historical evidence.
It is not impossible that we find in Tocharian a relic of a
speech which has been overwhelmed by Indo-European.
It shows a comitative suffix assal, which most curiously
must be identified with the a&sil added in the Mitani record
to the names of Mitra and Varuna, no doubt to indicate
them as a pair.4 Whatever the explanation may be, it
must in any event be remembered that the period of Indo-
European unity need not be placed earlier than 3000 B. C.
and that this is a comparatively late date in the history of
man on this earth.

1 Geschichte des Altertums,^ I. ii. 890 ff.

2 Described by E. W. Minns, Scythians and Greeks, pp. 133 ff.

3 The evidence is well given by E. W. Minns, Scythians and Greeks
pp. 85 ff., but he, writing in the main before the Tocharian evidence was
known to him, is inclined unduly to accept the parallelism as proof of
Mongolian elements in the Scyths of Herodotos. This need not in itself
be doubted, but the weight of the evidence is misconceived. Similarly
the tracing of certain features in early Buddhism to Mongolian sources
rests on a false ignoring of the fact that the culture of nomads is practi-
cally identical whatever the race.

4 The conjecture of Hall (Journal of Hellenic Studies, xxix. 21) that
the suffix denoted the plural of each word is clearly an error.

THE LAND OP SEVEN RIVERS

BY N. G. SARDESAI
i
HPHE word Sapta-sindhu has been generally used in the
■*■ Rgveda in the sense of seven rivers. Thus Rv. i. 32. 12
extols Indra for having let the seven rivers flow (dvasrjas
sdrtave saptd sindhun) ; in i. 35. 8 the light of the sun is
said to have illumined the eight quarters, the three desert
regions, and the seven rivers (astau vyakhyat kakubhah
prthivyas tri dhdnva ydjana saptd sindhun) ; and in i. 71. 1
all offerings are said to wait upon Agni "as the seven
mighty rivers seek the ocean" (samudrdm nd sravdtas
saptd yahvih). It is usual to suppose that the seven rivers
meant are the five rivers of the Panjab (Vitasta, Asikni,
Parusnl, Vipas and Sutudrl) together with the Indus and
the SarasvatI, the river Kubha in some enumerations
taking the place of the last-named. If it is only a ques-
tion of somehow making up a given number, we shall have
no reason to quarrel with either of these enumerations or
even suggest a third made up of the Ganges, the Jumna
and the five rivers that give the Panjab its name. But
there is another passage in the Rgveda1 where Sapta-
sindhu is the designation of a land or country2 watered by
seven rivers. The passage (viii, 24. 27) reads thus —

Translation : Who would free [us] from ruinous woe or
from the Arya [ enemy ] in the Seven Rivers ; thou O vali-
ant hero, bend the Dasa's weapon [down].

Scholars have been for the most part content to regard
the Panjab as the modern equivalent of the ancient Sapta-
sindhu, but the difficulties in the way of this identification

1 Cp. also Atharva Veda iv. 6. 2, though the passage is not decisive.

2 In the Avesta Hapta-hindu is the regular name of a country once
inhabited by the Aryans ; compare Vendidad i. 19.

94 Sardesai : Land of the Seven Rivers

are quite on the surface. The Panjab1 (Panc+ap) derives
its name from only five rivers and they do not all flow
into the sea, as Rv. i. 71. 1 requires it. And to bring in
distant or imaginary rivers to complete the number is a
questionable process which does not explain why no trace
of the ancient name of the country survives in its modern
equivalent ; for, established names are tough things and
die very hard. To obviate this difficulty, some scholars2
have imagined the seven rivers to be atmospheric
streams ; but even so it would not be unreasonable to en-
quire after their terrestrial analogues ; for, things celes-
tial always have their analogues on earth. Further if the
Rgveda — though not in its present form at least in its
ideas and back-ground — is to be regarded as an Indo-
Germanic product, would it be right to confine all the
Vedic literary and religious activity to the Panjab and the
country adjoining ? Would it not be nearer the mark to
look up for the ' land of the seven rivers ' somewhere in the
central Asian plateau which, if not the cradle of the Aryan
race, was at least, we might presume, a place of long so-
journ in the course of the Aryan migrations from their
Arctic home ?

Curiously enough there is in central Asia, in Russian
Turkestan, North of the Ala Tau Range, East of the
Lower Illi River, and West of the Lepsa river, a country3
which is even now called 'the land of the seven streams',
this being the literal meaning of its current Russian name
'Semiretchenski-krai'. Lake Balkash forms a part of its
Northern boundary and the seven rivers — Lepsa, Baskan,
Aksu, Sarkau, Biyen, Kartal, and Koksu — which give the
country its name do all flow into this Lake: at least for a
part of the year ; for when not in floods the minor rivers

1 The name is unknown to the Rgveda. Its earliest mention is in
the Vajasaneyi Samhita xxxiv. 2, where we are told— •

Compare also Atharva Veda VI. 98. 3.

2 For example, B. G. Tilak in the Arctic Home, p. 28881.

3 See annexed map.

SEMIRETCHENSKI-KRAI

OR

LAND OF THE SEVEN RIVERS

To face page 94 ]

[ Bhandarkar Com- Vol.

Sardesai : Land of the Seven Rivers 95

loose themselves in the sands. Traces of an ancient Aryan
colonization of the land are still discernable there- The
Aryan Tajik, the aborigines of the fertile parts of Turke-
stan and now known as Galchas, constitute in fact the
intellectual element of the country and are the principal
owners of the irrigated land. The country,1 we must re-
member, is and has always been a theatre of a series of
violent earthquakes, and in the course of centuries topo-
graphic changes small and great are almost inevitable.
The sand storms which, as geologists tell us,2 affected the
stretch of country from Arabia to Mongolia must have
produced certain other alterations in the physicial fea-
tures3 of the land ; but the main feature which gave the
country its name, and the name itself, have survived, and
if an expedition such as that of Sir Aurel Stein is sent to
explore the land much new light might be forthcoming.
Above all it would be necessary to find out if the names
of these seven rivers, in the native pronunciations4 of
them, afford any basis for fruitful philological deductions.
If the suggestion as to a possible location for the Land
of Seven Rivers that I have thrown out is at all found
worthy of a serious consideration it would follow that
when, in the course of their migrations, the Aryan people
came and settled in the Panjab they found the country, in
its physical features and especially the river system, so
much like their original Sapta-sindhu that it is likely
that they might have transferred many of their original
geographical names to this new land of their adoption,
very much like what the English colonists did when they,

1 For fuller description see Asia, vol. I, pp. 130 ff., by A. H. Keane ;
Edward Stanford, London. 1916.

2 Modern Science in Modern Life, vol. i. pp. 161 ff., Greshman Pub-
lishing Co., London, 1910.

3 Cp. the 'desert regions ' or 'dry promontories ' mentioned above in
Rv. i. 35. 8.

4 That foreigners absolutely maltreat the native names was never
brought home to the writer of this paper so vividly as when he discover-
ed that what is written in the maps as Soeka Boemi and pronounced by
the ordinary rules of orthography was really, in the native Javanese
pronunciation! Sukha-bhumi.

96

Sardesai : Land of the Seven River's

a couple of centuries ago, occupied and colonised America
or Australia. This probably led to a gradual effacement of
all the memory of their original home ; so that later Brah-
manic and Pauranic texts, and even Avestic texts for the
matter of that, when they speak of the Sapta-sindhu or the
Land of Seven Rivers, always mean by it India, or more
correctly, the Panjab and the Gangatic Basin.

Epics and Puranas

13 [fehandarkar Cora, VoLJ

TATO JAYAM UDIRAYET

PAR M. SYLVAIN LEVI

CHACUN des livres du Mahabharata debute par une b6n6-
diction liminaire uniforme :
Narayanam namaskrtya Naram caiva narottamam
Devim Sarasvatim caiva tato jayam udlrayet.
La m§me formule reparait vers la fin du dernier chant
( XVIII. 232) dans une sorte d'appendice qui traite de la reci-
tation du Mahabharata. Cette benediction d'aspect assez
banal ne parait pas avoir attire l'attention1 ; on la lit et on
la traduit sans s'y arreter. L'interpretation communement
admise a ete suivie avec docilite par la traduction de P. C.
Roy : Having bowed down to Narayana, and Nara the most
exalted male being, and also to the goddess Sarasvati, must
the word success be uttered (les legeres variantes de style
qu'on releve d'un chant a l'autre dans la traduction anglaise
de cette formule n'en affectent pas le sens). Le commen-
tateur Nllakantha signale pourtant la possibility d'une
autre interpretation pour le dernier pada : tato vyaptas
tayaiva Sarasvatya parama-karunikaya janabodhayavisto
jayam ' Jayo nametihaso'yam ' iti vaksyamanatvaj Jaya-
samjnam Bharatakhyam itihasam va

Astadasa puranani Ramasya caritam tatha
Karsnam vedam pancamam ca yan Mahabharatam viduh
Tathaiva Visnudharmas ca Sivadharmas ca iasvatah
Jayeti nama tesam ca pravadanti manisinah
iti Bhavisyavacanat puranadikam va

Caturnam purusarthanam api hetau jayo'striyam
iti kosad anyam va purusartha-pratipadakam grantham l$ari-
rakasutrabhasyadirupam udlrayet uccarayet.

En commentateur honnete, Nilakantha essaie de don-
ner une valeur positive au mot tatah, que P. C. Roy neglige,

1 Buhler en a toutefois reconnu et signale la valeur religieuse: It is
a characteristic mark of the works of the ancient BhSgavata sect, where
it is invariably found, frequently with the variant devim Sarasvatim
Yyasam instead ot caiva (Indian Studies, no. II, p. 4, n. 2).

100 lAvi\ Tato Jayam Udirayet

et qu'on rend ordinairement par "ensuite, apres cela ( = ap-
res ce triple namaskara)." II rattache par un lien imm^diat
cet adverb au nom de Sarasvati qui le precede, et il ex-
plique : " sous l'influence de cette divinite qui est toute com-
passion." Quant au mot jaya, au lieu de lui attribuer ici
son sens usuel de "victoire" il le considere comme une
designation du Mahabharata lui-meme, et il cite a l'appui
le texte expres du poeme qui declare par deux fois : " ce
recit a nom Jaya" I. 2302, XVIII. 194 ( la m§me designation
est appliquee a un episode de l'epopee, le Vidulaputranu-
sasana V. 4639 ). II cite l'autorite du Bhavisyapurana qui
applique le nom de Jaya non-seulement au Mahabharata
mais encore aux dix-huit Puranas, au Ramayana, aux
Visnudharmas et aux Sivadharmas. II va meme jusqu'a
proposer d'etendre cette designation a l'ceuvre philoso-
phique de Vyasa, le Sarlrakasutra, et subsidiairement au
commentaire (de Sankara etc.) sur la foi d'un lexique qui
definit ainsi le mot jaya : " tout ce qui cause les quatre fins
humaines."

On peut taxer ici Nilakantha d'un exces de subtilite ;
on peut lui reprocher d'attribuer au mot jaya un sens pure-
ment scolastique, ou meme imaginaire, que rien ne justifie
dans l'usage reel de la litterature et de la langue. C'est
pourtant par un sentiment profond des realites de la langue
qu'il a ete conduit presque instinctivement a ecarter le sens
adopte plus tard par P. C. Roy et les Occidentaux. Je
ne crois pas qu'on puisse trouver en Sanscrit un ex-
ample authentique du verbe udirayati construit directement
avec le mot qu'il s'agit d'exprimer. Je n'ai pas be-
soin de rappeler que ud-lrayati signifie au sens propre
" produire la mise en branle, faire monter en l'air, d6co-
cher, lancer," et de la, au sens figure, " pousser, emettre (un
son)." Mais, dans ce dernier cas, le verbe est toujours suivi
d'un mot qui precise l'idee de son : na tarn (vacam) udirayet,
Manu ii. 116 ; vacam udirayan, Ramayana ii. 57. 3 ; udiraya-

masuh alokasabdam, Raghu ii. 9; mantram udirayan,

Yajiiavalkya i. 136. On ne dira pas plus en Sanscrit jayam
udirayet qu'en francais " pousser la victoire " pour exprimer
l'idee de " pousser un cri de victoire."

lAvi\ Tato Jayam Udirayet 101

Mais avant d'adopter le sens indique, assurement con-
tourne, qui est propose par Nilakantha, il convient d'exa-
miner si le texte ne peut pas fournir un sens plus simple et
plus vraisemblable. Directement sans aucun prevention,
on traduirait : " En adorant Narayana, et Nara le meilleur
des males, et aussi la deesse SarasvatI, qu'on fasse de la
saillir la victoire." N'oublions pas que le couple Nara-
Narayana est identique au couple Arjuna-Krsna ; l'idee est
proclamee a maintes reprises dans le Mahabharata, p. ex.
I. 218, 7889; 224, 8161; 228, 8302; III. 47, 1888; V. 96, 3496;
111, 3824; VII. 11, 422 ; 77, 2707 ; etc. Cette equivalence
reconnue evoque aussitot, en parallele avec la benediction
liminaire, une autre formule qui traverse tout le poeme,
qui en exprime toute l'inspiration, et qui subsiste encore
dans la conscience de l'lnde comme la legon la plus haute
du Mahabharata : yatah Krsrias tato jayah, I. 205, 7513 ; IV.
68, 2531 ; VI. 21, 771 ; 23, 821 ; IX. 62</>, 3491 ; XIII. 168, 7746:
"unde Krsna, inde victoria." Dans plusieurs cas, la for-
mule est completee par une formule analogue, yato dharmas

tatah Krsno VI. 23, 821 ; IX. 62 <A, 3491; les deux se combi-

nent a leur tour en serie continue, yatah Krsnas tato
dharmo yato dharmas tato jayah XIII. 168, -7746 — "unde
Krsna, inde jus; unde jus, inde victoria;" d'ou resulte enfin
la formule yato dharmas tato jayah VI. 65, 2695. Sous cette
forme, la maxime semble proclamer une lepon de morale
absolue : Le droit donne la victoire. Mais c'est fausser le
Mahabharata dans son principe meme que de l'interpreter
ainsi. Sans doute le Mahabharata est une epopee didac-
tique et moralisante ; mais l'epopee et la morale y portent
la puissante empreinte de l'organisation sociale et reli-
gieuse de l'lnde ; elle est, comme toutes les creations du
genie hindou, une oeuvre de caste et de secte. Elle est bien
le cinquieme Veda, comme elle s'appelle et comme on
l'appelle, parce que les quatre Vedas des brahmanes enseig-
nent la vie sainte, ou plutdt la vie sacree, et qu'elle en-
seigne avec une egale autorite la vie guerriere aux ksa-
triyas. Elle est bien aussi le Karsna Veda, " le Veda de
Krsna " puisqu'elle preche aux ksatriyas, comme une garan-
tie de succes et de salut, le culte de Krsna. Le succes

102 Livi: Tato Jayam Udirayet

pour le ksatriya, c'est la victoire, jaya ; le salut pour le
ksatriya, c'est le dieu des ksatriyas, Krsna. " Ou est Krsna,
la est la victoire"; car, "si on a Krsna, on a tout" — yatah
Krsnas tatas sarve ; " Ou est Krsna, la est la regie (dharma), "
la regie propre des ksatriyas, celle qui leur prescrit de com-
battre et de vaincre ou mourir, celle qui leur assigne pour
fonction de manier le baton du commandement, danda, le
baton qui frappe le mechant et qui impose le respect des
lois. Le Mahabharata dans son ensemble est l'illustration
et le developpement de ces principes; ils convergent et
s'illuminent dans la Bhagavadglta ; cet incomparable dia-
logue, souvent considere comme un hors-d'oeuvre sublime,
est tout au contraire le cceur et le noyau de l'ouvrage. Les
deux inseparables, en qui s'incarnent Nara et Narayana,
divinites tutelaires de l'ceuvre, Krsna et Arjuna, se re-
cueillent, face a face, a l'heure des decisions supr§mes ; le
parfait chevalier interroge le Bienheureux, Bhagavat,
maitre parfait de chevalerie ; il apprend a suivre sans hesi-
tation sa loi propre dans l'ensemble de la loi universelle ;
il doit verser sans scrupule le sang, et de ses proches meme,
si le triomphe du bien l'exige. Les speculations metaphy-
siques des brahmanes, concues par repugnance a Taction,
s'harmonisent pour le ksatriya avec la necessite d'agir.
Arjuna, le parfait chevalier, est aussi le parfait devot; libre
d'opter entre Talliance effective des divinites et la simple
assistance de Krsna comme cocher de char, il choisit
Krsna comme la promesse infaillible du succes. Les cri-
tiques de l'Occident, habitues a considerer le Mahabharata
comme un traite de morale absolue, ont ete souvent cho-
ques de certains actes commis par les Pandavas et qui
s'accordent mal avec l'ideal de l'honneur chevaleresque :
Yudhisthira emploie un subterfuge pour se debarrasser de
Drona; Bhlmasena porte a Duryodhana un coup deloyal.
L'auteur de l'epopee n'hesite pas a reporter sur Krsna lui-
meme la responsibility de ces actes ( VII. 190, 8748 ; IX. 58,
3246); sa sagesse transcendante connait et utilise les tran-
sactions necessaires de la vie pratique. La fin justifie les
moyens, quand la fin est la victoire du droit.

On n'hesitera done pas, il me semble, a traduire ainsi

L&vi : Tato Jayam Udirayet 103

la benediction liminaire : " En adorant Narayana, et Nara
le meilleur des males, et aussi la deesse Sarasvati, qu'on
fasse venir d'eux la victoire ! "

Si Interpretation que je propose est exacte, les com-
binaisons laborieuses echafaudees autour du Mahabharata
tombent. On est alle jusqu'a presenter le Mahabharata
comme le retournement artificiel d'un poeme anterieur qui
aurait eu pour heros Duryodhana et ses freres. II est a la
fois plus simple et plus honnete de prendre le poeme, tel
qu'il est, pour essayer d'en concevoir la genese. Que l'lnde
ait eu des rhapsodes ou des jongleurs qui colportaient des
recitations epiques, rien de surprenant ; la vie feodale de-
vait aboutir a l'eclosion du genre sur le sol indien. Juches
dans leurs chateaux-forts, les rajas d'autrefois, comme les
Rajpouts modernes, assisaient a s'en delasser entre deux
expeditions au recit des exploits legendaires ; ils guettaient
avec une curiosite impatiente le barde vagabond qui con-
naissait les preux d'autrefois. Mais l'epopee n'est pas une
simple collection de chants epiques enfiles bout a bout;
c'est une composition savante organisee avec art autour
d'une donnee centrale, inspiree par un sentiment dominant
qui la penetre et la traverse. Dans l'Occident, ou l'unite
du groupe s'affirme dans le sentiment national, c'est lame
de la nation qui inspire le poete. L'lliade, l'E'neide, glori-
fient la Grece et Rome ; la Pucelle de Chapelain comme la
Henriade de Voltaire pretendaient glorifier la France. La
foi religieuse est aussi un des liens les plus forts de la
collectivite ; l'epopee peut lui emprunter aussi son inspira-
tion : la Jerusalem Delivree, le Paradis Perdu, la Messiade
sont ecrites a la gloire du christianisme. L'lnde n'a
jamais su degager sa conscience nationale; elle n'a re-
connu son unite que dans son organisation sociale et dans
son pantheon. Le Mahabharata decoule de cette double
source : il glorifie la caste des ksatriyas et le role ideal qui
lui est assigne dans l'ensemble de la societe hindoue ; il
enseigne aussi aux ksatriyas la gloire du dieu qui leur
garantit le succes et le salut. L'adoration a Krsna, qui a
accompli tant de miracles dans la litterature de l'lnde au
coure des siecles meritait de donner a la societe brahmani-

104 L&vi : Tato Jayam Udirayei

que son epopee ; l'lnde des brahmanes y a concentre tout
ce qu'elle recelait de grace, de tendresse, de douceur, d'hu-
manite. Le charme exquis de cette figure heroique et
galante pouvait seul faire echec au Bouddha. L'un incar-
nait l'ideal d'une communaute melancolique, sassee des
douleurs de la vie, sans autre consolation que l'espoir du
neant. L'autre devait attirer a lui les ames eprises d'action,
d'aventures, de grands coups, de fetes galantes. Tous deux
egalement accueillants acceptent les proselytes de l'lnde
et du dehors. Menandre, le roi philosophe, incline au boud-
dhisme ; mais vers le meme temps un autre Grec, Heliodore,
de Taxila, ambassadeur du roi Antalcidas aupres d'un
prince indien, se reclame du dieu des ksatriyas, et dresse un
pilier a Garuda en l'honneur de Vasudeva, dieu des dieux.
Quand les Kusanas constituent un empire scythique dans
l'Hindoustan, un des successeurs de Kaniska s'attribue
aussi le nom de Vasudeva. Dans l'excessive penurie des
documents historiques, ces menus indices, joints aux
temoignages indigenes (inscr. de Ghosundi, de Nanaghat)»
laissent entrevoir l'active propagande des Bhagavatas en
concurrence avec les Bouddhistes.

Pour le procede de composition aussi, l'epopee de Bha-
gavata semble entrer de propos delibere en concurrence
avec le bouddhisme. Le Mahabharata s'enorgueillit d'etre
une " cent-milliade " ( satasahasri ), autrement dit, une
oeuvre gigantesque qui depasse la mesure ordinaire des
ouvrages humains (iti Sri-Mahabharata-satasahasryam Sam-
hitayam Vaiyasikyam parvani adhyayah). La desig-
nation etait consacree dans l'usage des le Ve siecle ; l'in-
scription de Sarvanatha, trouvee a Khoh et datee de 214
(ere de Cedi?), cite expressement le Mahabharata comme
" la collection de cent-mille " (uktam ca Mahabharate sata-

sahasryam Samhitayam, ). Mais cette designation

rappelle inevitablement ceux des ouvrages fondamentaux
de la litterature bouddhique, la " cent-milliade " Satasaha-
srika, comme on l'appelle par excellence, ou pour l'enoncer
par son titre complet, la Perfection de la Sapience en cent-
mille [lignes], Satasahasrika Prajnaparamita. Pour passer
dans l'usage courant, l'oeuvre a du subir des reductions

L4vi : Tato Jayam Udlrayet 105

successives, en vingt-cinq mille, en huit mille (astasaha-
srika; c'est la forme classique du traite), en sept cents, en
cinq cents lignes. La Satasahasrika s'y pretait d'ailleurs
sans difficulty ; il suffisait d'elaguer les tautologies, les
homonymes, les redondances, les repetitions qui Fenflent
et la grossissent; il est evident que l'auteur s'est propose
d'atteindre a tout prix les dimensions demesurees qu'il
s'etait assignees. Dans son effort continu vers le beau,
l'lnde a manifestement passe par la stage intermediaire du
colossal; avant de goilter et de realiser la beaute dans
Fequilibre harmonieux des lignes, Fesprit humain se laisse
d'abord eblouir par le prestige de la masse. Dans la lite-
rature profane, la Brhatkatha presentait un cas analogue ;
Gunadhya, le Vyasa des contes, s'etait pique d'ecrire une
"Grande Histoire"; mais son oeuvre n'avait pas pour sa
sauvegarde, comme la SatasahasrI de Vyasa et comme la
Satasahasrika bouddhique, le zele pieux des copistes; il n'a
survecu que dans des adaptations reduites : Ksemendra en
a tire un bouquet (Manjari); Budhasvamin en a versifie
Fabrege (Slokasamgraha); Somadeva se donne formellement
pour un abreviateur (samgraham racayamy aham).

Mais c'est au bouddhisme encore qu'il faut revenir
pour trouver le parallele le plus frappant du Mahabharata.
L'ecole des Mula-Sarvastivadins qui employait le Sanscrit
comme langue sacree et qui se faisait gloire d'une forte
culture litteraire, s'est donne un Vinaya immense, double
au moins en etendue du Vinaya des Sarvastivadins qui lui-
m§me surpasse d'autant les Vinayas des autres ecoles :
Sthavira (Pali), Dharmagupta, Mahisasaka, Mahasam-
ghika. Son Vinaya est plus grand que la Satasahasrika
m§me ; la traduction tibetaine occupe treize volumes dans
le Kanjour, tandis que la Satasahasrika n'en fait que
douze. Autour de breves et seches prescriptions de la
discipline monastique, le redacteur a accumule les recits,
les contes, les jatakas, les episodes, sans compter une veri-
table biographie du Bouddha, une sorte de Buddhavarhsa.
qui peut faire pendant au Harivarhsa, complement orga-
nique du Mahabharata. Avec toutes ses surcharges, tous
8es episodes, avec sa masse touffue et luxuriante, le Maha-

14 [ Bhandarkar Com. Vol. ]

106 IAvi : Tato Jayam Udirayet

bharata porte a sa base sur un Vinaya, le code de la disci-
pline ksatriya a Tusage des Bhagavatas.

ANCIENT INDIAN GENEALOGIES-ARE
THEY TRUSTWORTHY?

BY F. E. PARGITER

GENEALOGIES of the royal dynasties of ancient India
are to be found in the Epics and Puranas, and profess
to give the names of the kings who reigned in various
kingdoms in Northern, Eastern and Western India. They
do not pretend to mention every king, but only those who
left some memory behind them.

Those dynasties are assigned to two great stocks, one
the Solar race that claimed descent from Manu, who was
said to be son of Vivasvant (the Sun), and the other the
Aila or Lunar race which claimed descent from Soma (the
Moon). The Solar race held three kingdoms, those of
Ayodhya, Videha and Vaisall, but the line of Ayodhya
being the greatest was known specially as the Solar race.
The Lunar race began with Pururavas Aila and soon
branched out into the five tribes of the Pauravas, Yadavas,
Anavas, Druhyus and Turvasus. The Pauravas established
themselves in all the middle region of North India, the
Yadavas in Western India and the north-west portion of
the Dekkhan, the Anavas in the Panjab and in the Eastern
region, and the Druhyus in the extreme North-west of
India with offshoots that spread out into the countries
beyond. They all belonged to the Lunar race, but this
title was appropriated to the Paurava line and especially
to its main branch which reigned at Hastinapura. All
those dynasties go back to very early times, and are dealt
with in the genealogies. The question naturally arises
whether the genealogies are worthy of credence.

They are plainly open to the objection that the long
lists of kings are rather shadowy, and that their earliest
portions are mythical and enveloped in fable. Such of
course they must be, because genuine traditions of the
earliest times can hardly be anything better, since there
were no means in India of making permanent records con-
temporaneously ; and because such traditions cannot escape

108 Pargiter: Indian Genealogies

the natural tendency in men to make mistakes, to magnify
the past and to distort ancient stories into fables. But to
acknowledge these limitations is not the same thing as to
declare that those traditional genealogies are unworthy of
any trust whatever.

It was the vogue half a century ago to treat the
earliest traditions as mere fables and explain them away
by theories or presumptions. In all ages the world has
had its full share of vigorous life and martial exploits;
large tribal movements occurred in early times and wars
of conquest, as well as peaceful periods that ministered to
national welfare. Great men lived and performed great
deeds in those times. There was ample material for true
songs and ballads in their honour, and it was but natural
that such songs should have been composed and handed
down. It has now been found that the old accounts in
other countries which were discredited half a century ago
were based on genuine tradition, because excavations and
discoveries have gone far to rehabilitate the general trust-
worthiness of those accounts. Men in ancient times knew
the difference between truth and falsehood as well as we
do, for truth was praised and falsehood condemned as far
back as literature can testify. It is absurd to suppose then,
that men in old times discarded the truth and carefully
handed on what was spurious. In fact, the position has
been reversed now, as compared with that of fifty years
ago. It is no longer correct to declare that the person who
seeks information from ancient tradition should first prove
that it is worthy of attention, for now the duty rather lies
on the person, who pronounces a tradition to be worthless,
to give reasons for his assertion.

Civilization in India is very ancient and many king-
doms existed in very early times. Where kingdoms and a
degree of civilization flourished, tradition could and natur-
ally would remember the names of the kings, because a
large part of knowledge in ancient times consisted of his-
torical tradition, without the multitudinous subjects with
which we are overburdened. It is not credible then that
the memory of distinguished kings of earlier times should

Pargiter: Indian Genealogies 10§

be wholly lost in their own nation, and the presumption is
that ancient tradition about kings is prima facie deserving
of attention. Accordingly the ancient Indian genealogies
are presumably genuine tradition in their main outlines,
while of course judgment may be reserved on various
particulars, knowing how human testimony is liable to
develop mistakes in details in the course of time.

There is however a further objection whether the
genealogies, supposing they were genuine, may not have
been tampered with or at least corrupted so as to vitiate
their value, as we have them now. Certainly spurious
genealogies, both royal and private, have been fabricated
in past times ; but before any one would think of fabricating
a false thing the real and true thing must have existed,
and the real thing must have had such a value that there
was a strong incentive to make and put forward a spurious
thing as genuine. False genealogies presuppose and imi-
tate, genuine genealogies. It is incredible that any one
would construct a false genealogy before real genealogies
existed. Real genealogies must have existed from the
earliest times, because, as soon as any chieftainship or
kingship was established in any tribe or people, a real
genealogy of the chiefs or kings who succeeded must in
the nature of things have come into existence. Chieftain-
ships began as soon as tribes developed any kind of col-
lective existence, and as they generally tended to become
hereditary, genealogies of the ruling families must have
been coeval with the origin of civilization. The fact that
the original founder is often wrapped in fable, such as that
he was the offspring of the sun or moon or some super-
human being, does not militate against this conclusion,
because such fables merely touch the origin of the family :
the succession of chiefs or kings, when such rule was once
established, was real, that is, there would be a real genea-
logy.

Real genealogies then must have existed from the
earliest stage of civilization, before fictitious genealogies
could have been thought of, and long before falsehood
could have been attempted successfully. The occasions

110 Pargiter: Indian Genealogies

when spurious lineages are generally constructed are the
rise of new chiefs or kings, because their families and
dignity need to be enhanced by devising connexions with
earlier and greater dynasties. It is the novus homo who
requires a spurious genealogy. Instances of spurious
genealogies have been detected in medieval and modern
India, and false descents have been alleged in some of the
smaller ancient genealogies in some of the Puranas; but
these are clearly later productions.

Real genealogies moreover would have been carefully
preserved by the kings and their priests and bards, because
ancient lineage has always been a source of pride, and
ancestral fame always a theme for poetic laudation. Bards
and ballad-makers have always existed, who not only
ministered to the pride of kings but also gratified popular
interest by reciting old ballads and traditional tales; and
such recitals are alluded to in Sanskrit books. In such
dynasties there would have been no occasion for making
false genealogies while the dynasty lasted, and little or no
motive for falsification after it had passed away.

Mistakes, omissions and corruptions might and no
doubt did creep into the genealogies during the lapse of
time, and it may even be conceded that attempts may have
been made to remove unpleasant facts from them. These
may be cited as instances. The Kanyakubja dynasty which
culminated in Visvamitra, and the Kasi dynasty have been
wrongly alleged in some of the Puranas to have been des-
cended from the successors of Bharata the great and pious
monarch of the Paurava race; and the genealogy of the
Ayodhya line given by the Ramayana is incorrect both in
respect of its arrangement of the kings and also by its
omissions. The errors in the Ramayana appear to have
been due to the lack of the historical sense among ancient
brahmans, for it is mainly brahmanical; but the wrong
descent of the Kanyakubja and Kasi lineages is hardly
explicable except on the supposition that there was some
tampering. Still, whatever the causes were, those errors
failed to establish themselves, because the majority of the
authorities have preserved different accounts which appear

Pargiter: Indian Genealogies 111

on examination to be more trustworthy. There appears to
have been a sufficiently strong body of traditional know-
ledge in North India to prevent false particulars from
being successfully introduced to any serious extent. There
were bards, not only in the royal courts, but also else-
where. An error might have prevailed in one place but
could hardly have gained acceptance everywhere among
all the bards ; and the errors cited above illustrate this.
The wrong derivation of the Kanyakubja dynasty from
Bharata's successors had some attraction, [because several
brahman families did originate from them, and Visva-
mitra's brahmanhood would have appeared less revo-
lutionary if he also had that descent; yet the majority of
the genealogists have ignored it, and even two of the books
which give the wrong version give also the true version.
The Ramayana has been probably the most famous poem
in India for much more than a thousand years, and its
authority would (one might think) have overborne every
other work ; yet all the Puranas, even those which have
erred in the Kanyakubja matter, disregard its version of
the Solar dynasty and give another version, which appears
to be correct, for it is corroborated by incidental references
in various other books. Even the Ramayana therefore
with all its fame could not establish an incorrect genea-
logy.

Fictitious genealogies do occur in Sanskrit books and
the difference between them and the royal genealogies is
very striking. They are those which appear in connexion
with Daksa in the accounts of creation, the genealogies
of the Pitrs, those which explain how the various kinds
of fires developed, and such like. They are all brahmanical
compositions, obviously imitated from the dynastic genea-
logies, and bearing their spuriousness on their face. More-
over attempts to construct real genealogies out of insuffi-
cient materials are also found, such as the so-called
vamsas of the Bhargavas, Atreyas, Vasisthas and other
brahman families found in the Brahmanda, Vayu, Matsya
and Linga Puranas. These are not proper genealogies.
They contain here and there a piece of genealogy

112 Pargiter: Indian Genealogies

comprising a few generations, but all the rest of the vamsas
is merely a list of rishis and gotras compiled with no clear
arrangement. The pieces of genealogy given do not appear
to be original, but seem to have been constructed from
information collected from various books, information that
can be generally found elsewhere now. Those brahman
vamsas were manifestly compiled in imitation of the royal
genealogies at a much later date, and since there were no
real brahmanical genealogies preserved by tradition, the
compilers simply put together, as best they could, all the
scraps of information they could find.

Such fictitious genealogies and brahmanical vamsas
would never have been fabricated, unless real genealogies
had existed before them and been famous. Manifestly there
were no real and famous genealogies except those of
the royal dynasties, which were all ksatriya. Consequently
these latter were the originals which the former tried to
imitate. These spurious genealogies then offer strong
testimony to the antiquity and genuineness of the royal
genealogies ; and their defects and inaccuracies, compared
with the abundant, simple and generally natural details
of the ksatriya genealogies, reveal plainly what spurious
work was like.

The royal genealogies were kept up and preserved, not
by brahmans as brahmans, because such matters were not
their province, but naturally by men connected with the
courts, where the succession of kings was a subject of
continuous importance and interest. Those men were royal
bards, and may even have been brahmans; yet, if brahmans
were the custodians of the genealogies, they did their
duties not as brahmans but as court functionaries. The
rishis or strict brahmans of ancient times did not busy
themselves with such mundane affairs, except rarely and
in special circumstances. They did not take any pains to
preserve even their own vamsas, since no genuine brah-
manical genealogies are to be found. Had such once
existed, they would certainly have been preserved by the
brahmans who have been the custodians of Sanskrit litera-
ture for at least two thousand years.^ The only'reai

Par g iter: Indian Genealogies 113

genealogies they have preserved are the ksatriya genealo-
gies of the ancient dynasties. Since the brahmans preserved
the Vedas and other brahmanical works with verbal
accuracy, there is no improbability in believing that bards
and genealogists and paur&nikas could have preserved
those genealogies with substantial faithfulness. For these
and other reasons also, the discussion of which would
much augment this paper, there seems to me to be no
reasonable doubt that the royal genealogies are really
ancient and substantially worthy of acceptance. And this
conclusion is corroborated by the fact that those genea-
logies, and they alone in Sanskrit writings, describe how
what we know of the Aryan occupation of India took
place, namely, by the diffusion and domination of the Aila
or Lunar race over North India and the north-west of the
Dekkhan. Their harmony with positive ethnological facts
is unimpeachable testimony to their trustworthiness.

15 [ Bhandarkar Com. Vol.]

Pali, Buddhism and Jainism

THE HOME OF LITERARY PALI
BY GEORGE A. GRIERSON

SCHOLARS are not agreed as to the home of literary Pali.
The three most important theories are those of H.
Oldenberg, R. Otto Franke, and E. Windisch.

According to Oldenberg,1 'the home of the Pali lan-
guage must be looked for more to the south than to the
north of the Vindhya mountains.'

Franke,2 after considering the dialectic peculiarities
of all the available coins and inscriptions in the Pali lan-
guage, comes to the following conclusions: — (1) that the
language of the inscriptions of the eastern parts of Nor-
thern India differs from Literary Pali in such important
particulars that Literary Pali cannot have had its home
there; (2) that as regards the language of the KharosthI
documents of North-Western India, there are both points
of agreement with, and points of difference from, Literary
Pali. Hence, though the North-West was not the home of
Pali, the gap between the two dialects is not so great as in
the East ; (3) that the language of the inscriptions of the
Deccan shows marked points of difference from Literary
Pali. He is thus unable to accept Oldenberg's theory;
(4) that the language of the inscriptions of the Western
Madhyadesa shows most points of agreement with Literary
Pali, though there are some points of difference. Taking
the inscriptions of the fourth group in detail, and com-
paring the language of each with Literary Pali, he finally
decides that the home of Literary Pali was South to the
South-East of the KharosthI country, South of Mathura and
perhaps also South of SanchI and Bharaut, or at all events
not in the immediate neighbourhood of these places, West
or South-West of the Pali of the North-East, North of
Nasik, and East of Girnar. In other words, the original

1 Vinaya pitaka, p. liv.

2 Pali and Sanskrit, chapter x, esp. p. 138. Franke on tbe whole
agrees with Westergaard and E. Kuhn.

118 Grierson : Home of Pali

home was as nearly as possible the country between the
middle and western Vindhyas. So far he considers his
points as proved, and he adds the conjecture that the city
of Ujjayini probably occupies the centre of the tract.

Windisch1 lays stress on the fact that Franke's con-
clusions are mainly negative. The home was not in the
East, or North-West, or South, and therefore it must have
been where he puts it, as this was the only remaining
possible location. He then urges that Literary Pali, as its
name implies, was a literary language, and was therefore,
like all literary languages, a more or less mixed form of
speech. But, as this mixed language must have had for its
basis some particular dialect, he contends that this was
the dialect spoken by the Buddha himself, — the language
of Magadha. As a literary language this was influenced
by the languages spoken to its West, and especially by the
other great literary language, Sanskrit. This accounts for
the retention of a Sanskrit r instead of the MagadhI /, and
for the use of o instead of the MagadhI e in the nominative
singular of a-bases. In other respects Literary Pali agrees
very well with the peculiarities of MagadhI Prakrit as
described by the grammarians. The Buddha himself, in
the course of his travels, would have picked up dialectic
peculiarities of the places where he preached, and it is the
Buddha's language that it was intended to preserve in
Pali.2

It seems to me that Windisch's explanation is the
right one. It is the only formula that explains the Indian
tradition, according to which Literary Pali is described as
MagadhI. From inception to conclusion, his arguments
are eminently cautious and reasonable ; and, accepting the
fact that Literary Pali was a mixed form of speech having

1 Ueber den sprachlichen Charakter des Pali, in Actes du XIVe Con-
gres International des Orientalistes ( Algiers, 1905 ), part I. pp. 252ff., esp.
pp. 277ff.

2 It is worth noting that, according to MSrkandeya, the peculiarities
of MagadhI PrSkrit extended much further west in connexion with
Paisaci Prakrit. Thus ( xx, 2, 3, ) SaurasenI Paisaci changed s to $ and t
to / and the latter change also took place in PancaU Paisaci ( xx, 14 ).

Orierson : Home of Pali 119

as its basis the language of Magadha, the object of the pre-
sent paper is to see if we can trace this development any
further, and ascertain the locality in which it is probable
that Literary Pali received its final form.

It is generally accepted that in Asoka's time Magadhi,
the language of his court, was employed as a Koivrj, spoken
and understood over the greater part of India, and certainly
as far North-West as Shahbazgarhl. It had its variations,
just as at the present day the modern kolvtj, Hindostani, as
spoken in Delhi differs from that spoken in Eastern Ben-
gal or in Madras. As in the case of Hindostani, wherever
it was used it imported peculiarities from the local dialect,
but in the main it was the same language throughout.
There is no reason for supposing that this was not the case
before Asoka's time. A Koivrj does not establish itself in
a moment or at the command of a king, but by gradual
growth, and that being the case, we are justified in assum-
ing that the Buddha found his native language a useful
Koivrj that could be employed wherever he preached.

Sten Konow, in his article on the Home of Paisaci,1
draws attention to the many points in which Pali agrees
with PaisacI Prakrit. These are —

1 The hardening of sonant mutes.

2 The retention of intervocalic consonants.

3 The employment of svarabhakti in words such a
bhariya, sinana, and Jcasata.

4 The change of jn, riy, and ny to nn.

5 The preservation of y, instead of changing it to ,;'.

6 The termination o of the nominative singular of
a-bases, not the Magadhi e.

7 General agreement of the inflexional systems.
To these may be added —

8 In the Standard PaisacI of Kekaya, but not in
the sub-dialects of Surasena and Pancala, the re-
tention of the Sanskrit r, and its non-change to
the Magadhi I.

1 ZDMG. lxiv (1910), p. 114 ff.

120 Orierson : Home of Pali

Konow places the home of PaisacI in and about the
Vindhyas and perhaps further to the South and to the
East, and argues (p. 118) — in this supporting the above-
mentioned theory of Franke — that it follows that Pali is
based on an Aryan dialect spoken in the same neighbour-
hood.

While I agree with Konow as to the close relationship
between PaisacI and Pali, I am compelled to differ from
him altogether as to the home of the latter. In a paper1
entitled PaisacI, Paisacas, and 'Modern Pisaca', I have
discussed this question at considerable length and believe
that I have proved that there was once a tribe or group of
tribes in the extreme North-West of India, to which was
given the name of 'Pisaca' by those who lived farther to
the East ; that these people spoke a language called by the
Prakrit grammarians 'PaisacI Prakrit'; and that traces
of this particular Prakrit are still to be found in consider-
able numbers in the languages spoken on the North-
western Frontier at the present day. While I admit that
it is probable that these Pisacas spread down the Indus
into Rajputana and along the Konkan coast, I maintain
that the nidus in India from which they spread was the
North-West, and that, though they may have carried their
language with them, this North-West was its proper home.

I do not propose to repeat here the arguments used in
that paper. They are there for those who wish to discuss
them ; but I mention one, because it involves a new piece
of evidence that was not available when the paper was
written.

As Konow points out (p. 100), the later Prakrit Gram-
marians knew numerous PaisacI dialects.

Hemacandra knew three, but does not say where they
were spoken.

Markandeya (17th century) mentions the following —

1 Kaficldeslya 3 Paiicala

2 Pandya 4 Gauda

1 ZDMG, lxvi (1912), pp. 49 ff.

Grierson : Home of Pali 121

5 Magadha 8 Saurasena

6 Vracada 9 Kaikaya or Kaikeya

7 Daksinatya 10 Sahara

11 Dravida

Of these ( sutra 8 ) he says that only three were civi-
lized (nagara). The rest were local dialects of no import-
ance. The three were Kaikeya, Saurasena, and Pancala.

Ramatarkavagisa (? 17th century) knows two Paisa-
cikas, one Kaikeya and the other (?) Caska. He adds that
if other Prakrit dialects, e. g. MagadhI, are used incorrectly,
they become asuddha Paisacika.

Laksmldhara gives the following list of countries in
which PaisacI was spoken ( quoted from the Mysore Edi-
tion of 1889)—

1 Pandya 6 Kuntala

2 Kekaya 7 Sudhesna

3 Bahllka 8 Bota

4 Simha(la) 9 Gandhara

5 Nepala 10 Haiva

11 Kannojana

The first thing that strikes one about these three lists
is the great extent of country that they cover. If we are
to accept them in their entirety, PaisacI Prakrit was
spoken over nearly the whole of India and also in Tibet.
It would, in fact, be more of a noivrj than modern Hindos-
tani. In the second place they do not agree. There is only
one name, Kekaya, common to all three, and it is the only
one which, according to Markandeya, has a dialect of im-
portance. This Kekaya (with which we may also count
Gandhara) lies in the extreme North-West of India, in the
very locality where I, for independent reasons, have located
the Pisacas. The remaining names seem to be what Rama-
tarkavagisa calls asuddha Paiiacikas, i. e. are either not
PaisacI at all but are corruptions of the local dialects, or
else, what is more probable, local varieties of Pali, the
language of the, to them, heretical Buddhists. This would
account for the presence in the lists of names such as
Bota (Tibet), Pandya, or Dravida, names that indicate

16 [Bhandarkar Com. Vol]

122 Grierson : Home of Pali

localities in which certainly no Aryan language was the
vernacular.

Markandeya treats this Kekaya Paisaci as the stan-
dard. Moreover, according to him, it was in this dialect
that Gunadhya's Brhatkatha was composed. In the 9th
sutra of his chapter xix he says that in Kekaya Paisacika
the word kvacit becomes kupaci, and as an example he
quotes " Brhatkathayam , ' kupaci pisalam'." Laksmidhara
mentions another country in the same neighbourhood,
Gandhara. It adjoined Kekaya, and the boundaries be-
tween the two fluctuated from time to time. For our pre-
sent purposes, in discussing the language of Kekaya, we
shall be perfectly safe in including under this name so
much of Gandhara as lay to the East of the Indus.

We have thus arrived at the following facts —

1 Literary Pali is a mixed dialect based upon

Magadhi.

2 It is closely connected with Paisaci Prakrit.

3 Standard Paisaci Prakrit was spoken in, and was

almost certainly the local dialect of, Kekaya and
eastern Gandhara, lying in the extreme North-
West of India.

Let us now see if this leads us to any conjecture, less
securely founded, but reasonable. From very ancient times
the greater Kekaya, as defined above, was famous for its
learning. We are told in the Chandogya Upanisad (V. 11)
how five theologians came to a Brahman with hard ques-
tions, which he was unable to answer for them. So he sent
them to Asvapati the king of Kekaya, who solved all their
difficulties. It was at Salatura, not far from Taksasila
that Panini himself was born, and it is not unfair to assume
that it was at the Taksasila University that he was educated.
This University was famed in early Buddhist times. Ac-
cording to the Jatakas it was the only great University in
India. Numerous pupils went to it from Eastern India,
from Magadha and Benares.1 The Buddha himself, as a

1 Jatakas 61, 222, 336, 374, 487, 489, 506, 522. 536, 546.

Grierson : Home of Pali 123

Bodhisatta, studied there in several previous births.1 In
many cases he went there in a former birth as one of the
numerous sons of Brahmadatta, king of Benares,2 and in
other births he was even a professor there.3 In fact a
perusal of the Jatakas shows that during the period in
which they were composed Taksasila was considered to be
the only place in India where a Buddhist could get a
complete education. Finally, in Jataka 229, the Bodhisatta
is represented as king of Taksasila.

When we consider the undoubted fact that PaisacI
Prakrit was the vernacular language of the country round
Taksasila, and that it is closely connected with Pali, we
have a strong reason for concluding that Literary Pali is
the literary form of the MagadhI language, the then koivtIj
of India, as it was spoken and as it was used as a medium
of literary instruction in the Taksasila University. It was
the language of educated Buddhists and, in a polished form,
would naturally be used by them for literary purposes.

The origin of modern literary Hindi presents a strik-
ing parallel to that suggested above for Pali. The langu-
age of the country round the great university town of
Benares is quite different from that of Delhi. Neverthe-
less Hindostani, the koivtj founded on the speech of the Delhi
market, has been adopted in Benares as an important
vehicle of literary expression, and, under the form of
Hindi, bears all the hall-marks of the Sanskritizing in-
fluence of the University in which it has been nurtured
and from which it has gained universal acceptance. More-
over, many books written by eminent Hindi writers display
idioms and a vocabulary which clearly belong to the
Awadhi and the Bhojpuri spoken in or not far from
Benares, and which are strange to the language of the
Upper Doab.

1 Jatakas 80, 99, 117, 130, 149, 150, 163, 165, 173, 175, 180, 185, 200, 211,
214, 251, 259, 276, 284, 313, 319, 323, 328, 337, 346, 348, 356, 376, 380, 392,
402-3, 411, 413-4, 418, 423, 431, 440, 443, 445, 447, 453, 467, 474, 478, 488, 498,
499, 524, 527-30, 537.

2 Jatakas 50, 55, 96, 101, 132, 151, 160, 181, 252, 260, 262, 269, 282, 289,
310, 349, 355, 362, 415-6, 456, 468, 525.

3 Jatakas 71, 97, 338, 353, 377.

THE CAKKAVATTI

( DIgha, xxvi. )
BY T. W. RHYS DAVIDS

ASOKA states in his Edicts that it was the horrors of
actual warfare, as brought to his notice during his
conquest of Kalinga, that led him to the propagation, in
those Edicts, of the Dhamma — the Norm — as the only-
true conquest. So the Buddha is represented in this
Suttanta as setting out his own idea of conquest (not
without ironical reference to the current idea ) and then as
inculcating the observance of the Dhamma — the Norm —
as the most important force for the material and moral
progress of mankind.

The whole is a fairy tale. The personages who play
their part in it never existed. The events described in it
never occurred. And more than that. A modern writer,
telling a story to emphasise a moral, would always, like
the creator of the immortal Dr. Teufelsdrockh, endeavour
to give probability, vraisemblance, to the characters and
events of his tale. Here the very opposite would seem to
be the case. Recourse is had rather to the shock of
improbability. This is in accord with the procedure in
other cases ( for instance in the story of Sharp-tooth the
Priest, or in that of the Riddles of the God ).* The point
of the moral — and in this fairy tale the moral is the thing
— is the Reign of Law. Never before in the history of the
world had this principle been proclaimed in so thorough-
going and uncompromising a way. But of course it is not
set out in such arguments as we find in modern treatises
on ethics or philosophy. The authors are not writing a
monograph on history or ethics. They are preaching a
gospel; and their method is to state their view, and leave
the hearer to accept it, or not, just as he pleases.

The view was, so to speak, in the air at that time.
The whole history of religion, in India as elsewhere, had
been the history of a struggle between the opposing ideas,
1 Kutadanta and Sakka-Panha (Digha Nikaya, v, and xxi ),

126 Rhys Davids : Cakkavatti

or groups of ideas, that may be summed up by the words
Animism and Normalism. Animism has now become a
well-known term. It is based on the very ancient hypo-
thesis of a soul — a subtle, material, homunculus or
mannikin supposed to dwell in the heart of a man. This
afforded what seemed a simple and self-evident 'explana-
tion' of many mysterious things. When in his dream a
man saw another, whom, when the dreamer woke, he knew
to have been dead, he at once concluded, on the evidence
of the dream, that the person he saw in his dream was
still alive. It is true he had seen the body dead. But it
was self-evident that a something he knew not what, but
very like the body, was still alive. He did not reason
much about it, or stay to weigh the difficulties involved.
But he was much too frightened of it to forget it. Once
formed, the hypothesis was widely used. When a man
awoke in the morning after hunting all night in his
dreams, and learnt from his companions that his body had
been there all the time, it was of course his 'soul' that had
been away. In a similar way death and trance and
disease could be ascribed to the absence of the 'soul'.
'Souls' were believed to wander from body to body.
Animals had souls, and even things, when they were
uncanny, or when they seemed to have life and motion
and sound. The awe-inspiring phenomena of nature were
instinctively regarded as the result of spirit action : and
rivers, plants and stars, the earth, the air and heaven be-
came full of souls, of gods, each of them in fashion as a
man, and with the passions of a man.

But wide-reaching as this hypothesis was, it could
not cover everything. From the earliest times of which
we have any record we find in India as elsewhere quite a
number of religious beliefs and ceremonies which were
not explained, and could not be explained, by the hypo-
thesis of a soul. In other words they are not animistic.
The first impression we get is that of the bewildering
variety of such beliefs. But they can be arranged, with
more or less exactitude, into over-lapping groups : and
behind all the groups can be discerned a single underlying

lihys Davids : Cakkavatti 127

principle. That principle is the belief in a certain rule
order, law. We have no word for such a belief in English
and this, since the theory is as important, in the ancient
Indian religions, as Animism, is a pity. I have suggested
in my lectures on Comparative Religion in Manchester,
to call it Normalism.1

Of course the men who held the beliefs, and practised
the ceremonies so-named, had no clear conception of the
theory of Normalism, just as they had no clear conception
of the theory of Animism. But they unmistakeably held
the view that things happened, effects were brought about
without the agency of a soul or god, and quite as a
matter of course ; and they regarded that as the rule in
such and such a case. Now we do not ourselves believe
in the rule or in any one of the rules, thus laid down —
(any more than we believe in the hypothesis of a homun-
culus within the heart). But the word Animism has been
found most useful in clearing up our appreciation of
ancient views. Its usefulness is limited, it is true. It
covers rather less than half of the main beliefs recorded
in the most ancient literatures of the world. The other
half would be covered by the corresponding hypothesis of
Normalism.

This is not the place to raise the question of the
importance of Normalism in the general history of reli-
gions. Perhaps one of the reasons why, in Europe, so
much more attention has been paid to Animism, may be
that the general trend of belief in Europe is itself predomi-
nantly animistic. But it is at least certain that in the
far East, and more especially in China and India, Nor-
malism is the more important of the two.

In China it is the basis of the theory of the Tao (the
way), which finds its earliest expression in the famous
tractate of Lao Tsu, but was undoubtedly earlier than
that, and is taken for granted also by Confucius. The
Tao is quite Normalistic ; and though much abused in
later times in the official circles of Taoism, the early form

1 Journal, Manchester Egyptian and Oriental Society, 1914-15.

128 Rhys Davids : Cakkavatti

of it has never ceased to influence the various intellectual
centres of Chinese belief. The theory of Yang and Yin,
also so widely, indeed universally held, in China, and also
going back to very early times, is equally Normalistic.
No one of these three conceptions was ever personified.
All three rested on the idea of law or rule independent of
any soul.

In India our earliest records, the thousand and more
Vedic hymns, seem at first sight to be altogether animistic.
They consist almost exclusively in appeals to various
gods. The European books on Indian religions are
concerned, when treating of the Vedic period, with de-
scriptions of these gods, based on the epithets applied to
them, the acts attributed to them, and so on. But these
poems make no pretention to being a complete statement
of the beliefs of the tribes whose priests made use of the
poems. Other poems, not included in our present collec-
tion, were doubtless extant in the community at the time
when the collection was made. Other beliefs, not men-
tioned in the poems, were widely influential among the
people. What we have is not complete even as a summary
of the theosophy, or the ritual, or the mythology of the
priests ; and it refers only incidentally to other beliefs,
unconnected with gods, of great importance as a factor in
religion and daily life.

This conclusion might be justified as rendered neces-
sary by a critical consideration of the simple known facts
as to the composition of the anthology we call the Rg-
veda. It is confirmed by the discovery in later Vedic
books, especially in the manuals of domestic rites, of
customs and beliefs that must evidently go back to the
Rgveda period, ( though not referred to in that collec-
tion ), and even of one or two such cases that certainly go
back to an earlier period still. We have space here for
only one or two sample instances, and even they can only
be treated in the merest outline.

Take the case of rta. The meaning of the word
would seem to have passed through some such evolution
us ' motion, rhythmic motion, order, cosmic order, moral

Rhys Davids : Cakkavatti 129

order, the right.' In those slowly moving ages a long
period must be postulated for the growth and consolida-
tion of such ideas. The word is found, incidentally
mentioned, at the end of its career, in the Avesta and the
Veda. It must have been in full use before the Persian
Aryans had separated from the Indian Aryans. The idea
may therefore with reasonable probability be traced back
to the third millennium before Christ. The use of the
word died out in India before the time of the rise of
Buddhism. Of the pre-Buddhistic Upanisads it occurs
only in one — the Taittiriya. In the peroration to that
work rta is placed above, before the gods. The word
occurs, it is true, in three or four isolated passages of post-
Buddhistic works, but these are archaisms. It has not
been traced in either the Buddhist or the Jaina canonical
literature.

The process of the gradual decline in the use of an
abstract word is precisely analogous to the process of the
gradual decay and death of a god.1 The word covers not
one idea only, but a number of connotations. The impli-
cations involved in it are constantly, though imperceptibly,
changing. Sooner or later one or other phase of it over-
masters the others, and some new word, or words, empha-
sising some one or other of the various connotations of the
older word, come gradually into use as more adequate
or more clear. When that process is complete the older
word is dead. But it lives again in the newer word or
words that have taken its place, and would never have
been born or thought of unless the older word had pre-
viously lived. It was so with rta — a broader and deeper
conception than the Greek moira; and more akin to the
Chinese Tao. Like these, rta was never personified and
it lives again in the clearer and more definite (though still
very imperfect) phrases of the Suttanta before us now.

The case of rta is by no means unique. I have else-
where discussed at some length another case, that of tapas
or self-mortification, austerity.2 It was held in India from

I See Buddhist India, p. 234. 2 Dialogues of the Buddha, i, 213 f*

17 [ Bhandarkar Com. Vol. ]

130 Rhys Davids : Cakkavatti

Vedic times onwards that tapas (originally 'burning glow,'
but afterwards used of fasting and other forms of self-
mortification) worked out its effects by itself, without the
intervention of any deity. This is only the more remark-
able since it is almost certain that in India, as elsewhere,
the ecstatic state of mind which rendered such austerity
possible was originally often regarded as due to the in-
spiration of a spirit. But it is, so far as I know, never
mentioned that the supernormal effects of the austerity
were due to the spirit from whom the inspiration came.
The effects were due to the austerity itself. Very often
indeed there was no question of any deity's help in the
determination to carry out the self-torture — just as in the
case of the pujari's at the ghats in modern India.

Even the very sacrifice itself — made to gods, supposed
to give sustenance and strength to gods, accompanied by
hymns and invocations addressed to gods — was not entirely
free from such normalistic ideas. The hymns themselves
already contain phrases which suggest that their authors
began to see a certain mystic power over the gods in a
properly conducted sacrifice. And we know that after-
wards, in the Brahmanas, this conception was carried to
great lengths. So also we have evidence of a mystic
power, independent of the gods, in the words, the verses,
that- accompany the sacrifice. It is no contradiction of
this that we find this mystic power itself deified and
becoming, indeed, in the course of centuries of specula-
tion, the highest of the gods. And it is significant, in this
connection, that the string of Brhaspati's bow is precisely
rta.

It would be tedious (and it would also, after the above
instances, be, I trust, unnecessary) to quote the very nu-
merous other instances in Vedic works of a slighter cha-
racter and less importance, showing the existence of a
theory of life the very opposite of Animism. They are
naturally only quite incidental in the Rgveda itself, and
occur more and more frequently in the later books, being
most numerous in the Sutra period. Many of these can
be classed under one or other of the various meanings

Rhys Davids : Cakkavatti 131

given by anthropologists to the ambiguous and confusing
word ' magic ' 1 — the ' magic ' of names, or numbers, or
propinquity, or likeness, or association, or sympathy, and
so on. Many will also be found in the long list of practices
from which it is said in the Silas (one of the very earliest
of our Buddhist documents, earlier than the Pitakas) that
the Samana Gotama refrains.'

The above suffices to show something of the position
of Normalism in pre-Buddhistic India. Our present Sut-
tanta shows the stage it had reached in the period of the
early Buddhists. It is a stage of great interest — differing,
as it does, from the line of development followed by Nor-
malism in other countries.

1 For some of these divergent and contradiotory meanings see Pro-
ceedings of the Oxford Congress of Religions, 1908.

2 Dialogues of the Buddha, vol. 1, pp. 16-30.

SAGE AND KING IN XOSALA-SAMYUTTA

BY MRS. RHYS DAVIDS

TTHE fame of Gotama Buddha is world-wide and crescent.
-*■ The religious and philosophical doctrines associated
with his name were at one time paramount in India — they
were Indian culture. Few will be ignorant of or dispute
either of these two statements. Yet it is singular to note
how slight and confined to how few are the movements on
foot in our centres of learning, European and Indian, to
acquire and to spread a better based and more intimate
knowledge (1) of the earliest known, least apocryphal
sources and methods of those doctrines, (2) of the earliest
documentary evidence extant of the social and political
atmosphere in which they arose. We know the methods
of Sokrates, we know the very words, let alone the cha-
racter of the conversations and discourses ascribed to the
Christ. How much is present to our mind of how, as pre-
served in the larger literature of the Nikayas, the Sakya-
muni dealt with his numerous interlocutors? We know
the Sokratic Athens ; we can almost see the hasty Herod,
the reluctant Pilate, the contending Pharisee and Sad-
ducee. Which of us has a mental picture of those two
loyal inquirers and patrons, King Pasenadi of Kosala and
Sudatta, whom for his philanthropy men called Anatha-
pindika : ' Feeder of the forlorn ' ? Yet there are no other
Indian laymen of so early a date, concerning whose life
and character so much relatively early documentary evi-
dence is extant. Chandragupta, compared with these, is
but a name; Asoka lives chiefly in the records of his edicts.
But in the Suttas of the Nikayas, aided by the Vinaya,
"the King, the Kosalan Pasenadi" walks and talks before
us with all the strong and the weak points of his Ksatri-
yan characteristics. And we have documentary evidence
of a similar kind for the character of the commoner.

But for the piety and support of these two men, it is
conceivable that the Sangha, in Asoka's day, might not
have been in such a position as to make it expedient for

134 Mrs. Rhys Davids : Kosala-Saihyutta

that ruler to patronize and propagate it. It is to aid a
little in familiarizing some readers with the Pasenadi of
Pali literature and with the methods used in his case by
India's greatest teacher, that the following selection from
the Kosala-Samyutta (ed. Feer, Pali Text Soc.) is here
offered. It will serve at least to fill out a little the brief
outline of the King's career sketched in my husband's
Buddhist India.

In these Suttas and in Buddhaghosa's Commentary1
the Kosalan Pasenadi2 stands out as a very real, if average
aristocratic despot- He is shown combining, like so many
of his class all the world over, a proneness to affairs of sex
with the virtues and affection of a good 'family man,'
indulgence at the table with an equally natural wish to
keep in good physical form, a sense of honour and honesty,
shown in his disgust at legal cheating, with a greed for
acquiring wealth and war indemnities, and a fussiness
over lost property, a magnanimity towards a conquered
foe with a callousness over sacrificial slaughter and the
punishment of criminals. Characteristic also is both his
superstitious nervousness over the sinister significance of
dreams due, in reality, to disordered appetites, and also
his shrewd, politic care to be on good terms with all reli-
gious orders, whether he had testimonials to their genuine-
ness or not.

In all these respects then the Pasenadi is a typical
Ksatriya, with the qualities and defects of his class. In-
deed it would seem that he shows some complacency in
ranking himself as a good type of a prosperous monarch
(3, §5), greatly busied over the pleasures and duties, the
advantages and disabilities, of a ruler who, as in his case,
had inherited a kingdom of expanded dimensions,3 and
had Von security therein ' (3, § 5 ). Nevertheless in one
important respect he is revealed as superior to the average

1 Saratthappakasint. The Pali Text Society is preparing an edition.

2 Probably an official, possibly a clan name, as we might say the
Egyptian Pharaoh, or the Rumanian Hohenzollern. He is elsewhere
called Agnidatta (Divya: 620; Bud: India, 10).

3;.Cf. Buddhist India, p. 25.

Mrs. Rhys Davids : Kosala-Samyutta 135

king, and that is in his discernment — according to his
lights — of, and his inclination towards, that which was
good and righteous (2, § 4), and also in his appreciation of
the man who, in a transcendent degree, embodied all that
was good and righteous.

These were matters, as the Sage reminded him (2, § 1),
that were anything but easy for one in his position to re-
cognize. Living amidst luxuries and distractions, flattery
and lies, the Pasenadi had the strength of mind to secure
time for solitary meditation (1, § 4 — ■§ 6), and to face the
bed-rock questions of life and death, good and evil. Hence
his conscience was alert, and swift in response to the
spur, lightly or heavily applied, of the Sage's admonition.
Frequently thus admonished, he remained a loyal upasaka
of the master during practically the whole of his long
public ministry. In the opening Sutta, his first meeting
with the young and new teacher is given. After that the
title bho Gotama is changed once for all to the bhante of
the disciple. And in the eloquent valediction put in his
mouth, in the Dhammacetiya-sutta of the Majjhima, as
spoken just before he went forth to meet desertion and a
lonely death, he asserts that both he and his teacher are
octogenarians. Viewed as a historical fact, this friendly
intercourse is thus made to cover more than forty years.
Did ever monarch do himself such high credit for so long
a period ?

Such was the Kosalan Pasenadi, the most powerful
king of his day in India, whose realms extended from the
Ganges to Himalaya, and were bound west and east by
(probably) the Jumna and the Gandhak.

In the counsels which he sought and found, most of
the methods employed by the Sage are illustrated. In dis-
cussing those methods in his introduction to the Kassapa-
Slhanada Sutta ( Dialogues of the Buddha, i, 206 f. ) Rhys
Davids shows how, in conversing with one whose stand-
point differed widely from his own, the Buddha invariably
put himself as far as possible in the mental position of the
questioner, accepting his starting points, attacking no
cherished convictions, even adopting the very phraseology

136 Mrs. Rhys Davids : Kosala-Samyutta

of the other, but, partly by a re-creating of the meaning
of terms, partly by appeal to matters of common agree-
ment, bringing him to a fresh and a higher conclusion.
Several of the Suttas here presented exemplify these words.
Both Sage and King were of the same social class and
country,1 and of the same age, yet it were hard to find two
persons more sharply contrasted in opinions and outlook
than these two. Note then how the sage, who, save to
help and uplift his fellow-beings, had entirely done with
the world, stooped at every interview to the King's outlook
and stock of ideas, and grafted his admonitions on that
stock and in that soil : —

His Majesty has been gluttonous. Abstemiousness is
gently enjoined, not as favouring spiritual growth,2 but be-
cause he will thus more lightly bear advancing age. How
should he most wisely direct his almoners to proceed in
the matter of doles etc. ? Use the same tests as you do in
passing young men for your army.* He has decided that
nothing is so precious to any man as his own soul. Then
see that you hurt not the soul, so precious to him, of
another man. He has been busy after the manner of
kings? Well, you often receive reports from special king's
messengers of an approaching crisis. / am such a mes-
senger, and I tell you, you have no time to be busied over
so much that kings hold important. In the face of this great
crisis, — the brevity of this life, the approaching of death —
what alone remains for you to be busied withal ?

The sympathetic appeal of such advice ad this specific
hominem must have been very vital and rousing. In his
graver and sadder moods the king is met by the ' common
sense', which opens the casement of sorrow's private cell,
and lets in the bracing, if bitter wind of the 'common lot'
. . . ' life is but death ' . . . ' the best are not exempt. '

1 As the King reminds him (Dhammacetiya-sutta) —

Bhagava pi khattiyo, aham pi khattiyo ; Bhagava pi Kosalako, aham
pi Kosalako.

2 Cf. the rebuke to Dasaka (XVII,) Belajthakani (CI) in ray Pss. of
the Brethren.

Mrs! Rhys Davids : Kosala-Samyutta 137

But nowhere is he advised to leave the world, or be aught
but diligent over his kingly duties.

Sycophancy is as wholly absent in the Sage's replies
and comments on the King's acts, as is the rudeness of a
Diogenes. Whether surfeited or chastened, self-complacent
or vexed, the King and his actions meet with unfaltering
1 sweet reasonableness,1 courtesy and magnanimity. Not
always is the guiding hand applied heavily. There is a
pretty touch of irony in speaking of the liability of wealth
to be ' confiscated by kings or by thieves ' to a monarch
who had just absorbed a millionaire's intestate property
(2, § 9). Both King and Sage indulge in covert humour when
comparing the unknown character, concealed ( we should
say ) beneath a cowl, to the disguises and transformations
carried out in the career of thieves as chartered spies.
And it lends no small charm as well as verisimilitude to
these little Sutta-etchings, when we discern the Teacher
and the King, who in .comparison was but as an average
nice boy, finding themselves here on common ground — that
of men of experience wary of judging by appearances, and
together amused at the parallel drawn by one of them.

But perhaps the most impressive feature in these
brief records is the several social deals to which the Sage
points the way in reply to the King, or in comment on his
acts. We note him condemning the methods of military
aggressiveness, upholding the dignity of woman as
daugher, wife and mother, and enjoining those public
works for the people's good ( 3, § 4 ) such as would come
under that righteous living, which it was alone of real
importance for the king, confronted by the brevity of life
( 3, § 5 ), to be occupied withal. Thus it was all very well
for the king to spare the life of his conquered foe, but in
confiscating his war material, and indeed in waging war,
he did but sow the seeds of retaliatory violence ( 2, § 5 ).
Again, that a daughter might prove a greater blessing to a
king than a son, that the birth of one was anyway not to
be considered a disappointment and failure in achieve-

1 Matthew Arnold's hirieiKeia applied to Christ.

18 [Bhandarkar Com. Vol.]

138 Mrs. Rhys Davids : Kosala-Samyutta

ment — these are startling words to hear coming from that
time and that country, nay, and not from ancient India only.
The Buddhist Canon contributes its quota — not a great
one for a compilation by male and monastic editors — of
blows and kicks at woman — ' dulce monstrum. ' And it
would scarcely have surprised us to come upon a Sutta
stating that the birth of a daughter was due to the Karma
of some shortcomings in the parents' antecedents, let
alone those of the baby's former lives. But in the verse
on Mallika's infant daughter and the disappointed parents
( 2, § 6, ) we seem to hear the real voice of a teacher who
transcended the bounds of time and tradition, of one
worthy to rank as guide and healer of men and women of
all ages and every race.1

1 The selection mentioned on p. 2 above will appear in the writer's
forthcoming translation of the Sagathavagga of the Samyutta-Nikaya
to be published by the Pali Text Society. It could not unfortunately be
included here.

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140 Vijayadharma : Jaina Philosophy

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Vijayadharma : Jaina Philosophy 141

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142 Vijayadharma : Jaina Philosophy

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Philosophy

20 [Bhandarkar Coin. Vol.]

ANCIENT INDIAN LOGIC : AN OUTLINE

BY SATIS CHANDRA VIDYABHUSHAN

TVHE system of Philosophy called Nyaya1 in India ap-
proaches the science known as Logic in Europe. This
system was founded by a sage named Aksapada of the clan
of Gautama who is traditionally known to have resided in
Mithila (modern Darbhanga in North Behar) probably un-
til his retirement into Prabhasa,2 the well-known sacred
place of pilgrimage in Kathiawar on the sea-coast. This
Aksapada, better known as Gautama, is supposed to have
lived about 550 B. C, as Jatukarnya, his contemporary, was
a pupil of Asurayana and Yaska,3 whose date is generally
fixed as the middle of the 6th century before Christ.

The Pali canonical scriptures such as the Brahmajala-
sutta, Udana4 etc. composed about 500 B. C. mention a class
of Samanas and Brahmanas who were takki or takkika
(logicians or rather sophists) and vimamsi (casuists) and
indulged in takka (logic or sophism) and vimamsa (casu-
istry), alluding perhaps to the followers of Aksapada-
Gautama. 'Anumana-sutta' is the title of a chapter of
the Majjhima Nikaya, while the word 'vada' in the sense
of discussion, occurs in another chapter of the same
Nikaya.8 The Kathavatthuppakarana,6 another Pali work
which was composed in the reign of Asoka about 255 B. C,

1 Logic is designated in Sanskrit not only by the word 'Nyaya ' but
also by various other words which indicate diverse aspects of the science.
For instance it is called ' Hetuvidya ' or ' Hetu-sastra ' the science of
causes, 'Anviksiki' the science of inquiry or inference, 'Pramana-sastra,'
the science of evidences or proofs, 'Tattva-sastra,' the science of cate-
gories, 'Tarka-vidya;' the science of reasoning, 'Vadartha,' the science
of discussion, and 'Phakkika-sastra,' the science of sophism.

2 Vide Ramayana, adikanda, sarga 48, verses 11-15 ; and BrahraSnda
Purana, adhyaya 23, verses 201-203.

3 Vide Satapatha Brahraana, Yajnavalkya kanda.

4 Brahraajala-sutta 1-32 ; Udana vi. 10.

5 Majjhima Nikaya, Vol. 1, 15th sutta, and Vol. II, 6th sutta.
0 Kathavatthuppakarana, chapter I.

156 S- Vidyabhushan : Indian Logic

mentions patinna (a proposition), upanaya (an application
of reason) and niggaha (occasion for rebuke) etc., which
are technical terms of the Nyaya philosophy of Aksapada-
Gautama. In the Pali DhammasanganI1 composed about
450 B. C. there is a division of knowledge (vinnana) into six
kinds, viz. visual ( cakkhu ) auditory ( sota) , olfactory
(ghana), gustatory (jivha), tactual (kaya) and mental
(mano). The Pali Milinda Panha,2 composed about 100 A. D.,
mentions Logic under the name of 'Nlti' while the
Buddhist Sanskrit work, Lalitavistara, which was trans-
lated into Chinese circa 221-263 A. D., designates it as' Hetu-
vidya.'3 In the Madhyamika Karika4 of Nagarjuna, dated
about 300 A. D., we come across some technical terms of
Logic such as punarukta (repetition) in chap, ii., siddhasa-
dhana ( proving the proved ) in chap, iii., and sadhya-sama
(petitio principii) in chap. iv. ; but an explicit reference to
'Nyaya' (Logic) is to be found in another Buddhist Sanskrit
work called Lankavatara Sutra (composed about 300 A. D.)
where teachers of Logic are mentioned by the name of
naiyayika (logicians).5 About 400 A. D. began a period
when a large number of Buddhist writers gave their un-
divided attention to the study of Nyaya and laid the
foundation of the Mediaeval School of Indian Logic.

Although the Jainas claim that in the 12th anga (book)
of their scripture called Drstivada, there was embodied a
treatise on Logic, yet as that anga disappeared, according
to their tradition, by 474 A. D., we cannot say anything
about the treatise. In the Jaina Prakrit scriptures such
as Nandl Sutra, Sthananga Sutra, BhagavatI Sutra etc.,
compiled by Indrabhuti Gautama about 500 B. C, there is a

1 Vide DhammasanganI as well as Anguttara Nikaya, III., 618.

2 Vide Rhys Davids' Introduction to Questions of King Milinda
in the S. B.E. series.

3 Lalitavistara, chap. XII., p. 179, Rajendralal Mitra's edition.

4 Vide Satis Chandra Vidyabhusana's Indian Logic: Mediaeval
School, p. 68.

5 Lankavatara Sutra, chap. II. As to the date of this work, vide
my article in J. A. S. B. Vol. I. No. 6, 1905; and also my article in J. R,
A. S, for October 1905,

S. Vidyabhushan : Indian Logic 151

division1 of hetu or the means of knowledge into precep-
tion (pratyaksa), inference (anumana), comparison (upa-
mana) and verbal testimony (agama), which indicates that
this doctrine was either borrowed by Indrabhuti from
Ak?apada-Gautama or was the common property of both.
Hetu used in the sense of inference (anumana) is classified,
in the Sthananga Sutra already referred to, according to
the following types — 1 This is, because that is: There is a
fire, because there is smoke. 2 This is not, because that is:
It is not cold, because there is a fire. 3 This is, because that
18 not: It is cold here, because there is no fire. 4 This is not,
because that is not: There is no simsapa tree here,
because there are no trees at all.

Umasvati, who flourished in Patallputra and attained
nirvana in 85 A. D., was the famous author of the Tattvar-
thadhigama Sutra which follows the Anuyogadvara Sutra,
Sthananga Sutra, Nandl Sutra etc., in its treatment of the
doctrines of jnana (knowledge) and nyaya (the method of
comprehending things from particular stand-points). Jnana
is divided into pratyaksa (direct knowledge) and paroksa
(indirect knowledge). Direct knowledge, which is acquired
by the soul without the intervention of external agencies,
is of three kinds, viz. avadhi (the knowledge of things
beyond the range of our perception), manahparyaya ( the
knowledge derived from reading the thoughts of others)
and kevala (the unobstructed, unconditional and absolute
knowledge). Indirect knowledge, which is acquired
by the soul through the medium of the senses and
the mind, includes mati (knowledge of existing things
acquired through the senses) and sruta (knowledge of
things — past, present and future — acquired through reason-
ing and study). In the Anuyogadvara Sutra as well as in
the Tattvarthadhigama Sutra, naya is divided into seven
kinds as follows — 1 Naigama, the non-distinguished (a
method by which an object is regarded as possessing both
general and specific properties, no distinction being made

1 Vide Sthananga Sutra, p. 309-310, published^by Dhanapat Sing,
Calcutta.

158 S. Vidyabhushan: Indian Logic

between them, e. g. when we use the word ' bamboo ' we
indicate a number of properties some of which are peculiar
to the bamboo while others are possessed by it in common
with other trees). 2 Samgraha, the collective (a method
which takes into consideration generic properties only,
ignoring particular properties). 3 Vyavahara, the practical
(a method which takes into consideration the particular
only, e. g. in being asked to bring a plant one can bring
only a particular plant but cannot bring plant in general).
4 RjusUtra, the straight expression (a method which con-
siders a thing as it exists at the moment without any re-
ference to its past or its future: it recognises only the
entity (bhava), and not its name (nama), image (stha-
pana) or the causes which constituted it (dravya), e.g. the
fact that a cowherd is named Indra does not make him
Lord of the heavens, or the image of a cowherd cannot per-
form the functions of a cowherd, etc.). 5 Samprata ( a
method which consists in using a word in its conventional
sense, even if that sense is not justified by its derivation,
e. g. the word satru, according to its derivation signifies a
'destroyer' but its conventional meaning is an 'enemy').
6 Samabhirudha (a method which consists in making nice
distinctions between synonyms, selecting in each case the
word which on etymological grounds is the most appro-
priate). 7 Evambhuta (a method which consists in apply-
ing to things such names only as their actual condition
justifies, e. g. a man should not be called Sakra, strong,
unless he actually possesses the sakti, strength, which the
name implies).

Bhadrabahu, who is said by some authorities to have
lived during 433-357 B. C. but who according to others lived
in the 6th century a. D., gives in his Dasavaikalika Nir-
yukti an example of a syllogism consisting of 10 parts.
About the 5th century A. D. some of the Jaina philosophers
devoted themselves to the cultivation of Nyaya and co-
operated with the Buddhists in founding the Mediaeval
School of Indian Logic.

The Nyaya Philosophy or Logic, encouraging as it did
independent discussion, could not at its early stage acquire

S. Vidyabhushan : Indian Logic 159

great popularity in a country where the authority of the
Vedas was accepted as final- The sage Jaimini1 in his
Mlmansa Sutra distinctly says that as the Veda has for
its sole purpose the prescription of actions, those parts of
it which do not serve that purpose are useless. We are
therefore not surprised to find Manu2 enjoining excommu-
nications upon those members of the twice-born caste who
disregarded the Vedas and Dharma-sutras relying upon the
support of Hetusastra or Logic. Similarly Valmlki3 in
his Ramayana discredits those persons of perverse intellect
who indulge in the frivolities of Anvlksikl, the science of
Logic, regardless of the works of sacred Law (Dharma-
sastra) which they should follow as their guide. Vyasa4
in the Mahabharata relates the doleful story of a
repentant Brahman who, addicted to Tarka-vidya
(Logic) carried on debates, divorced from all faith in the
Vedas and was, on that account, turned into a jackal in
his next birth as a penalty. In another passage of the
Santiparva5 Vyasa warns the followers of the Vedanta
philosophy against communicating their doctrines to a
Naiyayika or Logician. Vyasa does not care even to re-
view the Nyaya system in the Brahma-sutra (ii. 2.17), seeing
that it has not been recognised by any worthy sage. Stories
of infliction of penalties on those given to the study of
Nyaya are related in the Skanda Purana6 and other
works ; and in the Naisadha-carita, we find Kali satirizing
the founder of Nyaya philosophy as 'Gotama'the 'most
bovine ' among sages.

There were nevertheless persons who welcomed the
science of Logic, and applied its principles to systematize
other branches of learning, and when Logic, instead of re-
lying entirely upon reasoning, came to attach due weight

1 MImansa-sutra i. 2. 1.

2 Manu-samhita ii. 11.

3 Ramayana, AyodhyS Kanda, sarga 100, verse 36.

4 Mahabharata, Santiparva, adhySya 180, verses 47-49.

5 AdhySya 246, verse 18.

6 Kalika Khanda, chap. 17.

160 S. Vidyabhushan : Indian Logic

to the authority of the Vedas, it came to be regarded as an
approved branch of learning. Thus the Gautama Dharma-
sutra1 prescribes a course of training in Logic (Nyaya)
for the king, and acknowledges the utility of that science
(Tarka) in the administration of justice, though in the case
of conclusions proving incompatible, ultimate decision is
directed to be made by reference to persons versed in the
Vedas. Manu2 says that dharma or duty is to be ascer-
tained by logical reasoning not opposed to the injunctions
of the Vedas. He recommends Logic (Nyaya)3 as a neces-
sary study for a king, and a logician to be an indispensable
member of a legal assembly. Yajfiavalkya4 counts Nyaya
or Logic among the fourteen principal sciences, while
Vyasa5 admits that he was able to arrange and classify
Upanisads with the help of Anvlksiki or Logic. In the
Padma Purana6 Logic is included among the fourteen
principal branches of learning promulgated by God Visnu,
while in the Matsya Purana7 Nyaya-vidya together with
the Vedas is said to have emanated from the mouth of
Brahma himself. In fact so wide-spread was the study of
Nyaya that the Mahabharata is full of references to that
science.

In the Adiparva8 of the Mahabharata Nyaya or Logic
is mentioned along with the Veda and Cikitsa (the
science of medicine), and the hermitage of Kasyapa is des-
cribed as being filled with sages who were versed in the
logical truths (nyaya-tattva), and knew the true meaning
of a proposition (sthapana) objection (aksepa) and conclu-

1 Gautaraa-Dharraa-sutra, chap. XI.

2 Manu-samhita, Book XII, verse 106.

3 Manu-samhita, Book VII, verse 43, and Book XII, verse 111.

4 Yajfiavalkya-samhita, chap. I, verse 3.

5 Mahabharata quoted by Visvanatha in his Vrtti on the Nyaya-
sutra i. 1. 1.

6 Padraa Purana, vide Muir's Sanskrit Texts, Vol. Ill, p. 27.

7 Matsya Purana, iii. 2.

8 Mahabharata, Sdiparva, adhy3ya 1, verse 57 ; and adhyaya 70,
verses 42-45.

S. Vidyabhusana : Indian Logic 161

sion (siddhanta). The Santiparva1 refers to numerous
tenets of Nyaya supported by reason (hetu) and scripture
(agama), while the Asvamedhaparva2 describes the sacri-
ficial ground as resounding with arguments and counter-
arguments employed by logicians (hetuvadin) to van-
quish one another. In the Sabhaparva3 the sage Narada
is described as being versed in Logic (nyayavid) and skil-
ful in distinguishing unity and plurality (aikya, and na-
natva), conjunction and co-existence (samyoga and sama-
vaya), genus and species (parapara) etc., capable of decid-
ing questions by evidences (pramana) and ascertaining the
validity and invalidity of a five-membered syllogism
(pancavayava-vakya). In fact the Nyaya (Logic) was in
course of time deservedly held in very high esteem.

The work in which Aksapada or Gautama embodied
his teachings on Logic is called the Nyaya-sutra. It is
divided into five books, each containing two chapters
called ahnikas or diurnal portions. It is believed that
Aksapada finished his work on Nyaya-sutra in ten lectures
corresponding to the ahnikas referred to above. We do
not know whether the whole of the Nyaya-sutra, as it
exists at present, was the work of Aksapada, nor do we
know for certain whether his teachings were committed
to writing by himself, or transmitted by oral tradition
only. It seems to me that it is only the first book of the
Nyaya-sutra containing a brief explanation of the sixteen
categories that we are justified in ascribing to Aksapada,
while the second, third and fourth books which discuss
particular doctrines of the Vaisesika, Yoga, Mlmahsa,
Vedanta and Buddhist Philosophy bear marks of different
hands and ages. In these books there are passages quoted
almost verbatim from the Lankavatara Sutra,4 a Sans-

1 Mahabharata, Santiparva, adhyaya 210, verse 22.

2 MahabhUrata, Asvamedhaparva, adhyaya 85, verse 27.

3 Mahabharata, SabhSparva, adhyaya 5, verses 3-5.

4 Nyaya-sutra iv. 2. 26 which quotes the Lankavatara Sutra (dated
about 300 A. D.).

21 [ Bhandarkar Com. Vol.]

162 S. Vidyabhushan: Indian Logic

krit work of the Yogacara Buddhist Philosophy, from the
Madhyamika Sutra1 of Nagarjuna and from the Sataka2
of Aryadeva— works which were composed in the early
centuries of the Christian era. The fifth book,treatingof the
varieties of futile rejoinders and occasions for rebuke, was
evidently not the productionof Aksapada who dismissed these
topics in the first book without entering into their details.
The last and the most considerable additions were made by
Vatsyayana otherwise known as Paksila Svamin who, about
400 A. D., wrote the first regular commentary, 'Bhasya,'
on the Nyaya-sutra, and harmonished the different, and at
times conflicting, additions and interpolations by the in-
genious introduction of Sutras of his own making which he
fathered upon Aksapada.

Vatsyayana, otherwise known as Paksila Svamin, must
haYe flourished before Dinnaga,3 as the latter criticises
him in connection with the explanation of the Nyaya-sutra
i. 1. 4, and possibly also before Vasubandhu4 whose theory
of syllogism, so antagonistic to that of Aksapada, has not
been controverted, nay even referred to, by Vatsyayana in
his commentary on Nyaya-sutra i. 1. 37. The Nyaya-
sutra, as has been already observed, contains certain apho-
risms which refer to the doctrines expounded in such well-
known Buddhist works as the Madhyamika-sutra,6 the
Lankavatara-sutra6 etc. These aphorisms do not consti-
tute an essential part of the Nyaya-sutra and were evid-
ently interpolated into it before or during the time of
Vatsyayana who wrote a commentary on it. Vatsyayana
must therefore have flourished after the composition of the

1 Nyaya-sutra ii. 1. 39 and iv. 1. 68 which criticise the Madhya-
m\ka Sutra.

2 Nyaya-sutra iv. 1. 48 which criticises the Sataka of Aryadeva.

3 Compare Pramana-samuccaya, chap. 1 —

3?Ff*rcntrrTr %^rf^w ¥*rr 1 1

4 Vide NySy avatar a, verse 20.

5 Nyaya-sutra iv. 1. 39, iv. 1. 48, ii. 1. 19, iv. 2. 32, ii. 1. 37, and
MSdhyaraika-sutra, chaps. 1, 7, and 2.

6 NySya-sutra iv. 2. 26, iii. 2. 11 ; and Lahkavatara, chaps. 2 and 6,

8. Vidyabhusan: Indian Logic 163

Buddhist works, the doctrines of which are referred to and
criticised in the Nyaya-sutra. Hence the earliest limit of
his age is A. D. 300, when the Madhyamika Sutra and the
Lankavatara are supposed to have been composed.1 As
Dinnaga2 lived about 500 A. D. and Vasubandhu3 about
480 A. D., Vatsyayana who preceded them could not have
lived after the latter date. Taking. the mean between the
earliest and the latest dates of his age, we may approxi-
mately place Vatsyayana at about 400 after Christ.

Vatsyayana, also designated as Dramila (same as
Dravida), was in all probability a native of Dravida (the
Deccan) of which the capital was Kancipura, modern Con-
jeeveram. The title Svamin appended to Paksila in the name
'Paksila Svamin' also points to the same country as his
birth-place. We may add that Kanci was a centre not
only of Brahmanic learning, but also of Buddhistic culture,
and it was here that Dinnaga (500 A. D.) and Dharmapala
(600A. D.) and other Buddhist logicians lived the flourished.
It may be of some interest to note that Vatsyayana makes
a reference to the boiling of rice4 which is a staple food
of the people of Dravida at about 400 A. D., when Candra-
gupta II, called Vikramaditya, was king of Magadha.
This Vatsyayana should not be confounded with the sage
or sages of that name who compiled the Artha-sastra and
the Kama-sutra.6

Dinnaga, a famous Buddhist logician, having criti-
cised the Nyaya-sutra as explained by Vatsyayana, Uddyo-
takara, a Brahman logician, wrote a sub-commentary on
it called the Nyaya-vartika. In it he mentions a Bud-
dhist treatise on Logic called the Vada-vidhi6 which is
only another name for the Vada-nyaya by Dharmakirti.

1 Vide my Indian Logic : Mediaeval School, pp. 68-72.

2 Loc. cit. pp. 80-81

3 Loc. cit, pp. 75-76.

4 Nyaya-bhasya, ii. 1, 40.

5 Vide my paper Vatsyayana, author of the Nyaya-bhatya in the
Indian Antiquary for April 1915.

6 Nyaya-vSrtika 1. 33, pp. 121 (Bib. Ind. ed.)

164 S. Vidyabhushari: Indian Logic

On the other hand Dharmaklrti in his Nyaya-bindu men-
tions a Sastra which evidently refers to the Nyaya-vartika,
and to Sastrakara who seems to be the same as Uddyota-
kara.1 Hence we conclude that Dharmaklrti and Uddyo-
takara were contemporaries who flourished about A. D. 633.2
Among the important men who lived in the same age,
we may mention Subandhu the author of Vasavadatta,
Bana the author of Harsa-carita, and king Sri Harsa of
Thanesvar during whose reign (629-644 A. D.) the Chinese
pilgrim Yuan Chwang travelled through India.

The name Bharadvaja as applied to Uddyotakara is
derived from the family to which he belonged, while he is
called Pasupatacarya on account of his having been a
preceptor of the PasupataSaiva sect.3 Nothing is definitely
known as to the place where Uddyotakara was born. The
only place mentioned by him is Srughna which is situated
on the Western Jumna Canal, 40 miles north of Thane-
svar. It seems to me that Uddyotakara, while writing
the Nyaya-vartika, resided at Thanesvar which was con-
nected with Srughna by a high road. It is not unlikely
that Uddyotakara received sometime in his career patro-
nage at the court of Thanesvar.4

Dharmaklrti and other Buddhist logicians having
compiled treatises subversive of the interpretation of
Uddyotakara and Vatsyayana, a Brahman philosopher of
great erudition named Vacaspati Misra wrote, in support of
the Brahman commentators, an elaborate gloss on the
Nyaya-vartika called the Nyaya-vartika-tatparya-tl£a.
Vacaspati, who is reputed to be a native of Mithila" (mo-
dern district of Darbhanga in North Behar), must have
flourished in the 10th century A. D., as he compiled his
Nyaya-suci-nibandha in the year 898 which, if referred to

1 Nyayabindu, chap, Hi., pp. 110-11 (Bibl. Ind.)

2 See my Indian Logic : Mediaeval School, p. 105,

3 Vide Nyaya-vartika, colophon.

4 Vide my article Uddyotakara, a contemporary of Dharmaklrti
in J. R. A. S. for July, 1914 ; and Ny5ya-v5rtika 1. 33.

S. Vidyabhushan : Indian Logic 165

Saka era, corresponds to A. D. 976.1

Vacaspati in his turn was criticised by a host of Bud-
dhist logicians, and it was to vindicate him against their
attacks that Udayanacarya, a Brahman logician of Mi-
thila and the well-known author of Kusumanjali and Atma-
tattva-viveka, wrote a sub-gloss on Vacaspati's work, called
the Nyaya-vartika-tatparya-tika-parisuddhi. ThisUdayana
was the author of another work called Laksanavali, in the
introduction to which he says that he composed the book
in the Saka year 906, corresponding to A. D. 984.2

Another Brahman logician who fought hard against
the Buddhists was Jayanta, author of Nyaya-manjarl, who
seems to have been a native of Kasmir and to have flou-
rished in the 11th century. He quotes Vacaspati
Misraa, and is himself quoted in the Ratnavatarika* by
the Jaina philosopher Ratnaprabha (1181 A. D.) and in the
Syadvadaratnakara, chap. II.5 by Deva Suri (1086-1169 A. D.).
The Nyaya-manjarl is an independent commentary on
the Nyaya-sutra, in which Jayanta reviews the interpreta-
tions and criticisms of all his predecessors.

These are the principal Brahman commentators on
the Nyaya-sutra. Subsequently there arose a host of
commentators whose names are not mentioned here as
they belong to the modern school of Nyaya in respect of
their style and method of interpretation. The name of
Bhasarvajna, author of Nyaya-sara is not mentioned here
as he really belongs to the Mediaeval School.

From the short account given above it is evident that
there is only one original treatise on Logic called the
Nyaya-sutra which presents the ancient school. The
works of Vatsyayana and his followers, though very com-
prehensive and ingenious, are mere commentaries.

1 ^rrg^TpfsRfrsti h* I ft w^^ 5\ i #*N*Mfaft*TW w#M*i<rr*ft n

3 Nyaya-manjari, p. 312 (Bib. Ind. ed.).

4 (Ratnavatarika, chap. IV) cT«rr ^ WP^- —
^^rri^^^nt flwn#fff![rncj; • ^ ft 35F<rf%j£ ^Trfr srfrfr etc

Uddyo.
great en
the Brahma
Nyaya-vartii
Vacaspati, m
dern district
flourished in
Nyaya-suci-n

1 Nyayabinc

2 See my In

3 Vide Nya:

4 Vide ray
in J. R. A. S. for

PRABHAKARA'S theory op error

BY GANGANATHA JHA

PRABHAKARA, like others, has divided cognitions
into the two broad classes of 'valid' and 'invalid'
cognitions; but his explanation of 'valid' and 'invalid' is
entirely different from that provided by any other philo-
sopher. That cognition he regards as 'valid' which bears
directly upon its object, while 'invalid' cognition is that
which does not so bear upon its object. In short, he would
regard all anubhuti, 'apprehension,* as 'valid' and all
' remembrance ' as ' invalid.' In accordance with this view
Prabhakara defines 'Pramana' as anubhuti; i. e. 'valid
cognition' is apprehension, as distinguished from remem-
brance, which is not valid, since it stands in need of a
previous apprehension and is brought about only by im-
pressions left on the mind by that apprehension.

The question now arises — If 'apprehension' and 'valid
cognition' are convertible terms, how should we account
for the wrong or erroneous apprehensions that we have in
our ordinary experience? For example we sometimes appre-
hend (a) a piece of shell as silver; (b) we perceive the conch
as yellow, when our eye is affected with bile ; (c) some de-
rangement in vision makes us see two moons; and (d) in
dreams we have the cognition of things not existent at the
time. Are all these apprehensions valid?

Prabhakara's answer to this question is that these
conceptions are not right or valid; they are erroneous; but
they are erroneous, not because there is anything inherent-
ly invalid in them; but because they involve more factors
than mere apprehension. The judgment 'this is silver' in-
volves (1) the notion of ' this,* which is direct apprehen-
sion, and (2) the notion of ' silver,' which, in the absence
of actual silver, can be only due to the remembrance of
silver seen elsewhere, — this remembrance having been
brought about by the perception of the quality of bright
whiteness which is common to the thing before the eyes
and the silver previously seen. Now so far as the notion

168 Jha: Prabhukara's Theory of Error

of ' this ' is concerned — and it is only this notion that is
apprehension — it is quite valid; there is nothing erroneous
in it; the error comes in only in the notion of 'silver,'
which is of the nature of remembrance, and as such by
its very nature invalid. Thus we find that, in the case
cited, what is wrong and invalid is not the apprehension,
but the remembrance and the mixing up of the two in the
form ' this is silver. '

This explanation cannot dispose of case (b), viz. the
erroneous cognition of the white conch as yelloiv, as
there is no element of remembrance involved in it. Pra-
bhakara's explanation of this erroneous cognition is still
bolder. The notion is not erroneous, he says. We perceive
the conch — there is nothing wrong in this ; and we perceive
the yellowness: Is this wrong? No, says Prabhakara. In
any case how do we know that a certain cognition of ours
is wrong? Only by finding out later, on a closer exa-
mination of the thing, that it is not as we perceived it.
Now in the case of the yellow conch, the man perceives
the conch as yellow, — and when he picks up the conch
and looks at it closely, he still finds it to be yellow; and
in as much as in actual experience his judgment, ' this
conch is yellow,' is found to be in agreement with the
nature of the thing as he perceives it, the cognition must
be valid, at least so far as the man is concerned. This
cognition has been likened by Prabhakara to the cognition
of water as 'hot'; as a matter of fact water is not hot, it is
cold, and yet it is felt as hot by reason of the heat of fire-
particles hanging in it; in the same manner the conch is
not yellow, it is white ; and yet it is seen as yellow by rea-
son of the yellow colour subsisting in the bile in the per-
ceiver's eye. This cognition is further analysed: what
happens is that the man perceives the conch, but fails to
perceive the quality of whiteness; similarly he perceives
the yellowness of the bile in his eye, but fails to perceive
the substance to which that yellowness belongs. As no
substance can be without qualities and no quality can
subsist without a substance, the two perceptions coalesce

Jha: Prabhakara's Theory of Error 169

and give rise to the notion of the yellowness as belonging
to the conch.

In the next case (c) of a person seeing two moons, what
happens is as follows: — Rays of light emanate from the
two eyes; and by reason of some derangement in the ad-
justment of the action of the two eyes, the two sets of rays
fall upon the moon, not simultaneously as generally
happens, but at different times; so that there is no chance
of the two images of the moon on the two retinas coales-
cing and providing the vision of a single moon ; hence it
is only natural that the nerves leading up from the two
retinas to the brain being active at different points of
time, the perception produced is that of two moons. In
this case therefore there are two distinct perceptions, and
both of them are right.

In dreams, case (d), the things perceived are generally
real things that we have seen before, and which are remem-
bered during sleep. So that the whole being only remem-
brance, it is only natural that it should be invalid. There
is no direct apprehension in dreams; hence there is no
valid element in them.

Thus it is found that whenever we have actual appre-
hension there is nothing wrong in it; error comes in only
when some element of remembrance creeps into it. All
cognitions per se are valid; and it is a misnomer to use
the expression ' wrong cognition.'

[ Sources of information — ( 1 ) Brhati — Prabhakara's
commentary on Sabara-Bhasya, Ms. pp. 3-7; (2) Rjuvi-
mala — commentary on the above, Ms. pp. 54-61; and (3)
PraJiaranapaficika, Chaukhambha Sanskrit Series, pp. 32
and 63].

12 [Bhandarkar Com. Vol.]

MATHARAVRTTI AND THE DATE OP
ISVARAKRSNA

BY S. K. BELVALKAR

THE object of this paper is to announce the discovery of a
very rare and ancient work on the Sankhya philosophy
and, in the light of the data furnished by it, to examine the
date of Isvarakrsna and other problems connected with the
development of the Early Sankhya.

In the catalogue of Sanskrit manuscripts from Guja-
rat, Cutch, Sindh and Khandesh compiled under the
superintendence of Dr. G. Buhler, fasc. iv, Bombay (1873),
on page 8 we find the entry of a Sankhya work called
Vyasaprabhakara by Vyasa. The Ms. (with another copy
(2) of the same work) belonged to one Gopal Bhatta of
Surat and is dated Sarhvat 1457. This Ms. was later
acquired by Dr. Buhler for the Government of Bombay and
it now figures as No. 107 of the Deccan College Collection
of 1871-72, where however the query which followed the
name of the work as given in the earlier list is omitted
while Kapila instead of Vyasa is given as the author of
the work in question. So ancient a Ms. of a Sankhya work
ascribed to Vyasa or to Kapila himself naturally evoked
curiosity.1 On examination however it was discovered
that the work contained in the Ms. was no other than the
Matharavrtti of Matharacarya.2

Manuscripts of the Matharavrtti are extremely rare.
There is one (3) mentioned in Dr. P. Peterson's Second
Report, List p. 21, and now forming No. 119 of A 1883-84,
and there is another (4) with two more copies (5-6) given

1 My attention was first drawn to it by my friend Mr. R. D. Ranade
M. A. now Professor of Philosophy at the Fergusson College, Poona.

2 The colophon reads— ^Nl^^Tf wi^TMifi: stw^WTST: ff^TTTpfareT-
ffr: mm I Fff^rgflmuifilrijift illegible sfk-RrftifiMl ^TlWWt^-

Vyasaprabhakara seems to have been once the owner of the Ms., as his
name appears on fol. la, which Dr. Buhler's Pandit seems to have mis-
taken for the name of the work itself,

172 Belvalkar: Matharavrtti

in Biihler's Gujarat Catalogue above cited, fasc. iv, p. 10.
This last belonged to one Balkrishna Joshi of Ahmedabad.
No other Mss. of the work are anywhere known to exist.

Of the six Mss. of the Matharavrtti above recorded,
two, as just stated, are available at the Deccan Collego
Mss. Library. The remaining four could no longer be
traced. I caused careful inquiries to be made at Surat
(for the second copy of 'Vyasaprabhakara') and at Ahmeda-
bad (for Balkrishna Joshi's three copies of the Mathara-
vrtti) but to no purpose.1 All the more thankful must we
therefore be to the accident which has made the Deccan
College Library the envied possessor of the only two Mss.
of this work now extant, seeing that the Matharavrtti is
no other than the lost original of the Sankhya-karika-vrtti
translated into the Chinese by Paramartha between A. D.
557 and 569.

Paramartha2 was a Brahman of Ujjainborn in A. D. 499
who, upon the invitation of the emperor Wu-ti of the
Liang dynasty, went over to China in A. D. 546 and devoted
the rest of his life to the translation into Chinese of such
Sanskrit works as he had brought with him from India.3
Paramartha died at Canton in the year 569, aged 71 ; and
as he might be presumed to have brought with him to
China only such Sanskrit works as had already an establi-
shed reputation in India, we may roughly regard 500 A. D.
as the terminus ad quern for the vrtti which he translated
into Chinese.

That this vrtti translated into Chinese was identical
with — or at any rate exhibited many points of contact

1 Professor A. B. Dhruva for instance writes from Ahmedabad to
say that Balkrishna Joshi, 'through his friend or relative Uttararam
Joshi, delivered many of his Mss. to Dr. Buhler ; and the remnant —
probably trash — was divided by his widowed niece-in-law (Balkrishna
Joshi's last heiress) amongst a few Brahmans as a pious gift supported
by the attractive accompaniment of a pice each ! ' A few months ago,
at Baroda, I was shown the first few pages of a Sahkhya Ms. which
on examination proved to be a fragment of Matharavrtti. This may
have been one of these pious gifts.

2 J. R. A. S., 1905, pp. 33ff.

3 In all he translated 505 different works,

Belvalkar : Matharavrtti 173

With — the Bhasya of Gaudapada edited by H. H. Wilson,
Oxford (1837), was suspected by Beal, Kasawara, and
others long ago,1 and is placed beyond doubt by Dr. Taka-
kusu, who, after a searching comparison of the Bhasya
of Gaudapada with the vrtti translated into Chinese,
arrives at the conclusion2 that in citations, illustrations,
and even entire passages, the coincidences between the
two commentaries are so numerous and far-reaching as to
preclude the possibility of their being explained away as
merely accidental. This raises a chronological problem ;
for, as Gaudapada the teacher's teacher of Sankaracarya
cannot be placed as early as cir. 500 A. D., and as it
would be impossible to suppose that an author like
Gaudapada could merely plagiarize, it is necessary to
believe that by the time of Gaudapada ( cir. 700 A. D. ) the
original vrtti had become to such an extent defective
and corrupt that Gaudapada could safely complete and
rearrange it and give it out in an improved form as his
own work. The Chinese translation does not give the name
of the author of the original vrtti; and as? this writer,
whatever his name, must have lived between 546 A. D. ( the
date of Paramartha's reaching China ) and 450 ( Dr- Taka-
kusu's date3 for Isvarakrsna the author of the Karikas), the
learned doctor, rather than postulating, in the brief space of
less than a hundred years (450-546), two different and impor-
tant Sankhya writers, simply identified* the author of the
Karikas with the author of the vrtti, believing that by thus
making Isvarakrsna himself the author of both the Karikas
as well as their vrtti he could partly take the edge off
Gaudapadacarya's subsequent appropriation of another's
work as his own.

1 Max Miiller : Six Systems of Indian Philosophy, p. 292.

2 Bulletin de l'E'cole Francaise d'Extreme-Orient, t. iv (1904), p. 24.

3 Dr. Takakusu's latest pronouncement on the subject in the
J. R. A. S. for 1914, pp. 1013 ff., does not materially affect this conclu-
sion, which however has latterly been called into question. See
below p. 176.

4 Op. cit. p. 58, 60.

174 Belvalkar: Matharavrtti

The present discovery of the lost original of the
Chinese translation and its identification with the Matha-
ravrtti of Matharacarya1 compels us to modify this
conclusion in many important particulars. To begin with,
we must now be prepared to admit the existence of two
Gaudapadas, one the celebrated teacher's teacher of
Sankaracarya and the other a namesake of his and the
author of the so-called Gaudapadabhasya and perhaps also
of the commentary on the Uttara-glta. It is too much to
expect that the great Gaudapada would lend his name to a
work like the Bhasya of Wilson's edition, which is merely
a paltry abstract of the Matharavrtti with an occasional
addition here and there.2 That the author of this abstract
was a Gaudapada who, albeit later than the famous Gauda-
pada, must nevertheless have lived before the 11th century
follows from Alberuni's reference3 to a philosophical work
composed by 'Gauda the anchorite' and from Maladhari-
Rajasekhara Suri's mention,4 in his Saddarsana-samuc-

1 That the Matharavrtti is the original of the Chinese follows from
the close verbal correspondence that runs through them page after page,
such occasional variation as is to be found in the Sanskrit original and
the French translation of the Chinese translation of the same in the
Bulletin for 1904, pp. 978-1064, being no more than what could be explain-
ed away as the result of such genuine differences in reading as exist even
in the Corean and Japanese recensions of the Chinese text itself. The
point will be fully dealt with in my forthcoming edition of the work ; an
instance or two must therefore here suffice. The introduction to Karika
1 in the Gaudapadabhasya does not contain the dramatic dialogue
between Kapila and Asuri ; but the French on p. 979 of the Bulletin —
" O Asuri, tu t'amuses a mener la vie d'un maitre demaison ! " etc. — is a
word-for-word translation of the original — *ff *ft stt^ i tw& t^W^^T I
etc. Similarly, the Matharavrtti ( see below, p. 176, note 2 ) gives, like
the Chinese text, a gloss on the last three Karikas, which is absent
in Gaudapada.

2 Dates make it impossible that the Matharavrtti ( ante 500 A. D.)
be an enlargement of the Gaudapadabhasya ( post 700 A. D. ), and the
close correspondence of the two precludes the possibility of their being
independent works.

3 India, Vol. 1. p. 132 (Trubner Series).

4 cr#riF*rr "^tt TidUdr=i<*tii<l i 'TlSMKi^d'} wwrf^f^ (i Mala-
dhari-Rajasekhara Suri lived about A. D. 1350.

Belvalkar: Matharavrtti 175

caya, of a Sankhya writer Gaudapada as distinct from
Mathara. As often happens in such cases, the so-called
Gaudapadabhasya, the abridgment of the Matharavrtti,
effectively supplanted the older work.1

More important than this is the light which the
Matharavrtti throws upon the vexed question of the date of
Isvarakrsna. Dr. Takakusu assigns him to cir. 450 A. D.,
and the main points in his argument2 may be thus sum-
marised : (1) Between 546 and 569 A. D. Paramartha, the
Chinese translator, wrote a life of the celebrated Buddhist
philosopher Vasubandhu, and he is thus our earliest
authority for Vasubandhu. Paramartha mentions Vasu-
bandhu's death at the age of 80, which must have taken
place before Paramartha left for China. This gives
cir. 420-450 for Vasubandhu. (2) Vasubandhu's teacher
Buddhamitra, Paramartha tells us, was defeated by the
Sankhya philosopher Vindhyavasa, who however died be-
fore Vasubandhu could make amends for his teacher's
discomfiture. Vindhyavasa was thus an older contempo-
rary of Vasubandhu and is known to have composed a
work on Sankhya. Elsewhere Vindhyavasa is described
as a contemporary of the Gupta king (Baladitya) and is
spoken of as a pupil of Vrsagana or Varsaganya, while
another (less reliable) account of a hundred and fifty years
later makes a pupil of Varsaganya the author of a work
called Hirartya-saptati. Putting all these accounts together
we get Vindhyavasa an older contemporary of Vasu-
bandhu and the pupil of Vrsa or Varsaganya as the
author of a Sankhya work called Hiranya-saptati. (3) Now
the commentary translated into Chinese, while explain-
ing the phrase Rw-K^-M-Wl-MdH. i*1 *ne las*; Du^ one Karika,
makes Isvarakrsna, the author of the Sankhya-saptati,

1 Mss. of Gaudapada's BhSsya are also scarce, though the work has
been published four or five times: Wilson (1837), Tookaram Tatya's
Reprint (1887), Jibanand (date?), and Ben. Sk. Series (19062). I have
also to report a Bengali translation of the same. Of Mss. I have so far
secured and collated only four.

2 J. R. A. S., 1905, pp. 33 ft.

176 Belvalkar: Matharavrtti

the pupil of Po-p'o-li ; and if we were once to make the
supposition that Hiranya-saptati is a byname for Sankhya-
saptati and that the Chinese word Po-p'o-li can somehow
stand for Varsa,1 there then remains nothing in the way
of the eventual identification of Vindhyavasa with Isvara-
krsna, which gives for the latter the date assigned by
Takakusu.

Isvarakrsna's date thus depends upon that of Vasu-
bandhu and upon the identity between Isvarakrsna and
Vindhyavasa the rival of Vasubandhu. Now the date of
Vasubandhu has been recently made the subject of much
discussion, a convenient summary of which is given in
Vincent Smith's Early History, 3rd ed. ( 1914 ), pp. 328-34.
And although, in the very nature of things, it is vain to
expect that any one theory could satisfactorily explain all
the names and allusions occurring in the Chinese reports
of Paramartha, of Hiuen Tsang and his pupil Kuei-chi, and
of Itsing and others, it is clear that the general trend of
the evidence is for assigning Vasubandhu somewhere be-
tween A. D. 28,3 and 360 ; and Vindhyavasa by all accounts
was Vasubandtau's older contemporary.

But it seems to me that Vindhyavasa cannot be identi-
fied with Isvarakrsna. As we learn from Mathara, the
Sanskrit original of Po-p'o-li, the teacher of Isvarakrsna, is
Devala2, and cot Vrsa or Vrsagana, and this disturbs one
factor of the identity. Next as to the Hiranya-saptati being
a byname for Sankhya-saptati there is no positive proof for
it except that in the interest of our identity we would rather
wish that it were so. This is arguing in a circle. We have
reasons to su \pose that the accounts of the Chinese pilgrims

1 Takakusu s procedure here ( Bulletin, 1904, p. 30 ) is a mere tour
deforce. He equates Po-p'o-li, on the ground of a presumed scribal
error, with Po-so-li and then, by another error of the scribe, with
Po-li-so, Va-li-so, Varsa.

2 The vrtti on f^immwuqmdH, etc' in tne Sanskrit original runs

frPTrr^ i frcT^r f^^fa sttw^ i cT^f qftcF^rprffa: tif&nt, i Compare Bulletin
(1904), p. 1059-60, for the French translation of the Chinese, which
is rather defective.

Belvalkar: Matharavrtti 1*11

are not always strictly accurate, and Kuei-chi (to judge from
the French translation of his statements on the question
given by Dr. Takakusu in the Bulletin for 1904 pp. 38-39)
does not profess to be narrating sober truth unmixed by
legendary elements. It is permissible therefore to suppose
that the Hirapya-saptati was a distinct work, so named
either because (as Kuei-chi himself affirms) the work brought
to its author a reward of three lacs of gold, or possibly
because the work had something to do with Hiranya or
Hiranya-garbha ( one of the cardinal principles of the
Sankhya) just as Vasubandhu's rival work, Paramartha-
saptati, had something to do with the parama-artha or
supreme reality, whatever that might mean for the Bud-
dhist. It seems to me more probable however to regard
the Hiranya-saptati of Vindhyavasa1 as some kind of a
commentary on Isvarakrsna's Sankhya-saptati ; and this
will afford the most natural explanation of the confusion
which some compilers of catalogues2 and other writers3
make between the author of the Karikas and of the com-
mentary on them. It must also be borne in mind that the
name Vrsa, Vrsagana, or Varsaganya does not occur in
the guru-par ampar a from Kapila to Isvarakrsna as pre-
served in the Matharavrtti.4 Clearly therefore Vindhya-
vasa and his teacher Vrsa or Varsaganya have to be ranked
amongst the successors of Isvarakrsna;5 and as Vindhya-

1 It is worth noting that Bhoja's Rajamartanda has preserved two
quotations from Vindhyavasin apud Yogasutra iv. 22 — ffT^^jc^^j^sr-
d^c^ and np% srfdRH^M^njT ^^r^JFTR^T^^: sncfH*^l<^HMd. This
is clearly the language of a commentator.

2 J. R. A. S., 1905, p. 47, note 3.

3 Loc. cit. pp. 162, 355, 356.

4 See note 2 on p. 176 above. Some of these names are also mention-
ed in the Saddarsana-samuccaya — tfrc^FTt HcI^k: <t-f£| w I aft*TPf^T: I 3c^t

5 This is not essential for the argument. That a commentary should
be written on the Karikas and the same translated into Chinese as early
as cir. 560 carries the date of Isvarakrsna more than a couple of centur-
ies earlier, especially if it is remebered that the Matharavrtti is con-
fused and often misunderstands the Karikas. Compare below, p.181, n. 2.

23 [ Bhandarkar Cora. Vol. ]

178 Belvalkar : Matharavrtii

vasa was an older contemporary of Vasubandhu, and as
Vasubandhu is more probably to be placed cir. 300 A. D.,
this might give for Isvarakrsna a date as early as the first
or the first half of the second century of the Christian era.

Isvarakrsna' s Karikas is the earliest work on the San-
khya philosophy that has been preserved to us ; but the
Sankhya as a philosophy is presupposed by Buddhism1
and in the Mahabharata, Sankhya is par excellence the phi-
losophy of the Epic/ occupying therein the same position
of pre-eminence that Vedanta did in later times. Sankhya
in fact claims a pedigree still higher, seeing that the
latest phase of Upanisad thought is co-eval with the begin-
nings of Sankhya speculation, and even exhibits doctrines
and terminology that later became exclusively charac-
teristic of the Sankhya.^ Kapila is a name hallowed by

1 Buddhistic books acknowledge Kapila as a teacher of remote anti-
quity and the 4th of the 62 current heresies mentioned in the first Sut-
tanta of the Dlgha Nikaya Garbe (Samkhya Philosophic, p. 5, n. 1) iden-
tifies with the Sankhya. It is sometimes objected to this (e. g. Rhys
Davids: American Lectures on Buddhism, pp. 25ff.) that the heresy in
question regards the soul and the tvorld as both eternal, and not the
soul and the Prakrti ; but that is due to the schema under which the 62
heresies are grouped by the Buddha. Max Miiller (Six Systems, p. 314,
Chips, i. 226, and elsewhere) and Oldenberg (Buddha, Eng. Trans, p. 92,
note) fail to see any real correspondence between Buddhism and the San-
khya, while Jacobi in his paper on the "Ursprung des Buddhismus aus
dem Sarnkhya-Yoga" has tried to prove that in its psychological techni-
calities at any rate Sankhya must have preceded Buddhism. If we bear
in mind that the original Sankhya need not necessarily have been the
Sankhya of the Karikas any more than Upanisadic Vedanta the Vedanta
of Sahkaracarya or the original Buddhistic nirvana the nihilistic nirva-
na of Nagarjuna, there need not be felt any more hesitation in admitting
the priority of Sankhya over Buddhism. Compare Dahlmann, Nirvana,
pp. 128 ff.

2 Compare q- =^rw% ^r^^FTT ^'"JitthiSd^K ?thsh«; (ii. 323. 86), and
xii. 307 towards the end. The Sahkhyas are often described in the epic
as i?l%r:, fWP, iffflW1, etc. and the epic cosmology is pervaded
through and through with Sankhya technicalities.

& Compare Garbe: Die Samkhya Philosophic, pp. 18-21. Maitri,
Hveta&vatara, and Prasna are the main Upanisads to be considered in
this connection.

Belvalkar: Matharavrtti 179

hoary tradition and his system of philosophy, before it as-
sumed its stereotyped form in the Karikas of Isvarakrsna,
must have undergone, in the course of centuries of its
historical existence, several processes of reduction, modi-
fication or amplification for which no definite document-
ary evidence is forth-coming. There are a few vague and
scattered hints, and in what remains of this paper an
attempt will be made, on the basis of such hints, to deter-
mine the chief land-marks in this progressive philosophi-
cal evolution.

The Karikas of Isvarakrsna profess to give in essence
the same doctrine as that contained in the Sastitantra1
save its illustrative anecdotes and its argumentative por-
tions. As to the exact nature and authorship of this Sasti-
tantra there is still a good deal of confusion. Three quota-
tions2 from the work at the most are preserved in later
commentaries, and from them it cannot be decided whether
the work was in prose or verse ; and as to its authorship,
while from the Bhamatl one might be led to ascribe it to
Varsaganya, the Chinese tradition as quoted by Takakusu
( Bulletin, 1904, p. 59 ) expressly credits Pancasikha with
that honour. As usual in such cases Dr. Schrader3 has
sought to explain away the contradictions by taking refuge
in the supposition of two different Sastitantras, one in
prose and belonging to Varsaganya4 and the other in verse
of undermentioned authorship, but presumably older.

1 Compare Karika 72 (73)—

grncqrPj^Tf^iQfrr: qw^i^iajrPr n

2 The first is the stanza yumr Wf Wf etc. cited in Vyasa's Bhasya
on Yoga-sutra iv. 13 as expressly coming from the Sastitantra ; the
same stanza is quoted in the Bhamatl to Brahma-sutra ii. 1. 3 as belong-
ing to ^rfiTW, the 3?rwr# ^cMi^Rfrr. The second occurs in Gaudapada's
and Mathara's com. to Karika 17— cf^ =#Trfr ^ffcF^ gwftf&rr sPCFf spr^" l
The last, not quite so explicit, occurs apud Karika 50 in Gaudapada
(?nWtft) and in Mathara (?F*rFc?t).

3 Z. D. M. G. for 1914, vol. 68, 1, p. 110.

4 Besides the stanza gmtf qr*t ^t two other quotations from Var-
saganya, both in prose, have been hitherto traced, one in the Vyasa-
bhasya to Yoga-sutra iii. 53 ( sjfo"ffc*n1cl^m!nwffcr %*ZTQW1K) and
another in Vacaspati's com. to Karika 47 (T^T^fsf^rT).

180 Belvalkari Matharavrttl

When we have no definite information regarding one
Sastitantra it is too much to ask us to believe in the
existence of two works bearing identical names. If,
following the Chinese accounts, Varsaganya is to be re-
garded as the teacher of Vindhyavasa, the older contempo-
rary of Vasubandhu, it is then not likely that the work
of so late a writer as Varsaganya should have served as
the basis for Isvarakrsna's Karikas ; and in that case
Vacaspati's assigning the stanza jg^TRf TOT ^ to Varsaga-
nya— a stanza mentioned in the Vyasabhasya as coming
from the Sastitantra — must be put down as an evident
oversight. The question of the authorship of the Sasti-
tantra must therefore, for the present, remain undecided.

Fortunately for us the Ahirbudhnya-Samhita recently
published by the Adyar Library gives us, in chapter xii,
stanzas 18-30, a rather detailed notice of the contents of
the Sastitantra. It ascribes the work to the 'great and
omniscient sage' and explains that the Sastitantra was so
called because it had sixty topics or sections : thirty-two
devoted to what we might term metaphysics (Prakrtam
mandalam) and twenty-eight to Yoga and ethics ( Vaikrtam
mandalam). The notice is interesting1 because it presents
to us a phase in the development of the Sankhya philo-
sophy when Sahkhya and Yoga were not absolutely sepa-
rated from each other2 and when the system contained,
along with its positive contribution to philosophy, a de-
tailed examination with a view to refutation (the para-
vada of Isvarakrsna's last Karika3) of the various 'first

1 For a critical study of the question see Dr. Schrader's article,
'Das Sastitantra' in Z. D. M. G. for 1914, vol. 68, 1, pp. 100-110 ; and
the same writer's Introduction to the Ahirbudhnya-Samhita, p. 110 ff.

2 It was probably the Yoga-sutras of Patanjali (cir. 150 B. C.) that
raised the Yoga to the dignity of an independent Darsana ; and if
so, the Sastitantra must be placed prior to B. C. 150. Many passages
from the Santiparvan of the Mahabharata suggest the contents of the
Sastitantra.

3 What the akhyayikas alluded to in the Karika can be one can
very well imagine from the Mahabharata xii. 307. The whole adhyaya
purports to be Sahkhya-nirupana and affords room for many an
illustrative anecdote here and there.

Belvalkar: Matharavrtti 181

principles' adduced by the earlier darsana-karas,1 such as,
Brahma, Purusa, Sakti, Niyati, Kala, Aksara, Prana, Sami
or Svamin, Bhutas, etc- As Isvarakrsna expressly tells
us that he had retained the doctrinal part of the Sasti-
tantra entirely unchanged, and as Isvarakrsna's Karikas
are avowedly atheistic,2 we must imagine that, after a cri-
tical review of the different first principles, the Sasti-
tantra, in supramundane matters like the existence of God
etc-, came to a purely negative conclusion.

The Mahabharata3 presents to us the same intimate
relation between Sankhya and Yoga as the Sastitantra ;4
but we can hardly say that the Sankhya of the Maha-
bharata is atheistic. The difference between the traditional
Sankhya of the Karikas and the Mahabharata Sankhya
can well be seen from the Bhagavadgita where, in addition
to the doctrine of the three gunas ( chapters xiv and xvii
in particular), of causation through parinama ( xiii. 19-20,
xviii. 14, and elsewhere ), of the akartrtva of the Purusa
( iii. 27 f., xiv. 19, etc.), and of the cosmic evolution through
Ahankara, Buddhi, and the five Bhutas4 ( vii. 4 ), we find,

1 That there were regular darsanas with Kala, Svabhava, Niyati,
etc. (cp. Svetasvatara i. 2) as first principles is well brought out in Dr.
Otto Schrader's Inaugural dissertation, "Ueber den Stand der Ind. Phi-
losophie zur Zeit Mahaviras und Buddhas."

2 For the brilliant recovery from Gaudapada-bhasya and Mathara-
vrtti of the missing Sankhya Karika 62 (+K'J|*fl'im>l$' gw WT& <ft ?<T>TFt
4r I srar- «P>f ffijMcP ^IW- WM- ^WIW n ) dealing with the subject, see
'Sanskrit Research,' vol. i, no. 2, pp. 107 — 117. One notices from this how
very confused and disarranged the Matharavrtti had been by A. D. 500.

3 My references throughout are to the Kumbhakonam edition based
on South Indian texts and printed at the Nirnaya Sagar, Bombay.

5 Some minor difference in the enumeration of the eight-fold Pra-
krti, which the commentators try to gloss over, serves only to streng-
then the view of the primitive nature of this Sankhya system.

182 Belvalkar: Matharavrtti

so to say, a sort of a theistic apex to the system in Sri-
krsna or Paramesvara,1 from whom the beginningless Puru-
sa and Prakrti are said to proceed as parallel 'modes' or
manifestations (vii- 5f, xiii- 19, etc)- Other accounts from
the Mahabharata somewhat vary in detail- In fact the
Epic itself admits2 the existence of minor differences in
the Sahkhya school ; but the main conclusion as to the
theistic nature of the Epic Sahkhya stands unshaken.

In his successive studies on the subject3 Dahlmann
has urged many a cogent reason to prove that the Sahkhya
of the Mahabharata — anviksikl brahma-vidya, to give it its
other significant title — was the parent of three parallel
systems: 1 the classical Vedanta with the Maya doctrine,
2 the classical Sahkhya of the Karikas, and 3 the primitive
form of Buddhism ; and it is difficult to resist the tempta-
tion to accept this conclusion in the main. Accordingly
it would seem that the theistic nature of the Epic Sahkhya
was later ( e. g. in the Sastitantra ) deliberately dropped
and the system reduced, by stern logic,4 to its bare negative
character. Later still, the intimate combination of the
Sahkhya with the Yoga was dissolved, the two figuring
thereafter as independent systems, the Yoga accepting the
theism renounced by the Sahkhya-

Dahlmann stops with the Epic Sahkhya; but it itself
is undoubtedly a composite product, as is plain even from
its composite name in the Epic : anviksikl brahma-vidya-
It is anviksikl or based on reason in preference to revela-
tion ; and it treats of Brahma or the highest spiritual prin-

1 Compare— wi"3%fcRl" f^I- ( xii. 308-38 ) and again—

Tsn^^frrwrnr i

2 Compare ( xii. 323. 58 ff.)—

Tsrf^t *r^r% ^r*- allium tih i

tT^F *T cT^T >(% cT^fP^prffrr II etc.

3 Das Mahabharata ( 1895 ), Nirvana ( 1896 ), Genesis des Mahabha-
rata ( 1899 ), and Samkhya Philosophie ( 1902 ).

4 Logic, or an explanation of supra-mundane things on the basis of
reason also, was an early and well-known characteristic of the Sahkhya.
Cp. the Vedanta-sutra description of the Sahkhya Pradhana as asabda
I. i. 5, and anumanika I, iii. 3.

Belvatkar: Matharavrtti 183

ciple very much after the fashion of the Upanisads. We
might imagine that the cosmological problem with which
philosophy began in India was worked out in some of the
primitive Upanisads from within outwards,' while it was
the reverse process from mrdadi-vikaras back to the under-
lying noumena that was pursued by those other Upanisads
where it is usual to see the beginnings of Sahkhya philo-
sophy. Schrader in his book cited above at p- 181, note 1>
argues for the thesis that it was the first adhyaya of the
Svetasvatara, and especially the passage sttw w&j 5|RdK ^
*Ic3T *rl aT^R rsjfN' 5^I%rT^ which formed the nucleus of all
later Sahkhya speculation- Others choose other passages.
Be that as it may, it should be quite evident that this pri-
mitive Sankhya did not yet possess pronounced opinions
even on such vital question as the unity or plurality of
souls or of the absolute unrelatedness of the soul with the
matter or Prakrti- And hence resulted the blending to-
gether of the primitive Vedanta and the primitive Sahkhya
of the Upanisads into the full-fledged system of the Maha-
bharata with its added theistic apex.

We have accordingly reasons to assume the following
broad stages in the development of the Sahkhya philo-
sophy: 1 the primitive and undefined Sankhya of the Upa-
nisads ; 2 its alliance with the equally primitive Vedanta
of the Upanisads resulting in the Sahkhya-Yoga or the
Anvlksikl brahma-vidya of the Mahabharata ; 3 the carry-
ing out to their logical conclusions the basic principles of
the Sahkhya, viz. a material first principle and the doctrine
of evolution,2 leading to a denial of theism ; 4. the bifurca-

1 Introspection and observation of the psychic states of dream,
sleep, trance, etc. supplied the material of this philosophy.

2 The South Indian recension of the Mahabharata has preserved
(xii. 326-28) a badly mutilated prose dialogue between Kapila and
Asuri, his first pupil, where we find the following significant descrip-
tion of the process whereby the Non-manifest becomes the Manifest :
«r^r «nw5^§3rr *ra^s$aws a^^fo^w^ cT^^Trrgoi^ws'nt— "As
the seasons, themselves non-manifest, make their presence manifest
in and through the flowers and the fruits, even so does the Non-mani«
fest through the qualities of the Manifest."

184 Belvalkar: Matharavrtti

tion of the system on this ground into nirisvara and sesvara
or Sankhya and Yoga ; and 5 its assuming a stereotyped
form in the Karikas of Isvarakrsria- Then followed a long
period of lull broken in by an occasional digest or a com-
mentary until we come to Vijnanabhiksu who, strangely
enough, tried to retrace the steps and turn the system into
the anvtksiki brahma-vidya of the Mahabharata, which in
fact was its earliest systematic starting-point-
Space forbids any very detailed treatment of these
stages by citing illustrative texts bearing upon each : nor is
that here necessary. It is enough to know that, through
all these twenty-five and more centuries of the historical
existence of the Sankhya, the system was not stagnant, but
that there were some inner changes and development going
on. And the same should be true in the case of every philo-
sophical system with a history- Indian commentators as
a rule lack this historical perspective- As truth is — or ought
to be — one, and as great Sages, through their instinct-
ive vision, cannot but have perceived that one truth, all
texts early and late must, in the opinion of these commen-
tators, mean the same thing- Hence their frantic attempts
at a samanvaya or securing harmony in the texts- But
this method, perfectly intelligible as it is to the eye of
faith, must give way before the light of reason- We must
in other words learn to study our philosophy historically ;
and it may be that, after this alliance with reason, faith
could be based on foundations all the more deep and
durable.

History and Arehaeolgy

U l Bhandarkar Com. Vol.]

VIKRAMA ERA
By D. R. BHANDARKAR

IT is not the object of this article to discuss all the ques-
tions connected with this era. I intend here touching
upon the theory that has recently been propounded regard-
ing its origin and giving the latest information available
from epigraphic sources.

According to tradition Vikrama Samvat was founded
by a king called Vikramaditya who is presumed to have
flourished cir. 57 before Christ. This tradition was, no doubt,
accepted by many scholars and antiquarians when Indian
epigraphy was in its infancy. But with the find of many
inscriptions it had to be rejected. An attempt, however,
is recently being made to revive this theory and proof is
being adduced to show that there was a king of the name of
Vikramaditya in the first century before Christ. It was first
broached by Rao Bahadur C. V. Vaidya in an article pub-
lished in the Indian Review, December 1909. The same
view has been put forth by Mahamahopadhyaya Hara-
prasad Shastri in his paper on the Mandasor inscription of
Naravarman.1 It has, therefore, become necessary to re-
consider this question and find out how far their evidence
is trustworthy. They both rely on a verse from Hala's
Oatha-saptasati (v. 64) which runs thus —
Samvahana-suha-rasa-tosiena dentena tuha kare lakkham I
Calanena Vikkamaitta-cariam anusikkhiam tissa II
Evidently this verse makes mention of Vikramaditya
and refers to his munificent nature. And as Hala, the
author of the Gatha-saptasati, is ordinarily spoken of as a
Satavahana, and as this name occurs in the dynastic list
of the Andhrabhrtyas given in the Puranas, and is placed
there before that of Gautamlputra Satakarni who, we
know, lived about 125 A. D., it is argued that the work was
I composed about the beginning of the first century after
Christ. And when such a work alludes to Vikramaditya,

1 Ep. Ind. Vol XII . p. 320.

188 V. R. Bhandarkar : Vikrama Era

it is concluded that there was really a king of this name
living in the first century B. C, as reported by the tradi-
tion. Hence both Mr. Vaidya and M. M. Haraprasad
Shastri hold that the tradition gives a correct account of
the origin of the Vikrama era and that it was, therefore,
initiated by a king called Vikramaditya.

Now even supposing for the moment that there was
such a king as Vikramaditya living circa 57 B. C., it does
not necessarily follow that the era was founded by him.
It is true that even in inscriptions the era is associated
with the name of Vikramaditya. But these are records of
a late period, and, in fact, it is in Amitagati's Subhasita-
ratna-sandoha1 composed in Vikrama Sam. 1050 that we
hear for the first time of a prince Vikrama in connection
with it ; and from the actual wording of the date by this
Jaina author it seems that the era was believed in his time
not to have been founded by Vikramaditya but rather
started to commemorate his death. All the earlier inscrip-
tions going back to the 5th century A. D. give an entirely
different name for the era. What that name is will be
stated further on, but it is sufficient here to say that they
give not even the least inkling of its being associated with
Vikramaditya. If this is what epigraphy tells us, it is rash
to assume that the era was known to be connected with
this king even long prior to Vikrama Sam. 1050. And if,
as we know from epigraphy, this era had an altogether
different name and had absolutely no connection with
Vikramaditya, it is not reasonable at all to infer that it
was established by him.

But is it a fact that the Gatha-saptasatl was such an
early work as has been assumed? In the first place, that
its author, Hala, was a Satavahana is a mere tradition
and must be set aside like all other traditions about the
ancient literates of India. Introductory verse 13 of Bana's
Harsa-carita, no doubt, speaks of a Satavahana having
composed a Kosa of songs, but there are no grounds to

1 R. G. Bhandarkar's Second Report (1882-83), p. 228,

D. R. Bhandarkar : Vikrama Era 189

suppose that this Kosa is Hala's Sapta-sati, as has been
well pointed out by Prof. Weber.1 The internal evidence
afforded by the work points, on the other hand, to a much
later date for its composition. Only two points may
be here noticed. The first is the reference to Krsna and
Radhika contained in verse I. 89, and the second to a
week-day, Tuesday, in III. 61. The earliest mention of
Radhika that I have been able to trace is in the Panca-
tantra? which was compiled in the 5th century after Christ.
Similarly the practice of citing the week-day in dates or for
other general purposes came into vogue in the 9th century,
though the earliest instance of its use is found in the Eran
inscription of Budhagupta dated A. D. 484.3 And we shall
not be far wrong if we assign Hala of the Gatha-saptasati
to the commencement of the 6th century. If we take
this to be his period, there is nothing strange in our finding
a verse, in his anthology, descriptive of the liberality of
Vikramaditya. Because whether we take this Vikrama-
ditya to be Candragupta II of the Gupta dynasty with
Sir Ramkrishna Bhandarkar4 or with his grandson Skanda-
gupta with Prof. K. B. Pathak,5 he cannot be pushed later
than A. D. 475. And it is quite possible that after the death
of this Vikramaditya his generosity stuck to the memory
of the people and became the subject of encomium with
subsequent poets. Thus we find a reference to Vikrama-
ditya's liberality not only in the work of Hala but also in
one of the introductory verses (v. 10) of the Vasavadatta by
Subandhu, who has to be placed about the close of the 6th
century A. D. at the latest.

The theory that Vikramaditya was the originator of
the Vikrama Sarhvat must, therefore, be given up, and the
sooner we consign it to the region of oblivion, the better.
Let us now see what the inscriptions have to say regarding

1 Ueber das Saptagatakam des Hala, pp. 2-4.

2 Paflcatantra I (Bom. Sk. Series No. IV), p. 38.

3 Jour. R. A. S„ 1912, pp. 1044-5.

4 Jour. B. B. R. A. S., Vol. XX. p. 398.

5 Meghaduta (Second Edition), Intro, p. xi.

190 D. R. Bhandarkar : Vikrama Era

the origin of this era. In 1885 an inscription was dis-
covered by Dr. J. F. Fleet at Mandasor, the principal town
of the district of the same name of Scindia's Dominions
in the Western Malwa Division of Central India. It con-
tains two dates, the first of which is expressed in the
words —

Malavanam gana-sthitya yate sata-catustaye I

tri-navaty-adhike'bdanam —

Though the credit of finding the inscription certainly
belongs to Dr. Fleet, Dr. P. Peterson was the first to pub-
lish this date and demonstrate that it was a year of the
Vikrama era. The latter translated it by — "when four
hundred and ninety-three years from the establishment [in
the country?] of the tribes of Malavas had passed away."1
Dr. Fleet's rendering of the verse is — "when, by (the
reckoning from) the tribal constitution of the Malavas,
four centuries of years, increased by ninety-three, had
elapsed."2

Soon thereafter, another inscription from Mandasor
was published by Dr. Fleet, giving the date in the words —

Pancasu satesu saradam yatesvekanna-navatisahitesu \
Malava-gana-sthiti-vasat —

The last phrase Fleet translated by 'from (the establish-
ment of) the supremacy of the tribal constitution of the
Malavas,'3 adding in a note that ' it is very difficult to find
a really satisfactory meaning' for the word vasat in the
passage.

Now, in the first place, it is not permissible to take
sthiti in the sense of sthapana ( = constitution) as both Drs.
Peterson and Fleet have done. Secondly, even if we take
the word in that sense, it does not suit the expression
Ilalava-gana-sthiti-vasat of the second Mandasor inscrip-
tion. For what is meant by saying that five hundred and
eighty-nine years had elapsed in consequence of (vasat) the

1 Jour. B. B.R.A. S., Vol. XVI. p. 381.

2 Ind. Ant., Vol. XV. p. 201; Gupta Inscrs., p. 87.

3 Gupta Inscrs., p. 158.

D. E. Bhandarkar : Vikrama Era 191

tribal constitution of the Malavas? Prof. Kielhorn ob-
viates this difficulty by taking the phrase to mean "by, or
according to, the reckoning of the Malavas." He thus
makes gana equivalent to ganana, which is objectionable.
For, the word gana has never the sense of ganana, and
when placed in juxtaposition with Malava, must signify
1 a tribe ' and ' a tribe ' only.

In 1913 a third inscription was found at Mandasor. It
was discovered by me during my touring season 1912-13.
The date of this record is set forth in the verse —

8ri(r)-Malava-gan-amnate prasaste Krta-samjnite [l]
Eka-sasthy-adhike prapte sama-sata-catustaye [II]

In this verse there are two expressions which are
worthy of consideration. The first is Malava-gan-amnate,
which doubtless corresponds to Malavanam gana-sthitya
and Malava-gana-sthiti-vasat of the first two Mandasor
inscriptions. Now, what does Malava-gan-amnata signify?
The natural sense of amnaya, as specified e. g. in the
Amarakosa, is sampradaya ( = traditional usage). The phrase
must therefore mean \ traditionally handed down by the
Malava tribe." This, I think, is clear and indisputable,
and the other two similar phrases must be so interpreted
as to correspond to this. The word gana must, therefore,
be taken to signify ' a tribe ' in all the three expressions,
and sthiti of one inscription to be equivalent to amnaya of
the other two. The word sthiti must thus mean some such
thing as ' a settled rule or usage ', which, doubtless, is one
of its senses given by the St. Petersburg dictionary. This
lexicon even quotes Sanskrit texts in support of this mean-
ing, but does not at all give the word the sense of sthapana
( = constitution, establishment), which is noteworthy.

The second expression in the verse cited above is
Krta-samjnite, which qualifies the phrase expressing the
date. As the word samjnita shows, the year 461, which is
the date, is itself intended to be called Krta. But, as
indicated by &ri- Malava-gan-amnata, the date is clearly a
year of the Vikrama era. Obviously, therefore, Krta

192 D. R. Bhandarkar : Vikrama l£ra

appears to be the name of the years of this era. There
were at least two instances of the occurrence of the term
Krta in this sense in inscriptions before the discovery of
the new Mandasor epigraph, but its real significance was
not apprehended. They are the Bijaygadh stone pillar
inscription of Visnuvardhana, and the Gangdhar stone
inscription of Visvavarman. In the first the date is
specified in the words Krtesu catursu varsa-satesvasta-
vin(m)sesu 400 20 8, etc} The second sets forth the date
in the verse : Yatesu catuhfrjsu Kri(Kr)tesu satesu sau[m]-
yesvasita-sottara-padesviha vatsa[resu].2 Dr. Fleet, who has
edited both of these records, translates the word Krtesu
by " fully complete," but admits that it involves a strain-
ing. Besides, with this meaning the word is made redun-
dant by yatesu, which is used along with it in the second
inscription. But now that we know that Krta was the
name of Vikrama Samvat, the occurrence of the term in
the Bijaygadh and Gangdhar records becomes perfectly
clear and intelligible.

In connection with this discussion it is necessary to
take into consideration a fourth inscription, which I dis-
covered in December 1915 at Nagari, seven miles north of
Chitorgarh in the Udaipur State, Rajputana. The most
important part of it consists in the specification of the
date, which has been expressed in the following words :

Krtesu catursu varsa-satesu ekasity-uttaresvasyam
Malava-purwayam 400 80 1 Karttika-sukla-pancamyam.

The first portion of the date speaks of four hundred
and eighty-one Krta years as having elapsed at the time
of the gift recorded in the inscription. There can be no
doubt that the term Krta of the Nagari epigraph also has
to be taken in the sense of Vikrama Samvat and that con-
sequently the year 481 is of the Vikrama era. The second
portion of the date makes mention of the lunar day in the
words : 481 Karttika-sukla-pancamyam, i. e. on the 5th day
of the bright half of Karttika of the year 481. The most

1 Gupta Inscrs., p. 253. 2 Ibid., p. 75, 11. 19-20.

b. B. Bhandarkar : Vikrama Era 193

interesting expression is that which qualifies pancamyam,
viz. Malava-purvvayam. "What is the meaning of the word
purva in this expression? At first sight it seems tempting
to take it in the sense in which the word has been used in
the phrase etasyam purvayath, which we meet with in
Kusana and Gupta inscriptions. But a little reflection
will convince anybody that it cannot suit here, because
this phrase always follows the specification of the date and
not precedes it as in the present record. It is worthy of
note that Apte's dictionary gives ' established, customary,
of long standing' as one of the significations of purva.
Unfortunately, no reference has been cited in support of
it. But the sense suits here most excellently, and, what
is more, the phrase Malava-purvvayafn of our record is there-
by brought into consonace with the expressions Malavanafn
gana-sthitya, Malava-gana-sthiti-vasat or Malava-ganamnate
of other inscriptions. Malava-purva thus means "estab-
lished or customary among the Malavas." Now it deserves
to be noticed that the expression Malava-purvvayafn quali-
fies pancamyam (tithau). This, therefore, clearly shows
that the Malavas had their own peculiar system of reckon-
ing the tithi of the Krta (i. e. Sarhvat) year. We know that
the years of the Vikrama era found in the old inscriptions
present different methods of computation. Thus while
some are according to the Karttikadi, others are according
to the Caitradi, system. Some tithis again conform to
the Purnimanta and some to the Amanta arrangement of
the lunar months. The Malava system may have repre-
sented one of these two pecularities or perhaps even a
combination of both. Whatever the method of their com-
putation was, this much is certain that not only the tithis
but even the years were affected thereby. And this is the
reason why we find the phrases Malava-gana-sthiti and
Malava-ganamnata used in connection with the (Vikrama)
years as distinguished from the tithis. In the Nagarl epi-
graph too, the year 481 has for the same reason been ex-
pressly included in the specification of the tithi. As just
stated, the Malavas had nothing to do with the foundation
of the Vikrama era. The old name of the Vikrama eras

25 [ Bhandarkar Com Vol,]

194 D. R. Bhandarkar : Vikrama Era

was Krta, whatever that name may mean. The connec-
tion of the Malavas with this era was only in regard to
the system of reckoning the tithis and thereby the years
also. In my paper on the Mandasor inscription of Naravar-
man I had suspected this, but this is now unmistakably
demonstrated by the expression Malava-purvvUyam of the
Nagari record used as an adjective of pancamyam (tithau).

NSW LIGHT ON GUPTA ERA AND MIHIRAKULA
BY K. B. PATHAK

I propose in this paper to determine the starting point of
the Gupta era with the help of Jaina authors who
preceded AlberunI, without relying in any way on the con-
flicting statements made by that celebrated Mahomedan
writer, both as regards the origin and the epoch of the era
so well known to the students of Indian epigraphy. I hope
to be able to elucidate the problem, which has given rise to
so much controversy, with greater precision and accuracy
than have attended the efforts of those scholars who have
already discussed this interesting chronological question.
There are four important passages in Jaina literature. Of
their value as contributions to the study of Indian history
it is impossible to speak too highly. The first passage1 is
the one in which Jinasena says that he wrote in Saka 705.
This has elicited an interesting discussion and taxed to
the utmost the ingenuity and learning of scholars in their
attempts to identify the contemporary reigning sovereigns
mentioned therein. The second, third and fourth passages
are prophetic, in which future events are announced.
Some of these events are historical, though they are mixed
up with many legendary details. In the second passage2
we are told by Jinasena that the Guptas reigned 231 years
and were succeeded by Kalkiraja, who reigned 42 years
and that his successor was Ajitanjaya. The third passage3
is the one in which Jinasena's pupil Gunabhadra says
that Kalkiraja was the father and predecessor of Ajitan-
jaya, that he was a great tyrant who oppressed the world
and persecuted the Jaina community of Nirgranthas, and
that he reigned 40 years and died at the age of 70. As re-
gards the date of Kalkiraja we learn from Gunabhadra
that the tyrant was born when one thousand years of the
Duhsama kala, commencing from the Nirvana of MahSvIra,

1 Ind. Ant. vol. xv p. ;143.

2 Ibid.

3 Given at the end of this paper.

196 Pathak: Gupta Era and Mihirakula

had elapsed and when there occurred the union of a sarh-
vatsara with Magha-naksatra, that is to say, when there
occurred a Magha-sarhvatsara. The fourth1 passage,
which is an illuminating commentary on the second and
third passages is found in the Trilokasara, in which Nemi-
candra reproduces some of these details of the story of
Kalkiraja and adds that the Saka king was born when six
hundred and five years and five months had passed by
from the Nirvana of Mahavlra, and that king Kalkiraja
was born when three hundred and ninty four years and
seven months had gone by from the rise of the Saka king,
that is, when three hundred and ninty four Saka years
and seven months had elapsed. If we add 605 years and 5
months to 394 years and 7 months —

years months

605 5

394 7

1000 years
we get 1000 years, the interval of time, according to
Gunabhadra and Nemicandra between the Nirvana of
Mahavlra and the birth of Kalkiraja. The most interest-
ing and important point which is worth noticing here is the
fact that the date of Kalkiraja, who immediately succeeded
the Guptas, is given in terms of the Saka era ; he was
born when 394 Saka years and 7 months had gone by
and when, according to Gunabhadra, there occurred a
Magha-sarhvatsara.

Before discussing the historical inferences which these
facts suggest we should know the dates of the three Jaina
authors on whose statements we place our reliance- Jina-
sena wrote in Saka 705- He must have died about Saka
760, the latest date which can be assigned to his unfinish-
ed work, the Adipurana ; and his pupil Gunabhadra must
have completed his Uttarapurana only a few years later.2 He
was far advanced in years, when after finishing the re-

1 Also given at the end of this paper.

2 See ray paper entitled ' Bhartrihari and Kumarila ' Journal B, B«
R. A. S., vol. XVIII p. 213.

Pathak: Gupta Era and Mihirakula 197

maining chapters of the Adipurana, he undertook to write
his own portion of the Mahapurana.1 And the use of the
past tense 3TTCft^ with reference to Gunabhadra in the con-
cluding prasasti2 written in the time of his pupil Lokasena
clearly indicates that the former had long been gather-
ed to his fathers by Saka 820 ( A. D. 898 ). It is obvious,
therefore, that he wrote shortly after Saka 760, in the lat-
ter half of the ninth century.

As regards the date of the Trilokasara, we know that
its author Nemicandra enjoyed the patronage of Camunda-
raja ( A- D. 778 )-3 This statement is confirmed by Nemi-
candra himself who, in the concluding prasasti of his
GomatasSra, Karmakanda, ninth chapter, thus praises
C&mundaraja —

ST 3Tf^?T%OTOTT5t 3TS >J5 W& #T ^T3J n

f%,qd>^d0W&T0*W<K|J| ft=^3*^l%*n I

I fl%: ] RKidk^N^ s^dft^£fiNVft'<^@ETT ^UKe|4j$|Ul!g*NT*j-

In his Purana completed in Saka 700 Camundaraja
tells us that he was the disciple of Ajitasena and had the
title of Gunaratnabhusana. From Sravana Belgola inscrip-

1 Compare, Uttarapuraija, chapter 57 —
2. Compare —

3 Nagar Inscrip. 46, Epi. Car. Vol. VIII—

[ R<^' tffr^ ] aft ^Pm**?: i
ft*nf?r

198 Pathak: Gupta Era and Mihirakula

tions, we learn1 that Camundaraja was the minister of king
Racamalladeva, an ornament of the Ganga dynasty, which
was uplifted by the sage Simhanandin. This was the
Ganga king Racamalla IV who was reigning in A. D. 977.2
These facts are also alluded to in the Sanskrit commentary
on the Gomatasara, which opens thus —

*T^MT«r *fl4ftfWft<-tei<W*4<ff *«foRl^Mlfi$l«H4K+}lG\ «

The Kannada poet Ranna, who adorned the court of
the Calukya king Tailapa II, who was born in A. D. 949
and who wrote his Gadayuddha in A. D. 982, had Ajitasena
for his teacher and Camundaraja for his patron-3
These facts lead to the conclusion that Nemicandra lived
in the latter half of the tenth century. It is thus clear that
Jinasena, Gunabhadra and Nemicandra preceded AlberunI
who wrote in the first half of the eleventh century.

In order to enable Sanskrit scholars to realise the im-
portance of the facts which Jaina literature holds in store
for them, I must repeat here the exact words of Jinasena
( Harivamsa, chapter 60 ) —

gflTCf^klW1
U+f3fcM ^ratfa <t>i<!4ftQtt4igd4l U 487 II
GHdll&&lld: +R+<N*M ^F5fcTT I
ddlsfcld«l4l JFft 3Tlf%<;im'fem: H 488 II

^frnt m$\$ ^"=mi 4^mt jjKttafcH, i
gft> 1% *W$k *n><M«3ls*R?t II 552 II
Gunabhadra says that when one thousand years of the
Duhsama kala, commencing from the Nirvana of Maha-
vira, had elapsed Kalkiraja was born. Jinasena says that
the Sakaraja was born when 605 years and 5 months had
passed by from the Nirvana of Mahavira- If we subtract

1 Mr. Rice's Sravana Bejgola Inscriptions, Introd. p. 34.

2 From Mr. Rice's Mysore and Coorg inscriptions,

3 Karnataka-kavi-carita, p. 54,

Pathetic: Gupta Era and Mihirakula 199

605 years and 5 months from one thousand years, the re-
years months
1000 0
605 5

394 7

mainder is 394 years and 7 months. It is thus clear that,
according to Jinasena and Gunabhadra, Kalkiraja was
born when 394 years and 7 months had passed by from the
birth of the Saka king. Nemicandra says exactly the same
thing when he tells us that, after the lapse of 605 years and
5 months from the Nirvana of Mahavlra, the Saka king
was born, and that, after the lapse of 394 years and 7
months from the birth of the Saka king, Kalkiraja was
born. Gunabhadra adds that when 394 years of Saka era
and 7 months more had passed by, there occurred a Magna
samvatsara —

This is a prophecy put into the mouth of Gautama-Gana-
dhara who says —

" There shall be born the king Kalkin, named Catur-
mukha, the oppressor of the world, on the occurrence of the
union of a samvatsara with the Magha-naksatra" When
a samvatsara becomes fl^R^l^Th, it is named *n*W«ictK. After
the naksatra the word w takes the termination 3^1
according to the sutra of this Jainendra Vyakarana —

3^^*^!^?: ( iii. 2. 5- )

5T4 ?T4T^f^ 3ft Wffi aft gsfof '• * ^^: ^H^ I 3^* 5^ 3^v
qk: ^RSTC: I 'ST^F ^^ ' ^TiMfcsr, Benares ed p. 86.
Gunanandin thus explains the Jainendra sutra—

w^ # *&$ ^s^ 3^: * ^^: *™*: *^ ' ^^' ^^J*
( iv. 4. 150 ) <ta qft 2» ( iv. 4. 157) sfaareWLiqfa $mt- m
q^ l TT^-qn^: mm.- <fiT^ Mb*. I Jainendraprakriya, part
ii, p. 162, Benares ed.

200 Pathak: Gupta Era and Mihirakula

Hemacandra, who owes his explanation to Sakatayana,
• says —

3T^cT2fm%^t (vi. 2. 5 )

3Tg f RT f%^ I JTT^f f^# ^r ff *Rf<T I Brhadvrtti vi. 2. 5.

From the Jaina grammatical sutras1 and commentaries
cited above it is obvious that Gunabhadra's expression J?w-
^t^R^RWTiT^ means "on the occurrence (^wri^) of the
union (zfftT) of wfa^] and a <U<Ht ; that is to say, wft-
g^fi: *HctK: JTre:- The word qre, in the sense of a Magha-
samvatsara, is formed from jt'^tt, which is in the instru-
mental case, by the suffix spj^; the 3TT of j^t, being elided,
is replaced by sr of the suffix 3^, while 3T, the first vowel in
JTEJT, undergoes ff%. We have thus the expression Jnw^STC.
This is the teaching of Pujyapada, Sakatayana, Hemacan-
dra and Gunanandin.

The occurrence of a Magha-samvatsara in purely lite-
rary records, apart from early inscriptions and astronomi-
cal works, is of unique interest ; and its supreme impor-
tance from a chronological point of view we shall now
proceed to show.

We have seen that 394 Saka years and 7 months had
elapsed at the birth of Kalkiraja. The seven months com-
pleted belong to the current Saka year 395. The first day
of the eighth month, Karttika Sukla 1, was the day on
which Kalkiraja was born, since a Saka year commences
with Caitra Sukla. The year that is actually mentioned
by the Jaina writers is the expired Saka year 394- Let us
convert this into an expired Vikrama year by the addition
of 135 according to the rule —

^T3T 3tft c?)T *TWWf^%KT- I) ' U Jyotisasara

1 Cf. also v&ft ^, Pacini vi, 4, 148, and f^J73'nf^%5rn%, VSrtika on
Panini vi. 4. 149.

Pathak: Gupta Era and MihiraTcula 201

The result is1 the Vikrama year ( 394 + 135 = ) 529 ex-
pired. This expired Vikrama year is identical with the
expired Malava year 529, given as the second and later
date in the Mandasor Inscription of Kumaragupta I and his
feudatory Bandhuvarman and is expressed2 in the following
words —

Vikrama Sarhvat 529 expired, Phalguna Sukla 2
Hence it is clear that the Malava era is the same as
the Vikrama era of B. C. 57. In order to elucidate the
point further, the expired Saka year 394 may be first con-
verted into the corresponding Christian year by adding 78
thus— 394 + 78 = 472 A. D; and then this Christian year 472
can be converted into the Malava year 529 by adding 57 —

472 + 57 = 529

472 = 529-57
or 394 + 78 = 529-57 - A. D. 472
It is thus evident that the Malava era is the era of B.C. 57,
which is known to us as the Vikrama samvat.

The first year in the same inscription, which is 36
years earlier, is the Vikrama year 493 expired, Pausa
Sukla 13—

*ii*iMi Twf^rr qi% 5ffi=^§^r i

«W*II*I$J*ST 5RI^% *|ijl4$| I

If we subtract 135 from Vikrama year 493 expired we
get Saka 358 expired. It is therefore evident that Kumara-
gupta with his feudatory Bandhuvarman was reigning
in Saka 358 expired, exactly 36 years before the birth of
Kalkiraja in Saka 394 expired. The year Saka 394 expired
is a Magha-sarhvatsara. I give below four Saka years
with corresponding cyclic years beginning with this Magha
sarhvatsara of Saka 394 expired, according to the rule3 of
Varahamihira —

1 q'^rrer^=135; arf?r=3, y=l. at^Rt *totTti%: i

2 Dr. Fleet's Gupta inscriptions, p. 83 ; Ind. Ant. xv. p. 198.

3 Dr. Fleet's Gupta inscriptions, Appendix in, p. 161.

26 I Bhandarkar Com. VoLJ

202 Pathak: Gupta Era and Mihirakula

Saka 394 expired Magha-samvatsara
„ 395 „ Phalguna-samvatsara

„ 396 „ Caitra-samvatsara

„ 397 ,, Vaisakha-samvatsara

The date given in the Khoh grant of Parivrajaka Maha-
raja Hastin is Gupta-samvat 156, which is specified1 as a
Maha-Vaisakha samvatsara —

n^i*h*ftss^ iJHlw^S^ TfflsTrcjrcn^ ^rffi^m&ft'-iff-

The four Saka years with corresponding cyclic and
Gupta years are exhibited in the following table that the
Gupta years are expired will be proved further on —
Saka 394 expired = Magha-samvatsara = Gupta 153 expired
„ 395 „ Phalguna „ „ 154 „

„ 396 „ Caitra „ „ 155 „

„ 397 „ Vaisakha „ „ 156 „

It will be evident from the foregoing table that Gupta
years can be converted into equivalent Saka years by the
addition of 241, in as much as each of the four equations
stated above gives us a difference of 241. Kumaragupta I
with his feudatory Bandhuvarman was thus reigning in
Saka 358, corresponding to Gupta samvat 1172 and to
Vikrama year 493 —

Saka 358 = Gupta samvat 117 = Malava or Vikrama 493
And Kalkiraja was born 36 years later in Saka 394, corres
ponding to Gupta samvat 153 and to Vikrama year 529 — ■

Saka 394 = Gupta samvat 153 = Malava or Vikrama 529
It is worth noting that the birth of Kalkiraja took place
only 5 years later than the latest date recorded for Skanda-
gupta — Gupta samvat* 148, equivalent to Saka 389, — and
only one year earlier than the date4 of his son, Kumara-
gupta II, — Gupta samvat 154, equivalent to Saka 395.

1 Gupta inscriptions, p. 95.

I Bharadi inscription. A. S. Progr. Rep. N. C. 1907-8 p, 39.
3 V. Smith's Early History of India, 3rd ed. p. 327.
• 4 Annual Progress Report of the Superintendent, Hindu and
Buddhist monuments, Northern Circle, 1915.. p. 6.

Pathak: Gupta Era and Mihirakula 203

strict gtf^f s^farciffl* h!^ '

That the Gupta year mentioned in this inscription as
well as the one mentioned in the Khoh grant of Maharaja
Hastin referred to above is to be taken as expired is evident
from the following inscription of Budhagupta,1 Gupta
samvat 157 expired —

STcT *WRf f%=ff QWJ$ SRTOfa II
The general conclusion is that all the Gupta years includ-
ing those given in the above table must be taken as expired.
This point can be further cleared up by a comparison
of the five corresponding years of the Vikrama, Saka and
Gupta eras exhibited in the following table —
MSlava or Vikrama Saka Gupta

529 expired 394 expired 153

530 „ 395 „ 154

531 „ 396 „ 155

532 „ 397 „ 156

533 expired 398 expired 157 expired

The Gupta year 157 is specified as an expired year in
the inscription of Budhagupta which has been quoted
above. The difference between the expired Saka year 398
and the expired Gupta year 157 is 241. The difference
between the Saka year 394 and the Gupta year 153 is also
241. The Saka year 394 is known to be expired; therefore
the Gupta year 153 must be taken as expired. The con-
clusion that forces itself upon us is that all the Gupta
years mentioned in inscriptions are expired years and can
be converted into corresponding expired Saka years by the
addition of 241.

We have here established five uniform equations bet-
ween expired Gupta and expired Saka years, with a difference
of 241 in each case. The last equation is most important.

Expired I 157 = 390 J . Expired
Gupta year I Saka year

X Ibid. p. 7.

204 Pathak: Gupta Era and Mihiraukla

This date of Budhagupta inscribed on two Buddha
images is thus expressed — l " When the year one hundred
and fifty-seven of the Guptas had expired, on the 7th day
of the month Vaisakha while Budhagupta is ruling the
earth." The 7th of Vaisakha belongs to the current Gupta
year 158 corresponding to the current Saka year 399 —

Current I 150 = 399 ! .Current
Gupta year j Saka year

Thus the difference between current Gupta and current
Saka years is also 241, the same as the difference between
expired Gupta and expired Saka years. Now the Sarnath
date of Budhagupta, expired Gupta year 157, is only 8
years earlier than the date of the same Gupta king given8
in the Eran pillar inscription —

The date is " in the year 165, on the 12th day of the
bright half of Asadha, on Thursday." We are now in a
position to explain this date thus —

Expired 1 iqk -Af\a J .Expired
Gupta year J Saka year

" The 12th day of the bright half of Ashadha and Thurs-
day " belong to the current Gupta year 166 corresponding
to the current Saka year 407 —

Current I 1fiC An7 J , Current
Gupta year j ibt> = 4U7 j Saka year

Here we cannot take the expired Gupta year 165 as
current and make it correspond with the current Saka year
407 as, in that case, the difference between 165 and 407
would be 24^upCclc*ad of 241 as required by the statements
of the Jaina-ription^rities an^ the Sarnath inscription of
Budhagupta thus—

1 Ibid. p. 7.

2 Gupta inscriptions, p. 89.

Pathaki Oupta Era and Mihirakula 205

A second reason for not making the Gupta year 165
correspond with the Saka year 407 is that from our es-
tablished equation —

Expired I 157 = 390 J , Expired
Gupta year f j Saka year

it is evident that the Gupta year 165 is 8 years later than
the Gupta year 157, while the Saka year 407 is 9 years
later than the corresponding Saka year 398. A careful
consideration of these facts leads to the conclusion that
expired or current Gupta years can be converted into
corresponding expired or current Saka years by adding 241.

The date in the pillar inscription of Budhagupta has
been the subject of calculation and controversy for more
than half a century. Many scholars have attempted to
interpret this date by the statements of AlberunI, which
were admitted on all hands to be conflicting. It may there-
fore be interesting to point out how many statements of
this celebrated Mahomedan writer can now be accepted as
correct. He says1 that the era of Ballaba is subsequent
to that of Saka by 241 years. The era of the Guptas also
commences the year 241 of the era of Saka. Then he men-
tions the year 1088 of the era of Vikramaditya, the year
953 of the era of Saka, the year 712 of the era of Ballaba
and of that of the Guptas, as equivalent years. These
statements are reliable as they are in agreement with our
equation thus —

MSlava or

Vikrama Saka Oupta

(a) 529 - 394 - 153

(6) 1088 - 953 - 712

559 559 559

1 Gupta inscriptions, Introduction, p. 23 f.

206 Pathak: Gupta Era and Mihirakula

The difference between Malava 529 and Saka 394 is
135 ; that between Vikrama 1088 and Saka 953 is also 135 ;
the difference between Saka 394 and Gupta 153 is 241; and
that between Saka 953 and Gupta-Valabhl 712 is also 241 ;
the difference between the Malava year 529 and the Gupta
year 153 is 376 ; and the difference between the Vikrama
1088 and the Gupta- Valabhl year 712 is also 376. It is also
interesting to note that from the year of the birth of Kalki-
raja in Saka 394 or Gupta year 153, when the Gupta empire
was still enduring, to the year A. D. 1031-32 in which
AlberunI was writing, 559 years had elapsed.1 So that
his equation (b) is as accurate as if it had been formed by
adding 559 to each of the equivalent years of the three
eras in our own equation (a).

An interesting peculiarity of the years of the Malava
era deserves to be noticed here. The second date in the
Mandasor inscription of Kumaragupta I and Bandhuvar-
man is the Malava year 529 expired, Phalguna Sukla 2.
The equivalent Saka year is 394 expired. Deduct 394 from
our present Saka year 1839 in Western India. The result
is 1445. Add 1445 to 529 ; the result is 1974. This will be
our Malava or Vikrama year on Phalguna Sukla 2 next, in
Western India. This is true according to our almanac.
Let us now turn to the Mandasor inscription2 of Yasodhar-
man where the expired Malava year 589 with the season of
Vasanta is thus mentioned —

q^l sictg to* ^ici$<fci*H«fa*if©s '

qWIU|f&Rl«ftHc4>l«»qHiq fei%^!i n
^f^M>i^ +<jWigGHI *tfl»«ARt srarqr

Wrefof *Tfa^<T 3TRTR2T qf^T-
1 Ind. Ant. Vol. xvii, p. 213 not© 1. i«7jr 2 Gupta Inscr. p. 154.

Pathak : Gupta Era and Mihirakula

207

Here the date is the cRRT, i.e. *fa and %tr^ of the ex-
pired Malava year 589, $^*w*fi| or g^TJT^ being synonymous
with 3*RT ( Araara I, 3. 18 ). To-day is st^jcTmi, i. e. %[[?^
?0P? 3 of the Saka year 1839 in Western India. The expir-
ed Malava year 589 is 60 years later than the expired Ma-
lava year 529. Add 60 to the expired Saka 394. The re-
sult is the expired Saka 454 corresponding to Malava 589.
Now deduct 454 from our present Saka year 1839 ; the re-
mainder is 1385. Add 589 to 1385 and we get Malava
year 1974 corresponding to our present Saka year on3T£PT-
rjtfTiTT. But our Vikrama samvat to-day is 1973 because it
is ^frfcfirf^ and will be found to be identical with the
Malava year 1974 on our next Phalguna Sukla 2, as has
been shown above. This may be illustrated by the
following diagram —

Malava Saka Malava Saka

529 394 529 = 394

+ 60 years

Malava
589

Saka
454

^Ttf

+ 1385
years

+ 1445
years

Vikrama) iq^q'
samvat j

3T5TT3cfrqT

Malava 1974 ^j ( , Malava 1974) f ,

Saka f = \ Saka

1839 Vikrama) 1Q74t ttiwt 1 1839

samvat j XVii) ^. *. C.

The conclusion that is forced upon us is that the years
of the Malava era in the times of the Guptas and the
Hunas were Caitradi Vikrama years. This will enable us to
refute the opinion of Dr. Kielhorn1 who, while admitting
that the Vikrama era was called Malava, says " The
Vikrama era was Karttikadi from the beginning, and it is

1 lad. Ant. Vol. xx„ p. 32 8ff.

208 Pathak: Gupta Era and Mihirakula

probable that the change which has gradually taken place
in the direction of a more general use of the Caitradi year
was owing to the increasing growth and influence of the
Saka era." This erroneous view is also shared by Dr. Fleet1
who says — "It can hardly be doubted that the original scheme
of the Vikrama years is the one commencing with the first
day of the bright half of Karttika ( October-November )."

The fact that the years of the Malava era are Caitradi
is most important. It will enable us not only to establish
the absolute identity of the Gupta era with the Valabhi
era, but also to ascertain the exact difference between the
years of the Gupta era and of the Malava era on the one
hand, and those of the Saka era on the other. The date of
Col. Tod's Verawal2 inscription is Vikrama sarhvat 1320
and Valabhi sarhvat 945, Asadha vadi 13 Ravi. From
Diwan Bahadur Pillai's Indian Chronology, Table x. p. 92,
we learn that Asadha vadi Ravivara falls in Saka
1186 corresponding to Caitradi Vikrama 1321, and is Sunday
25th May 1264 according to the Christian era. The Vikrama
yea 1320 mentioned in this inscription as equivalent to
Valabhi samvat 945 is thus southern and Karttikadi ;
therefore the corresponding Caitradi Vikrama year or
Malava year is 1321. We thus get the following equation—
Saka Malava Valabhi

(a) 1186 - 1321 - 945

By deducting 792 from the above we get the next equation —
Saka Malava Valabhi

(b) 394 - 529 = 153

By deducting 36 from (b) we get the following equation —
Saka Malava Valabhi

(c) 358 - 493 - 117

We know3 that Kumaragupta 1 was reigning in Gupta
samvat 117 which is thus identical with the Valabhi year
117. The last equation also proves that the exact dif-

1 Gupta Inscriptions, Intr. p. 66 f. n. 2.

2 Gupta Inscr. Intr. p. 85.

3 A. S. Progr. Rep. N. C. 1907-08, p. 39 ; Ep. Ind. Vol. x, p. 70,

Patltak:? Gupta Era and Mihirahula 209

ference between the Gupta and Saka years is 241 ; while
that between the Malava and Gupta years is 376. Here
our agreement is based on Col. Tod's Verawal inscription-
This argument is easier to understand than that which is
founded on the Magha-samvatsara of Saka 394 expired,
and which presupposes a knowledge of the grammatical
sutras of Pujyapada and Sakatayana. The conclusion
arrived at by these two independent lines of argument is the
same, namely, that the difference between Gupta and
Saka year's is 241. We have also demonstrated that the
difference between current Gupta years and current Saka
years is 241. Thus —

Expired Gupta 157 = 398 Saka expired
Current Gupta 158 = 399 Saka current

It is of importance to note that in converting a Gupta-
valabhl year into its Saka equivalent, it is not necessary to
know beforehand whether the Gupta-Valabhi year is expir-
ed or current. If the resulting Saka is expired, the Gupta-
Valabhl year must be expired. On the other hand, if the
Saka year is current, the corresponding Gupta-Valabhi year
must also be current. These observations can be illustrat-
ed by the Kaira grant of Valabhl sarhvat 330 and by the
Verawal inscription of Valabhl samvat 927. The date in
the Kaira grant is thus expressed1 —

Sam. 300 30 dvi-Margasira su. 2.

Here the Valabhl year 330 can be converted into Saka
571 by adding 241. The exact date is 3rfa«wi4kl)§ W& ^*
On referring to Hindu Tables we find that the intercalary
Margasirsa actually falls in Saka 571. This Saka year is
therefore current and equivalent to Valabhl 330. Our
equation is thus —

Current Valabhl 330 = 571 Saka current

The date of the Verawal inscription of Valabhl samvat
927 is thus expressed2 —

1 Gupta Inscr. Intr. p. 93.

2 Gupta Insor. Intr. p. 91.

5J7 [ Bhandarkar Com. Vol.]

210 Pathak: Gupta Era and Mihirakula

SrImad-ValabhIsa[rh]vat927Phalguna Su. 2 Sau(So)me.
By adding 241 to 927 we get the following equation —

Valabhl 927 = 1168 Saka
By astronomical calculations the late Mr. S. B. Dikshit
arrived at Saka 1167 expired as the equivalent year.
Therefore the current Saka year is 1168, which corresponds
to current Valabhl 927. Our equation therefore is —
Current Valabhl 927 = 1168 Saka current
These two records dated in current Valabhl years are
most important and interesting as they amply refute the
erroneous theory of Dr. Fleet that the running difference bet-
ween current Gupta-Valabhi years and current Saka years
is 242. Nor can we accept as correct his opinion that the
two Vikrama years 706 and 1303 are southern and the
nominal equivalents of the current Valabhl years 330 and
927 respectively. For, on a comparison with the
following equations —

Saka Malava Gupta-Valabhi

394 = 529 = 153

571 = 706 = 330

1168 = 1303 = 927

it is obvious that these Vikrama years are Malava or
Caitradi and the real equivalents of the two Valabh1
years, and do not differ from southern Vikrama years, be-
cause they are coupled with the months of Margaslrsa
and Phalguna in these inscriptions.

On the other hand the year 386, which is the date in
the Nepal inscription of Manadeva, is expired, because it
can be converted into expired Saka 627 by adding 241, and
does not correspond to current Saka 628, as maintained
by Dr. Fleet.1

Alberuni's first statement that Gupta years can be
converted into Saka years by adding 241 was perfectly
accurate. But it was invalidated by a second statement
which he made to the effect that the Gupta era dated from
the extermination of the Guptas. This led many scholars
to discredit his statements entirely.

1 Gupta Inscriptions, Intr. p. 95 ff.

Pathaki Gupta Era and Mihirakula 211

Dr. Fleet's discovery of the Mandasor inscription was
very interesting and important. But his attempt to prove
that the Malava era was the same as the Vikrama era
of B. C. 57 was a failure and looked like the attempt
of a person who has, to use Dr. R. G. Bhandarkar's
words,1 " to determine the value of one unknown quantity
by means of another unknown quantity, which cannot be
done." Nor was Dr. Fleet more successful in interpreting
the date of the pillar inscription of Budhagupta when he
said that the Gupta year 165 was a current year and that3
"in following Aiberunl's statement and adding two hun-
dred and forty-one what is really accomplished is the
conversion of a given current Gupta-Valabhi year into an
expired Saka year, by which we obtain precisely the basis
that is wanted for working out results by Hindu Tables, viz.
the last Saka year expired before the commencement of
the current Saka year corresponding to a given current
Gupta-Valabhi year; and that the running difference be-
tween current Gupta-Valabhi and current Saka years is
two hundred and forty-two." That this view is erroneous
will be obvious from a careful consideration of the follow-
ing two equations which have been explained above —

Expired Gupta year (a) 165 = (b) 406 expired Saka year

Current Gupta year (c) 166 = (d) 407 current Saka year

Dr. Fleet has mistaken the expired Gupta year (a) 165
for a current year and made it correspond to the current
Saka year (d) 407 and drawn the wrong inference that the
difference between current Gupta years and current Saka
years is 242 instead of 241. His final conclusion, which is
also due to the above mistake, that3 " in the absence of
any distinct specification to the contrary, we must inter-
pret the years in Gupta-Valabhi dates as current years"

1 Jour. Bom. Br. R. A. S., Vol. XVII, part II, p. 92. See Buhler's
opinion. Ind. Ant. XV, p. 339, and Cunningham's letter, Ibid. p. 347.

2 Gupta inscriptions, Introd. p, 84,

3 Idem. 'p. 129 f.

212 Pathakx Gupta Era and Mihirakula

is equally erroneous. Dr. Fleet attacks1 Dr. R. G.
Bhandarkar's view that " the addition of 241 would turn a
past Gupta year into a past Saka year ; and the addition
of 242, a past Gupta year into a current Saka year." But
this view, which is found to be in accordance with the
statements of the Jaina authorities and the Sarnath in-
scription of Budhagupta, must now be accepted as final
and decisive on the point at issue.

Let us turn to the date of the Morvi copper plate grant,2
which is thus expressed —

MMttO^I ^<flcl *WMi 3KIH4* I

This means that the king made the grant, when 585
years of the Guptas had expired, on the occurrence of a
solar eclipse. The eclipse, therefore, occurred in the
current Gupta year 586. Our equation is —

Expired Gupta 157 = 398 expired Saka.
Now the expired Gupta 585 is 428 years later than the
expired Gupta 157. By the addition of 428 to both sides
we get the new equation —

Expired Gupta 585 = 826 expired Saka
The equivalent Saka year 826 can also be obtained by add-
ing 241 to 585. Therefore-
Current Gupta 586 » 827 current Saka

The solar eclipse alluded to in the grant is therefore
the one that occurred on the new moon of Margaslrsa, Saka

827 current, corresponding to the 10th November A. D. 904.
There was a solar eclipse also in the following Saka year

828 current, on Jyestha Bahula AmavSsya, corresponding
to the 7th May, A. D. 905. Dr. Fleet's view that this second
eclipse is the one alluded to in the grant is untenable as the
Saka year 828 is obtainable by adding 242 to the current
Gupta year 586; and this is, as we have seen, against the
statements of our Jaina authorities and the two Sarnath
inscriptions. Nor can we accept his reading Gopte and his

1 Idem. p. 84, n. 1. % Gupta Inscr. Intr.p. 97.

Pathak: Gupta Era and Mihirakula 213

explanation of it as the name of a village; for on the
analogy of the expression SffRt 51^ found in the two
Sarnath inscriptions of Kumaragupta II and Budhagupta
we must expect the reading *r% 5Rfra% in the Morvi grant.
If the reading be «fr$, it should be corrected into *%. It is
thus clear that Dr. Fleet's reading and interpretation of
the date in the Morvi copper plate grant are positively
wrong. On the other hand the decision of Dr. R. G. Bhan-
darkar on this interesting point is upheld by our Jaina
authorities and the Sarnath inscriptions of Kumara-
gupta II and Budhagupta.

The connection of Kumaragupta II and Budhagupta
with the main line of the Imperial Guptas may be exhibited
in the following genealogical tree —

KumSragupta I

Skandagupta Puragupta

Kumaragupta II Narasimhagupta

Budhagupta II Kumaragupta III

The rule that Gupta years can be converted into Saka
years by adding 241, may be illustrated thus : Skandagupta
ascended the throne in Gupta samvat 136- In the very
first year of his reign, the Gupta empire was invaded by
the Hunas. Kalidasa assures us that the Hunas, who en-
joyed the reputation of being the most invincible warriors
of their age, were still on the Vanksu(Vaksu)tIra or
Oxus banks, when he wrote his well-known verses. The
Huna empire in the Oxus Basin was founded about A. D.
450. The date of the invasion of the Gupta empire by the
Hunas and their defeat by Skandagupta, namely the Gupta
year 136, must therefore be subsequent to about A. D. 450
by a very few years. By calculating 24 years backwards
from Saka year 394, corresponding to the Gupta year 153,
we arrive at Saka 370 ( = A. D. 448) corresponding to the
Gupta samvat 129. Now the Gupta year 129 (A. D. 448) is

214 Patkak: Gupta Era and Mihirakula

the 36th regnal year of Kumaragupta I. In A. D. 448, in the
reign of Kumaragupta I, the establishment of the Huna
empire in the Oxus Basin may be placed. That the year
A. D. 448 is the exactly correct date of this event, while the
year A. D. 450 is only approximate will be shown here-
after. The Gupta year 136 (A. D. 455) is thus only 7 years
subsequent to A. D. 448. Kalidasa's reference to the Hunas
being the most invincible conquerors of their age, and as
being still in the Oxus Basin, must have been made be-
tween A. D. 448 and A. D. 455. Kalidasa and Skandagupta
were thus contemporaries. This argument needs no elabo-
ration here, as it has been discussed at length in the intro-
duction to my second edition of the Meghaduta, (pp. x, xi,
xii) where it is shown that the fall of the Gupta empire
took place towards the close of the fifth century. Jinasena,
who writes a little less than three centuries later, has pre-
served to the world the oldest, and therefore the most
reliable, text of the Meghaduta as yet discovered, while
his pupil Gunabhadra says that the Kumarasambhava was
widely read in his time and was the delight of every class
of people, young as well as old.1

From a comparison of the Eran pillar Inscription of
Budhagupta and the Eran Boar inscription of Toramana
it can be conclusively proved, as has been shown by Dr.
Fleet, that2 Toramana came after Budhagupta. The latest
date for Buddhagupta is Gupta sarhvat 180 corresponding
to Saka 421 or A. D. 499. Toramana was the father of
Mihirakula. Mihiraula was defeated by Yasodharman
who was reigning3 in Malava or Vikrama year 589 corres-
ponding to Saka 454 ( A. D. 532 ). The first regnal year of
Toramana is mentioned in the Eran Boar inscription, while

1 Compare, for instance, <3tK|£{|u[, Chap. 59, stanza 36 —

^NloiUffl^ f^JT¥ctfR«mrMa II 36 II

with fmwre ii. 55—

1^1 fltft til*$ SW d^MfliHdH, I

2 Ind. Ant. vol xvni, p. 227.

3 Gupta inscriptions, pp. 150, 158, 162,

fPathak: Gupta Era and Mihirakula 215

the 15th regnal year of his son Mihirakula is given in his
GwaJior inscription. These two regnal years must fall
between Gupta sarhvat 180 and Malava year 589, corres-
sponding to Saka 421 (a. D. 499 ) and Saka 454 ( A. D. 532)
respectively, according to our Jaina authorities. It is
worth noting that the inscription which records the defeat
of Mihirakula by Yasodharman is not dated. But from
another inscription of Yasodharman dated in Malava or
Vikrama year 589, the approximate date of Mihirakula is
ascertained. This Mihirakula is believed by Dr. Fleet and
other scholars to be identical with the famous tyrant Mihi-
rakula, whose career has been described in such vivid
colours by the Chinese traveller Hiuen Tsiang and by
Kalhana in the Rajatarahgini. On the other hand our Jaina
authorities tell us that the Early Gupta kings were imme-
diately succeeded by the great tyrant Caturmukha-Kalkin,
Kalkin or Kalkiraja. He was a paramount sovereign(?ftff
fK^lf *T *ff^rfcO. He was foremost among wicked men (§«HlIVl:),
a perpetrator of sinful deeds (ajsfiif^Tf^rJ. He oppressed the
world ( -d^fed*^'' )• He asked his ministers whether there
were any people on earth who did not owe allegiance to
him ; the reply was, none but the Nirgranthas. He there-
upon issued an edict that the first lump of food offered to
the Jaina community of Nirgranthas at noon every day by
pious people should be levied as a tax. The Jaina Nirgran-
thas are allowed by the rules of their religion to take their
meal at noon once a day. If any 3PcRRT or difficulty occurs
at that hour, they must wait for their meal till noon on
the following day. The result of the tyrant Kalkiraja's
edict was that the Nirgranthas were exposed to utter star-
vation. Unable to bear this spectacle, a demon appeared
and killed the tyrant with his thunderbolt. Kalkiraja
then went into the hell called Ratnaprabha, there to live
countless ages and to endure misery for a long time.1 Wo
may compare this account with the statement3 of Hiuen
Tsiang as regards Mihirakula — " the holy saints said, in

1 See the passage given at the end.

2 V. Smith's Early History of India, 3rd. Ed. p. 310,

216 Pathetic: Gupta EraTand Mihirakula

pity, for having'killed countless victims" and overthrown
the law of Buddha, he has now fallen into the lowest hell,
where he shall pass endless ages of revolution."

We have seen that the tyrant Kalkiraja was a para-
mount sovereign. The Mihirakula of the inscriptions also
was a paramount sovereign, because he bowed down before
none save the god Siva. The real meaning of the verse, in
which this fact is stated, and which was misunderstood by
the translators of the Gupta inscriptions, has been pointed1
out by the present writer and by Dr. Kielhorn. Like the
Mihirakula of the inscriptions the tyrant Kalkiraja came
immediately after the Early Guptas ; that is to say, he over-
threw the Early Gupta sovereignty. The Mihirakula of
the inscriptions was therefore a tyrant and must be identi-
cal with the tyrant Mihirakula of Hiuen Tsiang and of the
Rajatarahginl. Then again, like the tyrant Mikirakula,
the tyrant Kalkiraja ( A. D. 472-542 )2 was reigning in A. D.
520 when the Chinese pilgrim Song Yun visited this
country, and was still on the throne when the Greek monk
Cosmas came to India about A. D. 530. There is no deny-
ing the cogency of these arguments, which lead to the in-
evitable conclusion that Kalkiraja was only another name
of the famous tyrant Mihirakula. It is to this great Huna
conqueror that the Jaina author Somadeva, contemporary
with the Rastrakuta king Krsnaraja III, alludes when he
says3—

The Jaina version of the story of Mihirakula has this
advantage over the Buddhist and Brahmanical versions
that, while the two latter afford no clue to the real date of
the tyrant, the former gives the exact dates of his birth
and death. Not only is the approximate date of the tyrant

1 See my paper entitled "Nripatuhga and the authorship of the
Kavirajam&rga." Jour. Bom. Br. R. A. S. Vol. XXII p. 82 ff ; Ind. Ant.
Vol. xviii, p. 219.

2 See below, p. 217.

3 *fiffi<4i«HUpr Bombay ed p. 79.

Pathak: Gupta Era and Mihirakula 217

deduced from inscriptions and coins amply corroborated
by the Jaina authors, but they supplement, in a material
degree, the information which we owe to those two in-
dependent sources.

The famous tyrant Mihirakula, accounts of whose
cruel deeds have been preserved to us in Buddhist, Jaina
and Brahmanical literatures, was then born on the 1st of
the bright half of the month Karttika in Saka 394 expired,
the cyclic year being a Magha-sarhvatsara, corresponding
to A. D. 472. And he died at the age of 70 in Saka
464 or A. D. 542. Jinasena assigns to him a reign of 42
years, while, according to Gunabhadra and Nemicandra,
he reigned 40 years. Deducting 42 or 40 from A. D. 542 we
get A. D. 500 or A. D. 502. We shall accept A. D. 502 for
the initial year of Mihirakula's reign. His fifteenth regnal
year must be A. D. 517. His father Toramana's first year
may be safely taken to be A. D. 500, coming after Gupta
sarhvat 180 or A. D. 499, the latest date for Budhagupta.
And the figure 52 found on Toramana's silver coins corres-
ponds to A. D. 500, the initial year of his reign. If cal-
culated backwards, the figure 52 brings us to A. D. 448, '
which is thus the exact date of the foundation of the
Huna empire in the Oxus Basin.

The tyrant Mihirakula died in A. D- 542, just a century
before Hiuen Tsiang was on his travels, and exactly 241
years before Jinasena wrote his passage relating to the
Guptas. Jinasena says that he owes his information to
chroniclers who preceded him (^itfRfo^l^dH.)- These
chroniclers must be as near in time to the period of the
Huna sovereignty as Hiuen Tsiang himself. In the light
of these facts we feel that we are in a position to
discard as baseless the opinion of the Chinese pilgrim
that Mihirakula lived 'some centuries previously,' as it
comes into conflict with the statements of the Jaina
writers, which have been shown to rest upon contemporary
Gupta inscriptions. On the same ground we should reject
as valueless the view of Alberuni, admittedly a later

1 V. Smith's Early History of India, 3rd Ed. p. 316, note 3.

28 [ Bhandarkar Com. Vol,]

218 Pathak'. Gupta Era and Mihirakula

writer than our Jaina authorities, that the Gupta era dated
from the extermination of the Guptas. This erroneous
opinion of Alb§runl, coupled with his conflicting state-
ments as to the difference between Saka and Gupta years
being 241, 242 or 243,1 led to a fierce controversy over the
epoch of the Gupta era, which has raged now for more
than 78 years since 1838, when Mr. James Prinsep discussed
the date of the Kahaum pillar inscription of Skandagupta.
A great step in advance was made when Dr. Fleet dis-
covered his Mandasor inscriptions. But his method of
proving that the Malava era was the same as the Vikrama
era of B. C. 57 left a great deal to be desired. Now that we
have placed his hypothesis on a footing of certainty,
unstinted praise should be given to Dr. Fleet for his
interesting discovery. But that he claimed more for his
discovery than was its due has been already shown. Nor
should we refuse to pay a well-merited tribute to Mr. D. R.
Bhandarkar for his discovery of an earlier date in the
Vikrama era, namely 461, referable to the reign of Can-
dragupta II. Mention should be made here of the syn-
chronism between Samudragupta and the king Meghavarna
of Ceylon discovered by M. Sylvain Levi to whom our
thanks are due. But this synchronism, valuable as it is,
should be utilized not in proving the epoch of the Gupta
era, as was suggested by some scholars, but in rectifying
Ceylonese chronology, which is full of uncertainty, as
various dates are proposed for king Meghavarna. Nor
should we omit to express our gratitude to Mr. Hargreaves
who has lately discovered the two Gupta inscriptions, one
of Kumaragupta II dated Gupta sarhvat 154, and the other
of Budhagupta dated Gupta sarhvat 157, which have en-
abled us, with the help of our Jaina authorities, to prove
that the Gupta years between 153 and 157 are expired and
not current years.

Thus the controversy, which has raged over the epoch
of the Gupta era for more than 78 years, is finally set
at rest.

X Gupta inscriptions, Introd. p. 25 ; Ind. Ant. Vol. XV, p. 189.

Pathak: Gupta Era and Mihirakula 219

Extract from Ounabhadrd's
Uttara-puraya, chap, 76

^wsr m\tf$ fi.JT^rpr^cT^: n 387 n

3*T^^rWT^^?mcn^p*rTC II 388 II
lift f^3Tf|^I*ft^fl: sfaFRWTH I

ffitf jt#^t s^rpgr^n^ s ^m^ n 389 M

^TWI^ W$ ^TTT%?: T%5$#T: II 390 1 1

f wttct: T?m1$fawTo2psf^f3: i

ST^fTOfa^cf t* JTcTT TO II 391 1 1

f^raisrcPUdi: ^cHWHHfli: n 392 11
TO^ ^tct: sttoot M f$ *FT3^t<m: I
TcftFlt TT<T^tW 3Ti%*2KT W&%' 1 1 393 H

f:*mrat ^^K^didi ^^trct: ii 394 "
TT'fr cT^r: s^i^fi" f^TTt^ir: u 395 11

<m<y£i Hqi*Hc*K^NKW|J$ II 396 II
ffUM SrTfcftcTFT TWT^t M+WdH I
^ccilR^c^HI TFHjf^qfadUMHlRui: || 397 II
puHc^rbqiMl^^l^llf^^Tf^: I
f^3f^T?^rTTT?T *$f £cW tf $\$ffi II 398 "

1 tfT^PT which purifies the soul permanently by entirely destroy-
ing ^^ or action. Cf. Tattva"rtha-R5jav5rtika II, 1, 2 and 10, Benares
Ed. I, p. 69, 2 MahSvIra.

3 So three Kannada Mss. oi the Jaina Matha, Kolhapur, and one
Nagari Ms. of the late Manikshet of Bombay. But I reject the reading
»T^T in some Deccan College. Mss., which gives no sense.

220 Pathak: Gupta Era and Mihirakxda

IWfiS f%*TFTT% *ic*rai*1imi^H*C|: II 399 II

$*ararftft wr sm^itcH toot: i

ftftn: #i ^wra et tf&ffi sift m^ n 400 «

flaiMlfll^dWsIT *H$HI UcT^T: II 401 II
SPFT rTTOt iTc^T ^3ffrc*n5inif?fa[ II 402 II

q^Tfjtiwrft fH^T^r^T^^ i

ftq'hRf W^II^Tbt IT^jrf^T^oi: II 403 II

gfaqraif^iTOr: ^r: sc^ft ^t u 404 11
<umq Q^i^^ri Hf^r^^T: 1

^qf^r ftftcTRTOT *TR^Hq<T*Ml: II 405 M

3T3^R^T5 *fasft #i: flf I

?ra s^rt ss *lffT%si^ta 4i%oi: n 406 11

^T cTc^f^ ^* ^F^I?5cRH I

aqf ttt^ Jrna?: fq%: g^t f^Nmw[ 11 407 h
smffer^^n^r: twn^1 f**nffi ^ 11 408 11

{% *1ldftl3 ^ *Tc3T *im(3wft^ if gqq; II 409 II
fftft qiT*. ^4 ^t^T^ift^cT^^Ji: I
3Spft fq%*TT$f M^<^M^^: II 410 H

<?ft«J® cT^TPf 5R?: *FS^ 5f t^ II 411 H

1 «rc^ a pot; cf. qrftror^ ftw; i

2 3TTff^ = 3TT5TT, food.

3 ^t=?^, grfrrnmn": i

Pathak: Gupta Era and Mihirakula 221

foi **$& V$ emi^t^rm II 412 n

Ic^TT ^RR^f STC *TT?R WW g^C* II 426 H

P)frnftngic«l ^ a<flfl(ifdn i 447 „

Extract from Trilokasara,
Palm-leaf Ms. p. 32
S^Rff *l<4>+l$MMl^l*l—

smr^t st w&\ '-4$p\4Qiffi&i flJinrc u 840 ti

( * ) firaTfwf^ TcSfT q^Tc(; ^j^t' SfRTct I

^TSW T^'^t f%^^ <J0£?f S 4f^M II 841 II

3^i^M % 3TOT fa'TOT 3T°l^ *R*IWKI I
fot^oi^qr ffiwSfrft ST^^faf^TO II 842 II

1 The name of the first hell.

2 «wi(T'H:=3<fl'vlq: TattvSrtharajavartika 111,38,8. (Benares Ed.
II, P. 149).

3 Also called -}y,«i|.

4 No distinction is made between gr and sriT in these passages.

5 This means 394 according to the prinoiple sfarfat ^rTcft Tffi: ; see
note 9. cf i3%?n?f% (=2800) f^TfiTTtfti^rfW^T-' II Ounabhadra, Uttara-
purana, Chap-61.

6 This is a mistake. Seo my paper on the date of Mahavlra, Ind,
Ant. Vol. xii, 22.

222 Pathaki Gupta Era and Mihirakula

3^W^ $ 3FR1T ^ V@M: ^*^ffa fajfor: ^ ffa 5^: S^fa % 3ft-

%{% f^R^ *rf%33^ ^'cTT^RT W ^Mnft II 843 II

^t ^ift ^wrl iwttip^ srerrffi 11 844 »

^T5RPrt l:^ltl<M*Hlft g% I

*OT TT6U? ^^T^'nmC 3^ *Wl^o5T<{ II 845 H,

q^o^ ^°^5^ ^^Rf^^N0*^^ II 846 »

1 See above note 3 p. 22.

FISCAL ADMINISTRATION UNDER EARLY COLAS
By H- KRISHNA SHASTRI

SOME of the striking features in the study of Cola
inscriptions, which at first arrest the attention of the
student are the elaborate detail and care shown in the
wording of the documents, their revenue technicalities,
the corporate nature of their transactions and the inci-
dental light which these necessarily throw on the public
and private life of the Tamil people in general. The key-
note of the Dravidian genius as distinguished from that of
the Aryan, has evidently to be sought for in one or more
of these factors of national development. I confine myself
at present to putting together such information as may be
available from a study of inscriptions bearing on the second
of the items noted above viz. the revenue administration
and technicalities of the Cola period prior to the time of
Rajaraja I — not omitting of course, to make some observa-
tions where necessary on the other points as well.

Early Tamil literature does not materially add to our
knowledge of this important question. All that could be
said has been ably summed up by Mr. V. Kanaka Sabhai
Pillai in chapter IX of his ' Tamils 1800 years ago, ' where
he describes the social life of the Tamil people at that
remote period. Some of the salient points noted are : " The
principal thoroughfares in the interior of the country were
guarded by the king's soldiers and tolls were levied on
these highways. The system of Government, which was
far from despotic, also conduced to the public welfare. The
head of the government was a hereditary monarch. His
power was restricted by five councils which were known as
the 'Five great assemblies.'1 The ministers attended to
the collection and expenditure of revenue and the admini-
stration of justice. Customs, tolls and land-tax formed
the chief sources of revenue. Customs were levied at all

1 Apparently the assemblies here referred to are the paiicamanda-
Us (corresponding to the modern panchayats) mentioned in the Gupta
inscriptions.

224 H. Krishnashastri : Fiscal Administration

the sea-ports. Tolls were collected on the trunk-roads
used by caravans and at the frontier of each kingdom.
The land-tax was paid in money or in kind at the option
of the farmer. One-sixth of the produce on land was the
legitimate share of the king: and for water supplied by the
State, a water-cess was levied from the farmers." All
these statements drawn mainly from Tamil literature, re-
ceive full support, as will be shown subsequently, from the
numerous inscriptions with which the Tamil country is
studded. One noteworthy point, however, is that while no
definite statement has been found in literature about the
organisation of village assemblies which, as stated above,
forms the most important feature of Dravidian civilization,
the inscriptions never fail to insist upon their existence.

There is no doubt that the Tamils, who at a distant
past are supposed to have migrated to the South of India
from the North-east corner of the Peninsula through the
Magadha territory, must have naturally imbibed much of
the Magadha culture which at that period was a model for
nations to imitate. The excellent work, Kautilya's Artha-
sastra, recently brought to light by the unswerving labors
of Pandit R. Shama Shastri of Mysore, has in it chapters
fully devoted to administration, revenue collection, taxes,
etc. There were no doubt co-operative undertakings,
councils of ministers, guilds of merchants and consultative
bodies of village elders. But the essentially democratic
spirit of village administration in matters revenue and
judicial, social and religious, as appears to have distinctly
existed throughout the Dravidian kingdoms, is not to be
found in the Arthasastra of Kautilya. That corporate life
and the democratic will of the people received due consi-
deration from the Aryan law-makers cannot altogether be
denied. Epigraphical evidence too is not wanting to sup-
port this supposition. The Malavas, for instance, as early
as the fourth and fifth centuries of the Christian era, had
a national assembly the organisation of which was the
occasion for starting a new era called the Krta. So was
it with the Licchavis.

The earliest glimpses of Tamil civilisation available

H. Krishnashastri : Fiscal Administration 225

from historical data, present a state of perfection and or-
ganisation that suouldmake us pause and think of the long
ages that must have elapsed before the Tamils as a race
could have attained that stage of development. In the
dawn of the sixth or rather of the 7th century A. D.,to
which some at least of the Tamil works extant have been
assigned, lived the great Cola king Karikala who carried
out a grand scheme of agricultural improvement by con-
structing flood-banks on either side of the river Cauvery
with the assistance of " all his subordinate kings such as
Trilocana-Pallava and others whose eyes were directed
towards his lotus-like feet." It is evidently this great
project, no way inferior in its conception and magnitude
to similar administrative measures adopted by the highly
famous statesmen of the present day, that still contributes
in a great measure to " the rich fertile flats of paddy fields,
groves of areca and cocoanut palms and forests of plantain
trees" of the Cola country. In fact it must have been
mainly due to Karikala's improvement that the river
Cauvery which flows through the heart of the Cola country,
came to be described in literature as the golden river
whose garland consisted of gardens and which was the
prosperity of the Colas. Other Cola kings that came
after Karikala were equally great; but their contribution
to the happiness of the people by way of sound admini-
strative measures, as in the case of Karikala, does not
appear to have been much. In their time there was an
upheaval of religious enthusiasm: Buddhism and Jainism
which were the strong opponents of the Saivite and Vais-
navite forms of Hinduism were practically driven out of
the land. The kings also took an active part in this pro-
poganda and some of them, it may be noted, came to be
considered as saints.

With Vijayalaya began a new line of Cola kings
whose revenue administration is the subject of this con-
tribution. Vijayalaya is assigned to the latter part of the
9th century A. D., a period about which the Pallavas of
Kaiici, who had till then been wielding suzerain power,
were slowly declining and the powerful Pandyas of the

29 [Bhandarkar Com. Vol.]

2&6 H. Krishnashastri : Fiscal Administration

farthest South were also growing weak. Vijayalaya was
entitled a Parakesarivarman 'the lion to enemy kings,'
and after him the successors to the Cola throne regularly
called themselves Rajakesarivarman 'lion among kings'
and Parakesarivarman alternately. The famous Rajaraja I
came very nearly a century later. Between him and
Vijayalaya there were many ruling sovereigns; but the
most prominent of these were Aditya I, Parantaka I,
Gandaraditya, Sundara-cola, Parantaka II and Madhu-
rantaka Uttama-cola. Hundreds of their records are found
throughout Southern India. A perusal of their con-
tents sufficiently indicates, in unequivocal terms, the exis-
tence of peaceful rule and an organisation of government
which, as far as could be gathered, compares not unfavor-
ably, with the conditions obtaining at present, after a
distance of more than a thousand years, under the benign
British rule.

Professor Krishnasvami Aiyangar (Ancient India pp.
163 ff.) has dealt fully with the question of Cola admini-
stration in the light of published records ranging in date
roughly from A. D. 800 to A. D. 1200. What he has herein
stated practically covers the whole field. The village
assemblies, as stated already, formed a distinct feature of
Cola administration. Full details about the organisation
of these assemblies, their elective basis, qualifications for
membership, disqualifications, executive committees etc.
have been supplied by two very interesting inscriptions
which belong to the time of Parantaka I (A. D. 907 to
about 953). It must, however, be noted that it was not
for the first time in the reign of Parantaka I that these
assemblies were organised and brought into existence.
The system was in vogue in much earlier times. Three
classes of assemblies appear to have existed; those of
Brahmans which were called sabhas; those of the general
body of residents in a village which were called urar and
those of the merchants (and professionals?) called naga-
rattar. The district assembly, nattar was also a body which
met when, perhaps, subjects touching the interests of the
whole district were discussed, or when there were no

IT. Krishnashastri : Fiscal Administration 227

sabhas to represent the villages within the district. Each
holder of a share in a Brahman village (called agrahara)
had the right to a seat in the village sabha; but he was
required to be well-versed in one at least of the Dharma-
sastras or Codes of law. The question of a share-holder
possessing his share by purchase, present or as stridhana,
seems to have arisen. It was decided that even such
might be represented on the village council provided that
they held a full share and not a fraction of it, and had
studied a whole Veda with its parisistas. The co-operative
and constructive principles on which an assembly had to
conduct its deliberations were evidently fully recognised
and no member was allowed to persistently oppose, on
penalty of a fine, the proceedings of the assembly by say-
ing 'nay, nay' to every proposal that was brought up.
Refractoriness on the part of members, as distinguished
from an honest difference of opinion, was much dis-
couraged. No rules regulating the management of the
other classes of assemblies, viz. urar,nagarattar and nattar
have come to light. Evidently all general qualifications
for efficient membership such as those obtained in the
Brahmanical sabhas must have also been in force, except
perhaps the knowledge of the Veda and the Mantra-Bran-
mana.

The thus constituted assembly of a village was known
by various names such as perumakkal 'the big children'
perunguri-perumakkal ' the big children of the big assem-
bly,' mahasabha, parudai (parisat), mula-parudai, pira-
madeyakkUavar ' the old men of the Brahmadeya,' gana-
pperumakkal, 'the big children of the gana* and a{um-
ganattar 'the gana members ruling (the village.)'1 The
assemblies generally met in temples where often special

1 The word gana as applied to a tribal congregation is still pre-
valent among many Non-Brahraanical classes ot Southern India who
have their own caste assemblies and panchayats where several questions
concerning the particular society and individual members are discussed
and amicably settled. The word yajaman among the trade-guilds and
ganacfirya among others prove the existence of such corporate life.

228 H. Krishnashastri : Fiscal Administration

halls were constructed for that purpose.1 Sometimes they
are said to have assembled in theatrical halls of a temple
such as those that existed in the great temples at Tanjore
and Tiruvidamarudur. It was not unusual also for the
village assembly to sit in council under a tamarind tree,
a pepul-margossa tree or an olive tree of the village. Trees
with platforms round them are a common sight in Indian
villages. The regular and constitutional meetings of the
village assemblies must have been partly at least res-
ponsible for the existence of these platforms. The installa-
tion also of Naga-stones on such platforms — specially
under the shade of the pepul-margossa tree — may have
been found necessary in view of the belief that the Nagas
always sit in judgment over a just decision or a charitable
deed. The constituents of the sabhas were the big men of
the village, i. e. the aged elders, the bhattas, * the learned
people,' the visistas *the very highly pious and upright
men ' and temple priests. Sometimes children are also
mentioned as members of a sabhci — evidently it might be
for the purpose of picking up pot-tickets mentioned in the
Uttaramallur inscriptions. Often the merchants (naga-
rattar), residents and professionals (urar), and district re-
presentatives (natta) also took their seat on the Brahman
assemblies — the sabhas — though in most cases these had
their own independent meetings. It must be noted that
the representative of the king, the local officer, and the
agents of the parties interested in the business of the day,
were also present at the meetings of the assembly. The
tendency towards corporate life did not stop with their
village councils mentioned above. It extended even to the
internal management of a temple. The padipadamulattar
1 those that attend on the sacred feet of God, ' the tiru-
vunnaligai-udaiyar or sabhaiyar * those in charge of (the
management of) the sacred inside (of a temple),' danma-
kattalaiyar ' those (in charge) of organised charities,' tiruk-

1 Have we to understand that the sabha-mandapas in almost every
Hindu temple oi Southern India, now supposed to be the place for Nata-
raja and the divine congregation, were primarily intended for the meet-
ings of village assemblies ?

H. Krishnashastri : Fiscal Administration 229

koyilndaiyar, * those (in charge) of the sacred ( precincts
of the) temple,' devakanmigal ' temple servants,' upasakas,
mahesvaras, sri-vaisnavas, devar-mat^radigal or devar-idaic-
canar, * the shepherds (of the temple),' etc. are frequently-
mentioned. In addition to these were professional guilds
who settled among themselves the business that concerned
their particular community.

The general assembly of the village was both a deli-
berative and an executive body. It met together under
beat of tomtom and transacted every kind of business that
concerned the local temple and the village. They sold or
purchased lands on behalf of the temple and in the latter
case they made the lands invariably tax-free by receiving
in advance a lump amount called irai-kaval, the interest
on which would cover the annual rent due on the land.
Sometimes when the temple as purchaser was unable to
pay the irai-kaval, they distributed the same by common
consent on the whole village. They received deposits of
money made on behalf of the temple or from the temple
itself, or again on account of other charities, and carried
out the trust from the interest accruing regularly year
after year. The investments were evidently utilised for
original works and improvements. They formed them-
selves into various committees to watch the interest of the
gardens, wet and dry fields, tanks and irrigation, tolls and
shop-rents, waste-lands and their reclamation, the regular
management of temple services and charities etc. Once
a tank having given way, the village was threatened
to be flooded away. A donation was made to the tank-
committee to repair the breach, and it was stipu-
lated that the interest on that amount may be regularly
handed over to the local temple. The committee was thus
both a banker and a trustee. In another similar case
of a breach in an irrigation canal, the banks were strength-
ened and perhaps also broadened by acquiring portions of
lands from the adjacent landholders, — this acquisition by
purchase being entrusted to the garden-supervision com-
mittee. If a canal irrigating the fields of one village had
to pass through the lands of another village, the assembly

230 H. Krishnashaztri : Fiscal Administration

of the latter interfered, stipulated the course for the canal
and charged a fee of one-in-five for the privilege. A com-
mittee was once appointed by the assembly of Uttara-
mattur to enquire into the purity of gold that found ex-
change in that village. They appointed four residents
from the street called Madavidhi, two from the army and
three from the Brahman quarter (sankarappadi), — all by
election. It was stipulated that the persons selected must
be neither young nor old and should have the necessary
experience in testing gold. This committee examined the
gold for all people and were instructed not to rub the gold
on the touchstone (too much). The wax on which the
rubbed gold-dust was collected, was to be handed over to
the tank-supervision committee without any reservation.
For arrears of land-tax, the assembly was empowered even
to confiscate the lands and sell them by public auction.
They made no exception even if these lands happened to
belong to the temple. But as Hindus interested in the
temple, they provided for the various services connected
with the temple by communal contributions. Before public
auction, the procedure adopted was to ask, i. e. to advertise
once, twice and thrice, to know if there was any to pur-
chase the land in question. Such sales were known as
1 the king's big sales ' — a phrase evidently used to denote
the public nature of the transaction. One record states
that the sale was proclaimed twice and (the bid) called
out thrice.1 Such sales were generally adopted when the
original holders of lands had given them up or had ab-
sconded owing to their inability to pay the taxes. In the
latter case the assembly sold the lands by auction to re-
cover the arrears of rent, whereas in the former, the
owners themselves disposed of the lands. A wet land
having become mounded up with sand owing to floods in the
Cauvery, the owners neglected cultivating it for six or seven
years and evidently the rent having accumulated, they
asked 'are there none to purchase this land?' A person

1 For a different explanation of the phrase irukalavadu mukkala-
vadu, which generally occurs in sale3 of land, see S. I. I. Vol. III. p. 17,
note. 2.

iJ. Krishnashastri : Fiscal Administration 23l

came forward, purchased it and presented the same to the
temple.

The taxes on landed property consisted of collections
in kind and in coin, and the king was by a right vested
in him, entitled to enjoy a very large number of them.
'Whichever the king may lay his hands upon and enjoy'
is the phrase that occurs in copper-plate grants and stone
inscriptions in giving away to a donee the full possession
of a property with all its rights and enjoyments. They
consisted of a good number of items of service called
kudimai (tenancy obligations) which appear to have been
as strictly demanded as land-revenue {kadamai ) itself. In
making grants of villages to Gods and Brahmans the ori-
ginal holders (kudis) were first divested of their rights of
tenancy, evidently it must be by compensation. In some
cases the kudis were retained. From this it may be in-
ferred that the tenants (ryots) had an a priori right over
the lands they cultivated, being subject only to kadamai
and kudimai or as defined in other inscriptions to kudimai
1 which was tenable at the door of the tenant ' and to ' the
income by taxes (varippadu) which the village paid.'
When a land was granted, sold or exchanged (pa?-ivartanai),
its boundaries were clearly defined, stones and milk bush
were planted for demarcation purposes and the connected
documents produced. If the donation was made for the
first time by the king or under his orders, the srimukha
(Tamil: tirumugam) 'royal order' intimating the donation
was received by the assembly, was honoured by 'being
placed on the head,' opened and read (in the presence of
all).1 The ajnapti or anatti who was to execute the order
of the king affixed his signature and thus made the royal
order take effect. Most of the land transactions referred
to in inscriptions are free donations to temples, Brahmans
and charitable institutions. Sometimes the property which
was thus donated was purchased with all its rights and
enjoyments ' in accordance to old custom' with all land
(high and low), ' where the iguana runs and the tortoise

1 The small fee that was collected in order to celebrate thus the
receipt of the royal order {tirumugam) was called tirumugakkayam.

232 H. Krishnashastri : Fiscal Administration

crawls; with (slight) excess or deficiency (if any, in mea-
surements); with specified exemptions (parihara) and de-
clarations, and after paying the ' full amount ( agreed
upon) and receiving all the land defined.' The sale-amount
was always calculated in gold-bullion of standard weight
and fineness, or occasionally in coin. In the former case,
the gold intended for currency is defined as 'marked gold/
'red gold brilliant as fire,' 'gold passed by the king (such
as Parakesari, Videlvidugu, etc.) and weighed by the stand-
ard stone of the village or of the treasury,' 'gold 9? carats
fine which is burnt, cut, heated to the brilliancy of fire,
stamped and found not to be deficient on the touchstone
or the balance.' The sale deed thus effected was drawn
up first on the palm-leaf (olai) and then engraved on stone
and copper. When this was done it was declared to be
final and no further document for the transfer or receipt
of property was necessary to produce nor would any such,
if produced, be considered valid.

Irrigation received the special attention of Cola ad-
ministrators. Karikala's embankments on either side of
the Cauvery have been already referred to. No natural source
of water seems to have been allowed to waste. Irrigation
tanks and wells were scrupulously kept in proper repair.
Anicuts were thrown across the rivers. A special com-
mittee on each village assembly was entrusted with tank-
supervision and perhaps generally with irrigation. Nu-
merous references are found in inscriptions to channels,
sluices, embankments, canals and so forth. Every grant of
land, where it happened to be under an irrigation tank or
canal, was especially provided with the conditions and
methods of irrigation. The distribution of water was very
carefully and systematically organised. Wet lands were
divided for this purpose into flats severally called kanarru,
sadiram, iiragu, sadukkam and padagam, and the main and
sub-channels that irrigated them received names of kings,
princes, chiefs or other distinguished personages. Even
the foot-paths and demarcation ridges between field and
field were named and recognised, so that the revenue
officers from a mere description of the boundaries, and of

H. Krishnashastri : Fiscal Administration 233

the irrigation channel {vaykkal, narayam or narasam) under
which a particular land was situated, and the name of the
owner or owners, were able to spot out a field in question
by reference to books which must have been maintained
for that purpose. One general rule observed in the supply
of water was that the fields, whatever their situation may
be with reference to the main channel, were to take the
water ' in the manner that it flowed,' i. e. in its natural
course — without causing any special obstructions or creat-
ing contrivances for preferential supply. Such obstructions,
if any, were punished with a fine by the king or the courts
of justice.

Whether sold, leased out, exchanged or presented, the
land transactions in general are so clearly worded that
they might be pronounced to be free from technical flaw.
The vendor's undisputed right to the property is made out
and expressed by such phrases as 'my tax-free land,' 'in
my own enjoyment,' ' / give away in the manner that /
have been enjoying it.' When the land is acquired by
public auction, by purchase, donation, stridhana or ex-
change, the fact is recorded in the document together with
details connected with all such previous transactions. The
terms of a sale deed are thus described: 'the sale money
agreed upon between us (parties) being received completely
I sell this and declare twice and thrice that this docu-
ment (by itself) shall be both the deed and the money-
receipt, and that no other documents besides this, need be
produced (to establish the vendor's claim).' All land with-
in the four boundaries, including wet land, dry land, wells,
ant-hills (?), mounds, fruit-trees such as the cocoanut,
jack, mango, seedlings (?), waste land, low-grounds and
hollows, was given away. The writer affixed his signature
to the document. Other signatures followed. In a certain
case where the signatory was not able to use his hand
(being perhaps ignorant of writing), another wrote for him
and also bore witness.1 The signatories were generally the

1 It might be noted that women also independently sold, purchased
or presented land, but usually with a man selected as their attorney
{mudukan).

SO [ Bhandarkar Com. Vol.]

234 H. Krishnashastri : Piscal Administration

chief citizens, arbitrators (madkyasthas) and the parties
concerned. The boundaries were marked by stones and
milk-bush in tb.e case of villages ; and in the case of fields
they were defined by roads, foot-paths, ridges, highways,
irrigation canals and water-courses.

Accounts of land-transfers and revenue-receipts were
most carefully kept. The Department of Tiyaikkalam
seems to have been exclusively meant for this business.
Tinai-kkanakkan was an accountant of the office of Rents,
Rates and Taxes. Charitable grants which were exempt
from taxes were maintained in the register called the
varippottagam. A chief having presented a land to a
temple with right to collect parisai-irai, ecchoru, vetti, etc.,
corresponding entries and deductions were made in the
books concerning that land. Money-accounts had their
own register called the 'treasury -book' (bandara-ppottagam).
Auditing of accounts by the king's officers was quite a
common thing. Sometimes special audit under imperial
writ was organised when the periodical audit was found
to be defective. In the 25th year of king Parantaka I
(A. d. 932) such a writ was issued to re-check the accounts
of the temple of Tirnneyttanam in the Tanjore District
and the accountants (varavittar) responsible for omissions
or commissions, were punished in presence of the trades'
committee (nagara-variyakkuttam) of that village. Ac-
countants, before submitting their accounts for audit, were
oftentimes required to undergo the ordeal of holding a red-
hot iron (malu) and to prove their honesty by coming un-
scathed out of it. They were even rewarded if they were
found to be so, by a bonus.

The internal management of village administration
being thus regulated, any deviations from, or opposition to
these rules were punished by the king, the magistrate of
the village, the members of the charity-committees or
other seats of justice, at the option of the guilty person.
Once being fined, the guilt was condoned, but the obliga-
tion to submit to the law of the land continued. No man
who committed a crime by transgressing the law was per-
mitted to produce undigai and pattigai in order to escape

H. Krishnashastri : Fiscal Administration 235

punishment. The exact sense of these terms has not been
made out.

The king was apparenlty the highest appellate autho-
rity in his country. He had numerous officials under him
to organise and manage the various departments of ad-
ministration. Later Cola inscriptions mention very
nearly twenty such departments, besides the military.
Thus the Dravidians developed, from the very beginning of
their dominancy in the South, a system of government
which was a monarchy regulated and controlled by a
democratic organisation, in which the will of the people
was fully and freely represented. History repeats itself,
and in the fulness of time the Dravidian genius must in-
fluence to a very large extent the present government of
the land.

GANGAVADI

BY LEWIS RICE

AMONG the Jaina States which flourished in Southern
India in early times, and held their own more or less
throughout the first millennium of the Christian eraf
Garigavadi was one of the most interesting, and played a
prominent part. It derived its name from the dynasty of
the Gahga kings whose dominion it formed, and occupied
the greater portion of the existing Mysore country. Its
subjects are to this day represented by the Gangadikaras,
the largest section still of the agricultural population, their
name being a contraction of GarigavadikSra.

But, long before this part was called Garigavadi, it had
been the scene of important events in history. For it was
the region through which, early in the 3rd century B. C,
Bhadrabahu the &rutakevali led the Jaina migration from
the north of India, in order to escape a predicted famine
of twelve years. Feeling his end approaching, he sent on
the body of pilgrims to Punnata, a State in the south-west
of Mysore, and remained at Sravana Belgola, where he
died. Hither also the celebrated Maurya emperor Candra-
gupta is said to have accompanied him, having abdicated
for that purpose. Ministering to him in his last moments
as his sole attendant, Candra-gupta, a few years later,
ended his own life at the same place. It was apparently in
connexion with these movements that the separation arose
of the Jainas into Digambaras and Svetambaras. Evidence
is not wanting in support of these statements. First-hand
information as to the statecraft of the period is now avail-
able in the Arthaiastra of Canakya, the minister of
Candra-gupta, of which an only copy has lately been
discovered by Shama Shastri and published in Mysore. Sub-
sequently, not only was there a seat of the Maurya govern-
ment in the north of this country in the time of Candra-
gupta's grandson Asoka, but missionaries were then sent
to the southern part, under the name of Mahisa-mandala,

238 L. Rice: OangavU^i

as well as to Vanavasa or Banavasi, on the north-west, in
efforts to spread the religion of the Buddha.

The rise of Gangavadi may be traced to the 2nd cen-
tury A. D., and was about coincident with the fall of the
Andhras or Satavahanas, whose name survives in the form
of Salivahana, which in later times came to designate the
prevailing Saka era, dating from A. D. 78. At quite a modern
period Mysore is described as the Salivahana country, but
the nature of the connexion is not clear. Still, one record
of the 16th century dates itself by the Satavahana-saka
instead of the Salivahana-saka.

Testimony to the rule of the Satavahanas in ancient
Mysore is confined to the north-west, where they were
immediately followed by the Kadambas of Banavasi. But
the remainder of this country mostly came under the
Gaiigas, and was hence known as Gangavadi, which takes
the forms Gangapadi and Gangapati in Sanskrit and Tamil.
After the Andhras, the dominant overlords' of the Dekkhan
were the Pallavas, who also gained the maritime countries
lying along the east coast. They claim to have set up the
Kadambas of Banavasi, in the 3rd century, and assumed
the r61e of patrons at the coronation of certain of the early
Gangas.

Gangavadi was a Ninety-six Thousand country, the
remaining portions of Mysore being occupied by the
Nonambavadi or Nolambavadi Thirty-two Thousand, in the
north-east, and the Banavasi Twelve Thousand, in the
north-west. But the former of these was much later in
formation than the latter, — about the 8th century. In the
south-west was Punnata, mentioned by Ptolemy in the 2nd
century, and later known as the Punnad Six Thousand.
The numerical descriptions attached to the names, which
are sometimes used alone, are believed to indicate the
revenue value of the countries, reckoned in niskas, an
obsolete currency of more than one rate, but popularly
supposed to be equivalent to varahas or pagodas. Or else
they may refer to subdivisions, or nads, which were called
Thousands. That they represent the number of villages.

L. Rice: Gangavadi 239

it is quite plain, is physically impossible, even supposing
the whole areas were occupied by villages and nothing
else.

The original boundaries of Gangavadi are given as — ■
north, Marandale; east, Tonda-nad; west, the ocean to-
wards Cera; south, Kongu. There is no difficulty in
identifying these, except the one on the north. This I have
so far been unable to trace or find. But it is of importance
that it should be discovered. It appears again at the time
when the Gahga king Sivamara-Saigotta, who had been
deposed and kept in confinement by the Rastrakutas, was
released by them and reinstated. For the record says that
he was again ruling the Gangavadi Ninety-six Thousand
up to Marandale as his boundary, as if to show that the
whole of his kingdom even to the original limits had been
restored to him. The place was probably somewhere be-
tween the Tungabhadra and the Krsna rivers, as one
record of the time of Sripurusa indicates that his boundary
then extended to the north-east of the Bellary District. Of
the remaining boundaries, Tonda-nad is the Madras country
to the east of Mysore, variously called Tonda-mandalam
and Tundaka-visaya. It was a Forty-eight Thousand
country. Cera, mentioned in connexion with the west, is
Cochin and Travancore. It is doubtful, however, whether
Gangavadi really touched the ocean, though it was no
doubt very near at certain points. Kongu, on the south, is
Coimbatore and Salem.

The first capital of Gangavadi was Kuvalala, a name
modified later to Kovalala, and then to Kolala. This is the
present Kolar, in the eastern part of Mysore, and situated
to the west of the Palar river. It has passed through so
many vicissitudes, and been the area of so much fighting
in modern times, that few remains of antiquity are now to
be found there, municipal improvements, it is feared, hav-
ing swept away whatever relics there may have been. In
the 3rd century the capital was removed to Talekad ( Tala-
vanapura in Sanskrit), a place in the south-east of Mysore,
in a bend of the river Kaveri, which encircles it on three

240 L. Rice: Gangavadi

sides. Here the capital permanently remained, until its
capture in 1004 brought the Ganga sovereignty to an end.
It is now nearly buried under sand dunes, which continue
to encroach upon it. Though this was the recognized capi-
tal, the royal residence was removed in the time of 6rl-
purusa, in the 8th century, to a more central position at
Manne or Manyapura, some 30 miles north-west of Banga-
lore, on the plain lying to the east of the Devarayadurga
chain of mountains, and facing Nandidroog. Such was
the prosperity of the State at this period that it came to
be styled the Srl-rajya, or Fortunate kingdom.

The main river of Gangavadi is the Kaveri (Anglicised
as Cauvery1 ), the Kaboeros of the Greek geographer Pliny,
and designated by Hindus the Daksina Ganga, or Ganges
of the south. Its name is said to be derived from the muni
Kavera, whose daughter Kaveri was fabled to be. But the
Puranas assign to her a divine origin. According to one
account, she was a daughter of Brahma, born as a mortal
in the person of the virgin Visnumaya or Lopamudra,
whom Brahma allowed to be regarded as the child of
Kavera-muni. In order to obtain beatitude for her adoptive
father, she resolved to become a river whose waters should
purify from all sin. And once a year the Ganges itself is
supposed to flow underground into the Kaveri at its source,
so as to cleanse the stream from the pollution of the sins
of the multitudes who bathe in it. The period of this
mystic confluence, in Tula-masa, needless to say, is sig-
nalized by a great religious festival. On the first occasion
when the floods came down, as promised them by Parvati,
and the Coorgs plunged in to bathe, so violent was the
rush of the water that it twisted the knots of the women's
c loths round to the back ; and in this fashion, opposed to
the general custom in India, the Coorg women still wear
them, in commemoration (says the Purana) of the event.

The river has its source in the Western Ghats in
Coorg, and flows in a generally south-east direction through

1 But the proper pronunciation is that of the words car (with r silent)
and vary,

L. Rice:Gangavadi 241

the Mysore to the island of Sivasamudram, where it des-
cends from the tableland to the lower level of the Madras
country. Here it separates Coimbatore from Salem, and
continuing through Trichinopoly, where is the island of
Srlrangam, reaches the sea in the delta of Tanjore. Near
where it enters Mysore from Coorg is a narrow gorge,
below which the stream descends some 60 to 80 feet in a
succession of rapids. At Ramanathpur is an old ford, by
which the epic hero Rama is said to have crossed the river
on his expedition to Lanka or Ceylon. Farther down, an
extensive system of irrigation is carried on on both banks
by means of miles of canals or channels, led off from dams
across the river. This fertile region, under the name of the
Astagrama, was conferred on the Vaisnava reformer
Ramanuja in the 11th century. In about the middle of its
course through this part is the island of SrI-Ranga, con-
taining the historical fortress of Seringapatam. Passing
on, round the site of the ancient capital city Talekad or
Talakad, the river arrives at the island of Sivasamudram,
where it ends its career in Mysore. Here are the celebrated
Falls of the Kaverl, in which the stream hurls itself down
some 320 feet in two distinct falls, one on each side of the
island. The one on the west is called the Gagana Chukki
(sky spray), and the one on the east the Bhar Chukki
(heavy spray). The former tumbles with deafening roar
over vast boulders in a cloud of foam, the whole place
quivering with the impact. The column of vapour rising
from it may often be seen for miles. It is at this fall that
the Kaverl has been harnessed for electric power. The
installation was completed in 1902, the first in India, and
at that time the longest line of transmission in the world.
For it conveyed the power 92 miles to the Kolar gold mines,
which have profited greatly by its use, and have been pro-
vided repeatedly with additional supplies. From the same
source the cities of Bangalore and Mysore obtain electrio
lighting, and mills are operated there. The other fall is
quieter, and when in flood pours over in a continuous sheet
a quarter of a mile wide. It has been compared to the
Horse-shoe Fall at Niagara. Beyond the Falls the reunited

31 [Bhandarkar Com. Vol.]

242 L. Rice: Gangavadi

•

stream rushes on through wild gorges, so narrow as at one
point to be called the Meke-datu or Goat's Leap. Farther
on is the Smoking Rock, which from the middle of the
stream throws up a column of perpetual spray, though
the water around is free from any sign of agitation.

Among the natural features of Gangavadi are many
notable mountains. They rise up in all parts in more or
less isolated peaks, known as droogs ( Sanskrit durga).
Possessing springs of water at the summit, they have in
many cases been fortified and made almost impregnable,
especially before the invention of artillery. The one chiefly
connected with the Gangas was Nandagiri, from which
they had one of their titles as Nandagiri-natha. This is
the well-known Nundydroog ( Nandidurga ), rising to about
5000 feet, standing at the end of the mountain range in the
west of Kolar. At the beginning of the 9th century a Bana
queen had erected the temple of Bhoga-Nandlsvara at the
village of Nandi, on the northern foot, and the Kalamukha
sect of Yogins had a matha at the temple of Yoga-Nandisvara
at the summit. The fortifications of the Mahrattas on the
hill were greatly extended and strengthened by Tlpu
Sultan, from whom the place was captured by the British
in 1791. In the 19th century it became a sanatorium and
hill station.

The establishment of the Gangavadi kingdom is at-
tributed to the agency of a Jaina priest named Simhanandi,
known in literature. His action was induced by the arrival
of two brothers, the Jaina princes Dadiga and Madhava,
who had been sent away by their father Padmanabha from
the north to save them from a threatened invasion of his
territory. With their sister Alabbe and attendant
Brahmans ( presumably Jaina Brahmans ) they encamped
on their way at Perur, the one in Kadapa District, still
distinguished as Ganga-Perur, nearSiddhavattam ( Sidhout
of the maps ). Here they met with Simhanandi, who being
interested in their story, took them by the hand, and gave
them instruction and training. In due time he procured
for them a kingdom as a boon from the goddess PadmavatI,
who confirmed it with the gift of a sword. Madhava, who

L. Rice : QahgavU(f.i 243

was but a boy at the time, seized the sword and wielded it
with such vigour that a stone pillar he struck split in two.
This was recognized as a favourable omen, and Madhava
became the first king of the Gahga line. But the suc-
cession was continued in the descendants of Dadiga, and
they were not long in establishing their power over the
Mysore country, which was apparently without a ruler
then. They mostly had the second distinctive name of
Kongunivarmma.

The new rulers soon came into conflict with the Maha-
bali or Bana kings, who had probably preceded the Pallava
on the east and been driven towards Gangavadi. Their
territory is described as lying to the west of the Andhra or
Telugu country, and seems to have been known as the
Vadugavali Twelve Thousand. Brihad Bana was compelled
to pay tribute by the founder of the Kadamba kingdom
and the Banas continued in contact with Gangavadi for
some centuries on the north-east, where the Nolambas were
opposed to them as rival.

The Gangas appear to have been a hardy and manly
race. Of the fourth king, his mental energy is said to have
been unimpaired to the end of life, implying that he lived
to a great age. Of the next king it is said that his arms
were grown stout and hard with athletic exercises. The fifth
and sixth were interesting characters. They were named
Avinita or Nirvvinita and Durvvinita. The former was the
son of a Kadamba princess, and crowned while an infant on
his mother's lap. He was a ruler of great activity, and on
one occasion, to the consternation of his attendants, plunged
into the river Kaverl and crossed it when in full flood, be-
ing known in consequence as Curcuvayda Ganga. He
married a Punnad princess, by whom he had the son
Durvvinita whom, on the advice of his guru, he attempted
to set aside from the succession in favour of another son,
probably by a different mother. In this he was aided by
the Pallava and Rastrakuta kings, who crowned the
latter, thus striving to perpetuate their patronage of the
line. But Durvvinita was able to vindicate his rights and
defeat this conspiracy. There is reason to believe that he

&44 L. Rice: Oangavaii

allied himself with the Calukyas, who were then appear-
ing in the south, by giving his daughter in marriage to the
prince of that family. If so, the issue of this union was a
son named Jayasimha-Vallabha.whom, after capturing the
Pallava king on the field of battle, Durvvinlta seated on the
Pallava throne. He was engaged too in many sanguinary
wars to the east.

But he was also distinguished as a scholar. For he is
said to have written a commentary on the 15th Sarga of the
Kiratarjuriiya, the Sanskrit poem by Bharavi. This Sarga
is remarkable for being entirely composed in verbal puzzles
and riddles. One stanza contains no consonant but n, with
a single t at the end ; in another, each half line read back-
wards is similar to the other half. He is also said to have
been himself the author of a Sabdavatara, the name of a
work always attributed to the Jaina grammarian Pujyapada,
being a nyasa on Panini. Possibly Pujyapada was his
preceptor. He is besides said to have made a Sanskrit
version of the Vaddakatha, that is, the Brihatkatha, which
is written in the PaisacI dialect. There is a great pro-
bability that this Durvvinlta is the one named in Nrpa-
tuhga's Kavirajamargga among the distinguished early
Kannada authors.

In the 7th and 8th centuries the Pallavas suffered heavy
defeats from the Gangas and the Calukyas, and lost their
power. The Ganga king Srlpurusa took away from them
the title of Permmanadi, which implied supremacy, and
adopted it himself, handing it down to his successors. His
long reign of over 50 years was the period when the
Gangavadi kingdom reached the highest point of prosperity,
and was known as the SrI-rajya or Fortunate kingdom.
His dates are absolutely fixed by the Javali plates, which
give Saka 672 or A. D. 750 ( verified by Drs. Kielhorn and
Fleet) as the 25th year of his reign, corroborated by the
Devarhalli plates of Saka 698 or A. D. 776, his 50th year.1
He removed the royal residence to Manne or Manyapura,
as before stated.

1 The Pennukonda plates, newly discovered and admitted to be
genuine, dispose of objections to the early chronology.

L. Rice'. Gangavadi 245

The crest of the Gangas was an elephant, and was
given to them by Indra. Both Sripurusa and his successor
Sivamara were greatly interested in this animal, of which
Gangavadi or Mysore is a home, in the southern forests.
The elephant kheddahs are a peculiarly special entertain-
ment on the occasion of royal or viceregal visits to the
State. Both the Ganga kings mentioned above wrote
works on the management of elephants. That by Sripu-
rusa was called Gajaiastra. But Sivamara seems to have
gone far beyond. He made a deep study of the Palakapyam,
a Sanskrit work by Palak&pya or Karenubhu, and having
obtained an insight into the subject as taught by this yati
born from the mouth of a female elephant, embodied his
own system in a poem of a high order, called Gajastakam,
so unique in rhythm and expression that if recited before a
dumb man it would enable him to recover his speech. At
a later period the Yuvaraja Butugendra is said to have
been like the son of Karenu in his knowledge of elephants,
and five times overcame in battle the Kongas ( the Tamil
people of Kongu or Coimbatore ), who resisted his tying up
elephants, and according to ancient custom he captured
herds difficult to catch.

But to return to the history. The reign of Sivamara-
Saigotta, the grandson and successor of Sripurusa, was
disastrous. The Rastrakutas, who had been invading
Gangavadi, succeeded in overcoming the Gangas, never be-
fore conquered, and took the king prisoner. He was led
away into captivity and the conquerors appointed their
own viceroys to rule the territory. The first of these was
the king Dhruva Nirupama or Dharavarsa's son Kam-
bharasa, having the title Ranavaloka. But in the next
reign, or about 814, the Rastrakutas reinstated Sivamara
on his throne, the king Govinda Prabhutavarsa and the
Pallava king Nandivarmma officiating at his coronation.
Although at first the succeeding king Nrpatunga Amogha-
varsa sought again to subdue the Gangas, the policy
towards them changed, and matrimonial alliances brought
the two families into intimate friendship. The people and
their language greatly interested him, and he compiled the

24(5 L. Rice: Gangavadi

Grammar called Kavirajamargga, with the aid perhaps of
Srivijaya, the oldest manuscript yet found in Kannada.

The recovery of independence for Gangavadi is attri-
buted to Rajamalla or Racamalla Satyavakya, who came
to the throne in 817, and these names were borne as titles
by many of the succeeding kings. Others took the title of
his son Nitimargga. A new era of prosperity had thus set
in for the State. But contests arose on the north-east
against the Banas and the Nolambas. The latter, also called
Nonambas, were a branch of the Pallavas, who, on the
overthrow of the main line established themselves, under
the protection of the Gahgas, in the north ©f the country.
Their subjects are still represented by the Nonabas. Inter-
marriages alternated with hostilities. Nitimargga captured
Banarasa's Maharajara-nad, also called the Marajavadi
Seven Thousand, with its capital at Vallur, probably in
Kadapa District. About the same time Nolambadhiraja
was, under him, ruling the Ganga Six Thousand, which
was in Kolar District, the king's younger sister having
been given to him in marriage. But the Nolamba king
Mahendra declared his independence in about 878, and
proclaimed himself Mahabali-kula-vidhvarhsana, des-
troyer of the Mahabali ( or BSna ) family. He, however,
in his turn was slain by the Ganga king Ereyappa, who
took the title of Mahendrantaka. In the end the Ganga
king Marasimha ( 961-974 ) overcame the Nolambas and
received the title of Nolambakulantaka. But neither of
the lines was totally destroyed.

Butuga II ( 938-953 ), the younger son of Ereyappa,
had gained the throne by slaying his elder brother. He
was a close friend of the Rastrakuta king Baddega or
Amoghavarsa II, who gave him his daughter to wife, with
a dowry of four provinces in the south Bombay country.
On the death of Baddega, Butugaassisted his son Krsna
or Kannara III in securing the throne from an usurper
named Lalliya. And when Kannara was at war with the
Cola king Rajaditya, Butuga rendered him a farther great
service by slaying that king at Takkolam in 949, having
attacked him in single combat ©n his elephant, For this

L. Rice: Oahgavadi 247

he was rewarded with the Banavasi Twelve Thousand
province, and he may have been assisted by Kannara in
gaining his own throne by getting rid of his elder brother.
His daughter was married to the son of Krsna III, and
became the mother of Indra Raja, the last of the Rastra-
kutas, who ended his life in despair at Sravaria Belgola
in 982.

Butuga was succeeded by his son Marasirhha, who
continued in close alliance with the Rastrakutas, and
while Kannara or Akalavarsa III had engaged in exten-
sive conquests in the south, as far as Tanjore, fought for
him northwards against Gurjjara or Gujarat, and against
the Western Calukya prince Rajaditya. He also put down
the Nolambas. He retired in 973, and died in Bankapura
in 974. The Ganga dominions now embraced the whole
of the Mysore country and beyond, up to the Krsna river.
In the reign of his son Racamalla Satyavakya IV, who
succeeded him, was erected by his minister and general
Camunda Raya, in about 983, on the highest hill at Sra-
vana Belgola, that remarkable Jaina monument and object
of worship, the colossal monolith statue of Gomata or
Gommatesvara, which in daring conception and gigantic
dimensions is without a rival in India. It was no doubt
intended to symbolize the triumph and stability of Jainism,
but in reality was fated to be more like the memorial of an
expiring faith.

For the Rastrakutas had gone, and the Gangas were
soon to follow. Fortune deserted the two principal Jain
states of the south. The Colas, who had overwhelmed all
the countries on the east up to Orissa, including the Eastern
Calukyas, and were engaged in deadly struggles with the
Western Calukyas, closed in upon Gangavadi. The Cola
king Rajaraja had established himself in the Kolar country
by 997. His son Rajendra Cola, in command of his
father's forces, advanced against Talekad, the Ganga
capital, and this ancient city fell in 1004, and with it tha
Ganga line came to an end as a sovereign power. The
event was marked by Rajendra Cola assuming the title of
Gangaikonda Cola, ' the Cola who took Gangai,'

243

L. Rice: Gangavadi

So far as can be determined, the invasion approached
by way of the valley of the Shimsha river, and a province
named Cikka Gangavadi was formed in what is now the
Cannapatna country, with its capital at Ponganur or
Honganur. The name Gangavadi continued in use for a
considerable time afterwards, but gradually dropped out in
favour of the Hoysala-rajya, when the latter ousted the
Colas in 1116. But the annals of the Gangavadi domi-
nion, which had endured for well nigh eight hundred years,
were not inglorious, as we have seen, and it deserves to be
held in remembrance by the flourishing State which now
fills its place.

THE MANDALA OF KHANDAROHA

To face page 249]

[hhandarkar Com. Vol.

BOMBAY IN THE ELEVENTH CENTDRY

BY haraprasad shastri

THERE is a manuscript in the Durbar Library, Nepal,
written in bold and beautiful old Nevari characters of
the twelfth century of a Tantrik work entitled the
Dakarnava. The manuscript is on thick Daphni paper
called in Nepal Vamsapatra paper. The manuscript has
travelled in many countries, specially Tibet, as it bears
marginal notes in Tibetan smaller hand throughout. The
subject matter treated of in this work is indrajala or
sorcery and Tantrik worship of many spirits. The spirits
worshipped are Vajravaraju, PakinI, Lama, Khandaroha,
Rapini, Kakasya, Ulukasya, Svanasya, Sukarasya, Yama-
dadl, YamadutI, Yamadamstri, YamamathanI and others.
It treats of Mantroddhara, Kavaca, Raksavidhi, Pujavidhi,
Mudra and so on. The language is Sanskrit of a sort, like
the pigeon English of the Chinese. The authors of these
Tantrik Buddhist works hated the Brahmans for their
fondness of correct Sanskrit — susabdavadita. They wrote
simply for the sense — arthasarai^atam asrifya. And so their
language has now become as much mystic as their subject.
The fifth chapter of this book treats of the worship of
Khandaroha ; but what is most interesting is her mandala or
mystic circle. This consist of five concentric circles, the
whole forming an expanded lotus, with compartments mark-
ed out for petals.1 Each petal has a letter in it. The letter
is the initial letter of the name of one of the companion de~
tities (avarana-devata) of Kandaroha whose Mulamantra is
at the pericarp or karnika. The eight petals just round the
pericarp form the heart of the Mantra, those following the
heart form the neck. Those round the neck form the
naval and those round the naval the head. The number
of petals in concentric circles are altogether 8 + 16 + 64 +
32 = 120. So Khandaroha is accompanied by 120 deities.
Of these 60 belong to the outer world and 60 to the inner

1 See the annexed diagram of the lotus.

32 [Bhandarkar Cora. Vol. J

250 Haraprasad Shastri : Bombay in 11th Century

world : the Macrocosom and the Microcosom. The sixty
spirits representing the outer world are deities presiding
over different countries, districts and cities of India and
the surrounding countries, not in any definite order, as will
appear from the accompanying extracts containing these
names. There is an exact agreement between these names
and their initial letters in the petals.

The interest of this mandala lies in the fact that the
52nd name is Mumbanl and the 52nd initial letter is Mu in
the naval, showing that there was a shrine to Devi Mum-
banl in the island of Bombay. This shrine can be no
other than the present shrine of Mumba-devI on the Mala-
bar Hills. So Dakarnava in its fifth chapter speaks of
the island city of Bombay and its eponymous shrine and
deity.

The manuscript of Dakarnava, as above mentioned, be-
longs to the 12th century after christ. The Tengur collec-
tion of the Tibetans contains a translation of this work,
and as the collection was made in the 13th century the
translation may be referred to a century earlier and the
composition of the Sanskrit original to a century earlier
still, i. e. to the eleventh century. It may go earlier of
course. But the most cautions calculation cannot place
it later than the eleventh century. So here we have the
earliest mention yet known of Bombay the Gate of India
and the second city of the Indian Empire. It was then a
small place claiming notoriety as the seat of a goddess.
In Hindu India temples and shrines used to attract popu-
lation as commerce and courts do now.

Salsette and Karle in the immediate vicinity of Bom-
bay contain cave temples which are at least as old as the
5th and 6th century of the Christian era. Those who ex-
cavated these caves must have known Bombay which
is so near them and so beautifully situated and hence it
is probable that they erected a temple in this island too.

Haraprasad Shastri : Bombay in 11th Century 251
JDakarxiava, Extracts from Adhyaya V.

^3%^ faE*T 35rer$: pre ng: II
=^^^l^%3 5TT#3RT ^ (%^ I

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tft# Sfifcft * *rt» tfe HM II

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sfem g#JTr ^ ^t^ar^wnl^r i
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M^iJi^+teT«r ^RHr JT^Wft ii
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^N IT^WHT SUfl^T ^f^ 5 II

rfcr pjt rst ^|t W +? *tt%t cMH i

252 Haraprasad Shastri : Bombay in 11th Century
SS&3 m&l *& ?rf^HT^T It

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Sfm ft^k ^cTT sfeft ^l<H^ ^ I
f^T ^&3T ^^T«ff iTTR%Tf%=fT tff^t II

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^Wf TO *3T*fT f^ *T^t[cT]^ TT^^t II

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VIRUPAKSA II OP VIJAYANAaAR

♦

BY S. KRISHNASWAMI AIYANGAR

THE period intervening between the death of Devaraya II
in A. D. 1449 and the accession of the first Saluva, Nara-
singa or Narasirhha, was one of darkness and there pre-
vailed some confusion as to the succession of rulers fol-
lowing Devaraya. That Mallikarjuna, Immadi Prauda
Devaraya, son of Devaraya II by PonnaladevI, succeeded
his father upon the throne is now placed beyond doubt by
the Oahgadasapratapavilasam and the copper plate in
possession of Ramacandrapura Matha (Nagar 65).1 The
problem that is proposed to be taken up here is, who suc-
ceeded Mallikarjuna and what was the actual character
of the succession? The further consideration of this ques-
tion is rendered necessary by the discovery2 of a copper
plate grant3 issued by Virupaksa on the day of his corona-
tion in the year Saka, Vasu-asta-guna-bhu (1388), the year
Parthiva, karttika, krsna-pancaml (fifth of the dark
half), about November-December of the year A. D. 1466.

The passages pertinent to this question in the book
above referred to are these : — Virupaksa should have
succeeded to the throne in Saka 1387, according to Mr.
Krishna Shastri, who seems inclined to regard him as the
son of Mallikarjuna. Virupaksa's dates range between
A. D. 1466 and 1485. What is more, Mr. Shastri rejects
Professor Kielhorn's acceptance of Virupaksa as the son
of Devaraya II by SirhhaladevI, and would regard him
rather as the son of Devaraya IPs brother, Pratapadeva,
'who acquired the kingdom from his elder brother.' The
other passage is Ferishta's description of the position
of Narasinga and the mention in the Burhan-i-Maasir

1 Epigraphia Carnataka, Vol. VIII, ii, pp. 283-4. For a discussion
of this point and for the whole period reference may be made to my
"A little-known chapter of Vijayanagar History," Madras 1916.

% By Mr. A. Rangaswami Sarasvati, B. A., the University Research
student, working with me.

3 Printed in full at the end of this paper,

256 Atyangar: Virupaksa IT

of Malur as a principal fort in the kingdom from
which KaiicI was attacked; and the utter absence of any
reference to the ruling power in all these transactions in-
dicates a want of understanding between Narasihga and
Virupaksa which would warrant the inference that Viru-
paksa perhaps came to the throne by means which
did not commend themselves to the powerful viceroy.

The position then is this. Mallikarjuna died in
A. D. 1465-6 or thereabouts, and his half brother succeeded,
setting aside his two nephews, Rajasekhara and Virupaksa.
These naturally created a powerful party against him and
he was not perhaps quite worthy of the exalted position.

The points actually demanding reconsideration are :
(1) whether Virupaksa the successor of Mallikarjuna was
the son of Devaraya II or of his brother Pratapadeva;
and (2) whether he actually usurped the throne setting
aside the sons of Mallikarjuna, namely, Rajasekhara
and Virupaksa.

The Satyamangalam plates1 of Devaraya II refer to
a brother (anujanma) of Devaraya by name Pratapa Deva.
He was successively governor, under his elder brother, of
Terukanambi in Mysore, Mulbagalrajya, and later still of
Maratakanagara pranta, the district round Vrncipuram
(Maratakanagara). This prince pre-deceased his brother,
having died in A. D. 1446.2 He does not appear to have been
associated with Ghanadrirajyam (Penukonda Government)
particularly. With these facts let us proceed to examine
the Srisailam plates with us at present. The passage per-
tinent to the question runs thus —

Tasya3 Narayanidevyam utpannah subhalaksanah I
Prataparaya ityakhyam agamat parthivottamah (I

Gunairanekairavanitalesmin

virajamanah sukrtaptakirtih I

Nijagrajat prapta- Ghana drirajy ah

sadhlkrtarthl janaparijatah II

1 Epigraphia Indica III. p. 37 ff.

2 Rice, Srav. Bel. Inscrip. p. 125.

3 J. e, Vijayasya,

Aiyangar : Virupaksa II 257

Tasya Siddhaladevlti bharya laksanasamyuta" I
Laksmlr Narayanasyeva jata trijagadambika (I
Tasyarh Sivah pradurabhud gunadhyo
namna Virupaksa iti prasiddhah I
Rajadhirajah ksitipalamaulir
vadanyamurtih karunaikasindhuh II
Nijapratapadadhigatya rajyarh
samastabhagyaih parisevyamSnah I
Khadgagratah sarvaripun vijitya
sammodate viravilasabhumih II

There are two other inscriptions bearing upon the
point. Malavalli 121 published in the Epigraphia Carna-
taka III is the first; the second is the one relied upon by
Rai Sahib Krishna Shastri, who in his report for the
year 1914 states : — " The father of Virupaksa was Pratapa
or Praudha-Pratapa. I have suggested (Arch. Sur. Rep. for
1907-8, p. 252, note 5) that this cannot be identical with
Devaraya II as Prof. Kielhorn apparently thought (Epi-
graphia Indica V, Appendix II, 18 t a X ) but must be his
younger brother Pratapa Devaraya who is mentioned in
the Satyamangalam plates of Devaraya II as having held
a high office under his royal brother. (Epig. Ind. III. p. 36).
This is supported by what is stated in the present inscrip-
tion, viz., that the former 'acquired the rule of the kingdom
of Ghanadri ( i. e. Penugonda ) from his elder brother-
Again, the wife of this Pratapa and the mother of Viru-
paksa was SiddhaladevI as given in our record. Mr. Rice,
however, gives the name as SirhhaladevI in Ep. Car. Vol.
III. Malavalli 121. It is possible that SirhhaladevI is a
mistake for SiddhaladevI. Virupaksa is stated in our re-
cord to have secured his succession to the Vijayanagar
throne by his own prowess (nija-pratapat). Evidently there
was some trouble in the succession subsequent to the death
of Mallikarjuna Immadi-Prauda Devaraya II." This grant
is dated almost exactly a year after that of the Srlsailam
plates. In respect of details these two agree; while in
material particulars these two together differ from the
Malavalli plates (of date A. D. 1474, six years later than the

33 [Bhandarkar Cora. Vol.]

258 Aiyangar: VirUpaksa II

Srlsailam plates) which have in place of the first four
lines —

Tasya Narayanldevyam pradurasit yasodhanah I
Praudhapratapavibhavah Pratapakhyo mahipatih II
Gunairanekairavanltalesmin
virajamanah sukrtaptakirtih I
Nijagrajapraptam anadirajyam
sadhlkrtarthl vrcy'a-parijatah II

All the plates apparently make the same statement in
the first two lines, namely, to Vijaya by NarayamdevI was
born a king called Pratapa, because of ' the possession of
mature valour.' The words Mahlpati and Parthivottamah
seem unmistakably to indicate that he had been actually
king. Besides the term Praudlia before Pratapa has been
associated with the king Devaraya almost invariably to
form a part of his name, while it is nothing like so closely
associated with the name of his brother. The terms ana-
dirajyam (immemorial kingdom) and vrajaparijatah (the
most excellent among the 'Yadus') would seem to have
the same tendency. The substitution of Ghanadri for the
word anadi does make a change in significance, while that
of vraja for jana or vice versa does not really matter.
There really is nothing so far to compell the conclusion
that the person referred to is not Devaraya II. The ex-
pression nijagrajat praptam, with the variant nijagraja for
the first part, does make a material alteration which seems
to have led to the Government Epigraphist taking it as
referring to Devaraya II's brother Pratapadeva. Assuming
the reading nijagrajat to be the correct reading, he takes it
that this part refers to Pratapadeva son of Vijaya,
who probably was the governor of Ghanadrirajyam
under his brother. If, on the other hand, it is taken
as referring to Devaraya II, we have no knowledge
of an elder brother of his, nor of his having been governor
of Ghanadri. If again it is possible to take Ghanadri with
nijagraja instead of nijagrajat, the meaning would be
that Devaraya II got the Penukonda viceroyalty from his
elder sister, possibly Harima referred to in a Chitaldroog

Aiyangar : Virupaksa II 259

record,1 the wife of Saluva Tippa who was viceroy of
Mulbagal-maharajya ( major province ).

While, therefore, it is just possible that the reading
may actually be the one or the other, the actual ex-
pressions used seem to refer to a monarch that ruled and
not to a younger brother who did not occupy the throne at
all. The decision must then rest upon the KaficI in-
scriptions2 on which the late Prof. Kielhorn based his con-
clusions. The expressions actually used are Sri- Virapra-
tapa Devarayamaharayar kumarar Mallikarjunadeva Maha-
rayar (Mallikarjuna, Saka 1387, the son of the glorious
Virapratapa Deva Maharaya) in respect of Mallikarjuna;
and Sri Devaraya Maharayar kumarar sri Virupaksadeva
Maharayar (the glorious Virupaksadeva Maharaya, Saka
1392, the son of the glorious Devaraya Maharaya).

The dropping of the term Virapratapa in the second
of these records cannot be held to state that Virupaksa
was the son of Pratapa Devaraya, as we have no warrant
for assuming that this prince was ever known by the
designation Devaraya, though this forms part of the name
Pratapa Deva who is also often known as Prataparaya. The
doubts and the difficulties raised by the three copper plates
of Virupaksa notwithstanding, it would be difficult to
resist the conclusion that Mallikarjuna and Virupaksa
were sons of Devaraya II by different wives.

In regard to the second part of our thesis, namely,
whether Virupaksa usurped the throne, we are at one with
Rai Sahib Krishna Shastri in suspecting that there was
some trouble in the succession of Virupaksa to the throne,
whether it be after the death of Mallikarjuna or before.
The expression nijapratapad adhigatya rajyam justifies
the suspicion, as also the attitude of the viceroys and the
ascent of the Saluvas to supreme power. On this point
we get unexpected light from the Vaisnava work Prapan-
namrtam compiled in the reign of Venkatapatiraya, who

1 SrJman aste prasasto Vijayanrpasuto Devarayaksitlndrah I
Tasyagrajaya Harimahganayah pragesvarah Saluva Tipparajah |

(Chitaldroog, 29, Ep. Car. XI).

2 Indian Antiquary XXI. p. 322.

260 Aiyangar : Virupaksa II

died in the year A. D. 1614, by a disciple of the grandson
of Kumara Tatacarya, the contemporary of Ramaraya
who fell at Talikota in A. D. 1565. In writing the story of
Yetur Sihgaracarya, the founder of the Yetur section of
these Tatacaryas he has the following —

Nrsimharyo mahatejah sarvasastravisaradah I
Eturunama nagararh sa prapa sumahayasah II

Tasminn Eturunagare kancit kalam samasthitah I
Tasmin kale mahateja Virupakso mahabalah II
Sasasa rajyam dharmena vijaye nagare nripah I
Dristvasahisnavas sarve Virupaksasya vaibhavam II
Jnatayo hirhsitum yatnaii cakrire baladarpitah I
Virupakso viditvatha tesarh tat karma krtsnasah II
Disantaram avasthaya nirgatya nagarad bahih I
Gudho rahasi kasmihscit kancit kalam ninaya sah II
Tatah. sampadya mahatirh senarh sa caturanginim I
Kenapyajnatavrttanto nislthe sa ball mahan II
Vijayarh nagaram prapya Virupakso nrpottamah I
Nissesarh sarva satrunarh vadharhcakre mahabalahll
Vijayakhye tatas tasmin nagare piirvavat tada I
Rajyam prasasayahs tasthau sarvalokamahlpatihll
Nislthe bandhavas sarve tena ye nihata nrpah I
Pisacabhutas te sarve putrapautradika janah II
Tarn nrpam pidayamasur Virupaksarh divanisam I
Visrjya rajabhavanam Virupakso mahamatihll
Punar anyad vidhayasu rajavesma mahabalah I
Rajyam prasasayafis tasthau tatra sarvajanais sahall
Pratiratram pisacanam tesarh kolahalo ravah I
Pratapas ca mahahs tatra sruyate rajavesmani II
Paisacyamocanarthaya tesam rajamahatmana I
Kanyagobhumidanani grhadananyanekasah II

Punyavratanyanekani krtany anyani yani ca I
Sa tair na mocita danair ghorapaisacyavedana II

Without actually translating the passage, the sub-
stance of it may be given as follows : Nrsimharaya {vulgo

Aiyangar : Viriipaksa II 261

Siiigaracarya) was in residence at Yetur for some time
having come there from Karlcl (?). Viriipaksa was then
the ruling sovereign in Vijayanagar. His cousins and
others getting jealous of his great prosperity made his
position very uncomfortable. Viriipaksa went into exile
and had to bide his time. Sometime after, having collected
together a large army, he attacked his enemies and des-
troyed all his relatives that caused him so much trouble.
He then ascended the throne but the royal palace at Vija-
yanagar had become unfit for residence because his vic-
tims, having become pisacas, haunted the whole city and
made life impossible. Then the story goes on to say that
Siiigaracarya by reading the Ramayana in the ghost-
haunted part of the city, released the ghosts from the
paisdca life, and thus rid Viriipaksa of this pest. Virii-
paksa's grant to this Acarya was in gratitude for this
great peace that the Acarya gave him.

The two expressions that occur in his inscriptions,
nijapratapdd adhigatya rajyam 'having taken possession
of the kingdom by his own valour,' and khadgagratas sar-
varipun vijitya 'having overcome all his enemies at the
point of the sword,' seem but the voice from the grave of
what is described in comparatively clear, though some-
what coloured, language by the hagiologist. That this
expression is sangrdmatah 'in battle,' would alter the pur-
port but little, though it would give the deed perhaps a
dignity that it did not possess. Even in this slight change
there might have been more than meets the eye. Paisaca
life is the fate of those that die 'bad deaths' (durrparaya)
and death in war entitles one to svarga (Indra's heaven).
There is one other minor change also noticeable. The
coronation grant (the Srisailam plates) has pitryafu siihha*
sanam, the throne of his father, at the worst the throne of
his ancestors. This gets altered in the Malavalli grant
into divyam simhasanam (the divine throne). Whether the
alteration was made by accident or design is more than
can be decided at present. The Srisailam plates belong to
Saka 1388, the Bellary plates to the next year, and the
Majavalli 121, to A. D. 1396.

262 Aiyangaf : Virupaksa II

These three grants studied comparatively in the light
of the passage from the Prapannamrtam leave hardly any
doubt that Virupaksa waded through slaughter to the
throne; and this incident perhaps finds a distant but in-
accurate echo in the story that Nuniz has to relate of the
events following the death of Devaraya II. If this con-
clusion should turn out to be correct in the light of further
research, it would remove another dark spot in Vijaya-
nagar history and make the position of the Saluvas clearer,
exhibiting the Saluva usurpation in the true light of a
patriotic and wise act of far-seeing statesmanship.

Transcript of the
&ri$ailam Plates of Virupaksa

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^fefra^: ii cTpn^^sr s^ft ^frfre *ffim: i cr^r^r^T *jfar

R^: II 3^WT^fT*JMIs5*<l^$Nfct: I SRScTC^^Q-

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[ii.2]<WK«*wrsRt f^rf^cr.ifflcirasflft qtf^'wiul §F*it^*+i

3{ft *m T1W< I ft^cU^TOff^W: q»Tn1K«<!*fi*a>dlc*K$T: II

Aiyangar: Virupaksa IT 263

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jpracqri^xw: ii goi^iWftci^sf^ f^TT^nrT=r: gpmpftfif: I

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264 Aiyangar: VirUpaksa II

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*r ii smr^re *r«%^Wr to* ^ qretfWt wrf%: i ssft-

THE JAIN TEACHERS OP AKBAR

BY VINCENT A. SMITH

THE concluding section of AIn 30 of Book II of the
Ain-i-Akbari is entitled 'The Learned Men of the
Time,' who are enumerated as being 140 in number, di-
vided into five classes. The first class, 'such as under-
stand the mysteries of both worlds, ' headed by the name
of Abu 1 Fazl's father, Shaikh Mubarak, ends with No. 21,
Adit (Aditya), probably a Brahmanical Hindu. The first
twelve names are Muslim. Nos. 13-21 are all Hindu in
form. Blochmann evidently knew nothing about the per-
sons indicated by those nine names, as he gives no note
on any one of them. No. 16, Hariji Sur, was, as will be
explained, an eminent Jain.1

We need not trouble ourselves now with Abu-1 Fazl's
second, third and fourth classes. His fifth class, 'such as
understand sciences resting on testimony (nakl)' com-
prises Nos. 100-140, all of whom, except the last two, are
Musalmans. The names of those two, Nos. 139 and 140,
are given respectively as Bijai Sen Sur and Bhau Chand,
again without comment by Blochmann. They also were
distinguished Jains.

The important fact that Akbar welcomed Jain teachers
and listened to their instruction for at least twenty years
has been ignored in the extremely unsatisfactory account
of his life and actions given in modern history books.
Indeed, this fact has been made known only by an anonym-
ous article in an obscure publication in 1910, which will
be described presently.

The erroneous notion that Buddhists took part in the
debates on religion, held first in the 'Ibadat-khana or House
of Worship,2 and subsequently in the private apartments

1 The spelling ' Jain \ not ' Jaina ' is used intentionally. People do
not ordinarily speak Sanskrit.

2 So much erroneous nonsense has been written about the 'IbSdat-
khSna that it is well to state briefly in this place the facts, which will be
explained more fully in an essay to appear in an early number of the

34 [ Bhandarkar Cora. vol. J

266 Smith : Jain Teachers of Akbar

of the palace at Fathpur-SlkrI rests on the mistranslation
of a passage in the Akbarnama committed by Chalmers in
his manuscript version and copied first by Elliot and
Dowson and then by von Noer.

Abu-1 Fazl relates that at the end of September, or early
in October, 1578, the discussions in the 'Ibadat-khana were
carried on by the representatives of many creeds. ' Sufi,
philosopher, orator, jurist, Sunni, Shia, Brahman, Jatl»
Slura, Charbak, Nazarene, Jew, Satr (Satr an), Zoroastrian,
and others enjoyed exquisite pleasure' (Vol. Ill, Chap, xlv,
p. 365 of Beveridge's version). The words Jati and Slura,
which of course refer to Svetambara Jains, were mis-
translated by Chalmers, as 'Jains, Buddhists.' That error,
having been adopted by Elliot and Dowson ( Vol. VI, p. 59 ),
misled von Noer, who drew the erroneous inference that
' it may be concluded with not too slight probability that
there were Buddhists at Fathpur' (transl. Beveridge, I. 327,

Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society. The 'Ibadal-khdna, or Hoii3e of
Worship, was built by order of Akbar early in 1575 as a debating hall for
the accommodation of .the doctors of rival schools of Muslim theology
only. For about three years the discussions were confined to the Islarai-
tic domain. In 1578 Akbar ceased regular attendance at the mosque, and
during that year admitted Jains and representatives of sundry other sects
and religions to the disputations in the 'Ibadat-khana. In Sept. 1579 he
compelled the 'ulama to issue the 'Infallibility Decree' which made him
supreme arbiter in all disputed questions relating to Islam. Discussion on
the subject in the Debating Hall thus became superfluous. In 1580, 1581,
and 1582, the debates in which the Jesuits joined seem always to have
been held in the private apartments of the palace.

The House of Worship was a large, commodious, handsomely de-
corated building, probably capable of accommodating several hundred
people, erected in the gardens of the palace not far from the dwelling of
Shaikh Salim Chishtl. No trace of it has been found, and its exact site
is totally forgotten. The reason for such oblivion probably is that in
1579, or soon after, the hall was demolished as being useless. Akbar had
ceased to be a Musalman from about 1580; and from the beginning of
1582, when he promulgated the Din Ilahi, his apostasy was open and
avowed. He never resumed his old faith, and died as he had lived for
twenty-three years, a believer in One God, represented on earth by His
Imperial Majesty. All the statements in this note can be fully proved,
and will be dealt with in my work on Akbar, which will be published as
soon as war conditions at the Clarendon Press permit.

Smith : Jain Teachers of Akbar 267

note). In reality, there is not a particle of evidence that
any Buddhist ever attended the debates, or that Akbar
acquired even the slightest knowledge of Buddhism. Abu-1
Pazl himself knew little about the subject, because he
could not find anybody in India competent to teach him.
He says expressly : — 'For a long time past scarcely any
trace of them [Buddhist monks] has existed in Hindustan,
but they are found in Pegu, Tenasserim, and Tibet. The
third time that the writer accompanied His Majesty to
the delightful valley of Kashmir [soil. A. D. 1597], he met
with a few old men of this persuasion, but saw none
among the learned.'1 It thus appears that Akbar never
had an opportunity of meeting any learned Buddhists, and
that no Buddhists took part or could have taken part in
the discussions at Fathpur-SikrI.

But the Jain holy men undoubtedly gave Akbar pro-
longed instruction for years, which largely influenced his
actions ; and they secured his assent to their doctrines so
far that he was reputed to have been converted to Jainism.

The correct name of the Jain who 'understood the
mysteries of both worlds' was Hiravijaya Suri, and the
names of the two teachers mentioned by Abu-1 Fazl as
4 understanding sciences resting on testimony (nakl),' such
as religious law, traditions, and history, were Vijayasen
Suri, and Bhanucandra Upadhyaya.

We will now briefly discuss the relations of these three
teachers with Akbar.

H iravijaya

Hiravijaya, the most distinguished of Akbar's Jain
instructors, who was credited with the conversion of the
emperor, was born in Samvat 1583= A. D. 1526-7, at Palan-
pur (Prahladan Patan), an ancient town in Gujarat. At
the age of 13 (A. D. 1539), he took up the religious life under
the guidance of Vijaya Dana Suri, who sent him to the
Deccan to study logic, in which he became proficient. In
A. D, 1557 he was given the title of Vacaka at Nadulai

1 Atn, vol. Ill, tr. Jarrett, p. 212.

268 Smith : Jain Teachers of Akbar

or Naradpur, and two years later was made a Suri at
Slrohl in south-western Rajputana. He thus became the
leader of the Tapagana or Tapagaccha section of Jain
ascetics.

In the Pattavali of the Tapagaccha his biography is
entered in the following terms : —

1 58. Hiravijaya, who converted the emperor Akbar
( cf. Kharatara-Pattavali, sub 61 ), born Sam. 1583 Marga0
sudi 9, at Prahladanapura ; diksha, 1596, Kartika vadi 2,
at Patana; vachakapada, 1608, Magha sudi 5, at Naradapuri ;
suripada, 1610, at Sirohl; died 1652, Bhadra0 sudi 11 [A. D.
1595] at Umnanagara.' l

The reference to No. 61 of the Kharatara-gaccha
(ibid. p. 250) is of interest because it credits the saint
Jinacandra of the Kharatara section with having ' con-
verted the Emperor Akbar to the Jain religion.' His name
is not entered in any of Abu-1 Fazl's lists, and I have not
found any other mention of his presence at Akbar's court.

The fame of Hiravijaya having reached Akbar's ears,
the emperor sent swift messengers to summon him to
court. Shihab Khan ( Shihabu-d-din Ahmad Khan), the
Governor of Gujarat, on receiving the imperial commands,
arranged for the departure of the Suri, who made over the
charge of his community to Vijayasena. The Suri, in
strict compliance with the rules of his order, declined all
the gifts and conveyances offered by the governor. He
walked the whole way, much to the amazement of the
emperor, who provided for his reception with great pomp.
Akbar, being busy at the time, made his guest over to
Abu-1 Fazl, who entered on the discussion of religious sub-
jects with him. When Akbar was at leisure, he received
instruction concerning Dharma from the Suri, who ex-
plained the nature of the five vows observed by Jain
ascetics — namely, non-killing, truthfulness, refusal to
accept anything not freely offered, celibacy, and abstinence
from possession of wealth in the form of money, etc. The
emperor pressed certain books on his guest, who accepted
A oe deaU
,<m'as war con*1 »««• Ind' Ant> vg1- XI <l882>< P- 256'

Smith : Jain Teachers of Akbar 269

them reluctantly and then gave them to the Agra library,
meaning presumably that of the Jain community at that
place.

The Suri retired to Agra for the rainy season of 1582,
returning to Fathpur-SlkrI at the beginning of the cold
season. He persuaded the emperor to issue various com-
mands in accordance with Jain doctrine, and to extend
them in the following year, 1583. Fishing in the great
lake called Dabar, evidently that at Fathpur-SikrI, was
prohibited. The title of Jagadguru or World Teacher, was
conferred on the Suri, who quitted the capital in 1584,
leaving Santicandra Upadhyaya behind him at court.
Hlravijaya spent the rainy season of 1585 at Allahabad,
designated as Abhiramabad,1 and that of 1586 at Agra.
During the rains of 1587 he was the guest of 'Sultan
Deorah or Deodah,'2 the chief or zemindar of Slrohl, who
was much attracted by the doctrine of the Suri who had
attained his rank as such at Slrohl in A. D. 1553 (Sam. 1610)-
Later in the year 1587, Hlravijaya returned to Patan
(Pattan) in Gujarat. He starved himself to death in the
approved Jain fashion in A. D. 1595 at the age of sixty-nine.
A stupa was erected to commemorate him.

The basis of this paper is the essay by 'C entitled
1 Hlravijaya Suri, or the Jainas at the court of Akbar,'
published in a number of the Jaina-^asana, a little known
periodical printed at the Angrezi Kothi, Benares City, in
Vlra Sam. 2437= A. D. 1910, pp. 113-128. The author of that
essay was the first to make public the identification of the
three Jain names in Abu-1 Fazl's lists. He makes exten-
sive quotations from several metrical Sanskrit works, of

1 This name for Allahabad is quoted by ' C ' from one or other of
the Jain Sanskrit poems. It means ' abode of delight ', and probably
never was current. I have not met it elsewhere.

2 'Sultan Deorah' is a corruption of the name Surthan, a Deora
Rajput, who was the Rao of Slrohl in the reigns of Akbar and Jahanglr,
and refused to recognize the imperial supremacy. The Deoras are a
branch of the ChauhSns. Akbar had sufficient control over SirohT to
be able to pass the town when he wished to do so, as he did in 1573. See
Imperial Gazetteer (1908) s. v. Sirohi.

270 Smith : Jain Teachers of Akbar

which two are not mentioned by Guerinot in his Essai de
Bibliographic, Jaina, Leroux, Paris, 1906; or in the supple-
ment to that work, entitled ' Notes de Bibliographie Jaina '
printed in the Journal Asiatique, Juillet - Aout, 1909, pp.
47-148.

The poems cited by ' C ' are :—

(1) Jagadguru-kavyam ;

(2) Hira-saubhagyam ; by Devavimala Gani, ed-

by K. P. Parab ( Kavyamala, No. 67), Bombay
1900, with the author's commentry ; '

(3) Krparasa-kosa : a panegyric on Akbar, com-

posed by Santi(Santi)candra.
Further information about them would be welcome.
Klatt noted the following particulars concerning works
connected with Hlravijaya Suri —

' 4 Pattavall of the Tapa-gachchha.

The Ourvavali of Dharmasagara-gani (Sarhvat 1629) is

printed in Weber, Verz. II, pp. 997-1015. This is the

original edition of Dh. All the Poona Mss. contain the

revised edition, made Sarhvat 1648 [=A. D. 1591] by the

order of Hlravijaya-Suri Later works are — the

Pattavali contained in Sarga IV of Devavimala's Hira-
vijaya-caritra, see Journ. Germ. Or. Soc., vol. 47, p. 315.'
(Klatt and Leumann, Ind. Ant, vol. XXIII (1894), p. 179).

Vijayasena Suri and Bhanucandra Upadhyaya

We have mentioned that Hlravijaya, when starting on
his long journey to court, put Vijayasena in charge of his
sect or congregation, and that when Hlravijaya quitted
Fathpur-SikrI in 1584, Santi(Santi)candra remained at
court. He composed an eulogy of the emperor, entitled
Krparasa-kosa, 'Treasury of the Quality of Mercy' de-
scribing and praising all Akbar's merciful acts. This
elaborate piece of flattery used to be read to Akbar, who
was pleased with it. Late in 1587 when Santicandra
desired to return to Gujarat, the emperor gave him farmans
abolishing the jizya tax on non-Muslims, and prohibiting

X Guerinot, No. 433, p. 207.

Smith : Jain Teachers of Akbar 271

slaughter of animals to a large extent. The forbidden days
were extended so as to comprise half the year.

Bhanucandra continued to reside at court. His pupil
Mahamahopadhyaya Siddhicandra composed a commen-
tary on the latter half of the Kadambari of Bana. He had
the reputation of being able to do 108 things at a time, and
so secured from Akbar the formal title of Khush-faham, or
'Intelligent.' From the colophon to the commentary on
the Kadambari by Siddhicandra we learn, through C's
quotations, that his teacher, Bhanucandra, a Mahopa-
dhyaya, had taught Akbar 1000 names of the Sun, and had
obtained from the emperor in 1593 farmans abolishing the
tax on pilgrims to the holy hill of Satrunjaya at Palitana,
and directing that all the sacred places should be made
over to Hlravijaya Suri.

Vijayasena Suri was then invited to the court, which
continued to reside ordinarily at Lahore until 1598. He
vanquished 363 learned Brahmans in formal debates to
Akbar's satisfaction and so earned the title of Sawai. He
made Bhanucandra an Upadhyaya or instructor, the
expenses of the ceremony, amounting to 600 rupees, being
defrayed by Abu-1 Fazl.1

Probably Bhanucandra continued to reside at the
court until the end of the reign in 1605. However that
may be, the details given above prove conclusively that
Akbar's close intercourse with Jain teachers lasted for
at least twenty years, from 1578 to 1597 inclusive.

A person called Shah Sauvarnika Tejapala induced
Hlravijaya in 1590 to consecrate the temple of Adlsvara
or Adinatha on the Satrunjaya hill, the ' Shatrunja ' of
the Imperial Gazetteer, adjoining the town of Palitana in
Kathiawar. In the porch of the eastern or front entrance

1 The ordinary ascetic is called a Sadhu. ' The next step to which
he can rise is that of UpSdhyaya or instructor. An exceptionally clever
monk may be chosen from amongst the others as teacher, when he is
expected to study the scriptures and teach them to his fellow monks.
Amongst the TapSgaccha no monk can be chosen as an Up5dhy5ya till
he has been an ascetic for at least a year' (Stevenson, The Heart of
Jainism, p. 239). See Ain, vol. Ill, p. 206

272 Smith : Jain Teachers of Akbar

of that temple there is an exceptionally long Sanskrit
inscription, comprising 87 verses in various metres, the
composition of Hemavijaya, and dated 1650 = A. D. 1593. l

The long record has high historical value as a trust-
worthy contemporary account of Akbar's dealings with
his Jain teachers. It will be well first to quote Biihler's
summary of the contents. He notes that the inscription
enumerates sundry Jain leaders, of whom the third is
Hlravijaya, and proceeds —

' (3) HIRAVIJAYA (Klatt No. 58), verses 14-24, who
was called by Sahi Akabbara [Shah Akbar] to Mevata, and
persuaded the emperor in Sarhvat 1639 [ = A. D. 1582 ] to
issue an edict forbidding the slaughter of animals for six
months, to abolish the confiscation of the property of
deceased persons, the Sujijia tax, and a Sulka;2 to set free
many captives, snared birds and animals; to present
Satrunjaya to the Jainas; to establish a Jaina library
(Paustakam bhandagaram), and to become a saint like king
Srenika;3 who converted the head of the Lumpakas, Me-
ghaji ; 4 made many people adherents of the Tapagachchha ;
1 References are : — (1) short notice in Kielhorn's ' List of the In-
scriptions of Northern India,' appendix to Epigraphia Indica, vol. V,
No. 308; (2) Biihler, abstract of contents of Inscr. No. XII of 'Jaina
Inscriptions from Satrunjaya' in Ep. Ind., II, p. 38, and transcript of
text, ibid,, pp. 50-59; (3) parts of text and transl. in 'C's' essay above
cited. The translation is quoted as from ' J. B. R. S., August, 1844,' but
really from the Journal of the Bombay Branch of the R. As. Soc, for 1841.
pp. 59-63.

1 Possibly a tax on Jaina pilgrims visiting their holy places may
be meant — see also Elphinstone's History of India, p. 339 (6th edition.
The Sujijia tax is, of course, the Jizya or capitation tax on infidels)
IG.B.].

3 Or Bimbisara, the fifth Saisunaga king of Magadha, who is be-
lieved by the Jains to have been a zealous adherent of their religion, as
well as his son Ajatasatru (See E. H. I., 3rd Ed., p. 35 n., and S. V. Ven-
katesvara Aiyar in Ind. Ant., 1916, p. 12).

4 'Regarding the Lumpakas see Bhandarkar, Report on Sanskrit
Mss. ' for 1883-4, p. 153 ' [G. B.]. ' C ' (p. 114) states that Meghaji Rsi,
being convinced of his errors, became a pupil of Hlravijaya. Guerinot,
abstracting Weber, writes — ' 7. Secte Padimari (Lumpaka). Fondee par
Lumpaka in Sarhvat 1508. t = A. D. 1451]. Elle a pour caractere fonda-
mental d'etre opposee au culte des images ' (BibL Jaina, No. 336, p. 176),

Smith : Jain Teachers of Akbar 273

caused many temples to be built in Gujarat and other
countries; and made many natives of that country, of
Malava, and so forth, undertake pilgrimages to Satrunjaya.
No. CXVIII commemorates one of these pilgrimages, which
was undertaken by Vimalaharsha and 200 others. The
same inscription states that Hiravijaya belonged to the
Sapha race. He died, according to XIII by starvation, at
Unnatadurga, in Samvat 1652, Bhadrapada Sukla 10, and
his padukas were erected in the same year, on Marga. vadi
9, Monday, by Udayakarna of Stambhatirtha (Cambay)'
and consecrated by Vijayasena. (4) Vijayasena (Klatt
No. 59 ), ( verses 25-34 ), who was called by Akabbara
[Akbar] to Labhapura (Lahor), received from him great
honours, and a phuramana [farman], forbidding the
slaughter of cows, bulls, and buffalo-cows, to confiscate
the property of deceased persons and to make captives in
war ; who., honoured by the king, the son of Choli-begam2
(Choll Vegama), adorned Gujarat. Latest date Samvat
1650.'

The nature of the orders issued by Akbar in conformity
with the advice of his Jain monitors is sufficiently indi-
cated by Biihler's summary of the great inscription as
quoted above. The testimony of that record is fully con-
firmed by Badaoni, who adds that infringements of the
rules concerning the killing of animals were treated as
capital offences. Akbar, in adopting such rigorous mea-
sures, followed precedents set by Harsa and various other
ancient Indian kings, who preferred the life of a beast to
that of a man.3

1 Stambhatirtha, a Sanskritized form of Khambayat or Khambat.

2 Choll or Chilli Begam was an epithet applied to Akbar's mother,
fiamida Bano Begam, on account of her painful wanderings in the desert
(chul), prior to her son's birth. Humayun conferred the title ChUll on
the attendants who followed him through the deserts (Akbarnama), tr.
(Beveridge, vol. I, p. 412).

3 The interpretation 'capital punishment' is that of Blochmann,
Atn, Vol. I, p. 200). Lowe renders simply ' punishment, ' adding that
many a family was-ruined, and his property confiscated ' (page 331 and
Errata). Blochmann seems to have been right. For the practice of
Hindu kings, see Early Hist, of India, 3rd ed., pp. 181, 344.

35 [ Bhandarkar Cora. Vol.]

&74 Smith : Jain Teachers of Akbar

The order forbidding the confiscation of the property
of deceased persons is expressed in the text of the inscrip-
tion (v. 32) by the words— i}M*H 'JcT%wtt1^ ' the whole
estate of the dead was to be released.' The command pro-
fessed to repeal the rule of practice under which the Mogul
emperors were accustomed to seize the property of any
deceased subject who left an estate worth confiscating.
The order of repeal, like many other benevolent enactments
issued from time to time by Akbar and his successors, was
not acted on. When Akbar's mother died in 1604, leaving
a will directing her estate to be shared among her male
descendants, the emperor disregarded her injunctions and
seized the whole for himself, as Du Jarric relates.1

According to BadaonI (Lowe, p. 404), the legislation of
A. H. 1002 ( = A. D. 1593-4) provided that—

1 An inspector and registrar of the effects of those who
died or disappeared was to be appointed. So that if any
one who died had an heir (P. 391), after it had been proved
that he did not owe anything to the imperial exchequer,
was not a karori (tax-gatherer), or a banker receiving
deposits, the heir might take possession of it; otherwise it
passed into the imperial treasury; and until they got a
receipt from the treasurer, they were not to bury the
deceased.'

Those rules, it should be observed, were issued long
after the decree obtained by the Jains which professedly
abolished the confiscation of the estates of deceased persons
in general terms. The modified rule of 1593 was not ob-
served, and the protection given to the subject was illusory.
There is abundant evidence that Akbar and his successors
ordinarily seized all estates worth taking. There was
much ' make see, ' to use the Chinese phrase, about the
orders repeatedly issued to abolish burdensome imposts
and practices.

The jizya was supposed to have been abolished uni-
versally in the ninth year of the reign (1564); and when
Gujarat was annexed in 1573, the abolition should have

1 Thesaurus, III, 118,

Smith : Jain Teachers of Akbar 275

taken effect in that province. But the inscription shows
that it did not, and that a fresh order of abolition was re-
quired in 1593. Probably the local governor disregarded
the concession made to the Jains at that date, just as he
had disregarded the general orders of 1564. The Viceroys,
as a matter of fact, could ordinarily do what they pleased
in all questions of administration, and in many cases were
personages far too powerful to be seriously checked by
imperial authority, even in the days of Akbar, who was
stronger than any of his successors. Unfortunately, we
know little about the actual administration of Akbar's
empire, but enough is on record to permit of no doubt that
the noble sentiments and benevolent enactments which
figure so largely in the panegyrical books were translated
into practice in a manner extremely imperfect.

To sum up. Akbar never came under Buddhist in-
fluence in any degree whatsoever. No Buddhists took part
in the debates on religion held at Fathpur-SlkrI, and
Abu-1 Fazl never met any learned Buddhist. Consequently
his knowledge of Buddhism was extremely slight. Certain
persons who took part in the debates and have been sup-
posed erroneously to have been Buddhists were really
Jains from Gujarat. Many Jains visited the imperial court
or resided there at various times during at least twenty
years, from 1578 to 1597, and enjoyed ample facilities for
access to the emperor. The most eminent Jain teacher
who gave instruction to Akbar was Hlravijaya Suri. The
two other most important instructors were Vijayasena
Suri and Bhanucandra Upadhyaya. The doings of those
three persons are recorded in Sanskrit poems entitled
(1) Jagadguru-kavyam ; (2) Hira-saubhagyam ; (3) Krpa-
rasa-kosa; and (4) Htravijaya-caritra ; as well as in the
Pattavali of the Tapa-gaccha section of the Jain com-
munity, and in the inscriptions at Satrunjaya, especially
the long record No. XII comprising 87 verses, composed by
Hemavijaya and set up in A. D. 1593 at the Adinath temple.
The documents prove that Akbar's partial acceptance of
the doctrine of ahimsa, or abstention from killing, and
sundry edicts intended to give effect to that doctrine,

276 Smith : Jain Teachers of Akbar

resulted directly from the efforts of Hlravijaya and his
colleagues.

The two creeds which had the most influence upon
Akbar's mind from 1573 to his death in 1605 were Jainism
and Zoroastrianism.

The emperor granted various favours to the Jain com-
munity. Abu-1 Fazl made use of his opportunities to
compile an excellent and generally accurate account of
the Svetambara sect, derived from personal communication
with learned men of that community, especially Hlra-
vijaya Suri. He failed to meet any learned member of the
Digambara sect, and consequently observes that his ac-
count of the Digambara peculiarities ' has been written as
it were in the dark.' '

1 Am, tr. Jarrett, vol. Ill, p. 210. Mrs. Stevenson's book entitled
* The Heart of Jainism', Oxford University Press, 1915, and Outlines of
Jainism by Jagmanderlal Jaini, M. A., Cambridge University Press, 1916
may be recommended to students of the subject. Abu-1 Fazl does not
acknowledge the extent of the Jain influence on Akbar's views and
practice. He confines himself to a compliment on his master's toleration,
which embraced all sects, even the Jain, which the Brahmans abhorred.

SOME NOTES ON WILLIAM HAWKINS

(1607-1612)

BY H. G- RAWLINSON

TTHE first actual attempt to establish communication
between England and the Moghal court was made by
the two great pioneers of British enterprise in the East,
Sir William Osborne, Lord Mayor of London, and Richard
Staper, who is described on his monument at St. Helen's,
Bishopsgate, as "The greatest merchant of his time and
the chiefest actor in the discovery of the trades of Turkey
and the East Indies." They organized a party of four
Englishmen under one John Newbury, an experienced
traveller who had been to the Levant and knew Arabic.
Armed with a letter from Elizabeth to the Emperor Akbar,
in which they were represented as being induced to under-
take the journey "by the singular report of Your Imperial
Majesty's humanity in these uttermost parts of the world,"1
they sailed, on Shrove Tuesday 1583, on the Tiger, bound
for Aleppo. This event evidently became, as it deserved
to be, historic, for nearly twenty years after, Shakespeare
could still make the First Witch in Macbeth say —

Her husband's to Aleppo gone, master o' the Tiger,
and we must suppose that the remark would not have been
made unless it was likely to be appreciated by the
audience. Of the party which set out thus bravely, only
one, Ralph Fitch, returned. He reached England on April
29th, 1591. From Aleppo they had travelled to Bagdad,
Basra and Ormuz, where they were arrested by the Portu-
guese and sent off to Goa. At Goa one of their party
settled down; the rest broke their parole, and after many

1 It is interesting to know that reports of Akbar's tolerance and cul-
ture had reached England, (doubtless through the Portuguese, though the
actual source cannot be traced) at so early a date. So Mildenhall (for
"whom vide infra) writes of Akbar's "renowned kindness to Christians,"
as "so much blazed throughout the world that it had come into the utter-
most parts of the ocean." Purchas, Ed. Maclehose, Vol. II. p. 300,

278 Rawlinson'. William Hawkins

almost incredible adventures, arrived at the court of Akbar
at Agra. Here another of the band was tempted to enter
Akbar's service and deserted them. Newbury then arranged
that he should return overland, while Fitch, the remaining
member of the company, should travel to Bengal and await
him there. Newbury apparently intended to fit out a ship
to return and fetch Fitch, but he perished, " unknown how
or where," says Purchas, some time after leaving Lahore.
After Newbury's departure, Fitch set out to fulfil his part
of the contract. From Agra he struck eastward, travelled
down the Ganges to its mouth, took boat to Burma, (which
he explored pretty thoroughly), and visited Java and the
Malaccas. He returned home by the route by which he
had come, touching at Ceylon on his way. His report on
his travels forms a most valuable document, and is the
first detailed account of the East from an English pen.1

In 1599, encouraged by reports of Linschoten,2 Fitch
and others, the London merchants determined to form a
Company for trading with India by sea. The defeat of the
Spanish Armada had seriously damaged the prestige of
the Catholic powers, and the attempts to reach India by
the North-west and North-east passages had proved fruit-
less. Hence it was resolved to try the Cape route, in de-
fiance of the Portuguese, Papal Bulls notwithstanding.3
At first the Merchant Adventurers were chiefly attracted
by the spice trade of the Malaccas, which offered an easy
way of making large profits, but in 1599 Staper renewed
his attempt to establish a treaty with the Mughal Empire.

1 The long, dangerous and memorable voyage of Mr. Ralph Fitch,
merchant, of London, by the way of Tripolis in Syria to Ormuz, to 0oa in
East India, to Cambaia, to the river of Ganges, to Bengala, to Bacola-,
to Chonderi, to Pegu, to Siam, etc, begun in the year 1583 and ended in
the year 1591. Apud Hakluyt, V. 465.

2 This famous Dutchman went to Goa in the suite of the Archbishop
in 1589 and befriended Fitch there. His Itineratio (1596) became the lead-
ing work on India. It was translated into English in 1598, and has been
republished by the Hakluyt Society.

3 The Bull of Alexander VI, 1494, had given to Portugal the exclusive
right to all discoveries East and South of the Azores, and to Spain all dis-
coveries West and South of the same point. See Purchas, II, 32 ff.

Rawlinsan : William Hawkins 279

John Mildenhall, who was chosen for this errand, travelled
to India by the overland route through northern Persia.
He took his own time over the journey, and did not reach
Lahore until 1603. On reaching Agra, he was kindly re-
ceived at first by Akbar, until the Jesuit mission, per-
ceiving the dangers of Protestant rivalry to the ascendancy
which they had gained over the Emperor, commenced the
bitter opposition to an English alliance which they main-
tained so unswervingly throughout the next reign. On
being asked by Akbar what they knew about the English,
"they flatly answered," says Mildenhall, "that our Nation
were all thieves, and that I was a spy sent thither for no
other purpose to have friendship with His Majesty, but
that afterwards our men might come thither and get some
of his ports, and so put His Majesty to much trouble."1
They further hindered negotiations by bribing his inter-
preter to abscond; but Mildenhall learnt Persian, and ac-
cording to his own story, scored a brilliant diplomatic
victory, "to my own great contentment, and as I hope, to
the profit of my nation." Accordingly, Akbar ordered that
"whatever privileges or commandments he would have,
should be presently written, sealed and given, without any
more delay or question." Unfortunately, the farrnan was
not forthcoming, and it is difficult to avoid the conclusion
that Mildenhall was a rascal who did not scruple to invent
whatever he thought might please his employers. Staper
apparently thought the same, for a note in the Company's
minutes for 1609 states that his application for further
employment was rejected as he was " not thought fit to be
engaged." He came to a bad end, for we learn from the
diary of one Nicholas Withington, preserved by Purchas,
that he "had been employed with three English young
men, which he poisoned in Persia to make himself master
of their goods, but he was likewise poisoned, yet by pre-
servations lived for many months after, but swelled ex-
ceedingly, and so came to Agra with the value of 20,000

1 See his letter to Staper "from Casbin iu Persia, Out. 3, 1606" m
Purchas, II. 299.

280 Rawlinson : William Hawkins

dollars."1 Here he died early in 1614, having, as the
Jesuits told Withington, "given all his goods to a French
Protestant to marry his bastard daughter in Persia and
bring up another." The Company employed Withington,
Steele and others to recover property belonging to. them,
with partial success.

The East India Company did not, however, abandon
the project. The first two "voyages" had, as we have seen,
gone to the Spice Islands. When the third fleet made ready
to sail, it was determined that one vessel should be sent to
Surat, to establish a factory there by treaty with the
Mughal Court, buy calicoes, and rejoin the rest at Bantam ;
by which means, writes. Captain Keeling, the "General"
of the expedition, they "would lay the best foundation for
gain against another year that ever I heard of."2 Surat
was chosen for many reasons. As the great entrepot of the
Mughal Empire on the Western coast of India, it was, in
the words of a contemporary traveller " a city of very
great trade in all classes of merchandize, a very important
sea-port, yielding a large revenue to the king and fre-
quented by many ships from Malabar and all parts." The
Portuguese had recognized this, and in 1530-1, Antonio de
Silveira burnt the ships in the harbour and razed the town
to the ground, killing all living things within reach. Since
its conquest by Akbar in 1572, however, they had left it
alone,3 and hence it did not come under the Company's
agreement not to trade with any place "in lawful and
actual possession of any Christian prince at amity with
England, who would not accept of such trade."

The ambassador selected for this mission was William
Hawkins, a nephew of the great Sir John, the terror of the
Spanish Main. He was one of eleven children, two of

1 Purchas, IV. 173. Withington came out with Captain Best in the
Tenth Voyage.

2 Purchas, VI. 59.

3 By a curious oversight, the Portuguese established no factories at
the Cape of Good Hope, Singapore, or Surat, all places of the utmost
Strategic and commercial importance.

Rawlinson: William Hawkins 281

whom, besides himself, were connected with the East India
Company.1 He had seen fighting under Fenton off Brazil
and had been in the Levant, where he learnt Turkish.2
Hawkins sailed as master of the Hector from Erith on
March 8th 1607. Captain Keeling, on the Dragon, accom-
panied him as "General." A third ship, the Consent, Cap-
tain, David Middleton, sailed independently,3 and it was
well for them that they did, for they reached the Cape on
July the 27th, whereas Keeling did not make it until De-
cember 17th.4 He had been blown right out of his course
to the Brazil coast, and owing to scurvy and lack of water,
was forced to put into Sierra Leone to refit. Here an in-
teresting event is recorded by Keeling. On Sept. 5th, the
crew of the Hector acted the tragedy of Hamlet. On the
30th Captain Keeling asked Hawkins to dinner, "where
my companions acted King Richard II"; and on the fol-
lowing day, he again "envited Captain Hawkins to a
ffishe dinner, and had Hamlet acted abord me, well I p'mitt
to keepe my people from idleness and unlawful games, or
sleepe."a The voyage was altogether very long and tedious.
Socotra was only reached in March 1608. Here, acting on
the advice of some friendly Gujarati sailors, they awaited
the bursting of the S. W. Monsoon. On June 24th they
parted, Keeling for Bantam and Hawkins for Surat, armed
with a duplicate of the Commission under the Great Seal.
He arrived on August 4th and came ashore on the 28th.

1 Giles Hawkins was a factor at Bantam; Charles was a partner in
the Sixth Voyage. Markham, The Hawkins Voyages, xlii. note (Hakluyt
Society's Publications).

2 Ibid, xliv.

3 She left Tilbury on March 12th, Purchas III. 51 ; cf. his marginal
note, II. 502.

4 Keeling's Diary in Purchas, II. 508.

5 So Rundall, in Narratives of Voyages to the North-West, (Hakluyt
Society) p. 231. This was published in 1849. Since then someone has
stolen the page from Keeling's Ms. diary. For plays on board ship, cf.
The Lancaster Voyages, p. 147, where Sir Henry Middleton at Cape Verde
"had a great feast and a play played," on the Trade's Increase, June 18th
1610.

36 [Bhandarkar Com. Vol. J

282 Rawlinson: William Hawkins

The following interesting description of Surat as they
found it, from the pen of William Finch, one of the
company, is preserved by Purchas : '

" The city is of good quantity, with many fair Mer-
chants' houses therein, standing twenty miles within the
land upon a fair river. Some three miles from the south of
the river, (where on the south side lieth a small low island
overflowed in time of rain ), is the bar, where ships trade
and unlade, whereon at springtide is three fathom water.
Over this the channel is fair to the city side, able to bear
vessels of fifty tons laden. The river runs to Bramport
( Burhanpur ), others say to Musselpatan. As you come
up to the river, on the right hand stands the Castle, well
walled and ditched, reasonable great and fair, with a number
of fair pieces, some of them of exceeding greatness. It hath
one gate to the Green-ward, with a drawbridge and a small
port on the river-side. The captain hath in command two
hundred horse. Before this lieth the Medon ( Maidan ),
which is a pleasant green, in the midst whereof is a May
pole to hang lights on and for other pastimes on great
Festivals.2

On this side the city lieth open to the Green, but on
all other parts is ditched and fenced with thick hedges,
having three gates, of which one leadeth to Variaw,3 a
small village where is the ford to pass over to Cambaya
way. Near this village on the left hand lieth a small
Aldea ( village ) on the river-bank, very pleasant, where
stands a great Pagoda, much resorted to by the Indians.
Another grate leadeth to Bramport, a third to Nonsary
( Navsari ) a town ten cose ( kos, two miles ) off, where is
made a great store of calico, having a fair river4 coming
to it. Some ten cose further lieth Gondoree5 and a little
further, Belsaca6, the frontier town upon Daman.

1 IV. 27 ff.

2 Probably a dlpmal or lampstand.

3 A hamlet on the north side of the town.

4 The Purna River.

5 Probably Gandevi.

6 Balsar.

Sawlinson: William Hawkins 283

Hard without Nonsary gate is a fair tank,1 sixteen
square, enclosed on all sides with stone steps, three-quar-
ters of an English mile in compass, with a small house in
the middest. On the further side are diverse fair tombs
with a goodly paved court, pleasant to behold ; behind
which groweth a small grove of mango-trees, whither the
citizens go forth to banquet. Some half cose behind this
place is a great tree much worshipped by the Banians,
where they affirm a Dew ( Leva, god) to keep, and that it
hath often times been cut down and stocked up at the
Moores' command and yet hath sprung up again. Near
to the Castle is the Alphandica ( alphandega, customs
house ), where is a pair of stairs for lading and unlading of
goods : within are rooms for keeping goods till they are
cleared, the custom being two and half for goods, three for
victuals, and two for money. Without the gate is a great
Gondoree or Bazaar. Right before this gate stands a tree
within an arbour, whereon the Fokeers (fakirs), which are
Indian holy men, sit in state. Betwixt this and the Castle,
on the entrance of the Green, is the market for horse and
cattle. A little lower, on the right over the river, is a
little pleasant town, Ranele,2 inhabited by a people called
Naites,3 speaking another language, and for the most part
seamen : the houses are fair therein, with fair steps to
each man's door, the streets narrow. They are very
friendly to the English. Here are many pleasant Gardens,
which attract many to pass there their time : and on the
trees are an infinite number of great Bats which we saw
at Saint Augustine's, hanging by the claws on the boughs,
making a shrill noise. This fowl, the people say, engen-
dered in the ear: on each wing it hath an hook, and
giveth the young suck."

Hawkins landed and was politely received by the local
authorities, who, however, referred his case to " Mocreb

1 The Gopi Talao.

2 Rander, ( called Ranel by Barbosa ).

3 Nayata, Arab merchants and sailors who settled there in 1225,
Cf. Stanley's Barbosa, 67.

284 Baivlinson : William Hawkins

chan," or Mukarrab Khan, the Viceroy of Cambay and
Surat, afterwards known to the English as their most
relentless opponent. The messenger to Cambay was
delayed by the violence of the monsoon ; meanwhile, in
spite of some opposition, Hawkins started to trade in such
articles as might be profitably sold at Bantam ; for it was
decided to send the Hector to join Keeling as agreed on,
while Hawkins himself went to Agra to present his petition.
The Hector was soon loaded up. Master Marlow was put in
command and farewells were said and Hawkins returned
to his work at Surat, when " the next day,1 going about my
affairs to the great man's brother, I met with some ten or
twelve of our men, of the better sort of them, very much
frighted, telling me the heaviest news, as I thought, that
ever came unto me, of the taking of the barks by a Portu-
gal frigate2 or two, and all goods and men taken, only
they escaped." Finch3 gives further details. " These
frigates were Portugals, which desired one come to talk with
them, and Master Bucke rashly doing it, they detained
him, and after (I and Nicholas Ufflet being ashore) Master
Marlowe and the rest began to flee; the cockswain would
have fought, which he would not permit, but running
aground through ignorance of the channel, they were
taken going on the sandy island by Portugal treachery,
and the fault of some of themselves,4 nineteen with Master
Bucke; but the Ginne put off the Pinnace, and notwith-
standing the Portugal bullets, rowed her to Surat. Four

1 October 2nd. The passage is from Hawkins' diary, apud
Purchas, III. 4.

2 A light galley, used for river work.

3 Finch, apud Purchas, IV. 20.

4 So Hawkins— But the Company thought otherwise. " We are in-
formed by Bucke and Marlowe," they write, " that they were destitute
of powder and other means to defend themselves, which was a great
neglect in your part to be so secure as not to arm and animate your men
thoroughly." First Letter Book, 316. These men were taken from Goa
to the Trunk at Lisbon where they remained till 1610, in great want.
Ibid. 306. Their crime was " trading in the East without the king
of Spain's licence, "

Rawlinson: William Hawkins 285

escaped by swimming and got that night to Surat, besides
Nicholas Ufflet and myself, near twenty miles from the
place." It subsequently transpired that the Hector herself
had got away, only the longboat and her crew being
captured; but Hawkins found himself in an awkward
plight. He was surrounded by enemies. Mukarrab Khan,
instigated by the Portuguese, tried to kidnap him and steal
his goods. He decided that his best course was to lay his
case before the Emperor at Agra; and on February 1st,
1609, he set out for the capital, leaving Finch, who was
down with dysentery, to look after his goods at Surat.

After sundry attempts had been made to murder him
en route, Hawkins presented himself to Jahangir on April
16th at Agra. The king was pleased to see him, and
Hawkins found that he could make himself understood in
Turkish, which is not far removed from Turki, the ances-
tral tongue of the descendants of Babur. Jahangir liked
new acquaintances, especially good fellows who could
hold their liquor, and Hawkins entertained him vastly
with stories of his travels. No wonder the " Portugalls,"
who since the time of Akbar had held a distinguished
position at the court, became like "madde dogges." Hawkins,
Nicholas Ufflet, and the 'boy,' Stephen Gravener, became
mysteriously ill, and the latter died. Thereupon Jahangir
gave his friend a wife out of the Royal Harem to cook his
food, and so avoid untoward accidents in the future. This
lady was a daughter of Mubarik Shah, an Armenian
Christian who iiad risen to distinction in Akbar's service.
The marriage service was read by Ufflet, until such
time as a more formal ceremony could be performed by a
regular Chaplain. The king now seemed quite won over.
He gave Hawkins his commission, written under his
Golden Seal, to be sent to Surat, together with a stinging
reproof to Mukarrab Khan for his bad behaviour to the
English. Hawkins was now in high glee ; he was with the
king day and night (usually until the World Grasper was
removed, the worse for drink, to the Harem); at the
audience, he stood within the coveted Red Rails; and
Jahangir, in an outburst of friendship, went so far as to

286 Rawlinson: William Hawkins

offer him, if he would stay at the court, a pension of
£ 3,200 a year, a troop of horse, and any concessions for
the Factory that he liked to ask! Finding, like Philip II
of Spain, that " Achins" was a difficult name to pronounce,
Jahangir gave him the title of "Inglis Khan," ( in Persia,
it is the title for a Duke, Hawkins parenthetically explains).
To all of which, our envoy, seeing that "it would feather
my nest and do Your Worships a service," as he writes to
his masters, cheerfully acquiesced.

His triumph, however, was destined to be short-lived.
The nobles and the "Portugalls" were consumed with
jealousy. The Viceroy of Goa sent a letter (accompanied
by a handsome present) warning Jahangir that if the
English got a footing in the country, he would eventually
lose his harbours and his trade altogether. This, according
to Hawkins, was the cause of his downfall. "The king
went from his word, esteeming a few toys which the
Fathers had promised him more than his honour." "It is
true," His Majesty cynically remarked, "that the com-
mandment for the Factory was sealed and ready to be
delivered; but upon letters received from Mocrebcan, and
better consideration had on the affairs of his ports in
Guzerat, he thought it fitting not to let him have it." Un-
fortunately for Hawkins there was another Englishman
at Agra who kept a journal, and he supplements the story
in a very different fashion, though, as there was no love
lost between the two, we must, perhaps, allow something
for the writer's malice. This was John Jourdain1 of the
Ascension, which, with the Union,2 had set out in 1608 on
the Company's Fourth Voyage, and had been wrecked or.
the shoals in the Gulf of Cambay. The survivors had found
their way to Surat, where, owing to the lack of control
exercised by the Master, Captain Sharpeigh, they had been

1 For details, see his Journal, edited by Foster for the Hakluyt So-
ciety, Series II, Vol. xvi.

2 The Union went on to Achin. After a disastrous voyage she went
pn the rocks off Andierne in Brittany on her return journey.

Rawlinson: William Hawkins &8?

involved in various broils,1 and had finally set out for
Agra. Jourdain says that Hawkins had at first acquired
popularity at Court by winning the favour of Asaf Khan,
a powerful nobleman, whose sister was the famous Nur
Jahan, afterwards Jahangir's wife, and whose daughter
married Jahangir's favourite son Prince Khurram. After
a while, however, by trying to drive a hard bargain in
trade, Hawkins offended the Queen Mother and Khwaja
Abul Hassan, the Chief Secretary. Abul Hassan took his
revenge in an amusing fashion. The king was a great
drinker, but was ashamed of his vice, and cruelly punished
those who talked of his orgies or of the part they took in
them. "The king," says Jourdain, "was informed that some
of his great men were bibbers of wine and that before they
came to the Court daily, they filled their heads with strong
drink, and commanded that upon pain of his displeasure
none of his nobles that came to his court should drink any
strong drink before their coming. Now Abdelhasan, know-
ing that Hawkins was a great drinker, feed the porter (as
is supposed) to smell if he had drunk any strong drink,
which is easily discerned by one that is fasting. So the
chief porter finding that Hawkins had drunk, he presently
carried him before the king in presence of the whole Court,
where, by the mouth of Abdelhasan, being Secretary, ifc
was told the king he had drunk strong drink. Whereat
the king paused a little space, and considering that he was
a stranger, he bid him go to his house, and when he came
next he should not drink. So being disgraced in public, he
could not be suffered to come into his accustomed place
near the king, which was the cause why he went not so
often to Court."2

1 One Tom Tucker had got drunk and killed a calf. This enraged the
" Banyans," who paid a handsome sum to the authorities every year to
stop cow-killing. Captain Downton found it impossible to open a beef
market for the same reason (Downton in Purchas IV. 220).

2 Jourdain's Journal, p. 104 ff. Hawkins was lucky. Some unfortunate
nobles, after a banquet to welcome the Persian ambassadors, boasted of
the " merry night past." For this Jahangir had them flogged almost to
death. Embassy of Sir Thos. Eoe, Ed. Foster, pp. 30$-4.

~88 Bawlinson: William Hawkins

Whether this was true or not, Hawkins was now out
of favour. " Stay I would not, among these worthless in-
fidels," he writes, but unfortunately Mrs. Hawkins' re-
latives objected to her leaving India. At first he thought
of asking the Jesuits (who were ready to do anything to
get rid of him) to give him a passport to settle in Goa,
with full liberty of conscience, and eventually returning
to England when1 opportunity offered. Jourdain, however,
pointed out the dangers of this. News had come of the
appearance of a fresh English fleet off the coast of Cambay
and Jourdain proposed to go and join it. " I told him," he
writes, " if he went to Goa his life would not be long, be-
cause he had much disputed against the Pope and their
religion, and was apt to do the like again there, if he were
urged thereunto, which would cost him his life, and the
sooner because of his goods. But he answered that the
Fathers had promised to get him a pass from the Viceroy,
and also from the Bishop and priests, that he might use
his own conscience. I told him the same cause would be
his destruction, if he went. So he was persuaded to go
that way and I was persuaded to go the other way, al-
though he urged me very far, promising great wages; but
his promises were of little force, for he was very fickle in
his resolution, as also in his religion, for in his house he
used altogether the custom of the Moors or Mahometans
and seemed to be discontent if all men did not the like."1
With this malicious hit, Jourdain parted from Hawkins
on July 28th, 1611, and reached Surat in October. Here he
found Sir Henry Middleton with the Sixth Voyage, his
flagship being the magnificent Trades Increase, a great
vessel of 1,100 tons, the pride of the Mercantile Navy.2 The
coast was closely blockaded by the Portuguese admiral,
Don Fransisco de Soto, who refused to allow any trade
with the shore, and Jourdain had some difficulty in getting
on board. Hawkins followed in November, having ap-

1 Jourdain, op. cit. p. 161.

2 The other vessels were the Peppercorn (Captain, Nicholas Downton),
the Darling and the Samuel.

Rawlinson: William Hawkins 289

parently taken Jourdain's advice. But he outwitted his
wife's relatives in an amusing way. He persuaded the
Jesuits to make him out duplicate passports, one an open
one licencing him to settle down as a trader in Goa, the
other a secret permit to return to England "and what
agreements I made with them to be void and of none effect,
but I should stay and go when I pleased." What marginal
notes on " Jesuiticall Sanctitie" would a similar procedure
on the part of his opponents have evoked from the worthy
Purchas !

Hawkins, his wife and the other Englishman were
taken on board under an armed escort, Mukarrab Khan,
overawed by the Portuguese fleet, peremptorily refusing to
allow a factory to be opened or any English traders to be
left behind at Surat. Before starting Middleton made a
most valuable discovery, acting on information supplied
by Jourdain from native sources.1 This was the location
of the famous Swally Hole, a fine roadstead seven miles
long and a mile broad, protected from the sea by a long
sandbar. Here a fleet could ride at anchor much more
safely than among the shifting shoals of the Tapti. Swally
became the port of Surat and acquired great fame.2 Other-
wise Middleton had accomplished nothing during a stay
of one hundred and thirty-eight days. On his way out he
had been robbed and imprisoned by the Arabs at Mocha,
and he was burning for revenge. Accordingly his fleet
weighed anchor and sailed along the coast to Dabul, des-
troying Portuguese shipping, and then crossed over to Aden
and blockaded the mouth of the Red Sea. Many Mahom-
medan ships were held up for ransom, including the huge
Rahhni, a pilgrim ship belonging to the Queen Mother,
which paid 15,000 reals of eight. The blockade was spoilt
by the arrival of Captain John Saris with the Eighth

1 Hawkins, refusing to give his enemy any credit, says that Middleton
discovered Swally " miraculously," " and never known to any of the
country."

2 " The Road of Swally and the Port of Surat are fittest for you in all

the Moghal's country Tho Road of Swally is as safe as a pond."

Roe, apud Foster II. 345.

37 t Bhandarkar Com. Vol.]

290 Jxawl/nson: William Hawkins

Voyage; as usual, the rival commanders could not agree,
and unfortunate squabbles about precedence rendered co-
operation between the two fleets impossible. On October
19th, 1612, they set sail for Tiku in Sumatra, where, in the
following January, Hawkins and his wife took a passage
on the Thomas homeward bound. They reached Saldania
Road on April 2nd, and here Hawkins' diary ends. He
"dyed on the Irish shore,"1 no doubt, like so many of the
adventurers of his time, of disease contracted in the East.

Hawkins' mission was, directly, a failure. He had
failed to obtain from Jahangir even the worthless farmans
he bestowed upon other English ambassadors. Jahangir,
convinced by the Jesuit Fathers that the English were a
paltry and distant race who wanted to rob him of his
trade, took no notice of him when he had exhausted
his stock of novelties and good stories. The English are not
even mentioned in that monarch's voluminous memoirs.
Nor was any change likely to come about while the Por-
tuguese fleet could blockade the coast at will. A decisive
victory at sea was supremely necessary for English pres-
tige. But indirectly the results were very important.
Hawkins had thoroughly explored the resources of the
Moghal Empire (of which he wrote a very able account)
and had investigated the possibilities of Surat as the site
for a factory. Hawkins may not unfairly claim to be
ranked among the founders of the Indian Empire.

A few words on the adventures of the rest of the
company may not be out of place. Finch died at Bagdad in
trying to reach home by the overland route.2 The ill-luck
which pursued Sir Henry Middleton throughout his " tired,
crost, and decayed " voyage, clung to him to the end.
The " princely Trade" " for beauty, burthen and strength

1 Purchas, Pilgrimage (1626) p. 521. The mortality was very high,
Downton, Middleton, Aldworth, and a host of others never saw home
again. The life of a man was "two monsoons," says Ovington of Bombay,
and this was true of the East in general.

2 He had been very badly treated by Hawkins, if we can believ
Jourdain, vp. cit. 157.

Rawlinson: William Hawkins 2&1

surpassing all merchants' ships whatsoever," ran on a
coral reef, and had to be careened at Bantam. Here she
was set on fire by the Javanese. The terrible climate
killed most of the crew, Sir Henry being the first to go —
" most of heartsore," say the old records. Jourdain found
that one hundred and forty had perished, and the rest were
' like ghosts or men frighted " and " scarce able to go on
their legs." Quce regio in terris nostri non plena laboris?
is a quotation which Purchas not inaptly applies to our
struggles for a footing in these Eastern seas.

Mrs. Hawkins had no difficulty in consoling herself.
She had brought from Agra diamonds worth £ 6,000, no
doubt procured by her step-father, Abraham de Duyts,
Prince Khurram's court-jeweller, and the Company gave
her 200 Jacobuses as " a token of their love." She married
Captain Gabriel Towerson of the Hector, her first husband's
old ship, and in 1617 returned to India with Mrs. Hudson
and her maid, Francis Webb. Richard Steele and Mrs.
Golding the Chaplain were her fellow passengers, Sir
Thomas Roe being then at Agra as English Ambassador.

The party arrived at Agra on November 2nd, Steele
having married Francis at the Cape. Mr. Golding, who
was very fond of the ladies, followed them to Agra dis-
guised as a native, for which unclerical conduct Sir
Thomas Roe had him arrested. Sir Thomas disliked them
all, and writes of them as follows — " I found him (Steele)
high in his conceits, having somewhat forgotten me, Master
Kerridge and him at wars, which I endeavoured to temper
on all parts ; but for his wife I dealt with him clearly, she
could not stay with our safety nor his masters' content ;
that he had ruined his fortunes if by amends he repaired
it not; that she should not travel nor live on the Com-
pany's purse ; I know the charge of women, that if he
were content to live himself like a merchant, as others did,
frugally, and to be ordered for the Company's service and
to send home his wife, he was welcome ; otherwise I must
take a course with both, against my nature. Having to
this persuaded him, I likewise practised the discouragement
of Captain Towerson about his wife ( you know not the

292 RauJinson: William Hawkins

danger, the trouble, the inconvenience of granting these
liberties ); to effect this, I persuaded Abraham, his Father-
in-law here, to hold fast ; I wrote to them the gripings of
this Court, the small hope of relief from his alliance, who
expected great matters from him." ! Accordingly, Gabriel
Towerson let his wife return to her own people,2 while he
went to the Far East to take charge of the English Factory
at Amboyna. Here he and the other factors were barbar-
ously murdered, after nameless tortures, by the Dutch in
1623. A similar fate had already befallen John Jourdain
seven years previously ; the Dutch admiral treacherously
shot him on his own quarter-deck, after he had surrendered
to superior forces, off the town of Patani on the coast of
the Malay Peninsula.

1 Embassy of Sir Thomas Roe, Ed. Foster II. 478.

2 This was in 1618. In 1619 she and her mother were "railing" at
Towerson for his desertion of her, and trying to borrow Rs. 220 from
Kerridge, Chief of the Surat factory. She was still worrying in 1627.
English Factories, Ed. Foster, 1, 169, 327, etc.

NOTE ON AUTHORITIES

These may be divided into (1) Miscellaneous Records and Corres-
pondence of the East India Company; (2) Journals kept by the Voyagers
themselves; (3) Selections from these Journals, with other miscellaneous
matter, edited by Hakluyt and Purchas.

The Correspondence, Factory Records, Court Minutes and Letter
Books of the Company are now partly available to the student, thanks
to the labours of Foster, Birdwood, Danvers, Sainsbury, Forrest, and
other workers in this field.

The original journals of the Voyagers have survived in a very im-
perfect condition, probably being neglected because Purchas and
Hakluyt had published the most interesting portions of them. These
precious fragments have been edited from time to time by the mem-
bers of the Hakluyt Society. For our purpose the most important are
the three imperfect abstracts of Keeling's voyage in Markham's Voyage
of Sir James Lancaster, pp. 108-120, and the journals of John Jourdain
and Sir Thomas Roe, edited by Mr. W. Foster.

Purchas, after the death of Hakluyt, was entrusted by Sir Thomas
Smyth, the first Governor of the Company, with all its logs and jour-
nals. How he used them may be gathered from his marginal note.
" This journal of Captain Keeling's and that of Captain Hawkins, written

Rawlinson: William Hawkins 293

at sea-leisure, very voluminous in a hundred sheets of paper, I have
been bold so to shorten as to express only the most necessary observa-
tions for sea and land affairs." For this he has been somewhat severly
taken to task. But the matter was very unwieldy, (in Maclehose's
reprint it covers as it is twenty volumes of nearly six hundred pages
each), and the standard of historical accuracy was not always what it
is to-day. In the preface to Churchill's Collection of Voyages, John
Locke wishes that " the author (Hakluyt) had been less voluminous,
delivering what was really authentic and useful, and not stuffing his

work with so many warlike exploits not at all pertinent to his

undertaking, and such a multitude of articles, charters, privileges,
letters, relations, and other things little to the purpose of travels
and discoveries."

A CHAPfER PROM THE LIFE OF SHIVAJl

( 1665-1666 )

By JADUNATH SARKAR

A little after 9 o'clock in the morning of 11th June,
1665, while Mirza Rajah Jai Sinha was holding
court in his tent at the foot of Purandar fort, Raghunath
Pandit, the envoy of Shivaji, came in and reported to him
that the Maratha chief had arrived to offer his submission.
High officers of the Mirza Rajah were sent to welcome him
on the way and usher him. On entering the tent he was
cordially received by Jai Sinha, while armed Rajputs stood
around to guard against any treacherous movement on the
part of Shivaji !

Meanwhile, the siege of Purandar was pressed on, the
lower part (named Vajra-garh or Rudra-mala) having been
captured before. Some more defensive works {Khand
Kola ? = demi-lunes or horn works) were assaulted and
carried by the Mughals immediately after Shiva's arrival,
and the fighting could be distinctly seen from the interior
of the Rajah's tent. Shiva then offered to surrender the
fort and prevent useless bloodshed. Jai Sinha, therefore,
ordered the fighting to cease, and sent some of his own
officers with an agent of Shiva to take possession of the
fort in the name of the Emperor and let the garrison de-
part unmolested. This was effected on the next day.

Shiva had travelled without any baggage or retinue,
and therefore Jai Sinha lodged him in his office tent as his
guest. Up to mid-night the two sides higgled for the terms
of a permanent place. But Jai Sinha knew the strength
of his position. As he wrote in his despatches to the
Emperor, "I declined to abate a single fort. Gradually, after
much discussion, we came to this agreement: — (a) That
23 of his forts, the lands of which yielded 4 lakhs of hun
as annual revenue, should be annexed to the Empire; and
(b) that 12 of his forts, including Rajgarh, with an annual
revenue of 1 lakh of hun, should be left to Shiva, on
condition of service and loyalty to the imperial throne."

296 Sarkar: Shivaji

Shivaji, however, begged to be excused from attend-
ing the Emperor's court like other nobles and Eajahs, and
proposed to send his son, as his representative, with a con-
tingent of 5,000 horse, (to be paid by means of a jagir), for
regular attendance and service under the Emperor or the
Mughal governor of the Deccan. This was exactly the fa-
vour shown to the Maharana of Udaipur. As he pleaded
with Jai Sinha, "By reason of my late unwise and disloyal
acts, I have not the face to wait on the Emperor. I shall
depute my son to be His Majesty's servant and slave, and
he will be created a Commander of Five Thousand with a

suitable jagir As for me sinner, exempt me from

holding any mansab or serving in the Mughal army, But
whenever in your wars in the Deccan, I am given any
military duty, I shall promptly perform it."

In addition to the above terms, Shivaji made another
and a conditional engagement with the Mughals : "If
lands yielding 4 lakhs of hun a year in the lowlands of
Konkan (Tal-Konkan) and 5 lakhs of hun a year in the up-
lands (Balaghat Bijapuri), are granted to me by the Em-
peror and I am assured by an imperial farmun that the
possession of these lands will be confirmed in me after the
expected Mughal conquest of Bijapur, then I agree to pay
to the Emperor 40 lakhs of hun in 13 yearly instalments."
He was expected to wrest these lands from the Bijapuri
officers by means of his own troops.

Here we detect the shrewdness of Jai Sinha's policy
in throwing a bone of perpetual contention between Shi-
vaji and the Sultan of Bijapur. As he wrote to the Em-
peror, "This policy will result in a three-fold gain : first,
we get 40 lakhs of hun or 2 krores of Rupees ; secondly,
Shivaji will be alienated from Bijapur ; thirdly, the impe-
rial army will be relieved from the arduous task of cam-
paigning in these two broken and jungly regions, as Shiva
will himself undertake the task of expelling the Bijapuri
garrisons from them." In return for it, Shiva also agreed
to assist the Mughals in the invasion of Bijapur with 2,000
cavalry of his son Shambhuji's mansab and 7,000 expert
infantry under his own command.

Sarkar: Shivaji 297

. These terms were reported to the Emperor for rati-
fication, together with a letter of submission and prayer
for pardon from Shiva ( but really drafted by Jai Sinha's
secretary Udai Raj) and a despatch from Jai Sinha re-
commending the acceptance of the terms and the granting
of a robe of honour to Shiva. They reached Aurangzib
at Delhi on 23rd June and he was pleased to accede to
them all.

The treaty of Purandar being thus happily concluded,
Jai Sinha on 14th June dismissed Shivaji with his son
Kumar Kirat Sinha, for the transfer of his forts to Mughal
hands. They reached Kondana at noon of the same day.
It was evacuated by the Marathas and Kirat Sinha was
left there in occupation, while Shiva moved on to Raj-
garh (where he arrived on the 15th and halted for a day).
On the 17th Shiva sent Shambhuji with Jai Sinha's officer
Ugrasen Kachhwah from Rajgarh, and they reached Jai
Sinha's camp the next day, when news arrived of the sur-
render of Rajgarh and four other forts.

Jai Sinha then began to make preparations for the in-
vasion of Bijapur, in order to prevent his large army eating
its bread in idleness after its recent victorious campaign
against Shivaji. In September he received the Emperor's
despatch accepting all his recommendations about Shiva
together with a gracious farman stamped with the impres-
sion of his palm) and a robe of honour for the latter. Jai
Sinha invited Shiva to come and receive these marks of
imperial favour with befitting solemnity. "Shivaji, then
in Adil Shahi Tal-Konkan, immediately on hearing of it,
travelled quickly and reached my camp on 27th September,
1665. On the 30th, I sent him, with my son Kirat Sinha
and my Pay-master Jani Khan, to advance and welcome
the imperial letter on the way."

A little mummery was acted on the occasion, to
satisfy the etiquette of the Mughal court : "As Shiva had
worn no weapon on his person from the day when he had
come like a penitent offender to wait on the Rajah to this
date, Jai Sinha now gave him a jewelled sword and dagger
and pressed him to put them on " {Alamgir-namah, 907)

38 I Bhandarkar Com. Vol.]

298 Sarkar: Shivaji

The ceremony completed his restoration to the good grace
of the Emperor.

Jai Sinha then dismissed Shivaji to enahle him to
gather his contingent of 9,000 men and make the necessary-
preparations for the coming campaign, promising him two
lakhs of Rupees from the imperial treasury for the pur-
pose. Shiva promised to join Jai Sinha the day before he
started.

At last, on 20th November, 1665, Jai Sinha set out on
the invasion of Bijapur, from the fort of Purandar. The
Maratha contingent, 9,000 strong, under Shiva and his
kinsman (khwest) Netuji Palkar, — "whom the Deccanis
regard as a second Shivaji," — formed the Left Centre of
the Mughal army.

During the first month of the campaign, Jai Sinha's
march was an uninterrupted triumph. From Purandar to
Mangalbirah (Mangalvedhe), a fort 32 miles north of Bija-
pur, the invaders advanced without meeting with any oppo-
sition ; the Bijapuri forts on the way were either evacuted
in terror or surrendered at call to Shiva's troops who had
been sent ahead by Jai Sinha to capture them. Phaltan,
about forty miles south-east of Purandar was entered on
7th December ; Thathora, 14 miles north of Phaltan, on the
8th ; Khawan about a week later ; and Mangalbira itself
on the 18th.

The invaders marched on, and then, on 24th December,
they came into touch with the enemy for the first time.
Next day a Mughal detachment under Dilir Khan and
Shivaji marched 10 miles from their camp and fought a
Bijapuri army of 12,000 under the famous generals Sharza
Khan and Khawas Khan and their Maratha auxiliaries
under Jadu Rao [Ghorpure ?] of Kalian and Venkoji, the
half-brother of Shivaji. The Deccanis evaded the charge
of the cavaliers of Delhi, but harassed them by their "cos-
sack tactics," dividing themselves into four bodies and
fighting loosely with the Mughal divisions opposite. After
a long contest, Dilir Khan's tireless energy and courage
broke the enemy's force by repeated charges, and they re-
tired in the afternoon, leaving one general (Yaqut the

8arkari Shivaji 299

Abyssinian) and 15 captains dead on the field and many
flags, horses and weapons in the Mughal hands. But as
soon as the victors began their return march to camp, the
elusive enemy reappeared and galled them severely with
rockets from the two wings and rear. The Maratha rear-
guard under Netuji bore the brunt of the attack but stood
its ground well. When the Deccanis hemmed Netu round
and pressed him hard, he called for reinforcements from
Kirat Sinha and Fath Jang Khan and with their aid
repulsed the enemy. Jadu Rao of Kalian received a musket
shot, of which he died in five or six days. Shivaji and his
brother Venkoji fought on opposite sides !

After a two days' halt, Jai Sinha resumed his march
on the 27th. The next day, after reaching the camping
ground in the evening, he detached a force to attack and
expel the Bijapuri army from the neighbourhood. The
fight soon became general, and Jai Sinha himself had to
charge the enemy's largest division. Shivaji and Kumar
Kirat Sinha, seated on the same elephant, led his Van and
dashed into the Deccani ranks. After a hard fight, the
enemy were put to flight, leaving more than a hundred
dead and many more wounded.

On 29th December, 1665, Jai Sinha arrived at Makhna-
pur,1 ten miles north of Bijapur fort. Here his advanc
was stopped, and after waiting for a week, he was forced to
begin his retreat on 5th January, 1666, as he found his fondly
hoped-for chance of taking Bijapur by a coup de main
gone. He was not prepared for a regular siege, because, in
his eagerness "to grasp the golden opportunity" of attack-
ing Bijapur while undefended and torn by domestic fac-
tions, he had not brought any big artillery and siege mate-
rials with himself. On the other hand, Adil Shah had put
the fort of Bijapur in a strong posture of defence ; its walls
had been repaired, large quantities of provisions and mate-
rial laid in, its regular garrison augmented by 30,000 Kama-
tic infantry, and the country round for a radius of seven

1 In the Persian Ms. the name may ho read either as Makhanuh or
as Naythana, The latter is a village 8 miles N. N. E. of Bijapur,

300 Sarkar: Shiva ji

miles laid waste, drained of its water supply, and denuded
of its trees. At the same time he had sent a picked force
under Sharza Khan and Siddi Masaud to invade the Mu-
ghal dominions and make a diversion in Jai Sinha's rear.

On 27th January, the retreating Mughal army reached
a place 16 miles from Parenda, and there halted for 24 days.
Here we shall leave it, as the historian of Shivaji is not
concerned with its operations any further.

On receiving the unexpected check before Bijapur, Jai
Sinha looked round, to create a diversion. As he writes in
a despatch to the Court, "At my request the Emperor had
sent a robe of honour and jewelled dagger for Shiva, who

was ready to co-operate at the siege of Bijapur, but I

did not deem it expedient. Shiva said to me, — 'If you
detach me, I can go and capture for the Emperor Panhala,
of which I know all the exits and entrances, while the
garrison are off their guard. I shall raise so much distur-
bance in that district that the enemy will be compelled to
divert a large force from their army to oppose me.' As his
words bore promise of action, I sent him away on his
promised errand."

This was about 11th January. Five days later Shiva
reached the environs of Panhala, and delivered an assault
on it three hours before sunrise. But the garrison were on the
alert and offered a stubborn defence. A thousand of Shiva's
followers fell down, killed and wounded. When the rising
sun lit up the scene, Shiva at last recognised that it was
madness to continue the struggle, and drew back sullenly
to his own fort of Khelna [Visalgarh], about 20 miles west-
wards. But his troops continued to ravage that quarter
and succeeded in drawing and detaining there a force of
6,000 Bijapuris under Siddi Masaud and Randaula Khan.

The news of Shivaji's failure at Panhala reached Jai
Sinha on 20th January. The evil was aggravated by the
desertion of Netuji. Taking offence with Shiva for some
reason or other, — probably because he deemed his valuable
services and gallant feats of arms inadequately rewarded, —
Netu accepted the Bijapuri bait of 4 lakhs of hun and, de-

Sarkar: Shi 'raj I 301

serting to Adil Shah, raided the Mughal territory with
great vigour and effect. Jai Sinha could not afford to lose
such a man ; and so he lured Netuji back (20th March)
with many persuasive letters and the granting of all his
high demands, viz. the mansab of a Commander of Five
Thousand in the Mughal peerage, a Jagir in the settled and
lucrative old territory of the empire (as distinct from the
ill-conquered, unsettled, ever-ravaged recent annexations
in the Deccan), and Rs. 38,000 in cash.'

Netuji's defection at the end of January, 1666, greatly
alarmed Jai Sinha. If Shiva were to do the same, the entire
Maratha army would swell the enemy's ranks and the Mu-
ghal invaders would be crushed between them. As he wrote
to the Emperor, "Now that Adil Shah and Qutb Shah have
united in mischief, it is necessary to win Shiva's heart by
all means and to send him to Northern India to have audi-
ence of Your Majesty." The Emperor having consented to
this proposal, Shiva was formally permitted by Jai Sinha in
March to set out for the imperial court.

How Shivaji journeyed to Agra, how he asserted his
dignity against the proud governor of Aurangabad, how he
was received in audience by Aurangzib on 12th May, 1666,
how he was forbidden the court and then placed under
police guard, and how finally he escaped from Agra on 19th
August and, after many romantic adventures on the way,
returned to Rajgarh in December 1666, I have told in de-
tail from all the available Persian sources, in the Modern
Review for August 1907, pp. 153-161. A few scraps of addi-
tional information about Shiva's doings at Agra which I
subsequently gleaned from the news-letters of Aurangzib's
court, have been printed by Mr. G. S. Sardesai in his Mara-
thi Riyasat, new edition, i. 325. It is now necessary to turn
to the affairs of the Deccan, especially Jai Sinha's anxieties,
plans and acts, during Shiva's absence from home.

1 Aurangzib's punishment of the traitor was stern. After Netuji
had been outwardly conciliated and re-employed by the Mughals, he
was suddenly arrested at Dharur, in October, 1666, sent to Delhi in
chains, and forced to embrace Islam (as Muhammad Quli Kban) as the
only means of saving his life, February 1667.

302 SarJcar: Shiva ji

When, at the darbar of 12th May, Shivaji impatiently
complained that he had not been treated by the Emperor
according to his just expectations, Aurangzib wrote to Jai
Sinha to state clearly and fully what promises he had made
to Shivaji on behalf of the Mughal government. Jai Sinha
replied enumerating and explaining the clauses of the
Treaty of Purandar which I have given above. The Em-
peror's intentions with regard to Shiva when at Agra are
thus described in a letter written by Jai Sinha's secretary,
reporting the Mirza Rajah's speech : "The Emperor had ex-
cluded Shiva [from the darbar] for a few days on account of
the ignorance [or disregard] of the etiquette of the imperial
court which Shiva had displayed on the day of his audience.

Afterwards it was his intention to send him back with

honour and favours."

But the confidential despatches of Jai Sinha to the
Emperor and the prime minister Jafar Khan show that
there was much political trickery below the surface of the
affair. Shiva had been sent away from the Deccan early
in March, as we have seen, to guard against the possibility
of his adding to Jai Sinha's troubles.

Jai Sinha's word had been pledged for the safe return
of Shivaji to his home. He, therefore, was anxious to pre-
vent the murder or even long imprisonment of Shiva at
Agra. As he remarked in a letter to Bhojraj Kachhwah,
evidently for communication to Kumar Ram Sinha (his
representative at the imperial court), "Act in such a way
[in the affair of Shiva] as to secure the safety of the impe-
rial dominions and the sanctity of my word and your
word."

After that angry scene in the Public Audience Hall of
Agra fort, Shiva had been forbidden the Presence, and his
intermediary at Court, Kumar Ram Sinha, had been told
by the Emperor that he would have to stand bail and secu-
rity for the good conduct and presence of Shiva at Agra
pending further orders. Evidently Aurangzib changed his
mind soon. As Jai Sinha writes to his son, "As at first the
Emperor had strongly insisted that Shivaji should be taken
out of your bail and security, I had hoped that, after the

Barlcar: Shivaji 303

arrival of my former letter disavowing your responsibility
for Shiva, you would be easily relieved [of your responsibi-
lity for him ]. Now, I learn from the Emperor's letters that
he wishes you to guard Shiva. Wait for a few days and
pass the time as you have done in the past, till the decision
of my prayer, — viz. either I should be retained in the com-
mand of the Deccan army with full power and adequate
reinforcements or recalled to Court. Thereafter make the
necessary application about Shiva [ viz. your being reliev-
ed of the charge of him ]."

And again, "you have written that the Emperor is
thinking of leaving you at Agra in charge of Shiva, by
ostensibly appointing you commandant of the fort or Fauj-
dar [of the district]." This was exactly what Jai Sinha
wanted to avoid. So, he instructed his son to beseech the
Emperor to take him with him during the march, saying
that he had never before been separated from the imperial
company.

Aurangzib agreed to the proposal. Then the question
arose, what was to be done with Shiva ? Was he to be made
to accompany the Emperor [as a political suspect under
surveillance] or was he to be left in any fortress ? On this
point Jai Sinha replied, — "If the Emperor resolves to set
out on a compaign, it would be expedient to leave Shiva at
Agra. He ought to be conciliated and assured that he
would be summoned to the court after it had arrived in the
Deccan. His son should, as a matter of policy, be kept
with the Emperor, in order that his followers may not be
thrown into dispair, but may loyally serve us. [//. A.
197a].

A little earlier Jai Sinha had recommended a similar
policy: "When I prayed that Shiva might be permitted by
the Emperor to return home, affairs [in the Deccan] were in
a different condition. Now that they have changed alto-
gether [i. e. adversely for the Mughals], it is not at all politic
to send him to this side. Please detain him in such a way
that his officers may not despair [of his life or return home],
go over to Adil Shah, raise disturbances and thus compel us
to divert a force to their quarter." [if. A. 194c/].

304 Sarkar: Shivaji

Jai Sinha was adversely spoken of in the imperial court
in connection with Shiva's conduct at Agra. Here is his
indignant defence of his action in relation to the Maratha
hero —

"The Emperor himself had appointed me to the com-
mand of the expedition against Shiva. By the grace of
God and the good luck of the Emperor, I brought it to a
successful conclusion in the shortest possible time, and
then, by a thousand devices I succeeded in sending him
with his son to the imperial Presence. The Emperor is
aware of it and yet the courtiers are saying, 'When you
knew Shiva to be this sort of person, why did you send him
to Court ?' When I sent him off against Panhala, peo-
ple here [ i. e. my rivals in the Mughal camp] began to say
that I had helped him to escape from our hands. And now
that I have sent him to the Emperor's Presence, they are
saying, 'Why did you send him here ?' Such remarks spoil
the success of the half-finished Bijapur business." [H. A.
1946-195a].

Jai Sinha's position was rendered infinitely worse by
Shiva's escape from Agra on 19th August 1666. He had been
disgraced in the eyes of the Emperor by the failure of his
invasion of Bijapur. And now his son Ram Sinha was openly
suspected of having connived at Shiva's flight. As he writes
in bitterness, "All the plans and devices that I had employ-
ed in sending Shiva to court have been spoiled, and measure-
less distraction has fallen to my lot. But there is no re-
medy against "Fate and what is written on a man's fore-
head. I learn from the letters of some court agents that
there is a proposal to dismiss Ram Sinha from his rank
(mansab) and jagir, because Shiva's Brahman followers, at
the instigation' of selfish men [my enemies at Court], have
alleged that t\ie flight of Shiva was due to the advice of
Ram Sinha, and resulted from the latter's omission to
watch him well. May God give death to the man who
cherishes the very thought of such an act of faithlessness
in his heart ! Why should Shiva's men's words be believed
against mine, when I had reduced him to such an extre-
mity [in war] ?" Iff. A. 201a],

\

Sarkar: Shivaji 305

The anticipated return of Shivaji to the Deccan great-
ly added to Jai Sinha's fears. As he wrote on 5th Novem-
ber, 1666: — "The times are bad for me. My anxieties are
ceaseless. The lying Bijapuris are wasting time [by delu-
sive negotiations]. There is no trace or news of the fugi-
tive Shiva. My days are passing in distraction and anxiety.
I have sent trusty spies, under various disguises, to get
news of Shiva." [H. A. 200a].

About this time the officers left by Shiva in the Deccan
when leaving for Agra began to display ominous activity.
Sayyid Masaud, the Mughal qiladar of Raigarh, wrote to
Jai Sinha's Paymaster complaining of the lack of provi-
sions etc. in the fort, and the collection of lead, gunpowder,
rockets and infantry in the neighbourhood of Raigarh by
some men who gave themselves out to be Shiva's followers
and pretended that they intended to invade Bijapuri terri-
tory. At this alarming news Jai Sinha sent orders to
provision the fort as a precaution and to hold it strongly,
pending the arrival of Udai-bhan [the permanent qiladar ?J.
A reinforcement of 500 infantry under Sukh-man Chauban
was also ordered to be thrown into the fort if necessary.
[H. A. 234a and b].

At last, in December, 1666, definite news was received
of Shiva's arrival at Rajgarh. As Jai Sinha's secretary
wrote, "Trusty spies have now brought the news that Shiva
himself has arrived but is very anxious about his son who
has not returned with him. He professes a determination
[to submit] to the imperial government. But who knows
what is in his heart ? For some time past Mahadji Nim-
balkar, the son of Bajaji, the Zamindar of Phaltan and
son-in-law of the infernal Shiva, has been causing disturb-
ances in the region of Poona and other places. My master
[i. e. Jai Sinha] has appointed the jagirdars of that tract,
such as, Tanaji Bhonsle1 and others to Supa, Halal Khan
to Indapur, Ghalib Khan to Chamargunda, Hassan Khan,
Abdur Rasul and other Deccanis also to that side, and
Trimbakji Bhonsle and others to Raisin. Before the others
could arrive at their posts, Tanaji Bhonsle went to his

I The name may be also read as Babaji or Nanaji.

39 [Bhandarkar Com. Vol.]

306 Sarkar: Shivaji

jagir and getting an opportunity attacked Mahad, sent
many of his followers to hell, captured his flag, torah,1
150 horses, arrows etc., and returning lived in peace of
mind. As the Deccanis have some [unknown] need for the
flag and torah, Mahadji trod the path of submission and
humility ; but Tanaji declined [to restore them]. At last
four days afterwards, that wretch got help from the Bija-
puris and attacked Tanaji by surprise. That loyal and
martial officer fought valiantly on foot, till he* fell in the
Emperor's service. And Anaji (or Dataji) Deshmukh, went
to hell in the neighbourhood of Pandharpur. It is report-
ed that Mahadji also was wounded Jai Sinha at first

wanted to march there in person [and retrieve the disas-
ter], but was persuaded to give up the idea, lest the Bija-
puris should take advantage of his absence. So, he has
decided to send Abdul Hamid with 5,000 men to that quar-
ter. [H. A. 211b].

Then in a letter to the prime minister Jafar Khan we
have an astounding proposal from Jai Sinha to entrap
Shiva by a false proposal of a marriage between his
daughter and Jai Sinha's son, and get him murdered
during a journey to the Rajput general's camp —

"I have not failed, nor will I do so in future, to exert
myself against Bijapur, Golkonda and Shiva in every

possible way lam trying to arrange matters in such

a way that the wicked wretch Shiva will come to see me
once, and that in the course of his journey or return [ourJ
clever men may get a favourable opportunity [of disposing
of] that luckless fellow in his unguarded moment at that
place. This slave of the Court, for furthering the Em-
peror's affairs, is prepared to go so far, — regardless of the
praise or blame of other people, — that if the Emperor
sanctions it, I shall set on foot a proposal for a match
with his family and settle the marriage of my son with
his daughter, — though the pedigree and caste of Shiva are
notoriously low and men like me do not eat food touched
by his hand (not to speak of entering into a matrimonial

I The text reads tarahrah and sarrah.

Sarkar: Shivaji 307

connection with him), and in case this wretch's daughter
is captured I shall not condescend to keep her in my ha-
rem. As he is of low birth, he will very likely swallow
this bait and be hooked. But great care should be taken
to keep this plan secret. Send me quickly a reply to act
accordingly." [H. A. 139a].

This letter throws a lurid light on the political morals
of the 17th century. When people argue that Afzal Khan
could not have possibly intended to stab Shivaji during an
interview, they should remember that the sanctimonious
Jai Sinha was prepared to prove his loyalty by lowering
his family honour and laying a fatal snare for Shivaji, a
brother Hindu.

PALiEOORAPHIC NOTES

BY V. S. SUKTHANKAR

IN the field of the palaeography of Northern India the
beginning of the sixth', century of 'the Christian era
is marked by the advent of a new epoch of alphabet
which is chiefly characterised by the acute angles which
show themselves at the right or lower ends of letters
as well as by the wedges which are superimposed on
the tops of the vertical or slanting lines, and which is
therefore variously styled as the 'Acute-angled' or 'Nail-
headed' alphabet.1 The epigraphic documents of the period
from the sixth to at least the beginning of the eighth
century form an unbroken record of the use of this
alphabet in Central and Northern India.5 This type' was
in course of time supplemented by a rival alphabet; and
the characters of the inscriptions of the next century
present the incipient stages of the Northern Nagarl, the
fully developed forms of which may be'seenin the Kauthem
(Miraj State) copper-plate grant2 of the 'Calukya king
Vikramaditya V (A. D. 1009). The distinguishing features of
this type are the substitution of horizontal covering strokes
in place of the wedges, and right angles in place of the
acute angles of the previous variety. The general course of
the evolution of Nagarl out of the acute-angled alphabet is
evident enough ;3 but the determination of the actual period
of transition is a problem which naturally presents certain
difficulties. The earliest forms of the transition alphabet
are differentiated from those of its predecessor merely
by the flattening of the above mentioned wedges. These
forms are supplied by the characters of the Multai (Central
Provinces) plates of the Rastrakuta Nandaraja Yuddhasura
dated in the year corresponding to A. D. 708-9, and other
inscriptions of a later date. In other respects the characters
of the Multai plate link on directly to the acute-angled

1 Buhler, Indische Palceographie, p. 49.

2 Indian Antiquary, Vol. 16, pp, 15 ff.

3 Buhler, op. cit., pp. 50 f.

SlO Sukthankar: Palceographic Notes

alphabet, and Biihler was therefore perfectly right in
looking upon it as the last phase of this variety.1 The
distinctive peculiarity of Nagarl, it must be emphasised,
lies in the widening of the acute angles into right angles
as well as the addition of the flat top stroke which, so
to say, covers the entire breadth of the letters at their
upper end. Both these characteristics are unmistakably
manifest in the Kanheri inscriptions of the Silahara feuda-
tories Pullasakti and Kapardin II.2 Thus upto the begin-
ning of the eigth century (A. D. 708 : the Multal plates)
the acute-angled alphabet was still current in Northern
India ; on the other hand, as we see from the Kanheri
inscriptions ( A. D. 851 and 877 ) Nagarl had come to be
used as an epigraphic alphabet by the middle of the ninth
century.

We might therefore set ourselves the question, at what
period does this change set in? Are there any records
written in Nagarl of a date earlier than the above men-
tioned Kanheri inscriptions3? Biihler was inclined to
suppose that the northern Nagarl was in use at least since
the beginning of the eigth century.4 The inscriptions
which appear to lend suppoit indirectly to this view form
the following series :8 (1) the Samangad grant0 of the Rastra-

1 Biihler, op. cit., p. 50.

2 Inscriptions No. 15 and 43 ; see Indian Antiquary, Vol. 13, p. 135.

3 I wish to exclude herefrom the signature or families of signa-
tures of Gurjara princes on the copper-plates of Kaira (of A. D. 628
and 633), of Dabhoi (A. D. 642), of Naus5rl (A. D. 705) and of
Kavl (A. D. 736) appended to texts written in a southern alphabet.
From these royal sign-manuals it does necessarily follow that the
alphabet in question was used at that period commonly for epigraphic
purposes. 4 Biihler op. cit., p. 51.

5 The earliest of these is dated in A. D. 754. But Buhler argued that
as an inscription from the Kanarese country, viz. the Pattadkal pillar
inscription of KIrtivarman II, ( Epigraphia Indica, Vol. 3, pp. 1 ff. )
which was caused to be incised by a Brahman from Northern India,
shows the mixture of the Nagarl and acute-angled letters, we could
assume the use of Nagarl since the beginning of the eighth century.
For my part, I must say, I have not been able to trace any Nagarl
letters in this inscription.

6 Edited by Fleet, Indian Antiquary, Vol. 11 p. 105.

Sttkthantcar: Palceographic Notes 311

kuta Dantidurga ( Biihler, PalaBographic Tables, Plate
IV. Col. XXII), bearing a date corresponding to A. D. 754,
from Western India; (ii) the Dighva-Dubauli Plate1 of
Mahendrapala I ; and (iii) the Bengal Asiatic Society's
plate of Vinayakapala2 (of the imperial Pratihara dynasty)
believed by Biihler to be dated in the years corresponding
to A. D. 761 and 794-5 respectively, from Northern India.
We shall presently return to a detailed consideration of the
Samangad grant, but let us first examine the characters
of the other two records a little more closely. It is true
enough that we find here distinctly Nagarl characteristics,
e. g. (i) in the above-mentioned right angles of gha ( PI. IV,
col. XXI ; 10 ), pa (col. XXI ; 27), ma (col. XXIII ; 31 ), ya,
( col. XXI, XXIII ; 32 ), and sa ( col. XXIII ; 37 ) ; ( ii ) in the
flat top stroke of pa ( col. XXIII ; 27) ; ma ( col. XXIII ; 31 ),
ya ( col. XXIII ; 32 ), sa ( col. XXIII ; 37 ), and sa ( col.
XXIII; 38). Of special interest is the form of ja (col. XXI,
XXIII ; 14 ). In the Dighva-Dubauli plate it has entirely
lost its original characteristic element of three parallel
bars as, for instance, in the specimen3 quoted in the im-
mediately preceding column ( XX ; 14 ) of the same table ;
but in the other grant the transformation is still more
striking. The lower portion of the letter forms a clearly
developed double curve, while the (originally horizontal)
middle bar is all but vertical.

Now with regard to these alleged specimens of early
Nagarl the following is to be noted. As far as the alphabet
of the Dighva-Dubauli plate is concerned the term Nagarl
seems to me to be applied to it with doubtful propriety.4
Biihler has classed it rightly as in instance of the Acute-
angled variety.5 The absence of the covering stroke in gha
(col. XXI; 10), pa (col. XXI; 27), ma col. XXI ; 31, ya

1 See Fleet, Indian Antiquary, Vol. 15 p. 106.

2 Indian Antiquary, Vol. 15, p. 140.

3 MultSI plates ; see Fleet, Indian Antiquary, Vol. 18, p. 231.

4 It is called North-Indian Nagarl by Dr. Fleet, Indian Antiquary,
Vol. 15, p. 106.

5 Biihler, op. cit., p. 50.

312 Sukthankar: Palceographic Notes

( col. XXI ; 32 ), sa ( col. XXI ; 37 ), and sa ( col. XXI ; 38 ),
shows that it has not passed the transition stage, while
the sporadic acute angles, for instance, in ma ( col. XXI ;
31 ) and perhaps sa (col. XXI; 37) entitle it .to be con-
sidered a phase of the acute-angled alphabet. This is,
however, only a matter of nomenclature. No such doubt
can be entertained with regard to the copper-plate grant of
the Pratlhara-king Vinayakapala of Mahodaya which is
certainly one of the earliest instances ( if indeed, not
the earliest instance ) of the use of Nagarl form for
epigraphic purposes as far as Northern and Central India is
concerned. None the less is the conclusion of Buhler re-
garding the phase marked by these two plates in the evolu-
tion of Nagarl wrong ; the reason is that both these records
were considerably antedated by him. The mistake lay in
the erroneous interpretation put in his time upon the sylla-
bles samvatsro forming part of the date of the record. Here
the ligature tsro(&s was first pointed out by Dr. Hoernle )
must be looked upon as consisting of the t or samvat and
sro, which latter apparently stands for the multiplicative
factor 100, a conclusion which has now found general
acceptance.1 The numerical symbols thus correspond to the
figures 955 and 988, which when referred to the Vikrama
era yield the dates A. D. 898 and 931, and therefore,
relegate the plate to the end of the ninth and the beginning
of the tenth century respectively, that is, fully 137 years
later than the date assigned to them by Buhler.

The expunging of these two records from their place at
the end of Plate IV of Biihler's Tables has the effect of
breaking up the series mentioned above, and with it
disappears a solid block of evidence for the supposition
that Nagarl forms were commonly in use for epigraphic
purposes since the beginning of the eigth century. It may
be incidentally remarked that even from a consideration of
the advanced forms of the plate of Vinayakapala, this

1 An independent proof of the correctness of this view has now
been supplied by the date of the newly discovered Partabgar Ins. noticed
by Mr. D. R. Bhandarkar in the Indian Antiquary, Vol. 45 (1916), p. 122.

Sukthankar : Palceographic Notes 313

is a satisfactory conclusion, as the latter fits in much
better in its new place near the Suadoni1 inscriptions from
Central India, the dates of which run from A. D. 968,
than in juxtaposition with the Multai plates and the
Baijanath2 inscription. It is, however, an extremely fortu-
nate circuaistance that in this instance the palgeographic
conclusion finds a substantial corroboration from an inde-
pendent source of evidence.

But to return to the question of the earliest use of
Nagarl, it may be observed that the alteration in the
reading of the date of the places of the Pratihara grants
leaves in the main the thesis of Biihler untouched ; for,
in assigning the earliest known specimen of Nagarl to
the middle of the eigth century Biihler3 was relying
on the Samangad grant 4 of Dantidurga which purports
to be dated in the year corresponding to A. D. 754 ;
and it must be admitted that in these plates we find
not the slightest trace of the wedge formation nor of
the acute-angles, but on the other hand, the frequent
use of top-strokes ( which cover the entire breadth of
the letters) and the right angles which, as remarked
above, are so characteristic of Nagarl. Moreover, as the
reading of their date is beyond all doubt certain, the
existence of these plates is prima facie evidence in support
of Biihler's view. But on the other hand one cannot entirely
ignore the fact that these plates occupy a very isolated
position in the progressive development of Nagarl. For,
the next earliest records in which we again find anything
like Nagarl forms, belong to the beginning of the following
century, viz. the Radhanpur and Van! copper-plate grants
of the Rastrakuta Govinda III, issued in the year cor-
responding to A. D. 808 ; but it may be pointed out that in
this grant of Govinda III, the Nagarl characters are
used not exclusively as in the alleged grant of Dantidurga,

1 Biihler, op. cit., plate v, col. vn.

2 Biihler op. cit., plate v, col. I.

3 Biihler op. cit., p. 51.

4 Indian Antiquary, Vol. 11, pages 106 ff., and facsirallie 5 ; Indian
Antiquary, Vol. 6, p. 59 ; Vol. 11, p. 158.

40 IBhandarkar Cora. Vol.]

314 Sukthankar : Palcnographic Notes

but side by side with others which are distinctly acute-
angled. This distinction is worth noting : and I shall
shortly have occasion to refer to it again.

As remarked above, there can be no possibility of doubt
concerning the reading of the date of the Samangad
grant : it is given both in words and numerical figures
which tally with each other admirably. But this circum-
stance does not exclude the possibility that the plates may
not actually belong to the year to which they refer
themselves ; and, in my opinion, the date is too early by at
least a hundred years, if not more. It is true that the
space of a century often does not make an appreciable
difference in palaeographic matters. Moreover, while
tracing the minute changes in the shape of individual
letters even of co-eval documents, we are by the nature
of the circumstance forced to utilise for purposes of com-
parison alphabets from whatever locality they happen
to be preserved, which is not the most satisfactory basis of
comparison. We must further reckon with the personal
indiosyncrasies of the engraver which are mostly an
indeterminate factor. It is therefore right to add here that
the following remarks regarding the age of the Samangad
grant are made with the diffidence which the circum-
stances call for.

We shall now turn to the alphabet of this alledged
grant of Dantidurga and examine it more minutely with a
view to determine the standard of development reached by
it. From what I have just said it follows that the best
course would have been to select for comparison such
documents as belong to the same epoch and are executed
in the same part of the country. I should have preferred
therefore to cite for comparison two copper-plate charters
of the Rastrakuta king Krsnaraja I which have recently
been brought to light : the one found at Talegaon (Poona
district ) has been briefly reviewed in the Progress Report
of the Archceological Survey, Western Circle, for the year
ending March 1910 ; but the other found at Bhandak
(Chanda District, Central Provinces) has as yet received no
further publicity beyond the bare mention of its discovery.

Sukthankar: Palceographic Notes 315

It is regrettable therefore that it is not possible to re-
produce them here and make, them available for the
examination of the reader, as no description can adequately
take the place of a facsimilie. Out of the plates which
have already been edited, and which lend themselves for
use in this connection, the Daulatabad plates1 of the Ras-
trakuta Sarikaragana (dated in the Saka year 715 corres-
ponding to A. D. 793) are as suitable as any other. When
these two sets of plates are placed side by side it will be
noticed at once that there is a wide gap separating their
alphabet. The characters of the Samangad grant are far
in advance of those of the Daulatabad plates which are
executed nearly forty years later than the alleged date of
the former grant. The difference between them is now the
more difficult to explain as the advanced types of the
Dighva-Dubaull and Vinayakapala plates are no longer
available for bridging over the intervening gap.

A comparison between the alphabets of the two plates
reveals the following points of difference between them. In
place of the covering stroke of the letters gha, pa, ma, ya
and sa of the Samangad grant we have ornamental pro-
tuberences in the other plate. As regards gha it is worth
noting that an example of the tripartite open form (in
line 4, twice) of the Daulatabad plates can be seen in as
late a record as the Pehva Prasasti2 which is assigned by
Buhler himself to cir. A. D. 900. Characteristic of a later
epoch is the form of ja in the Samangad grant which ori-
ginally and even in the Multal plates (A. D. 708-9) consisted
of three nearly parallel bars connected at one end. Subse-
quent development of the letter is as follows. The lowest
bar develops a notch at its free end, and the middle in-
clines downwards. Incidentally it may be observed that
this is the form of ja in the Bhandak plate of Krsnaraja I
(A. d. 772). In the Vinayakapala plate the notch develops
into a curve, so that the lower portion of the letter forms a

1 Ed. D. R. Bhandarkar, Epigraphia Indica Vol. 9, pp. 193 ff., and
facsimilie.

% Biiuler, op. cit., Plate V, col, III,

316 Sukthankar: Palceographic Notes

double curve, while the (originally horizontal) middle bar
is all but vertical. The change is perfectly gradual, and
is, I think, a good index of the age of the document. The
ja of the Daulatabad plates marks an intermediate stage
between the two limits: the lowest bar is slightly bent
backwards, while the middle bar, though inclined down-
wards, is near its point of attachment almost horizontal.
In the Samangad plates, however, the typical ja shows
further progress in so far as the lowest bar is bent double,
while the middle bar is well on its way to become vertical.
Most noticeable and important are the characteristic acute
angles in the Daulatabad plates, as, for instance, in ma, ya,
la and sa. In the Samangad grant, on the other hand, the
acute angles have widened into right angles. Thus with
respect to the Samangad grant the Daulatabad plate of
Sankaragana will have to be looked upon as a retrograde
type. But the latter are no exception in this respect. In
fact, an examination of the hitherto published records of
the century intervening between the Samangad grant
(alleged date A. D. 754) and the Kanheri inscriptions ( cir.
A. D. 850) will prove that it is not possible to produce a
single instance of an inscription which is on the same
stage of graphic development as the plates of Dantidurga.
The alphabet of every other inscription of this period will
appear archaic or retrograde in comparison with the
Samangad grant.1

It may be at once admitted that there could be no ex-
ception taken to the circumstance that an inscription con-
tains some forms which are slightly more advanced than
those of other records of the same or even slightly later
period. In the above-mentioned grants of Govinda III, for
instance, we find side by side types with wedges and those

1 See for instance, Kielhorn, List of Inscriptions of Southern India,
Nos. 794, 808, 809, 835, 867. In these examples it will be found that the
top stroke is attached to the left vertical of the letter and does not cover
the entire breadth of it unless the vowel sign is appended to the letter,
in Which case the sign was drawn in continuation of the top stroke.
Another feature is the sporadic presence of acute angles in the letters
gha, pa, ma, ya, etc,

Biikthankar: Palceographic Notes 317

with long covering strokes, that is to say, a mixture of
acute-angled and another more advanced alphabet. While
on the other hand the Gwalior inscription1 of Bhoja, which
is roughly fifty years later in date, shows forms which are
on the whole acute-angled. This is quite natural. In the
case of the Samangad grant, however, the outstanding con-
sideration for suspecting its authenticity is the circum-
stance that it contains not merely advanced forms, but that
these are used to the entire exclusion of others which must
have been current at the epoch. The use of the advanced
forms- is not arbitrary: the regularity with which they
recur shows that they had become fixed types at the time
the document was concocted. The consideration that fur-
ther search will bring to light other records which will
supply the missing links seems to me to be a futile conso-
lation. At any rate I should say that an essential prelimi-
nary condition for re-establishing the impugned authenti-
city of this grant will be the actual discovery of a sufficient
number of dated records which will supply forms which
can bridge over the gulf between the epoch marked by, let
us say, the Multani plates and the Samangad grant. Un-
less and until evidence of this nature is forthcoming, one
might, in my opinion, legitimately doubt if the plates belong
to the epoch to which they refer themselves.

Another fact which corroborates the suspicion is the
following. It is a matter of common experience that
forged plates are generally very inaccurate as regards
their orthography. The reason for this may be that the
text which was being copied was not familiar to the exe-
cutors of the forgery. Be that as it may, if this be any
criterion, it will have to be admitted that the Samangad
grant stands the test very badly, as the text of that record
is in a lamentably corrupt condition. Dr. Fleet's transcript
does not show all the mistakes of the original ; for instance,
the very first syllable of the first verse (line 1) Dr. Fleet
reads as sa; it is as a matter of fact a clear sa. In 1. 8 the
third syllable is va; Dr. Fleet transcribes it with vi. But

1 Buhler op, cit., Plate V, col. II.

318 Sukthankar: Palceographic Notes

there are worse blunders than these in the text. The half
verse beginning with nitavadhe etc. (1. 17) has been muti-
lated beyond recognition1 as a comparison with the Bhan-
dak grant of Krsnaraja will prove. But the most signi-
ficant blunder is the one in the verse beginning with S?*i-
madyuva (1. 16). The first quarter of this verse must in the
original have read something like Srimad-Bhuvagana nama.
The forger having misread the ligature dbhu as dyu, must
have added eonjecturally ti after va so as to comply the
word yuvati and then, in order to adjust the number of
syllabic instants of the quarter, proceeded to convert the
final ma into an anusvara. In doing so, however, he ob-
literated completely the word Bhavagana, the name of the
queen, a word which the writer probably did not know at
all. Significant is also the fact that the Samangad grant
is the only early Rastrakiata grant so far discovered in
which verses Sabhruvibhanga etc., and Kanclsa etc. (11. 23
ff.) occur in this order; elsewhere the latter preceeds the
former. It is unnecessary however to labour the point any
further.

Lastly, I should like to call attention to the use of
decimal figures in expressing the date of the Samangad
grant. Is this an anachronism ? That is no doubt a diffi-
cult question to answer. The Samangad grant is certainly
no longer the earliest known specimen in which the deci-
mal notation comes into use, as remarked by Dr. Fleet
thirty-four years ago. But it would be, if genuine, still
one of the few inscriptions of a date earlier than the ninth

1 Indian Antiquary, Vol. 11, p. 112 ff. —

Samangad (Dr. Fleet's transcript) —
Nitavadhe^ the)mivasesajagatah palitayati[h*] 1. Dr. Fleet does not
translate the dubious riitavadhemiva ; the rest he renders with : ' who
protected the expanse of the whole world.'

Bhandak plates (verse 12) —
Nltavarthamivasesajanataprarthitayati[h*] 1. Translation: '(From her
he obtained a son) like unto material well-being: (artha) from (i.e. as
a result of) righteous conduct (niti), (a son who was at it were) the
future (prosperity) prayed for by the whole of mankind.'

Sukthcmkar: Palceographic Notes 319

century in which decimal notation is used.1 As far as the
grants of the successors of Dantidurga are concerned, it
may be noted that in both the (unpublished) records of
Krsna I, the Alas plates2 (A.D. 770) of Yuvaraja Govinda II,
and all the plates of Govinda III upto the Saka year 735
( i. e. A. D. 813 ) and the majority of his other records,3 the
date is given merely in words. A noteworthy exception is
a record of the Rastrakuta Kakkaraja of Gujarat of the
year A. D. 757 where the date is expressed both in words
and numerical figures. But in this instance the symbols
which are employed, be it remembered, are not decimal as
in the Samangad grant, but letter-numerals. But with
reference to the use of the decimal notation I may add
that in view of the mode of dating of the Gurjara inscrip-
tion4 of the Kalacuri year 346 ( A. D. 594 ), of the Valabhi
inscription5 of the Gupta year 365 (?) (i. e. A. D. 685?) and
some others, one might surmise that the Gurjaras and per-
haps their neighbours in Gujarat had adopted the more
advanced system of decimal notation much earlier than
their contemporaries further south. We know however so
little definite about the early use of this notation in India
that it would be unwise to enunciate a solution which
happens to suit a particular case. I leave it therefore
here as an open question whether we can legimately
assume the prevalence of the use of decimal notation in
the heart of the Southern Maratha country as early as the
eighth century, especially in epigraphic records which
admittedly affected a certain amount of archaism. Worth
noting however is the fact that even to Biihler the forms
of the numerals in the Samangad grant appeared to be
'strongly modified cursive forms.'0 But here again we are
on shaky ground for want of sufficient material on which
to base a definite conclusion.

1 Biihler, op. cit.

2 Ed. D. R. Bhandarkar, Epigraphia Indica, Vol. 6, p. 209 and plates.

3 See Kielhorn, List of the Inscriptions of Southern India.

4 Ed. Dhruva, Epigraphia Indica, Vol. 2, pp. 19 ff., and plate,

5 Journal of the Bengal As. Soc, Vol. 7, p. 968.

6 Biihler, op. cit.

320 Sukthankar: Palceographic tfotes

In this connection, one is irresistibly reminded of the
Dhiniki plate1 of Jaikadeva of Saurastra bearing the date
V. [79J4 corresponding to A. D. [73]7. In this instance also,
the numerals expressing the date are decimal and the
alphabet is a well developed form of Nagari. The details
of the date, however, leave (in the concurring judgment of
Kielhorn and Dr. Fleet) no doubt as to its being a forgery.2
It is unfortunate, therefore, that the details of the date of
the Samangad grant are not capable of verification.

Taking all things into consideration, the balance of
evidence points, in my opinion, strongly to the conclusion
expressed above, viz. that the Samangad grant is spurious.
This conclusion, if granted, would have the immediate
result of taking the epoch of the use of Nagari in epi-
graphic documents backward by at least a hundred years.
For, as remarked above, if we leave out of consideration
the Samangad grant, the next earliest inscriptions which
are written throughout in Nagari are the Kanheri inscrip-
tions of the Silahara princes Pullasakti and Kapardin II.
These nearly co-eval inscriptions exhibit the regular use of
top-strokes covering the entire breadth of the letters as
well as rectangles ( as opposed to the wedges and acute
angles ) in gha ( Biihler's Palaeographic tables, plate V,
col. V; 13), pa (col. V; 30), ya (col. V; 35), sa (col. V ; 40 )
and sa ( col. V ; 41 ). The Radhanpur and Vani plates of
Govinda III. which contain a mixture of both the acute-
angled and transition types appear now in a different
light. They do not represent a retrograde movement but
a progressive one. Preceding as they do by about fifty
years the earliest known inscriptions in which Nagari
forms are exclusively employed, they represent a true
transition stage.

As the outcome of the analysis here undertaken, we
arrive at the following conclusion. The very earliest dated
inscriptions hitherto known, which are written throughout
in Nagari characters are the inscriptions (cir. A. D. 850) of

1 Indian Antiquary, Vol. 12, p. 155 and plate.

2 See references under Kielhorn, List of the Inscriptions of Northern
India, No. 8.

Sukthankar: Palceographic Notes 321

the Silahara princes, from the Kanheri] Caves in Western
India. These show (i) the top-stroke covering the entire
breadth of the letter, and (ii) rectangular corners. Transi-
tion stages leading upto these forms have been already
discussed. In these the top stroke never covers the entire
breadth of the letters, while some characters retain their
former acute angles; the form of ja is also a significant
index. The subsequent course of the development of
Nagari in Western India can be traced with the help of
the below-noted inscriptions of the Rastrakutas of Malkhed
and Lata belonging to the period cir. A. D. 850-950. A
minute examination of these records will also provide
further support to the inference that the Kanheri inscrip-
tions should be placed at the middle point of the evolution
of the Nagari out of the acute-angled alphabet. Following
are the inscriptions above referred to :

1. Kielhorn's Southern List No. 77, Saka 789 (A. D.
867). The Bagumra plates of the MahasamantadhipatiDhru-
varaja II — Dharavarsa-Nirupama of Gujarat — regarding
the alphabet of which Buhler remarks ( hid. Ant. Vol. 12,
p. 181) that the letters resemble those of the Samangad
plates.

2. Ibid No. 81, Saka 810 (A. D. 888). The Bagumra
plate of the feudatory Rastrakuta Krsnaraja Akalavarsa
of Gujarat. In this instance the top-stroke covers the
entire breadth of the letter, and rectangular corners are
prominent.

3. Ibid Nos. 86-87, Saka 836 (A. D. 914). The Bagumra
plates of the Rastrakuta Maharajadhiraja Indra III. Here
the development of Nagari along the two main lines indi-
cated above is completed.

4. Ibid No. 91, Saka 852 (A. D. 930). The Cambay
plates of the Rastrakuta Maharajadhiraja Govinda IV.
This superbly engraved record may be looked upon as a
standard to which the Nagari of the tenth century was
tending.

5. Ibid No. 92, Saka 855 (A. D. 933). The Sangli plates
of the Rastrakuta Maharajadhiraja Govinda IV the cha-

41 (Bhandarkar Com. Vol.]

322 Sukthankar: Palceographic Notes

racters of which are of the same type as the Bagumra
inscriptions of Indra III.

6. Ibid No. 94, Saka 867 ( A. D. 945 ). The Salotgi
(Bijapur District) pillar inscription of the reign of the
Rastrakuta Krsna III, Akalavarsa. The forms are perhaps
somewhat more archaic than those of the plates mentioned
above.

Additional reference will be found in Biihler's Indische
Palaeographie, p. 51.

So much for the earliest use of Nagari in Western
India. Regarding its use in Northern India, I should like
to add the following observation which arises directly out
of a fact noted above. Biihler's mislection of the date of
the Vinayakapala plate, as we have seen, led him into an
error regarding the period at which this alphabet became
an epigraphic alphabet in Northern India. Having thus
erroneously dated this instance of the use of Nagari in
A. D. 794-5 he found that the succeeding, that is the ninth,
century was practically bare of Nagari inscriptions, and
had to admit that it was not till the middle of the tenth
century that this alphabet comes again into general use
in that part of India. Biihler was, I think, substantially
right in saying that in Northern and Central India the
Nagari appears first in the copper-plate grant of Vinayaka-
pala, but that event has to be dated in A. D. 931. It remains
to determine the transitional stages during the latter part
of the ninth and beginning of the tenth century ; but it
would appear as if there are no Nagari inscriptions belong-
ing to the eighth or even the early part of the ninth cen-
tury from Northern India.

Grammar and Philology

BHAGVADGITA PROM GRAMMATICAL AND
LITERARY POINTS OP VIEW

BY V. K. RAJWADE

A claim is sometimes made for the Bhagvadglta that, be-
sides being a philosophical or rather ethical work, it
is one of the best poems of the world. I intend to subject
this claim to criticism in this paper and find out how far
it can be sustained.

Mammata who is the highest authority on Sanskrit
poetics defines poetry as a conglomerate of words and
sense free from faults, possessed of distinctive qualities and
containing figures of speech. Jagannatha who is the next
best authority on the same subject improves on this defi-
nition as he subordinates sense to expression. Poetry
according to him is word or expression conveying charm-
ing sense. European writers also attach the same import-
ance to style. One of them (Puttenham) calls it the image
of man, for 'man is but his mind, and as his mind is tempered
and qualified, so are his speeches and language at large.'
Dryden says : ' In poetry the expression is that which
charms the reader and beautifies the design.' Coleridge's
definition of good prose is — proper words in their proper
places — and of good verse — the most proper words in their
proper places. 'The words in prose ought to express the
intended meaning and no more ; if they attract attention
to themselves, it is, in general, a fault. But in verse the
words, the media, must be beautiful and ought to attract
notice.' Wordsworth says : ' It is unphilosophic to call
language or diction the dress of thoughts ; I would call
it the incarnation of thoughts.' De Quincey, commenting
on this, remarks : ' If language were merely a dress, then
you could separate the two. But you can no more deal
thus with poetic diction than you can with soul and body.
The union is too subtle, the intertexture too ineffable —
each co-existing not merely with the other, but each in
and through the other,'

326 Rajwade : Grammar of the OitU

Mr. Hudson Maxim, who has criticised current defini-
tions of :poetry, says : ' Poetry obeys the law of conserva-
tion of energy. By poetry a thought is presented with the
utmost economy of word-symbols.' He approvingly quotes
Herbert Spencer's statement: 'As language is the vehicle
of thought, there seems reason to think that in all cases
the friction and inertia of the vehicle deduct from its effi-
ciency, and that in composition the chief, if not the sole
thing to be done is to reduce this friction and inertia to
the smallest possible amount. Economy of the recipient's
attention is the secret of effect, alike in the right choice
and collocation of words, in the best arrangement of
clauses in a sentence, in the proper order of its principal
and subordinate propositions, in the judicious use of
simile, metaphor, and other figures of speech, and even in
the rhythmical sequence of syllables.' 'But,' says Mr.
Maxim, 'language is not merely a vehicle of thought ; it
is also an instrument for the conversion of energy into
pleasurable emotions. Considered as a vehicle of thought,
that language is best which utilises, with the greatest
economy, the maximum of energy of both hearer and
speaker in the production of pleasurable emotions as con-
comitants of the thought conveyed.' Anything that in-
creases the friction and inertia of the vehicle — every fault
of grammar and diction for instance — causes a waste of
the recipient's energy and thus lessens the pleasurable
emotion. Mammata mentions all such faults in the
seventh section of the Kavyaprakasa and gives illustra-
tive examples.

All writers — poets included — should scrupulously avoid
faults of grammar. In Sanskrit gsj, ^, ^, ^ (1st and 4th
conj.), ^, ^rr with 3T3, f^ with ft, and c&^are Atmanepada,
and 3if^, 3^, f%^and ^are Parasmaipada ; but in the Gita
they are almost always used in the wrong pada. f^with
33js once (v. 20) used in the Parasmaipapa. fw%Rf% (xii. 8)
ought to be Pm<^mRi. jfT |J^: (xvi. 5) means 'do not be pure.'
As the sense is ' do not be sad,' it ought to be *rr ^R: or tjt
W%:- 5RTl%^H (iii- 10) is quite unaccountable. 5fRTf%«N is
conditional. There is no warrant for using this mood with

Hajwade : Grammar of the Gita 327

?TT and dropping the 3T, for w is used before the aorist (iTTfe
§^) and the imperfect (wtrft S5f ==f ) only. Besides there is
not even the w here. In qrp #qrjcTt (x. 29) the correct form is
*H^$dl". It is difficult to say whether 1? srctfcf (xi. 41) is an
instance of wrong sandhi or wrong vocative, whether the
author thought W3 to be the vocative singular of ^T% like
^ or whether he dropped the ^ of ^ after ^ for the sake
of the metre. The latter conjecture is probably the right one,
for we have ftffl' liNl^l^i (xi. 44) where there is a double
sandhi viz. f&rT3n-:+3Tf1% - f&TRTT 3$% = fiU|Wjl$?l. We have
also 5T33f: + 3T^ = ^T^I 3Tf in xi- 48 and 54. Sandhi is neglected
in w^R 3T^r &4 (xii. 8). *Rtffaf (x. 24) ought to be $RFZ(\. It
is doubtful whether sfi^'Jir- in sUfluil^T %^T^ (xvii. 23) refers
to the caste or to the Brahmana portions of the Vedas. In
the latter case it ought to be sfl^'JliPl. If it be the caste,
there is no reason why it should precede the Vedas and
sacrifices. That objection would not arise against the
second interpretation, as the Brahmanas are part and
parcel of the Vedas.

Sflfwp MN*TW(iv. 36) and?TdWI&W*Tm: (xviii. 69) are wrong
cases as al s o rrei% 4) J I AtW I : (xii.l). *?W-0§ MN£rW:, 5T d^HlTcM^T-
f^tr- and ^faf % ^if^TKi: are the right expressions. In the last
only two kinds of persons are compared. There is no autho-
rity for the dative in w$ cf yfd^il^ (xviii. 65), for it does not
fall under JMI^wjf WT» zfcm f^Tg: (vi. 44) and snfer st^TRt:
(ix. 3) ought to be $m %n§- and sjif or s$ 3T%^rRT: and JT^%5
eTf5^nFTi% (xviii. 68) should be JT&xhl^ or ?i5^wr: BTf^TT^rfrT.
The verb ^governs the accusative while the particle JfTft^
governs the dative. *\Qq§ s^h^nf^^ ?pfcrjxi. 37) is wrong.
In TOrt^Rt^I f^TT iiwQMgR'' (x. 16) and ^T ^ ?B*rfqraTfa f^IT
fTWl^W- (x. 19) f^iq: should be f^fr:. ^ ?p ( x. 1 etc. )
and $r £Rfa (xviii. 13) seem to be influenced by Prakrit ex-
pressions. tT^^Pi (vi. 39) and ^ *j^M(xi. 41) may be mis-
readings. In 5if^: ftvJWl'JilPietc. (iii. 27) WI% seems to be the
object of w which however is a noun; ^frfqf must be ^afrlt
$3? in iv. 24, «kh?|Q| in v. 10, 5^r in viii. 8, and w in ix. 14 and
22 and in xii. 6 have to be construed twice. This fault
reeurs in a few other places also.

328 ttajwade : Gramrhar of the Gltd

In ^ f| iWlft JWI^^T^ (ii- 8), ^q^l< should be 3^3^,
because no benedictive is wanted here. In v. 21 and xv. 3
and 4 there is nothing to connect the two halves of the
stanzas. Tha Atmanepada in i. 1 ( 5T^T ), iii. 12 (^Prf), iii.
21 and iv. 37 (ifScf), and ix. 27 (jf^r), and the Parasmaipada
in xvi. 15 (^Twft) are meaningless, as also the future forms
in ii. 52 (jtrttrt) and in xviii. 69 (*r%TT).

There are many instances of clumsy or intricate con-
structions. Some typical ones are the following —
3T9TT^ 3 fqT%2T 2f cTTf^te f^MU I

How are we to construe ^Tq^T Jffl%^TFT ? It cannot be 3TW^
%^f^ % faRlSr ?n^T:, because Jffl shall have to be neglected
and also because it would be a far-fetched construction.
A way out of the difficulty would be to understand ^ before
?TFTc&t: in the second line. Similarly %ffcn *Tj[ ^g5q*ji^j^*rfljpj%
( i. 22) stands disconnected. There is nothing to connect it
with the preceding half or the succeeding stanza. The
queerest stanza is ii. 67 — ■

^&s %0 sf^j c|i^c((flcjn-*n% ii

For an intelligible construction we have to alter the
forms of words as well as to supply certain links.1 qt ^
MW^jJ SP (iii- 42) = 2T^ 5%: q^: ^: is incomplete; W- really
is unnecessary, for the construction can be 3%: '-Kd^ W (sTTcJTt).
ejaHt 3lfa zfapV ( iv- 1 ) really means ^ f| M\4?M. In v. 21 —

TRQii requires for its correlative ^g®. The construction
should be ^lfltH$»Khhlc*ll zm&l ajcg^ f¥%$\ dc^W^M dW sT^-
^l^ThlcflT 3Ta^; *T: has no place in this sentence.2 In xi. 27
and 28 f^lf^T has two objects, viz. r^t and q^fTf^r. In ii. 35 —

1 T?T (T^) TT= ^TfnT jfiprrffi (^W Cf^JWt) 3T3fT<T% (3^1-^W'd) rf^T
( understood ) rnj; 3TW ^t STfcT.

2 Equally clumsy or intricate are viii. 2, 9 and 10, x. 39 second half,
and xviii. 66.

Bajwade : Grammar of the Gtta 329

we have a tough construction, for afaf is a stumbling
block. If sfaf be altered to ^?f the difficulty may be got
over. In % % mivFH VfT^T <M*il^lW$* ^ I *frT T^fcf rm%l etc.
(vii. 12) <TT^ should be cT, which should be placed somewhere
before f%. In (vii. 21) —

there is nothing corresponding to qf zri 3»j. We expect 3FH
cft3T ^f ; cfl%°T must be omitted. The Stanza f^wMlM^
(xi. 11) is intended to be construed with xi. 9 and 10 but
cannot be so constructed, for all the adjectives qualify ^
which has no syntactical connection with ^f^RTRT or ^t^t.
Three constructions seem to be mixed up in xviii. 21
S^J^R 5 qsUR etc. ?m$R 2*J3#J facl%) tf3frH ij*l$ fqfe; or ^f^fR
*I% ^ iTRmr^T^ftT cT^etc. ; or ^FifTR ^T^T^^fr,=r<^^% cR!
etc. The worst example is perhaps xviii. 50 — %§ 5n$T W 3U
cf*roftlcf f*H&t ^ where ^rratfcT is misplaced. It should have
beed faf^ sn^T W sfWRtftt tf«TT *r ftsfta. It violates the rule
that the words of one sentence ought not to be mixed up
with those of another.

The components of certain compounds have been mis-
placed as those of 3Hc&l<£f ( = SF&karr xi. 17), ^^*44>^4i ( = 3s|-
4/c^^HM^i ii. 43, where *44><A or sfjj may be omitted), %5tf*T-

«i$^im ( =§*iiiW^5Itr: vi. 11 ), 'ch^m*k ( =jtr"<^r^ xvi. 17),

and f^f^T^TTg*4 (=3T^R^"l<ydl^ xi. 30, to suit the other
adjectives). Compounds like ^4M'i|(ix. 27), f^^F^T^^R (xi.ll),
s^jyVtel (^ vi. 28 ) are bad and cannot be regularly dis-
solved. It is hard to say whether ^iTjfi^ (xvi- 8) and 3f|c££
(xviii-22) are compounds or Taddhits; in either case there is
no rule to explain them. The suffix 3^ can be used only in
three cases, viz. <fa <$$ fen %fc|:, W% 3&^ and c^j. None of
these sutras is applicable in f^e^r (xviii. 22) and in a^sf^
( xviii. 31 ). The third case may explain sn^qr^ if wis
used for zfW^, i. e. as a noun. 3jcTTc5fT^T^(xii. .11) and 3RTT%T^
(xiii- 12) are considered wrong, for the rule is that ^ etc-
should not be added where • a Bahuviihi compound can
give the intended meaning ( ^ ^^^■^tffat sfgsftit^TvT^-
5r£fa%R:); ^RTW and 3ffiTf^ are quite significant: at least
^Idl-HI is, while a^rf^ might be the negative ofsrrfWi:-

42 [ Bhandarkar Com. Vol]

330 Bajwade : Grammar of the" Glta

<flfc^?fl (xviii. 28) is in the same category. Araara"gives <£)*i^l
which is correct by the above rule.

Mammata insists on the use of proper correlatives,
but the Glta uses cTFT for 3T^T and vice versa, q^r for cT^T, t*wj:
for ^wj:, tj^ for ^, and cRf: for cT^T. Sometimes wrong
words are used, as for instance f^&sq for 3rQ^r, and ^r%T for
3fg?T (i. 47), sftrr: for #$Tf*P ( v- 5 ), gsr for gcT ( v. 25 ), ^RFI for
*W or y£{(iq and **M for ^HT (xv. 9), zt+m^ for 3TV2H3 (xvii. 15),
JFft%rf for iT^WMt (xviii. 5), w*m for w*Fl (xiii. 11), Si^w for
Sg% (i. 25). 3T^T *€^t: ( x. 18 ), t^ |l^%^ (xvi. 22) and
^*tf*i ^HTfcf (xiv. 6) are instances of careless Sanskrit, while
STqi^qt tfzfc (xvii. 22) is unidiomatic.

The Glta offends against economy of words most
egregiously by interspersing expletives like =3, xt^, 3rfa, g,
f|, 3cT, f and other meaningless single words plentifully,
and by using expressions that in no way add to or empha-
size the meaning. For instance tt^ is used about eighty
times when no restriction or certainty is intended. In S5fa-
W^'erfa tfM#J<«b^^ (iii- 20) we have both \t^ and 3jfq, which,
if not used as expletives, would contradict each other. By
^ Arjuna would be compelled to look to the preservation of
society alone but by aril he would have an additional motive
for his activity. Like Janaka he would secure salvation
and like Krsna he would preserve society by action.
One of these two must be omitted. Again jj when
not expletive signifies distinction. It is doubtful if it has
any meaning in 3*pfafa '€£fSdWH^iWTcK$lfa: (ii.16) and in 3rf%-
•ff% 3 dfefe (ii.17). In the first case 3 leads one to expect a
distinction between the two lines as though the author
wanted to differentiate the philosophical view from the
popular view, but as current or traditional explanations go
no such differentiation can be discovered. In the second
case 3 again raises the same expectation but does not satis-
fy it* Similarly 3fftj in the first case seems to say — whereas
according to popular view only one thing has an end (3TcT),
according to philosophers both have an end. But the
whole point of arfo and 3 is lost when sfcT is made to mean
fasPT or real nature.

Rajwade : Grammar of the Gita 331

Sometimes t^ and =3 are repeated to fill up gaps, f^,
8T(cJR.and 3^RI in their various forms ^5I:, 3T&RT: and gq^j
are also made to serve the same purpose. We have in
one and the same sentence ^k and 3T%c5 ( iv. 33 ), ^RTct
and t^rt: (viii. 14), -w^dl and w&q (xi. 35), g^: and yg:
( xi. 39 ), 3^5 and vra (xii. 3), and gsR^r twice (ii. 9).Ingg/^j-
5rr|^Rf^^^5iT|^[ (vi. 9) we have three pairs, the components
of each having the same meaning. The m ^ic^HMdl m\\&n-
*W$q4 of vii. 24 is altered to T* vrr^RR^t *w i^w^ ( ix. 11 ),
but one fails to see the necessity of the alteration; moreover
jfjFqf&R is hard to construe and interpret. It is simply a
stop-gap or a filler. Sometimes these fillers spoil the
sense as in STr^TT^^T SRTft =3 as though riches were dearer
to the warriors than life, or in 3n^5lMi:Jci»1---*l^^,J|M^ =q (iii
39) as though fire would envelop but not burn knowledge, or
in ^ft gfcT "bdl^lcHR %^ 3 ^P (xviii.16) where %q?5 qualifying
3TRJIR would make the 3TTc*F^an agent in company with cer-
tain other factors, whereas the Gita says emphatically
5TR4 gftwr- ?ftti ( xiv. 19 ) and w- q^rfrT 5WlcHH^+dK (xiii. 29).
Again one of the constituents of ^ w^ ' divine or blessed
character ' is said to be HlfcWlftdl (xvi. 3 ). Did the writer
approve of some portion of pride but not of over much ?
It is clearly opposed to swrf^T in xiii. 7.

Another source for filling out is a host of vocatives
such as $tff«fc|, 3^r%3T, ^FT^WSrT, 3^T, q^T7, 4j£Ml£l, VRJ3, *RcT-
<t*T, ^, #fcr, 5T#T, ^R, 3tf^rf, 5^7, $WkW, $Wfft, 3^-
*nf^, ^£Tf *TC, and of epithets like «n&ri<, JR^, tfftffcM^,
q^ejHT; at times a stanza has two or even three vocatives
as for instance *^T*TT3«T »j$ftT^^ M*w"<\ x. 15 which is simply
a string of such expletives. In xvi. 19 the plural iwity
and in iv. 26 #wfrg serve apparently the same purpose of
filling out.

Prepositions are still another source: 5T and tf seem
to be prominently the favourites of the author who uses
each of them some fifty times1 without adding to or alter-
ing the sense of the verbal forms, though that is the object

1 No references are here given everywhere as the forms could easily
be located from the valuable word- index to the Gita supplied at the end
of the Anandashram edition ( No, 34 ),

Fajwade : Grammar of the

generally served by prepositions. Thus sr prefixed to ^TJ^*,
Wm, j^ffa, q^%,F>%, s?TTqrT, ^Hlfd,fr<Tr^,ftqrT:,f<^, and &&&;

-*t to sfrr;, ^rrq%, z&w-^fa, 3rrq^, 3Trc*r, ctf^rfo srtfidiM, g^, ?^,

Sgcft, 5RrrTTR, 3Trfr^T, ^TT and 333 ;— qf* to 5pn%, ^ft, sptfdM,
3MWr|, W-4d, ftdJ-J<, cqFT, and sTTrTT; — 3T^ to q^TTW, *T«FT, farWK,
WR, 55H, «iddlM, and $m;— 3TTO to 3Tf^FT, 3TT£FT:, Sc^TR, --iMIM,
SJfrf, f?RRt,3Tf^F, 3^, and *?T;— f% to ^Rf, RWT, J^TR, g*r, ?T^T%,
ST^RT, 3T9rT, ^ri|5P, and ^J?T; — and R to 5?c3T, sp-^m, T^JRT, and sfcr-
do not bring out any special sense. STRR is similarly
used with the prefixes 3TTO, 3q and *i. Sometimes two pre-
positions are prefixed superfluously, as for instance f% and
srfcT to rrf^rfri (ii. 52) and R and m to srmTR (ix. 32). srcJren" is
the same as qfcqT, WWJ as q^, ^rrr^S as ^f , and *uji^«kl is <y^*d.
Sometimes wrong prepositions are used, as qft for 3TT in
qf^ra^ ( xvii. 13 ), sq for 3R in 3T<TR^ ( vii. 16 ), sr for 3?r in
SRT^T (xvi. 16) and $ for r in mwvi (vi. 40). si^ftqj ( xi. 32 )
is the opposite of and not the same as 3RRJ. jJM^I^f ( xi- 17 )
should be <?^f. Similarly t^ is without R in vi. 35, ^d
without 51 in xvii. 26 and fsRT. without 3jr in ix. 12. A com-
plete list would be four times as large.

Though so lavish of expletives, the Gita does not seem
to mind lacunae. 5npTcT: is wanted after ??fr%dt ( i. 25), arfq
after 3flddlKM: (i. 36), <=R to correspond to 3R in ii. 8, f^ after
?3"%R (ii. 32), ^T in ii. 58, 3rfq after 3F^ (iii. 9), and also
after either R*FT or -y«jiydld (iii. 35), .3JR before sttir: (vi.
16), ^r after fsTCRT- and W&T3 before gtf ( xi. 44 ), ^' before
r*r( xviii. 8 ), and tT*q after srwjf^ld ( xviii. 67 ). In xi.
28 some such words as Sfssf is required to qualify *rg?,
which would thus come into line with qwffi which is
qualified by 3TT^I4vj<=Mld.

We should expect the Gita to be honey-combed with
purple passages, if it were a poem and a poem worthy of
being placed in the highest class of poetry. A philosophi-
cal poem is a misnomer if the philosophy is not allegoriz-
ed. The Gita has not the slightest pretention to allegory.
Its aim is to convince by argument and not to visualize,
except in one place. The appeal almost everywhere is
to reason and when it occasionally does appeal to emotion,
it does so, because emotion on those occasions cannot be

Rajwade : Grammar of the Oltu 333

divorced from reason. The immortality of the soul is a
theme where reason alone would be impotent but for its
ally, viz. emotion. Here it must be acknowledged that
emotion is the highest kind of reason. Other such pas-
sages are ii. 55-59 about the TPTTOST, iii. 17-18 about the
BflrMtf.H, v. 14-20 about the $rt. Lower in scale are i.
28-46 where Arjuna is overwhelmed with grief, ii. 45-53
about WTW*, vi. 18-23 about 3T$rr, vi. 39-40 about §TH, v.
8-13 about action being due to indriyas, vi. 29-32 where
the Yogin sees Brahma everywhere, ix. 22-34 about the
true devotee, xii. 12-19 and xiv. 23-26 about the ffRT, and
xvi. 4-26 where the two kinds of mental endowment,
divine and diabolical, are spoken of. Still lower in scale
are ii. 39-44 about the unified and diversified wills, iii. 20-24
where the enlightened perform acts for the preservation of
society, and vi. 14-19 where the true Yogin is defined. None
of these passages is pure gold, most of them being tarnish-
ed more or less by defects. All the poetic passages taken
together number two and fifty lines at the most, the rest
baing mere versified prose.

If there is one subject that is more amenable to poetic
treatment than any other, it is the greatness of the soul.
It is capable of putting the mind into the highest divine
afflatus and demands vast knowledge and operation of all
the faculties. The passages we have referred to above are
too meagre and the artist would feel happy if he were
given larger elbow-room such as he would find in chapters
x. and xi. Everything that is great in the universe be-
ing an incarnation or manifestation of the deity ; and the
divine vision or revelation : these are subjects that would
delight, inspire and exercise any poetic genius. The way
in which an artist deals with these topics would show his
mettle. Even Kalidasa, Bhavabhuti, Bana, Shakespere,
Milton, Shelley would have been on their trial and yet
there is not the slighest doubt that they would have acquit-
ted themselves worthily, endoweded as they were with an
inexhaustible store of images and a faculty that knew how
to work on those images. They would have given a life-
like description and produced an immortal picture, the

334 Eajwade : Grammar of the Olta

main charactestic of which would have been unity in the
midst of vastness. The question before us is whether the
author of the Glta has brought together the best possible
images, whether he has marshalled them in due order and
whether he leaves on our mind an effect of unity and vast-
ness.

Towards the end of chapter x, the Bhagavan says that he
has mentioned only illustrative examples of his greatness,
that in fact everything that is grand, or splendid or power-
ful is a portion of his light. Yet there are things in this
chapter that possess none of these qualities. Some no
doubt are grand, as the Himalayas, the ocean and the Gan-
ges ; some splendid as the sun and the moon ; and some
powerful, as the wind, the fire, the lion, the eagle and the
crocodile. A few of these again may have two characteris-
tics or even all the three, as for instance kings and such
mythical beings as Indra, Kubera, Prahlada, Airavata and
Uccaisravas. But by which of these qualities shall we
characterize the Sama-veda, the Brhatsama, Brhaspati,
Bhrgu, and Narada ? These are simply the best of their
class. The letter 3T, the Dvandva compound, and the
month Margaslrsa happen to be the first though not neces-
sarily the best of their series. Again ?£trt, sft, etc. are con-
sidered best among women because they happen to be fe-
minine in speech. But the heroines and noble ladies of
our epics — a mere utterance of whose names soon after
waking in early morning is deemed auspicious — Sita,
Tara, Anasuya, Mandodarl, Savitrl, DamayantI and Tara-
matl of blessed memory, UrvasI, Rambha and Sakuntala
unsurpassed in beauty, Sarasvati the goddess of speech :
these have been forgotten; so also are Rama the ideal
hero, son and husband, Hanuman celebrated for devoted
self-sacrificing service, Ravana notorious for undying
hatred of Rama, Laksmana the type of devoted brother-
hood, Hariscandra true to his word, Dharma, conscience
incarnate, and Nala. The Architect and the Physicions of
the gods are conspicuous by their absence. If the Asvat-
tha is the best of trees, Soma is the best of creepers. But
the latter has been passed over. Instead of these we have

Rajwade : Grammar of the Gita

^ and 3ffi which are mere acts, %s and ffrfcf which are
means, %tWa common characteristic of creatures, etc. What
sort of greatness do these possess and what sort of pride or
pleasure can Krsna or for that matter any one feel in
calling himself 'gambling' which is simply a civilized form
of filching? It is rather strange that Krsna, Arjuna and
Vyasa who are so intimately connected with the story of
the Mahabharata and Gita should be mentioned as the
best of their clan, family or class. Can they be so de-
tached from self, so impartial as to look upon themselves
in that light ?

A few things have been dragged in for mere
alliteration as q^?f: q^Tf, ^R5: *^di and £|T^: iW^di. It is
this love of alliteration that has betrayed the author into a
solecism like *m: mH<\\ where 3RRcTt should be ^p^tt
This correct form would read as well, but then the meritri-
cious ornament would be missed. The writer cannot forget
his own trade; like a pedant he must bring in the alphabet
and grammar, which last is of a seamy character as we
have seen above. No one can trace the source of his state-
ment that the Dvandva is the first of compounds. In a
description of divine greatness one expects order and pro-
gressiveness, the absence of which is felt everywhere. The
Vedas, the gods, the senses and animate creatures are spo-
ken of in stanza 22, trees and divine sages in 26, weapons,
cows, lust and snakes in 28, demons and calculators in 30,
purifiers, warriors, aquatic creatures and rivers in 31,
letters, compounds, eternity and the creator in 33, death
and such pretty damsels as fame, wealth, speech in 34 :
Many would be amazed at finding themselves in such
queer company. Cows, how soever tolerant, would
not put up with the society of snakes. Order there is
none. Any quarter, any half, any couplet may be placed
anywhere, the writer's chief anxiety being how to com-
plete the couplet. Great things and small have been sim-
ply huddled up.

To illustrate greatness the author starts with the all
pervasive soul and the statement 'I am the beginning, the
end and the middle of creatures' (x. 20, which is repeated in

336 Rajivade : Grammar of the Olta

32 with the substitution of creations for creatures'). This
must lead to an anti-climax if there be any order. To
leave an abiding, clear impression small things should have
been stated first, and these should have led up gradually to
great and greater things till the whole enumeration culmi-
nated in the description of the universal soul. The author
should have followed some logical method. As it is, it is
nothing but a miserable welter. It is a small objection to
say that half the things mentioned are fabulous.

The description of divine greatness in chapter x fills
Arjuna with an ardent desire to visualize that greatness.
Yet very few things mentioned in that chapter are seen in
the universal vision. No particular gods are referred to
except Brahma who is seated in the lotus and the Asvins.
Poor Rsis jostle in company with serpents. The splen-
dour of the vision would be equalled if a thousand suns
shone simultaneously in the sky. In this transcendental
blaze Arjuna sees innumerable arms, legs, bellies, mouths,
jaws, and eyes, and into the cavernous mouths warriors
on either side rushing and encountering death like moths
rushing into burning fire. .The vision occupies all inter-
space between earth and sky and all the directions and
yet curiously wears a crown and carries in hand the mace
and the disc like the ordinary Krsna, and like him too is
clad in resplendent garments, decked with garlands and
annointed with scented pigments. This gay image is abso-
lutely incongrous with the monstrous many-armed, many-
legged, many-mouthed, many-jawed, and many-bellied
apparition which terrifies Arjuna and the three worlds.
With strange forgetfulness Arjuna desires to see , Krsna
with the traditional crown and the other fixtures in stanza
46. Are we to suppose that it was a moving picture as in
a cinematograph wherein Krsna appeared now gay and
now frightful ? It is a pity that with his endowment of a
divine sight Arjuna saw only arms, legs etc. and gods demi-
gods, sages and demons all agog with terror. Even a mo-
dern writer like the author of the Vyankatesa-stotra could
imagine countless worlds penetrating space. Even Milton
could think of worlds on worlds revolving. In spite of

Rajwade : Grammar of the Gita 337

stellar systems by far greater than the one with which we
are familiar, planets other than the earth, Saturn with its
rings, comets with tails and the golden galaxy, the uni-
verse of Arjuna was narrowed down to three worlds. What
are countless arms and other physical appendages in com-
parison with these marvels or even with such earthly phe-
nomena as mountains, volcanoes and oceans ? Could the
mutability and perishableness of the universe have been
less impressive, had these grander images been pressed into
service ? Arjuna could have seen worlds resolving into
nebula and new worlds forming out of it. His attention
is however confined to the traditional three worlds and
their contents, to the sun and the moon, to the mythical
gods, demigods and giants, to sages and serpents. He is
struck dumb at this insignificant vision and bows in front,
behind (?), and on all sides (?), and repeats his bows a
thousand times and again and again. Throughout he talks
like a driveller, and in very bad Sanskrit. The interlocu-
tors and Vyasa are Hindus to their very tips. The whole
vision is steeped in Hindu mythology and Hindu belief,
whereas a vision of the universe ought to transcend all
such limitations. It ought to surpass all the discoveries,
past and future, of astronomy and other cognate sciences.
It ought to be truth itself. Like the preceding chapter
this too deals in fabulous matter. It moreover abounds in
slovenly unclassical Sanskrit and in mistakes of grammar
some of which have been pointed out above. It is a
failure both in respect of style and vision and, along with
the preceding chapter and a few others, appears immate-
rial. The first stanza of the new chapter seems to connect
it with chapter ix or even with chapter vi.

The test of good poetry lies in renewal and increase of
pleasure at every fresh perusal. But one is pained to state
that the Gita does not satisfy this test. The imperfections
by far out number the beauties.

It may be said that when a work is enshrined in faith
and becomes an object of veneration to millions, it has a
claim to be considered invulnerable and that faults of
grammar, style and reason are impertinent. Such a view

43 [ Bhandarkar Cora. Vol.]

338 Itajwade : Grammar of the Gita

is intelligible and deserves respect. Men of faith would
and should ignore this criticism completely as I should
be sorry to hurt their feelings. But when men take
their stand on reason and not on faith and assert that the
Gita has spoken the last word on ethics and that it is the
best poem in the world, they lay themselves open to
attack. These people ought to demonstrate that the de-
fects shown in this paper are no defects, that the style is
the most poetical style according to the most authorita-
tive definitions of poetry, or that these definitions are
wrong. Exigencies of verse is no excuse, for Sanskrit
literature abounds in verse that is scrupulously correct
and chaste. There is no reason why Vyasa should trip
where, not to speak of Kalidasa and his compeers, even
lesser artists have succeeded.

I must explain my own position. Our old writers did
not scruple to write in the name of Krsna or Siva as the
old Hebrew prophets spoke and wrote in the name of
Jehova. They felt that God spoke to mankind through
them, that they were mere transmitters of God's will. In-
spired though they thought themselves to be, they could
not transcend the limitations of their knowledge. Their
ignorance and knowledge, their superstition and faith, the
tradition and faith in which they had been nurtured came
into play and left their impress on their work.

INFLUENCE OP ANALOGY IN SASNKRIT
BY V. S. GHATE

EVERY language, as it passes through the different periods
of its growth, is seen to undergo a multiplicity of
changes. Such changes consist not only in the addition of
new words from different sources, or of new ideas due to a
general progress in thought, but in altering the very form
of the words already existing and their signification. Thus
if we look to a language like English or Marathi, we shall
see that the language as it is at present is quite different
in form from what it was a few centuries ago, so that one
knowing the Marathi of to-day, may not necessarily be able
to read with equal ease, the Marathi of the 13th or the 14th
century.

Such linguistic changes are found to be not merely
accidental or whimsical, but governed by certain phonetic
laws which can be established after a careful study of the
different stages of a language, and a comparison of more
than one language passing through a similar course. How
and why such phonetic laws came to govern a particular
language, it is difficult to say. As language is a mechanical
product, the result of the particular vocal organism, a
difference, of course qualitative, in the structure of the
organism may lead to a difference in pronunciation, which,
in the course of time, may substantially alter the form of
the product. It is thus that different dialects come into
existence. Race and climate may have their share in this
work of change, but very generally, it is the desire for ease
of utterance, the natural tendency to economize vocal
effort, which accounts for it a good deal.

Such phonetic laws which belong to the so-called science
of Philology, are not, however, laws in the sense in which,
the laws of Mathematics and natural sciences are laws,
In the case of the latter, you can predict with certainty
the result that would follow, when you know the law hold-
ing in the particular case. The laws can never fail, as long
as all the conditiops and the qualifications required are

$40 Ohate : Analogy in Sanskrit

there intact. With language, however, the case is different.
Every phonetic law has a large number of apparent excep-
tions. In the first place, any phonetic law is true only
with a particular language, under particular environments
of time and place. But, even in this limited sphere, the
law fails us several times. Why is it so ? It is due to the
very nature of language which these laws have to govern.
In linguistic change there are not only physical elements,
but psychological elements also. The mechanism which
finally produces language is at first set into work by the
human will. Thus there are always two factors, mutually
opposed to some extent, that are at work in the develop-
ment of a language. Phonetic laws, mainly relating to
the physical element, tend to produce variety ; but at the
same time the psychological factor is at work, which tends
to produce simplicity out of variety, of course as far as
it is consistent with intelligibility. The less bound we are
by tradition, the more free is the psychological factor, and
the greater the scope for analogy. Thus the apparent
exceptions to any particular phonetic law do not at all
affect the truth of the law, but only tend to confirm it ;
since they can be explained as due to the other element,
very generally by means of analogy. Analogy proceeds to
work in some such way; — if there is a likeness of significa-
tion, why should there not be a likeness of form ? If there
is a likeness of function, why should there not be a likeness
of form ? Thus, if we have a word like brother, why should
we not have words like father and mother, because all
are equally words of relationship? It must be noted here
that the form 'brother' is phonetically regular, while 'fader'
and ' mader' would be the phonetically regular forms. But
we have instead father and mother due to form-association
with brother. If we have a form like prfuh, why not also
have patyuh and sakhyuh, since all the three words express
relationship; though pituh can be phonetically explained,
while patyah and sakhyah should be the phonetically regu-
lar forms ? It is thus that analogy works to produce
simplicity out of variety; it tends to the unification of the
grammatical system, and the simplification of the mecha-

Ohate : Analogy in Sanskrit 34l

nism of speech. Thus to account for linguistic change,
merely the doctrine of the strict order in phonetic develop-
ment is not sufficient; it must be complemented by the
doctrine of analogy. It is the object of this paper to
illustrate the working of this factor of analogy from
Sanskrit, to show how the apparent exceptions to certain
phonetic rules are only due to analogy.

It may be said here that there cannot possibly be any
scope for analogy as far as Sanskrit is concerned, because,
since the time of Panini's grammar, supplemented by the
works of Katyayana and Patanjali, every writer and
speaker of Sanskrit has tried to conform as exactly as i
possible to the rules laid down; and that Sanskrit has
ceased to be a spoken language in the full sense of the
word, i. e. amongst the masses. So, there being no linguistic
change possible, there is no scope for analogy.

So far the statement is true. But there is another
point of view of looking at Sanskrit. If we look at the past
history of the Sanskrit language, at the various stages as
represented by the Vedas, the Brahmanas, the Upanisads,
and the epics, we cannot but observe a gradual linguistic
change going on. As a descriptive grammar of the Sanskrit
language (i. e. a grammar which brings together and classi-
fies all the grammatical facts of a language at a particular
stage ), Panini's work cannot be surpassed. But there are
other kinds of grammar which are more interesting and
valuable. A historical grammar of Sanskrit, for instance,
regarding classical Sanskrit in relation to the Sanskrit
of the Vedas and the epics on the one hand, and to the
Prakrit dialects on the other hand, would testify to an
immense linguistic change, and to the working of analogy.
We can go still further and consider Sanskrit in relation
to Avesta, Greek and Latin, which have been now con-
clusively proved to be sister-languages, at first so many
dialects springing from the common parent, the Indo-Ger-
man language (which has so far of course only a hypo-
thetical existence). Thus in addition to a descriptive and
a historical grammar, there can be a philological or com-
parative grammar of Sanskrit; and here there would be

342 Ohate : Analogy in Sanskrit

even a greater scope for linguistic change and the working
of analogy. For convenience's sake, I mean to restrict
myself to this last sphere only ; that is to say, I shall try to
illustrate the working of analogy, in so far as Sanskrit is
considered as one of the members of the Indo-germanio
family.

It is now conclusively proved that the vowel a in Sans-
krit sometimes represents an original a, e. g. Sanskrit ajati
is Greek ayei, sometimes an original e, e. g. Sanskrit asti is
Greek e<rri, and lastly an original o, e. g. Sanskrit pdti is
Greek -noo-ts. Immediately connected with this phenomenon
is another, viz. that the original velar and labio-velar
sounds are represented in Sanskrit sometimes by the velar
(or guttural) and sometimes by the palatal sounds. Thus,
Sanskrit karkata = Greek KapKivog and Sanskrit yuga =
Greek tvybv. But Sanskrit ca = Greek re = Latin que ; and
Sanskrit jya = Greek fiio$ = Lithuanian gijd,. This differ-
ence in the representation in Sanskrit of the original k, g,
gh sounds, i. e. sometimes as k, g, gh, but sometimes as c, j,
h, is accounted for by the law of Palatalisation. According
to this law, an original guttural is palatalised in Indo-
Iranian, if it is followed by the vowels, e, t, e, or an a or «
which represents an original e, or the consonant y. Other-
wise it remains unchanged, i. e. if followed by u u o, or an
a or a which represents an original o or a or any other
consonant. It is this law which is at the root of the pheno-
menon of a mutual exchange of the gutturals and the
palatals so often seen in the forms of one and the same
root or stem. Thus, for instance, in the form cakara, the
perfect 1st person singular of the root kr or kar, we see
that the k is changed to the corresponding palatal c in the
reduplicative syllable; so also in jaghana, we have gh in
the original root-syllable, while we have j the correspond-
ing un-aspirated palatal in the reduplicative syllable. And
this difference of representation can be easily explained if
we know that the vowel a in the reduplicative syllable
represents an original e which is also the vowel of redupli-
cation in Greek, and that the a in the root-syllable re-
presents an original o which is the strong vowel corres-

Ghate : Analogy in Sanskrit 343

ponding to e. A very striking illustration of this law is
provided by the forms hanti and ghnanti, the 3rd pers. .'
singular and plural of the present of the root han which
must have been originally ghen as shown by its representa-
tive in Greek Oeiv®. In hanti, the original gh becomes h, i. e.
is palatalised owing to the following a which was originally
e, but in ghnanti, the original guttural holds its own, since
it is no longer followed by a palatalising vowel.

But this phonetic law of palatalisation is often dis-
turbed in its work by analogy. This law would naturally
tend to produce a variety of forms, sometimes a guttural,
and sometimes a palatal. But analogy would try to have
a simplicity as far as consistent with intelligibility. Thus
we find that sometimes the palatal uniformly takes the
place of the guttural or vice versa. This is very often seen
in declension and conjugation. Thus with the root han
itself, we see that the forms hathah and hatha, for instance,
have the palatal only on the analogy of hanmi and hanti,
just to have a symmetry of form, though really speaking
the a in the former forms is not an e but a sonant nasal n.

The declension of the word vac also illustrates the same
phenomenon. The final of the root vac and of the noun
vac is originally a guttural k, as is shown clearly by the
forms ukta, vaktum in Sanskrit itself, and the forms vox,
vocis in Latin. Thus the nominative singular form vak is
phonetically regular, since the guttural should hold its own
before s, the case-termination. The forms vacah and vaci
are also phonetically regular, since the guttural should
naturally be palatalised before the vowel a originally re-
presenting e and the vowel i. But the form vacam is
phonetically irregular, siuce the original termination of
the accusative singular is m which should become a after
a consonant. So the proper form would be vaka, the guttural
being preserved. But analogy works here in two ways.
Because several forms before the vowel case-terminations
show the palatal, why not have the palatal throughout,
before all vowel-terminations? So we have vacau, vacam%
and so on. Vacam instead of vaca is again due to analogy,
Under the influence of the a-stems (e. g. devam).

344 Ghate : Analogy in Sanskrit

So also the word vacas illustrates the same generalisa-
tion of the palatal at the cost of the guttural, when placed
by the side of the corresponding word in Greek. Thus the
nom. sing, vacas should be phonetically vakas, because it
corresponds to «ros; the a following c is an original o, which
is not a palatalising vowel. But this is due to the influence
of the forms of the gen. and loc. sing, for instance, which
are vacasah and vacasi, and in which the palatal is phone-
tically regular, since the corresponding forms are e7r€(o-)-os,
end 67re(<r)-£. The work of analogy in the present case is
facilitated by the fact that the vowel-gradation in the stem
before strong and weak case-suffixes, which existed in the
original language and which is preserved in Greek in the
present instance, is completely obliterated in Sanskrit
since both, the vowels e and o have come to be represented,
by a.

There are also instances of a generalisation of the
guttural at the cost of a palatal. The infinitive form kartum
should be phonetically cartum ; since the a after k is an
original e ; but the guttural has got the better of the palatal,
owing to the influence of a large number of forms like krta,
cakara etc., which show the guttural, though rightly. The
old-Persian infinitive cartanaiy, however, shows the phone-
tically regular palatal. So also the forms kah, kam, katara
connected with the interrogative pronoun show the guttural
rightly, as is clearly shown by the parallel forms -no-Oev and
Trorepos in Greek, and quo-d in Latin. But the forms kirn,
kiyant and kidrs have the guttural, in spite of the presence
of the palatalising vowel, only under the influence of
analogy. The phonetically regular palatal is seen preserved
only in the isolated particle cid which has escaped being
overrun by the guttural, perhaps owing to its change of
signification.

The final d of the word snusa cannot be explained ex-
cept as being due to analogy. The corresponding words in
Greek and Latin are vvo$ and nurus leading to an original
snusus or suusos. The a in Sanskrit comes in only under
the influence of the very frequent feminine ending a.

Qhate : Analogy in Sanskrit 345

The form tulayati is regular, as is shown by the corres-
ponding form TehafjL®v ; but it has also led to another
form tolayati, on the analogy of the root budh leading to
bodhayati. The real character of the u ( which is not
original, but which has come in secondarily in the same
way as turayati from tr ) was lost sight of, and it was con-
founded with an original u. So also the form Sphotayati
from Sphut can be explained only as due to analogy,
because the cerebral t in Sphut clearly shows that the u is
not original but has come in the place of the r necessary
for the cerebralisation.

The treatment of the Sanskrit j and h is very interest-
ing. We find that these two sounds are found to behave
in two different ways, especially at the end of roots, under
similar circumstances. Thus, to take the two roots yuj
and yaj, we have from the former such forms as yoga, yuktd,
yugvan, yoksyati ; but from the latter, such forms as yajna,
ydjvan, yastave, ayat. In the same way the root dull gives
such forms as dugdhd, su-dugha, adhok ; while the root lih
gives lidhd, leha, alet. Thus it is found that there are
really two series : one, the original palatals ( e. g. in yaj and
lih ) and the other, the secondary palatals derived from the
original velars, which reassert themselves before certain
sounds, like the ta of the past passive participle.

This distinction which is found in Sanskrit is also con-
firmed by the different representation of the two series in
Avesta where z represents the original palatals j and h,
while g or j represents the secondary palatals. Thus cor-
responding to Sanskrit yajati and vahati, Avesta has yazaiti
and vazaiti ; while corresponding to hanti, it has jainti.
Now, many times in Sanskrit, the two series get inter-
changed under the influence of analogy ; that is. to say,
the h of the old palatal series behaves as if it were of the
secondary palatal series, and vice versa. Thus the root
muh, the h of which is a secondary palatal, has not only the
phonetically regular form mugdha showing the original
tguttural, but, by its side, it has also mudha on the analogy
1 of lidha. On the other hand, the root dih the h of which is
an original palatal, as is shown by the forms in Avesta (e. g.

ii [ Bhandarkar Com. Vol. ]

346 Ghate : Analogy in Sanskrit

daez.dista ), has the form digdha, instead of the phonetically
regular didha.

Before the hard consonants of the palatal, lingual and
dental class, there is inserted, after a final n, a sibilant of
each of these classes respectively, before which the n becomes
anusvara. Thus tan + tandulan gives tanstandulan. Now
this insertion of a sibilant, which is regularly observed in
classical Sanskrit, but not very often in the Veda, is not
at all arbitrary, but it really involves a historical survival.
In a large majority of cases, the final n is an original ns.
Thus, for instance, the accusative plural termination of the
a, i, and u stems was originally ns but afterwards, the s was
dropped, conferring a compensatory lengthening on the
preceding vowel. The same fact is confirmed by Greek,
where we have <t>i\ovst accus. plu. of 4>'iXos, afterwards be-
coming (piXovs with the " dropped and the preceding vowel
extended. The original ns is also proved by a peculiar
Sandhi in the Veda, where a final an, in, un or rn followed by
a vowel is treated as if it were a nasalised vowel followed
by a visarga. Thus, mahan + asi gives mahan-asi ; raimtn-
iva gives raiminriva. In classical Sanskrit, however, this
insertion of a sibilant after a final n is almost generalised ;
that is to say, extended to those cases even where there is
no historical justification for the presence of the s. Thus
because we have gacchan + tatra = gacchanstatra ( the ori-
ginal form being gacchans ), we have also by analogy,
a-bharan + tatra = abharavstatra, or kasmin + cit = kas-
minscit, without any real reason for the s. This transfer-
ence by analogy is facilitated by the fact that the original
presence of the s was altogether forgotten, and the insertion
of the sibilant was looked upon as only arbitrary, without
any etymological reasons. Thus if we have it in one case,
why not have it in other cases also, apparently similar ?

A phenomenon of an external Sandhi is often trans-
ferred to an internal Sandhi, under the influence of
analogy. Thus a final mute, when followed by a nasal, often
becomes a corresponding nasal, instead of a correspond-
ing soft unaspirate. Thus we have tat + mama = tanmama.

Ghate : Analogy in Sanskrit 347

The same is afterwards extended to forms like anna,
chinna etc., where the d of the root becomes n before the
following nasal ; so also we have forms like mrnmaya ;
though otherwise, in similar cases of internal Sandhi, we
have forms like udnah from udan, vidma from vid, garut-
mant and so on.

Another illustration of a similar transference of exter-
nal Sandhi to internal, is supposed to be provided by such
forms as havirbhih, manobhih, etc. The final s of havis and
manas is treated as if it were a regular visarga at the end of
a word ; though, really speaking, the a ought to be softened
before the following soft consonant ; and the forms should
be havidbhih coming from an original havizbhih and
manadbhih coming from manazbhih. So also we should have
haviksu and manatsu, as expected phonetically, but we have
havihsu and manah.su instead. These may be regarded
as instances of transference by analogy, but perhaps these
forms may imply some historical survival too. It is held
that most of the so called suffixes ( of declension as well as
of conjugation ) were once independent words and were
afterwards, by their constant association with other words,
gradually knocked down into abbreviated suffixes. Thus
the visarga in the forms above may be a survival of this
fact. It is to be noted also that in the Padapatha of the
Vedic texts, such forms as havirbhih are written with the
mark s ( avagraha ) inserted between havih and bhih, imply-
ing that they are two members of a compound word. The
designation pada (base) in such cases, may also have
something to do with this.

Coming more particularly to declension, we have
very interesting instances of the influcence of analogy.
The declension of pronouns has very much influenced that
of nouns, and amongst nouns, the a and n stems have very
much influencd the rest. The original instrumental singular
termination was a not only with consonant stems, but even
with vowel stems. Thus we have in the Veda forms like
yajna, mahitva. But even in the Veda, and regularly in
classical Sanskrit, the a stems have as a rule the termina-
tion na with the change of the final a of the stem to e, Now,

348 Ghate : Analogy in Sanskrit

this is nothing but a case of transference from the pronoun,
where the na is original, as we see from forms in the related
language. Thus corresponding to tena, (or tyena in Veda),
we have old Persian tya-na, Gothic ^an. ( This suffix na is
very probably the same as appears, for instance, in Sanskrit
cana, vina, kuruta-na (in Veda), or in Latin pone).

The forms of the Nominative plural of a stems like
devasah by the pide of devah which alone is found in classi-
cal Sanskrit, are also due to the influence of what is called
the proportionate analogy. In the case of consonant
stems, the nominative plural has an as in addition to
the form of the nominative singular ( the suffix s being
dropped). So it might have been argued that just as the
nom. sing, marut gives the nom. plu. marutah, so the nom.
sing, devah should give devasah — [ marut : marutah : : devas :
devasah}. Or perhaps this may be a case of adding double
endings ; as for instance, we have mahatvata in Veda,
children in English, e^e-v-a in Greek, or dasya-tva, often
used in modern Marathi.

The accusative plural form of a stems may also be
similarly explained, as being due to analogy. Thus devah :
devam :: devah : devan ; or it may be a case of compensatory
lengthening as said above.

The Vedic instrumental plural of a stems is also in-
fluenced by other stems. Thus the original form should
be, for instance, devaih, as is clearly shown by the Greek
<t>i\ois ; but by its side we have devebhih, which is due to
the analogy of agnibhih, Satrubhih, etc.

The original genitive plural termination is am not only
with consonant stems, but also with vowel stems, as
is shown by the Greek nrnw and the Latin deum. But
Sanskrit has instead anam for a stems, from which it is
then transferred to i and u stems. In the ftgveda, we
have only a very small number of examples of simple am
instead of anam, like caratam for- instance. Now this
anam was transferred to a stems from the feminine a stems,
which acquired it in the first instance from the n stems.
Thus to take two words atman and bala, atman has forms

Ghate : Analogy in Sanskrit 340

like atmabhih, atmasu and atmanam; the word bala has
also balabhih, balasu; then why should it not also have
balanam ? Thus, atmabhih: atmasu : atmanam :: balabhih :
balasu : balanam. And this transference by analogy must
have been facilitated by the nominative singular forms
atma and bala, which are exactly alike. Another reason
must have been that the suffix am would give the form
balam which can not be distinguished from the accu. sing,
form. Afterwards it was transferred to a stems, probably
owing to the similarity of form in the nom. plural. Thus,
balah: balanam :: devah: devanam. In old Persian also,
we have baganam from baga ( = a god ).

The neuter nom. plural of a stems is also influenced
by the n stems. The original suffix is a, as shown by
Vedic forms like yuga and Gothic juka and Latin iuga.
But the n stems in the Veda had both kinds of forms like
dhama and dhamani, which must have given rise to such
forms as yugani by the side of yuga; and afterwards, as the
n stems had only the regular forms like namani, the a
stems also preserved only forms like yugani, the forms
like yuga being completely lost. Afterwards the same was
transferred to neuter stems in i, u and r.

The instr. sing, of the feminine stems in a is also
influenced by the pronominal declension. The original
form is found in Vedic Sanskrit, e. g. asva instr. sing, of
asva, (fern), corresponding to which we have also forms
like K/oi/05, \a9pa in Greek. But later we have asvaya on
the model of taya, which is probably the original form with
pronouns, as appears from the corresponding old Lithuanian
taja and old Bulgarian toja,.

The loc. singular asvayam was probably formed to
distinguish the regular asvai from the dat. sing, which
would also be asvai ; and afterwards the forms asvayai and
asvuyah of the dat. and abl. sing, were modelled after
devyam, devyai and devyah.

The instr. sing, forms of i and u stems are also modell-
ed after n stems. Thus instead of directly adding a to the
stem, we have forms like agnina and satruna, on the

350 Ghate : Analogy in Sanskrit

analogy of balina and ayuna from balin and clyun respec-
tively. Thus, balibhih : balisu : balina : : agnibhih : agnisu :
agnina. This analogy was perhaps facilitated by some
words which were both i and in stems.

The neuter stems in i and u are very much influenced
by the n stems, before vowel-terminations. Thus we have
forms like varina, varine and so on, exactly like baline,
balinah. This transference was best facilitated by the
identity of the forms for the nom. plu. ; for we had already
forms like varlni, instead of the Vedic varl, which came to
exist on the analogy of forms like yugani.

Nouns ending in r, like pitr, matr, present a very in-
teresting illustration of the influence of analogy. They
were originally stems ending in ar, as is shown by the
related languages. Thus Sk. pilar = Gk. -nar'ep = Lat.
pater; and several case-forms also' agree in all these
languages. But coming to the accusative and the genitive
plural, we have in Sanskrit forms like pitrsu and pitrnam ;
whereas we should expect, as phonetically regular, pitrah
and pitram, corresponding to the allied forms irarepas and
■narpi&v. It was the similarity of the forms pitrbhih and
pitrsu to agnibhih and agnisu, which must have brought
this change. Thus, agnibhih : agnisu : agnln : agnlnam ::
pitrbhih : pitrsu : pitfn : pitfnam. So also matfh (f.) was due
the analogy of matih ; and datfni ( neuter ) was in the same
way influenced by varlni ; until at last the original cha-
racter of the stems as ending in ar was forgotten, and they
were regarded as regular vowel-stems ending in r.

So also the nasal in the neuter nom. plural of as stems
like manas is not original, but is due to the analogy of the
stems in mant and of words like pratyanc, where the nasal
is original. Thus dhimat: dhimanti :: manas: manamsi
(instead of manasi) ; and then the nasal was further ex-
tended to nouns like havis and caksus which give havimsi
and caksumsi.

Coming to conjugation we find that in Sanskrit mi is
the termination of the 1st pers. sing, present, throughout all
the conjugations, whether they have a thematic vowel or

Ghate : Analogy in Sanskrit 35i

not. But originally there was a distinction. Th* thematic
verbs had o, while it was only-the non-thematic verbs that
had mi. Thus we have in Greek fap®, Latin fero, Gothic
baira, which should be in Sanskrit bhara instead of the
actually existing bharami ; ( It is to be noted that this form
in o is probably preserved in the Vedic subjunctive forms
like brava and the old Avestic spasya corresponding to Latin
specio); while we have et/ui corresponding to Sk. asmi and
Avesta ahmi. In Sanskrit, however, this distinction was
lost, and mi was applied throughout, under the influence of
some such analogy as — dvismah : dvesmi : : bharamah :
bharami\ or dvise: dvesmi:: bhare: bharami.

So also the suffix of the 1st pers. sing, of the imperfect
is m which should appear as a nasal consonant after a
vowel but as a vowel a after a consonant. Thus in Greek, we
have e-fapo-v corresponding to d-bhara-m ; but r\a ( = r/cra =
es-m) which should be asa in Sanskrit; but instead, we have
asam, only on the analogy of d-bharam.

In the potential, yd and i are the suffixes added to non-
thematic verbs before the strong and weak personal termi-
nations respectively ; thus we have in Greek eltjv ( = origi-
nal e<r-ir)-v) and old Latin siem corresponding to Sanskrit
sya?n, in the 1st pers. sing. But in the 1st pers. plural, we
have el/mev ( = orig. ta-i-fxev) and Latin s-i-mus which should
correspond phonetically with si ma in Sanskrit: but instead
we have sydma. So also Ti9e-itj-s corresponds to dadhyahf
but Ti9e-l-/uev should correspond to dadhima, but instead we
have dadhyama. Thus the yd originally peculiar to the
strong terminations is, in Sanskrit, extended to weak termi-
nations also, on the analogy of the conjugation of thematic
verbs, and because the personal terminations were found to
be sufficient to distinguish one form from the other, with-
out there being the necessity of any difference in the stem.

A similar tendency is seen, for instance, in the imper-
fect of the root as 'to be'. In the present, the original
difference of vowel-gradation in the stem before strong and
weak terminations is preserved Thus we have, ds-mi, but
S-mdh ds-ti but s-dntif just as we have with the root i 'to go',

352 Ohate : Analogy in Sanskrit

e-mi but i-mah. In the same way, in the imperfect, we
should have as-am (=a + as-am) but a-s-ma ( =a + s-ma),
but we have instead asma ; that is to say, the singular has
extended its form of the stem, throughout, on the analogy
of the thematic verbs.

The Sanskrit root meaning 'to hear' is originally sru,
which is preserved is srutd, srdtum, and the u also appears
in Gree k\vto$ and Latin in-clutus. But the ru is changed
to r in the conjugation. Thus we have srno-mi, srnu-mdh
etc. One possible explanation suggested is that in the
form srnu, the original ru followed by an u in the imme-
diately next syllable, (srunu) must have been at first
changed to r by dissimilation, in order to avoid two sylla-
bles with u ; and then this r must have been perhaps ex-
tended by analogy, to even the strong forms, which had no
instead of nu.

Another result of the influence of analogy is the pheno-
menon of the transference of roots from one conjugation to
another. Thus the verbs tisthami, pibami, jighrami must
have originally belonged to the reduplicating class or the
third conjugation, the roots being stha, pa and ghra. But
as we have for instance bhavami, bhavamah, bhavasi, so why
not also have tisthamah, tisthasi ? And the change of the
reduplicating syllable both in regard to the consonant and
the vowel must have weakened their tie to the reduplicat-
ing class ; and finally they came to be looked upon as be-
longing to the first class. In the same way, verbs like
krntati, muncati, which originally must have belonged to
the seventh conjugation, afterwards came to be looked upon
as belonging to the thematic class. The same is the case
with verbs like cakas and jaks which originally belonged
to the reduplicating class (the roots being kas and ghas)
but which afterwards were transferred to the second conju-
gation.

In Greek and other European languages, the vowel of
the reduplication syllable in the Perfect is e. Thus we
have in Greek Se-Sopica, k€k\itcu, in old Latin, memordi,
cecidi. This e was phonetically represented by a in Sans*

Q-hate : Analogy in Sanskrit 353

krit. Thus, dadarsa, jaghana. Afterwards the original
character of this a being forgotten, the reduplication-vowel
became a, i, u, according as the vowel of the root was a, i,
u. Thus if han gives jaghan, why should nl not give nini
or su, susu ? Thus the reduplication-vowel was regularly-
assimilated to the root-vowel. The original condition of
the reduplication-vowel is preserved in the form babhuva
(orig. bebhuva) instead of bubhava, and in the Vedic sasuva
instead of the classical susuva. A similar assimilation is
found in Latin also, e. g. momordi for memordi, pupugi for
pepugi. The reduplication-vowel in the third conjugation
was originally i, as is shown by riOtj/ui, lerrtjjui in Greek, and
also by the Sanskrit forms tisthami, jighrUmi etc. But this
was also subjected to the influence of the perfect redupli-
cation and thus the reduplication vowel came to be assi-
milated to the root-vowel.

The perfect forms like pecima, tenima are apparently
anomalous ; but can be explained as due to analogy. The
change of the root-vowel a to e was phonetically just in the
case of, for instance, sedima which was originally sazdima,
( = sa-s(a)d-i-ma) the a suffering a compensatory lengthen-
ing, and the z being dropped. Compare, for instance, edhi,
the imperative 2nd pers. sing, of as, which corresponds to
azdhi in Avesta ). So also in the case of yemima, the e is
phonetically regular ; for the form was originally ya-im-
ima, im being the weak grade or samprasarana of yam. The
original character of the e in such cases was, in the course
of time, forgotten ; and then it was extended to forms like
tenima, where it had no phonetic explanation. The Vedic
form paptima instead of the classical petima testifies to the
fact that this extension of e was a later result of the influ-
ence of analogy.

As regards the non-conjugational tenses, Sanskrit
grammarians have a three-fold division of roots, set, anit
and wet, according as an i is inserted or not or is inserted
optionally between the stem and the personal terminations.
There are hard and fast rules regarding this insertion of i.
But the original Indo-germanic language does not seem to
know this distinction, as appears from Greek, Latin and

45 [ Bhandarkar Corn. Vol.J

354 Ghate : Analogy in Sanskrit

even the Avesta. It is a question how this distinction
came to exist and to occupy such a prominent place in
Sanskrit. One explanation suggested is that the distinc-
tion must have at first started from the so-called dis-
syllabic roots, which existed from the beginning, as dis-
tinguished from the mono-syllabic roots. Thus sruta and
sro-tum arise from the root sreu ; but bhuta and bhavi-tum,
from bheui or bhavi. Thus the i naturally found its place
in the case of these dis-syllabic roots. So from the root
jena or jani we have a perfect form jajn-i-ma, from the root
rudd or rudi, we have rurud-i-ma. This second vowel of
the root is represented in Greek sometimes, as for in-
stance, in Terpo4>ajuev, XeXoiira/uev, ( instead of XeXonr/uev).
Afterwards, by analogy, the i was extended in Sanskrit to
other roots which were not at all originally dis-syllabic.
Thus we have,

jajana : jajnima ? , , dadarsa : dadrsima

or, ruroda : rurudima S " and vavarta : vavrtima,

although the roots drs and vrt are mono-syllabic. The same
is the case with the aorist and the future. Thus with the
root jr or jari, which is dis-syllabic, we have a-jarisam (cf.
Greek hyrjpa-o-a) ; and then the i was extended to other
monosyllabic roots by analogy. In vartisyami, the i is due
to analogy only and is not phonetically just, the root being
mono-syllabic. In the same way, the i in the case of past
passive participles and infinitives is to be explained.

The s Aorist (6th variety) is a curious illustration of
analogy. A root like bhas gave a form like a-bhasi-sam in
the usual way; but later bha and bhas were confounded
and the form a-bhasisam was taken to have come from bha.
Then by analogy, the formation was extended to other
roots ending in a, and we have such forms as a-yasisam etc.

A similar working of analogy is seen in the case of
causals in p, like sthapayami, dapayami etc. A root like
dtp gave in the regular way dipayati, which was afterwards
confounded as being the causal of another root di. Then
the p-formation was extended to other cases like yapayami.
The root i * to go ' gives not only ayayati but apayati, due to

*

Ghate: Analogy in Sanskrit 355

Some such analogy as sthita : sthapayami : : ita : apayami.
Or perhaps the p causal formation may be due to a con-
fusion of the denominative with the causal. Thus, for
instance, from the noun dipa 'a lamp' is formed the deno-
minative dipayati, which was afterwards taken to be a
causal from di, exactly in the same way as, from the
nouns pala and ghata are formed the denominatives palayati
and ghatayati, which were afterwards taken to be direct
causals of the roots pa and han.

So far, I have adduced some of the instances from
Sanskrit grammar which illustrate the influence of ana-
logy, and these too I could not deal with exhaustively
within the limits of an article. Many more instances can
be added; but I think that what has been said so far, may
be quite sufficient to give an idea as to what a powerful
factor analogy is in the formation of a language, side by
side with the working of phonetic rules. Its influence is
too great to be neglected ; and those who are daunted by
the numerous exceptions to a phonetic rule and allow their
faith in the science of language to waver will do well to
remember this fact.

There is a good deal of literature on the subject of
analogy ; but in most of such works Greek and Latin play
an important part, while Sanskrit has a subordinate place.
In the comparative grammars of Indo-European languages
the space for any particular language is necessarily limited ;
and as far as I know, analogy by itself with special refer-
ence to Sanskrit is nowhere treated. I hope, therefore,
that this enumeration of some examples of analogy from
Sanskrit, though brief and rough, will have its usefulness.

A PROPOS DU LA RACINE LUBH
PAR A. MEILLET

LE dialecte de l'lnde sur lequel repose la langue du
Rgveda est celui du Nord-Ouest, done celui qui est le
plus voisin de la region iranienne. II veut la peine d'exa-
miner si ce dialecte n'offre pas avec l'iranien certains
points de contact.

Parmi les points de contact, le plus frappant sans doute
est le traitement [de l'ancienne liquide indo-europeenne I.
Comme l'iranien, la langue du Rgveda ignore la liquide /,
qui y est confondue avec r; par example, en regard du
linquo ' je laisse, ' le vedique — rnakti, et en face du gotique
filu: ' beaucoup,' il a purti.

Le parler d'autres regions de l'lnde avait conserve la
distinction de r et de /; et le Sanskrit classique, qui repre-
sente un type vedique employe par des hommes de regions
diverses, a souvent introduit des formes avec I ; par example,
en lieu du latin lingo, le Rgveda a une racine rih ( soit
rilhi ), tout comme l'avestique a une racine riz ; mais le
Sanskrit classique a lih ( soit ledhi ) avec /, comme le latin,
le grec, le germanique, le slave, l'armenien. C'est l'une des
innovations, qui montrent le mieux le caractere composite
du Sanskrit classique.

Si, dans une racine comme rih, qui avait r dans le
Rgveda, le Sanskrit classique a introduit /, a plus forte
raison on concoit que I figure dans une racine inconnue du
Rgveda. C'est ce qui arrive pour la racine lubh ; cette
racine ne se trouve pas dans la partie ancienne du Rgveda,
on signale seulement une forme lobhdyanti de causatif dans
le mandala x du Rgveda. C'est pour cela que cette racine
qui commencait par / en indo-europeen — qu'on compare
gotique Ijap 'cher,' latin lubet 'il plait', — existe en Sanskrit
seulement avec / initiale. C'etait une racine inconnue
au dialecte du Nord-Ouest.

II n'y a pas la un simple hasard : inconnue au Nord-
Ouest de l'lnde, cette racine indo-europeenne l'6tait aussi
a l'iranien, ou Ton n'en signale aucune trace. A la concor-

358 Meillet: La Racine Lubh

dance entre les traitements phonetiques de I dans l'lran et
dans le Nord-Ouest de l'lnde, s'ajoute ici une concordance
du vocabulaire, qui merite l'attention.

On trouverait sans doute quelques autres cas analogues
a celui-ci. Par example, le groupe de mots laksam,
laksma etc. n'a aucun correspondent connu en iranien ; il
est a peine represents dans le Rgveda, surtout dans les
parties anciennes ; et le fait qu'il presente / montre que,
dans le Rgveda, il appartint au petit nombre des elements
empruntees a des parlers autres que ceux du Nord-Ouest.

Bien que l'iranien, d'une part, et les langues de Tlnde
de l'autre, forment deux ensembles qui s'opposent nette-
ment, il semble done que, en une certaine mesure, les
parlers du Nord-Ouest, dont le Rgveda offre la forme la
plus ancienne, fournissent une transition entre Tindien et
l'iranien.

A PROPOS DE L'ACCENT D'INTENSITE
EN INDO-ARYEN

PAR JULES BLOCH

DANS un ouvrage sur la formation de la langue mara-
the, dont la guerre a retarde la publication,1 je me suis
cru autorise a ecarter de Implication historique toute
theorie phonetique fondee sur l'hypothese d'un accent
d'intensite.

Lorsqu'on examine revolution phonetique de l'indo-
aryen, dans son ensemble, il est impossible de ne pas etre
frappe de l'analogie des alterations subies par les voyelles
dans cette famille et dans la famille romane; dans les deux
groupes, les voyelles finales des polysyllabes sont tombees,
tandis que les penultiemes ont subsiste; le timbre des
voyelles interieures s'est altere. Or, en ce qui concerne
le roman, on sait par quelques temoignages anciens, et
surtout par la concordance universelle des divers dialectes
modernes, que ces alterations ont ete determinees par un
accent d'intensite penultieme, combine avec un contre-
accent initial ; cet accent a succede en latin a un ton o
accent de hauteur, dont la place dans le mot dependait de
la quantite des syllabes finales. Rien de plus naturel,
semble-t-il, que de supposer qu'en moyen-indien aussi, il
s'est developpe un accent d'intensite rempla?ant le ton
vedique disparu. Ainsi M. Bhandarkar ( Wilson lectures,
p. 152) ecrit: "la syllable penultieme est renforcee dans
tous nos dialectes par un accent qui tend a faire allonger
cette syllabe et a faire tomber la voyelle finale." C'est a
peu pres la formule romane.

Mais d'abord l'exemple du roman peut §tre trompeur.
Les memes effets peuvent provenir de causes differentes :
ainsi en scandinave la chute d'une voyelle finale peut
sufiire a determiner l'allongement de la voyelle precedente,

1 Toutefois la partie dogmatique, qui a servi de these du doctorat,
a ete communiquee a plusieurs amis; M. Turner en a meme des a present
discute le chapitre concernant l'accent dans J. R. A. S., 1916, p. 203 et
puiv.

360 Block: V Accent d' Intensity

et Ton sait que la chute des voyelles finales est un pheno-
mene general, independant de l'accentuation. De meme,
en latin le ton seul est a l'origine de l'abregement des
voyelles longues atones dans Apollinis, anc'dra, butirum, qui
sont des emprunts aux formes grecques 'AttoWqvos, ayyypa,
fiovrvpov.

De plus, outre que le detail des faits n'est pas entiere-
ment comparable dans les deux groupes de langues, l'ana-
logie est forcee dans le principe meme. La place du
ton en latin est determinee par la quantite de la syllabe
penultieme ; le ton, et a sa suite l'accent roman, portent
sur cette penultieme si elle est longue, sur Fantepenul-
tieme, si la penultieme est breve. En vedique, au contraire,
l'accentuation est independante de la quantite des syllabes
et de la forme du mot; elle a une valeur non phonetique,
mais grammaticale et semantique. De ce fait, ou l'accent
penultieme suppose du moyen-indien doit etre considere
comme une innovation, et le rapprochement avec la famille
romane s'evanouit; ou Ton est amene a compliquer la
premiere hypothese d'hypotheses subordinaires pour ex-
pliquer comment le ton vedique a place libre a pu aboutir
en moyen-indien a un accent a place fixe.

Dans ce second cas on voit se manifester entre les
deux histoires qu'on pretend rapprocher une difference
nouvelle et grave, lorsqu'il s'agit de l'accent: difference
de clarte. Les regies de l'accent roman se decouvrent
aisement a la simple inspection des dialectes modernes;
elles sont precises et simples, les effets en sont plus ou
moins violents suivant les regions, mais il sont constants.
C'est ce qui se produit dans les langues comportant un
accent d'intensite. Ainsi le simple examen du grec moderne
revele un accent prenant la place du ton ancien. De meme,
il est aise de reconnaitre qu'en germanique le ton ancien a
cede la place a un accent initial. Dans Tlnde, rien de
pareil; les theories se contredisent et s'etablissent mal; pas
plus que pour la periode ancienne, les faits ne sont etablis,
de facon sure, pour la periode moderne.

II parait done prudent de s'abstenir d'alleguer des
observations insumsantes et contradictoires pour etayer

Block: V Accent d'intensite 361

une hypothese historique qui n'est pas indispensable pour
l'explication qu'elle pretend fournir.

Par contre, l'examen des faits contemporains meri-
terait d'etre repris, abstraction faite de tout prejuge his-
torique, de toute construction theorique, et de facon inde-
pendante dans les divers dialectes.

C'est aux indigenes qu'il faut, de preference, remettre
le soin de cette enquete. Dans toute etude de linguistique
descriptive, il arrive assez vite un moment ou Toreille d'un
etranger hesite, quand elle ne va pas jusqu'a l'induire en
erreur, et dans l'etude de l'accent en particulier, les habi-
tudes linguistiques d'observateur risquent de fausser grave-
ment les resultats de son enquete. Si Ton a admis que le
Sanscrit classique comportait un accent d'intensite, au
moins dans les recitations modernes, ce n'est pas un
hasard: ce sont deux Allemands, Haug et Buhler, qui ont
fait les premieres experiences, et ils ont confondu les alter-
nances de longues et de breves qui fournissent le rythme
traditionnel du Sanscrit, avec des variations d'intensite;1
or les enregistrements phonographiques de recitations
sanscrites n'ont donne aucune trace d'intensite: ceci ne
fait que confirmer l'avis d'indigenes consultes. De mSme,
Sir George Grierson, dans unelettre qu'il m'a fait l'honneur
de m'addresser jadis, supposait que les Anglais qui n'enten-
dent pas d'accent dans les langues de l'lnde, sont trompes
par le fait que l'accent ne s'y trouve pas comme en anglais,
rapproche le plus possible de l'initiale.

On sait, d'autre part, que les appareils enregistreurs
ne fournissent pas le moyen de noter l'accent, comme ils
donnent, par exemple, la hauteur ou la quantite. L'intensite
mecanique d'un phoneme depend de l'amplitude et de la
frequence des vibrations ; mais ce sont la des phenomenes
qui varient suivant la hauteur et l'articulation meme du
phoneme : ainsi pour un meme debit d'air une voyelle
fermee est moins intense qu'une voyelle ouverte ; pour un
meme debit d'air aussi un son est d'autant plus intense

1 J'en avais fait l'observation avant la guerre "la formation de la
langue marathe" p. 51.

46 [ Bhandarkar Com. Vol. ]

362 Block: V Accent d'intensite

qu'il est plus eleve. Du reste l'intensite mecanique, et
meme la perceptibilite auditive ne se confondent pas avec
1'intensite telle que la sent le sujet parlant; elles y contri-
buent, mais il faut compter en outre avec les rapports
prevus comme normaux entre l'intensite des divers ele-
ments du langage pour un debit sans accentuation, et avec
les alterations de ces rapports reconnus comme dependants
de l'accentuation. Ces appreciations delicates echappant
a l'appareil mecanique, il est indispensable de s'addresser
a l'auditeur averti.

Une premiere enquete s'impose : determiner dans quelle
mesure le phenomene, s'il se realise, est conscient aux
sujets parlants. II ne faut pas s'attendre a trouver souvent
chez eux une notion claire de l'accent; la plupart des
grammaires indigenes omettent meme entierement la ques-
tion, mais le cas peut se presenter. Au temoignage de Sir
George Grierson, le pandit Chotu Ram Trivedi connaissait
l'accent, et lui donnait, "en Bhasa" le nom d'udatta; par
contre un Panjabi cultive, mais qui n'avait jamais reflechi
a la question, disait au meme savant que l'accent chez lui
s'appelait dabau "pression" : il est vrai qu'un autre Panjabi
consults par moi ignore le mot dans cette acception. Enfin,
en bengali, c'est (au temoignage de Mr. J. D. Anderson)
jor "force", qui designe l'accent, par opposition a surer
uthau o naman " l'elevation et l'abaissement de la voix."

Du reste, a defaut de l'existence d'un terme plus ou
moins technique pour le designer, a defaut meme de la
conscience de sa realite, l'accent peut etre sensible de
facon indirecte : en francais ou il est a peine perceptible,
il subsiste pourtant en ce sens que dans le debit normal, il
apparait comme fautif, s'il est mal place: epouvantable
parait expressif, parce qu'exceptionnel : epouvantable avec
un accent violent, apparaitra comme emphatique, mais
normal; epouvantable est nettement barbare. Autre fait:
a Paris, dans le debit populaire, la penultieme s'allonge et
devient plus intense: quat(re) sous la liv(re); dans le
Francais provincial de l'Est, cet accent penultieme est bien
marque et courant; a un Francais normal cet accent parait
ridicule. Des faits de ce genre permettent de determiner

Block: I 'Accent d'lntensitS 363

l'existence psychique et la place de l'aecent. II faut, de
plus, s'attendre a trouver des perturbations d'accent dues a
la place du mot dans la phrase ou a la vateur psycholo-
gique meme de la phrase. Ainsi on sait qu'en bengali le
debut d'un groupe de mot regoit a la fois un ton plus haut,
une intensity plus forte et une quantite plus longue, inde-
pendemment de toute intention rhetorique : ar k&sta barai
na : "n'ajoutez pas a mes ennuis." B&ra bhala katha:
11 c'est une tres bonne histoire " se prononcer J9aura bhala
katha, inversement k&thata bara bhalo : " l'histoire est tres
bonne."

C'est la l'origine du Chi-chi English, le defaut carac-
teristique de tout etudiant bengali, a ses debuts dans
l'apprentissage de l'anglais. — Dans d'autres langues, l'ae-
cent, s'il existe de facon sensible, pourra §tre deplace pour
des raisons d'emphase : en fran?ais, le mot de valeur d'une
phrase re^oit un accent initial, surtout s'il debute par une
consonne occlusive ou spirante, (Rondet. El. de phonetique,
p. 251) pardon, beaucoup, 4n6rmement. On trouvera peut-
§tre dans l'lnde de faits analogues ; il s'agira d'en deter-
miner la generalite.

Enfin, si Ton sait observer sans se laisser guider — ou
tromper — par une hypothese historique precongue, on
s'apercevra peut-gtre que l'aecent n'aura pas la meme in-
tensite et ne sera pas soumis aux memes lois dans tous les
dialectes. M. Turner apporte (J. R. A. S., 1916, p. 212) une
observation interesante : les Guzratis disent que les Mara-
thes chantent en parlant, tandis que pour un Marathe, le
Guzrati a un debit saccade. D'autre part Navalkar qui
nie l'aecent en marathe signale dans cette langue un ton
initial qui pourrait bien s'accompagner aussi d'une faible
intensite : tethe rahave: " il faut rester la" ; il semble que le
panjabi possede m§me un staccato a l'italienne : on pro-
nonce calan comme s'il y avait un tasdid, c'est a dire
presque callan (communication de Sir George Grierson).

II est en effet naturel de prevoir des divergences dans
les differentes langues et meme a l'interieur de chaque
langue, L'aecent n'est pas un phenomene stable : ainsi le

364 Block: V Accent d'Intensitd

ton indo-europeen avait disparu des la periode la plus
ancienne du latin; plus tard l'intensite initiale du latin
archaique a cede le pas a un ton nouveau determine pa* la
quantite des finales ; ce ton du latin classique est devenu
un accent, qui en francais devient insensible ou instable;
enfin, en francais contemporain on assiste a la naissance
d'une nouvelle accentuation encore mal definissable. Com-
bien de variations ne peut-on pas s'attendre a trouver dans
un pays ou l'indo-aryen ne s'est pas repandu partout a la
m§me date, ni avec la meme rapidite, et ou les langues
qu'il a remplacees ont pu, en s'eteignant, laisser, comme
il arrive constamment, des empreintes profondes sur le
systeme phonetique de la langue nouvelle ! II n'est pas
interdit de prevoir que l'etude de l'accent, menee de facon
desinteressee et independante dans chaque region, peut
servir non seulement a preciser ou rectifier nos notions sur
l'indo-aryen medieval, mais a eclairer de lumieres indi-
rectes l'histoire de la colonisation linguistique de l'lnde.

Kavya and Alahkara

DATE OP SUDRAKA'S MRCCHAKAtlKA

BY K. C. MEHENDALE

'THE attempts hitherto made by distinguished Orient-
-*- alists and Sanskrit scholars to settle the date of the
Mrcchakatika — of that kingly playwright Sudraka — have
resulted in more or less plausible conjectures. This is quite
natural in consideration of the unsettled state of Indian
chronology and the meagre and elusive data available
from evidence both internal and external.1 Pischel is said
to have been once inclined to ascribe the play to Bhasa ;
but later on he gave up this view in favour of a bold theory
that Dandin, the author of Kavyadarsa, wrote the play.
The reasons adduced by him in support are palpably
wrong. He has not correctly understood the passage2 from
the commentary of Pratiharenduraja on Udbhata's Kavya-
lankarasahgraha, and he has quite missed the point of the
learned and rather long drawn discussion introduced by
Dandin in connection with the well-known verse fcSJ-M<^e(
^ftSfTft ^HhfaTSSM W at Kavyadarsa iii. 226-234- Evidently
Dandin is here quoting the verse which many previous
writers on Alankara were misled by the presence of the
particle iva in regarding as containing the figure Upama.
Dandin strongly controverts this view and conclu
sively proves that the figure in question is Utpreksa.
Peterson3 asserted that the Mrcchakatika belonged to a
period when "people had begun to forget how to write
good Sanskrit" and consequently Dandin who quotes it
cannot be a very old writer (cir. 6th century A. D.) !

Prof. K. B. Pathak holds that the Prakrit as feund in
the Mrcchakatika is older than that occurring in the three
dramas of Kalidasa, and that threfore Sudraka must be

1 Ind. Antiquary for Marcb 1911, pp. 87-89.

2 Pischel's ed. of Rudrata's Srngaratilaka page 18, and Udbhata's

Kavyalahkarasaftgraha p. 26 (Nir. Sag. ed.) — sfff: ^ <P*H| ft«jcfH

FfafTtfcTf Terr %&[% *W$<\ I frl *l 41 frSTP} $c4iH RfcTT sPT^RT'Wrft".

3 Preface to Dasakumaracarita part III, p. 7 (Bom. Sk. Series).

368 Mehendale: Date of ^udraka

considerably anterior to Kalidasa. This view appears to
be probable in the light of the accidental coincidence of
the fourth distich of the Mrcchakatika, ix. 33, with the
fourth distich of the Kalidasa's Kumarasambhava.ii. 32,(sgT-
%^f^fc«rcT:)- Of course it is hazardous to establish any
case of borrowing on the strength of this isolated agree-
ment. The custom of self-immolation as prescribed for
the sarva-svara sacrifice, the mention of the promulgators
of the science of thieving, the description of the parapher-
nalia of burglary, the reference to the successful rescue of
Udayana by his trusted and devoted minister Yaugandha-
rayana, the Indramakha festival, the Ratna-sasthl fast
and vow observed by Dhuta, the four modes of ordeals, the
law-giver Manu quoted, the representation, on the stage,
of sleeping and strangling in direct violation of the rules
of Bharata, the use of the technical terms of gambling to-
gether with the employment of the words m^iftu^d*, *T^ft",
^Trft, «hW|l«Mi<A£, ^Rl^hl and ^c5^st the exact signification of
which has been lost and which have gone out of vogue, the
flourishing state of Buddhism and the attitude of tole-
rance towards it, a Brahman allowed to take a Sudra as a
lawful wife unto himself — a practice strictly prohibited in
the Kali age : all these facts in their cumulative effect
easily lend themselves to establish the antiquity of the
play. Messrs. Raddi Shastriand Paranjpye, in the Introduc-
tion to their edition of the play, have assigned it to the
first century before Christ.

Lovers of Sanskrit cannot but be greatful to Mr.
T. Ganapati Shastri, Curator of Sanskrit Manuscripts in
the Palace Collection, Travancore State, to whom belongs
the credit of bringing to light the plays of Bhasa till then
regarded as irrecoverably lost in the abyss of time. It is
an undoubted fact that the Charudatta formed a unit in
the Hld*-^* of Bhasa. It is referred to by Abhinavagupta
(cir. 1000 A. D.) in his Natyavedavivrti. Abhinavagupta,
while commenting on the 13th stanza of the 19th chapter
of Bharata's Natyasastra alias Natyaveda, says1 —

1 This commentary, the Natyavedavivrti, is still unpublished ; and
I owe this quotation to the kindness of Mr. T. Ganapati Shastri.

Mehendale: Date of tiudraka 369

«*Ffr ft *T*T RT^FT ^T#T:

JTRT^WTlSHi twMHHf ^l^chl^d^m* tf: I %R|JTR^?rait ft gw-

ft spfrsHssgpji ^f% i

The Carudatta printed in the Trivendrum Sanskrit
Series is evidently a fragment, though the remark ^efl^dH.
appears in the colophon of one Ms. A reference to the
Sarasvatikanthabharana1 (cir. 1050 A. D.), Pariccheda v,
stanzas 599-600 shows that Bhoja is quoting from a work
and that too a drama in which Vita is addressing Sakara.
The passage of similar import from the Mrcchakatika de-
serves being placed side by side for the purpose of useful
comparison. Moreover the following passages from the
Carudatta unmistakably shadow forth matter for further
acts of the play which Bhasa must have woven into it —

(a) ^^^^RTOft ?<T?m¥r STWpaTcf ( ^T° i. 6 ) ;

( b ) ^T^J:— ( Wl^) ftra«i 1 M^Nf^sl^l fir I # ft "IRT

3FPTT fei q^3fl^ir ftj'Jii^f^ I ( ibid, ii p. 44 )-;
( c ) "U*W*: — JR: Sk^4*'Klsff fwm &*& *$&{ I

flfrcTITfa ^Tc?tS^ 2ftS^TT *Rg cW 3T II

( ibid. iv. 7 J;

(d) TTftnET— yr^am^aF^HiM^ srfii^K^^ d<i q^ft % '

( ibid. iv. p. 71 );

( e ) JTftTcfiT— • iTft %R 3T&PTC TH%3T 3?^M^t! 3Tf*WftWI^ I

%£r— a^r ^ | ^ gay 3TI%TTf^3TRTCr3T^ <|f^T 3WlftK I

( ibid, iv, p. 86 ).

1 Page 740, ed. Jibananda —

Cf. Mrcohakafika (Bom. Sk. Series), p. 340— ft?: i *rr* wftft q^Rini fWM-

47 [ Bhandarkar Com. Vol.]

370 Mehendale : Date of dudraka

It also deserves to be noted that the Carudatta is not
wound up with the usual concluding benediction. Thus
we can infer that Bhasa must most probobly have com-
pleted the Carudatta. Or perhaps the copy of the Mrccha-
katika which Bhoja used might have contained the passage
referred to above in place of the correspondidg reading in
the editions of the Mrcchakatika. But the latter alter-
native seems to be unlikely in as much as even the two
Mss. E and K, which hailed from Saugor and Jeypore, —
Central India — and on which the late Mr. N. B. Godabole
relied for his edition of the Mrcchakatika, contain no
trace of that reading. In this connection it also deserves
to be mentioned that the Sarasvatlkanthabharana reads
the 22nd verse of the Mrcchakatika Act viii. as —

'Rf5^ ^% &. $P ^t ^3p9*3$^$ft «

and that this reading is not found in the editions.

From the considerations set forth above it would not
be unsafe, in the present state of our knowledge, to
conclude that the Carudatta of Bhasa was the original
which Sudraka worked up into his Mrcchakatika. It is,
however, an unfortunate circumstance that the Carudatta
has been recovered only in part and that we are thus left
in the dark in respect of the full and adequate material
which otherwise would have been available to us from the
remaining portion of the Carudatta for settling the ter-
minus a quo of the Mrcchakatika and incidentally furnish-
ing additional data for determining the much discussed
date of Bhasa himself.

The terminus ad quern for the Mrcchakatika is settled

by the following passages from the Avaloka1 of Dhanika —

( a ) %T^TT mfef ^ tflTwc^H. i W W&SHW*t^*fo-

( b ) urn zp—tmmJwgi ^&&iRw ^ etc.

( T53° X. 12 ).
1 Dasarupa. Nir. S5g. ed. pagei 45, 90.

Mehendale: Date of Sudraka 371

This Dhanika was one of the literary circle at the
court of Parmar Munja of Malva (A. D. 974-995). ' Dha-
nika thus belongs to the end of the tenth century, which
is thus the later limit of the Mrcchakatika. The earlier
limit is however not so easy to settle. Vamana2 (cir.
775 A. D.) in his Kavyalarikarasutravrtti supplies two
quotations which have an important bearing upon this
line of inquiry —

( b ) 3Rf f| 5TW 5¥JWS%TCffi ^33^1

The first quotation appears in a modified form in the
Mrcchakatika Act i. ; but it rathers agrees more with
Bhasa's Carudatta, Act i. 2. The second occurs in the Mrc-
chakatika Act ii. but, strangely enough, it is not found in
the Carudatta. These facts, taken in conjunction with
Vamana's remark3 that the works of Sudraka and others
supply copious illustrations of the artistic characteristic of
composition called Slesa, clearly lead to the conclusion
that Sudraka was, in the latter half of the eighth century
already known as an author with a recognised place
in the realm of letters. From the way in which Vamana
is giving the above quotations it appears quite probable
that Sudraka must have written the Mrcchakatika. Ex-
cept the latter drama and a solitary verse4 no other work
of Sudraka is as yet known to the Sanskrit world of
letters.

Having established so much let us see if we can possibly
derive any further light to help us in this investigation
from Bana's Kadambarl and Harsacarita. It is signifi-
cant that Bana in the introductory verses prefixed to the

1 Ind. Antiquary xxxvi, pp. 168-170 and J. R. A. S. xv, 175.

2 Nir. Sag. ed. pp. 60 and 56.

3 Ibid. p. 33— *4#+lf3<ftd3 M4^FT ^l^msfr W&-

4 No. 1271, Vallabhadeva's SubhSaitavali— cJrpft ft fl^+Hlfl $t{1c4-

372 Mehendale: Date of ffadraka

Harsacarita eulogizes Bhasa the dramatist, and omits
Sudraka. It is well known to Sanskrit scholars that the
basis of Bana's Kadambarl is the Brhatkatha of Gunadhya,
of which there exist two faithful and independent render-
ings in Sanskrit : the Brhatkathamafijarl and the Katha-
saritsagara. Bana, in writing his masterpiece of romance,
has changed the name of the hero of the original Katha
from king Sumanasa (or Sumanas) of Kancanapuri to king
Sudraka of Vidisa. Now is this substitution haphazard or
deliberate ? Bana in his Harsacarita1 mentions a Sudraka
one of whose emissaries deprived Candraketu the lord
of the Cakoras and his minister of life. This inform-
ation does not help us ; so is the case with the hero of the
Kadambari where he is described as the fountainhead of
all polite arts and as a sovereign possessing all the advan-
tages of power and position, — no reference or indication is
however given as to his authorship or as to his being bles-
sed with a son. This description evidently savours of
being technical and stereotyped. The dynastic lists given
in the Puranas and collected by Mr. F. G. Pargiter make
no mention of any Sudraka. Kslrasvamin3 (cir. 1075
A. D.) while commenting on Amara ii. 8. 2 gives a list of
Cakravartins among whom the following names occur —
fa«WlR«tf: *HS*M$: *I*M*: I
^AfrMfflflltel) 3T fTS: W^TlWl^: (v. I. Wmo) II

In the commentary on the Vakyapadlya of Bhartr-
hari a king Sudraka is mentioned — s*r%sfa <N^ |cg%
33FT m: SJ^Mdfa sitfMWl iMH^MftflRT: etc. The author
of the commentary Hrdayangama, while commenting3 on
Dandin's Kavyadarsa i. 15 makes mention of a Sudraka :
^^l^H^-— ^i^^Hll^cli^^l^H; A Sudraka (v. I. Sudrka),
whose life was written conjointly by Ramila and Somila,
is mentioned by Rajasekhara.4 All these references go to

1 Harsacarita, p. 270 (Bom. Sk. Series).

2 Mr. G. K. Oak's ed. of Amarakosa with the commentary of
KsirasvSmin, p. 122.

3 K5vy5darsa, ed. by Prof. M. Rangacharya, p. 14.

4 R.G. Bhandarkar's Report on the Search for Sk. Mss., 1887-91, p.x.

Mehendale: Date of £udraka 373

prove that a great king named Sudraka was known to
old Indian tradition, which information is already-
vouched for by the writer of the Prelude to the Mrcchaka-
tika. There Sudraka is said to have lived for one hun-
dred years and ten days. The Ain-i-Akbaii of Abdul
Fazal mentions, among kings of Bengal, a king of the
Khatri caste named Sadhrak whose reign lasted for 91
years.1 Abdul Fazal assigns 2418 years to the reigns of
24 Khatri princes of Bengal 'who kept aflame the torch of
sovereignty from father to son in succession.' All this
is on its very face unhistorical. The other items of inform-
ation about Sudraka given in the Prelude are that he was
a Ksatriya par excellence, that he performed the horse-
sacrifice which involved him in many hostilities, and that
he possessed boundless and resourceful energy (^Jiiv^rq).
The writer of the Prelude has used the Perfect (q^t f&$)
in describing Sudraka. The latter must therefore have
lived a considerable time before him. In the present state
of our knowledge it is very difficult to exercise reservation
in the matter of accepting such information. It may be
that Sudraka may have, for ought may turn up to the con-
trary, come upon the swelling tide of the vigorous Brah-
manic revival so gloriously inaugurated by the Gupta em-
perors. The Rajataranginl mentions a Sudraka who was
distinguished by eminent courage and energy.2 Kalhana
appears to regard him as coming after Vikramaditya. It
is very difficult to say exactly who this Vikramaditya is.
The contemporaneity of Matrgupta, Pravarasena II, Men-
tha (or Bhartrmentha) and Vikramaditya, indicated by
Kalhana, and reminiscences of which are preserved in
Sanskrit literary tradition, makes it highly probable that
this Sudraka may have lived about 550-600 after Christ, the
second well-known blank in Indian history. This literary
tradition is preserved in the anthologies of Jalhana (cir.

1 The Ain-i-Akbari of Abdul Fazl translated by Col. H. S. Jarrett,
Vol. II, pp. 144-146.

2 Rajataranginl (Bom. Sk. Series), iii. stanza 343 — #cJn?T R**MI^?4

374 Mehendale : Date of 6udraka

13th century), Sarngadhara and Vallabhadeva. The verse —

Gw-MdH cWlfrlft 4<&kl'sH W I
is ascribed to Vikramaditya by Jalhana and Vallabhadeva*
while in the Sarngadharapaddhati it is ascribed to Vikrama-
ditya and Mentha jointly. The verse occurs in the Balaca-
rita and the Carudatta of Bhasa, and consequently the
amusing mess of the anthologists and the conjuctures of
Pischel may be safely passed over.

It may thus be seen that the Mrcchakatika of Su-
draka had not attained that degree of celebrity in the time
of Bana which would merit a necessary and complimentary
reference to it in the beginning of the Harsacarita. It may
also appear that before the Pancatantra in its two recen-
sions was compiled, the Mrcchakatika had already been a
popular work. In Pancatantra I, the 14th and the 15th
stanzas of the Mrcchakatika Act iv are reproduced.
Also the 90th stanza in Tantra II is a reproduction of
Mrcchakatika iii. 25. The Pancatantra in its present
form cannot be earlier than Damodara Gupta's Sambhall-
mata (cir. 775 A. D.) and Rudrata's Srngaratilaka (cir.
850) in as much as the stanzas q%": HHsKul- (799) and w$
*Ffft«RT^5I3 '^ 3JFt1T (i. 41) occur in Tantra I. 174 and Tantra
IV. 8 respectively. So long as the remaining portion of
the Carudatta of Bhasa, viz. from the fifth act to the con-
clusion, remains unrecovered, it may not be of much avail
to interpret and discuss for the purpose of this paper the
evidence supplied by the judicial astrology, the court-trial
and the state of Buddhism in the Mrcchakatika. Provi-
sionally we may assign Sudraka to the middle of the sixth
century after Christ.

THE MAKING OF THE SANSKRIT POET

BY F. W. THOMAS

THE Sanskrit rhetoricians have, as is well known, their
profound or subtle theories of the nature of poetry;
and these, of which the most interesting are concerned
with the ideas of citra, dhvani, and rasa, will no doubt be
treated in due time in the promised work of Professor
Jacobi. A simpler matter, the training of the poet, I pro-
pose here to illustrate by a handful of citations, which I
have put together from the works of various writers on
Alankara.

The limitations of the study of poetics as a means to
the production of poetry are clearly recognized by Dandin
( Kavyadarsa, I. 103-5 ) —

" Both natural fancy and much reading, free from
error,

" Also tireless application, are the source of this

perfection of poetry,
" Though there be wanting that wondrous fancy,
" Consequent upon a quality of antenatal impression,
" Yet speech, when courted with learning,
" Infallibly grants at least some gratification and

effort.

" So away with sloth, let SarasvatI ceaselessly

" With labour be courted by those who would win

fame.
" Men who have laboured even upon a slender gift
" Can take part in companies of bright spirits. "

This distinction of natural genius from culture, with-
out depreciation of the latter, reappears in most of the
rhetoricians, who commonly employ the three terms pratibha
1 fancy ', vyutpatti ' culture ', andabhyasa ' practice \ Rudrata
adds something of his usual precision ( Kavyalahkara, I.
14-20 )—

376 Thomas : Making of the Sanskrit Poet

" In the making of this ( poetry ), charming through
rejection of unessentials and adoption of essen-
tials,

" A triad is employed, namely faculty, culture, and
practice.

M That whereby there is constantly in the concentra-
ted mind a flashing of ideas in various ways,

" And unlaboured words present themselves, is
faculty.

" ' Fancy,' so named by others, it is twofold, natural

and created :
" From being born with the man the natural is the

higher of the two :

" Since only as a means to its own development it

seeks the secondary,
" While the created is somehow produced through

culture as a primary.

" Through knowledge of metre, grammar, arts, the

world, words and meanings,
" Discrimination of suitable and unsuitable, this

briefly is culture.

" At large what is there that it is not ? In this world

no matter, no expression
" But may be an element in poetry. Hence it, this

second ( culture ), is omniscience.

Having acquired all that is knowable under a good
poet, a good man, only,
" Night and day let one having 'faculty' practise with
appreciation poesy. "

Vamana's directions ( Kavyalankara-vrtti II. 1 sqq.) are
to the same effect : but, as they include some further
details, partly of a quaint character, we need not scruple to
adduce them here —

" Elements of poetry are the world, the sciences, and
miscellaneous.

Thomas : Making of the Sanskrit Poet 377

" The world is worldly usage.

" Tradition of words, lexicology of meanings, metre,

doctrines of the arts, and of love, politics and so

on are the sciences.
" From tradition of words comes word-suggestion.
" From lexicology of meanings comes certitude of

the import of words :
" Since what is not allowed is not allowable.
" From metre comes decision of metrical doubt.
" From doctrine of arts, realization of the essence of

the arts.

" From doctrine of love, ( realization ) of the pro-
cedure of love.

" From politics, (realization) of policy and impolicy.

" Also therefrom comes ingenuity of incident.

" Miscellaneous are perception of aim, application,
attendance upon seniors, trial, fancy and atten-
tion.

" Perception of aim is acquaintance with other poets.

" Application is exertion in composing poetry.

" Attendance upon seniors is listening to those who
are authorities in teaching poetry.

" Trial is adoption and rejection of words,
[ Com. To this effect there is the verse —
"So long is there adoption and rejection, while the mind

wavers :
" Once settled the word's retention, straight Sarasvatl's

work is perfect.
" When the words are beyond suffering replacement,
'* The expert in wording call that word-ripeness. ]

" Fancy is the seed of poesy.

" Attention is concentration of mind.

" This is by means of place and time.

" The place is solitude,

" The time the fourth watch of the night ".

48 [ Bhandarkar Com. Vol.]

378 Thomas : Making of the Sanskrit Poet

Vamana's commentary does not appreciably amplify
this scheme, which, especially in the particularization of
time and place, is sufficiently definite, without, however,
going counter to the dictates of nature. No doubt there
are night poets and morning poets : whether the former or
the latter are meant, perhaps Vagbhata ( see below ' early
hours ' ) may help to decide.

It is, however, the Jaina writers who let us participate
most particularly in the secrets of the poetic studio. I
commence with the two Vagbhata's and end with Heni-
chandra, who gives the fullest directions.

The author of the Vagbhatalahkara, son of Soma, ( first
half of the 12th century ) expounds as follows ( I. 3 sqq. ) : —

" Cause thereof ( i. e. of poetry ) is fancy, and culture

its adornment.
" Application effects its abundant outflow — so the

saying of the old poets.

" Furnishing suggestions of tranquil words and adap-
tation of new matter,

" The flashing thought of a good poet is fancy, to-
wards every point alert.

" Unusual intelligence, based upon instruction in the
doctrines

" Of words, morals, action, love and so forth is termed

culture.

" Incessant devotion to poetic composition under a

senior
" Is known as practice : thereof we expound some
little of the procedure.

" By a string of words having charm of composition,

but void of meaning
" One should master in view of poesy the metres one

and all.

11 Afterwards comes weight through combination,

non-omission of visarga,
" And avoidance of failure of sandhi, these being oauses

of charm of composition. ( Illustration follows. )

Thomas : Making of the Sanskrit Poet 379

1 If, owing to inexperience, adaptation of new matter

fails to present itself,
' One should practise Qven in conversation the art

of giving form to meaning. {Illustration follows.)

4 Composing another's matter would also be practice

in poetic usage :
' It is not advisable, since thereby the poet becomes

a thief.

4 However, in samasya ( verse-filling ) a taking of

another's poetry may be a merit in a poet :
1 For he makes new matter joining on thereto.

4 Tranquillity of mind, fancy, early hours, appli-
cation,

4 Insight into various Sastras — these are the cause of
sense-inspiration.

1 With a view to detail of the subject to be described
let him acquire readiness in combining it

4 With attributes or with sentences, such as similes
etc. in the second half. "

The author suggests practice in the arts of expansion
and compression, and notes certain conventions relating to
the Sanskrit language and the usage of the poets ( kavi-
sangati ).

The other Vagbhata, the son of Nemikumara who be-
longs to the 14th (?) century, in his Kavyanusasana gives to
the poetic conventions ( 4 absence of flower and fruit in the
Asoka tree ', 4openirig of the blue lotus etc. in the daytime,'
4 darkness that can be handled ', 4 whiteness of fame and
laughter, ' etc. — things affirmed or ignored without regard
to fact ) the prior place, and then proceeds to the actual
training. His matter being identical with that of Hema-
chandra, an earlier authority to whom we hasten, we give
only his brief text without the explanations and examples
in his commentary ( I., page 12 of the edition in the
Kavyamala 43 ).

380 Thomas : Making of the Sanskrit Poet

" Training is ' shadow-dependence ' upon the poems
" of great poets, sometimes by way of ' imaging, '
" sometimes by way of ' copy-sketch, ' sometimes by
" ' corporeal resemblance, ' sometimes by ' foreign-
" city-entrance ' likeness — these in progressive sequ-
" ence ; dependence in one line, two, three ; depend-
" ence in sayings ; verse-filling and word-replacing ;
" practice with meaningless words and so on.

" Among these ' imaging ' is where the sense is the
" same, but the form, by different expressions, is
" other.

" ' Copy-sketch ' is whepe with only a certain
" amount of difference there is an appearance of dis-
" tinction of the one from the other.

" Where even with difference of subject there is,
" owing to extreme similarity, an impression of
" identity, that is ' corporeal resemblance. '

" Where the poem's actual capital is one, but the
" garnishing is widely different, that is ' foreign-city-
" entrance ' likeness."

Hemachandra, the celebrated Jaina polygraph ( 12th
century A. D. ), whose Kavyanusasana with his own com-
mentary has been published, like the works of the two
Vagbhatas, in the Kavyamala series ( No. 71, Bombay,
1901 ), commences with ' fancy ' ( pratibha ), ' culture '
( vyutpatti ), and ' practice ' ( abhyasa ), and then goes on to
deal with ' training ' ( siksa ), pp. 8 sqq. —

" Non-mention of even the actual, mention of even
" the not-actual, restriction, dependence in the form
" of 'shadow and so on,' etc., are the trainings.

* Of even the actual : i. e., of genus, substance,
" quality, action, and so on, non-mention. Of even the
" not actual : i. e., of genus and so on, as before men-
" tion. Restriction : i. e., confining to one application
" a more widely applicable genus and so on. ' Sfiadow-

Thomas : Making of the Sanskrit Poet 381

" dependence ' by way of a sort of ' imaging,' ' painted
" copy-sketch, ' ' corporeal equivalence, ' ' foreign-
" city-entrance ' likeness. In virtue of the and so on
" dependence in word, line etc., as may seem proper,
" upon another poem. In virtue of the etc., filling-
" up verses and so on. These are the trainings."
from Commentary ( omitting illustrative verses ): —

M Shadow : i. e., of the sense. Dependence thereupon is

" in some cases by way of imaging ... as is said —

" Where the sense is the same entirely, but the

setting is in other expressions,
" That poem, not fundamentally different, would
be a sort of ' imaging. '

" In some cases by way of ' copy-sketch ' ... as is
said —

" Through a moderate elaboration of particulars
a subject appears as if different ;

" Such a poem is by experts in the matter termed
a 'copy-sketch. '

" In some cases by way of ' corporeal equivalence '
as is said —

" Where despite difference of matter identity is

apprehended through extreme resemblance,
11 That poem, similar by ' corporeal equivalence, '

even clever men compose.
* In some cases by way of ' foreign-city-entrance '

likeness as is said —

" Where there should be substantial identity, but

the garnishing is widely divergent,
" That poem, similar by ' foreign-city-entrance',

may be enjoyed by good poets,

1 And of these four the superiority is in ascending
order.

The commentary then proceeds to illustrate the borrow-
ing of a word, a line, two lines, three lines, but would not
allow four lines (a whole verse), which it describes as

382

Thomas : Making of the Sanskrit Poet

complete theft. It then deals with the borrowing of part

of a word, and of a phrase or saying ( ukti ), and continues:

" Should it be apprehended that this ( borrowing of a

phrase or saying ) should not be advised, since

they say —

" ' By lapse of time a man's other thefts may
pass ;

" ' Word-theft passes not away even to sons and
grandsons.'

" This is met by the ' as may seem good ' of the text.
" ' This man is unknown, I am known, ' ' This man is
" without position, I have position, ' ' The putting
" forward of this is inappropriate in him, appropriate
" in me,' ' This man's words are like tonic (guduci),
" mine are like wine ' ( i. e., our style and aim are
" different ), ' This man disregards the specialities
" of dialect, I regard them, ' ' This is obsolete, ' ' This
" had a foreign author, * 'This has a worn-out subject
" ( or ' occasion ' ), ' ' This was composed by a mere
" barbarian ' — for these and such reasons you may
" acquiesce in word-plunder and matter-plunder, so
" says Avantisundarl. And they say —

" ' No poet-person but is a thief, no trader-person

but is a thief :
" ' Without reproach he thrives who knows how

to conceal.

" ' One poet is a creator, an adapter another,

" ' A coverer-up another, a developer.

" ' Whoso here in word, sense, saying, should

discern somewhat novel,
"* And copy something old, be he looked upon

as a great poet. ' "

We then proceed to deal with samasya ( filling-up
verses ), and the conventional ideas of poetry in detail.

The last part of this extract brings us close to the sub-
ject of plagiarism, that penumbra of literary craft. Litera-
ture, being a traditional, social, and developing art in

Thomas : Making of the Sanskrit Poet 383

which the new has to incorporte somehow and to imply the
old, must always include this debatable borderland. It
might be interesting to classify the cases, psychologically,
ranging from unconscious suggestion, positive and negative
to habitual harpyism and careers which are ' one long
appropriation clause, ' or according to the object appro-
priated, word, idea, quotation, use of a metre, subject and
so forth. Our Indian theorist does not go far into the
matter. It must be confessed that, though he stops short
of ' I take what is good for me where I find it, ' he allows
his appropriator a fair latitude. But upon reflexion the
reader will admit that in most of the excuses which he
accepts there is a good deal of human nature, and that
they have often prevailed in practice outside of India.

The thief proper was, however, clearly an apprehended
danger, and his character is distinguished in a verse of
Bana's Harsacarita (Introductory Verses, 6).

"By modifying phrases and hiding the signs of
authorship

"The poet, unacknowledged among good men, is
divined a thief."

But he figures in prefaces seldom in comparison with
the poet's more usual enemies, the khala, or hostile critic,
and the pisuna, the envious man.

"What was the object that our poet set before himself,
and what was the judgment to which he appealed? The
oldest writers (except Bhamaha), seem to have mentioned
only fame (kirti) and delight ( priti, pramoda, ananda) as
the purpose of poetry ; and herewith Dandin ( I. 105 ),
Vamana (I. 5), Bhoja (I. 2), and Rudrata (I. 21-2), seem to
be content. But before long it became customary ( see
Bhamaha, 11. 2599, Kavyaprakasa I. 2, Vagbhata II., I. 2,
Sahityadarpana, I. 2, Ekavali I. 9, Alankarasekhara I. 1)
to add 'wealth' (dhana), 'social accomplishment,' 'escape
from ills,' ' instruction,' and generally the trivarga (profit,
pleasure, virtue); later even the caturvarga (anticipated by
Bhamaha) which adds moksa, the liberation of the soul.

384 Thomas : Making of the Sanskrit Poet

The trivarga or caturvarga is a consequence of the correct
use of words, ' since a single word properly used and un-
derstood is a source of all good in this world and the next,'
while ' instruction ' is defined as like the teaching of a
mistress (kantatulyatayopade&a), 'Be like Rama, not like
Ravana,' in contrast with that of the scriptures and the
sciences, which command as a lord or advise as a friend.
This reminds us of Matthew Arnold's ' Charm is the poet's
alone.' Some writers, like Vagbhata I., (I. 2) and Hema-
candra (p. 4) demur to items of the traditional enumeration,
commonly illustrated by examples, on the ground that
such objects are not characteristic of poetry, but realiz-
able by other means.

The Sanskrit poet was fully conscious of the truth con-
tained in Horace's verse that there were 'kings before
Agamemnon,' but that their names have perished for lack
of a sacred poet. Dandin writes (I. 5) that —

" The image of the glory of ancient kings, through

finding in speech a mirror,
" Though they be no longer here, itself, behold, does
not wane."
to the same effect Rudrata (I. v. 5) —

" For when the fruit of their deeds, heaven, etc., is

exhausted by time,
"Not even the names of kings would exist, were
there not good poets."
and an anthology verse runs ( Subhasitavali v. 150, cf. also
160, 167, 186)—

" The hundred-weights of gold, the throngs of rutting

elephants
" Bestowed by Great Harsa upon Bana's merits,

where are they now?
"But his glories, limned by Bana in his flowing

verse,
" These pass not, I trow, even at the aeon's waning,
to decay."
Indeed, it is plain that our poets looked in general to
the favour of courts. Even their ' instruction as by a mis-

Thomas : Making of the Sanskrit Poet 385

tress ' is designed for the "tender" minds of princes and
great men, which might not tolerate the undiluted lessons
of science and history. Lively pictures of such literary
diversion at courts are familiar to us in the amusing
Bhojaprabandha and in Hemacandra's Prabandha-cintamani
(as also in Persian literature).

But the less exalted lover of literature is not over-
looked. This is the rasika or sahrdaya. Hemaca'ndra de-
fines him (p. 3) —

"The sahrdaya is one whose mind-mirror being made

" spotless by practice in studying poetry, he has with

" a sympathy of heart a fitness for identifying him-

"self with the matter described; "

and he adds that ' the poet himself, who, according to

Bhoja's commentator likewise {Sarasvatikanthabharana,l. 2),

is also a spectator (samajika) of his own work, has taste

of the sentiment (rasa) only in his enjoying phase, since

being poet is apart from being enjoyer.' The anthologies

express vividly the victorious effect of good poetry, as in

(Subhasitavali 163, cf. 158 and 165) —

" What poetry is that that should not stir the heart,

as if it had drunk much wine,
" Should not by force of its sentiment thrill the hair
even of those with minds befogged by envy,

" Make the head tremble, the cheeks redden, the eyes
fill with tears,

"Mainstay the voice intent on chanting out the
imagined theme ? "

The poets and critics from whom these extracts have
been taken were not employing a language that could be
called dead, not even a language holding the position of
Latin in Europe during the middle ages. In a sense they
were artificial. They were carefully schooled ; they prac-
tised assiduously, like Stevenson. They appealed to an
instructed audience; and they were competitive. Hence
we must not judge from a modern standpoint their adher-
ence to old themes, their conventionality in ideas and ex-

49 [Bhandarkar Com. Vol.]

386 Thomas : Making of the Sanskrit Poet

pressions, of which a small selection is to be found in Dr.
Otto Walter's TJbereinstimmungen in Gedanken, Vergleichen
und Wendungen beiden indischen Kunstdichtern von Valmiki
bis auf Mag ha, Leipzig, 190 — (A dictionary of such things
was long ago proposed by the writer of this paper). Un-
doubtedly they made ample use t of their note-books and
collectanea; and how many of the constant slesas, for in-
stance, can boast a life of a thousand years ! The envious
man is always double-tongued like the snake and has
poison in his mouth; the king's toe-nails are always
polished by the jewels in the crowns of prostrate rivals;
affection (raga) is always redness (raga), and fame is al-
ways whitening the heavens. This is the poetical conven-
tion (sahgati), which naturally was the whole stock-in-
trade of the poor poet (kukavi), who belonged only to the
genus ; when the great (mahakavi) or creative (utpadaka)
poet makes use of such things, we must think of his
audience, which knew them very well and concentrated
its attention upon the new turn given to them, or the rival
whom, as in the case of Magha with Bharavi, he was bent
upon outdoing. He is engaged upon a work of art. Though
his range is narrow, his fancy (pratibha) is real and fertile,
as any anthology will most abundantly show. His senti-
ment is not artificial or 'complicated', but natural. His
work is, as he says, ' a special creation free from the laws
of destiny' (Kavijaprakasa, I. 1); and so it is not 'life'; but
in quality, form and content it is literature, which is more
truly perhaps an antidote to life.

PRE-DHVANI SCHOOLS OP ALANKARA
By V. V. SOVANI

IN the opening portion of Alahkarasarvasva Rajanaka
Ruyyaka ( Mahkhaka, according to Pandit T. Gana-
pati Shastri of Trivandrum ), before giving the view of
the Dhvanikara, briefly reviews the opinions of Bhamaha,
Rudrata, Vamana, Udbhata, Vakroktijivitakara, and Bhat-
tanayaka relating to the Dhvani doctrine to show the
stage at which criticism had arrived before the advent
of the Dhvani School. In the present paper an attempt
has been made to show that there were three schools of
criticism before the Dhvani school appeared on the hori-
zon, viz. (1) the Rasa school, (2) the Vakrokti school or
the school of Alahkaras, and (3) the Riti school or the
school of Gunas.

Samudrabandha in his commentary1 on the Alankara-
sarvasva thus classifies the schools of criticism —

31 f%%2T 3KTsff *E!^ I 3%* 3%S< HHQsM s^TNRTpfa &fW^-
9^T %fcT 5PT: Ten: I 3n%S^F5f R^t 5^ %frf srfraj^ I f|rfr%sfq '*#r-
fdt(l^-^ *M$r>i %fa t^ I ?T% <^1 q%^RT ^•^dlRl'^t^t fj^Rfr
31*$* cJcfRTt 4«blRhMftRd*R«l ^3*4f MfrUM^M V**m 3TRF3[M£fa I

I will try to show that Vakroktijivitakara may be
included in the Alahkara school, as he merely elaborates
Bhamaha's Vakrokti.2 Bhattanayaka, on the other hand,
is the exponent of Bharata's Rasa school, as will be shown
presently. So the former views belong to the three different
schools of criticism, obtaining before the rise of Dhvani.

The Rasa school : The oldest writer extant of this school
is the sage Bharata, whose views we learn from chapters
vi, vii and xvi of his Natyasastra. Bharata's conception
of poetry is dramatic,3 and it is upheld by Vamana in

1 Trivandrum Sanskrit Series edition, page 4. 2 Bhamaha ii. 85.

3 Natyasastra xvi. 118, always quoted from the Ka"vyaraa"la edition.

388

Sovani : Pre-dhvani Schools

i. 3. 30-32 and by Abhinavagupta in his commentary on the
sixth chapter of the Natysastra, where he says — ^rM cJR-

Bharata deals with Rasas and Bhavas in chapters vi
and vii and treats of 36 laksanas, 4 poetical tropes, and 10
poetical excellences in chapter xvii. Of these the 36 laksa-
nas or dramatic embellishments were later included under
alankaras1 or under gunas and alankaras.2 Gunas, dosas
and alankaras were all subordinated to Rasas by Bharata.3
That Rasa is predominant in poetry is seen from Bha-
rata's statement4 — st f| m\£\ 3>f^sf: 5Rct%. At the beginning
of chapter vii Bharata says — ^Hls^T^fadl^+Miari^ *n^RT?l%
*TT^r: and Abhinavagupta in his commentary on the same
explains it thus — ^lo^nstf ^\: \ 3^^% 5tt^I^c^4: I JTr^T^tS

The genesis of Rasa is thus illustrated by Bharata6 —

3^]cT - I

underlined

*TI% ^RTt 55fl%. Here we may note that the
expressions anticipate the vyanjana function of the Dhvani
theory as also the bhavakatva function advocated by
Bhattanayaka.

The RasabhSsas do not seem to be formally recognised
by Bharata, though he appears to have hinted at them,6 as
we learn fromAbhinavagupta's commentary Abhinavabha-
ratlonthe Natyasastra, ch. vi, which is partially reproduced
in the Dhvanyalokalocana.7 We next meet with them in
the Kavyalankarasangraha of Udbhata ( iv. 6 ) where they
receive the designation urjasvin, and we encounter them

1 KavyadarSa ii. 367, and Dasarupaka iv. 84 with Avaloka.

2 Sahityadarpana, ch. vi. p. 332, Durgaprasad's edition.

3 Natyasatra, xvi. 104.

4 Ch. vi. p. 62; cf. also Bharata vii. 7. 5 Ch. vii. p. 70.

6 Vide ch. vi. 40 — a^Kid^lcNT g fl" fTC?": I

7 Page:23;and 66, Nir. Sag. edition.

Sovani : Pre-dhvani Schools 389

again in the Dhvanikarika ii. 3, the first half of which
is attributed to Srngaratilaka with a diffren£,line for the
latter half by the author of Prataparudrayasobhusana.1

Before passing further we may note that accord-
ing to Bharata, as interpreted by his commentator Abhina-
vagupta, Rasa was the very essence of Natya. Abhinava-
gupta in explaining Natya-rasa in the concluding portion
of the prose, just before verse 33 of chapter vi, says — rll&llctf-

We also find the same in the Dhvanyaloka,2 where
Anandvardhana says — tt$& <wi(^u<<£fui 3JT53n%RR qUdKNfo
&Hl3U+l3fd MldHI^^I^— scil. ^PHjiR+I, ch. iii. 33, to sup-
port which statement Abhinavagupta in his Locana, p. 182,
cites from Bharata — ffPT: **n°W<pn": ( Natyasastra, xx.
62, where we read ^rT#T »1l<feWid<: ). To depict Rasa, it is
necessary to observe the rules of propriety ( aucitya ) and
hence Bharata has laid down that the hero of a Nataka
must be well known and exalted.3

Bharata's laksanas are all illustrated in the Sahitya-
darpana under laksanas and natyalankaras by Visva-
natha.4 The four poetical figures are illustrated with their
subdivisions by Bharata himself.5 Bharata's ten poetical
defects may also be learnt from the third chapter of
Dandin's Kavyadarsa. It is not so very easy, however, to
understand very clearly what Bharata's gunas actually
mean. For example, Professor Hermann JacobiG asserted
that Bharata's prasada guna was identical with Dandin's
samadhi guna, proposing to read 'mukhya' instead of
'mukha' in Bharata xvi. 95. It seems, however, that
Bharata meant by prasada ' a sly hint ' or ' suggestion, '
as illustrated by Prasannaraghava, prologue, stanza 7,
and is thus similar to the figure Mudra of Candraloka

1 Page 90, K. P. Trivedi's edition. 2 Ch. iii. p. 181.

3 Dhvanyaloka, ch. iii. p. 149; NatyasSstra xviii. 10.

4 Pages 316-332, Durgaprasad's edition.

5 NStyasastra xvi. 41-82.

6 Z. D. M. G. Ixiv.p. 138, continued footnote.

390 Sovani: Pre-dhvani Schools

and Kuvalayananda.' My view is based on the restatement
of Bharata's view and its illustration in Hemacandra's
Alankaracudamani on his own Kavyanusasana.2 Bharata's
ten poetical excellences are defined and illustrated, as con-
trasted with Vamana's and Dandin's, in the Alarikaracuda
mani of Hemacandra, pages 195 — 200. As Hemacandra has
largely borrowed from older works — such as the Kavyamima-
nsa of Rajasekhara, chapters ix, xiv-xviii, Rudrata's Kav-
yalankara ( in Alankaracudamani, chapters v and vii ),
Mahimabhatta's3 Vyaktiviveka, Abhinavagupta's statement
of the views of Bhatfalollata, Dandin, Srisankuka,
Bhattanayaka, Bhattatota and himself (as found in his
commentary on the sixth chapter of the Natyasastra
in the course of the explanation of Rasalaksana) — therefore,
I venture to think that this comparative view of Bharata's,
Dandin's, and Vamana's gunas also is based on some older
and authoritative work, possibly the sixteenth chapter of
Abhinavagupta's commentary on the Natyasastra, which,
among others, is wanting in the manuscript of the Trivan-
drum Palace Library.

Bharata's doctrine that Rasa is the essential factor in
poetry is accepted by Rudrabhatta in his Srngaratilaka i. 5-6
and in the stanzas attributed to him in the Prataparudra-
yasobhusana.4 It is also accepted in the Agnipurana,5 in
Rudrata's Kavyalankara,6 in Rajasekhara's Kavyamimansa
Kavirahasya,7 as well as in Bhojadeva's Sarasvatikantha-
bharana.8 So all these may be said to belong to the
Rasa school. Bhattanayaka the author of Hrdayadarpana
( a commentary on Bharata's Natyasastra, as appears from
the opening portion of the Abhinavabharati ) holds practi-
cally the same view, as may be inferred from Abhinava-
gupta's observations in Locana.9 Professor H. Jacobi
says in the Introduction (pages 5 and 17) to his translation

1 Vide pages 146-147, Nirnayasagar edition. 7 Chap. iii. p. 6.

2 Page 196, KavyamSla edition. 8 Chap. v. 8.

3 Pages 43-55, Trivandrura Sans. Series edition. 9 Pp. 11, 12, 15 68.

4 Pages 90 and 334-335 in K. P. Trivedi's edition.

5 Chapter 336 verse 33, chapter 338 verses 9-11.

6 Chap. xii. 2, as explained by Namisadhu.

Sovani: Pre-dhvani Schools 391

of Dhvanyaloka that Udbhata also held that Rasa was
predominant in poetry, as can be seen from Kavyalahkara-
sangraha vi. 17. Now on the 77th page of the Nirnayasagar
edition of the same, we see that the above-mentioned verse
is not from Udbhata, but is a citation from some other
writer in Pratlharenduraja's vrtti, as it is introduced by
^J^'. Further the verse can have no logical place in
Udbhata's Compendium as Samudrabandha in his com-
mentary on the Alankarasarvasva (page 4) says distinctly
that Udbhata gives prominence to alankaras. Lastly Ud-
bhata has included Rasavat, Preyah, and Urjasvin among
alankaras. Hence Udbhata belongs to the Alankara school.
Udbhata was the Sabhapati of king Jayapida of Kasmira
(779-813 A. D.), as accepted by Professor H. Jacobi in his
paper, On the Vakrokti and the Antiquity of Dandin}

I have spoken of the Rasa school of Bharata, because
Bhafata has made gunas, dosas, and alankaras subordinate
to Rasa on the ground that they constitute the vacika
abhinaya or anubhdva, which necessarily calls forth Rasa,
as can be seen from the Rasalaksanasutra2 and also the
definitions of anubhava ( vii. 5 ), and abhinaya ( viii. 6 )
and its subdivisions (viii. 9). Vacika abhinaya is treated
by Bharata in chapters xiv-xx; and chapter xvi, which
daals with laksanas, alankaras, dosas and gunas, comes
naturally under vacika abhinaya. The Dhvani school as
well as Bhattanayaka's Hrdayadarpana are in agreement
With Bharata on this point, and may be said to have only
developed the teaching of Bharata, as can be seen from the
passage from Natyasastra, chapter vii, cited above. Even
Mahimabhatta says in Vyaktiviveka3 — cfc'M^loHkf ^foflf^
<Wlf^S| *\ ^^RlisHki:. The only difference between the Dhva-
nikara, Bhattanayaka, and Mahimabhatta was as regards
the function par excellence which is operative in poetry.

Bharata's Natyasastra stands at the beginning of the
Christian era and may be much older, as shown by

1 Z. D. M. G. Vol. xliv, page 138.

2 Chapter vi, page 62.

3 Page 22, Trivandrum Sanskrit Series edition.

392 Sovani : Pre-dhvani Schools

Professor E. J. Rapson in his article 'Drama (Indian)' in
the Encyclopaedia of Religion and Ethics.1 Rudrabhatta
seems to be considered as the predecessor of Rudrata,2
and Rudrata is assigned to the middle of the ninth
century A. D. by Professor R. Pischel in the Introduc-
tion to his edition of the Sringaratilaka ( pp. 12 and 26 ),
a date accepted by Professor H. Jacobi and confirmed by
Rajasekhara's mention3 of Rudrata's Kakuvakrokti figure
(Rudrata ii. 16). The treatment of poetics in Agnipurana,
chapters 336-347, knows not the Dhvani theory at all and
therefore its treatment of poetics is of the Pre-dhvani
stage, like that of Rudrabhatta's Srngaratilaka and
Rudrata's Kavyalankara. Further Anandavardhana cites
two verses on page 222 of the Dhvanyaloka which are found
in Agnipurana, chapter 338, stanzas 10-11; and chapter
344, stanzas 14-15. Dhvani or Aksepa is given as a Sabdar-
thalankara, while the Kavirajamarga of Nrpatunga or
Amoghavarsa, written shortly after 814 A. D.,4 mentions
Dhvani as a figure of speech, as shown by Professor
K. B. Pathak in his edition of the work in the Biblio-
theca Carnatica.- Bhattanayaka's Hrdayadarpana, Raja-
sekhara's Kavyamimahsa, and Bhojadeva's Sarasvatikan-
thabharana are, on the other hand, all later than the
Dhvanikara, as they all notice the views of Anandavar-
dhana, the author of Dhvanyaloka. Mahimabhatta's
Vyaktiviveka is professedly a criticism of Dhvanyaloka.

The Alankara school : The oldest extant writer of
this School is Bhamaha whose work, the Kavyalankara,
has been published as an Appendix in Mr. Trivedi's
edition of the Prataparudrayasobhusana. Bhamaha is to
be placed before Dandin, as shown by Professor H. Jacobi
in his article on Vakrokti above cited. Mr. Trivedi also

1 Volume 4, page 886, §§ 3 and 4.

2 Translation of Dhvanyaloka, pages 56-57, footnoote 3.

3 In his Kavyamlmansa Kavirahasya, page 31, Gaekwad Oriental
Series edition.

4 Vide Journal B. B. R. A. S. Vol. xx, p. 304.

Sovani : Pre-dhvani Schools 393

has collected presumptive evidence for the same in his Intro-
duction to Prataparudriya and Bhamaha, (pp. xxxii-xxxv).
The mention of the Nyasakara by Bhamaha in vi. 36-37 need
not disturb the above conclusion, because in the Harsacarita
of Bana we find on page 86(Nir. Sag. ed.) — $ d^'-K^mi: which
is explained in Sankara's Sahketa as — fKTts«R§T 3^; ffiN^l<s%
^qr^T I%1%PJT (sic. 'iftlfacK'j]) $:. Hence it follows that Bana
clearly refers to the Nyasa on Paninisutravrtti, from
which we can see that it was already studied in the earlier
part of the seventh century A. D. by students of Panini.
Bhamaha seems to refer in iii. 55 to Raghu xiv. 7-8, and
in i. 42f. to Meghaduta and hence is probably later than
Kalidasa ( who, according to Professor K. B. Pathak1,
flourished in the latter half of the fifth century A. D.).
Bhamaha therefore is probably of the same age as Bana,
because Bhatti seems in xxii. 34 to allude to Bhamaha
ii. 20. Further Bhatti seems in canto x to illustrate
Bhamaha's figures of word and sense, in canto xi his
madhuryaguna, in canto xii his Bhavika alankara as the
pre-eminent excellence of composition, in canto xiii his
Sanskrit and Prakrit Kavya and in cantos x-xiii his Pra-
sadaguna as shown by Jayamangala, thereon, which con-
firms the same thing. Now Bhatti lived at the end of the
sixth and towards the beginning of the seventh century
A. D., as stated by Professor H. Jacobi in his paper above
referred to.

The main point of difference between Bharata's system
and Bhamaha's school is that while according to Bharata
the all-absorbing element of poetry is Rasa ( Natyasastra
vii. 7 ), it is Vakrokti according to Bhamaha ( Bhamaha-
larikara ii. 85 ), Vakrokti being the basal principle of
all Alankaras, among which Rasas also are included.
Bhamaha's idea of Vakrokti can be clearly understood
from Bhamahalahkara i. 23, 34, 36 ; ii. 85-86 ; v. 66 ; vi. 23,
in addition to ii. 81-84. In vi. 23 Bhamaha characterises
poetic speech as vakra, and in i. 5. a poet is said to be
1 one who possesses Imagination. ' From ii. 81 we can see

1 Vide his Introduction to his second edition of MehghadOta, p xi.

SO [ Bhandarkar Com. vol. ]

394 Sovani : Pre-dhvani Schools

that vakra connotes ' addressing itself to superhuman
images, which exist only in the poet's world,' as becomes
quite clear from Pratlharenduraja's exposition.1 In i. 30
Bhamaha says that all the subdivisions of poetry men-
tioned by him in i. 16-30 are admissible to the designation
of Kavya in so far as they possess vakra svabhavokti or
imaginative speech. In ii. 86 Bhamaha says that Hetu,
Suksma, and Lesa are not poetic figures, since they are
not enlivened by Vakrokti. The following from Rasagan-
gadhara2 throws light on Bhamaha' s position —

tf f| ^FqcTRTWT ^3ffcfflTf^$IN^f^dHil^Th%j4Hct'M^Nl %% W$t{\

Udbhata accepts Kavyalinga as a figure ( vi. 7 ).

The charming feature of a composition is called by
Bhamaha ( iii. 52 ) the figure Bhavika, which visualises
objects both past and future. The sources of this life-like
representation are the prespicuity of language, excellent
acting and striking, exalted and novel ideas ( Bhamaha
iii. 53 ). Now the prespicuity of language is the prasada
uuna of Bhamaha ii. 3. The other factors of Bhavika ori-
ginate in atisayokti or vakrokti ; for, according to Bhamaha
(ii. 85) objects are discovered to our vision by Vakrokti
(%r m% e|«wRh<.MlSsft %TT^ ), or are rendered suitable
factors of Rasa. Both these senses seem to be justified, be-
cause in Natyasastra chapter vii Bharata says — f^TTI%t
Wstldfa^H^l^m while Abhinavagupta says in his Dhvan-
yalokalocana (page 208)— sw^Mif^Gfai^cit sfrqft RSl^f ^ *TT5q%
*tf*T3fl%qcT ^RT — while explaining Bhamahas's ihrr g^ q^h%-
^^PTTSsft f%¥f|o3j%. Bhamaha hds used vibhavyate in this
double sense in order that the Alankaras and the Rasas
may both originate in Vakrokti. Vakrokti first renders
objects vivid to the imagination, and subsequently the
Rasas are rendered apparent (w^l'&ttM^si-RlR WH-

1 Kavyalahkarasaiigraha, pp. 40-42, Nir. Sagar edition.
% Page 470, Kavyamala edition.

Sovani : Pre-dhvani Schools 395

Bhamaha iii. 6 ). This is further elucidated by Abhi-
navagupta's observation1 in Locana, paga 69, — ^T^rsf^ ^

^lui^-HHll^lUlll^iN <W=fldi, and by Alankarasarvasvakara's
observation— ^CRfcgm^ra j$ ^<^Roq5icft^^23Tcfrf%f^Tffi affa*-
* 1 i^*l -wj^tfju.: ^rra;. However, Bhamaha did not consider
that Rasa was invariably present in a poem. What must
be present in a poem as such is Vakrokti or imaginative
speech only ( Bhamaha i. 30 ). The following observations
of Jagannatha2 shed further light on Bhamaha's view —

+M*fifad xWrtifW ^mRi^?H 1 ... 1 3rj we&i'hi^Gifa m%&-

Hence Jagannatha3 defined Kavy a as ^'jfi^l^ftHK*: 5Ig: while
Bhamaha's definition4 is ^Tgj4t flft^f ^rs^ g^ ^^S^E^Nc^T.

Bhamaha does not distinguish between Gunas and
Alankaras, because he calls the Bhavika figure a Guna as
well.5 This is made explicit0 by his commentator thus —

SP^tHI^MI^l^l^ %$m<Hft WMWiT^I %klUfc| itfGHIM^NMt
^ 5% However, Udbhata (iv. 2, 6, 8) differs from Bhamaha
( iii. 5, 7, 10 ) regarding ^q:, v**ffa'<, and «wif^1. Udbhata
further considers that Bhavas are indicated by their own
names, by their factors, by their ensuants, and by the
accessories singly or collectively, while Rasas are indicat-
ed by their names, factors, ensuants, accessories, and per-
manent feelings singly or collectively.7

Vakroktijivitakarashas further developed the Vakrotf

1 Page 180, Kavyamala ed. 2 Rasagahgadhara, Kavyaraala" ed., p. 7
3 Ibid, page.4. 4 Bhamaha, i. 16 and i. 30. 5 Ibid. iii. 32.

6 Mammata, Kavyaprakasa chapter viii, pages 566-570, Zalkikar's
2nd ed. Vide also Alahkaracudamani by Hemaeandra, Kavyamala, p. 17.

7 Kavyalahkarasahgraha. pages 48-49.

8 See Alahkarasarvasva p. 8 (KSvyamSla ed.) with Jayaratha there-
on, pp. 8-9 with Samudrabandha thereon; also Vyaktiviveka, pages 28
37, 58 and 64 ; and Vyaktivivekavicara pages 16, 36, 37 and 43-44. Vak-
roktijlvitakara is also alluded to by Karaadhenu, page 6, on Vamana I.i. 1.

396 Sovani : Pre-dhvani Schools

of Bhamaha, so as to make it cover the entire domain of
Dhvani. From Alahkaravimarsini of Jayaratha,1 we learn
that Vakroktijlvitakara Kuntaka (Vyaktivivekavicara,pp.
16 and 32) rejected such figures as Yathasankhya on the
same grounds as those of Bhamaha ( ii. 86 ).

Dhvanyalokalocana thus criticises2 the doctrine of
Vakrokti— q% dl^EttWl^: <HI<*£I^ OTHM^<-k1l *TT ctf| dl<k^M4-

qmEMPi d^idU-^i ^ftnsfret ^m ffcf ^WcmR ?r ^f^r^M m^\
*r 3*tt i

Vakroktijlvitakara is later in age than Dhvanikara, as
stated by Jayaratha.3

The Riti school : The chief writers of this school were
Dandin and Vamana. Eandin is already shown to be
posterior to Kalidasa and belongs to the latter half of
seventh century, after Christ.4 Vamana is said to be iden-
tical with the minister of king Jayaplda of Kasmlra ( 779-
813A. D.) by Professor H. Jacobi in his paper above re-
ferred to.

The doctrine of Riti was older than Bhamaha, who re-
fers to the Vaidarbha and Gaudlya styles of poetry (Bha-
maha i. 31-36) as recognised by writers on poetics who
prefered the former in spite of many excellent ideas in
the latter. Bhamaha (i. 34) says that a Vaidarbha kavya
is merely melodious to the ear like singing, is naive, tender,
transparent but wanting in imaginative expressions and
charming ideas. That this description of Vaidarbhi by
Bhamaha was not off the point is 9een5 from the dictum —

1 Alank5rasarvasva, page 8. 2 Page 208, KavyarnSla ed.

3 Alahkaravimarsini, Kavyamala, p. 12.

4 Professor K. B. Pathak in his Introduction to the second edition of
Meghaduta, page xiii, citing Indian Antiquary for 1912, page 237.

5 Compare also the vrtti on AlankSrasutra i. 2. 21 and Bihlana in
Vikramahkadevacarita i. 9.

Sovani : Pre-dhvani Schools 397

f^flW^l^l ^ff ORlR^ — in Vamanavrtti on Alankara-
sutra i. 2. 11.

Dandin was the first, as far as we know, to distinguish
between the Vaidarbhl and the Gaudiya and to show that
the former was for very good reasons adjudged the better
of the two (Kavyadarsa i. 41-100). Other writers like Ru-
drata (ii. 5-6) considered that the Vaidarbhl was devoid of
any Samasas or compounds, while Gaudiya had the longest
compounds. This does not seem to be the case, because in
the Kavyadarsa i. 84, which gives an illustration of Vaidar-
bhl style, there is a long compound extending over the first
half of the stanza, although the compond is easily under-
stood and elegant.1 Dandin thus contrasts the two styles
of poetry — Vaidarbhl is well-knit, intelligible, even,
chiming, mild, compact, and heightened; while the Gaudiya
is highly alliterative, stiff, non-harmonious, harsh, im-
petuous, bombastic, and exaggerated. Kanti or heightened
speech which, Dandin says, is a Guna of the Vaidarbhl
style,is thus contrasted with Atyukti or exaggeration of the
Gaudiya style.2 This Kanti of Dandin is the Atisayokti or
Vakrokti of Bhamaha, chastened by propriety, as we can
see from Dhvanyaloka and Dhvanyalokalocana, pages
207-208. So we see that what was considered essential in
poetry was an Alahkara for Bhamaha, while the same,
chastened by propriety, was considered a Guna by Dandin.
Further, Dandin considered that Samadhi or metaphor,
which he thought of as a Guna3 was the all-in-all in
poetry4 and was observed by all the poets.

The ten poetic excellences were considered as the very
life or breath of the Vaidarbhl style, while poetic tropes
were considered as the attributes of poetry which contri-
buted to its grace. Poetry was defined by Dandin as a set
of words, regulated by agreeable sense or idea.5 The defi-
nition of poetry by Dandin is very close to Jagannatha's
definition in Rasagangadhara.6

Dandin's conception of Rasa was objective and was

1 Kavyadarsa i. 83. 3 Ibid, i. 93. 5 Ibid, i. 10.

2 i. Ibid, 85-92. 4 Ibid, i. 100. 6 Page 4, Ka>. ed.

398 Sovani : Pre-dhvani Schools

the same as Bhattalollata's, as explained by Abhinava-
gupta in the Abhinavabharati on chapter vi of Bharata's
Natyasastra, where he says — xr$ ^t^RTW^ wR^^ci^PT^-

^ sqTOsg: I %|lc{lf^fa: #^tT: 3T^W-llNH<sid) **T£Nl%: I 3T^ %n^-

<faf W+K'JIc^T ^l'JHM|r=tl< I 3Tft g *n^RT%^ ^S3*TT^T sqfWRW: ( ^ )

=rtsfa wjsWlR^ +wAai*Mlo*MI S*llGH<HH^I*Wdl s^WlR^ I cFT

fr^TT <I^KN)«i+l^+^^KI^'WM«lc4lR^ I RKKMMI«*r( sic. f%-

flT^dT I (q)wig<rfto(d (Kavyadarsa, ii. 281), arfw "W #f2 ^tqt
^T^TcrfTcT: (Ibid, ii. 283) fcqrfcV This objective view of Rasa,
namely that it was produced in the original hero primarily
and in the actor secondarily, and was developed by factors,
ensuants, and accessory feelings, otherwise remaining as
instinct — was responsible for the subordinate position given
to Rasa in the Alankara school as well as the Riti school.
It was Vamana, who perfected the system of Dandin,
and who is considered the authority in the Riti school. In
his Vrtti on Alankarasutra I. i. 1, Vamana says — ^n©??-

Now of the two embellishers Gunas and Alankaras, Gunas
are the essential factors of poetic charm, which is only
heightened by poetic tropes ( Alankarasutra III. i. 1-3 ).
According to Vamana I. 2. 6 OfrfcRW «bl«^^r) 'style is
the soul of poetry.' Kamadhenu2 thus explains the
aphorism— o?TF3fc — OkMftfd I f^Tf^T T^5fcT 3^Tf 3*IT ffcT tfcft

tf£cU<w3d3U4U4dHWM<$<Tll^£: ^^T ^TTtrSTjI^fd 3^)%. Riti
is thus that distinct character of poetry which sharply
separates it from philosophical writings, which are harsh
and wanting in life as a dead body. Riti is further defined
and analysed in i. 2. 7-8 as— ftftiyi h«<-*hi tft: I f^t g<JTW.

l-Vide page 57 of the Alahkaracudamani of Hemacandra on his own
KavyanusSsana, where this is reproduced almost verbatim.

2 KSvyalahkarasutravrtti with Kamadhenu, pp. 15-16, Vanlvilasa ed.

Sovani\ : • Pre-dhvani ' Schools 399

Vamana said perhaps that it was no doubt true that we
did not find distinct Rasa in every poetical piece, and
hence if our investigation included into its domain all
varieties of poetry, we must make our definition wide
enough to cover the sphere of those varieties of poetry
also, which developed no Rasa. He, however, emphasized
the necessity of distinguishing between those characteris-
tics of poetry which are quite essential, and those which
are of secondary importance. These essential characteris-
tics he further divided into verbal or formal, and mate-
rial. The verbal attributes prepare a suitable vehicle
for poetic images, so that even a slightly charming idea
is greatly appreciated when conveyed by the elegant
style VaidarbhI.1

Vamana made a great advance over the Alankara
school by including Rasas among the necessary character-
istics of poetry. Dandin had allowed Rasas to be included
among Alahkaras.2 He had meant by Madhurya absence
of vulgarity3 and did not contemplate the inclusion of
Rasas under Madhurya as he himself explicily says in ii.
292. Now Vamana, who had great partiality for dramatic
poetry4 saw that Rasas were among the essential properties
of poetry and included them under Kanti. 5 Absence of
vulgarity was considered as essential but was included
under Udar.ata.G

Another improvement he made, which is also import-
ant to note. Dandin had included Bhavika, the property
of the entire composition, among the Alahkaras, just as
Bhamaha did in Kavyalahkara iii. 52-53. The Bhavika of
Dandin ( ii. 364-366 ) was analysed into the Arthagunas,
Slesa ( iii. 2. 4 ) the fifth variety of Ojas ( iii. 2. 2, vrtti ),
Samata (iii. 2. 5), Samadhi ( iii. 2. 6-9) Madhurya (iii. 2. 10),
and lastly Arthavyakti ( iiv 2. 13 ).

The Rlti school is given the credit of having dimly

1 Alankarasutra i. 2. 21. 4 Alankarasfltra i. 3. 30-33.

2 Kavyadarsa ii. 275; ii. 280-292. 5 Ibid, iii, 2. 14.

3 Ibid. i. 51, i. 62, and ii. 292. 6 Ibid. iii. 2. 12.

400 Sovani : Pre-dhvani Schools

perceived the true nature of poetry by the Dhvanikara.1
The criticism which Mammata has made on Vamana's
view2 is not very convincing ; and Mammata's own system
is open to a similar criticism, as is clearly shown by
Kamadhenu.3 The difference between the Dhvani school
and the Rlti school is thus summarised by Kamadhenu4 —
{lfcM&HK*kwftfajfc$J M' — ^ S*ft {IfrKlcHI *W d^^KSWfa+l

Both the Alankara school and the Guna school have
left their impression on the Kavyaprakasa of Mammata/as
can be seen from Mammata's definition of Kavya ( i. 4 ).
The Kavyaprakasa is considered the standard work on the
Dhvani system of poetics, and therefore the commentators
try to justify its views everywhere. However, here the
commentators have not quite succeeded in showing the
consistency of the definition.5 The definition becomes
quite intelligible when we remember that Mammata was
influenced by Vamana (ill. i. 1-3), although no doubt
Mammata considered Gunas as primarily attributes of
Rasas and only secondarily of letters.6 To a less extent
he was influenced by the Alankara school, as he allows a
Kavya to be devoid of Alankaras in a few cases.7 How-
ever Bhamaha's Vakrokti does appear in Kavyaprakasa,
under the name of Praudhokti8— &<&Rwii3|Aww*kfllS*teR^$-

1 Dhvanyaloka, Kavyamala edition, iii. 52, page 231.

2 Kavyaprakasa, chapter viii, pages 571-572 (Bom. Sk. Series) 2nd ed.

3 On Vamana's Alankarasutra iii. 1. 4 on pages 72-73 of the Kavya-
lahkarasutravptti, Vanivilasa edition.

4 Ibid, page 72. 5 Vide Zalkikar's second edition, pages 19-21.
6 Vide Kavyaprakasavrtti on viii. 1. 7 Kavyaprakasa i. 4.

8 Chapter iv. pages 160-161, as also Dhvanyaloka, pages 105-106.

SOME NOTES ON BHAMAHA
BY K. P. TRIVED1

THE oldest writer' on poetics whose work is at present
available is Bhamaha. He is quoted with great rever-
ence by learned authors like Anandavardhana, Abhinava-
gupta, Mammata, Hemacandra, Jayamarigalakara, Prati-
harenduraja, and others; and is given the first place
among old Alahkarikas by Alahkarasarvasvakara,2 Vidya-
dhara,3 and Vidyanatha.4 The object of this paper is to
make a somewhat critical survey of Bhamaha's work5
with a view to examine the grounds on which he is held in
such great reverence by subsequent authors of profound
learning.

The broad line of distinction between ancient and
later Alankarikas is that the former attach much import-
ance to the gunas and the alankaras. The suggested
sense in their opinion goes simply to contribute to the
beauty of the expressed sense, which is predominant.
Owing to this undue importance attached by them to the
alankaras, the very works of Bhamaha and Udbhata go by
the names of "Kavyalankara" and and "Kavyalankara-
sarasangraha" respectively.

Bhamaha has divided his work into six paricchedas
or sections. At the end of his work he enumerates the
subjects that he has dwelt upon in these sections. Five
topics have been treated in six sections as under —

1 That he is older than Dandin is clearly shown by me in the
Introduction to my edition of the Prataparudrayasobhusana in the
Bombay Sanskrit Series and also in my article on the " Priority of
Bhamaha to Dandin " in the Indian Antiquary, Vol. XLII, October 1913,
pp. 258-264.

«TSTHI$m *T?^ I 3T^o flf °, p. 3.

3 q^M'UcifrK'fclfePiffigcJ *E(r«T>y5*u^P^ Hrwprer^fq f^rreft3TO;i <**!•
p. 30 (Bom. Sans. Series).

4 g^fl vwgif^T wzi f^R?fff«rrar: 1 5r?rnr-», p. 4 (Bom. Sans. Series).

5 The Kavyalankara, printed as an Appendix to my edition of the
Prataparudra.

51 IBiiandarkar Com. Vol.]

402 Trivedi : Bhamaha

1 Kavyamrira or the body of poetry, in 60 verses;

2 Alankaras or figures of speech, in 160 verses ;

3 Dosas or demerits in composition, in 50 verses ;

4 Nyayanirnaya or settling the logic of poetry, in

70 verses ; and

5 &abdasuddhi or grammatical purity, in 60 verses.
The importance of the cultivation of good poetry is

very well shown by Bhamaha in the following verse —

Mammata's well known verse 3n©q" 3R%S«ff^° exactly cor-
responds to this. The only additional idea in it is that
ooetry instructs a man gently and lovingly, like a beloved.
In his Ekavali Vidyadhara shows that the Vedas are
5Jg4f*TcT — like a lord — owing to the authoritative manner
in which they direct the reader to follow certain rules, and
are sngSHTR — having words as predominant — since even a
slight change of words in them would be productive of sins;1
that mythological works are ftwifiw — like a friend — since
they advise us in a friendly way, and are arsjsraTH — having
sense as predominant ; and that lastly poetry is =bi<iitifacl
— like a beloved — since it advises us in a delicate manner,
and is nqf^TR — having the suggested sense as predominant,
words and their primary sense being both made subordi-
nate to the powers of suggestion.2

Abhinavagupta's remarks on the verse q?risr*l*l*{t^g0 are
worth reading.3 He observes that though the cultivation of
poetry gives proficiency (vyutpatti) in arts, the most promi-
nent fruit of its cultivation is pleasure. What is meant
to assert is that vyutpatti or proficiency comes from
the study or the cultivation of other works of literature
also, but poetry gives pleasure in addition to it. The

1 £TrTT7RP!TFTl% im*ii^ ^\^j^—Ekavali, Bom. Sans. Series, p. 13.

2 3fiSJ*ft SWcTf ^ft^T ET«FnrT°r *J7p — Ibid., p. 15.

3 ^rgqt c^Rj^^Rd ^rat^— qnHt.m' $fH rf«rrf^ tftfcffr srvrnnj; i

5^ <H®i{ I Ef^fo p. 12.

Trivedi: Bhamaha 403

English poet Cowper has very well expressed this plea-
sure on the part of poets even when their work of the
selection of appropriate words is beset with great trouble.
Hie excellent lines are worth quoting —

There is a pleasure in poetic pains
Which only poets know. The shifts and turns,
The expedients and inventions multiform
To which the mind resorts, in chase of terms,
Though apt, yet coy and difficult to win,

Are occupations of the poet's mind
So pleasing and that steal away the thought
With such address from themes of sad import,
That, lost in his own»musings, happy man !
He feels the anxieties of life, denied
Their wonted entertainment, — all retire.
Bhamaha winds up his first section by similar ideas,
comparing the work of poets to that of a garland-maker,
in as much as both have to take up what is good and re-
ject what is bad and to select proper places for proper ob-
jects. His concluding verse is —

^i<ai+i<) ^^ff% w m% %r ?rrat

Lord Macaulay in his Essay on Milton expresses the same
idea when he speaks of the magical influence of poetry. He
says — "We often hear of the magical influence of poetry.
The expression in general means nothing ; but applied to
the writings of Milton, it is most appropriate. His poetry

acts like an incantation Change the structure of the

sentence, substitute one synonym for another and the whole
effect is destroyed." This felicity of expression — the
unchangeableness of words — is what Sanskrit writers
on poetics caMmaitri, sayya, or ptika. Vidyanatha's defini-
tion of sayya is —

*rr q^raf q^Rfteiteft sp^ft ww% i JffiT° p. 67.
It is the repose of words in their mutual favourable-

404 Trivedi : Bhamaha

ness like the repose of the body in a bed. The mutual
friendship of words so close that they cannot be replaced
by their synonyms constitutes what is called sayya. Malli-
natha1 explains it as under —

Here we cannot replace ftwjl by gw — 3T5f RttllRw^l^

This is one sort of paka, viz. sabda-paka or maturity
of expression that comes from a long study of good poetic
works. But this felicity of expression, vag-vidagdhata as
Bhamaha calls it, is useless without a high poetic power,
which comes very rarely to some one only from poetic
genius of a very high order. By itself it is like possessing
wealth without modesty and night without the moon —

^M g 3fR^ 51T3 ^FTf%^ sfcTORffi: II »II*{*I<A+K 1. Y-^
Thus what is wanted in poetry is not sabda-paka alone but
artha-paka also. 3f«fqr$ is 3{:|*rwfrR?Tr — depth of sense. It
is of various sorts, of which ST^rRR* and HlR«ta6Ml+ are men-
tioned by Vidyanatha (5RH° p. 67) —

3!*^ I wilful mm: ST f|qr f^TW I

S[T&IIMI-=hl HlR&AMI^T 5T*$2RTCt II
These varieties are brought about by different tastes of dif-
ferent poetic sentiments, like varieties of food. Without
pratibha or poetic genius such a charm in expression and
sense Ul£*j4ft«hl< and 3r4*We!hK) cannot be brought about, and
Bhamaha therefore very rightly says —

C&T52J § 5TRT^ sng 4*4 ft< Jft^fflTaRP I
That is, pratibha is absolutely necessary for the com-
position of poetry ; it is found in some one only, and in

1 Tarala on the Ekavali pp. 22—23. The following verse of Malli-
natha describing the rise of the moon seems to be from his *gflWiVl,

Trivedi : Bhamaha 405

him also not at all times (5ni-+4lR(^). It is only in a few-
happy hours, when a man is fired by poetic genius of a
superior kind, that he is able to compose what deserves to
be called poetry.

Mammata also places pratibha which be calls sakti
as the first and the most important of all the requisites
for the composition of poetry.1 Now pratibha is defined
as intelligence that buds forth in new and newer sprouts.
The verse which defines it, defines also kavi and kavya as
under —

5HfT «M«Wl»$«>KllM 5rfcRT ?TcTT I

<HW ^ *3ST *CT^ Ifl^Rfs +MI30, p. 3

In the opinion of the above writer a poet is one who is
skilled in the description animated by poetic genius ; and
his composition is known as poetry. Though Bhamaha,
like the above author, attaches much importance to
pratibha, he does not ignore other essential requisites of a
secondary nature for the composition of poetry. He men-
tions them in the following verses —

3n$r gfrrr- *m$fc *m«*h: ^m^O (?) 11

Thus one who desires to be a poet must know words,
prosody, powers and senses of words, mythological stories,
the world, arguments, and arts ; he must also wait upon
poets and study the works of others.

The singular form ^5: shows that stJtF, ftyidi and *H*wm are the
combined causes for the composition of poetry.

2 Bhattodbhatta, who has composed a commentary called Bhamaha-
vivarana, explains the word arPr-qpT as ^MWfipirpPTfSl^llITt 3PFJt amaRi'y 1
*** --*J I o5l «*»■ p. 10. Should it not be explained as 3fi*rsTPT*rfSNMIHK: 1 awsnr-
f*r^ 1 Jfa ^FT^^n^KR ^"iftc^sf: ? For as I shall show further on
Bhamaha is not c^HRTF^t — one who does not believe in the existence
of the suggested sense — as Mallinatha puts him down in his Tarala on
the Ekavall.

406 Trivedi : Bhamaha

In his sixth ullasa in which Mammata examines the
characteristics of sabda-citra and artha-citra poetry — as to
whether there is any charm of sense in a sabda-citra poem
or any charm of words in an artha-citra poem — he asserts
that there are both the charms in both kinds of poetry, but
that in a sabda-citra poem the charm of sense is subordinate
to that of words, while in an artha-citra poem the charm of
words is subordinate to that of sense. In support of his
statement he quotes the following verses of Bhamaha —

*U+lR*l<J+l< *il$HIM^ <ft I

sngrft^w+K+teiRs §?r 3 *'■ in. ^\-^

These verses are quoted by Mammata without the name
of the author. Sarasvatltirtha rightly attributes them
to Bhamaha ; while Vivaranakara is wrong in ascribing
them to Dhvanikara. In these Bhamaha sets forth the
views of some old Alankarikas. Some writers on poetics,
says Bhamaha, have mentioned Rupaka and many such
figures as ornaments of poetry ; because even the hand-
some face of a lady does not look splendid if it be
devoid of ornaments. Others, however, consider Rupaka
and other figures to be external. The^ desire the charm-
ingness of nouns and verbs to eonstif \te an ornament of
poetry. This they call sausabdya — felicitous expression.
In their view charmingness of sense is not so pleasant.
But in our view both are to be accepted ; because there
are two sorts of figures : those that adorn words and those
that adorn sense. Bhamaha is of opinion that words
and sense both constitute the body of poetry — 3TgT*ff qf%&
«b'|oq*i. (ix. 16) — and not words alone. Dandin and Jagan-
natha attach undue importance to words. The former
defines poetry as — |gl*Meffi^| M^'iqfcft, while the latter as
— WJftejTfcisifim^: ^§> *I«^H.. Mammata follows Bhamaha
and considers word and sense both as constituting poetry

Trivedi: Bhamaha 407

The following verse from Bhamaha is quoted by many
writers such as Anandavardhana, Mammata, and Hema-
candra —

Here vakrokti means a charming and suggestive expres-
sion. It is synonymous with c4t<=blfa*l?d'fi'M< 3^: which Bha-
maha uses in defining the figure Atiiayokti —

JRFrtSf^T%% dl*H<hl<c14l W II ^. O
which says that when words are used in an ordinary manner
in which people in general withouta poetic turn of mind use
them, there is no vaicitrya, no charm, and consequently no
figure of speech. It is only when they are used in a charming
sense, in an extraordinary manner which remotely suggests
something very charming, that we have what we call a
figure of speech. Vaicitrya of word and sense which Bha-
maha means by vakrokti is essential to constitute an Alan-
kara. He says —

and also further on —

3T^T 33>T*fcl&lfa<<*4>KI4 ^^ • $ • 5$
Abhinavagupta explains this ( ^F^o p. 208 ) as under —

«kHHWI<A+l<l*d<*ra: I

According to later writers on poetics the figure Ati-
iayokti is found under one of these five conditions : (1)
when things different are described as not different (^fes^-
^: ) ; (2) when the object under description is conceived
to be another than what it is, in other words, when things
not different are described as different (3T^fcsft ^0 ; (3)
when connection is described between objects where there
is no connection (3ffi^%sft sfarq-:); (4) when non-connection
is put forth between objects where there is connection
(^^rs^^^r'-); and (5) when the sequence of cause and
effect is reversed. Bhamaha does not like to enter into
minute divisions and distinctions. Of the two instances
of this figure given by him, the first, viz. —

408 Trivedi: Bhamaha

^T^pfcRT >iaiGMNI tfH^W: H *< <^

corresponds to the figure Samanya of Mammata ; and the
second, viz. —

3TOT ^ c^ Rll'SjWI ^T *qTft "W^MlfiM I

corresponds to q^Afct^i4lRh of Mammata or 3ra^sft*H«*TT-
fcRT2frf% of Alankarasarvasvakara. The latter is a broader
division and comprehends the former as observed by Malli-
natha in his Tarala.' Hemacandra remarks that since
in almost all figures, we have Atisayokti, it is unnecessary
to take Milita, Ekavali, Nidarsana, etc. as quite separate
figures— erf %TT AIN|u|l<**l<Wl4NnRfa * «WM4flfo3«bN<!S)ft4&1l
^Wi^«Hi(lw^lW: ^TT^i ^Hf*, +Ml^°, p. 267. But this
view is not proper ; for if it be accepted, it would do away
with the necessity of many other divisions of figures, such
as Samasokti, Aksepa, and Paryayokti. Nay, such an
Atisayokti is found even in Upama and Utpreksa, as Bha-
maha himself explains — ■

What is meant by Bhamaha is that vaicitrya or charm-
ingness of expression is necessary to constitute a figure.
When this charmingness is extraordinary it makes up the
figure called Atisayokti, Thus in Atisayokti, there is always
a uyangya — remotely suggested sense — which is charm-
ing. Though this kind of charming suggestiveness of
sense is found in many figures, still their varieties are
based upon an additional charm peculiar to each figure-

*KU|"?h':iM4»Tl%?^ ^IriAM- RI^ItHH+K I cT^ft" Rt^ I fTTT^ (j«q-

^n^Tt^T WXV*f<t 5f^Rt^ ?T^q% WWH, I ftrfi^ (<l*WW+ri+ %cj° 5?W) g 8ff-

<rap*T fam *x *mzq 4«i«*h — p. 237 (Bom. Sans. Series).

Zrivedi: Bhamaha 409

Premacandratarkavaglsa1 also after quoting Bhamaha's
*TWT ^k% cf*tf%i: and another verse to the same effect by
another authority, viz —

very rightly observes —

^ fl^lftteKJIfoW-ril^sfa ^PMl^,Jl W+KI*cK<H«A*l : I ^f%-

From the following remarks2 of Anandavardhana it is
clear that Bhamaha is not ^sp^r^rcft or one who denies the
existence of *^f?r, as Mallinatha considers him to be —

^l4^Mfd*KJlGh<A^ ?f^R— t^T ^ ^H%° — ^m%Rtf%-

<ap I rlFTT%ircHKM<^l,jy ^lF^I^«i ^J%^lrq^T I
Furtheron, p. 211, it is rightly observed —

^Rk^WKIH,l

It is because there is no vakrokti in them that Bhamaha
rejects Hetu, Siiksma, and Lesa as figures, though they are
accepted by others —

The word ^trf>^f^rRrT: in this verse clearly shows that
according to Bhamaha's opinion words first express the
primary sense and then the remotely suggested sense (3=fit-
%^Tf^TR *^%). In other words, the remotely suggested
sense does exist; but it is subordinate to the primary
sense. Bhamaha thus comes under the class described by
Anandavardhana as ^KW^*^ ( «^n°, p. 2). The Vrtti
on this (p. 10) is clear— ?p?lfq =3 ^RT^N^? ^T^^ffpiif^ir^Tm-

2^1%^ ^t ^ vrfk^wm' iwi&ld«d«rrfq a^tan 3^3 ^^\k ^Wrr

The following are a few of the excellent verses, which
are Bhamaha's own composition given by him as illustra-
tions—

1 KavySdarsa, Premacanda s edition p. 223.

2 Dhvanyaloka, pp. 207-208.

52 lBhaudarkar Com. Vol. J

410 Trivedi : Bhamaha

q#cT fWt^iH^dHL3^rf^ I
jiO^kN f| S^fftrf^ a*NjMdML II V *y

>»lldW4 =^%: TTf^T^ JR^rTT II \. *°

rfwi«w1 Jid*Ni<Ai: ^tr^t: 4*441 Qh: 1
jrrfer *T£Rra ^«n^ ^ 11 3. ^

35RT ^T^%TT *^RT= ST^rafiK: I
*l*Mlni f^ktelN &<MM) ^FTT ^ II }. *U

3R ?K?lfcW?<5iiH«i sfcr RMuifd •

3^ Md*iK)id sfft^Tt ^Nra^STCPl. N $• ^

3W«A*d+l*d % 3^T «H*W(d I

Unlike the later writers — Dandin,Vamana, and Bhoja,
who accept ten yunas or poetic merits, Bhamaha betrays
higher taste and critical faculty by accepting only three:
madhurya, qjas, and prasada, Mammata follows him and
accepts these three only, stating that the rest are included
in them. Of these madhurya is defined by Bhamaha1 as —

sM -HfcWWdl*? snsf JT^ft^d I ^. 3
Mammata and Hemacandra take objection to this de-
finition. They state that a poem with prasada is also
sravya ; so the definition is open to the fault of ativyati —

v&m gj^teP SWK^Hft I 3T52T5[°, 8. 68

^ yszr Hlfd*Wdlsk| JRgtfawjd ffcT JTT^c5^n#T V&& 2TRI^-*
rT?T A[-tfiftMsb — ^5^3°, p. 201. I think that there is not
much force in this objection, Sravya means pleasant to
hear; the adjective dlfd^Wd!^ prevents the ativyapti
of the definition to ojas which has samasabhuyastva.
Prasada is the simplicity or rather lucidity of a poem,
so great that it may be grasped even by women and
children. Mammata has made the degree of pleasantness
clear by stating that this poetic merit is the cause of the

1 Pradipakara in his commentary attributes this definition to one
Bhaskara— m<w>U3 *^RT Wgfat &$wm W c^tTT^— WT^mtfv, p. 329.

Trivedi: Bhamaha 411

melting of the mind (gffonwO- It is said that there are only
three conditions of the mind generated by nine poetic
sentiments. They are '• 1 druti — melting or dissolution of
the mind as on hearing a poem suggestive of the senti-
ments of love, grief, and tranquillity ; 2 vistara — expansion
or firing up of the mind as on hearing a poem suggesting
the sentiments of valour, wrath, and repulsion ; and 3
vikasa — the budding forth of the mind as on hearing a poem
suggestive of the sentiments of humour, wonder, and
terror.

The definition of prasada as given by Bhamaha is far
superior to that of any other writer, Mammata included. I
give the definitions of Bhamaha and Mammata below, so
that the reader will at once see the superiority of the for-
mer to that of the latter —

8ilfoa<**Ml«l«Aikft<il$ iKIK«^ II <M«4|l<tak, V \
*RWI>I SUTrT Sri&R^ *fc^ I

mrm' mum *r srcntr ?Ft m- n ^^m° &
Bhamaha's verse shows that a poem with prasada must
be such as can be comprehended by all, from the learned
right up to women and children. Simplicity and lucidity
are acknowledged by all nations to be the first essentials
of excellent poetry. Out-of-the-way words and involved
constructions must be shunned. That Bhamaha is very
strong on this point is evident from the following addi-
tional verse —

^c^: #H i*k f^r ^Nntt fern II ^°
by which verse he expresses his displeasure for artificial
poetry like prahelika. Srlvatsahka-misra ( 10th century )
in his Introduction to yamakaratnakara attributes this
verse to Bhamaha. There is a verse in the Ravanavadha
of Bhatti where almost the same words occur, though the
idea is quite the reverse. It is as under —

%m ffawi%^ft^crai w ii *rf|° *M*

Unlike Bhatti, Bhamaha is of opinion that poetry should

412 Trivedi : Bhamaha

be so lucid that it might be understood by all, not by the
learned alone.

The instances given to illustrate figures of speech are
mostly Bhamaha's own composition1 and the cases where
he has borrowed them from other authors are clearly
acknowledged. That Bhamaha was a man of independent
views and did not like to slavishly endorse the views of
others is evident from the concluding verse of the third
Pariccheda —

That Bhamaha at the same time knew and consulted a
good many writers on poetics is evident from the names
of the ancient writers quoted by him,2 writers so old
that their names, except that of Medhavin, are not found
in any works available to us. Many other writers are
alluded to under the words anya, apara and kincit}
Notwithstanding his vast erudition, sound scholarship
and independent judgment, Bhamaha had no pride, as is
clear from the following —

And it is these virtues that have been chiefly instru-
mental in his being held in high esteem by subsequent
writers of great learning and sound judgment.

1 Compare W'gsrfti R<^}|T4 W sr^HT ^ ^Hloi^fd: t

2 Thus ^fc5+.| m ^f^cTT <.m*W Njdl t|1 2. 19 ; <M|3ft 3pflRdH, 2. 45 ;
mi*M<W after 2.47; <mj|iju|; after 2. 58; Smfl^alqiffilgdl »f*Tq;2. 88 ;

tTTTftct <Mfa3 ^pqr sn^-iNftf^cTT^ 3. 10 etc.

3 Compare — ^rf^r ftv+Kr* <ftm- ^«^^lr*{|^: I ?. 3«

T^XNtl^W+Kflft^f^srq^Rl'l t, \*

mft+H ^ R^iiw+K s^mr: ii *. v
m^fflciiig^ «t. \

Technical Sciences

AN ANCIENT MEDICAL MANUSCRIPT FROM
EASTERN TURKESTAN

BY A. F. RUDOLF HOERNLE

HTHIS paper deals with two extracts from a medical
* manuscript discovered, with other manuscript trea-
ures, by Sir Aurel Stein in the "Cvess of the Thousand-
Buddhas " near Tun-huang, during his second tour of ex-
ploration in Eastern Turkestan. A full account of his
discoveries in that locality may be read in the second
volume of his Ruins of Desert Cathay, pp. 159 ff.

The manuscript is written on thick coarse paper, and
consists of 71 folios. It is arranged in the fashion of an
Indian pothi, except that the circlet surrounding the string-
hole through which the binding cord is passed in the case
of the pothi, is here a mere conventional survival, there
being no string-hole. The folios measure 11* x 3| inches,
with five lines of writing in black cursive Khotanese script.
The writing is guided by faint straight lines, and bounded
by similar straight lines on the right and left, which mark
it off from narrow lateral margins, about half an inch wide.
The folios are numbered, in the usual way, in the middle
of the left margin on the obverse sides; but they have also
a second numbering on the same side within the blank
circlets, above mentioned. The marginal numbers run from
44 to 116, and the interior numbers from 1 to 71. This shows
that the existing manuscript is merely the continuation of
another which is missing. What the subject of this missing
portion, on fols. 1 to 43, may have been, is not known,
though of course the probability is that it was also medical.
In any case, the salutation formula with which the exist-
ing portion begins on fol. 44, as well as the interior number-
ing which begins with 1, shows that the preceding missing
portion, whatever its subject may have been, must have
contained the text of a separate treatise. Clearly what
exists is a portion of a collective pothi. How much more
that pothi may have contained is also unknown; for the

416 Hoernle: Ancient Medical Ms.

last existing folio does not give the conclusion of the trea-
tise to which it belongs.

In three respects our manuscript possesses a special
interest. In the first place it is of a secular character,
containing a series of medical formulae for the cure of
various diseases, while most of the other manuscripts, or
fragments of manuscripts, discovered in E. Turkestan, have
a religious character, containing portions of the Buddhist
Canon. Secondly, it is written in a hitherto unknown
species of Iranian language, which up to the middle of the
8th century A. D. was spoken in the territory of Khotan, but
since that date has fallen into utter oblivion. Thirdly, it
is written in a peculiar cursive script which, for the pur-
pose of secular use, developed in the Khotan territory from
a type of the Gupta script introduced from India along with
Buddhist religious literature. What this cursive Ehotanese
script looks like may be seen from the accompanying
Plate, which shows the obverse and reverse sides of the 1st
and 21st folios of the manuscript. For further information
on the subject of language and script the Introduction may
be consulted to the First Volume of my Manuscript Remains
of Buddhist Literature in Eastern Turkestan; also chapter
III of the Introduction to my edition of the Bower Manus-
cript, reprinted in the Indian Antiquary, vol. XLII, where
all needful references to other books will be found.

A further point of interest in our manuscript is that,
in addition to the Khotanese medical formulary, it contains
the original Sanskrit text of the work from which it is
translated, almost verbally, into the Khotanese language.
This circumstance furnishes us with a very useful key to
the understanding of such Khotanese words of secular im-
port, as naturally fall outside the range of Khotanese
translations from Buddhist religious literature.

The original Sanskrit text is written in an exceedingly
barbarous type of that language, which presents problems
of its own. Neither the name of the treatise, nor that of
its author is disclosed in the surviving portion of the work.
That portion contains many formulae which cannot be
traced in any of the Sanskrit medical treatises of India,

Hoernle: Ancient Medical Ms. All

known to me ; certainly not in the three standard works of
Caraka, Susruta, and Vagbhata. The first formula, quoted
in this paper, is an example of this class. But it contains
also a few formulae which can be identified in Indian
standard works ; and of these the second formula, quoted
in this paper, is an example. This formula is the so-called
Tryusana-ghrta, which occurs in the chapter on Cough
(kasa) in the Caraka-samhita, as printed by Jlvananda in
his first edition of 1877, on p. 732. It occurs also on fol. 3206
of the famous Nepalese Ms. of N. E. 303, or A. D. 1183, the
oldest known manuscript of the Sarhhita, and on fol. 5516
of the Tubingen Ms. 458 of the 16th century A. D. The
chapter on Cough is one of those which were added to the
original treatise of Caraka by the Kashmirian Drdhabala,
whose date falls somewhere in the 8th or 9th century A. D.
( see my Studies in Indian Medicine, Part I, p. 16). For his
additions, as he himself admits, Drdhabala utilized a num-
ber of then existing treatises ( see ibid, p. 2 ). It does not
seem impossible that he knew and utilized the Sanskrit
medical formulary which in our manuscript is translated
into the Khotanese language. If he did so, he did naturally
(at his time of day) " edit" the formulae which he extracted
in that fairly correct Sanskrit in which they now appear
in Caraka's Sarhhita. This hypothesis is more probable
than the other that the author of the Khotanese work
turned the fairly correct Sanskrit of his original into the
barbarous Sanskrit of his own composition. The use of
barbarous Sanskrit points to a rather early date. Early
Buddhist writers, as existing Mahayana treatises show,
were not capable of writing good Sanskrit. A medical
writer, moreover, without much Brahmanic culture, would
naturally write a more or less barbarous Sanskrit.1 In
fact, such writers would employ what may be called a
northern vernacular Sanskrit on a linguistist level similar
to the vernacular, now known as Pali. Thus, like the

1. Another good example of such barbarous Sanskrit may be seen
in a fragment of an astrological treatise, edited by Dr. Thomas, in
Vol. I of ray Manuscript Remains of Buddhist Literature in E. Turkestan
p. 121.

53 [ Bbandarkar Com. Vol. ]

418 Hoernle : Ancient Medical Ms.

latter, the northern vernacular drops final consonants, as
in dadya ( dadyat ), Pali dajja ( fol. 44 6111 ) ; inserts super-
fluous anusvaras, as in vimsa ( fol. 44 a111 ) for visa ; and
admits a great- variety of changes in vowels, such as
varana (fol. 44 av) for varina, saidha (fol. 44a1) for siddha,
kukumasyam (fol. 4461) for kumkumasya, tvacisya, (fol. 44 bl )
for tvacasya, baudhasya ( fol. 45 a1"11) for buddhasya, etc ; the
change of a for i, and u for w being particulary frequent.
(On the usages of Pali, in all these respects, see Kuhn's Pali
Grammar, pp. 21 ff., E. Miiller, pp. 3 ff, 21 ff. ) Such con-
siderations tend to suggest that our Sanskrit formulary is
a very early composition of a North-Indian medical man,
who, to judge from the salutation ( namo Buddhasya ) in the
mantra on fol. 45a1"11 must have been a Buddhist, though the
salutation formula at the head of his treatise (fol. 44 a1) is
of a more neutral character, as would befit a layman. But,
no aoubt, the barbarism of the original treatise has been
much aggravated by the carelessness, or illiteracy of the
scribe who copied the existing manuscript, and who in-
troduced numerous senseless blunders, such as kecaindad
(fol. 44 a11 ) for kecaid (kecid), kustasya (fol. 44 b11 ) for kustam
(kustham)ca; bilva (fol. 64 av) for pistva, etc. They are all,
noted in the foot-notes to the two extracts ; but some of
them, for the present, defy correction, and thus impede the
reading and understanding of the text. What adds to the
difficulty in such cases is that the scribe is peccable even in
copying the corresponding clauses of the translation into
his own native Khotanese language, so that the student is
forsaken in respect of help from either side, Sanskrit and
Khotanese. This happens, e. g., in the opening passage
of fol. 44a1"11. In fol. 44alv the scribe has missed out a
syllable in rbisam for harbisam, in fol. 64alv he writes sti
for sati, etc., Other difficulties are created for the student
by the scribe's occasional confounding of two aksaras of
similar shape, such as pha and ha, in vimsdpapha (fol. 44a111)
for vi?hsdpaha, or ya and <iha, in prrayatta (fol. 46a1) for

Hoernle : Ancient Medical Ms. 419

prraghatta (praghata), etc.; and by his inordinate pro-
clivity to insert the anusvara in and out of season, as
in upamryampari ( fol. 44 a111 ) for uparyupari, namladamsyam
(fol. 44 av) for naladasya, etc. Occasionally, also, he inserts
a superfluous r, as in kumrkumna (fol. 44 61 ) for kumkuma
purttana (fol. 4561V) for putana ; ghrrattarthi (fol. 64 av ) for
ghrrattatti (ghrtat). In addition, there are for the student
certain pitfalls inherent in the Khotanese cursive script,
especially the difficulty of distinguishing between n, nn, and
t, tt ; e.g.,ttasya ( fol. 45 a1 ) for tasya, and nnasya ( fol. 47 a111 )
for nasya are written exactly alike ; likewise between long a
( distinguished in this paper typographically by accented
a) and u; e. g., nilamttpala (fol. 44 6111) for riiluttpala (nilot-
pala)} Other difficulties of this kind are peculiar to the
cursive script of our manuscript ; such as the practical
identity of the symbol for virama with the symbol for i, i, e.
Thus the apparent saddhami in fol. 44a1, bhavatte in fol. 44 av,
ghrrattatti in fol. 64 av, ) really represent saddham, bhavet,
ghrattat, etc.

A striking peculiarity of our manuscript is the total
absence of the well-known double dot which indicates a
sound intermediate between a and i (or 2). It is one of
the distinguishing marks of the ordinary Khotanese script
and language ; yet, in our manuscript, it is totally absent.
To what cause this neglect of the double dot is due, whether
to a mere personal whim of the scribe, or to a peculiarity
of some local dialect, or linguistic period, is not apparent
at present. It has not been observed by me in any other
Khotanese manuscript.

The arrangement of the following two extracts is as
follows : (1) a romanized transcript of the text its Sanskrit
clauses being printed in italic type ; (2) a restoration of the
Sanskrit portion into ordinary popular (not classic) Sans-
krit ; (3) an English translation of the Khotanese portion.

I See ray article in Journal, RAS., 1915, p. 487.

420 Hoernle : Ancient Medical Ms.

FIRST EXTRACT

[FoL 44a]1 SaddhamV namau brrahmane-2 aurga tta
brrahmam halai — namau saidhavaidyadharamndm- aurga
tta saidhavaidhyadaram rasana halai =bhagavdm brrasmi11
ttarvma* [=] jasta beysi ttatta hve si ttu tta mahajsa
= brrunu* tta5 vaksyamme Jivakam5 sarvamthd = puja va
hvamnu tta harbaisa padya = ?/e kecainda111 d* agadd simte7
= cabure heca* agade : jainbudvipe vimsdpapha- jambviyi
bipa9 himsakye — upamryampari sarvi sal0uskattaulvskatta
rblsarh11 agadam myarhna=a/^aw vaksydmmi ttabhu brrunu
= ayse tta hvamnu tva ■Qu=parapilavasyam catvare'} par-
apilava tcau mav camgyi = catvdrau namladamsyam ca
= tcahau macarhgyi gamdhanalamdha = camdanasyamu
catvdri = camdam tcau macamga = catvdrau agardn bhavatte'}
tcahau

1 Read saddham, and 1. 5, bhavet.

2 Interpunction is made here and elsewhere by a single or double
comma ( prone ), or by a single or double dot ( like visarga ), correspond-
ing to the modern single or double bar ; a double bar, in addition to the
double comma, however, occurs on fol. 45 a1. Where the Ms. omits
interpunction, it is added within square brackets.

3 Reading of ttarvma very uncertain. 4 Corruption of varnarit.

5 Omit both tta and Jlvakam ; the former is a Khot. intrusion ;
the latter does not occur in the Khot. version ; both are in excess of the
metre. 6 Read kecaid, om. nda.

7 The original in the Ms. seems to have been samte, afterwards
altered to simte.

8 Apparently a total blunder for hame ; ca and ma are not unlike
in cursive script ; hence in rev. 1. 5 probably marajsai to be read for
carajsai. 9 Perhaps read bisa.

10 Read sarvisa ( sarvesaiii ) ; the interpunction is misplaced, and
$o turned into the Khot. pronoun sa-
il Read harblsam. 12 Read tad.

13 Insert ca to satisfy the metre. It is inadvertently missed out by
reason of the following ca of catvari. Similarly in rev. 1. 1 read patca,
its tea being missed out by reason of the following tea of tcahau.

14 Orig. reading was a§are ; afterwards altered to agara.

i

tat

.w*

*%f

t v

'CT

7 •:

i

•J

( *r. Hi 0?

o

& to

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Hoernle: Ancient Medical Ms. 421

[ Fol. 446 ]l macamgi agara hami - tvacisydpi vam}
catvari = tvaca pa tcahau macarhga = catvdrd kukumasyam
ca tcahau macarhgyi kurhrkumma ttantha vydghrrana-
khasydpi = ttu pad! vyaghrranaka sai = dadyci bhdgam
cattlistiyi ==ha,ura,mna, tcau macarhga = pcimf," mautpalam
kustasya3 = parhjsa mamcarhga nllarhttpala u kausta =
hiraviram ca at'nstamam : hlravl hasta macarhga — pamca
suksmelaya dadyd =■ parhjsa macarh4 macarhlvga suksmila
hurarhfia — bhdgd suttallta5 bhimsaka* = nasina huvama-
vatta arvi vljani ™ amnny1 attdmna sarvamni :v ttaburi
arvi harbisa = pipayayi* varana saha = ucajsa harhtsa =
ttattra mamttrapadd simdha : carajsai plrmattam sirhda-
varhda =

[ Fol. 45a I1 brrunu vaksydmma Jivakath = pu cveva
hvarhnum tta vatcarh tatta arvi Sana u sa agada = I)
tadyathd kisi kisi kisa lavibi hilt hillm namau11 baudhasya
simdhyamttu mamttrapamdamniQ svahd - aga ttayi ttauvi
=sa vija caarh tva agada siihye = imi mamttram uddhari:
tta arhnayarhda111 sa marhdrra hvafiai = suca samahyina butvd
= surai vi hiiyslnau tta hamamiia[ = ] vasvi samahye = si
tvava nasarhni [ = ] pusyayaugena1^ budamdm = pvisa nak-
sattra vlra bvamma ya vljina = sa kiri = ttasya karma-
gund krraitsnd = ttye agadi hlyi kira bvirhjsi ahavrlnaka
- brrunu vaksydmma Jivaki ■ pu aysi tta hvarhnum Jiva «■
sarvaraugaprrasamani-harbisa,m acham nasirhmaka = sa7na.

[Fol. 456]1 sd gagattdttama10 = hambicajsasam sa agada
plrmattama hvava puvimsthartai tta hvamnam - yisu

1 Read ca.

2 Ca, having been inadvertently omitted, is inserted below the
line, and the place of insertion marked above by a cross ; similar cases
are in fol. 456v and fol. 46av. 4 Omit one macarh.

3 Read kustam ca, as required by grammar and by Khot. version.

5 Read satulita, as shown by Khot. huvamavatta.

6 Read bhimsak (bhi§ak) to satisfy metre.

7 Read dravyamnny (dravyani) as required by metre and Khot. arvi.

8 The aksara ya is imperfectly formed ; perhaps the reading pipayi
is intended, i. e. pipayet for payayet. Its Khot. equivalent is omitted.

9 In order to satisfy the metre (if the clause is part of a verse) two
syallbles have to be omitted, reading either mantrarii or padani.

10 Blundered for jagattdttamu, i.e. vernacular Skr jagata and uttama.

422 Hoernle: Ancient Medical Ms.

rgausu bhimsajya [ = ] karhmyam acham11 vl sa arva I : diva-
gamdhayiksisu} - jasta gamdharvi yaksa = prritta darufn-
na raksasa = prriyi blysamna raksaysi = U1sarvabhuttava-
karisu = harblsam buvajam acham vira — lalatim2 upaye =
sa agada hamdrrauja pisilyamlvna = sammyatti sarvavittan-
da : nasamaramjsa harbimsa vittala = purttana krraittavi-
dhaka = buvau3 kura hira = khakhauvda sviva sai'nmyatt —
canumjsa4 patca birhsa nasamari = grrahayau ca sudarana5
[ = ] kammara jsamna ttagrra^c cuvlhl ^ysamna = sarvi6

[Fol. 46a]1 suprrayattdrtham7 = harblsam pahijammi
udasayi = agada sarfiuddhyatti = 8sa agada hvava sti= hala
halaisu samyuhttam [ = ]ncu halahala binaskva ide = vasdpi-
ttasu ddr&na* = cu va eha ttrraiksa bial = pitta sittamna
ttauyina : khasamna111 pvayi ucana = sattya cavitti9 narava-
sam = ttani thyau vinabe hamare — banavidasu gattrisu = ca
va amga ttanalv rvaha tcasta u hvasta = ayu vasi10dusatti
[ = ] prraha randy aujsa bivudau — vrrandlaipannimattrena^
viranam baivda sakhalyamna masvamfiajsa = vrranadisdn
prramucatta = vlram hiye gamjsajsa gusta ^jantavd ye ca
drraista}2 sya ■ karhma + jsamna a-

1 Read gamdhdrva, and satisfy the metre.

2 The pada is short by two syllables ; read lalata-tatam.

3 Probably read buvanna (Skr. putana), the aksaras u and nna being
not very dissimilar.

4 The aksara nu is imperfect in the original ; it might be meant for
yu, but canu is reminiscent of Skr. canda.

5 Read daruna. 7 Read suprraghatt&rtham.

6 Read sarvisam (sarvesam) ; t for e is not unfrequent in this Ms.
see yiksisu and vakarisa in 11. 2 and 3 ; possibly the two vowels were not
clearly written in the original Ms. from which our scribe copied. After
sarvi there is a washed out aksara, but it looks rather like na.

8 Read samudahrtti ; aksaras hya and hr much alike ; moreover
the original spelling was °hyatte, but e is washed out and replaced by I.

9 Read bhavati or bhavet, as shown by the Khot. hamare; also read
sadyo, for Khot. thyau; and narvasam (nirvisam). But the metre of
the pada is out of order ; it either runs sadyo bhavati narvasam, or sadyo
bhavet naravasam. 10 Read dosa.

11 Read vasina (visena) to satisfy the metre.

12 Read klaista (klitfa); aksaras drr and he much alike; read sya
(syat).

ffoernte : Ancient Medical Ms. 423

[Fol. 466 11 phlda prrarhnam h am arhde = yaura ? parame
daruna = biysarhna blhi ttraiksa = daheyu vastamattramni2 =
cu hvamnda pada11jsida dusta masu = ttesamm apavasakhya?
= ttyam hlyai pabe pahaisaem = j/asye hastagatta naittyam* =
ca ttye baida sa agada111 hamave =papa ttasya na jayatti =
ttye herl visumna hlra na hamare = sarvaca sadayi c&rtham
= harblsai hava saijilvdi: putayista5 na jayitte = patca patcl
upadrrava na ysyare = i/e va gaura vabai disthai3 = c\i biy-
samnai bena dusti = vasav svastasu sdrhnitta3 = bena umya
aphlde humnajsi : ttesam kakapadam murdham - ttyamjsa
vasalaka tcera ttera baidi = krraitv a dadya

[Fol. 47a]1 gadaunta6 = tcera ttera vlra hauramnai sa
agada = mukhatas tu ttrayau dadya baidavau7 = ehim drrai
kane sa agada hauramiia — nasta ttraye1 - ha11ysgva drrai
kane: agadena va8 lipeti = ttye agada sakhalyamnammejsa
= ttatta samjivattam supttam = s& binamauda hve paskyasta
bujvaiye = ttra111 bukldinnam dasti9 = gunaysyarh sajajva dur-
stam = luttam musakam veste9 [ = ] cu visumnnyam dusta u
mularh drrvamndyaujsa = nnasyapamnam}y jandlaipa10 [ = ]
haysgva khasa arja1' samkhalyunam[ = ]?;a//^awnna narvase
bhavi : dyenamjsa vi naube hame = strinam va8 mudhagar-
bhamnam -kammsi tta strlye cu harhv jyaramaicham ava-
maichlde . yauvalepam prradapaye -ttyfim puramna sarh-
khalyarhna u12 hauramna: vasucakayam ghaurayam = ca va
pejsa vasuja I:V1 dadya snana varana: grrammye ucajsa
huramiia: raksa karsu*3 ca balamnam [ = ] aysdlrja tcairai
slkalakam = suprrajamnam prrajayitte = sarasaram

1 Read ghaura (ghora). 2 Apparently read usta, burnt.

3 Text irremediably corrupt. 4 Omitted in the Khot. version.

5 Corrupt ; perhaps read putayai ca.

6 Pada short by one syllable; perh. read gadau,ntaka ( ganddntafcam ).

7 The text of this sloka is quite out of order, and wants two syllables.

8 Eead ca. 10 Read painnamjana.

9 Both padas are short by one syllable, and otherwise corrupt;
possibly ttrabukldittam.

11 Perhaps read aihja, or amjana.

12 The aksara u is here out of place ; its right place is below in the
6th line, where it is required to complete the blundered reading snana
and to satisfy the metre; the correct reading is usnana (usnena).

13 Karqa makes no sense ; probably read kurya (kurynt).

424 Hoernle : Ancient Medical Ms.

[ Fol. 476 11 jsa pura ysyamre cvai baida bldi :
yavamd arthavarsa} pava = camdai ksami hama yi bi
khase [ = ] tarva2 sau3 kurvattam ksaprri = ta sa bevai
padlme thyau [ = ]n hasta4 vl dlra na Idi = vrraiksa aidr-
rdrthinar2 yatha = khu Sakrrana pasa asuna bahya -
bijevetta sa agada bijevaki = bhagava111 ttau bhasitta Sva-
stakam nnamma mahdgada samdptta = jasta beysina hvava
Svastaka namma agada dasya II

RESTORATION OF THE SANSKRIT TEXT5

Siddham I namo Brahmane namo Siddha-vidyadharanamll

[Fol. 44a]
Bhagavam abravl[d] yoga-varnam vaksyami sarvatha 1°

ye kecid agada santi Jambudvlpe visapaha[h] II 1 II
Upary-upari sarvesam aham vaksyami tad-varnam I

paripelavasya7 catvari catvaro naladasya ca II 2 II
Camdanasya[ ca ] catvari catvaro agara bhavet I

tvacasy&pi ca catvari catvaro kumkumasya ca II 3 II

[ Fol. 446 ]
Tatha vyaghranakhasy&pi dadya[d] bhagarh catustayarh

pamcam86tpala-kustham cahiriveramcaastamamall4H
Pamca suksmelaya dadya[d] bhaga sutulita bhisak I

dravyany etani sarvani payaye[ d ] varina saha 115 II

1 Read tarsa, thirst.

2 Read tava (tavat), and similarly in 1. 2, drthina.

3 Read sau (so) ; the cerebralization probably due to the analogy
of Khot. sa. 4 Probably read hasta, 'here '.

5 This is merely a rendering into the more common vernacular
not classic Sanskrit, to facilitate the understanding of the very bar-
barous text of the Ms.

6 The orig. text is irremediably corrupt. The emendation is sug-
gested by the Khot. hve, he said. The spelling brrunu for varnam is
very curious, but its genuineness is confirmed by its occuring four times
in the same clause, fol. 44a11 alv, 45a1 av, and by its equivalence to Khot.
puja or pu.

7 So in both, Skr. and Khot. texts, but it is in excess of the metre
by one syllable ; the shorter form paripela which would suit, however,
also exists ; see M. Williams' Skr. Diet.

8 Pamcama and astama are treated as aggregatives, like pamcaka
and asfaka.

Hoernle: Ancient Medical Ms. 425

Tatra mantrapada siddha varnam vaksyami Jlvaka [h] I

[Fol. 45a]

Tadyatha I kisi kisi kisa Iambi hill hilim I namo Buddhasya I
Siddhyamtu m antra nisvaha I imammantramudahare[t]ll6

Sucasamadhina bhutva Pusyayogena buddhimarh I
tasya karmaguna krtsna varnam vaksyami Jlvaka[ii] II7U

Sarvarogaprasamanam samasa[d] gagan6ttamam I

[Fol. 4561

yesu rogesu bhaisajyam II8II1

Devagamdharvayaksesu pretadarunaraksasam I

Sarvabhutavikaresu lalata-[ tata ]m upaye[ t ] II9II
Samyati sarvavitanda putanakrtyavedhaka I

Kharkhoda svita samyati graha ye ca sudaruna II10II
Sarvesarh supraghatartharh agada[ii] samudahrtah I

[Fol. 46a]

halahalesu sarhyuktam visapltesu darunam II 11 II
Pitam sltena toyena sadyo bhavati nirvisarh I

banaviddhesu gatresu ayur visena dusyate II 12 II
Vran&lepanamatrena vranadosah pramucyate I

jantunamye ca klesarh[li]2sya[d] ghorah paramadaruna[h]

11X311 [Fol. 466]

1 The omission of the 4th pSda in si. 8, and of the 3rd pada in si. 20>
might seem to compensate each other. But if that be so, the metre of
all the slokas after the 8th is out of order. Now at the place of the mis-
sing 3d pada in si. 20, the Khot. text has the remark hatsa vi dlra na idit
i. e., in this there is no failure, which does not occur in the Skr. text
and which we rendered by the pada asmin akusalam ndsti. As to the
missing 4th pada of si. 8, one expects a demonstative clause to comple-
ment the preceding relative clause, and the clause tta hvamflath, i. e.
"that I shall say" in the Khot. text does seem to suggest that a comple-
ment such as bhavet, tuny aham vaksyami has droped out of the Skr.
text.

2 The Ms. has jantavd ye ca drraiqta (klaitfa) which does not agree
with the following clause. The emendation is suggested by the Khot.
version whioh does agree with it.

54 [ Bhandarkar Con. Vol.]

426 Hoernle: Ancient Medical Ms.

Daheyu[r] ustamatrena tesam apavasakhya1 I

yasya hastagatam nityam papam tasya na jay ate II14H
Sarvam ca sadhaye[d] artharh putayas ca2 na jayante I

ye ca ghora [vabaidisthai vasasvastasu3] sonite 111511
Tesam kakapadam murdhni krtva dadya[ d ] gadantakam I

[Fol. 47a]

mukhatas tu trayo dadya[d] bindavo va nastas tttrayo 11 16 II
Agadena ca limpeta tatah. samjivati suptah I

mutrabhu-kltena dasto lutamusakena vesta[h] II 17 II4
Nasyapanamjan&lepa[d] vidhina nirviso bhave[t] I

strinam ca mudhagarbhanam yonileparh pradapay e[t] II 18 II
Visucikayarh ghorayam dadya[d] usnena varina I

raksam kurya[c]5 ca balanam suprajanarh prajayita II19II
Yavad arthatarsa[ii] pive[t] tava[t] sa kurvati ksipram I

1 vrksam Indri-rthina yatha II 20 II

Bhagavato bhasita Svastaka nama mahagada[h] samapta[Jb]

II :: II

1 The Ms. is here quite corrupt, and its metre is short by one sylla-
ble; but for the present I am unable to suggest an emendation, as the
meaning of the Khot. version is unknown.

2 The Ms. text has putayista (or punayikta) which is not intelligible.
The emendation is suggested by the Khot. version patca patcl upadrrava
which seems to mean "after-troubles."

3 The Ms. readings vabaidisthai and vasasvastasu are quite corrupt ;

they correspond respectively to Khot. bena dusti and bena umya, which

however themselves are doubtful ; umya seems to mean ' latent ', Skr.
supta ; and Skr. vabai and vasa, both representing Khot. bena, might be

corruptions of visa, poison. The reference seems to be to the so-called
dusl-visa, or slow poison settled in the blood, in the treatment of the
1 ast or most severe stage (vega) of which the kakapada incision is re-
commended in Caraka-samhita, Cik. Sth., xxv, verses 29, 61, 64 ( Jiv. 2nd
ed. pp. 725, 727) and in Susruta-samhita, K. Sth., II, v. 48, and V, w. 21,
22, 42, 43 (Jiv. 5th ed. pp. 567, 580, 582).

4 Both text and metre of si. 176 are badly corrupted in the Ms. The
doubtfully suggested emendation is based on the Khot. version.

5 The Ms. reading karsa makes no sense. The emendation is sug-
gested by the Khot. tcairai.

Hoernle : Ancient Medical Ms. 427

TRANSLATION1

[Fol. 44a]1 Reverence towards Brahman! Reverence
towards the Siddhas, Vidyadharas, (Rsis).2

The divine blessed one (Jlvaka)3 thus spake:11 Of this
formula I will speak the praises in every way.4 l{l What-
ever antidotes there are in Jambudvlpa, 1V of the topmost
among all of them, of that I will now say the praises. Of
Paripelava (Cyperus rotundus) four parts,vand four parts of
Gandha-nalada (fragrant Nardostachys Jatamansi, Indian
spikenard); of Candana (Santalum album, sandel wood)
four parts; [fol. 446]1 four parts of Agaru {Acquilaria Agal-
locha, aloe wood) there should be; of Tvaca (Cinnamomum
zeylanicum, bark of cinnamon) also four parts ; four parts
of Kurhkuma (Crocus sativus, saffron);11 moreover of Vya-
ghranakha (Unguis Odoratus, lit. fragrant tiger-claw) let
be given four parts ; five111 parts of NH6tpala (Nymphaea
stellata, blue lotus), and of Kustha (Saussurea auriculata,
Indian costus), of Hrlvera (Pavonia odorata, a fragrant
root) eight parts ; five parts of 1V Suksmela ( Elletaria Car-
damomum, Malabar or small cardamom) should be added,
well-weighed by the physician (lit. expert in drugs). v All
these drugs should (be drunk)5 with water. At that moment
an effective sacred formula (comes in); [fol. 45a]; its

1 As close to the Khot. text as possible, irrespective of style.

2 Khot. rasana, which is not in the Skr. text, and is doubtful ; per-
haps rslnarh.

3 Jlvaka is only in the Skr. text, not in the Khot. version ; but
he occurs in both texts below (fol. 45av). He is represented as the author
of the formula. For other examples of formulae of Jlvaka, see my edi-
tion of the Bower Ms., pp. 178, 180. Of course, the term bhagavam, Khot.
jasta beysa might refer to Buddha, in which case Jivaka would have to

be taken in the vocative case, as addressed by Buddha; but the term
bhagavat is in the treatises of Caraka, Susruta, and others regularly
applied to great medical authorities, such as Dhanvantari, Atreya,
Nimi ; and, anyhow, it implicitly marks the formula as one of Jlvaka 's.

4 Translated as suggested by the Khot. hvet he said, Skr. abravlt
The Skr. text is here irremediably corrupt.

5 Inadvertendly omitted in the Khot. version ; the Skr. has pipayayi
(payayet) ; the Khot. would be khasamfia.

428 Hoernle : Ancient Medical Ms.

praises (i. e. terms), as follows, I (Jivaka) shall say, along
with each of the drugs and the antidote !: " Kisi kisi etc.
reverence be to n Buddha, may successful be the charm-
words, Svaha ! " The physician, when he prepares the anti-
dote should reverently111 say this mantra, in purity, well
disposed. lvThe wise physician should be inpuresamadhi,
in one state (of mind)2 concentrated, at the time of the
Pusya asterism. As to its works ; of thev complete virtues
of the works belonging to this antidote, I Jivaka will now
say the praises. Of all diseases it is a healer ; [fol. 456]1
among the whole number of antidotes this is said to
be the most excellent in the universe. I will now say
in what diseases11 it is a remedy. In all diseases due to
Devas, Gandharvas, Yaksas, Pretas, frightful Raksasas,111
Bhutas this antidote is to be applied to the forehead.lv It
gives relief from all Vetalas, Putanas, attacks by witch-
craft ;v it gives relief from Kharkhoda magic, leprosy-
Whatever Grahas there are, most terrible, [ fol. 46a I1 for
the purpose of defeating them all this antidote is declared.11
In contact with Halahala, which indeed is the most terri-
ble ( of poisons taken ) by the mouth,3 it is to be drunk11)
with cold water ; upon that it ( i. e. Halahala ) becomes
innocuous. If any limblv by a (poisoned ) arrow is struck
and wounded, and life by its poison is endangered, ( then)
by merely smearing it on the wound, the mischief attach-
ing to the wound is expelled. Whatever [ fol. 466 J1 disease

1 Conjectural translation. Apparently the Mantra is to be repeated
along with the addition of each drug, and again at the completion of the
whole prescription. This is suggested by the clause which follows the
Mantra, though the meaning of the phrase agattayittauvi is not
intelligible.

2 The "one" state of mind is "I am brahman"; see Sabdakal-
padruma, vol. v, p. 271, col. 3, aharh brahmSty avasthanam samadhir iti
gtyate.

3 The Khotanese interpretation has eha ttraiksa, lit. mouth terrible.
If eha is the same as ehim in fol. 47a* where it renders Skr. mutcha,

mouth, it would seem that a word meaning "drunk " is omitted, corres-
ponding to Skr. vl$aplta, poisonous drink.

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Hoernle : Ancient Medical Ms. 429

of living beings there may be, frightful, very terrible,
which11 burn men like fire, their mischief it counteracts.1
In whosesoever hands this antidote is, with respect to
him there are no threats of danger;2 all his objects
prosper ; 1V nor do any rotten things spring up. If by
dreadful corrupt poisonv latent diseases are in the blood,3
for them a kakapada (Crow's foot) incision is to be made
on the head ; [ fol. 47a I1 having been made, this anti-
dote is to be given. By the mouth three drops of this
antidote should be given, by the nose three drops. Upon
being anointed with this antidote, a patient ( lit. a man ),
without consciousness, again revives.111 If any one is
stung by ordure-born insects, or attacked by spiders or
rats,4 by ( this antidote in the form of an ) errhine,
potion,lv eyesalve, ointment, properly administered, he
becomes quit of poison. Whenever women arev suffer-
ing from difficult labour, to their genitals it should be
applied. When there is a case of severe cholera,lv it
should be given with warm water. It affords protection
to children, and [ fol. 476 ]l when successfully sons are to
be born, it gives support. Whatever desiring, any one
drinks, of that it procures accomplishment quickly ;u
in this there is no failure ; just as the tree (did) for Indra
( Sakra ) desirous of deliverance.5 This antidote or destro
yer (of diseases) does ( truly ) destroy.111 Here the ( great )
antidote, named Svastaka, spoken by the Divine Blessed
One, ends.

SECOND EXTRACT

[ Pol. 64a ]1V Drrusani ttraphala drraksa kasmlryamni
parusakam dvi pathi sarilam vyaghrrl svaguptta caittraki

1 Conjectural translation ; the Skr. text is corrupt, and the Khot.
version unknown.

2 Here the Khot. vUarhna hlra renders the Skr. papa, evil angury.

3 The Skr. text is corrupt, and the Khot doubtful ; see foot-note 3.
on p. 426.

4 The exact meaning of the text is doubtful, exc. spiders and rats.

5 This seems clearly to be the meaning of the text, though I do not
know to what mythological story it'refers.

430 Hoernle: Ancient Medical Ms.

Stl1 radhav ttamalaki meda kakanasa siattavari : ttrarhkam-
taka bidarl ca bilva2 karsasamam ghrrattarthi3 prrastham
catturgunam ksira saidha kamsarhhara pavetta =

[ Fol. 646 11 jvira gulma ruca pllha sarau hrt parsva
raugaka4 kammalarsau nalastlla ksata sausa ksayampaha
Drrusani namma vikhyatam attam anuttami11 ttraisanam
ghrratta II Papala nnamgara mlraijya : halirai vihtlai
ammalai gura kasmiryi parusa patha : lagarabava : devadari
kamndarya alntmagupttai caittri salam raidlii ttamalaka
mida mahamida2 kakanasi samravi ttragulye bidori bila si
pana arva dvi dvi macamga ha 1V samam kutamni : gvlham
ru dva simga halai svida sau sagam hamida haili tcerai si
ru pachai nvadaina kamlana khasamna phahijivda6 ttava
gdfnmi apusa6 spaija raha : kamala raham7 jaida ysara

1 Read satl.

2 Read pistva. The reading bilva, involves a curious problem. All
Indian authorities (see footnote 4, p. 431) read pistva and count only 19
ingredients, while our Ms. text, with its bilva, counts 20 ; and its count
seems supported by the fact that it renders Skr. bilva by Khot. bila.
But, on the other hand, it renders Skr. pistva by Khot. kutamtti. Now,
the insertion of both, bilva and pistva in the Skr. text is incompatible
with its metre, while the omission of pisfvU in favour of bilva is not com-
patible with its sense. On the whole the probability seems to be that
the Indian reading is correct, and that our Ms. is wrong ; and that its
wrong reading is due not so much to the author of the Khot. version, as
to the scribe of our Ms., who, moreover ( as the footnotes show ), is
guilty of numerous other blunders. He would seem to have misread
bilva, and inserted the supernumerary ingredient bila to suit his mis-
reading. The supernumerary mahamida is probably also due to him.
It is not in the Skr. text.

3 Read ghrrattatti ; for ghrrattatt with viraraa indicated by i.

4 Read rauganu ( roganut ), and below, in I. 5, gummi ( gulma ) ; in
both cases with d for u.

5 Read pahijida ; cf. fol. 46a*. 6 Read aruka, as in fol. 526".

7 Read raham, as elsewhere.

Hoernle : Ancient Medical Ms. 431

raham tvesva} vine2 arja vattastlla paijvdgvahaiye nastausai
ksaye

[Fol. 65a]1 pireda: ttrusala3 namma rum bausta ste
vimsthari II II

RESTORATION OF THE SANSKRIT TEXT4

Tryusanaiii triphalam draksam kasmaryani parusakam I

dve pathe saralam vyaghrim svaguptam citrakam satim 111
Rddhim tamalakim medam kakanasam satavarlm I

trikantakam vidariih ca pistva karsasamam ghrtat II 2 II
Prastham caturgunarh kslram siddham kasahararh pivet I

jvara-gulm-aruci-pliha-siro-hrt-parsva-roga-nut II 3 II
Kamal-arso-'nilasthlla-ksata-sosa-ksay-apaham I

tryusanarh nama vikhyatam etad ghrtam anuttamam II4II

TRANSLATION OF THE KHOTANESE TEXT

(The three acrids, viz.) long pepper, dry ginger, black
pepper, (the three myrobalans.viz.) chebulic,belericemblic,
grapes, (fruits of) Kasmarya ( Gmelina drborea), Pariisaka
(Grewia Asiatica), Patha ( Stephania hernandifolia ), Lagara.

1 Read pesva, as in fol. 526u.

2 Owing to confusion, by the Khot. scribe, of Khot. kamala, head
with Skr. kamala, jaundice, the latter is omitted after vine.

3 Probably read ttrusana.

4 See Caraka-saiahita, chap, on kasa, p. 732 of Jivananda's 1st ed.
of 1877, which 1b supported by the oldest known Mss. In his 2nd ed. of
1896, devadaru is printed for sarala. The latter is supported, so far as I
know only by such late Indian authorities, as Ind. Off. Ms. 359 ( fol. 99 6)
Deccan Coll. Ms. 925 (fol. 292a) and Sena ed.,p. 762 ; but it is now shown
to have the respectable support of our old Khot. Ms. Anciently the two
trees seem to have been taken as identical, though now they are treated
as different, Pinus longifolia (sarala) and Cedrus Deodara (devadaru).
The 2nd ed. prints also brahrrii for vyaghrl for which I know no autho-
rity. An altogether different tryusana formula occurs in the chap, on
gulma of Caraka-samhita ( Jiv. 1st ed., p. 513, 2nd ed. p. 488 ), adopted
in Astanga Hrdaya, II, 252, Vangasena, p. 473, Siddhayoga, p. 271,
Cakradatta (Sena ed.), p 348.

432 Hoernle : Ancient Medical Ms.

bava' ( root of Rasna, Vanda Roxburghii ), Devadaru
( Cedrus Deodara ), Kamndarya ( Vyaghrl, Solanum xantho-
carpum ), Atmagupta ( Mucuna pruriens), Citraka {Plum-
bago Zeylanica ), SatI ( Curcuma Zedoaria), Rddhi (unknown),
Tamalaki ( Phillanthus Niruri ), Meda and Mabameda
( both unknown ), Kakanasa ( Asclepias curassavica ),
Samravi (Satavari, Asparagus racemosus), Tragulye ( Tri-
kantaka, Hygrophila spinosa ), and Bidari ( Batatas panicu-
lata ) :2 these several drugs, each equal to two macamga,3
should be ground, and together with two simga3 of cow's
ghee and one saga3 of cow's milk made into paste. This
ghee, having been boiled over a slow fire, at the right
time should be drunk. It cures fever, abdominal tumours,
distate for food, disease of the spleen. It overcomes head-
ache. It removes diseases of the chest, pains in the sides,4
piles, tumours due to deranged air-humour, wasting sores,
consumption, general waste. This is the excellent, widely-
famed ghee, named Tryusana.

1. The "two PStha " of the Skr. text are in the Khot. version taken
to mean patha and rasna. In India they are now identified with patha
and patala (Vaidyaka-sabda-sindhu, p. 594), or with patha and svasdri,
( RcLjanighantu, Anandasraraa ed., p. 20 ).

2 Here is illegitimately added Bila (Skr. vilva, Aegle Marmelos).

3 Macanga is equal to a tolaka or half a karsa; simga, to one
prastha ; and saga to one adhaka or four prastha.

4 Here the Skr. text inserts kamala, a kind of jaundice, which is
inadvertently missed out in the Khot. version, apparently due to the
similarity of its name to the Khot. name kamala-raha for headache.

The Khot. name for kamala is hakau-rauga (fol. 53a11).

KIRITA-MUKUTA

By RAMBHADRA OJHA

TTHE words kirita and mukuta are not foreign to the Hindu
-1 ear. From the learned scholar down to the menial the
expressions sound familiar and seem to convey some definite
ideas; and yet when one is asked to give a descriptive
definition of either of them one is simply embarrassed and
finds that the terms are too technical to be explained even
with the help of so many dictionaries or kosas- An attempt
is made in the following pages to discuss briefly the three
possible views that can be held in this connection: namely,
(1) that kirita and mukuta are mere synonyms ; (2) that
they are two quite distinct things ; and (3) that kirita is a
kind of mukuta.

As to the first position that kirita and mukuta are iden-
tical, it would seem that that is the current view in the
matter. The Amara-kosa ( ii. 6. 102 ) —

gives the words as synonyms and the commentators on
Kavyas and Puranas have followed suit and disposed of
the words by explaining kirita as mukuta and mukuta as
kirita; but none of these commentators have anywhere
entered into an elaborate description of these two terms,
the reason probably being that in Puranas such as the
Bhagavata, which are most popular in the country, the
words kirita and mukuta are found used each by itself; as
for example the in Bhagavata x. 3. 10 —

^l4Hi^§K*3;uiiRfrtf^i-<WM 3§^T T&JcT II

and very rarely if at all are they used together in the same
context. This last circumstance might have induced the
commentators to make a distinction between the two.

Examples of the use of these terms together and in
the same context are not however wanting. In the Skanda-

55 [ Bhandarkar Com. Vol. ]

434 Ojha : Kirita- Mukuta

Puraua we meet with the following description of Bala-
bhadra, the elder brother of Krsna —

In the Prthugadya Ramanujacarya says — %^3^3?^RcW-
JT^fSc? %fo ; and in the Krama-dlpika likewise we find the
following stanza —

These and similar passages shake our confidence in the
theory of the identity of the kirita and the mukuta.

The kirita appparently was a resplendent head-gear
worn on occasions like cornations of kings. Thus Arjuna
was called a kiritin, but never a mukutin, and in the Maha-
bharata Arjuna explains the genesis of the name thus —

5*r mm ir *& g^nat ^^: i
%tra *-# fgrm cMi^l R><Ti2hh. n

and at the time of* the coronation of Sri Ramacandra we
are told in the Ramayana that —

E- B- Havell in his ''Indian Sculpture and Painting" repro-
duces the illustration of Avalokitesvara's kirita as old as
1000 years, while A. K. Kumara Swami in his journal "Vis-
vakarma" illustrates the mukuta of Nataraja of similar
antiquity The illustrations differ, thereby implying that
kirita and mukuta were different-

In the temples and Rasamandalis of North India in-
cluding "R^T, f^^fT etc. two different head-gears known as
kirita and mukuta are worn one above the other by images
as well as actors to the present day, and this custom pre-
valent there affords additional ground for the same view.

Lastly, it must be mentioned that Jiva Gosvami, a
well known commentator on the Bhagvata, says explictly —
fttt3 R|-£l'J|--]^Mr*M g-f-t 3 «W«cH-^|cK+feft ^: and this remark

Ojha : Kirita- Mukuta 435

of his establishes directly that the two head-gears are
different.

All these arguments, interesting as they are, are not
very convincing to one who would rely on nothing but a
strictly technical work on the subject. But the task of
tracing out a technical work dealing with head-gears in
general is hard, and that of explaining the same is harder
still. Our biggest libraries are poor in Mss. of Silpa Sastra,
and most the Mss. that do exist are quite silent on the topic
of the mukuta. The Puranas and Upa-Puranas have a lot
to say about Chhatra, Camara and Simhasana but disappoint
us keenly in respect of the mukuta, so familiar and yet so
difficult to define.

In the Baroda Central Library there is a Ms. of a work
called the Aparajita-prccha and in the Tanjore Palace
Library that of another work called Silpa-sastra which is
ascribed to so venerable a name as that of Visvakarman
himself. The Mss. give a detailed treatment of head-gears
in general and of the mukuta in particular, but they are so
hopelessly corrupt that it is practically impossible to make
much sense out of them.

However, there is another work called Manavasara or
Manasara, Mss. of which are preserved in the Libraries of
Bombay, Poona, Tanjore, Madras, Trivandrum, and Cal-
cutta. The India Office Library in London also contains
a copy of it, and it is reported to be still in the possession
of a number of sculptors in South India, who cousult it to
the present day in making images of gods, etc.

The text of the Manasara dealing with the subject
under discussion is not entirely free from error, and I have
to acknowledge here the help I have derived from Mr. T.
Gopinath Rao M. A. of the Travancore State who unfolded
to me many of the technicalities of this work.

The text of the Manasara is at the very outset clear
enough to enable one to finally discard the two theories
discussed above and to establish a third, viz. that kirita is
neither identical with nor different from mukuta but is only a
kind of it ; in other words, that there are many kinds of

436 Ojha : Kirlta- Mukuta

mukutas of which kirlta is one. As the text of our Ms.
explains —

9f3 <tf^fcT ^Tltf dtKNIWMd: II

Thiig theory having thus been established on the basis
of an original and technical work on the subject, it is no
longer necessary to make much of the statements of com-
mentators and lexicographers quoted above, who evidently
did not think it essential for their immediate purpose of
bringing the meaning of their texts home to their readers or
of stringing together a list of approximate synonyms for the
guidance of students, to discuss the technical side of the
question; they were perhaps themselves in the dark about
the real things connoted by these words.

The expression kirlta-mukuta as it occurs in some of
the passages above cited can now be explained as — R>tf<dHe4
^ifj—the 3$2 known as %tte. It avoids confusion by
specifying the kind of mukuta meant.

Similarly if the same illustration is spoken of now as
kirlta and now as mukuta or if different illustrations are
given answering to the kirlta and the mukuta we must
imagine that it is a case of calling the thing now by its
special name and now by its general name.

The origin of the custom that has sprung up in North
India of using two different things which go by different
names kirlta and mukuta is still in the dark. It may be
that names of ornaments and other gears are, like dialects,
local, and it is not improbable that the mukuta of the North
differed from that of the South. But this does not seem to
be likely ; for the terms in question had their import fixed
by the Sastras and special technical treatises which have
had currency throughout the length and breadth of India,
as the disribution of the Mss. themselves shows.

The full text of the Manasara dealing with the subject
of kirlta and mukuta is given below —

To faoe page 437 ]

[ Bhandarkar Com. Vol.

Ojha : Kirlta- Mukuta 437

^Rt gftr^r: N^lfaft^lftd: i
"WdMgN^: 4*WM*^ a^Hfi^H 1 II

"if^tstewsrt g^T 3 n^'Ri+i i
31$ ^nrq? ??n^ Ri4KhiWR«*Hi n * >i

<VS£ HMifo* s^T *&<AK4: II } II
H<frL\ «r1 1 <V4 £*l t^H^ f^HTf^: I
^3rn^$53*5RT: ^T^Rl'idW^^: *%$: II * II
awl^KQi^l' Wi*li«Mfel**U
fdi+i< 3 s^rf p^T a%r 4V^< H ^ H
3Pra ^ ^r 3 d<^if ft *k^R i
d^-i^iw-Sr 3 g*q#9f *i)ftd^ n $ n
"jf^rcr f|qT^ ^ jt€N" f^te*. i

<Ffl% *^Nr: ^l£l$' ^%f^RT|cT: II * II

*&Rw*qRsn#r ^l^ftwjfedH. N * II

5!^T3qmF ^=^l^t f%^cT I

^fiT5[: HI^Hl: ^TT^ ^eN" 'W^ II ^ II

^fe^TTgrR: ^t#^ *%»>M^ II 1 ° II
cTWM^J^^R ^<0K<A|;dHj

iffim c^% •^wifc f^j<H ii <n ii
f^TTf^nrf^ %^ 5Rftf^ i

■«*l*l< 3 S^rR «4<9ll^ ftwK*<t H ^ ii

tTcTf^fe5f3 ^fefR^m II
I shall not attempt to translate the passage ; it has
been explained by Mr. T. A. Gopinatha Rao in his " Ele-
ments of Hindu Iconography " pages 26 ff, and I have per-
pared an illustration of the kirlta which will give the
reader a correct notion on the subject. The kirlta here
shown is the very likeness of thousands of kirita-mukutas
old and new in the temples of Southern India.

The only thing that now remains to be considered is
the following text of the f^ftrTT, which however is not the
description of a mukuta.

438 Ojha : Kirita- Mukuta

3H «ft»Jt^W||: qf 55RFW ft%: H
=^f^5%TR: qf : ^TN^T% *T% I
I =q 5RTT^f : q|% tfffe qp: II

^ ffepnr qmr jran^T qp§fq«Nf : 1

^ =q $14«bl*Mf<)£lftfctl: sfcrat f^ II
M*iRi<ai HpNclf&ftUsi) 3<KMMl$i«wfewi'l: 1
. U+^Hslrll^M^: 5RTT^qft f^TT f^sRTT II
The author explicitly describes here the patta, and not
the mukuta but ^glcMcJ the commentator takes patta here as
equal to mukuta and thus gives rise to a doubt as to the
real nature of the head-gear; but the following quotation
from the Bhagavata Purana —

wi vfc Mgfa>fld«jiw<3TWiif * *W'H$'4.i{

where the words qg and f%^fe occur together, clearly indi-
cates that both of them are important head-gears and may
be worn simultaneously. Patta, though it has several mean-
ings, cannot mean here an ordinary silk or thread band for
a turban, as this cannot be mentioned in the same breath
with kirita and a thing to be proud of. Patta must be
something almost as good as kirita and a thing to be worn
in some cases with and in others without kirita. This is
also evident from the following passages from the Agni-
Purana — q^^+R^l <l^^«d«i«-W^r, and from the Baudhayana
Grhyasutra — qf qr g$3 m q^rf%. The passage from Bhattot-
pala therefore has no bearing on the problem before us.

A quite explicit statement in the matter is also made
by Bharata in his Natyasastra (p. 235, Kavyamala ed.),
where he says —

ftf^rr 3f3T "IrqT f^5qqn%*f3iqT: I

3W ^ =q Qojimi %qf qtfqh %ftfer: 11
and though his classification might seem to differ he never-
theless holds that kirita is a sub-variety of the mukuta, and
this is the final conclusion that seems most acceptable.1

1 This article was the result of a Commission appointed by His
Highness the Maharaja of Alwar to investigate from all points of
view the question of the relation of the kirita to the mukuta. A further
light on the matter is earnestly solicited.

A STANZA FROM PANINIS SIKSA
BY G. S. KHARE
THE Paniniya Siksa contains the following stanza —

which is also given in the Narad! Siksa in an identical
form. The Yajnavalkya Siksa has the following in stead —
3^% Am<^lkm<t flT^Tf^iT^^t I
$Wk£ ^cll %2?T: t|4*W>44tTC3TT: II v» II
which in substance means the same thing. But precisely
to understand what is meant by saying that the udatta re-
quires J;he notes nisada and gandhara, the anudatta, the
rsabha and dhaivata, and the svarita, the remaining three:
sadja, madhyama and paiicama,it would be necessary to get
some Vedic distich chanted to the accompaniment of a musi-
cal instrument. I selected for the purpose the very first
line ^ ctl^ r^t of the Taittiriya Samhita and I give below a
plate expressing the result of the same in the the staff nota-
tion which has been adopted by Mr. E. Clements in his
" Introduction to the study of Indian music."

At the outset I may explain that a syllable without any
mark is to be chanted on a higher note by a semitone than
that on which a syllable with a horizontal line below is
chanted; and that a syllable with a vertical line above is to
be chanted on a note higher by a major tone than the first.
Thus the whole of the Taittiriya Samhita requires only three

440 Khare : A Stanza from the diksa

notes for the purpose of chanting. The mode of chanting the
RkSamhita is slightly different, but all the same it requires
three notes. The chanters commence with different bases
but they chant on three notes only. Writers on Sanskrit
grammar call these modes of accents ( svaras ) udatta,
anudatta and svarita respectively. Experts in this branch
of chanting are at one with modern students of the Vedic
lore in the matter of the exact sense of these three technical
terms. This agreement is bound to result in correctly find-
ing out the sense of the stanzas from the Siksas quoted
above. Naturally enough, the ancient and authoritative
writers of Indian music have employed these three terms
in their treatises and have assigned definite meanings to
them : the udatta is to be chanted on nisada or gandhara
notes, the anudatta on rsabha or dhaivata notes, and the
svarita on sadja, madhyama, or pancama notes. The
stanzas from the Siksas say the same thing in effect, in that
they assign two notes to each of the three terms. Thus
they have constituted two alternative sets of notes: rsabha,
gandhara, and madhyama or dhaivata, nisada and sadja
for anudatta, udatta and svarita respectively. In addition
to these six notes the authors of the Siksas have assigned
pancama for the svarita ; but they do not give the corres-
ponding notes for the anudatta and the udatta. As the
svarita is represented by pancama, the anudatta and the
udatta would naturally be represented by antara ( a vikrta
svara ) and madhyama respectively.

It is necessary to bear in mind that the above notes
are of the older musical scale followed by Bharata and
Sarngadeva, and that they will not coincide with the same
notes of the present musical scale. The values of these older
notes have already been determined by the late Sharada-
prasad Ghosh1 of Bengal, by Mr. Nagojirao of Coimbatore,
and by Messrs. Krishnajee Ballal Deval,2 E. Clements,3 and
Fox Strangways. Rao Bahadur Prabhakar Ramkrishna

1 Modern Review, Vol. x, page 384.

2 A Lecture on the musical scale of Ratnakara.

3 Introduction to the study of Indian Music, page 77.

Khare : A Stanza from the &iksa

441

Bhandarkar of the Indore Medical Service has also given
the same values in the Epigraphia Indica, Vol. XII, pages
223 to 228—

«r^5T WW TfaTC TlW*t T^T *fa?T M«l!3 "^3T octave

110 32 4 3 5 16 o

~gr 57 s 5 s ~v &

Ellis's cents —

0 182 294 498 702 884 996 1200
According to the present scale the anudatta will be re-
presented by major sixth \% (B) or major third f (E), the
udatta would be represented by fundamental note (C) or
Fourth % (F), and the svarita would be represented by
major second % (D) or fifth I (G). The result of our in-
vestigation about the subject will be grasped at a glance
from the following table —

Vedic Syllables

^r

T

*

Terms employed by writers of
grammar

Anudatta

Udatta

Svarita

Terms employed by old
writers on Music

First set

WW

10

~5~

32

4
7

Second
set

7

1 r.

2

Terms employed by
present musicians

First set

Major third

5

Fourth

4

Fifth

3
5

Second
set

Major sixth

15

Octave
2

Major
second

9

From the above it conclusively follows that the present
mode of chanting the Taittiriya Samhita is substantially
in agreement with the dicta given in the Siksas and that
this marked agreement indirectly proves the correctness of
the interpretation of the stanzas from the Siksas quoted
above. The old authorities on Sanskrit grammar by their
use of these technical terms also support the present mode

56 [ Bhandarkar Com. Vol.]

442 Khare : A Stanza from the Siksa

of chanting the Vedas. As the text of the Vedas has come
down to us almost in its pristine purity, so also has the
mode of chanting them, there being an undisturbed and
unbroken continuity of tradition in the matter.

GUPTA STYLE OP ARCHITECTURE AND
THE ORIGIN OF SIKHARA

BY E. B. HAVELL

ORIENTAL Scholars have always treated the Gupta
period from a sectarian point of view as the period
which marks the revival of Brahmanism and the decline
of Buddhism — a period of conflict between the Brahman
Pandit 'orthodox Hindu' and the Buddhist bhikku. It is
not easy to determine exactly what 'orthodox Hinduism'
meant at different periods of Indian history, but to ignore
the fact that Brahmans always took a leading part in the
organisation of the Sangha and in formulating the doc-
trines of Buddhist religious schools seems to me a great
historical error.

In Asoka's time a Brahman member of the Buddhist
Sangha was, from an Indian point of view, an ' orthodox
Hindu, ' and in making sectarian rivalries and disputes
the keynote to the interpretation of Indian history one is
liable to fall into the common error of seeing Indian
things through European spectacles. The Indian war-lords
of the Gupta dynasty were not putting themselves forward,
like Asoka, as religious teachers : they were full-blooded
Aryans of the historic Licchavi clan who rallied the
Ksatriya clans to the defence of the Aryavarta against the
Turks and Huns of those days who were threatening the
existence of Aryan Empire in India. The fact that their
adversaries were Buddhists was not the point at issue at
all, for the majority of the Aryan warriors were probably
also Buddhists. The dominant historical event of the
Gupta period was an Indo-Aryan or national revival, not
a sectarian or religious one. That this connoted a revival
of Sanskrit learning was a natural consequence, for Sanskrit
probably had never ceased to be the court language of the
Aryans when a Brahman or Ksatriya was the ruler,
though Buddhist kings followed the commandment of the
Blessed One in conducting all the affairs of the Sangha
through the medium of the vernaculars.

444 Havell : Origin of Sikhara

We may, therefore, take it that the culture of the
Gupta period which found expression in the building of
royal temples and palaces was also distinctively Indo-
Aryan. Fergusson in his History of Indian Architecture1
brings all Hindu temples crowned with the curvilinear
spire or sikhara under the category of' Indo-Aryan ; but
at the same time he asserts positively that 'no one can
accuse the pure Aryans of introducing this form into
India, or of building temples at all, or of worshipping
images of Siva or Visnu, with which these temples are
filled.'

He maintains that the sikhara-temple is a sure indi-
cation 'of the existence, past or present, of a people of
Dasyu extraction.' This I take to be a huge mistake
vitiating his whole theory of the history of Indian archi-
tecture. The sikhara is Indo-Aryan not only because it is
found mostly in Northern India, or the ancient Aryavarta,
but because it was introduced into India by the early
Aryans and was peculiarly their own contribution to
Indian building traditions. Fergusson's statement con-
tains, I believe, this much of truth that with the early
Aryans the building crowned by a sikhara was not a
temple but an Aryan chieftain's fortress-palace, where he
as the spiritual leader of his people conducted the tribal
sacrifices.

I have discussed this question in my recent book on
the Ancient and Mediaeval Architecture of India and the
further study of the subject only strengthens my convic-
tion that this is the true statement of the case. It is
known that the Aryans ruled in Babylonia for six hundred
years from about B. C. 1746, and their gods were the Vedic
Gods, Surya, Varuna, Indra, and the Asvins.2 We have
two important sculptural records of Mesopotamian archi-
tecture showing the ancient form of a royal fortress-
palace. One is the famous stele of Nuram-Sin, now in the
Louvre, and the other, one of the sculptures figured in

1 Introduction, p. 14.

2 Hall's Early History of the Near East, p. 201.

Havell: Origin of Sikhara 445

Layard's Nineveh (PI. 16, 2nd series) and decribed as the
palace of Sennacherib. Both of these show the charac-
teristic spire of the sikhara temple. In the former it is
crowned with a sun emblem. The Indian sikhara is also
crowned by a sun emblem, the so-called amalaka or fruit of
the blue water-lily, Visnu's sacred symbol.1 We know that
the chief god of the Aryans in Mesopotamia was Surya
and the earliest Indian images show us that the concept
of Visnu was a development of the early Aryan ideas of
Surya. Visnu and Surya are always represented in Indian
sculpture as Aryan warrior-kings and the Vaisnava
cult is essentially a Ksatriya one centred in the idea of
bhakti, the loyalty of the Aryan to his spiritual king,
Visnu-Surya. It was natural, therefore, that the primi-
tive ritual of the cult was centred round the fortress-palace
of the tribal chieftain, the mandapa of which was both
the council house of the Aryan sabha and the place where
tribal religious ceremonies were performed. The king's
throne was under the sikhara — where the image of the
deity is now placed — and the sikhara itself was originally
a watch-tower generally pierced by sun-shaped loop-holes
where the archers of the royal body-guard were stationed.
The European term ' horse-shoe ' applied to these loop-holes
by Fergusson is as misleading as most European terms
are when applied to Indian things.

The curvilinear form of the sikhara was derived from
the fact that a similar watch-tower or platform for the
royal body-guard was often constructed of wooden poles
or bambus and built over the great fighting car of the
chieftains, which was the rallying point of the Ksatriyas
in battle. Hence we often see that the Indian sikhara-
temple is carved with stone wheels representing the wheels
of the royal fighting car, or the ' tank ' of ancient Aryan
warfare.

If these hypotheses are correct the corollary will be
that the Gupta period which marked the revival of Aryan
1 It is significant that the same symbolism appears in Asoka's im-
perial standards, the dhvaja-stambhas upon which his edicts were in-
scribed.

446 Havell : Origin of Sikhara

political domination in northern India would be distin-
guished by the building of many sikhara-temples dedicated
mostly to Visnu-Surya or his avatars, Krsna the hero
of the Ksatriya epic, the Mahabharata, or Rama the hero
of the Ramayana, rather than to Siva, the Great God of
the Brahmans, though the latter were no doubt staunch
supporters of the Aryan revival. It will also follow that
the innumerable sikhara-temples which are so charac-
teristic of Northern Indian architecture, so far from defin-
ing the limits of a Dasyu on non-Aryan province, afford
the most conspicuous proof of the political and spiritual
supremacy of the Aryans in the Aryavarta.

NOTES ON ANCIENT HINDU SHIPPING

By RADHAKUMUD MUKERJI

IN the present paper I mean to contribute some notes on
ancient Hindu shipping which would form a supple-
ment to my larger work on the History of Indian Shipping
and at the same time break some new ground. By way of
introduction I should like to cite the following remarks
I made elsewhere' —

The History of Indian Shipping and Maritime Activity
dispels to a great extent the prevailing misconception that
the Hindus have never been a practical people, that while
they have succeeded so well in the sphere of speculation,
they have fared very badly in the sphere of action. The
misconception is due to the fact that our study of ancient
Hindu culture-history has mostly confined itself to its
subjective aspects : to the records it presents of mental,
moral and spiritual development, and has not adequately
attended to its objective or positive aspects : the records of
material progress and secular achievements. And yet we
have abundant testimony of these in the results achieved
by the ancient Hindus in such scientific and practical
subjects as Medicine, Surgery, Applied Chemistry, Phar-
macy, or in the many arts of civilised life like Archi-
tecture, Sculpture, Painting, Metallurgy, Dyeing, or in the
numerous handicrafts which established the dominance of
India in the ancient commercial world.

That dominance was mainly secured by her shipping
and maritime activity which supplies one of the best proofs
of the practical capacities of the Hindu genius in days of
yore. Navigation, whether inland or oceanic, is one of the
most difficult of arts, and the pursuit of that art in ages
long before the application of steam to locomotion must
have multiplied its difficulties, which could only have been

1 Lantern Lecture on Ancient and Indian Shipping at Government
House, Dar jeeling, delivered on the 15th of June, 1916, in the presence of
Lord and Lady Carmichael.

448 Mukerji : Ancient Hindu Shipping

met by a corresponding amount of daring, enterprise, skill
and resourcefulness. To show how far the pursuit of that
art was successful I will quote only two testimonies :

A French writer, F. B. Solvyns, writes in his Les Hin-
dous (1811): 'In ancient times the Indians excelled in the
art of constructing vessels and the present Hindus can in
this respect still offer models to Europe — so much so that
the English, attentive to everything which relates to naval
architecture, have borrowed from the Hindus many im-
provements which they have adapted with success to their
own shipping. The Indian vessels unite elegance and
utility and are models of patience and fine workmanship.'

Similarly that distinguished Englishman, Sir John
Malcolm, writing in the J. R. A. S., Vol. I, says: 'Indian
vessels are so admirably adapted to the purposes for which
they are required that, notwithstanding their superior
science, Europeans have been unable, during an intercourse
with India for two centuries, to suggest or at least to bring
into successful practice, one improvement.'

These witnesses may perhaps be exaggerating in their
enthusiasm but that their statements contain a kernel of
truth will be clear from a consideration of the evidence on
the subject as set forth in my above-mentioned work.

The evidence in one respect however is defective in
quantity, though not perhaps in quality, for it is quite
conclusive so far as it goes. The defect is in regard to the
direct Indian evidence which is meagre in volume as com-
pared with the indirect Indian evidence, i. e. references and
allusions to ships or voyages which are so abundant in
Indian literatures, such as Sanskrit and Pali.

The fact is that though ancient India can boast of
considerable naval enterprise, the only important piece of
direct evidence on the subject that is available in our pre-
sent state of knowledge is that embodied in the Ms. called
Yuktikalpataru which, in one of its chapters, deals directly
with boats and ships and gives details about their con-
struction, varieties, measurements, sizes, decoration and
accommodation. As the only repository of this direct

Mukerji : Ancient Hindu Shipping 449

evidence the Ms. deserves a critical notice for its unique
importance.

Three copies of the Ms. I have been able to trace up-
to now. One is in the Calcutta Sanskrit College Library,
the second in the library of the late Maharaja Sir J. M.
Tagore, as mentioned by Dr. Rajendralal Mitra in his
Notices of Sanskrit Mss., Vol. I, no. CCLXXI, and a third
copy is in the possession of Mahamahopadhyaya Aditya-
ram Bhattacharyya M. A., Pro-Vice-Chancellor, Benares
Hindu University.1 All the copies are in agreement (so
far at least as the shipping portion goes) except in respect
of mistakes in copying. I have used the Panini Office
copy for purposes of this notice.

The work was compiled by Bhoja Nrpati from older
works. The author states that he has carefully extracted
the substance of the writings of various sages and ex-
panded it into the present work.2 The Ms. mentions a name-
sake of the author from whom it frequently quotes, mostly
in agreement but sometimes in difference too, as shown by
the expression Bhojas tu occuring in several places in the
Ms.3 This proves that Bhoja, the author of the Ms., is
distinct from, and lived later than, the Bhoja whom the
Ms. cites as an authority. Moreover the Ms. is based
upon many other authorities besides Bhoja, who are ail
cited on the subjects in which they are the traditional
masters. Thus —

I. (1) Brhaspati [fol. 2] and
(2) Usanah [fol. 2]

are cited on Niti or Polity, but there is no reference to the
various schools and leaders of political thought mentioned
by Kautilya, such as Bharadvaja, Visalaksa, Paraiara,
Pisuna, Kaunapadanta, Vatavyadhi, Bahudantlputra, etc.

1 A copy of this was made by the Pacini Office, Allahabad, and
kindly lent to me by the courtesy of Major B. D. Basu, I. M.S. (Retired),
the proprietor.

2 Nana-muni-nibandhanam saram akrsya yatnatah i Tanute Bhoja-
nrpatir Yukti'kalpatarum mude n

3 E.g., fol. 82, fol. 28, etc.

57 [ Bhandarkar Com. Vol.]

450 Mukerji : Ancient Hindu Shipping

II. (3) Parasara [foil. 11, 26, 98 etc.] and
(4) Bhavisya Purana

are the authorities cited on Vastu or the art of building
houses and cities ;

III. (5) Garuda Purana [fol. 39]

is cited on Ratna or jewels and precious stones ;

IV. (6) Lauhapradlpa [fol. 75]

(7) Sarngadhara [fol. 75]

(8) Nagarjuna [fol. 76]

(9) Vatsya [foil. 71, 97, 102] and
(10) Lauharnava [fol. 77]

are the various authorities cited on Ayudha or arms and
weapons ;

V. (11) Salihotra [fol. 98]
is cited on Aiva or horses; and

VI. (12) Palakapya [fol. 100, 102] and
(13) Garga [fol. 102]
are cited as authorities on Oaja or elephants.

With regard to Nagarjuna who is cited as an authority
on arms and weapons it is important to note that Alberuni
also speaks of a Nagarjuna who was a famous chemist of
Somanath and composed a book which ' contains the sub-
stance of the whole literature on the subject.' He lived
nearly a hundred years before Alberuni, i.e. before A. D. 873.
See Alberuni, I. 189.

The Ms. treats of the following topics : polity, forts,
cities, houses, seats, umbrellas, clothes, ornaments, jewels,
arms, horses, elephants, domesticated animals, and con-
veyances.

As already stated, the author of the Ms. calls himself
Bhoja Nrpati and the inference may be made that he is
identical with the famous Bhojaraja of Dhara [1018-1060
A. D.] in which case the Bhoja whom the Ms. cites will be
a mere writer. A second inference has been made by Dr.
Rajendralal Mitra that the Bhoja quoted by the Ms. is
identical with the Bhoja Raja of Dhara renowned for his
literary work and patronage, in which case Bhoja Nrpati,

Mukerji : Ancient Hindu Shipping 451

the author of the Ms., will be a later and a lesser king.
There is no conclusive evidence in the Ms. in favour of
either theory.

The most interesting part of the Ms. is that which
treats of the classification1 of vessels into ( A ) Special
or those which venture out into the open main and
(B) Ordinary or those confined to the inland waters,
as well as of the varieties under each class according to
their differences in sizes or the measurements of their
dimensions. These measurements turn on the meaning of
the term rajahasta used in the text, on which I made the
following remarks in my Indian Shipping: "Opinions of
Sanskrit scholars whom I have consulted differ as to the
exact meaning of the passages above quoted from the Ms.
According to some the word raja means candra = l, and
hasta = 2, so that rajahasta stands for the number 21. But
according to others with whom I agree raja = 16, for in
the works on Astronomy mahibhrt or raja is often used
to indicate that number. I have made the calcula-
tions given above on the basis of the second interpreta-
tion." The conjecture about the possible meanings of the
term is however rendered unnecessary by the discovery in
the Ms. itself of a passage which explains it. The passage
runs thus : Rajnah svahastair dasabhi rajahasta udahrtah
[ folio 10 ] which defines rajahasta as equivalent to ten
cubits. On this basis the measurements given in the Ms.
for the various types of vessels, ocean-going or otherwise,
work themselves out as follows2 —

/

A. Class I : Ordinary

Names of

Length

Breadth

Height

sub-classes

in cubits

in cubits

in cubits

I.

Ksudra

10

2-5

2-5

II.

Madhyama

15

7-5

7-5

III.

Bhlma

25

12-5

12-5

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452

Mukerji : Ancient Hindu Shipping

Names of

Length

Breadth

Height

sub-classes

in cubits

in cubits

in cubits

IV. Capala

30

15

15

V. Patala

40

20

20

VI. Bhaya

45

22-5

22-5

VII. Dirgha

55

27-5

27-5

VIII. Patraputa

60

30

30

IX. Garbhara

70

35

35

X. Manthara

75

37-5

37-5

B. Class II : Special

Sea-going

(a) Dirgha

Names of

Length

Breadth

Height

sub-classes

in cubits

in cubits

in cubits

I. Dlrghika

20

2-5

2

II. TaranI

30

3-75

3

III. Lola

40

5

4

IV. Gatvara

50

6-25

5

V. Gamini

60

7-5

6

VI. Tarl

70

8-75

7

VII. Janghala

80

10

8

VIII. Plavini

90

11-95

9

IX. Dharini

100

12-5

10

X. Vegini

110

13-75

11

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Mukerji : Ancient Hindu Shipping

453

Names of
sub-classes

Urddhva
Anurddhva

I.
II.

III. Suvarnamukhl

IV. GarbhinI
V. Manthara

(l&) Unnata
Length
in cubits

20
30
110
50
60

Breadth
in oubits

Height
in cubits

10 10

15 15

20 20

25 25

30 30

Some of the Pali texts are repository of important
direct evidence regarding Indian shipping. They do not
usually give actual measurements of the different dimen-
sions of vessels, but they enable us to infer the sizes of
vessels from the number of passengers they give, which
is a rare characteristic in the corresponding Sanskrit
texts. The Rajavali mentions that Prince Vijaya with his
retinue was banished by his father from Bengal in a fleet
of ships carrying more than 700 passengers. The Si-yu-ki
[ii. 241] mentions a ship carrying 501 persons, nearly all
merchants. The ship in which the bride of Vijaya and her
party came to Ceylon carried nearly 800 persons.1 The
ship of the Janaka-Jataka carried 700 persons besides
the Buddha; that of the Valahassa-Jataka carried 500
merchants; that of the Samaudda Vanija-Jataka accom-
modated a whole village of absconding carpenters number-
ing 1000 ; that of the Punna brothers provided room for 300
merchants and their large cargo of timber,2 that of the
two Burmese merchant-brothers conveyed full 500 cart-
loads of their own goods besides others' cargo,3 while that
of the Mahajanaka-Jataka had on board 7 caravans with
their beasts. The only measurements given of a ship are
those of the ship of the Sankha-Jataka which was 800
cubits in length, 600 in breadth, 20 fathoms in depth and
had three masts. The Dathadhatuvamsa describes a ship
bound for Ceylon as firmly constructed with planks served
together with ropes with a well-rigged, lofty mast, a

1 Tumour's Mahawanso, 51.

2 Hardy Manual of Buddhism, 57 ', 260.

3 Bigandet's Life of Godama, 101.

454 Mukerji : Ancient Hindu Shipping

spacious sail and a skilful captain. The Divyavaddna
mentions several merchant vessels laden with goods, one
of which carried 500 merchants.

The next line of direct evidence is that furnished by
the nautical terms mentioned in Sanskrit literature. Mac-
donell and Keith's Vedic Index gives us a clue to such
terms in Vedic literature. Thus, aritra is the word in
Vedic literature for ' oar ' by which boats were propelled.
Rgveda i. 116. 5 and Vdjasaneyi Samhita xxi, 7 make
mention of a vessel with 100 oars and a boat ( nau ) is said
to be propelled by oars ( aritra-paranim in Rgveda x. 101, 2;
cf. Satapatha Brahmana iv. 2, 5, 10). The rower of a boat
is called aritr in Rv. ii. 42. 1 and ix. 95. 2 ; dyumna
is used in the sense of raft in Rv. viii. 19. 14. In the
compound nau-manda the manda denotes the two nidders
of a ship (Satapatlia Brahmana ii. 3. 3, 15). In later litera-
ture (cf. Amarakosa) the words for boat-pole or oar are
naudanda, ksepani, aritra and kenipdtaka. The words
krpaka, gunavrksaka and naubandhana stand for ship-
anchorage (Amarakosa), Naukarna is the hem of a ship
and nau-karna-dhara is the helmsman.1 A sailor is called
naukarmajivih in Manu x. 34, and naujivika in Varaha-
mihira's Brhat-samhita, Ch. VII. A bridge of boats is called
naukarma in Divyavadana as well as nausankrama. The
Pali Abhidhanappadipika (verse 664) mentions lakarat
vatakara and piya as parts of a ship.

The Arthasdstra of Kautilya, from the abundance of
its nautical terms, deserves special mention. In the first
place, water-routes in general are divided into the three
following classes — (1) the ordinary river routes as well
as artificial water-ways or canals, called kulya ; (2) the
routes for coastal traffic carrying on inter-portal com-
munications, called kulapatha; (3) the ocean-routes
called samyanapatha (Book Vll). — Secondly, the following
classes of ships and boats are mentioned suiting the pur-
poses of both inland and oceanic navigation —

1 Varaharaihira, Brhat-samhita, Ch. 5.

Muker ji : Ancient Hindu Shipping 455

(1) Safayatyah navah, i. e. ocean-going vessels. It is

mentioned that these ships had to pay tolls
(sulka) at the harbours (ksetra) at which they
touched (Book II). Amarakosa defines a safnya-
trika as a merchantman, potavanik.

(2) Pravahana, which is another name for sea-going

vessels or more properly merchantmen (Book I).
It is thus defined in the commentary on Uttara-
dhyaya-sutra, p. 246: Samudrikah vyaparindh
mahasamudram pravahanais taranti, i. e. sea-
going merchants cross the main by means of
pravahana.

(3) &ankha-mukta-grahinyah navah, which were boats

used for pearl-fishing (Book II).

(4) Mahanavah, which were the larger vessels for

use in the large rivers that were navigable
throughout the year (ibid).

(5) Ksudrakah navah, which were smaller boats for

use in small and shallow rivers that overflowed
in the rains (ibid).

(6) Hinsakah, i. e. pirate ships and boats which,

according to harbour regulations, should be
pursued and destroyed.
Lastly, there are also names for different officers of
the ship. The captain is called sasaka, the steersman
niyamaka? the man who is to vale out water is called
utsecaka, and the sailors handling the nidder and rope
are called datra-rasmi-grahaka (ibid). The officer in
charge of the king's Admiralty is called navadhyaksa,
lit. the superintendent of ships, while there is men-
tioned another officer who is the superintendent of
ocean mines.

1 Cf. Amarakosa, Niyamakah potavahah.

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